Book / WA/? ^ THE f \t,T^ je. .^^^ \ historW %^^^-^<^^ OF \^v V ^ , ^^ THE W^ ^ BETWEEN THE "^ irmTEB STSTES AJ^D GBEAT-BHITAIX, ■WHICH COMMENCED IN JONE, 1812, AND CLOSED IN FEB. 1815 ; CONTAINING THE CORRESPONDENCE WHICH PASSED BETWEEN THE TWO GOVERNMENTS, IMMEDIATELY PRE- CEDING, AND SINCE HOSTILITIES COMMENC- ED ; THE DECLARATION OP WAR, AND THE OFFICIAL REPORTS OF LAND AND NAVAL ENGAGEMENTS. COMPILED OHIEKliY FR(>M PUBLIC DOCUMENTS. APPENDIX, CONTAINING THE CORUESPONDENCB WHICH PASSED BETWEEN OUR COMMISSION- ERS, AND THOSE APPOINTED BY GREAT-BRITAIN, IN TBEATING FOR PEACE. TO WHICH IS ADDED, THE TREATY OF PEACE, AND A LIST OF VESSELS TAKEN FROM G. BRITAIN DURING THE WAR. HARTFORD : PUBLISHED BY WILLFAM S. MARSH 1815. B, ^' J, Rii^sell, Printer?, District of Conrtecticut, ss, luSy ^^^^' tlEJMEMBERFD. Thai on the yc.vi^^T^ tenth day of July y in the Forlietii yea) of the Jndepencltnce of the ilniV^d (States of imet ,ca, B. Sf J. Russell^oj the sa'id District, deposited in this office the title of a Hook, the riyht whereof they claim as Proprietors, in the words foUorviny, to wit, * The History of the ^^ ar, between the Unded Slater, ^ and Great Brdain, which commenced in J une^ 1812, ' and closed in Feb 18 lo, conlaminy the correspondence - which passed between the two Governments immedi- « ately pi ecedmy and since hostilities comnu need ; the ' declaration oj War, and the ojjicial reports 'j land * and novcd engagements^ comjyiled cldejiy fr,m public * documeiits. \\ Uh an appendix, containing the r.nr- *respondence which passed between our Cotnniissioners * and those appointed l)y (jrtat Britain, in treating for * peace. Tonhich :s added the Treaty of Peace, and * a list of vessels taken from Great Britain during ^ the War. Compiled by J. RLSSELL, Jr.' In conf.rmity to the act of the Congress oJ the Uni-- ted States, enitiled,." An act for tlie encouragement of ^■^ learning, by securing the copies ojAiajjs, Charts, and " Boohs, to the autiiors and proprietors of such copies, ** during the times therein mentianed.'' HLMiY W. EDWAUDS. Clerk oj tlie District of Connecticnl. A true ropy of lievord, examined and sealed by me, H. \y. Edwards, Clem of the District of Connecticut By tranatei TNT AN history of recent transa7tlTTn?J7n'>"*'t always be executed under many, and great disadvantages. In a time of war, mart)' imporlant occurrences are butiini'erfecll) known, till llic Irutli is elicited h\ It-g-ai investigation ; and, in addition to this, t]*e feelinos of men are so ardent, that an author cannol be expected to be wholly impartial, \vh< n recountinij;' those events, in which himself, or his friends, have acted a conspi- cuous part. The publishers were, therefore, of opinion, that al the present time, the most useful History of the War, would be a faithful collection of Officii^l State Papers, and accounts of Military operations, ^'uch a work cannot be taxed with paitialit} ; and, it is presumed, will be perused with intercsl by every Am(rica"n, who values his national rights, and whose bosom glows, at the recital of those deeds of valor, which have exalt- ed the honor of his country. If, in some instances. Commanding' Officers liave seemed to manifest a want of candor, it ought slill to be remembered by the public, that they wrote in the heat of the occasion ; and, often, while agoiuzing U!\- der wounds received trom an exasperated enemy. Modern Histories of Campaigns, are not, to say the least, more candid, and are, surely, less entitled to apology. This collection of Documents can never become a useless volume ; for, besides lurnishing the best evidence of fact to the inquisitive reader, and fu- ture historian, it is a ready mannel, by which every en- quirer after truth, can at once adduce the best evidence on questions which affect the character of the Ameri- can nation, relative to her military prowess. Our readers will feel satisfied, after its perusal, that they possess all the Official information, which can be ob- tained, relative to the mihtary movements, and bra- 3V INTRODUCTION, very and skill of our countrymen in the field of baltle. Perhaps, in some instances, the losses and sufferino-& of the armies of both nations, have not been fully as- certained ; so wide is the tield, that it is somewhat difficult to collect all the facts. On the water, where ■we have been peculiarly successful, the official ac- counts more fully and explicitly state the loss, as well as the comparative skdl and, bravery of the contend- ing parties. In the list of public and private vessels taken from the enemy during the war, we have not given the whole number of men and guns, on board of a laro-e proportion of the merchant vessels, as it was never officially stated. In every instance of this kind, •where we could not obtain correct information, we Lave left the number blank. We are sorry to say it is wholly out of our power to accompany the list of prizes with a correct list of the vessels we have lost i the enemy never having made a public statement of their prizes, we could not collect them from any authentic source. CHAPTER 1. Page. President's Message, 9 Messrs. Monroe and Foster's Official Letters, relating to the .^ Orders in Council, Blockades, and Impressment of Seamen, 1 6. 2b, 26. 27, SO, 43, 52, 63, 60 Adjustment of the affair of the Chesapeake Frigate, 66 Monroe and Foster's Letters relating to the Ch«^sapeake affair, 67,68,69 70 " " relating to the Berlin and IVLIan Decrees, 7i, 82 CHAPTER II. President's Message, 75 Monroe and Foster's Letters relating to the Non-Importation Act, 76/80 CHAPTER III. The President's Manifesto, 85 Report of the committee on Foreign Relations, 94f Declaration of War, 109 Yeas, and Nays, on the Declaration of War, in the Senate, and House of Representatives, ibid. Promulgation of the Declaration of War, 111 CHAPTER ly. The 6rst Prisoner, 1 12 The first Prize, 113 Monroe and Foster's Letters, relating to the Orders in Council, and Berlin and Milan Decrees, 113,117, 119 president's Message, 122 Mr. Russell and Lord Castlereagh's Letters relating to the Orders in Council, 122, 123 Order in Council, 131 Loss of Gen. Hull's baggage, 133 Hull's Proclamation, to the Canadians^ ibid. Skirmishing, near Sandwich, 135 VI CONTENTS. Cinat'itn Mifitia joio G^n. Hull, 13^ Capt HalI'>.TictorT, ibid. Orders in Council Revoked, j38 Gen Hall's Statenient of his Sotrender, 141 Vauhonj'? Defeat, 143 Battle at the river Rakin, I5q Articles of capitulati. d of HnFl's army, and Michigan Territory, 1 53 Colooeh Cas5. M'Arthur. Findley and Miller remonstrate aeainst Gen HulTs conduct, 154 Gen Br^K-k's Proclamation, to the Inhabitants of Michiaian Terrifory. ^ 16i A card frum Cnl. Svmmes to Gen. Brock, 1 62 Capt Porter'. Virtory. ibid, " '' Letter, 163 D*r««ee of Fort Harrison. jg:^ Majors Jessup and Taylors' cofroboratiou of Col. Cass' state- ment, , go SkirmishiBg at St. John's river. ibid " " at Cananoque and Otdensbars, 169 Affair at St Regis, ^ j.q CJaj»L Eltior's victory, s^. Evaruat!0o of Fort Chicaco. 274 C .m Chaancey's battle in Kingston harbor, 177 Battle of Queenston, j -^^ CHAPTER V. Monroe, Graham, Russell, and Castlereagb's Letters, la xf ^ e- , » ,^ ^^^' '^^- '^'' *^5' 1»S,200 20i Mr Monroe and Sir J. B Warren's Correspondence, 202. 204 Bntish Challange, and American Acceptance, ' 208 CHAPTER VI. Capt. Jones' Victory and Captare, 209 Com. Decatur's Victory, 2ii Com Bainbriilge's Victory, 2i2 Capt, Lawrence's Victory, ^27 CHAPTER YII. ^^^J"^ ?"'" 7l!^l 220, 223, 225 Gen. \\ mchester's Defeat, 226 Blaseacre of Winchesters Army, 229 Indian Expedition, 231 « ^ - ' 232 C^ Forsyth's E5pediU0D,_ 283. Gen. Smyth's Expedition, 232 CONTENTS. CHAPTER VIII. Uamsoo's Battle at Lower Sacduskj, 2S3 ; CaiMore of Fort George, 2:j7. Capture of Fort Erie, jj Com Cbauocey's Letter to the Secretary of the Navy cod- Teyiog tbe BriiUh Siaodanl, taken at York, j Battle at forty mile rreek, Attsick on J?ackeft's Harbor. Naval Expedition fr-^m Sackett's Harbor, Maj>r Cruzban's Victory, Li'ss of the Frigate Che>ap^ake, Capture of Litrie York, tbe second time. Borning of S.>du5, i Ats^k on Crar^ty Island, j Capture of Hampton, 250 Murder of John B Graves, Skinni.ihiDg at Fort George, ibid. Destruction of Indian tOKie, 253 A Yankee Tnck. y^^ CapL Burrows' Victory, 4^54 CHAPTER IX. Peny 's Victory, 255, 256, 257 Capture of the Dominico, 259 Capture of Maiden, jj^^ Gen Harri?ori*5 Victory. 2€0 Fruits of Harrison's Virtory, 2*^7 Tecumseh's Speech to G«n. Proctor, ib.J. Com. Cbauocey's Victory-. 2^3 Something Sinjular 2~0 Com. Rogers' cruise, j^;^ Col Clarke's Expedition, 271 Matsacrp at Fort Teasair, ^^ Harrison and Perry's Proclamation, 274 Wilkinson and Hampton's Expedition, 275 CHAPTER X. Gens. Jackson, WhHe, and Coffee's Victories, over tbe Creek ^ '"^^Sr-^ ^ ^^' ^"' 278, 2a0, 264, 288 tr^c Hordes Victnry, 281 28S CJen. Claiborne's Victory * 2S2 CHAPTER XI Capt. Porter's crntse, 2S0 L. r> of Fort Niagara, 292 Burning of Bufikio, and Black Rock, 293 "^iii CONTENTS. Capt. Holmes* Victory, Battle at Stonoy Creek, # ^^^ Capt. Warriuat-m's Victory, .^?^ Loss of tbe Essex frigate, *'"**• Capture of Oswego, ^^^ Gen. Brown's Victories, „^, ^?2 ' 304, 306 CHAPTER XII. Capitulation of Alexandria, Capture of Washington City, «,„ ^"® Com. Macdonough's Victory, ^ia ?!? Burning of Petfipauge, J14, 315 Attack on Stonington, ^*^ Gen Gains' Victory, .f.|? Attack on Baltimore, *°"'- Attack on Fort Bowyer, ^^* Gen. Brown's Victory, .??* Gen Macomb's Victory, '°'°' Capt Blakeley's Victory, ^^^ Destruction of the Avon, ^^* Expedition from Detroit. ^^^ ' 330 CHAPTER XIIL Capture of Pensacola, Gen Jackson's Victories at New Orleans, 333 of! L.eu Shield's Expedition from New-Orleans, ' 3^ L.eut. Johnson's Exr>edition from New-Orleans, ^# Gen. Jackson's A-ldres. to his army, ' .f?J Capture of the frijiate President, ZT,' Capt Boyle's Viatory, ^^^ Capt. Mickler's Victory, ^** Gun Boat No. 168, and'the Erebus frigate, o*^ Capt. Stewart's Victory, ' ^*^ •^' 349 APPENDIX. Correspondence, which passed between the Commissioners of Secretary of State, 350, ^68, 359. 064, 367. 374, Treaty of Peace, ' '''^' ^''' *^'' ^^*' ^'^' ^^l, 422 Li.r of Ve.sscis taken during the War, Capt. Biddle's Victory, 424. 435 463 HISTORY OP THE WAR. CHAPTER I. PRESIDENTS MESSAGE. WASHINGTON CITY, Tuesday, November 5, lail. The President of the United Stales this day commu- nicated by 31r. Edward Coles, his private secre- iary, the foUowiny Message to Conyress — Fellon'-Cilizcns of the Senate, and of the House of Representatives, IN calling" yon together sooner than a separation from your homes would otherwise have been required, 1 yielded to considerations drawn from the posture of our foreign affairs ; and in fixing the present for tlie time of your meeting, regard was had to the probabil- ity of further developements of the policy of the bej- ligerent powers towards this country, which might the more unite the national councils, m the measures to be pursued. At the close of the last session of Congress, it was hoped that the successive confirmations of the extinc- rion of the Frencli Decrees, so far as they violated our neutral commerce, wgnld have induced the gov- ernment of Great-Britiiin to repeal its Orders in Council ; and thei*eby authorise a removal of the ex- isting obstructions to her commerce with the United States. Instead of this reasonable step towards satisfaction and friendship between ihe two nations, the Orders were at a moment when least to havp been expected, 2 10 HISTORY OF THE WAR. put into nioie vigorous execution ; and it was com- municated through the British Envoy just arrived, that whilst the revocation of tlic Edicts of France, as officially made known to the British government, was denied to have taken place ; it was an indispen- sable condition of the repeal of the British Orders, that commerce should be restored to a footing, that would admit the produi^tions and manufactures of Great-Britain, when owned by neutrals, into markets shut against them by her enemy ; the United States being given to understand that, in the mean time, a continuance of their non-impurtation act would lead to measujes of retaliation. At a later date, it has indeed appeared, that a communication to the British govermnent, of fresh evidence of the repeal of the French Decrees against our neutral trade, was followed by an inlimation, that it had been transmitted to the Bi itish Plenipotentiary here ; in order that it mio lit receive full consideration in the depending discussions. This connnunication appears not to have been received ; but the transmis- sion of it hither, instead of founding on it an actual repeal of the Orders, or assurances that the repeal would ensue, will not permit us to rely on any elect- ive change in the British cabinet. To be ready to meet with cordiality satisfactory proofs of such a change, and to proceed, in the mean time, in adapt- ing our measures to the views which have been dis- closed through that minister, will best consult our whole duty. In the unfriendly spirit of those disclosures, ind*^r.!- nity and redress for other wrongs have continu.^d to be withheld, and our coasts and the mouths of out- harbors have again witnessed scenes, not less dcroo- alory to the dearest of our national rights, than vexa- tions lo \]}c regular course of our trade. Among the occurrences produced by the conduct of British ships of war hovering on our coasis, wa** an encounter between one of them and the American frigate eomniiindrd !»y Captain Boo-pis. nr.dired HISTORY OF THE \S A.R. 11 unavoitlabie on the part of the kilter, by a fire com- menced without cause by the former; whose com- mander is therefore, alone charii'eable with the blood .... unfortunately shed in nuiinlaininu;' the honor of the American tlai^f. Tlie proceedings of a court of en- quiry, requested l)y Captain Kot;ers, are communicat- ed ; togetlier with the correspondence relating- to tlie occurrence, be tween the Secretary of State, and his Britannic Majesty's Knvoy. To thes(; are added, the several correspondences which ]ia\e passed on the subjeti*; of the British Orders in Council ; and to both the corres|)ondencc relating to the Floridas, in which Congress will be made acquainted with the interpositi(Mi which the government of Great-Britain has tliouiiht proper to make against the proceedings of the United States, The justice, and fairness which have been evinced on the part of the United States towards France, both before and since the revocation of her Decrees, authorised an expectation tliat her government w ould have followed up that measure by all such others as were due to our reasonable claims as well as dictat- ed by its amicable professions. IS'o proof, however, is yet given of an intention to repair the oUicr w rongs done to the United Slates : and |)«rlicularly to re- store the great amount of American projierty seized and condemned under Edicts, which, though not af- fecting our neutral relations, and tiierefore, not ( iiter- ing into (piestions between the United States and oth- er belligerents, were nevertheless founded in such un- just principles, that the reparation ought to have been prompt and ample. In addition to this, and other demands of strict right, on that nation; the United States have much reason to be dissatisfied with the rioorous and unex- pected restrictions, to wliich their trade with the French dominions hasf been subjected : and which, if not discontinued, will require at least corresj)oriding restrictions on importations from France into the United Stales. 12 HISTORY OF THE M'All. On all those subjects our Minister Plenipotentiary, lately sent to Paris, has carried with hnxx the neces- sary instructions ; the result of which will be commu- rjicated to you, and by ascertaining- the ulterior policy of the French government towards the United States, will enable you to adapt to it that of the United States towards France. Our other foreign relations remjiin without unfa- vorable changes. With Russia they are on the bef>t footing of friendship. The ports of Sweden have afforded proofs of friendly dispositions towards our commerce, in the councils of that nation also. And the information from our special Minister to Denmark, shews that the mission had been attended with valua- ble effects to our citizeiis, whose property had been so extCTi<3:\ely violated and endangered by cruisers under the Danish flag. Under the ominous indications which commanded attention, it became a duty, to exert the means com- mitted to the Executive Departme^it, in providing for the general security. The works of deience on our maritime frontier have accordingly been prosecuted, with af) activity leaving little to be added for the com- pletion of the most important ones ; and as particu- larly suited for co-operation in emergencies, a portion of the Gnu'-Boatshave, in particular harbours, been order- ed into use. The Ships of war before in commission, with the addition of a Frigate, have been chiefly em- ployed, as a cruising guard to the rights of our coast. And such a disposition has been made of our land forces, as was ihouglit to promise the services most appropriate and important. In this disposition is in- cluded a force, consisting of regulars and militin, em- bodied in the Indiana Territory, and marched towards our North Western frontier. — This measure was ^nade requisite by several mm'ders and depredations conmiitlod by Indians ; but more especially by the Dienacing preparations and aspect of a combmalion of them on the Wabash under the influence and direc- tion of a fanatic of the Shawanese tribe. Wkhtbes^ HISTORY or THE WAR. 1^ exceptions the Indian tril>€s retain their peaceable dis- positions towards us, and tlicir usual pursuits I must now add, that tlie period is arrived which ckims from the Legislative Guardians ot the National ri«''hts a system ot niore ample provisions tor maintain- ii^o- them. Notwithstanding the scrupulous justice, th? protracted moderation, and the multiplied eftorts on the part of the United States, to substitute tor the accuimilating dangers to the peace of the two coun- tries, all the mutual advantages of re-est.;blished friendship and confidence; we have seen that the British Cabinet perseveres not only in withholding a remedy for other wrongs so long and so loudly caUing for it r"but in the execution brought home to the thresli- hold of our Territorv, of measures which under existing circumstances", have the character, as well as the effect of war on our lawful conuuerce. With this evidence of hostile inflexibility, mtramp- Invr on rights which no independent nation can re- linquish, Congress will feel the duty of putting the United States into an armor, and an attitude de- manded by the crisis, and corresponding with the national spirit and expectations. I recommend accordingly, that adecpiale provision be made for filling the ranks and prolonging the eii- listiuenls of the regular troops : for an auxihary torce, to be engaged for a more limited term ; tor the ac- ceptance of volunteer corps, whose patriotic ardor may court a participation in urgent services ; for detachments, as they may be wanted, of other por- tions of the militia ; and for such a preparation ot the great body, as will proportion its usefulness to its in* Uinsic capacities. Nor can the occasion fail to remmd you of the importance of those military Seminaries, which, in every event, will form a valuable and frugal part of our military establishment. The manufacture of cannon and small arms has proceeded with due success, and the s^tock and re- sources of all the necessary munitions are adequate to emergencies. It will not be inexpedient, however, for Conro-ess to authorize an enlargement of them. 14 illSTOKV OF THE \V AR. Your altention will of course be tliawji to sucb provisions, on the subject of our naval force, as may be required for tbe services to wliirh it may be best adapted. I submit to C'>ng^ress the seasonableiiess tilso, of an aulliority to augment the stock of such ma- terials, as are imperishable m their nature, or may not at once be attainable. Ju contemplating the scenes wliich disting-uish this momentous epoch, and estimating' their claims to our attention, it is impossible to overlook those tleveloping themselves among' the great communit.es which oc- cupy tlie southern portion of our own hemisphere, and extend iiito our neighbourhood. An enla^'ged philaLi- ilu'opy, and an enlig-htened forecast, concur in impos- ing on the National Councils an obligation to take a deep interest in their destinies : to cherish reciprocal sentiments of good will ; to regard the progress of events ; and not to be unprepared for whatever order of things may be ultimately established. Under another aspect of oiu* situation, the early at- tention of Congress w ill be due to the expediency of further guards against evasions arid infractions of our commercial laws. The pi-acticc of smuggling, which is odious c\ciy where, and particularly criminal in free governments, where, the laws being made by all, for the good of all, a fraud is committed on every in- dividual as well as on the state, attains its utmost guilt, when it blends, with a pursuit of ignomii»ious gain, a treacherous subservijency in the transgressors, to a foreign policy, adverse to that of their own country. It is then that the virtuous indignation of the public should be enabled to njanihst itself, through die regu- lar animadversions of the nu>st competent laws. To secure greater respect to our mercantile flag, and to the lionest interest which it covers, it is ex- [*t;di«nt also, that it be made punishable in ourcitizens, to accept licences from foreign govenmients, for a trade mdawfully interdicted by them to other Ameri- can citizens ; oj* to irade under fabe colours or papers <»1 auv soli. tllbTORY OF THE WAR. 1-3 A piohibilion is equally called for, against the ac- ceptance, l>y ©ur citizens of special licences, to be used in a trade with the United States; and ao^anist. the admission into particular ports of the Unifed States, of ^essels from foreign countries, aulhorized to trade with particular ports only. Although other sul»jects w ill |iress more iiiimedi- 'ately on your deliberations, a poriion of them cannot but be well bestowed, on the just and sound policy of securing- to our nuinufactures the success they have attained, and nre still attaining-, in some degree, undev the im[)ulse of causes not permanent; and to ournavi- g^ation, the iair extent of which it isat pn.sent abridg- ed by the uuecpud regnlalions of foreign govern- merits. Besides the reasonableness of saving* our manufac- turers from sacrifices which a change of circumstan- ces mig'ht bring on them, the nalional interest requires, that, with respect to such articles at least as belong' lo our delence, and our primary wants, we should not be left in unnecessary dependence on external supplies. And whiLst foreign governments adhere to the existing- discriminations m their ports against our navigation, and an equality or lesser discrinunalion is enjoyed by their navigation in our ports, the eftcct cannot Uf. mistaken, beciiuse it has been seriously felt by our shipping interests ; anel in proportion as this lakes place, the advantages of an indej)endent conveyance of our products to foreign markets, and of a growing* hotly of mariners, trained by their occupations for the service of their country in limes of danger, nuist be diminished. I'he receipts into the Treasury, during the year, cn- diiig on the thirtieth of September last, have exceeded thirteen millions and a half of dollars, and have ena- bled us to defray the current expences, including tjie interest o)i the public debt and to reimburse more than live millions of dollars of the principal, withoiit reciir- fing to the loan authorized by Ihe act of the last Ses- sion. The temporary loan obtained in the latter end <^f the year one thousand eight hundred and ten, has 16 HISTORY OF THE WAR. also been reimbursed, and is not included in th^ amount. The decrease of revenue, arising- from the situation of our commerce and the extraordinary expences which have and may become necessary, must be taken into view, in making- commensurate provisions for the ensuing year. And I recommend to your considera- tion the propriety of ensuring a sufficiency of aimual revenue, at least to defray the ordinary expences of government, and to pay the interest on the public debt, including that on new loans which may be authorized. [ cannot close this communication without expres- sing my deep sense of the crisis in which you are as- sembled ; my confidence in a wise and honourable result to your deliberations, and assurances of the faithful zeal with which my co-operating duties will be discharged ; invoking at the same time, the bles- sing of heaven on our beloved country, and on all the means, that may be employed in vindicating its rights, and advancing its welfare. (Signed) JAMES MADISON, Washmcfionf Novembers, 1811. OFFICIAL CORRESPONDENCE, Laid before Congress^ on Tuesday ^ November 6- ORDERS IN COUNCIL. MR. FOSTER TO MR. MONROE. WASHINGTON, July 3, 1811 SIR, 1 have had the honour of stating- to vou ver- bally the system of defence to which his majesty ha*^ been compelled to resort for the purpose of protectini^- the maritime rights and interests othis dominions against the new description of warfare that has been adopted by his enemies. I have presented to you Ihe grounds upon which hU Majesty finds himsell'stUh HISTORY OP THE WAR. 17 oblit^ed to rontinue that system, and I conceive that I shall best meet your wishes as expressed to me this morning, if in a more formal shape I should 1. y be- fore you the whole extent of the question, as it appears to his Majesty's government to exist between Great- Britain and America. 1 beg leave to call your attention, sir, to the princi- j)les on which his Majesty's Orders in Council were originally founded. The Decree of Berlin was direct- ly and expressly an act of war, by which France pro- hibited all nations from trade or intercourse with fireat-Britain under peril of confiscation of their ships and merchandise ; although Fiance had not the means of imposing an actual blockade in any degree adequate to such a purpose. The immediate and professed object of this hostile Decree was the destruc- tion of all British commerce through means entirely unsanctioned by the law of nations, and unauthorised by any received doctrine of legitimate blockade. This violation of the established law of civilized nations in war, would have justified Great-Britain in retaliating upon the enemy by a similar interdiction of all commerce with France, and with such other countries as might co-operate with France in her sys- tem of commercial hostility against Great-Britain. The object of Great-Britain was not, however, the destruction of trade, but its preservation under such regulations as might be compatible with her own se- curity, at the same time that she extended an indul- gence to foreign commerce, which strict principles would have entitled her to withhold. The retaliation of Great-Britain was not therefore urged to the full extent of her right ; our prohibition of French trade was not absolute, but modified ; and in return for the absolute prohibition of all trade with Great-Britain, we prohibited not all commerce with France, but all such commerce with France as should not be carried on through Great-Britain. It was evident that this system must prove prejudi- cial to neutral nations ; this calamity was foreseen, 3 18 HISTORY OF THE WAR. and deeply regTctted. But the injury to the neutral nation arose from the aggression of France, which had compelled Great-Britain in her own defence to resort to adequate retaliatory measures of war. The operation on the American commerce of those pre- cautions, which the conduct of France had rendered indispensable to our security, is therefore to be ascrib- ed to the unwarrantable aggression of France, and not to those proceedings on the part of Great-Britain, which that aggression had rendered necessary and just. The object of our system was merely to counteract an attempt to crush the British trade ; Great-Britain endeavored to permit the continent to receive as large a portion of commerce as might be practicable, through Great-Britain ; and all her subsequent regu- lations, and every modification of her system by new orders or modes of granting or withholding licences, have been calculated for the purpose of encourag-ing- the trade of neutrals through Great-Britain, whenever such encouragement might appear advantageous to the general interests of commerce, and consistent with the public safety of the nation. The justifica- tion of his Majesty's Orders in Council, and the con- tinuance of that defence, have always been rested up- on the existence of the Decrees of Berlin and Milan, and on the perseverance of the enemy in the system of hostility which has subverted the rights of neutral commerce on the continent; and it has always been declared on the part of his Majesty's government, that whenever France should have effectually repeal- ed the Decrees of Berlin and Milan, and should have restored neutral commerce to the condition in which it stood previously to the promulgation of those De- crees, we frhould immediately repeal our Orders in Council. France has asserted that the Decree of Berlin was a measure of just retaliation on her part, occasioned by our previous aggression ; and the French govern- tuent has insisted that om* system of blockade, as it inSTORY OF THE WAK. 19 existed previously to ihe Decree of Berlin, was a manifest violation of the rt ceived law of nations ; we must therefore, sir. refer to the articles of tlie Ber- lin Decree, to find the principles of our system of blockade, which France considers to be new, and contrary to the law of nations. By the 4th and 8th articles it is stated as a justifi- cation of the French Decree, that Great-Britain 'extends to unfortified towns and commercial ports, to harbors, and to the mouths of rivers, those rights of blockade, which bv the reason and the usage of nations, are applicable only to forlihcd places; and thai ihe rights of blockade ought to be limited to for- tresses really invested by a sufficient force.' It is added in the same articles that Great-Britain * lias declared places to l)e in a state of blockade, before which she has not a single ship of war, and even pli:\ces which the whole British force would be insufficient to blockade ; entire coasts, and a whole empire.' Neither the practice of Great-Britain, nor the law of nations, has ever sanctioned the rule now laid down by France, that no place excepting fortresses in a complete state of investiture, can be deemed lawfully blockaded by sea. If such a rule were to be admitted, it would be- come nearly impracticable for Gre^it-Britain to at- tenijit the blockade of any port of the continent, and our submi.ssion to this perversion of the law of na- tions, while it would destrov one of the principal ad- vantages of our naval superiority, would sacrifice the common rights and interests of all maritmie states. It was evident that the blockade of 31 ay, 180G, wa.s the principal pretended jusitication of the De- cree of Berlin, though neither the principles on which that blockade was founded, nor its practical opera- tion, atlorded any color for the proceedings of France. In point of date, the blockade of May, 1806, pre- ceded the Beriin Decree ; but it was a just and legal 20 HISTORY or THE AVAR. blockade according- to the established law of nations, because it was inlended to be maintained, and was. actually maintained by an adequate force appointed to guard the whole coast described in the notihcation, and consequently to enforce the blockade. Great-Britain has never attempted to dispute, that in the ordinary course of the law of nations, no block- ade can be justifiable or valid unless it be supported by an adequate force destined to maintain it, and to expose to hazard all vessels attempting- to evade its operation. The blockade of May, 1 806, was notified by Mr. Secretary Fox, on this clear principle, nor was that blockade announced until he had satisfied himself by a communication with his Majesty'^s Board of Admiralty, that the Admiralty possessed the means and would employ them, of watching the whole coast from Brest to the Elbe, and of eft'ectually enforcing the blockade. The blockade of May, 1806, was therefore (ac- cording to the doctrine maintained by Great-Britain) just and lawful in its origin, because it was supported by both in intention and fact by an adequate naval force. This M'as the justification of that blockade, until the period of time when the Orders in Council were issued. The Orders in Council were founded on a distinct principle, that of defensive retaliation. France had declared a blockade of all the ports and coasts of Great- Britain, and her dependencies, without assign- ing, or being able to assign, any force to support that blockade. Such an act of the enemy would have justified a declaration of the blockade of the whole coast of France, even without the application of any particular force to that service. Since the promulga- tion of the Orders in Council, the blockade of May, 1806, has been sustained and extended by the more comprehensive system of defensive retaliation on which those regulations are founded. But it the Or- ders in Council should be abrogated, tlie blockade of May, 1806, could not continue under our construe^ HISTORY OF THE WAR. 21 tion of the law of nations, unless that blockade should be maintained by a due application of an adequate naval force. America appears to concur with France in assert- ing that Great-Britain was the original aggressor in the attack on neutral riglits, and has particularly ob- jected to the blockade of May, 1806, as an obvious instance of that aggression on the part of Gieat- Britain. Although the doctrines of the Berlin Decree, res- pecting the rights ot blockade, are not directly assert- ed by the American government, Mr. Pinckney's correspondence would appear to countenance the principles on which those inally founded, I think it right to explain myself, in order to prevejit any possi- ble mistake as to the present situation of neutral trade with his JSlajesty's enemies. It will oidy be necessary for me to repeat what has ah'cady, long" since, been announced to the American 'j^overnment, raujely, that his Majesty's Order in Council of April *it), 1809, superceded those of No- vember, 1807, and relieved the system of retaliation adopted by his Majesty against his enemies from what was considered m this country as the most objection- able part of it ; the option g"iven to neutrals to trade with the enemies of -Great-Britain, through British ports, on payuient of a transit duty. This explanation, sir, will, I trust, be sufficient to do away any imjiression that you may have received to the contrary from my observations respecting- the effects which his Majesty's Orders in Council origin- ally had on trade of neutral nations. Those observa- tions were merely meant as preliminary to a consider- ation of the fjuestion now at issue between the two countries. I have the honor to be, with the highest considera- tion and respect, sir, your most obedient humble i-ervant, AUGUSTUS J FOSTER. 7V) ihp hort. Jmn^fi ]\]onrop, Xcc. f& HlS'J'ORl O^ THE WAR. 3Ir. Foster to 3fr. Alonroe. WdSULHGTOjY, July 14, 13 11". SIR, His Majesty's Packet boat having been so long detained, and a fortnight having elapsed since my ar- rival at this capitol, his Royal Highness, tlie Prince Regent will necessarily expect that I should have to transmit to his Royal Highness some official commu- nication as to the line of conduct the American gov- ernment mean to pursue. I trust you will excuse me therefore, sir, if without pressing for a detailed answer to my nole of the 3d inst, I anxiously desire lo know from you vwhat is the President's determina- tion wilh respect to suspending the operation of the hite Act of Congress prohibiting allinsportation from Uie British dominions. There have been repeated avowals lately made by tiie government of F'rance, that the Decrees of Berlia and Milan were still in full force, and the acts of that government have corresponded with those avowals. 'J'he measures of retaliation pursued by Great- Britain against those Decrees are consequently to the great regret of his Royal Higlmess sLill necessarily, continued. I have had the honor to state to yon the light in which his Royal Highness, the Prince Regent view- ed the Proclamation of the President of last Novem- ber, and the surprise with which he learnt the subse- quent measures oi Congress against the British trade. American ships seized under his Majesty's Orders in Council even after that Proclaniation aj)peare€l, were not immediately condemned, because it was be- lieved that the insidious professions of France might have led the American government, and the mer- chants of America into an erroneous construction of the intentions of France. But when the veil was thrown aside, and the French ruler himself avowed the continued existence of his invariable sysleu), it was not expected by his Royal Highness that America would have refused to retrace the steps she h;:d taken. HISTORY OF THE WAR. ^T Fi'esl) proofs ]ra.ye since occiiiTed of tlie resolutiaii ef the French g'overnment to cast away all considera- tioMof the rights of nations in the unprecedented war- fare they liave adopted. America however still |7orsists in lier injurions measures ag-ainst the commerce of Great-Britain, and his Koyal Hig-hness has in consequence been obliged to look to means of retaliation against those measures which his Royal Highness cannot but consider a<; most unjustiiiable. How desirable would it not be, sir, if a stop could be put to any material progress in such a system of retaliation, which, from step to step may lead to the most unfriendly situation between the two countries :' His Majesty's government will necessarily ^^e guid- ed in a gre .t degree by the contents of my first dis- patches as to the conduct they must adopt towards America. Allow me then, sjr, to repeat my request to learn from you whether I may not convey what I know would be most grateful to his Royal Highness' feelings, namely, the hope that he may be enabled, by the speedy return of America from her unfriendly attitude towards Great- Britain, to forget altogether that he ever was obliged to have any other object in view besides that of en- deavoring to promote the best understanding possible between the two countries. I have the honor to be, with the highest considera- tion, sir, vour mostobedi«Mit humble servant, AUGUSTUS J. FOSTER. 3b the hon. James iMonroe, S^x\ Mr. Foster to Mr. Monroe. WASHING TOJV, July 1 6, 1 8 1 1 . SIR, , 1 had the honor to receive the letter which you ad- dressed to me under yesterday's date, requesting an explanation from me, in consequence of my letter*^ 28 HISTORY OF THE WAR. of the 3d and 14th itist. of the precise extent in which a repeal of the French Decrees is by his Majesty's government, made a condition ol tlic repeal of the British Orders, and particuhirly wlietlierthe condition embraces the seizure of vessels and merchandize en- tering' FrencI) ports in contravention of Fi'ench regu- lations, as M'ell as the capture on the high seas, of neutral vessels and their carg-oes, on tlie mere allega- tion that they are bound to or from British ports, or Ihatlhey have on board British j)roductions or man- ufactures ; as also, stating' that in your view of the French Decrees, they comprise reg^ulations essentially different in their principles, some of them violating the neutral ri£>hts of the United States, others operat- ing against Great-Britain without any such violation. You will permit me, sir, for the purpose of answer- ing your questions as clearly and concisely as possi- ble, to bring into view the French Decrees them- selves, together with the official declarations of the French minister which accompanied them. In the body of those Decrees, and in the declara- tions alluded to, you w ill find, sir, express avowals that the principles on which they were founded, and provisions contained in them, are wholly new, unpre- cedented, and in direct contradiction to ail ideas of justice and the principles and usages of all civilized nations. The French government did not |)relend to say that any one of the regulations contained in those Decrees was a regnlatioti which France had ever been in the previous practice of. They were consequently to be considered, ami were mdeed allowed by France herself to be, all of liiem, parts of a newsystjm of warfare, unauthorised by the established laws of nations. It is in this light in which Fiauce herseU has placed her Decrees ; that Great-Britain is obliged to consid- er them. The submission of tieatrals to ^.\\\ rogidations made by France, authorised by the laws of nations, and practised in former wars, will never be comphiincd HISTORY OF THE WAR. 29 of by Great-Britaiu ; bat the reg-ulationsof the Berlin and Mian Decrees do, and are declared to violate the laws of" nations, and the rights of neutrals, for the purpose of attacking throug-h them the resources of Great-Britain. The ruler of France has drawn no distinction between any of them, nnr has he declared the cessation of any one of them in the speech which he so lately addressed to the deputation from the free Imperial Hanse Towns, which was on the contrary a confirmation of them all. Not until the French Decrees therefore shall be effectually repealed, and thereby neutral commerce be restored to the situation in which it stood previous- ly to their promnlo;'alion, can his royal highness con- ceive himself justified, consistenlly wilh what he owes to the safety and honour of Great Britain, in forego- ing the just measures of retaliation which his JMajesty in his defence was necessitated to adopt against them. I trust, sir, that this explanation in answer to your enquires will be considered by you sufficiently satis- factory ; should you require any furlher, and which itmaybein my power to give, I shall \\\\h the greatest cheerfulness afford it. I sincerely hope, however, that no iiirlher delay will be thought necessary by the Piesident in restor- ing the relations of amity which s'jould ever subsist be- tween America and Great-Britnin, as tiie delusions attempted by the government of France have now been made manii'est, and the perfidious plans of its ruler exposed ; by which, while he adds to and agra- vates his system of violence against neutral trade, he endeavours to throw all the odium of his acts upon Great Britain with a view tii engender discord be- tween the neutral countries, and the only power which stands uo as a bulwark, aafainst his efiorts at universal tyranny and oppression. Excuse me, sir, if I express my wish as early as possible to dis[ ate h his Majesty's packet bo;it with the result of our communications, as his MajestYS g'overnment will necessarily be most anxious to heay BO HISTORY OF THE WAR. from me. Any short period of time, however, which may appear to you to be reasonable, I will not hesi- tate to detain her. I have the honor to f)e with the highest considera- tion and respect, sir, your most obedient humble stirvant. AUGUSTUS J. FOSTER. 1^0 the hon. James Monroe, ^c. Mr. Monroe to 3Ir. Foster. DEPARTMENT OF STATE, July 23d, 1811. SIR, I have submitted to the President your several let- ters of the 3d and 16th of this month relative to the British Orders in Council and the blockade of May, 18U6, and I have now the honor to communicate to you his sentunents on the view which you have pre- sented ol those measures of your g-overnme-it. It was hoped that your communication would have led to an immediate accommodation of the differences subsisting between our couiitries, on the ground on which alone it is possible to meet you. It is regretted that you have confined yourself to a vindication of the measures wliich produced some of them. The United States are as little disposed now as heretofore to enter into the question concerning the priority of aggression bv the two belligerents, which oould not be justified by either, by thj priority of Ihoscof the other. But as you bring forward that plea in support of the Orders in Council, I nmst be permitted to remark that you have yourself furnished a conclusive answer to it, by admitting that the block- ade of May 1806, which was prior to the first of the I^'rench Decrees, would not be legal, unless supported througii the whole extent of the coast, from the Elbe to Brest, by an adequate naval force. That such a naval force wasactualy applyed and contiinied in the requisite strictness ttntil tliat blockade was comprised HISTORY OF THE WAR. 31 m and superceded by the Orders of November of the following'year, or even uiitd the French Decree of the same year, will not I presume be alleged. But waving- this question of priority, can it be seen without both surj»rise and regret, that it is still con- tended, ihat the Orders in Council arejustifii^d by the principle of retaliation, and that this principle is strengthened by the inability of France to enforce her Decrees. A retaliation is in its name, and its essen- tial character, a returning like lor like. Is the dead- ly blow of the Ortlers in Council against one half of our commerce, a return of like for like to an empty threat in the French Deci-ees, against the other half 1* It may be a vindicative hostility, as far as its eftects falls on the enemy. But when falling on a neutral who on no pretext can be liable for more than the measure of injury received through such neutral it would not be a retaliation, but a positive wrong by the plea on which it is founded. It is to be further remarked that the Orders in Council went even beyond the plea, such as this has appeared to l>e, in extending its operation against the trade of the United Slates, with nations which, like; Russia, had not adopted the French Decrees, and with all nations which had merely excluded the Brit- ish Hag ; an exclusion resulting as a matter of course with respect to whatever nation Great-Britain might happen to be at war. I am far from viewing the modification originally contained in these Orders, which permits neutrals to prosecute their trade with the continent, through Great-Britain, in the favorable light in which you i*e- present it. It is impossible to proceed to notice the effect of this modification without expressing our as- tonishment at the extravagance of the political preten- sion set up by it : a pretension which is utterly incom- patible with the sovereignty and independance of oth- er states. In a commercial view, it is not less objec- tionable, as it cannot fail to prove destructi\e to neu- tral coumuTce. As an enemv, Great-Britain cannot 32 HISTORY OF THE WAR. trade with France. Nor does France |)erinit a neu- tral to come into her ports from Great- Britain. The attenipt of Great-Britain to force our trade through her ports, would have therefore the commercial effect of depriving the United States altogether otthe mark- et of her enemy for their productions, and of destroy- ing their value in her market hy a surcharge of it. Heretofore it has been the usayfe of hellisferent na- lions to carry on their trade thiough the intervention of neutrals ; and this had the beneficial effect of extend- ing to the former tlie advantages of peace, while suf- fering under the calamities of war. To reverse the rule, and to extend to nations at peace, the calamities of war, is a change as novel and cxtraorditiary as it is at variance with justice and public hiw. Against this unjust sys'.em, the United States en- tered, at an early period, their solemn protest. They considered it their duty to evince to the world their high disapprobation of it, and I hey hare done so by such acts as were deemed most consistent with the rights and the policy of the nation. Remote from the contentious scene which desolates Euroje, it has been their uniform object to avoid becon)ing a party to the war — With this view they have endeavored to culti- vate friendship with both I'arties, by a system of con- duct which ought to have produced that effect. They have done justice to each party in ^very trans- action in which they have been separately engaged with it. They have observed the impartiality which was due to both as belligerents standing on equal ■>n)nnd, having in no instance given a preference to •Mtiier at the expense of the other. They have borne too with C(pKd indulgence injuries IVont both, being willing whde it was p<)ssible, to impute them to casu- aiitics mseparaltle from a cause of war, and not to a doli!>criitc intention to violate their rights, and even \^h< n that intention could not be mistaken, they have nol lost sight of the ultimate object of their policy. In IhiMneasures to which they have been coujpelhd I't resort, ihov have in all respects maintained pacitic HISTORY OF THE WAR. 33 relations with both parties. The alternative present- ed by their late acts, was offeretl equally to both, and could operate on neither, no longer than it should persevere in its agressions on our neutral riohts. The enibarg-o and noii-interconrsc, were peaceful measures. The regulations which they imposed on our trade were such as any nation might adopt in peace or war, without offence to any other nation. The non-impoHation is of the same character, and if it makes a distmction at this time, in its operation be- ^ween the belligerents, it necessarily results from a compliance of one with the offer made to both, and which is still open to the compliance of the other. In the discussions which have taken place on the subject of the Orders in Council and blockade of IMa}'^ 1806, the British government in conformity to the principle on which the Orders in Council are said to be founded, declared that they should cease to operate as soon as France revoked her Edicts. It was stated al- so, that the British government would proceed pari jyaasu, with ihe goxernment of Fiance, in the revoca- tion of her Edicts. I will proceed to shew that the obligation on Great-Britain to revoke her Orders is complete, according to her own engagements, and that the revocation ought not to be longer delayed. .' By the Act of May 1st, 181U, it is provided, ♦ That rff either Great-Bntain or France should cease to vio- jate the neutral commerce of the United States, which fact the President should declare by proclamation, and the other party should not within three months thereafter revoke or modify its Edicts m like m 'uner, ^Umt then certain sections in a former act interdicting ^^ commercial intercourse between the United States and Great-Britain and France and their dependen- cies, should from and after the expiration of three months from the date of the proclamation, be revived and have full force against theformeivits coloiiies and dependencies, and against all articles the growth, pro- duce, or manufacture of the same.' 34 HISTORY OF THE WAK. The violations of neutral comnaerce alluded to in this act, were such as weVe committed on the high seas. It was in the trade between the United States and the British dominions, that France had violated the neutral rights of the United States by her bh)rk- ading Edicts. Jt was with the trade of France and her allies that Great-Britain had committed similar violations by similar Edicts. It was the revocation of those Edicts, so far as they conimitted such viola- tions, which the United States had in view, when they passed the law of May 1st, 1810. On the 5th of August, 1810, the French minister of foreign attairs addressed a note to the minister plenipotentiary of the United States at Paris, informing him that the Decrees of Berlin and Milan were revoked; the re- vocation to take effect on the 1st of November fol- lowing : that the measure had been taken by his gov- ernment in coi fidence that the British government would revoke its Orders, and renounce its new prin- ciples of blockade, or that the United States would cause their rights to be respected, conformably to the act of May 1st, 1810. This measure of the French government was founded on the law of May 1st, 1810, as is expressly declared in the letter of the Duke of Cadore announc- ing it. The Edicts of Great-Britain, the revocation of which were expected by France, were those allud- ed to in that act; and the means by which the United Stales should cause their rights to be respected, in case Great-Britain should not revoke her Edicts, were likewise to be found in the same act. They consist- ed merely in the enforcement of the non-importation act against Great-Britain, in that unexpected and im- probable contingency. The letter of the 5th of August, which announced the revocation of the French Decrees, was communi- cated to this government, in consequence of which the President issued a proclamation on the 2d of No- vember, the day after that on which the re[ieal of the French Decrees was to take efl'ect, in which he de- clared that all the restrictions imposed by the act of HISTORY OF THE WAR. 35 l^lay 1st, 1810, should cease and be discontinued in relation to France and her dependencies. It was a necessary consequence of this proclamation, also, that if Great-Britain did not revoke her Edicts, the non- importation would operate on her, at the end of three months. This actually took place. She declined the revocation, and on the 2d of February last, that law took effect. In confirmation of the proclamation, an act of Congress was passed on the 2d of i\Iarch fol- lowing. Great-Britain still declines to revoke her Edicts, on the pretension that France has not revoked hers. Under that impression she infers that the United States have done her injustice by carrying into effect the non-importation against her. Tlie United States maintain that France has re- voked her Edicts, so far as they violated their neutral rights, and were contemplated by thelaw of May 1st, 1810, and have on that ground particularly claimed and do expect of Great-Britain a similar revocation. The revocation announced officially by the French minister of foreign affairs, to the minister plenipoten- tiary of the United States at Paris, on the 5th of August, 1810, was in itself sufficient to justify the claim of the United States to a correspondent measure from Great-Britain. She had declared that she would proceed pari passu in the repeal with France, and the day being fixed when the repeal of the French Decrees should take effect, it was reasonable to con- clude that Great-Britain would fix the same day for the repeal of her Orders. Had this been done, the proclamation of the President would have announced the revocation of the Edicts of both powers at the same time and in consequence thereof the non-impor- tation would have gone into operation against neither. — Such, too, is the natural course of proceeding in transactions between independant states ; and such the conduct which they generally observe towards each other. In all compacts between nations, it is the duty of each to perform what it stipulates, and to pre- sume on the good faith of the other for a like per- 36 HISTORY OF THE \^AK. formance. The [Jnited States having made a pro- posal to both belligerents were bound to accept a compliance from either, and it was no objection to the French compliance, that it was in a form to takp effect at a future day, that being a form not unusual in other public acts ; even when nations are at war and make peace, Ihis obligation of neutral confidence exists and is respected. In treaties of commerce, by which their fuiure intercourse is to be governed, the obligation is the same. — If distrust and jealousy are allowed to prevail, the moral tie which binds na- tions together in all their relations, in war as well as in peace, is broken. What would Great-Britain have hazarded by a prompt compliance in the manner suggested ? She bad declared ihat she had adopted the restraints im- posed by her Orders in Council with reluctance, be- cause of their distressing effect on neutral powers. Here then was a favorable opportunity presented to her, to withdraw from that measure with honor, be the conduct of France, afterwards, what it might. Had Great-Britain revoked her Orders, and France failed to fulfil her engagement, she would have gain- ed credit at the expense of France, and couid have sustained no injury by it, because the failure of France to maintain her faith w ould have replaced Great-Britain at the point from M'hich she had de{)art- ed. To say that a disappointed reliance on the good faith of her enemy, would have reproached her tore- sight, would be to set a higher value on that quality than on consistency and good faith, and would sacri- fice to a mere suspicion towards an enemy, the plain obligations of justice towar HISTORY OP THE WAR. in practice. Or do you maintain the general princi- ple and contend that Great-Britain ought to trade with France and her Allies? Between enemies there can be no commerce. The vessels of either taken by the other are liable to confiscation and are always confiscated. The number of enemies or extent of country which ihey occupy, cannot affect the question. The laws of war g^overn the relation which subsist be- tween them, which especially in the circumstance un- der consideration are invariable. They were the same in times the most remote that they now are. Even if peace had taken place between Great-Bri- tain and the powers ot the continent she Mould not trade with them without their consent. Or does Great-Britain contend, that the United Slates as a neutral power, ought to oj en the continent to her com- merce, on such terms as she may designate ? Oil what principle can she set up such a clauii ? No ex- ample of it can be found \n iJie history of past wars, nor is it founded in any recognized principle of war, or in any semblance of reason or right. The United btates could not maintain such a chiim in their t/wn favor, though neutral — v^hen advanced in fa- vor of an enemy, it would be the most preposterous kud extravagant claim ever heard of. Kvery power wlien not restriuned by treaty, has a right to regulate its trade with other nations, m such a manner as it finds it most consistent with its interest; to admit, andon its own conditions, cr to prohibit the importation of such articles as are necessary to supply the wants, or encourage the industry of its people. In what light would Great- Britain view an application from the United States for the repeal of right of any act of her parliament, which prohibited the importation af any article from the United States, such as their fish, or their oil P Or which claimed the diminution oi'the du- ty on any other, such as their tobacco on which so great a revenue is raised ? In what light would she view a similar application made ..t the instance of France, for the importation into England, of any arli- iirsTORY or the war. * 41 cle the growth or manufacture of that power which it was the pohcy of the British government to prohibit. If delays have taken place in the restitution of A- merican property, and in placing the American com- naerce in the ports of France on a fair and satisfac- tory basis, they involve oiiestions, as has already been observed, in which the United States alone are inter- ested. As they do not violate the revocation by France, of her Edicts, they cannot impair the obliga- tion of Great- Britain to revoke hers ; nor change the epoch at which the revocation ought to have taken pJace. Had that duly followed, it is more than prob- able that those circumstances, irrelative as they are^ which have excited doubt in the British government of the practical revocation of the French Decrees, might not have occurred. Every view which can be taken of this subject in- creases the painful surprise at the iimovatioiis on all the principles and usages heretofore observed, which are so unreservedly contended for, in your letters of the dd and IGth inst. and which, if persisted in by your government presents such an obstacle to the wishes ot the United States, for a removal of the diffi- culties which have been connected with the Orders in Council. It is the interest of belligerents to mitigate the calamities of war, and neutral powers possess am- ple means to promote that object, provided they sus- tain with impartiality and hrmnesslhe dignity of their station. It" belligerents expect advantage from neu- trals, they should leave them in the full enjoyment of their rights. The present war, has been oppressive beyond example, by its duration, and by the desolation which it has spread throughout Europe. It is highly important that it should assume, at least, a milder character. By the revocation of the French Edicts, so far as they respected the neutral commerce of the United States, some advance is made towards that most desirable and consoling result. Let Great-^ Britain follow the example. The ground thus gain- ful will soon be enlarged by the concurring and prcjs- 6 4C$ HISTORT or THE WAB. sing interest of all parties, and whatever is gaiijed, will accrue to the advantag-e of afflicted humanity. I proceed to notice another part of your letter of tlie 3d inst. which is viewed in a more favorable light- The President has received with great satisfaction the communication that should the Orders in Council of 1807, be revoked, the blockade of May of the preced- ing year, Mould cease with them, and that any block- ade which should afterwards be instituted, should be duly notified and maintained by an adequate force. This frank and explicit declaration, worthy of tlie prompt and amicable measure adopted by the Prince Regent in coming into power, seems to remove a ma- teriid obstacle to an accommodation of differences between our countries, and vheu followed by the re- vocation of the Orders in Council, will, as I am authorised to inform you, produce an immediate ter- mination of the non-importation law, by an exercise of the power vested in the President for that purpose. I conclude with remarking that if I have confined this letter to the subjects brought into view by yours; it is not because the United States have lost sioht in any degree of the other very serious caust s of com- plaint, on which thc-y have received no satisfaction, but because the conciliatory policy of this guld have enabled them to come to an accommo- dation with Great-Britain on the ground on which alone you say it was possible to meet us, and that you mean by that expression a departure from our system of defence against the new kind of warfare still prac- tised by France, I am at a loss to discover from what source they could have derived those expectations -y certainly not from the correspondence between the Marquis Wellesly and Mr. Pinkney. Before I proceed to reply to the arguments which are brought forward by you to show that the Decrees of Berlin and Milan are repealed, I must first enter into an explanation upon some points on which you have evidently misapprehended, for I will not suppose you could have wished to misinterpret my meaning. And first, in regard to the blockade of May, 1806, I must avow that I am wholly at a loss to find out from what part of my letter it is that the President has drawn the unqualified inference, that should the Or- ders in Council of 1807, be revoked, the blockade of May, 180(), would cease with them. — It is most mate- rial that, on this point, no mistake should exist be- tween us. From your letter it would appear, as if on the question of blockade which America had so un- expectedly connected with her demand for a repeal of om- Orders in Council, Great-Britain had made the concession required of her ; as if, after all that has passed on the subject, after the astonishment and re- gret of his Majesty's government at the United Slates having taken up the view which the French govern- ment presented, of our just and legitimate principles of blockade, which are exemplified n\ the blockade of iVIay, 1806, the whole ground taken by his Majesty's HISTORY OF THE WAH, 45 government was at once abandoned. ^A' lien I had tlie honor to exhibit to you my instructions, and to draw ujj as 1 conceived, according to your wishes and those of the President, a statement of the mode in which tiiat blockade would probably disappear ; I never meant to authorise such a conclusion, and t now beg most unequivocally to disclaim it. The blockade of IVIay 1806, will not continue after the repeal of the Orders in Council, unless his Majesty's government shall think tit to sustain it by the special application of a sufficient naval force, and the fact of its being so continued or not, will be notified at the time. If, in this view of the matter, which is certain- ly presented in a conciliatory spirit, one of the obsta- cles to a complete understanding between our coun- tries can be removed by the United States govern- ment waving all further reference to that blockade when they can be justified in asking a repeal of the Orders, arid if I may communicate this to my govern- ment, it will undoubtedly be very satisfactory ; but I beg distinctly to disavow having made any acknowl- edgement that the blockade would cease merely in consequence of a revocation of the Orders in Coun- cil ; whenever it does cease, it will cease because there will be. no adequate force to maintain it. On another very material point, sir, you aj)pear to have iniscoiiatrued my words; for in no one passage of my letter can I discover any mention of innovations on the pan of Great-Britain, such as you say excited a painiul surprise in your government. There is no new pretension set up by his Majesty's government. In a .:>wer to questions of yours, as to what were the Deci'ees or regulations of France which Great-Bri- tain complained of, and against which she directs her retaliatory measures, I brought distinctly into your view the Berlin and Milan Decrees, and you have not denied, because, indeed, you could not, that the provisions of those Decrees were new measures of war on the part of Fiance, acknowledged as such by her ruler, and contrary to the principles and usages of 46 HISTORY or TITE WAR. civilii!:ed nations. That the present war has been op- pressive beyond example by its dnratioa, and the des- olation it spreads through Europe^ I willingly awree with vou, but the United States cannot surely mean to attribute the cause to Great-Britaui. The question between Great-Britain and France is that of an hon- orable struggle against the lawless efforts of an am- bitious tvrant, and America can but have the wish of every independent nation as to its result. On a third point, sir, I have a'so to regret that my meaning' should have been mistaken. Great-Britain never contended that British merchant vessels should be allowed to trade with her enemies, or that British property should be allowed entry into their ports, as ■you would infer ; such a pretension would indeed be preposterous ; but Great-Britain does contend against the system of terror put in practice by France, by which usurping authority wherever her arms or the timidity of nations will enable her to extend her influ- ence, she makes it a crime to neutral countries as well as individuals that they should possess articles, howev- er acquired, which may have been once the produce ofE;)gIish industry or of th(^ British soil. Against such an abominable and extravagant pretension every feeling must revolt, and the honor no less than the interest of Great- Britain engages hertoo|)pose it. Turning to the course of argument contained in J on- let er, a low me to express my surprise at the conciasion you draw in considering the question of priority relative to the French Decrees or British Orders in Council. It was clearly proved that the blockade of May, 18>'J(>, was maintained by an ade- quate naval force, and therefore was a blockade founded on just and legitimate principles, and 1 have not heard that it was considered in a contrary light when notiiied as such to you by Mr. Secretary Fox, nor until it suited the views of France to endeavor to have it considered otherwise. Why America took up the view the French government chose to give of it, and could see in it grounds for the French De- crees, was always matter of astonishment in England. HISTORY or THE WAR. & Your remarks on moditicatlons at various times of oiu- system ot retaliation will require the less reply from the circumstance of the Orders in Cotmcil of April, 1800, having superceded them all. Tliey were calculated for the avow ed j urpose of softenino- the eftect of the original Orders 04i neutral commerce, the inci- dental effect of those Orders on neutrals having been ahva} s sincerely regreted by his Majt-sty's govern- ment ; but whtn it was found that neutrals objected to them they were removed. As to the principle of retaliation, it is founded on the just and natural right of self defence against our enemy ; if France is unable to enforce her Decrees on the ocean, it is not from the want of will, lor she enforces tliem wherever she can do it ; htr threats are only empty where her power is of no a\ail. In the view you have taken of the conduct of America, in her relations with the two belligerents, and in the conclusion you draw with respect to the mipartiality of your country, as exemplified in the non- importation law, I lament to say I cannot agrte with you. That act is a direct measure against the Bri- tish trade, enactedat a time when all the legal authoi'i- ties in the United States appeared ready to contest the statement of a repeal; of the French Decrees, on which was founded the President's prociaination of November id, ajjd consequently t«* dispute the justice ©Ithe proclamation itself. You urge, sir,thiit the British government promised to ^VQiUded pari passu witii France in th.e repeal of her Edicts. It IS to be wished you could point out to us any' step France has taken in repeal of liets. Great-Bri- tain has repeatedly declared that she would re, eal w hen tlieFrench did so, and she meai>s to keep to that declaration. I have slated to you that we cculd not consider the letter of Anguyt -3, declaring the repeal of the French Edicts, providMtg w^e revoked our Orders in Council, or America resented our not doing so, as a step of that mature; and the French iiovertimenl knew that '^e 48 I HISTORY or THE WAR. could not ; their object was evidently while their sys- tem was adhered to, in all its rigour, to endeavor to persuade the American government that they had re- laxed from it and to induce her to proceed in enfor- cing the submission of Great- Britain to the inordinate demands of France. It is to be lamented that they have but too well succeeded ; for the United Slates g-overnment appear to have considered the French Declaration in the sense in which France wished it to be takeo, as an absoUite repeal of her Decrees, without adverting to the conditional terms which accompani- ed it. But you assert that no violations of your neutral rights by France occur on the high seas, and that these were all the violations alluded to in the act of Congress oi May, 1810. 1 readily believe indeed that such cases ai'e rare, but it is owing to the preponde- rance of the British navy that they are so, when scarce a ship under the French flag can venture to sea with- out beingtaken,it is not extraordinary that the) make no captures. If such violations alone were within the purview of your law, there would seem to have been no necessity for its enactment. The Bri isii navy might have been safely trusted for the prevention of this occurrence. But I have always believed and my government h.is believed that the American legislators had in view in the provision of their law as it respects France not only her deeds of \iolence on the seas, but all the novel and extraordinary pre- tensions and j^ractices of her government which in- fringed their neutral rights. We have had no evidence as yet of any of those pretensions being abandoned. To the amb.gnous de- claration in Mr. Champagny's note is oi>j.osed the unambiouous and personal er4iense of independent: natiois. A similar conslrucl.on of proceeding- pari passu might lead to such Decrees a^ those of Kanibouillet, or oi Bayonne, to the system of exclusion or of licences, ail mea-ures ot Fiai.ce figaintrt the ^American ccn merce, is noth- ing short ot absolute host'ilitv. Ii )s rrL^ed that i.o MSsel has been condemned by the tribunals of France, oi. the pni:ci[les of her De- crees since the 1st ol November. You allow, how- ever, that there have oeci. some detained since that f enod, aiio that such j art of the cargoes as consisted ot gwids not the j>roduce of America, was seized, and the oii;ei pa;t, together with the \es«^el it«elf, onlv re- leased aber the President's proclamatic.n become k owa in France. These circum;>tances sarel) , only p o\e thediihculty that France is under in reconcil- ing lier anti-f onjmercial and anti-neutral system, wilh her desire to express her satistactioii at the intasores t'dken ill America against the commerce of Circ.it- Entaiii. bhe seizes in virtue of the Berlin and Milvin Decrees, but she makes a partial restoration for the j>nr^«oSe of deceiving America. 1 have now toilov*ed you, I believe, sir, through the whole range ol your argument, and on reviewingthe course oi it, 1 tLunk I may secuiely say that no satis- fa<:tr>ry jjroot ha* yet been l^ou-^ht loiward of tl e re- peal of the oIj noxious Decrees of France, but on the contrary, that it ap[earj» thty continue m lull force. ITLSTORY OF THE WAR. 61 consequently that no grounds exist on wliich vou can, with justice, demancl of Great-Britain a revocation of her Orders in Couiicil ;-r-that we have u right to complain of the conduct of the American ofovernment, in enforcing' the provisions of the act of May, l>ilO, totlie exchision of tlie British trade, and aftei wards ill obtaining a special hiw for the saint- purpt>se, tlioujih it was notorious at the time that Fran«"e still continu- ed her aggressions upon American commerce, and had recentlv promulgated aijew her De eminent persevering in then- union with the French system for the purpose of crushing the commerce of Great-Britain. From every co.isideration which t-quity, good poli- cy or interest can suggest, there ap;iears to he snch a cnll upon America to give up this system, wliich favors France, to the injury of Great-Britain, that I cannot, however little satisf iclory your communica- tions are, as yet abandon all hopes thai even before the Congress meet, a new view may i»e taken of the subject by the President, which will lead to a more happy result. I have the h»>nor to be, with very high considera- tion and respect, sir, your most obedient humble ser- AUGUSTCS J. FOSTER To the JioH. James Monroe, ^'c. 52 HISTORY OF THE WAR. Mr, Monroe to Mr. Foster. '^ ^ DEPART3IENT OF STATE, July 27lll, 1811. SIR, 1 had the honor to receive your letter of yesterday *s date, in time to submit it to the view of the President before he left town. It was my object to state to you in my letter of the 23d inst. that under existing circumstances, it was impossible for the President to terminate the operation of the non-importation law of the 2d of March last ; that France having- excepted the proposition made by a previous law equally to Great-Britain and to France, and having revoked her Decrees, violating- ourneulral rights, and Great-Britain having declined to revoke hers, it became the duty of this government to fultil its engagement, and to declare the non-impor- tation law in force against Great-Britain. This state of affan's has not been sought by the United States. When the proposition, contained in the law of May 1st, 1810, was offered equally to both powers, there was cause to presume that Great-Bri- tain would have accepted it, in which event the non- importation law would not have operated against her. It is in the power of the British government at this time to enable the President to set the non-importa- tion law aside, by rendering to the United States an act of justice. If Great-Britain will cease to violate ouriicutial rights by revoking her Orders in Coun- cil, on which event alone the President has the pow- er, I am instructed to inform you that he will, without delay, exercise it by terminating the operation of this law. It is presumed that the communications which I huNe had the honor to make to you, of the revocation by France of her Decrees, so far as they violated the neutral rights of the United States, and of her con- duct since the revocation, will present to your gov- ernment a dillerent view of the subject, from that HISTORY OF THE WAll. 53 which it had before taken, and produce in its coun- cils a correspondent effect. I have the honor to be, &c. (Signed) JAMES MONROE. Augustus J. Foster Esq. ^c. Mr. Monroe to Mr. Foster. SIR, I have had the honor to receive your letter of the 26th of July, and to submit it to the view of the President. In answering- that letter, it is proper that I should notice a complaint that I had onntted to reply in mine of the 2od of July, to your remonstrance against the proclamation of the President, of INovember last, and to the demand which you had made, by order of your government of the repeal of the non-importation act of March 2d, of the present year. My letter has certainly not merited this imputation. Having shewn the injustice of the British govern- ment in issuing- the Orders in Council on the pretext assigned, and its still greater injustice in adhering to theui after that pretext had failed, a respect for Great- Britain, aj well as for the United States, prevented my placing in the strong light in which the sulyect naturally presented itself, the remonstrance alluded to, and the extraordinary demand founded on il, that while your government accouiuiodated in nothing, the United States should relinquish the ground, which by a just regard to the public rights and honor, they had been compelled to take. Propositions tendmg to degrade a nation can never be brought into discus- sion by a government not prepared to submit to the degradation. It was for this reason that I confined my reply to those passages in your letter, which in- volved the claim of the United States, on the princi- pltis ©r justice, to the revocation of the Orders in HISTORY OP THE WAR. Council. Your demancl, however, was neither nn- noticed or unanswered. In laying before you the complete, and as was believed, irresistible proof on which the United Stales expected, and called for the revocation of the Orders in Council, a very explicit answer was supposed to be given to that demand. Equally unfounded is your complaint that I mis- understood that passage which claimed, as a condi- tion of the revocation of the Orders in Council, tnat the trade of Great-Britain with the continent should be restored to the state in which it was before the Berlin and Milan Decrees were issued. As this pretension was novel and extraordinary, it was neces- sarv that a distinct idea should be formed of it, and w ith that view, I asked such an explanation as would enable me to form one. In the explanation given, you do not insist on the right to trade in British property, with British vessels, directly with your enemies. Such a claim, you ad- mit, would be preposterous. But you do insist by necessary implication, that France has no rig-ht to inhibit the the importation into her ports of British manufactures, of the produce of the British soil, when the property of neutrals ; and that, until France re- moves that inhibition, tlie United States are to be cut off by Great-Britain from all trade whatever, with her enemies. On such a pretension it isalmost impossible to rea-^ son. There is I believe, no example of it in the hts- torv of past wars. Great-Britain, the enemy of France undertakes to regulate the trade of France ; nor is that all ; she tells her that she must trade in British goods. If France and Great- Britain were at peace, this pre- tension would not be set up, nor even thought of. Has Great-Bntam then acquired in this respect by war, rights which she has not in |ieace ? And does she announce to neutral nations, that unless they con- sent to become the instruments of this policy, their commerce shall be anniliilaled, and their vessels aiiall be shut up in then- own poi'ts ? HISTORY OF THE WAR. 55 I might ask whether French g-oods are admited in* to (j real-Britain, even in peace, and if they are, whe- tlier it be of ^ig^)t, or by the consent and policy of the British government ? That the propeity woiild \ye neutralized does not effect the question. If the United States have no right to carry their own productions into France without the consent of the French government, how can they undertake to carry there those of Great-Britain ? h\ all cases it must depend on the interest and tne will of the party. Nor is it material to what extent, or by ^^hat pow- ei's, the trade to the contment is prohibited. If the powers who prohibit it, are at war with Great Britain, the prohibition is a necessary consequence of that state. If at peace, it IS their own act; and whether it be volunt;»rv, or compulsive, they alone are answer- able for it. It the act be luken at the instio^ation and under the influence of France, the most that can be said, is, that it justifies reprisal agaifist them, by a similar measure On no principle whatever can it be said to give any sanction to the conduct of Great* Britnin towards neutral nations. The United Stales can have no objection to the employment of their commercial capital in the sup- ply of France, and of the continent generallv, with manufactures, and to comprise in the supply those of Gi'ent-Britain, provided those powers will consent to it. But they cannot nndertake to force such supplies on France or on any other power, in com- pliance with the claim of the British government, on principles incompatible with the rights of every imle- pemient nation, and they Mill not demand in favor of another power, wiiat they canuot claim for them- selves. All that Great-Britain could with reason complain of, was the inhil)ition by the French Decrees, of the lawful trade of neutrals, with the British dominions. As soon as that inhibition ceased, her inhiltition ot our trade with France ouglkl in like .nanner to have 56 HISTORY OF THE WAR. ceased, Having- pledged herself to proceed part passu with France, in the revocation of their respective acts viohiting' neutral rights it has afforded just cause of complaint, and even of astonishment, to the Unit- ed States, that the Bntish government shouhl have sanctioned the seiz.ure and condemnation of Ameri- can vessels under the Orders in Council after the revo- cation of the French Decrees was a?inounced, and even in the very moment when your mission, avowed to be conciliatory, was to have its effect. I will only add tliat had it a])peared finally, that France had failed to perform her engagements, it might at least have been expected, that (ireat-Bri- tain would not have molested such of the vessels of the United States as mightbe entering- the ports of France, on the faith of both governments, till that failure was clearly proved. To many insinuations in vour letter I make no re-, ply, because they sufficiently suggest the only one that would be proper. If it were necessary to dwell on the impartiality, which has been observed by the United States tow- ards the two belligerents, I nnght ask, whether if Great-Britain had accepted the eo)idition which \vas offered equally to her and Fiance, by the act of May. 1st, 1810, and PVance had rejected it, there is cause to doubt that the non-importation act would have been carried into effect against France ? IVo such doubt can possibly exist because m afonner instance, when this government, trusting to a tulfilment l)y yours of an arrangement which put an end to a non-inter-, course with Great-Britain, the non-intercourse was„ continued against France, who had not then repe. ltd her Decrees as it was not doubted England had done. Has it not been repeatedly declated to your govern- ment that if Grtat-Britain would re\oke her Orders in Council, the President would immediately cause the non-imporlation to cease ? You well know that, the same declaration has often bten made to yourself, . f»nd th:it iHvlhinir more is waulintr to the removal of HISTORY OF THE WAR. 57 the existing obstructions to the commerce between the two countries, than a satisfactory assurance, which will be received with pleasure from yourself, that the Orders in Council are at an end. By ihe remark in your letter of the 3d of July, that the blockade of May, 180G, had been included in the more comprehensive system of the Orders in Council of the following } car, and that, if that blockade should be continued in force after the repeal of the Orders in Council, it would be in consequenceof the special ap- plication of a sufficient naval force, I could not but in- fer your idea to be, that the repeal of the Orders in Council vvould necessarily involve the re|)eal of thti blockade of May. J uas the more readily induced to make this inference, from the consideration that if the blockade was not revoked by the repeal of the Orders iii Council, there would be no necessity for giving notice that it would be continued ; as by the further considera- tion, that according' to the decision of your court of ad- miralty, a blockade instituted by proclamation does not cease by the removal of the lorce applied to it, nor without a formal notice by the government to that effect. It is not, however, wished to discuss any question relative to the mode by which that blockade may be terminated. Its actual termination is the material ob- ject for consideration. It is easy lo shew, and it has already been abund- antly shown, that the blockade of IMay, VS()6, is in- consisltnt on any view that may be laken of it with the law of nations. It is also easy to show that, as now expounded, it was equally inconsistent with the sense of your government, when the order w as issued ; and this change is a sufficient reply to the remarks which you have applied to me personally. If you will exauiine the order, you will find that it is strictly, little more than a blockade of the coast from the Seine to Ostend. There is an express reserva- tion in it in favor of neutrals to any part of the coast between Brest and the Feihe, and between Ostend S 58 HISTORY OF THE WAK., and the Elbe. Neutral powers are permitted by it ic; take from their own ports every kind of produce without distinction as to its orig^in ; and to carry it to the continent under that limitation, and with the ex- ception only of contraband of war, and enemy's prop- erly, and to bring thence to their own ports in return, whatever articles they think fit. Why were contra- band of war and enemy's property excepted, if a commerce even in those articles would not otherwise have been permitted under the reservation ? No or- der was necessary to subject them to seizure. They were liable to it according to the law of nations, as asserted by Great-Britain. Why then did the British government institute a blockade which with respect to neutrals was not rig- orous as to the greater part of the coast comprised in it ? Il you will look to the state of things which then existed between the United States and Great-Britain, you will find the answer. A controversy had taken place between our governments on a different topic, which was still pending. The British government had interfered wiih the trade between France and her allies in the produce of their colonies. The just claim of the United States was then a subject of ne- gotiation ; and your government professing its wil- Imgness to make a satisfactory arrangement of it, is- sued the Order which allowed the trade, without making any concession as to the principle, reserving that for adjustment by treaty. It was in this light that I viewed, and in this sense that I represented that or- der to my government; and in no other did I make any comment on it. Whenyou reflectthat this order by allowing the trade of neutrals, in colonial productions, to all that portion of the coast which was not rigorously blockaded, af- forded to the United States an acconmiodation in a principal pointthen at issue between our governments, and of which then- citizens extensively availed them- selves that that trade and the question of blockade, and every other question in which the United Stales HISTORY OF THE WAR, 59 and Great-Britain were intereste. HISTORY OF THE WAR. 61 Iremely anxious to do away the impression wlilch yon seem to have received relative to the demand I had- made for the repeal of the non-imporlalion act of the present year. It is, I assure you, sir, with very great regret that I liud you consider that demand as mvolving in any degree propositions tendnig to degrade your nation. Such an idea certainly never existed with his Majes- ty's Government, nor would it be com;)atible with the friendly sentiments entertained by lhcm,for the Unit- ed States ; neitlier could I have suffered myself to be the channel of co:.»>iying a demand which I thought had such a tendency. — However you view the de- mand made on the part of Great-Britain, I can safely say that it was made iti consequence of its appearing to his Majesty's Govermuent on strong evidence that the chief of the French nation had really deceived America as to the repeal of his Decrees and in the hopes that the United States' Government would there- fore see the justice of replacing this country on its former footing of amicable relations with England, nothing appearing to be more natural than such an ex- pectation, which seemed a necessary' consequence of the disposition expressed by America to maintain her neutrality, and desirable in every other point of view. I cannot indeed bring myself to think, sir, that your candor would allow you, 0:1 a consideration, to put any other construction on the matter, and had my arguments had sufficient weight with you in shewing that the French Decrees were still in force, I cansiot doubt but you would have agreed with me in the conclusion I drew — 'it would seem therefore only owing to your not viewing the deceitful conduct of the French government in the same light t!iat it ap- pears to his Majesty's government, that a difference of opinion exists between us as to the proposal [ made, ^vhich under the conviction entertained by them was, surely a very just and nalural one. From the earnest desire of vindicating myself and rny government from the charge of making any de- 62 HISTORY OP THE WAR^ grading" or unjust demands on that of America,! have taken the liberty to trouble you so far and I will now proceed to shew why I thought you had misuh- derstood the passage of my letter whicli related to the extent in which the repeal of the French Decrees was required by Great-Britain. In the explanation which you desired on this point I gave you that which the Marquis Wellesley gave to Mr. Pinkney in answer to his letter of August 25, 1810, and I beg to refer you to the message of the President of the United States on the opening of Congress in December, 1810, for a proof that the demand of Great-Britain in the extent in which I have stated it was known to your government several months ago — how was I there- fore to suppose in the term innovations, as applied to the explanation given by me, that you could mean otherwise than some really new pretension on the part of Great-Britain such as that France should suf- fer British property to be carried into her ports for the purposes of trade ? If the warmth I was betrayed into in endeavoring to refute a supposed imputation of this sort gave any offence, I sincerely regret it, and I will beg permission here to say, sir, that if uncon- sciously 1 have by any of my remarks led you to sup- pose they conveyed any improper insrinuations, as one' paragraph of your letter would appear to imply, I am most unfeignedly sorry for it, as I entertain the high- est resi>ect ibr you personally and for your govern- ment, and could only have meant what I wrote in the way of argument, or for the purpose of contrasting the. proceedings of France in her conduct towards the United States witii that of Great-Britain. In reverting to the extraordinary and unprecedent- ed situation of things that has arisen out of the war m Europe it would seem needless to repeat the evi- dence there is that the lawless and unbounded ambi- tion of the ruler of France has been the origin of it, aiid it cannot be a secret to the United States' govern- ment that his plan has been and avowedly continues to be, not to scruple at the violation of any law, pro- HISTORY OF THE WAR. fS viiled he can thereby overthrow the maritime pow- er of Engrlaiul. Is it not tIw?refore reasonable in Great-Britain to distrust an ambiguous declaration of iis having- suddenly given up any part of a system which he thought calculated to produce such an ef* feet? You say however that the Decrees of Berlin and Milan are revoked. America as not being at war and therefore not seeing so clearly into the views of France, may be less scrupulous as to the evidence liecessary to prove the fact — but sir, it surely cannot be expected that Great-Britain, who is contending for everything that is dear to her, should not require more proof on a point so material to her. It is undoubtly a very desirable thing tor the United States to have a free and unrestricted trade with both belligerents, but the essential security and most important interests of America are not involved in the question as are those of Great-Britain. France has levelled a blow which she hopes will prove deadly to the resources of Great- Britain, and before the British government can witk safety give up the mea.sures of defence in consequence adopted by them, very strong proof must exist of the cessation by France of her novel and unprecedented measures. I confess, sir with the sincerest disposition to discover on the pait of the ruler of France a return to the long- established practice of warfare as exercised in civiliz- ed Europe, I have been unable to succeed; and if the French government had really meant to with- draw their obnoxious Decrees, it is inconceivable why, instead of allowing their intensions to be guessed at or inferred, they should not openly and in plain lan- guage have declared so ; the Decrees themselves hav- ing been clearly enough announced on their enact- ment, why should not their revocation be equally ex- plicit. While, however, numerous declarations have been made on the partof France of the continued existence ot the Decrees and ca[)tures made under them of neu- tral ships have occurred, a few of the American vessels 04 HISTORY OF THE WAlR. seized since Novemljer 1, have been reslorecl, and the loreofoing, a very small part of his plunder, is desired by Bonaparte to be considered as a proof of the sin- cerity of his revocation by America ; but it must be recollected that besides the object of ruining the Bri- tish resources by his own unauthorised regulations, he hsis also that of endeavoring to obtain the aid of the United States for the same purpose, and herein you will, as I had the honor to remark in a former letter, ])e able to observe the cause of the apparently contra, dictory language held both by himself and his min- isters. I shall be extremely happy, to receive from you, sir, the information that in a frank and unambiguous manner the chief of the French o•o^ ernment had re- voked his Decrees. Why he should not do so is in- explicable if he means to revert to the ordinary rules of war, but while lie exercises such despotic sway wherever his influence extends, to ruin the resources of England, it cannot be expected that Great-Britain shall not use the means she possesses for the pur[;ose of making him feel the pressure of his own system. There is every reason to believe that ere long the ef- fects on the enemies of Great-Britain will be such as irresistibly to produce a change wliich will place com- merce on its former basis. In the mean time, sir, I hope you will nut think it extraordinary if 1 should contend that the seizure of American ships by France, since November 1, and the positive and unqualified declarations of the French government are stronger proots of the continued existence of the French De- crees and the bad iailh of the ruler of France, than the restoration of five or six vessels, too palpably given -up for fallacious purposes or in testimony of his satis faction at tlie attitude taken by America, isa| roof of their rev ocation, or of his return to the principles of justice. 1 will only repeat, sir, in answer to your observa- tions, on the late condemnation of the ships taken un- •ler his Majesty's Ord»^rs in Council, what I have JftlSTORY OF THE \VA^. 6^ already had the honor to state to 3 ou, that the delay vhich took place in their condemnation was not in consequence of any doubt existing- in Ins Majesty's g-overnment, as to whether the French Decrees were revoked, as you seem to imagine, hut in consequence of its being thought that the American government, upon its a[)peanng that tliey were deceived by France, wouUl have ceased tl;eir injurious measures against the British commerce. A considerable time elapsed before the decision took place on those ships, and (liere is no doubt, but that had the United States' gov- ernment not persisted in the unfriendly attitude to- wards Great-Britain on discovering the ill faith of France, a spirit of concihation in his Majesty's gov- ernment would have caused their release. In reply to your observations on the pretensions of Great-Britain relative to the revocation of the French Decrees, I beg to repeat that the sum of the demand made by England is, that France should follow the es- tablished lavAsof warfare as practised in former wars in Europe. Her ruler by his Decrees of Berlin and Milan declared himself no longer bound by them ; he has openly renounced them in his violent eftorts to Tuin the resources of Great- Britain, and has trampled on the rights of independent nations to effect his pui- pose. If the French government make use of means of iniprecedented violence to prevent the intercourse of England with unoffending neutrals, can it be ex- pected that England should tamely suffer the estab- lishment of such anovel system of uar without retalia- tion, and endeavoring in her turn to prevent the French from enjoying the advantages of which she is unlawfully deprived ? Having explained already the situation in which the question of the blockade of May, 1806, rests, ac-' cording to the viewS;ofhis Majesty's government, and the desire of Great-Britain to conduct her system of blockade according to the laws of nations, I will only advert to it on this occasion for the purpose of taking the liberty of acknowledging to von tlie very great 9 66 HISTORY OP THE WAR. pleasure I received from the highly honorable mark of respect which you have taken the occasion to ex- press for tiie illustrious statesman from whose counsels that measure emanated. 1 need not repeat to you, sir, what sincere satisfac- tion it w ould give mc, if w ithout the sacrifice of the essential rights and interests of Great-Britain all the points in discussion between our two countries could be finally adjusted. I have the honor to be, with the highest considera- tion and respect, sir, yours, AUG. J. FOSTER. To the hon. James Monroe^ S^c. Adjustment of the affair of the Chesa- peake AND the Leopard. MESSAGE. To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States. I communicate to Congress copies of a correspond- ence between the Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary of Great-Britain and the Secretary of Slate, relative to the aggression committed by a Brit- ish Ship of war on the United States Frigate Chesa- peake, by which it w ill be seen that the subject of dif- ference between the two countries, is terminated by an ol^'er of reparation which has been acceded to. JAMES MADISON. JVashington, November 13, 1811. HISTORY OF THE WAR. 67 Mr. Foster to Mr. Monroe. Washixgtox, October 30, 1811. SIR, I had already the honor to mention to you that I came to this country furnished with instructions from his Royal Hig-hness the Prince Reg^ent, in the name and on the behalf of his Majesty, for the purpose of proceeding' to a final adjustment of the differences which have arisen between Great-Britain and the United States of America in the affiiir of the Chesa- peake Frig-ate; and I had also thatuf acquainting-you with the necessity under which I found myself of sus- pending- the execution of those instructions in conse- quence of my not having perceived that any steps whatever were taken by the American government to clear up the circumstances of an event whicii threat- ened so materially to interrupt the harmony subsisting- between our two countries, as that which occurred in the month of last May, between the United States' Ship President, and his Majesty's Ship Little Belt, when every evidence before his Majesty's govern- ment seemed to shew that a most evident and wanton outrage had been committed on a British Ship of ivar by an American Commodore. A Court of Enquiry however, as you informed me in your letter of the 11th inst. has since been held \>y order of the President of the United States on the [conduct of Commodore Rodgers, and this prelimina- 'y to further discussion on the subject being- all that I isked in the first instance as due to the friendship jubsisting between the two States, I have now the lonor to acquaint you that I am ready to proceed in he truest spirit of conciliation to lay before you the erms of reparation which his Royal Highness has commanded me to propose to the United States' gov- ?rnment, and only wait to know when it will suit your convenience to enter upon the discussion. ^^ HISTOUT OF tlTE WAR. 1 have the honor to be, with the hig-hest considera- tion and respect, sir, your most obedient humble ser- vant, AUG. J. FOSTER. The 7wn. James Monroefkc. Mr. Monroe to Mr. Foster. Depari^ment of State, Oct. 31, 1811. 1 have just had the honor to receive your letter of the 30th of this month. lam glad to tind that the communication which I liad the honor to make to you on the 11th inst relative to the Court of Enquiry, which was the subject of il, is viewed by you in the favorable light which you tave stated. Although I regret that the proposition which you now make in consequence of that communication, has l>een delayed to the present moment, I am ready to receive the terms of it whenever you may think proper to communicate them. Permit me to add, that the pleasure of finding them satisfactory will be duly augmented, if thev should be introductory to a removal of ALL the differences depending between our two countries, the hope of which is so little en- couraged by your past coirespondence. A prospect of such a result, will be embraced, on my part, with a spirit of conciliation, equal to that which has been ex- pressed by you. I have the honor to be, %lc, (Signed) JAMES MONROE, Aiifjustus J. Foster, Esq. SCc. filSTORY OF XmS WAJK. 69 Mr. Faster to Mr. Di^nroe. Washington, Nov. 1st, 1811. SIR, In pursaance of the onlers which I hav-fe received tVom his Royal Hi^hries-i, the Prince Recent, in the name and on the behalf of h s Majestv, tor the pur- pose of proceeding to a tinal adjustment of the ditfer- ences which have arisen between Great-Britain and the United States, in the affair of the Chesapeake Frigate, I have the honor to acquaint vou — First, that I am instructed to repeat to the American govern- ment the prompt disaivowal made bv his Majesty, (and recited m Mr. Erskine's note of April 17, 1Samst Great-Britain. For me to have allowed this would have been at once to allow in the face of facts, that the Decrees of France were repealed, and that her unprecedented measures, avowedly pursued in defiance of the laws of nations, were hecome mere ordmary regulations of trade. I therefore thought fit to confine my answer to your remarks, to a gene- ral statement of the sum of the demands of Great- Britani, which was, that France should by eftectually revjiking her Decrees, revert to the usual method of • carrying on war as practised in civilized Europe. HISTORY OF THE AVAR. 78 The pretensions of France to prohibit all conif merce in jU'ticles of British origin, in every part of the continent, is one among tlie nn^ny violent imiova- tions which are contamed in the Decrees, and Mhich are preceded by tlie declaration of their being found- ed on a delennination of the ruler of France, as he himself avowed, to revert to the principles wlncli ciiaractcrised the barbarism of tlie dark ages, and to forget all ideas of justice, and even the common feel- ings of humanity, in the new method of carrying on war ado[jted bv him. It is not however a cpiestion with Great-Britain of mere commercial interest, as you seem to sup- pose, which is involved in the attempt by Bo.iaparte to blockade her both by sea and land, but one of the feeling, and of national honor, contending as we do against the principles which he professes in his new system of warfare. It is impossible for us to submit to the doctrine that he has a right to compel the whole continent to break oti" all intercourse with us, and to seize upon vessels belonging to neutral nations upon the sole plea of their having visited an English port, or of their being laden with articles of British or co- lonial [)roduce, in whatsoever manner acquired. This preteiision, however, is but a part ot that sys- tem, the whole of which, under our construction of tlie letter of M. Champagny, of August 5, 1810, corroborated by many subsequent declarations of the French government, and not invalidated by any une- quivocal dechsration of a contrary tenor, must be con- sidered as stdl in full force. In the communication which you lately transmitted to me, I am sorry to repeat, that I was unable to dis- cover any facts which satisfactorily proved that the Decrees had been actually repealed, and I have al- ready repeatedly stated the reasons m hich too proba- bly led to the restoration of a few of the American ships taken in pursuance of the Berlin and Miian De- crees after November 1. Mr. Russell does not seem to deny that the Decrees may stiil be kept in force, 10 74 HISTORY OF THE WAR. only he thinks they have assumed a municipal char- acter ; but in M. Cliampagny's declaration, ambig^u- ous as it was, there is no such division of them into two different characters; for if the contingency re- quired by the French Minister took place, the Kerlin and Milan Decrees were to cease, according to his expression, without any qualification, h therefore a part of them remain, or be revived again, as seems to be allowed even here, why may not the whole be equally so ? Where proof can be obtained of their existence, we have it, namely, in the ports of France, in which vessels have been avowedly seized under their operation since Nov. 1. Of their maritime ex- istence we cannot so easily obtain evidence, because of the few French ships of war which venture to leave their harbors. W ho can doubt however that had the ruler of France a navy at his command, equal to the enforcing of his violent Decrees, he "would soon show that part of them to be no dead let- ter. The principle is not the less obnoxious because it is from necessity almost dormant for the moment, nor ought it therefore to be less an object to be stren-* wously resisted. Allow me, sir, here to express my sincere regret, that I have not as yet been able to convince you, by •what I cannot but consider the strongest evidence, of the continued existence of the French Decrees, and consequently of the unfriendly policy of your gov- ernment in enforcing the non-importation against us, and opening the trade with our enemies. His Royal Highness will, I am convinced, learn with unfeigned sorrow, that such continues to be still the determina- tion of America, and whatever restrictions on the commerce enjoyed by America in His Majesty's do- minions, may ensue on the part of Great-Britain, as retaliatory on the refusal by your government to ad- juitthe productions of Great-Brilain while they open their harbors to those of His Majesty's enemies, they will, I am persuaded, be adopted with sincere pain, and wiih pleasure relinquished whenever this country HISTORY OF THE WAR. 75 shall resume her neutral position and impartial attitude between the two belligerents. I have the honor to be, with the greatest considera- tion and respect, sir, your most obedient humble ser* vant, AUGUSTUS J. FOSTER. To the /torii J, Monroe, 8^c. CHAPTER II. The f of lowing Message was, on the 17 th January^ 1812, transmitted by the President to both Houses of Congress. To the Senate and House of liepresentativcs of the United States. I communicate to Congress a letter from the Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary of Great- Britam to the Secretary of State, with the answer of the latter. The continued evidence, afforded in this corres- pondence, of the hostile policy of the British gov- ernment against our national rights, strengthens the considerations recommending and urging the prepar- ation of adequate means for maintaining them. JAMES MADISON. Washington, Jan, 16, 1812. 70 HISTORY or THE WAR, ' 3Ir. Foster to Mr. Monroe. *■ Washington, Dec. 17, 1811. SIR, I (lid not mean to have written to you at this mo- ment on the subject of our late correspondence, but that I have had the mortification to perceive state- ments, circulated from hij^hly respectable sources, which give a view of the pretensions of Great- Britain relative to the United States not warranted by any of the letters which I hud the honor to address to you, and which, at a time when discussions are continuing' so important to the two countries might, if left unrec- fified, produce an effect highly to be lamented by both the American and British governments, inasmuch as by creating unnecessary irritation, they might throw obstacles in the way of a restoration of a friendly un- derstanding between them. I find it asserted, in the statement referred to, that I have, in the name of my government, demanded that the United States* government should pass a hiw for the introduction of British goods into the Ameri- can ports, and also that the United vStates should un- dertake to force France to receive into her harbors British maimfactures. I beg permission, sir, to declare that neither of these demands have been made by me, and that my meaning must not have been understood, if such was conceived to have been its import. I could not have denranded the passage of such a law as above stated, because my government does not pretend to interfere "with the internal government of a friendly poM er, nor did I mean to demand that America should force France to receive our manufactures. All I meant to say was, that the admission of French commerce while that of England has bee» excluded from the United States' ports, was regar- ded by Great-Britain as highly unfreindly i-i Amer- ica, and that a continuation of such policy would be retaliated upon by Great-Britain with similar re.stric- HISTORY OF THE WAR. T7 tjons on her part, which was so far merely an ofFering^ of like for like. Bat while the American non-impor- tation act excludes British trade from the United States' ports, it must be recollected that it goes still further and excludes also British armed ships from American ports, while it admits those of the enemies of Great-Britain. * A neutral nation is responsible for the equality of its rules of conduct towards the bel- ligerent powers' (to use the words of an American Secretary of State in the year 1796,) and therefore the part of the law which establishes an inequality was justly an object of more serious complamt on the part of Great-Britain. You are aware, sir, of the advan- tage which his IMajesly's enemies have derived from this state of inequality, which enables them, though possessing- no port in this hemisphere, cotitiniially to prey on the trade of his Majesty's subjects, secure of a refuge for their cruisers and their prizes. The prohibition of entry to his Majesty's ships un- der these circumstances might perhaps justify Great- Britain in asserting, that whatever reason she may have for repealing or modifying her Orders in Coun- cil, so as to lessen or entirely remove the pressure now unavoidably laid on the trade of America as a neu- tral nation, she might }et refuse to enter into any dis- cussion oil that subject with the United States, until either by the revocation of the prohibition above stat- ed, or the placing all the belligerents under the same prohibition, America should cease ta violate the du- ties of a neutral nation. With respect, however, to the supposed demand that America should force the entry of British manu- factures into France, it is most particularly necessary that I should explain myself, as a total misconception appears to have taken place upon this point. The ques- tion of retaliation on the French Decrees is directly one between England and France. In consequence of the extraordinary blockade of England, we have in our defence been obliged to blockade France, and prohibit all trade in French articles yd return for the 78 HISTORY OP THE WAR. prohibition by France of all trade in English articles. This measure of retaliation, it is wished, should oper- ate on France alone, but from the trade carried on •with France by America, it unavoidably operates also on her; it is a measure to destroy the French trade in return for the similar measure of France on which it is retaliatory, and its acting- on neutrals is an inci- dental effect of it, consequent upon the submission of neutrals to the original measures of the enemy against Great-Britain. It is mdeed melancholy that the unna- tui-al situation of Europe should produce such a re- sult, but I cannot see how this can be considered as war on American commerce when all other Ameri- can trade but that which is carried on with our en- emy's ports in defiance of a blockade authorized by the laws of retaliation is unaffected by it. We com- plain that America does not resist the regulations of theBerhn and Milan Decrees, and object to permit- ting the French to trade with her during their con- tinuance agamst the commerce of England ; but this is not exacting, as has been represented, that Ameri- ca should force British manufactures into France ; it is pursuing only a just course of retaliation on our enemy. If America wishes to trade with France, if French commerce is of importance to her — we expect she should exact of France to trade with her as she has a right to demand in her quality of neutral ; but if she does not choose to exercise this right, all we ask is, that she should abstain from lending her assistance to the trade of France, and not allow her commerce to be a medi- um of undermining the resources of Great-Britain. I have thought it necessary thus to endeavor to set these two pouUs in their true light : the repeal of the law was asked, as being an unfriendly measure, partial in its operation against Great-Britain, and a prospect of retaliation was held out on its commer- cial operation if continued. This is no demand on the United States to admit British manufactures ; they are at liberty to continue that law, only as it is of an unfriendly nature, some restiiction of a similar HISTORY OP THE WAR. 79 kind was to be expected from England : and with respect to the alledged demand for forcing British goods, the property of neutrals, into French ports, if the United States are willing to acquiesce in the regu- lations of the French Decrees unlawfully aftecting' England through them, tliey cannot surely be surpris- ed if we consider ourselves as at liberty to refuse per- mission to the French to profit by that acquiescence. I will now, sir, take the opportunity of staling to you, that I have received from his Majesty's Secretary of State, the correspondence of which you did me the honor to transmit to me a copy in }our letter dated Oct. ]7. My govenmieut have not been able to see in it satisfactory proof of the repealof the French De- crees, and doubt whether the trade carried on by li- cences between France and^Ainerica, will not be re- garded, even here, as proof of ihe continuation of them in their fullest extent, for if they viere to any extent repealed, to that extent at least no licence should be necessary, a licence being given to allow what, but for that licCiice, would be prohibited. The continued absence hitherto of any instrument by which the repeal has been effected, is a matter also of surprise, for if there were any fair dealing in the tra; saction, no reason can be given by Fraiice for not producing it ; it is very desirable that it should be produced, if such an instrument be in existence, in order that we may know to what extent the Decrees have been repealed, if they really have been so in any respect. Mr. Russell however, does not appear to have been in possession of it at the date of his letter of last July. It is indeed become particu arly inter- esting, that we should see this instrument smce the publication of Mr. Russell's correspondence with his own government, bv which it appears that really, aiid in fact the French government did not release any American ships taken afser jNovember 1, until they had become acquainted with the President's Proclama-^ tion, and that vessels have been taken so late as De- cember 21, in the direct voyage irom this couiiliy tp &) HISTORY OP THE WAR. London ; for until a copy of such instrument is pro» duced, it is impossible to know whether any other trade is allowed by France than that between her owa dominions and the ports of the United States. I have the honor to be, with the hig^hest considera- tion, sir, your most obedient humble servant, AUGUSTUS J. FOSTER. To the hon. James Monrvet 6lc. Mr. 3Ionroe to Mr. Foster. Department of State Jan. 14, 1812. SIR. 1 have had the honor to receive your letter of De- cember 17th, and I embrace the tirst moment that I could command, to make the observations which it suggests. It would ha^ve afforded great satisfaction to the President, to have found in the communication, some proof of a dispositionin the British governmentto put ail end to the differences subsisting between our countries. — I am sorry to be obliged to state, that it presents a new proof only of its determination to ad- here to the policy, to which they are imputable. You complain that the import of your former letters has been misunderstood in two important circumstan- ces : that you have been represented to have demand- ed of the United States, a law for the introduction of British goods into their ports, and that tiiey should al- so undertake to force France to receive British manu- factures into her harbors. You state that on the first point, it was your inten- tion only to remonstrate against the non-importation act, as partial \\\ its operation, and unfriendly to Great- Britain, on which account its repeal was claimed, and to intimate lliat if it was persevered in, Great-Britain would be compelled to retaliate on the commerce of the United States, by similar restrictions on her part. HISTORY OF THE WAR. S\ And on the second point, that you intended only to urge, that in consequence of the extiaordiiirry bh ck- adeof England, your government had been obliged to blockade France, and to prohibit all trade in French articles, in return for the prohibition by France of all trade in English articles. It is sufficient to remark on the first point, that on whatever ground the repeal of the non-impoilation act is required, the United States are justitied in adher- ing to it, by the refusal of the British government to repeal its Orders in Council; and if a distinction is thus produced between Great-Britain and the other belligerent, it must be referred to the difl'erence in the conduct of the two parties. On the second point, I have to observe that the ex- planation given cannot be satisfactory, because it does not meet the case now existing. France did, it is true, declare a blockade of England, against the trade of the United States, and prohibit all tiade in English articles on the high seas, but this blockade and prohi- bition no longer exist. — It is true also, that a part of those Decrees, did prohibit a tradein English articles, within her territorial jurisdiction ; but this prohibition violates no national rights, or neutral commerce of the United States. Still your blockade and prohibi- tion are continued, in violation of the national and neu- tral rights of the United States, on a pretext of retalia- tion, which, if even applicable could only be applied to the former, and not to the latter interdicts : and it is required that Finance shall change her internal regu- lations against English trade, before England will change her external regulations against the trade of the United Stales. But you sliil insist that the French Decrees are un- revoked, cuid urge in proof of it, a fact drawn from IMr. liusseli s correspondence, that some American vessels have been taken since the 1st of November, in their route to England. It is a satisfactory answer to this remark, that it appears by the same correspon- dence, that every American vessel whirh had bc^n IJ S2 HISTORY OF THE WAR. taken in that trade, Ihe seizure of whicb rtsted on the Berlin and Milan Decrees only, were, as soon as that fact was ascertained, delivered up to their owners* Might there not be other gound also, on which seiz- ures might be made ? Great-Britain claims a right to seize for other causes, and all nations admit it in the case of contraband of war. If bv the law of nations, one belligerent has a right to seize neutral property in any case, the other belligerent has the same right. Nor ought I to overlook that the practice of counter- feiting American papers in England, which is well known to the continent, has by impairing the faith due to American documents, done to the United States essential injury. Against this practice the minister of the United Stales at London, as will appear by refer- ence to his letter to the Marquis Wellesley ot the 3d of May, 1810, made a formal representation, in pur- suance of instructions from his government, with an offer of every information possessed by him, which might contribute to detect and suppress it. It is pain- ful to add that this communication was entirely dis- regarded. That Great-Britain should complain of acts in France, to which by her neglect, she was in- strumental, and draw from them proof in sjipport of her Orders in Council, ought certainly not to have been expected. You remark also, that the practice of the Frenclt goveniment to grant licences to certain American vessels, engaged in the trade between the United States and France, is an additional proof that the French Decrees still operate in their fullest extent. On what principle this inference is drawn from that fact it is impossible for me to conceive. It was not the object of the Berlin and Mdan Decrees to pro- hibit the trade between the United States and France, They w ere meant to prohibit the trade of the United States with Great-Britain, which violated our neutral rights, and to prohibit the trade of Great-Britain with the continent, with which the United States have nothing to do. If the object had been to prohibit the HISTORY OP THE WAR. 83 trade between the United States and France, Great- Britain could never have found in them any pretext for complaint. And if the idea of retaliation, could in any respect have been a|)plioable, it would have been by prohibiting- our trade with herself. To pro- hibit it with France, would not have been a retaliation, but a co-operation. If licencing by France the trade in certain instances, prove any thing, it proves nothing more than that the trade with France in other instances, is under restraint. It seems impossible to extract from it in any respect, that the Berlin and Mi- lan Decrees are in force, so far as they prohibit the trade between the United States and England. I might here repeat the French practice of granting li- cences to trade between the United States and France, may have been intended in part, at least as a security against the simulated papers ; the forging of which was not suppressed in England. It is not to be in- fered from these remarks, that a trade by licence, is one with which the United States are satisfied. They have the strongest objections to it, but these are found- ed on other principles, than those suggested in your note. It is a cause of great surprise to the President, that your government has not seen in the corres[)ondence of Mr. Russell, which I had the honor to commu- nicate to you on the I7th of October last, and which has been lately transmitted to you by your govern- ment, sufficient proof of the repeal of the Berlin and M.Ian Decrees, independant of the conclusive evi- dence of the fact, which that correspondence afford- ed ; it was not to be presumed from the intimation of the Marquis of Wellesley, that if it was to be trans- mitted to you, to be taken into consideration in the depending discussions, that it was of a nature to have no weight in these discussions. The demand which you now make of a view of the order given by the French government to its cruiz- ers, in consequence of the repeal of the French De- crees, is a new proof of its indisposition to repeal the 81 HISTORY OF THE WAR. Orders in Council. The declaration of the French o-overnmeut was, as has been heretofore observed, a solemn and obligatory act, and as such entitled to the TiotK e and respect Oi other governments. It was m- cumbenton Great- Britain, therefore, ni iulhhnent ot her engagement, to have provided that her Orders m Cv>unnUliould not have effect, after the time fixed ior the cessation of the French Decrees. A pretension m Greal-Biitain to keep her Orders m lorce till she received satisfaction of the practical compliance ot France, is utterly incompatible with her pledge. A doubt, founded on any smgie act, however unauthor- ised, committeil by a French privateer, might, on that principle, become a motive ior delay and refusal. A suspicion that such acts would be committed might have the same effect ; and in like manner her compli- ance might be withheld as long at the war continued. But let me here remark, that if there was room tor a question, whether the French repeal did, or did not take effect, at the date announced by France, and required by the United States, it cannot be alledged that the Decrees have not ceased to operate since the 2d of February last, as heretofore observed. And as the actual cessation of the Decrees to violate our neu- tral rights, was the only essential fact in the case, and has long been known to your government, the Orders in Council, from the date of that knowledge, ought to have ceased, according to its own principles and pledges. -, But the question whether and when the repeal ot the Berlin and Milan Decrees took effect in relation to the neutral commerce of the United States, is super- ceded by the novel and extraordinary claim of Great- Britam to a trade m British articles, with her enemy ; for supposing the repeal to have taken place, in the fullest extent claimed by the United States, it could according to that claim, have noeffect in removing the Orders in Council. On a full view of the conduct of the Bntish gov- ernment in these transactions, it is impossible to see HISTORY OP THE WAR. 85 in it any tiling short of a spirit of determined hostility to the rights and interests of the United Stales.— It issned the Orders in Council, on a principle of retaliation on France, at a time when it admitted the French Decrees to be ineifectual; it lias sustained those Orders in full force since, notwithstanding* the pretext for them has been removed, and latterly it has added a new condition of their repeal, to be performed by France, to which the United States in then" neutral character, have no claim; and could not demand, without departing from their neutrality, a condition which, in respect to the com- merce of other nations With Great-Britain, is repug- nant to her own policy, and prohibited by her own laws, and which can never be enforced on any nation without a subversion of its sovereignty and indepen- dence. I have the honor to be, Sec. JAxMFS MONROE Augustus J. Foster, SCc. CHAPTER III. PRESIDENT'S MANIFESTO. To the Senate and House of Representatives of the tuited States. ' I communicate to Congress certain documents, be- ing a continuation of those heretofore laid before them, on the subject, of our affairs with Great-Britain. Without going back beyodd the renewal in 1803, of the war in which Great-Britain is engaged, and omit- ting unrepaired wrongs of inferior magnitude, the conduct of her government presents a series of acts hostile to the United States as an independent and neutral nation. -86 HISTORY OF THE WAR. British cruizers have been in the continued prac- tice of violating- the American flag-, on the great highway of nations, and ofseizingandcarrying-off per- sons sailing under it: not in the exercise of a belli- gerent right, founded on the law of nations against an enemy, but of a municipal prerogative over Bri- tish subjects. British jurisdictioii is thus extended to neutral vessels in a situation where no laws can op- erate but the law of nations and the laws of the coun- try to which the vessels belong ; and a self redress is assumed, which, if British subjects were wrongtully detained and alone concerned, is that substitution of force for a resort to the responsible sovereign, which falls within the definition of war. Could the seizure of British subjects, in such cases be regarded as with- in the exercise of a belligerent right, the acknowl- edged laws of war,^ which forbid an article of captur- ed property to be adjudged, without a regular investi- gation before a competent tribunal, would imperious- ly demand the fairest trial wiiere the sacred rights of persons were at issue. In place of such a trial, these rights are subjected to the will of every petty com- mander. The practice, hence, is so far from affecting British subjects alone, that under the pretext of searcliing for these, thousands of American citizens, under the safe- guard of public law, and of their national flag, have been torn from their country, and trom every thing- dear to them; have been dragged on board ships of war of a foreign nation, and exposed under the sever- ities of their discipline, to be exiled to the most dis- tant and deadly climes, to risk their lives in the bat- tles of their oppressoi-s, and to be the melancholy in- struments of taking away those of their own brethren. Against this crying enormity, which Great-Britain would l)e so prompt to avenge if committed against herself, the United Stales have in vain exhausted re- monstrances and expostulations. And that no proof might be wanting of their conciliatory dispositions, and no pretext left for the continuance of the practice. HISTORY OF THE WAR. ft7 the British government was formally assured of the readiness ot" the United Slates lo enter into arrange- ments, such as could not be rejected, if the recovery of British subjects were the real and the sole object. The communication passed without effect. British cruizers have been in the practice also of violating the rights and the peace of our coasts. They hover over and harrass our entering and departing commerce. To the most insulting pretensions they have added the most lawless proceedings in our very harbors ; and have wantonly spill American blood within the sanctuary of our territorial jurisdiction. The principles and rules enforced by that nation, when a neutral nation, against armed vessels of belliger- ents hovering near her coasts, and disturbing her commerce are well known. When called on never- theless, by the United States to punish the greater offences committed by her own vessels, her govern- ment has bestowed on [hew commanders additional marks of honor and confidence. Under pretended blockades, without the presence of an adequate force, and sometimes without the prac- ticability of applying one, our commerce has been plundered in every sea : the great staples of our coun- try have been cut off from their legitimate markets; and a destructive blow aimed at our agricultural and maritime interests. In aggravation of these preda- tory measures, they have been considered as in force from the dates of their notification j a retrospective effect being thus added, as has been done in other important cases, to the unlawfulness of the course pursued. And to render the outrage the more signal, these mock blockades have been reiterated and en- forced in the face of official communications from the British government declarinoc as the true definition of a legal blockade, * that particular ports must be ac- tually invested, and previous warning given to ves- sels bound to them, not to enter.' Not content witli these occasional expedients for laying waste our neutral trade., the cabinet of Great si HISTORY OF THE WAR. Britain resorted, at Ien2:tb to the s\Aeeping system of blockades, under the name of the Orders in Council, which has been moulded and managed, as might best suit its political views, its commercial jealousies, or the avidity of British cruizei-s. To our remonstrances ag-ainst the complicated and transcendant injustice of this innovation, the tirMt re- ply was that the Orders were reluctantly adopted by Great-Britain as a necessary retaliation on Decrees of her enemy proclaiming a general blockade of the British isles, at a time when the naval force of that enemy dared not to issue from his own ports. She was reminded, without effect, that her own prior blockade, unsupported by an adequate naval force actually ap- plied and continued, were a bar to this plea : that ex- ecuted Edicts against niHlions of our property could Tjot be retaliation on Edicts confessedly impossible to be executed : that retaliation, to be just, should fall on the party setting the g^uilty exam[»le, not on an innocent party, which Mas not even chargeable \> ilh an acquiescence in it. When deprived of this flimsey veil for a prohibi- tion of our trade with her enemy, by the repeal of his prohibition of our trade with Great-Britain, her cabi- net, mstead of a corresponding repeal or a practical discontinuance of its Orders, formally avowed a de- termination to persist in them against the United States, until tl.e mai ketir of her enemy should be laid open to Briti>h products; thus assertmg an ohligation on a neutral po\>er to require ore belligerent to en- courage, bv its internal reijulations, the trade of another be I lifferent ; contradiclmg her oMn practice towards all nations in peace as well as in Mar; and betraying the insincerity ot those protessions whuh inculcated a beliet that, haNing resorted to her Or- ders with regret, she was anxious to tind an occa- sion for puttntg an end to them. Abandoning still more, all respect for the neutral rights of the United Slates, and for its own consisten- cy, the British government now demands as prc-re- HISTORY OF TH£ WAR. ^9 qoisites to a repeal of its Orders, as thev relate to the United States, that a formality should he ob>erv ed id the repeal of the French Decrees nowise necesmry to their termination, nor exemplified b? Bntish usag^e ; and that the French repeal, besides uicluumg that portion of the Decrees which operates \%ttbiD a terri- torial jurisdiction as well as that which operates on the hig^h seas affajust tlie commerce of the United States, should not be a single special repeal in rtla- tionto the United States, but should be extended to whatever neutral nattuns unconnected with ihem may be atfected b\ those Decrees. And as an additional insult, they are call#d on for a formal disavowal of condition and pretensions advanced by the French gfovernmeiit, for which the United States are so far from having; made themsehes responsible, that, in official explanations, which havt been published to the world, and in a correspondence, of the American minister at London, with the British mmister for foreign aflairs, such a responMbility was explicitly and emphaticillv disclaimed. It has become indeed sufficiently certain that the commerce of the United Stales is to be sacnticed, not as interferiiiar with the belligerent rights of Great- Britain, not as supplving the wants other enemies, which she herself supplies, but as interfering with the raonoply which she covets for her own commerce and navigation. She carries on a war against the lawful commerce of a friend, that she may the better carry on a commerce with an enemy, a commerce, polluted bv tlie forgeries and perjuries which are for the most part the only passports by w hich it can suc- ceed. Anxious to make every experiment short of the last resort of injured nations, the United States have Withheld from Great-Britain, under successive modi- fications, the benetils of a free intercourse with their market, the loss of which couid not but outweigh tlie profits accruing from her restrictions of our commerce with other nations. And to entitle tbe>^ experiment? 1-? 90 HISTORY OF Tilt WAR. to the more favcMable consideration, lley were so framed as to enable her to ]»lare her adversary under theexclusi^e operation of them. To these appeals her government has been equally inflexible, as it wil- ling to make sacrifices of every sort, rather than yield to the claims ot justice, or renounce the errors of a talse pride. IVay, so tar were the attempts car- ried, to overcome the attachment of the British cabi- net to its unjust Edicts, that it received every en- couragement, within the competency of the Execu- tive branch of our government, to exj^ect that a re- peal of them v^ouid be followed bv a war between the United .States and France, unless the French Edicts should also be repealed. Even this communication, although sdencing for ever the plea of a disposition in the United States to acquiece in those Edicts, ori- ginally the sole plea for them, received no attention. If no other proof existed of a predetermination of the British government against a repeal of its Orders, it might be found in the corres|>ondence of the Minis- ter Plenipotentiary of the United Stales at London, and the British Secretary forForeijiu Aftairsin 1810, on the question whether the blockade of May, iJ^^iAi, was considered as in force, or as not in force. It had been ascertained that the French government, which urged this blockade as the ground of its Berlin De- cree, was willing, in the event of itsrenioral,lo repeal that Decree ; which being followed by alternate re- peals of the other oftensive Edicts, might abolish the whole system on both sides. This inviting oporluni- ty for accomplishing an object so important to the United States and professed so oiten to be the desire ot both the lielligerents, was made known to the Bri- tish gc\ ernment. As that government adunts that an actual application of an adequate force is necessary to the existence of a legal blockade : and it was no- torious, that if such a force had ever been applied, its kn:g discontinuance had annulled the blockade in question, there could be no sufficient objection on the part ot Greal-Britain 'o a fornial revocation of it ; HISTORY OF THE WAR, 91 and no imn^inable objection to a declaralion of the f;ict tli.it the block-d principles Oi" blockade, nnd would have enabled the United States to deraund iVom France the pledcTcd re- peal of her Decrees : either with snccess, iu which case the wav would have b?e;i opened for a sreneral repeal of the bellioerent Edicts: or without success, in which case the Cnited States would have been jus- titied in turning' their measures exclu>ivelv ni^ainst France. The British g^overnment w-mld, Iwwever, neither rescind the blockade nor declare its non-exis- tence ; nor permit its non-e\i*;tenc3 to be inferred and affirmed by the American Pienipotentiary. On tl)e contrarv by representing- the blockade to be compre- hended in the Orders in Council, the Lnited I^lates were compelled so to regard it in their subsequent pro- ceed in £fs. There was a period when a favorable clian.;e in the policv of the British cabinet was ju>tlv considered as established. The muiister Pleuipolentiarv of his Britannic Majesty here proposed an adjustnient of the differences more immedirwtely enJaut^'ering the harmony of the two countries. The proposition was accepted with a promptitude and cordiality corres- ponding with the invariable professions of this jTovcrn- ment. A foundation appeared to he Iviid for a sincere and lasting reconciliation. — The prospect, however, quickly vanished. The whole proce^dina: was disa- vowed by the Brilij^h government without anv exphi- nation which could at that time repress the beliet", that the disavowal proceeded from a spirit of hostdity to ^ Uie commercial rights and jMosperitv of the United / States. And it has since come into proof, that at the very moment when the public minister w;ls holding the language of friendship, and inspiring coululencc in the smcerity of the negociation with which he was charged, a seci*et agent of his government was em- ployed in intrigues, having for their object a subver- sion of our government, and a dismtiuin rm: i^l of our happy Union. '<^i mmi&f^ Of THE WJft. Li ierie w M i ij the Ci W» l wgt of Great-Bnto towaDdf iWfFHtcd Staie% oar flteotiaa isaec<«ar9f drnnito die m mtut jtn^ remewed br iIk vtv^e^ on one of oar I ; a warure wl»di w kaotm to fpare 9^ QorseXy oaa to W ^MtmcvMlMa hy Ma^ tsre« pecmiaHT liirtHrwi^ to lpom> tut. It is diAeoU to aeeoMt fiir tlie acttritr an4 cjnilnajt ioag wkicfc lore itr «MMet»ebeefl ifc * i^ t^ m ^immu^ wetmt/mf^ tkt trihe* Ml conaijBt it< t ' go «. ^^n r. i/.«o»i W at alffiani inlemiledf aud -vrhtdi fo ti«M3« of war it tlie heo^ t^> mlttiat^ iht mnSnsd atdr?if«Uf^e«of am active fjmui^^tet, and coflKilisxtaoa Itn^ hsad t>'. -i*-^. tlnni t We h t hM otif «#rai>- 'oroiir$«»^ uiA iadttatiT, or reUirviiug with tiie jHvcixxis v>t" tht~ro, wresfteti Iroui their lavilul ^^ > - ^* ^^- ' "".fi&calevl bv priae conrts no loni^^tTthc ^ ic Iav». bni Ibe inslnimeutii ot" arinlrarv EacU; and th^ir untor- tttfiate creus ilwijHrseil nnd lo>t.ortorceilor inre'^i-^ id British |K>i-ts iu:o Br.U>h tlects ; whiUt argn- ■MMls im w a;;\un?it ihe UuileJ Statt^s, auul ommit ajiislcausr inia Um hands ot" the Aim i;;ht\ dis,>c\s«r ot avodliny all eonucvtions \^u«rh m .^ht etUan^ the contests or Tieu^ oi Q\hcr powers, and prt>cr> u. :: i lilbllslM , . . ^ . . - . ^.. . tion, uhich the coastitutKHi wisely contidi-^ to IV lis|fislati>e i\\^ of the ^>vei anient. \i\ ■Madiiig \\ to . ,ly ilehl^eratKms, I ;m ill the assurance that the iK^oisK>n will be Wi>rthy the ■ . v^lic CoiuiciU ofaxirtuvHis a , > V ation. ilavuijv i^nsenltxi this view of ih*^ rvlalioiis of tht^ U. States with Cm '' V V ^ \ tive jirvnvMiii- out o conmuuuoationsUist made tot.\Mii;ussoulhesub)iOtol our rt»Utioiis \uth K ■ ! }ia>o show; '' the ix»vov\UKni ol ; ^ as thev > omitDil n^lits of the I" inttHi Stales, her gvveniuKMii has rtuthoriMil ilU^^al ,- > - < »,y |js pri\ \ ^ uui ;>ublicsiii|Vs auvl llul V . .,vs hd\e xc 94 HISTORY or THE VTAR- , tised OB ow resaels aad cilize&s. It u ill hare been sees ako, Uut no iodeninity had be^i proritled, or s^UiClclorilj pledged, for the extens' iations ijiWHiilTril under the violeat and retro > orders of Ak French goTemmeat acraiost the propertv ot oar ^rtip**g»« seized withiii the jansdictioo of Praoce. I dhriaia it tkis time frooi recoanneiiding' io the consid- eration of Congress dt^nitire measares with respect to tkd ■alion, itt the expeciaiion. thai the result of uo- cloatd dtfica»aons between our 3Iioi!^ter Pjenif>otea- tizrj at Pans and theFreoch goverameot will ^peed- iIt enable Coogre&s to decide, with greater advan- tage, on die. coiB'Be doe to the rights the interests, aad the booor of oar coontrv. JAMES MADISON. "Washlngtox, Jane Isl, l5l2. rni or THE CoiL ox FoRtiGX Relations. Tke eomauUet on Forti^A Relaliom* io mJkom tan re- Jered tkt Menage of the Preiident of tke Lmied ataUs rftheUt ofJu»e^ lSi-2. REPORT— That aiier the experience wbidi the United SiaieK fane bad of the greart nQnrfice of the BntiUi govem- seal toradt tbea^ exesplified \yy to man j acts of Ti nlrfniad np| i rr iiiiin , rt~ 11 ^" tt ^-^^i* *^j»- tify to tke ia^iartnl worid thfcir poftieat forbearance, ikaa Ike ■teasuret to which it baak.beoome riec4bs«arv to resort, to avenge the wrongs, and vmdicaie the figbU and honor of tbe nation. Yoor committee are bappv^ to ofaMTie oo a dtvpsMUooate review of the con- duct of tbe Cuit/ed Siate% tbattbej see m it no caose Wcewsare. If a long fort^a.rance under injoriet ought erer to be eoesadered a virtae in any nation, it i» one «h;< h pccidiari; becomes tisie United f^tate». No people «v«r bad stroi^er motives to rbcTMh peace — none bave erer cberif^-cd it with greaier sincerity and 7^i3. 9i li» l«§t «:sr Icdl ^ lite w«r. «Mi ta n a ynin. t» k an -nji^i^»a^ IT 98 HISTORY OF THE WAR. might give the most deadly wound to our inlerests. A trade just in itself, which was secured by so many strong and sacred pledges, was considered safe. — Our citizens with their usual industry and enterprise had embarked in it a vast proportion of their ship- ping, and of their capital, which were at sea, under 110 other protection than the law of nations, and the confidetice which they reposed in the justice and friendship of the British nation. At this period the miexpected blow was given. Many of our vessels were seized, carried into port and condemned by a tribunal, which, while it professes to respect the law of nations, obeys the mandates of its own government. Hundreds of other vessels were driven from the ocean, and trade itself in a great measure suppressed. The effect produced by this attack on the lawful com- merce of the United States was such as might have been expected from a virtuous, independent, and highly injured people. But one sentiment pervaded the whole American nation. No local interests were regarded — no sordid motives felt. Without looking to the parts which suffered most, the invasion of our rights was considered a common cause, and from one extremity of our Union to the other, was heard, the voice of an united people, calling on their gov- ernment to avenge their wrongs and vindicate the rights and honor of the country. From this period the British government has gone on in a continued encroachment on the rights and in- terest of the United States, disregarding in its course, in many instances, obligations which have heretofore been held sacred by civilized nations. In May, 1806, the whole coast of the continent, from the Elbe to Brest inclusive, was declared to be in a slate of blockade. By this act, the well estab- lished principles of the law of nations, principles which have served for ages as guides, and lixed the boundary between the rights of belligerents and neu- trals, were violated ; by the law ol nations, as re- CQguized by Great-Britain herself, no blockade is HISTORY OF THE WAR. 99 lawful, unless it be sustained by the application of an adequate force, and that an adequate force was ap- phed to this blockade, in its full extent, ought not to be pretended. Whether Great-Britain was able to maintain, leg-ally, so extensive a blockade, consider^ ing the war in which she is engaged, requiring such extensive naval operations, is a question which is no! necessary at this time to exanune. It is sufficient to be known, that such force was not applied, and this is evident from the terms of the blockade itself, bv which, comparatively, an inconsiderable portion of the coast only was declared to be in a state of strict and rigorous blockade. Tiie objection to the meas- ure is not diminished by that circumstance. If Ihe force was not applied, the blockade was unlawful, from whatever cause the failure might proceed. The belligerent who institutes the blockade cannot absolve itself from the obligation to apply the force under any pretext whatever. For a belligerent to relax a blockade, which it could not maintain, it would be a refinement in injustice not less insulting to the under- standing than repugnant to the law of nations. To claim merit for the mitigation of an evil, which the party either had not the power or found it inconveni- ent to inflict, would be a new mode of encroachino- on neutral rights. Your committee think it just to remark, that this act of the British government does not appear to have been adopted in the sense in which it has been since construed. On consideration of all the circumstances attending the measure, and parti- cularly the character of the distinguished statesman who announced it, we are persuaded that it was con- ceived in a spirit of conciliation, and intended to lead to an accommodation of all differences between the United States and Great-Britain. His death disap- pointed that hope, and the act has since become sub- servient to other purposes. It has been made by his successors a pretext for that vast system of usurpa- tion, which has so long oppressed and harrassed our commerce. 100 HtSTORY or THE WAR. The next act of the British government which claims onr attention is the Orders in Council of Jan. 7, 1807, by which neutral powers are prohibited tra- ding from one port to another of France or her alHes, or any other country with which Great-Britain might not freely trade. By this order the pretension of England, heretofore claimed by every other power, to prohibit neutrals disposing of parts of their cargoes at different ports of the same enemy, is revived and With vast accumulation of injury. Every enemy, howe- great the number or distance from each other, is con- sideied one, and the like trade even with powers at peace with England, who from motives of policy had excluded or restrained her commerce, was also pro- hibited. In this act the British government evident- ly disclaimed all regard for neutral rights. Aware that the measures authorised by it could find no pre- text in any belligerent right, none was urged. To prohibit the sale of our produce, consisting of innocent articles at any port of a belligerent, not blockaded, to consider every belligerent as one, and subject neu- trals to the same restraint with all, as if there was but one, were held encroachments. But to restrain or in any manner interfere with our commerce with neutral nations with whom Great-Britain was at peace, and against whom she had no justifiable cause of war, for the sole reason, that they restrained or excluded from their ports her commerce, was utterly incompat- ible with the pacific relictions subsisting between the two countries. We proceed to bring into view the British Order in Council of November lllh, 1807, which superced- ed every other order, and consummated that system of hostility on the commerce of the United Stales which has been since so steadily pursued. By this Order all France and her allies and every other coun- try at war with Great-Britain, or with which she was not at war, from which the British fiag was ex- cluded, and all the colonies of her enemies were sub- jected to the same restrictions as if they were actuali- HISTORY OF THE AVAR. 101 )y blockaded in the most strict and rigorous manner, and all trade in articles the produce and manufacture of the said countries and colonies and the vessels en- gaged in it were subjected to capture and condemna- tion as lawful prize. To this order certain exceptions were made which we forbear to notice becaue they were not adopted from a regard to neutral rights, but were dictated by policy to promote the commerce of England, and so far as they related to neutral powers, were said to emanate from the clemency of the British government. It would be superfluous in your committee to state, that by this order the British government declared direct and positive war against the United States. The dominon of the ocean was completely usurped by it, all commerce forbidden, and every flag driven from it, or subjected to capture and condemnation, whichdidnotsubservethepolicy of the British govern- ment by paying it a tribute and saihng under its sanc- tion. From this period the United States having in- curred the heaviest losses and most mortifying humilia- itons. They have borne the calamities of war with- out retorting them on its authors. So far your committee has presented to the view of the House the aggressions which have been commit- ted under the authority of the British government on the commerce of the United States. We will now proceed to other wrongs which have been still mote severely felt. Among these is the impressment of our seamen, a practice which has beew unceasingly maintained by Great-Britain in the wars to which she has been a party since our revolution. Your com- mittee cannot convey in adequate terms the deep sense which they entertain of the injustice and oppression of this proceeding. Under the pretext of impressing British seamen, our fellow citizens are seized in British ports, on the high seas, and in every other quarter to which the British power extends, are taken on board British men of war, and compelled to serve there as British subjects. In this mode our citizens are wan- 102 HISTOBY or THE WAR. tonly snatched from their country and their families, deprived of their hberty, and doomed to an ignomin- ious and slavish bondage, compelled to tight the bat- tles of a foreign country, and often to perish in them. Our flag has given them no protection ; it has been unceasingly violated, and our vessels exposed to dan- ger by the loss of the men taken from them. Your committee need not remark that whde the practice is continued, it is impossible for the United States to consider themselves an independent nation. Every new case is a new proof of their degradation. Its continuance is the more unjustifiable, because the United States have repeatedly proposed to the British government an arrangement which would secure to it the control of its own people. An exemption of the citizens of the United States from this degrading oppression, and their flag from violation, is all that they have sought. This lawless waste of our trade, and equally unlaw- ful impressment of our seamen, have been much ag- gravated by the insults and indignities attending them. Under the pretext of blockading the harbors of France and her allies, British squadrons have been stationed on our own coast, to watch and annoy our own trade. To give effect to the blockade of European ports, the ports and harbors of the United States have been blockaded. In executing these orders of the British government, or in obeying the spirit which was known to animate it, the commanders of these squad- rons have encroached on our jurisdiction, seized our vessels, and curried into effect impressments within our limits, and done other acts of great injustice, vio- lence, and oppression. The United States have seen, with mingled indignation and surprise, that these acts, instead of procuring to the perpetrators the pun- ishment due to unauthorised crimes, have not failed to recommend them to the favor of their govern- ment. Whether the British government has contributed by active measures to excite against us the hostility HISTORY OF THE WAR. 108 of the savage tribes on our frontiers, your committee are not disposed to occupy much time in investigat- ing. Certain indications of general notoriety may supply the place of authentic documents ; though these have not been wanting to establish the fact in some instances. It is known that symptoms of Bri- tish hostility towards the United States, have never failed to produce corresponding symptoms among those tribes. It is also well known, that on all such occasions, abundant supplies of the ordinary muni- tions of war have been afforded by the agents of Bri- tish commercial companies, and even from British garrisons, wherewith they were enabled to commence that system of savage warfare on our frontiers, which has been at all times indiscriminate in its effect, on all ages, sexes and conditions, and so revolting to hu- manity. Your committee would be much gratified if they could close here the detail ot" British wrongs — but it is their duty to lecite another act of still greater ma- lignity, than any of those which have been already brouglit to your view. The attempt to dismember our Union, and overthrow our excellent constitu- tion, by a secret mission, the object of which was to foment discontent and excite insurrection against the constituted authorities and laws of the nation, as lately disclosed by the agent employed in it, affords full proof that there is no bound to the hostility of the British government towards the United Slates — no act, however unjustifiable, which it would not com- mit to accomplish their ruin. This attempt excites the greater horror from the consideration that it was made while the United Stales and Great-Britain were at peace, and an amicable negociation was depending between them for the accommodation of their differ- ences, through public ministers, regularly authorised for the purpose. The United States have beheld, with unexampled for- bearance, this continued series of hostile encroachment*; on tlieir rights and interests, in the hope, that, yield- 104 HISTORY OP THE WAR. ing- to the force of friendly remonstrances, often repeated, the British government might adopt a more just pohcy towards them ; but that hope no longer exists. They have also weighed impartially the reai- sons which have been urged by the British govern- ment m vindication of these encroachments, and found in them neither justification or apology. The British government has alleged in vindication of the Orders in Council that they were resorted to as a retaliation on France, for similar aggressions com- mitted by her on our neutral trade with the British dominions. But how has this plea been supported ? The dates of British and French aggressions are well known to the world. Their origin and progress have been marked with too wide and destructive a waste of the property of our fellow-citizens to have been forgotten. The Decree of Berlin of November 21st. 1806, was the first aggression of France in the present war. Eighteen months had then elapsed, af- ter the attack made by Great-Britain on our neutral trade, with the colonies of France and her allies, and six months from the date of the proclamation of May, 1800. Even on the 7th Jan. 1807, the date of the first British Order in Council, so short a term had elapsed, after the Belin Decree, that it was hardly posible that the intelligence of it should have reached the United Slates. A retaliation which is to pro- duce its etiect, by operating on a neutral power ought not to be resorted to, till the neutral had justified it by a culpable acquiescence in the unlawful act of the other belligerent. It ought to be delayed until after sufhcient time had been allowed to the neutral tore- nionstrate against the measure complained of, to re- ceive an answer, and to act on it, winch had not been done in the present instance ; and when the Order of November lUh was issued, it is well known that a minister of France had declared to the minister plen~ ipoleiitiary of the United, States at Pans, that it was not intended that the Decree of Berlin should apply to the United Stales, it is equally well known that HISTORY OF THE WAR. 105 BO American vessel had then been condemned under it, or seizure been made, with which the British gov- ernment was acquainted. The facts prove incontesti- bly, thatthe measures of France, however unjustifiable in themselves, were nothino^ more than a pretext for tliose of England. And of the insufficiency of that pre- text, ample proof has already been afforded by the British g^overnment itself, and in the most impressive form. Although it was declared that the Orders in Council were retaliatory on France for her Decrees, it was also declared, and in the Orders themselves, that owing to the superiority of the British navy, by which the fleets of France and her allies were confined with- in their own ports, the French Decrees were consider- ed only as empty threats. It is no justification of the wrongs of one power, that the like were committed by another ; nor ought the fact, if true, to have been urged by either, as it could afford no proof of its love of justice, of its magnanimity, or even of its courage. It is more worthy the government of a great nation, to relieve than to assail the injured. Nor can a repetition of the wrongs by another power, repair the violated rights, or wounded honor, of the injured party. An utter inability alone to resist, would justify a quiet surren- der of our rights, and degrading submission to the will of others. To that condition the United States are not reduced, nor do they fear it. That they ever consented to discuss with either the misconduct of the other, is a proof of their love of peace, of their moderation, and of the hope which they still indulg- ed, that friendly appeals to just and generous senti- ments would not be made to them in vain. But the motive was mistaken, if their forbearance was im- puted, either to the want of a just sensibility to their wrongs, or of a determination, if suitable redress was not obtained, to resent them. The time has now ar- rived when this system of reasoning must cease. It would be insulting to repeat it. It would be degrad- ing to hear it. The United States must act as an in- 14 ^^ »«» tgm BJij jjbwf IT ^ ^^.4e -c»- "r-»a*^ii Bsr ««ui ,-, '-^'X ^ 'civ 108 HISTORY OF THE WAR. their oppressors to deliver them up, are encroach- uients of that high and dangerous tendency which could not fail to produce that pernicious etlect, nor would those be the only consequences that would re- sult from it. The British government might for a while, be satisfied with the ascendency thus gained over us, but its pretensions would soon increase. The proof which so complete and disgraceful a sub- mission to its authority, would afford of our degene- racy, could not fail to inspire contidence that there was no limit to which its usurpations, and our degra- dation might not be carried. Your committee, believing that the freeborn sons of America are worthy to enjoy the liberty which their fathers purchased at the price of so much blood and treasure, and seeing, in the measures adopted by Great-Britain, a course commenced and persisted in, which might lead to a loss of national character and independence, feel no hesitation in advising resistance by force, in which the Americans of the present day will prove to the enemy and the world, that we have not only inherited that liberty which our fathers gave us, but also the will and power to maintani it. Helying on the patriotism of the nation, and confi- dently trusting that the Lord of Hosts will go with us to battle in a righteous cause, and crown our ef- forts with success — your committee recommend an appeal to arms. Soon after the above Report was read, Mr. Cal- houn, from the committee of foreign relations, on leave being given, presented a bill, declaring war be- tween Gi"€at- Britain, and her dependencies, and the United States, and their territories; which, after seve- ral day's debate, passed the House of Representatives in the following manner ; and was approved by the President, on the 18th day of June. HISTORY OF THE WAK. 109 DECLARATION OF WAR. AN ACT, Declaring War hetrveen the United Kingdoms of Great- Britain and Irelandy and the dependencies thereof and the United States of America , and their Terri- tories. BE it enacted by the Senate and House of Repre- sentatives of the United States ot" America in Con" g-ress assembled, That WAR be and the same is hereby declarad to exist between the United King- doms of Great-Britain and Ireland and the dependen- cies thereof, and the United States of America and their territories : and that the President of the United States be and he is hereby authorised to use the w hole land and naval force of the United States to carry the same into effect and to issue to private armed vessels of the United States commissions, or letters of marque and general reprisal, in such form as he shall fliink proper, and under the seal of the United States, against the vessels, goods and effects of the govern- ment of the same United Kingdoms of Great-Britain and Ireland, and of the subjects thereof. June 16, 1812. Approved, JAMES MADISON. YEAS. Nerv- Hampshire. Dinsmoor, Hall, and Harper — 3. Massachusetts. Seaver, Carr, Green, Richardson, Turner, and Widgery — t). Hhode-hland. ^in\e. Vermont. Fisk, Shaw, and Strong — 3. Connecticut. None. NeW'York. Pond, Avery, and Sage — 3. Nerv-Jersey. Condit, and Morgan — 2. Pennsylvania. Seybert, Anderson, Brown, Ro- berts, Findley, Smilie, Lyle, Whitehill, Bard, Da-i* vis, Lefevre, Hyneman, Piper, Lacock, Crawford, and Smith — 16. Delarvare. None. Maryland. Kent, Little, M'Kim, Ringgold, Brown, and Archer — 6; no HISTORY OP THE WAR; Virginia. Nelson, Gholson, Goodwyn, Newton, Taliaferro, Dawson, Bassett, Smith, Hawes, Roane, M'Kov, Pleasants, Clopton, and Burwell — 14. iSorth-Carolina. Alston, BlackleJ^e, Macon, King, Cochran, and Pickens — 6. South-Carolina. Williams, Cheves, Lowndes, Butler, Calhoun, Earle, Winn, and Moore — 8. Georgia. Troup, Bibb, and Hall — 3. Kentucky. Johnson, Desha, New, M'Kee, and Ormsby — 5. Tennessee. Rhea, Grundy, and Sevier — 3. Ohio. Morrow — 1. NAYS. New- Hampshire. Bartlett, and Sullivan — 2. Massachusetts. Q,uincy, Reed, Taggart, Ely, Brigham, White, Tallman, andWheaton — 8. llhode- Island. Potter, and Jackson — 2. Vermont. Chittenden — 1. Connecticut. Sturges, Davenport, Mosely, Cham- pion, Tallmadge, Pitkin, and Law — 7. ISeK- York, Bleecker, Eraott, Cooke, Fitch, Gold, Saramoiis, Stow, Tracy, Van Cortlandt, Mitchill, and Metcalf— 11. JSew-Jcrsey. Boyd, Hufty, Maxwell, and NeW- bold— 4. Pennsylvania. Milnor, and Rodman — 2. Delaware. Ridgely — 1. Maryland. Key, Goldsborough, and Stuart — 3. Virginia. Randolph, Lewis, Baker, Brecken- ridge, and Wilson — 5. JSorth-taroliua. Pearson, M'Bryde, and Stan- ford — 3. S(mth- Carolina. None. Georgia. None. Kentucky. None. Tennessee. None. Ohio. None. Yeas, 79 Nays, 49 Majority for War, 30 Tow >» ^5^% xi — ^Tiui- yi: >^l!*Jt- mt^ -It ryTTED ^ATT^ OF AMEUCJU ^Bv «t'l^ Bi i uiiu i i MMBiAw link "VTjc ^ajsC^ ^%«;t«< «mI lis ApuiAimki ^•^•^' -ir" tix.x} ^le Cadkitf :^itic«» agiiiAirVrfiiif y^ r^?v^ - H infteixllkaKi^ : A^ 113 BUSTOBY OF THJE l^AS. Is TcnxMOXT u uLREOF I Lire kAmiao iei m^ haad, aitd c&used tLe seal of die United States to be amxed to these pre«- aeoftSk. rSEAL LfOSK al tfae Citj of Wasfaiit^toD, tbe nine- tecatli je a capiahi m IRE FIMST PBIZIL MlD^IDEyr^ ME5SAGI1 r# rif SnMiftr «W Hmur ^" fftfj illiim •# Ai JAMEf MADISOX. It ktti W«K «AS>MMhr satistocftan I* via. W m4 Wi tiww tti» tm^ c i—»npf I bef^«itoW >«r, tinAiM«er««itovto*toftWis mdBMn^ toi ktun vWAi ImmI uto'iiiia wiHiMi* «H««r ^ %^ et«r lie raftdiy villi | 4i «L by «M «ili» iM«« e^^er InJ ^ kwMr to «LncttM» m ih yv>a «rv ^iMertKwi 4a4f fublic Bl*. SKV t i l ilgtl TMI ltor» IIK4 WiickwMpA «4 «Uf tMtoM «K|^lM«ftMS villi M* 1 Mfc I ♦■HWM »o( tM)t?>el, ipaMiMadbrhF »» 1 Imi^jvsI x UtoiwiMCiUiini t*«iK toaMik» ti^ tke guMtoA «^N«tMW^ lk«i I Im4 • rwU to ..... trwM \>mi « wnltoii rt|kK to tb««« ; atM «r|itW I r c « w>U?tv> i tiMrt twv ^' ^v ton** 1^ '114 HISTORY OF THE >VAR. er notes M'ere slill unanswered, the one written three •months ago, containing among' other important top- icks a particular question which I was expressly in- structed to put to you, as to whether you could point to an} public act, on the part of the French govern- ment, by which they had really revoked their Decrees, and the other furnishing strong evidence of the con- tinued existence of those very Decrees ; also, when I perceived that my note, communicating the duke of Bassano's report, which you knew was to be sent to you on the 1st inst. was not waited for, but that a mes- sage was transmitted by the Executive to Congress, which it seems contained a reference to an insulated passage in the despatch on which my note was found- ed, that if taken unconnected with what preceeded or followed, it might be liable to misconstruction, I could not avoid apprehending that no means of further ex- planation might be left open to me. I beg you to be assured sir, that if I was embarras- sed by your demands of an explanation as to what appeared to you to be a difference between lord Cas- tlereagh's despatch, communicated to you, and my note, it arose from the novelty of the demand, that seemed to involve an informality of proceeding, in which I could not feel myselfjustitied in acquiescing. Had you, in making a reply to my communication, asked me how far a repeal of the French Decrees was demanded by my government and as to whether a special repeal, as far as respected America, would be sufficient I should have had no hesitation in giv- ing you every satisfaction. Your note of the 6th instant has, by shewing that the door was not absolutely shut to a coiUinuance of our discussion, relieved me from further difficulty on this point. I have no hesitation, sir, in saying that Great-Bri- tain, as the case has hitherto stood, never did^ nor never could engage, without the grossest injustice to herself and her allies, as well as to other neutral na- tioub, to repeal her orders as affecting America alone, HISTORY OP TTtE WAR. 115 leaving' them in force ao^ainst oilier stales, npon con- dition that France would except, singly and special- ly, America from the operation of her Decrees. You will recollect, sir, that the Orders in Council are meas- ures of defence, directed against the system contained in those Decrees ; that it is a war of trade which is car- ried on by France ; that what you call the municipal reg-ulations of France, have never been called munici-. pal by France herself, but aie her main engines in that novel and monstrous system. It cannot, then, be expected that Great-Britani should renounce hour part, was due to the frankness of the communications which have passed between us on the highly important subjects on which we have treated, and I am happy to find by your letter of the 10th inst. that in relying on it, I have not been disuppomted. The impropriety of the demand made by your gov- ernment of a copy of the instrument of instructions given by the French government to its cruizers, after the repeal ofthe Berlin and IMdan Decrees, was sufficiently shown in Mr. Pinkney's letter to the IMar- quis of VVellesley of the 10th of December, 1810, and in my letters to you of the 23d July, 181 1, and 14th January last. It was for this reason that I thought it more suitable to refer you to those letters, for the answer to thatdemiuid, than to repeat it in a formal comuuinicalion. It excites, however, no small surprise, that you should continue to demand a copy of that instrument, oi any new proof of the repeal of the French De- crees, at the very lime that you declare that the proof which you demand, in the extent to which we have a right to claim the repeal, would not, if afl'orded, ob- tain a corresponding repeal of the Orders in Council. Thi"* demand is the more extraordm.^.ryi when it i« atjs^ BU^i: rrf-W Ci u. w«cTi '-ai m- M, fl ti latioo. Iq Ah operatiOfi, bj whithewer partv directed, the Cnit- ed States have neirer fora moment acquiesced, the sligfateiit indication of sach acquiescence, ed a pretext, for extend'mg to them the erils, by w bich England and France a£^&ct to retaliate on each other. Ther have in no indance departed from the ob<^nr> ance of that strict impartialitj vbtch thteir pe^cefal position required, and irbich oagfat to bare seen red to them the onm» to execate h^,r retaii^dorv Edicts om Ifae hi(^ teas, while those of France ha*, e here ceased to operate. If Greai^ Britain coold not J^ f>€ninaded by consid- cratioci^ of u.ii'»ers ' -; U, to retniri from at-» iig an» Itfie of Con . ***>'er on|a^t, torAh«rh she ■ii;H)t discover a precerient in iJie ccwl'ict of fier eo- t- -k J, , ,. k, — '• -frmotel; HO 1 unrer- t^ the ircuoecuaie HCrrORY OF THE WAR. ia»> •n4 sure destruction of the \\{,\\ inleivj^ o» a iieiitral and iinoffentliUiT state, yet it wascoutidontly exj>ected that she vroulii be willjngr to follow th^^t enemy alsotn his return towards justice, and, from a resptH't to her dwn declarations, to |>rooeed pari fkisan with him in the revocation ot the offeadiriij Edicts. This jnsl exj>ecUition has, however, bet^i disap|K>inted. and an exemption o\ the dagr of the I'mled iStates from the o|>eratioji of the B«. iltu and M:lan Dicrees. has pro- duced no correspond lUiif moditicalion of the Bnlish Orders in Council. On the contrary, the (-acK of such exemption tm the part of France, -. hy the de- claralKMi and Order lu Conned oi isli ^n em- inent on tile 21st of this month, to t>e deuieii, and the engtiar^menls of the latter, to prvHved. step h> step, with itseiiemv, m tlie work of repeal and relaxntion. to he disowned or disrepirdtHl. That Fi ance has .\ ' I her Decrivs so far as the\ res^>ected the LTm . ". ;;es 1ki> btvn eslablisheii by declarations and facts. sali>factory lo IIknu, and which it was [v: \\ should ha\elven equally sat- isfaiMory to tlu i i government, A formal and authentic declaration o\ the Fivnch jj;^overiunent com- municattnl t«» the minister plenipotentiary oftlie Unit- ed States at Faris, on the otli of Anj;ii>i, 1810, aM- nounced that tl>e Decrees of Berlin and Milan wert ^€^^oked, and should cease to operate on the Isl of the succiHHlinji- iSovember, provided thai a convlilion pre- seuted to Koijland, or anotiier condition preseaUni !• the Unittni Slates should be perlormed. The cond:- ti<>n presenttni to thi^ I'n.ted SUites was ivrformei}. aiKl their ^HTl'ormance reuieivd absolute the repeal of the Divrees. So far Uieix^fori\ tVom this ivjh^iJ dependiuij upon a ^^>ndllion in which (uval-Britain (^uld not actpnesce. it l>ecame absolute, indopenilent "itf any act «>f Great-Bntam, ihe moment the act pro- p«>sed lor the performance of U)e United Su»tes wav accomplishe\l. Such was toe construelion sjiven te this measure by the Ud ed States from tiie tirsl ; and that it wjis a correct one h;us been suihciently evinct d by the sultsequent pnictice. 12t) HISTORY OF THE WAR. Several instances of the acquittal of American ves- sels and cargoes, to which the Decrees would have attaciied, if still in force against the United States, have, from time to time, been presented, to his Brit- tannic Majesty's government. That these cases have been few, is to be ascribed to the few captures, in consequence of this repeal, made by French cruiz- ers : and should no other such case occur, it would be owing to the efficacy of this repeal, and to the exact observance of it, even by the most wanton and irreg- ular of those cruizers. From the 1st of November, 1810, to the 29th of January of the present year, as appears by a note which I had the honor to address to the predecessor of your lordship, on the 8th of February last, the Ber- lin and Milan Decrees had not been applied to Amer- ican property, nor have I heard that such application has since been made. But against the authentic act of the French govern- ment of the 5th of August, 1810, and the subsequent conduct of the government mutually explaining each other, and conforming the construction adopted by the United States, a report said to be communicated by the French minister of foreign affairs to the con- servate senate, is opposed. Without pretending to doubt the genuineness of that report, although it has reached this country only in a newspaper, yetitisto be lamented that as ranch form and evidence of authenti- city have not been required, in an act considered as furnishing cause for the continuance of the Orders in Council, as an act which by the very terms of these Orders challenged their revocation. — The act of the 5th of August, 1810, emanating from the sovereign of France, otiicially communicated to the British govern- ment, and satisfactorily expounded and explained by the practical comments of more than eighteen months, is denied to afford convincing evidence of the repeal of the French Decrees, while fidl proof of their con- tinuance is inferred from a report, which, from its very nature, must contain the mere opinions and spe- HISTORY OF THE WAR. 127 culationspfa subject which is destitute of all author- ity until acted upon by the body to which it was prel sented, which has found its way hither in no more authentic shape than the columns of the Moniteur. and for the proper understanding of which not a mo- ment has been allowed.— But even were the cause Ihus assigned to the report just, it is still difficult to f discover what inference can be fairlv deduced from I It incompatible with the previous declarations and I conduct ot the French government exemptino- the United States from the operation of its Decrees.'' The very exception in that report with regard to nations who do -not suffer their flag to be denationalized, was undoubtedly made with reference to the United fetates, and with a view to reconcile the general tenor of that report with the good faith with which it became France to observe the conventional repeal of those decrees in their favor. However novel may be the terms employed, or whatever may be their precise meaning, they ought to be interpreted to accord with the engagements of the French government, and with justice arid good faith. Your lordship will, I doubt not, the more readily acknowledge the propriety of considering the report, in this light, by a reference to similar reports made to the same conservative senate, on the 13th of Dec 1810, by the duke of Cadore (the predecessor of the present l^renchmmister of exterior relations) and bv the count deSmionville. In these reports they say to the emj>eror, (which proves that such reports are not to be considered as dictated by him) * Sire, as Ion<- as England shall peri>t in her Orders in Council, so long your IVIajesly wdl persist in your Decrees,' ami •the Decrees of Berlin and Mdan are an answer to tl>c Orders in Council. The Lntish cabinet, has, thus to speak, dictated them to France. Europe rece-e them ior her code, and this code shall become *Uu pailad.um of the liberty of the seas.' Surely this W gnage IS as strong as that of i!ie report of the 1 Ot!,' r">'^ March and still more absoUUe : W-.v rlir iv is pm qr- ' 128 HISTORY OF THE WAR. fication in it in favor of any nation ; tbis language has both, bv an explanation of the duke of Cadore to »ie at the same time, and by the uniform conduct of the French government since, been reconciled with the repeal of ihese Decrees, so far as they concerned the United States. Had the French Decrees originally afforded ail adequate foundation for the British Oiders in Conned, and been continued at\er these reports, in full force, and extent, surely durmg- a period in which above a hundred Auierican vessels and their cargoes have fal- len a prey to these Orders, some one solitary nistance of cajiture and confiscation must have happened under those Decrees. That no such instance has happened incontroverlibly proves either that those Decrees, are of themselves harmless, or that they have been repeal- ed ^ and in either case they can afford no rightful plea or pretext for Great-Britain, for these measuies of pre- tended retaliation, whose sole effect is to lay waste the neutral commerce of America. \Vith the remnant of those Decrees, which is stdl in force, and which consists of municipal regulations, confined in their operation within the proper and un- deniable jurisdiction of the States where they are exe- cuted the United States have no concern ; nor do t,hey acknowledge themselves to be under any politi- cal obligation, either to examine into the ends propos- ed to be attained bv this surviving portion of the con- tinental system, or 'to oppose their accomplishment. VVIiatever may be intended to be done in regard to other nations by this system, cannot be imputed to the United States, nor are they to be made responsible, Avhile they relioMonsly observe the obligations of their neutrality for ^the modem which belligerent nations^ mav choose to exercise their power, for the injury ot racli other. When, however, these nations exceed the just limits of their power by the invasion ot the rio-his of peaceful states on the ocean which is sul)ject to'^lhe conmion and equal jurisdiction of all nations, the United States cannot remain indifferent, and by HISTORY or THE WAR. I2a fljuielly consenting to yield up their share of this juris- diction, abandon their maritime rights. — France haVIarch last, removed all doul)ts as to the perseverance of that iifovernment in the assertion of principles, and in the in lintonunce of a system, not more hostile to the maritime rights and commercial interest of the British empire, Ihan inconsistent with the rights and independence ot neutral nations, and has iherehy plainly developed the inordinate pretensions which that system, as promulgated in the Decrees of Berlin and Milan, was from the lirst designed to enforce. And whereas his Majesty has invariaMy professed his readiness to revoke the Ordi-rs in Council adopted thereupon, as soon as the said Decrees of the enemy should he formally and unconditionally repealed, and the commerce of neutral nations restored to its accus- tomed course : His Royal Highness the Prince Regent (anxious to give the most decisive proof of Mis Royal High- ness' disposition to perform the engagements of his Majesty's government^ is pleased, in the name and on the behalf of his Majestv, and by and with the advice of his Majesty's Privy C )uncil, to order and declare, and it is hereby ordered and declared that if, at any, time hereafter, the Berlin and Milan Decrees shall by some authentic act of the French government, publicly promulgated, be absolutely and unconditionally re- pealed, then, and from thenceforth, the Order in Council of die 7tli day of January, 1807, and the Order in Council of the 26lh day of April, 1809, shall, without any fiu-ther order, be, and the same are hereby declared from thenceforth to be wholly and V62 HISTORY OF THE WAU. aJbsolulely revoked ; and furllier, that the tu\l beiiefit of this order shall he extendet.! to any ship or cargo captured subsequent to such authentic act of repeal of the French Decrees, although antecedent to such repeal such ship or vessel shall have commenced and shall have been in the prosecution of a voyage which, under the said Orders in Council, or one of them, 'svould have subjected her to capture and condemna- tion ; and the claimant of any ship or cargo which shall be captured or brought to adjudication, on ac- count of any alleged breach of either of the said Or- ders in Council, at any time subsequent to such au- thentic act of repeal by the French government, shall •without any further Order or Declaration on the part of his^lajesty's government on this subject, be at lib- erty to give in evidence in the high C )arts of Adaii- raltv, or any Court of Vice- Admiralty, before whicli such ship or cargo shall be t/rought lor adjudication, that such repeal by the French govenimeot had been, bv such authentic act, promulgated prior to such capture ; and upon proof thereof, the voyage shall be deemed and taken to have been as lawful as if the sad Orders in Council had never been made : saving, uevertheless, to the captors, such protection and in- demnity as they may be equitably entitled to in the judgment of the said Court, by reason of their ignor- ance, of uncertainty as to the repeal of the French Decrees, or of the recognition of such repeal by his Majesty's government at the time of such capture. His Royal Highness, however, deems it proper to declare, that should the repeal of the French Decrees, thus anticipated and provided for, prove afterwards to have been illusory on the part of the enemy ; and should the restrictions thereof be still practically en- forced, or revived by the enemy; Great-Britain will be compelled, however reliictiintlv, after reasonable notice, to have recourse to such measures of retalia- tion as may then appear to be just and necessary. And the Right Honorable the lords commission- ers of his Majesty's treasury, his Majesty's principal HISTORY OT THE WAR. ISS Secretaries of state, the lords Commissioners of the Adtniraltv, and the Jad^es of the high Cjnrt ot Ad- miralty, and the Judges of the Court* oi Vice-Admi- raliy, are to take the neeeasani measures therein as to them shall respectively appertain. CHETWVND. Prerious to the Declaration of War, Gen. Hall, with about two thousand men, was ordered to proceed to Detroit. — The army arrived at the head of Lake Er.e, about the time war was declared ; and >e>trral officers, and I tdies, with the baggage of the General Officer^, proceeded down the Lake ti> Delrf'it, in a gun vessel. — The Bntuh received the news of the war before Gen. Hull, and sent a brig in pursuit of his baggage, which succeede J in c- i her, and carried her into Maiden. — The Bi -. mmander sent the ladies over to Deirott, in a da:^ of truc^, which wjisthe first intelligence thej had received of the war. Gen. Hull, after concentrating his forc-rs, at Detroit^ crossed over the river to Saiidwich, and isooe^i the Iv^Liowing^ sias^ular General Order. BY WliLIAM HtXL, Brigadier General and Comm.jjider of the Xorik Western Arniif of the I nited states : A PROCLAMATION. Inhabitants or Canada I After thirty years of peace and prosperity, the United States have been driven to arms. Th^ inja- nes and aggressions, the insults and mdigniticis of Great-Britain have once more lefi them no alterna- tive bat manly resistance, or unconditional submis- sion. The army under mv command has invaded your country ; the standard of the Union ao»v waves » over the territory of Canada. To the peaceable un- offending inhabitant, it brings neither danger nor dif- ficulty. I come to tind enemies, not to make them. I c»me to protect, not to injure you. iJj4 HISTORY OF THE WAR. Separated by an immense ocean and an extensive wilderness from Great-Britain, yon have no partici- pation in her councils, no interest in her conduct. \"ou have felt her tyranny, you have seen her injus- tice. But I do not ask you to avenge the one, or to redress the other. Tlie United States are sufficiently powerful to afford every security, consistent with their rights and your expectations. [ tender you the in- valuable blessing- of civil, political and religious lib- erty, and their necessary result, individual and gen- eral prosperity ; that liberty which gave decision to our councils, and energy to our conduct in a struggle for independence, vthich conducted us safely and triumphantly through the stoimy period of the revo- lution — that liberty which has raised iis to an elevated rank among the nations of the world ; and which af- forded us a greater measure of peace and security, of wealth and improvement, than ever fell to the lot of any people. In the name of my country, and the authority of government, I promise you protection to your persons, property and rights ; remain at your homes ; pursue your peaceful and customary avoca- tions; raise not your hands against your brethren. Many of your fathers fought for the freedom and in- dependence we now enjoy. Being children therefore of the same family with us, and heirs to the same heritage, the arrival of an army of friends must be hailed by yon with a cordial welcome. — You will be emancipated from tyranny and oppression, and re- stored to the dignified station of freedom. — Had I any doubt of eventual success, I might ask your as- sistance, but I do not. I come prepared for every contingency — I have a force which will break down all opposition, and that force is but the van-guard of a much greater.— If, contrary to your own interest and the just expectations of my country, you should take part in i\\e aj)proaching contest, you will beconsidered and treated as enemies, and the horrors and calamities of -war will stalk before you. If the barbarous and sav- age policy of Great-Britain be pursued, and the sava- HISTORY OF THE WAR. 135 ges are let loose to murder our citizens and butcher our women and children, this nar will be a nar of' extermniation. The tirst stroke ot the tomahawk — the first attempt with the scalping knife, will be the signal of one indiscriminate scene of desolation. No white man found fighting by the «side of an Indian will be taken prisoner — instant death will be his lot. If the dictates of reason, duty, justice, and humanity, cannot prevent the employment of a force which re- spects no rights, and knows no wrong, it will be pre- vented by a severe and relentless system of retaliation. I doubt not your courage and tiimness — I will not doubt your attachment to liberty. If you tender your services voluntarily, they will be accepted read- ily. The United Stales offer you peace, liberty, and security. Your choice lies between these and war, slavery and destruction. — Choose then ; but choose wisely ; and may He who knows the justice of our cause, and who holds in his hand the fate of nations, guide you to a result the most compatible with your rights and interests, }our peace and happiness. By the General, A. P. HULL, Captain of the I3th United States' ref/iment of In- faniri/y and Aid-de-cawp. Head-quarters^ Sandwich, Jiili/ 12, 1812. WILLIAM HULL. On tlie lOlhof July, Colonels Cass and Miller, aU tempted to surprise a British post, 300 strong, at a bridge about five miles from Maiden. — They were discov< red by the British, and after a slight skirmish, the British retreated, leaving eleven men killed and wounded, on the field ; our troops returned to head- quarters, at Sandwich, and the British re-posted them- selves again, at the bridge. On the 19th and 24th there was considerable skirmishing, with trifling suc- cess, on either side — our loss was six men killed and wounded — the British and Indians, lost sixteen killr-d. and several wounded 136 HISTORY OF TIli:i WAR- Soon after General Hull had crossed from Detroit; into Canada, and had issued his Proclamation, the greater part of the Militia of the neighboring* country, gave themselves up to his protectian, or returned home peaceably, resolving to stand neutral, in the contest. — Large bodies of the Savage tribes oftered their services to Gen. Hull, previous to his leaving Detroit, but he informed them that he was not autho-* vised to accept them, and wished them to remain si- lent spectators, and not engage on eitiier side ; but this was not their choice they immediately crossed over to Maiden, where they were accepted, and put into service by the British ; which circura* stance contributed largely to overthrow (^en. Hull, as will be seen by his othcial account of the surrender of Detroit and Michigan Territory, which we give at full length, with the remonstrance against his con* duct, of several officers under his command. Capt. Hull's Letter to the Secretary of THE Navy. United Slates Frigate Coustituiion,}^ off Boston Lighty Avg. '30, 1812. } SIR~I have the honor to inform you, that on the 10th instant, at 2 p. m. being in latitude 41, 42, longitude 55, 48, with the Constitution, under my command, a sail was discovered from tlie mast-head bearing E. by S. or E. S. E. bu^ at such a distance we could not tell what she was. All sail was instantly made in chase, and soon found we came up with her. At 3 p. M. could plainly see that she was a ship on the star^ board tack, under easy sail, close on a wind j at half past 3 p. M. made her out to be a Frigate ; continued the chase until we were within about tliiee miles, when I ordered the light sails lakien in, the courses hauled up, and the ship cleared for action. At this time the chase had backed his main-topsail, waiting for us to come down. As soon as the Constitution w as ready for action, I bore down with an intention to bring hiui HISTORY OF THE WAR. 137 tocloseaction immediately ; but on our coming within gun-shot she gave us a broadside, and filed -away, and wore, j^iving" us a broadside on the other tack, but without effect ; her shot falling short. She contntued. wearing and manoeuvring for about three quarters of •cvn hour, to get a raking position, but finding she could not, she bore up, and run under her top-sails and gib, with the wind on the quarter. Immediately made sail to bring the ship up with her, anil 5 min- utes before six, P. m. bemg along side within half pis- tol shot, we commenced a heavy fire from all our guns, double shotted with round and grape, and so well directed were they, and so warmly kept up, that in lo minutes his mizen-mast went by the board and his main-yard in the slings, and the hull, rigging, and sails, very much torn to pieces. The fire was kept up with equal warmth for !•'> minutes longer, when his main-mast and foremast went, taking with them every spar, excepting the bowsprit : on seeing this we ceas- ed firing, so tiiat in 30 minutes after we got fairly alongv side the enemy, she ^surrendered, a:id had not a spar standing, and her hull, below and above water, so shattered, that a few more broadsides must have car- vied her down. After inforaung you that so fine a ship as the Giir- rieiv, commanded by an able and experienced ofiScer, had been totally dismasted, ;md otherwise cut to pie- ces, so as to make her not worth towing into port, in the short space of 'SO minutes, you can have no doubt of the gallantry and good conduct of the officers and ship's company I have the honor to command ; it only remains, therefore, for me to assure you, that they all fought with great bravery ; and it gives me great pleasure to say, that from the smallest boy in the ship to the oldest seaman, not a look of fear was seen. Tliey all went into action, giving three cheers and request- ing to be laid close along side the enemy. Enclosed I have the honor to send you a list of kil- led and wounded on board the Constitution, and a report of the damages she has su>!tained : also a list A8 138 HISTORY OF THE WAR. of the killed and wounded on board the enemy, with his quarter bill, Sec. I have the honor to be^ with very great res[»ect, sir, your obedient servant, ISAAC HULL. To the lion. Paul Hamilton^ 8^c. Return of Killed and Wounded on board the U. S. Friyale COi\JSTITCJ'JJON. Killed. Seven. Wounded. Seven. Tolal killed and wounded Fourteen. List of' Kdiedf Wotmdedf and nnssin(/f on board the GUEhiilEHE, Killed. Fifteen. Wounded. Sixty-two. Missing. Twenty -four.* Total killed, wounded, and missing", 101. ORDERS IN COUNCIL REVOKED. At the Court at Carlton House, the 2:3(i day oi June, |>reseiit, his Royal Highness, the Prince Re- gent in Council. Whereas his Royal Highness, the Prince Regent was pleased to declare, in the name and on behalf of his Majesty, on the 21st of April, 1812, * That if at any time hrreafter, the Berlin and Milan Decrees shall by some authentic act of the French government, publicly promulgated, be absolutely and uncondition- ally repealed, then, and from theuce, the Order in Council oi the 7th of January, 1807, and the Order in Council of the 2Glh of April, 1809, shall without any further order, be, and the same are hereby declar- ed from thenceforth to bo wholly and absolutely re- voked.' * Supposed to have gone overboard with tho masts. HISTORY OF THE WAR. \S0 And whereas the charade d affairs of the United States of America, resident at this Court, did, on the 21st day of May last, transmit to lord viscount Ciistie- reagh, one of his Majesty's principal Secretaries, a copy of a certain instrnmeiit, then for the first time communicated to this Cotu-t, purporting to be a De- cree passed by the government ot Fiance, on the 28th day of April, 1811, by which the Decrees of Berlin and Milan are declared to be definitely no long^er in force m regard to American vessels : And whereas his Royal Highness, the Prince Re- cent, althoug'h he cannot consider the tenor of said instrument as satisfy in"' the coiulitions set forth in the said Order of tlie 21st of April last, upon which the said Orders were to cease and determine, is neverthe- less disposed, on his part, to take such measures as may tend to re-establish the intercourse between neu- tral and belligerent nations, upon its accustomed prin- ciples, his Royal Hij^hness, the Prince Recent, in the name and on the behalf of his Majesty, is therefore pleased, by and with the advice ot his INlajesty's privy council, to order and declare, and it is hereby order- ed and declared, that the Oriler in Ciumcil bearing date the 7lh day ot January, 1807, and the Order in Council bearing date the 2titi) day of April, 1809, be revoked, so far as may rej^ard American vessels and their cargoes, being American pro[)erty, from the 1st day of August next. But whereas by certain acts of the government of the United States of America, all British armed ves- sels are excluded from the harbors and waters of the said United Stales, the armed vessels ot" France being permitted to enter therein, and the commercial inter- course between Great-Britain and the said United States IS interdicted, the commercial intercourse be- tween France and the said Uiiited States havina: been restored : his Royal Highness, the Prince Regent is pleased hereby further to declare, in the name and on the behalf of his Majesty, that if the governnent of the said United States shall not as soon as niav be, 140 HISTORY OP THE WAR. dier ibis order shall-Jvave been duly notified by his Majesty's ministerin America to the said troverniuent, revoke or caii>e to be revoked the said acts, this pre- sent Order shall, in that case, after clear notice si«^ni- fied by his Majesty's minister in America, to the said government, be tlienceforth null and of iio effect. It is further ordered and declared, that all Amer- ican vessels and their cargoes, being American prop- erty, that shall have been captured subsequently to the 28th of May last, for a breach of the aforesaid Orders in Council alone, and which shall not hate been actu.dly condemned before the date of this Or- der, and that all ships and cargoes as aforesaid, that shall henceforth be captured under the said Orders, prior to the 1st day of August next, shall not be pro- ceeded agauist to condemnation, until further orders, but shall, m the evet»t of this Order not becoming null and of no eliect, in the case aforesaid, be forthwith, liberated and restored, subject to such reasonable ex-, pencts on the part of the captors, as shall have been justly incurred. Provided that nothing in the Order contained re- specting the levocation of the Orders herein meution-. ed, shall be taken to revive wholly, or in part, the Orders in Council of the 11th of November, 1807, oif any other Order not herein mentioned, or to deprive parties of any legal remedy to which they may be en- titled, under the Order m Council, of the 21st of April, 1812. His Royal Highness, the Prince Regent is hereby pleased further to declare, in thenameatul on the be- half of his Majesty, that nothing in the present Order contained shall be understood to preclude his Royal Highness, the Prince Regent, if circumstances shall so require, from restoring after reasonable notice, the Orders of the 7lh of Jaiuiary, 1807, and the 2(ith of April, 1800, or any part thereof, to their lull effect, or from taking such other measures of retaliation against the enenty, as nsay appear to his Royal Highnes-s t» be just and necessary. HISTORY OF THE WAR. 141 And the right honorable the lords commissioners of his Majesty's treasury, liis Majesty's principal Se- cretaries of state, the lords commissioners of the Ad- miralty, and the Jndoe of ihe hisi^h Court of Admralty, and the Judge of the Court oi Vice- Admiralty, are to take the necessary measures herein, as to them may respectively appertani. GEN. HULL'S OFFICIAL STATEMENT OF HIS SURRENDER. Montreal, 8th Sept. 1812. SIR — The inclosed dispatch was prepared on my arrival at Fort George, and it was niv nitentio!i to have forwarded it from that place by Major Witherell, of the Michigan volunteers. I n»ade application to the comnianamg officer at that |»ost, and was refused; he stating that he was not authorised, ai;d Gen. Brock wa« then at York. We were immediately embarked for this place, and Major VVitiierell obtained liberty at Kingston to go home on parole. Tins IS the first opportunity 1 have had to forward the dispatches. The fourth United Sates* regiment is destined for Quebec, with a part ol the first. The whole consist of a little over three hundred. Sir George Prevost, without any request on -my part, has offered to take my parole, and permit me to proceed to the States. Lieut. Anderson, of the eighth regiment, is the bearer of my disj)atches. He was formerly a Lieut, in the Artillery, and resigned his commission on ac- count of being appointed Marshal of the Territory of Michigan. During the campaign he has had a com- mand m the Artillery ; and I recommend him to you as a valuable officer. He is particularly acquainted with the state of things previous, and at the time when the capitulation took place. He will be able to give you correct in- 142 HISTORY OP THE WAR. formation on any points, about which you may think proper to enquire. I am, very respectfully, Your most obedient servant, WILLIAM HULL. Hon. W. Eustis, Secretary of the Department of War, THE DISPATCH. Fort George, August 20, 1812. SIR — Inclosed are the articles of capitulation, by which the Fort of Detroit has been surrendered to Mi\jor-General Brock, commanding his Britannic Majesty's forces in Upper Canada, and by which the troops have become prisoners of war. My situa- tion at present forbids me from detailing" the particu- lar causes which have led to this unfortunate event. I will, however, generally observe, that after the sur- render of Michilimackinac, almost every tribe and nation ot Indians, excepting a part of the Miamies and Datawares, north from beyond Lake Superior, west from beyond the Mississippi, south from the Ohio and Wabash, and east from every part of Upper Canada, and from all the intermediate country, joined in open hostility under the British standard, against ihe army I commanded, contrary to the most solemn assuran- ces of a large portion of them to remain neutral ; even the Ottawa Chiefs from Arbecrotch, who form- ed tliC delegation to Washington the last summer, in whose friendship I know you had great coiitidence, are amoi g the hostile tribes, and several of them dis- tinguished leaders. Among the vast number of cliiefs who led the hostile bands, Tecumseh, Marplot, Lo- gan, Walk-in-the-water, Split-Log, (!^c. are consider- ed the prmcipals. This numerous assemblage of savages, under the entire influence and direction of the British commander, enabled him totally to ob- struct the only communication whi< h I had with my country. This communication had been opened from the settlements in the state of Ohio, two hun- dred miles through a wilderness, by the fatigues of HISTORY OF THE WAR. 143 the army, which I inarched to the frontier on the ri- ver Detroit. The body of the Lake being command- ed b\ the British armed ships, and the shores and ri- vers by gun-boats, the army was totalis deprived of all communication by water. On this extensive road it depended for transportation of provisions, military stores, medicine, clothing, and every other supply, on pack-horses — all its operations were successful until its arrival at Detroit, — in a few days it passed into the enemy's country, and all opposition seemed to fall before it. One month it remained in possession of this country, and was fed from its resources. lu difterent directions detachments penetrated sixty miles in the seltled part of the province, and the inhabitants seem- ed satisfied with the change of situation, which ap- peared to be taking place the militia from Amherst- burg- were daily deserting, and the whole country, tlieii under the control of the army, was asking for protection. Tiie Indians generally, in the first in- stance, appeared to be neutralized, and determined to take no part in the contest. The fort of Amherst- burg was eighteen miles below my encampment. JNol a single cannon or mortar was on wheels suita- ble to carry before that place. I consulted my offi- cers, whether it was expedient to make an attempt on it with the bayonet alone, without cannon to make a breach in the first instance. The council I called was of the opinion it was not — The greatest industry was exerted in making preparation, and it was not until the 7th of August, that two 24-pounders and three howitzers were prepared. It was then my in- tention to have proceeded on the enterprise. While the operations of the army w ere delayed by these preparations, the clouds of adversity had been for some time and seemed still thickly to be gathering around me. The surrender of Mictiiiimackinac opened the northern hive of Indians, and they were swarming down in exevy direction. Reinforcements from Nia- gara had arrived at Amherslburg under the command of Colonel Proctor. The desertion of the militia ceas- 144 HISTORY OF THE WAR. ed. Besides the reinlorcements that came by Water, I received mformalion of a very coiisitlerable force un- der the coniraand ot Major Chambers, on the nver Le French, with four field-pieces, and collecting the militia on his route, evidently destined ielongs to them. I have likewise to express my obligation to General Taylor, who has performed the dqty of quarter-master-General, for his great exertions in pro- curing every thing in his department which it was possible to furnish for the covenience of the army ; likewise to brigade-major Jessup for the correct and punctual manner in which he has discharged his du. ty ; and to the army generally for their exertion, and the zeal they have manifested for the public interest. The death of Dr. Foster, soon after he arrived at Detroit, was a seveie misfortune to the army ; it was increased by the capture of the Chachaga packet, by which the medicine and hospital stores were lost. He was commencing the best arrangements in the de- partment of which he was the principal, with the very HISTORY OF THE WAR. 149 small means which he possessed. I wis likewise deprived of the necessary services of C;i|)t. Partridge, by sickness, the only officer of the corps of engineers attached to the army. All the officers and men have fone to their respective homes, excepting* the 4th Jnited States' regiment, and a small part of the first, and Caj)t. Dyson's company of artdlery. Capt. Dy- son's company was left at Amherstburg, and the oth- ers are with me prisoners — they amount to about 340. I have only to solicit an investigation of my conduct, as early as my situation, and the state of things will admit; and to add the further request, that the gov- ernment will not be unmindful of my associates in captivity, and of the families of those brave men who have fallen in the contest. I have the honor to be, very respectfully, your most obedient servant. W. HULL, Brig. Gen. //o?i. W. EustiSi Secretary of War. [enclosed in the preceding dispatch.] Sandwich, 7th August, 1812. SIR— On the 4lh inst. Maj. Vanhorn. of (!ol. Fnidley's regiment of Ohio volunteers, was detached from this army, with the command of 200 men, princnpally rifle- men, to proceed to the river Raisin, and further, if ne- cessary, to meet and reinforce Cipt. Brush, of the state of Ohio, commanding a company of volunteers, and escorting provisions for this army. At Browns- town a large body of L»dians had formed an ambus- cade, and the M ijor's detachment received a heavy fire, at the distance of fifty yards fiom the enemy, Ttie whole detachment retreated in disorder. Major Van Horn made every exertion to form, and prevent the retreat, that was possible for a brave and gallant .V officer, but without success. By the return of killed ;. and wounded, it will be perceived that the loss of offi- cers was uncommonly great. Tiieir eftbrts to rally their companies was the occasion of it. I am, very respectfully, yours, &c. WnXLWI HULL lion. Wm. Euslisj ^r. 150 HISTORY OF THE WAR. KILLED, in Major Yjin Horn's defeat — 4 Captains, —1 Lieutenant — 2 Ensig-ns — 10 privates. — Total 17. [enclosed in the preceding dispatch.] Detroit, 13th August. 1812. SIR. ^ The main body of the army having" re-crossed the river at Detroit, on the night and morning of the 8th inst; six hundred men were immeirately detached under the command of Lieut. CjI. Miller, to open the communication to the river Raisin, and protect the provisions, which were under the escort of Capt. Brush. This detachment consisted of the 4th Unit- ed States' regiment, and two small detachments un- der the command of Lieut. Stansbury and Ensign Mc Labe of the 1st regiment ; detachments from the Ohio and Michigan volunteers, a corps of artillerists, with one six-pounder and an howitzer under the command of Lieut. Eastman, and a part of Captiins Smith and Sloan's Cavalry commanded by Captain Sloan of the Ohio volunteers. Lieut. Col. Miller marched from Detroit on the afternoon of the 8th mstant, and on the 9th, about four o'clock, P. m. the van guard, com- manded by Capt. Snelling of the 4th United States' regiment, was hred on by an extensive line of British troops and Indians at the lower part of the Maguago about fourteen miles from Detroit. At this time the main body was marching in two columns, and Capt. Snelling miintained his position in a most gallant maimer, under a very heavy fire, until the line was formed and advanced to the ground he occupied, when the whole, excepting the rear guard, was brought into action. The enemy were formed behind a tempora- ry breast work of logs, the Indians extending in a thick wood on their left. Lieat. Colonel Miller or- dered his whole line to advance, and v?hen within a small distance of the enemy made a general discharge, and proceeded with charged bayonets, when the Brit- ish line and Lulians commenced a retreat. They were pursued in a most vigorous manner about twa HISTORY OF THE WAR. 151 ilules, and the pursuit discontinued only on account of the fatigue of ihe troops, the approach of eve- ning, and the necessity of returning- to take care of the wounded. The judicious arrangements made by. Lieut. Col. Miller, and the gallant manner in which they \^ere executed, justly entitle him to the highest honor. From the moment the line commenced the tire, it continually moved on, and the enemy main- tained their position until forced at the point of the bayonet. The Indians on the left commanded by Tecumseh, fought with great obstinacy, butwere con- tiimally forced and compelled to retreat. The victory- Mas complete in every part of the line, and the suc- cess would have been more biilliant had the cavalry charged the enemy on the retreat, when a most favor- able opportunity presented. Although orders were given for the purpose, unfortunately they were not executed. Majors Van Horn and Morrison, of the Ohio volunteers, were associated with Lieut. Colonel Miller, as field officers in this command, and were highly distinguished by their exertions in forming the line, and the firm and inlripid manner they led their respective commands to action. Captain Baker, of the 1st United States regiment, Capt. Brevort of the 2d, and Capt. Hull of the 13th, my aid-de-camp, and Lieut. Whistler of the lst,j re- quested permission to join the detachment as voldn- teers. Lieut. Col. 31iller assigned commands to Capt. Baker and Lieut. Whistler; and Capts. Bre- vort and Hull at his request, attended his person and aided him in the general arrangements. Lieut, Col. Miller has mentioned the conduct of tliese oflicers in terms of high approbation. In addition to the Cap- tains who have been named, Lieut. Col. Miller has mentioned Captains Burton and Fuller, of tlie 4th reginient. Captains Saunders and Biovvnof the Ohip voU\nleers,and Capt. D?landreof the Michigan volun- teers, who were attached to his commanii — and dis- tinguished by their valor. It is impossible for me, ia 4*2 HISTORY OF THE WAR. this comnmnicfition, to do justice to the officers and soldiers, wlio gained the victory winch I have descri- bed. They have acquired high honor to themselves and are justly entitled to the gratitude of their country. Major Muir, of the 41st regiment commanded the British in this action. The regulars and volunteers consisted of about four hundred, and a large immber of Indians. Major Mun- and two subalterns were wounded, one of them since dead. About forty In- dians were found dead on the tieid, and Tecumseh, their leader was slightly wounded. The number of wounded Indians Mho escaped has not been ascertain- ed. Foarof Major Muir'sdetachmenthave been made prisoners, and fifteen of the 41.st regiment killed and wounded. The militia and volunteers attached to his command were in the severest part of the action, and their loss must have been great — it has not yet been ascertained. I have the honor to be, your most obedient servant, WILLIAM HULL, brty. Gen. Hon. Wilham Eustis, Secretary of War. Return of the killed and wounded in the action fought near MaguagOy August Othj 1812. 4th U. S. regiment — lOnon-corarmissioned officers and privates killed, and 45 wounded : Capt. Baker of the 1st regiment of infantry; Lieut. Larabee of the 4th; Lieut. Peters of the 4th ; Ensign Whistler of the 17th, doing duty in the 4th ; Lieut. Silly, and an Ensign, whose name has not been returned to me were wounded. In the Ohio and Michigan volunteers, 8 were killed rind 12 wonnded. W^H.LIAM HULL. HISTORY OP THE WAR. 153 GENERAL ORDERS. Head-Quarters at Detroit, Aug. 16, 1812. It is with piiiii and anxiety that Brigadier General Hull announces to the North- Western army, that he has been compelled from a sense of duty, to agree to the following- articles of capitulation. CAPITULATION. Camp Detroit, Avg. 16, 1812. Capitulation of surrendering fort Detroit, entered into between Major-General Brock, commanding his Britannic Majesty's forces, of the one part, and Brig. General Hull, commanding the North- Western army of the United States, of the other part : Article 1st. Fort Detroit, with all the troops, reg- ulars as well as militia, will be immediately surren- dered to the British forces under the command of Major-General Brock, and will be considered as prisoners of war, with the exception of such of the militia of the Michigan territory, who have not join- ed the army. Article 2d. All public stores, arms, and public documents, including every thing else of a public na- ture, will be immediately given up. Article 3d. Private persons and private property of every description will be respected. Article 4th. l|is excellency Brig. General Hull, having expressed a desire that a detachment from the state of Ohio, on its way to join the army, as well as one sent from fort Detroit, under the command of Col. M'Arthur, should be included in the above stip- ulation, it is accordingly agreed to. It is, however, to be understood, that such parts of the Ohio militia as have not joined the army, will be permitted to re- turn home on condition that they will not serve during the war — their arms, however, will be delivered np if belonging to the public. 20 154 HISTORY or THE WAR. Article .5th. The g-;irrison will nvarcb out at ihv hour of 12 o'clock this day, and the British forces will take immediate possession of the fort. J. M'DOWEL, Lt. Col. Militia B. A. D. C. I. B. GREGG, Major A. D.C. CApproved) WILLIAM HULL, Brig. Gen. ^ JAMES MILLER, Lt. CoU5th U. S. Infantry. £. BRUSH, Col. 1st Reg-. Michioan Militia. (Approved) ISAAC BROCK, Maj. Gen. The army at 12 o'clock this day will march out of the east g-ale, where they will stack their arms, and will be tlien svibject to the articles of capitulation, WILLIAM HULL, Brijr. Gen. Letter from Col. Cass of the army late under the com- mand of Brig. Gen. Wm. Hull, to the Secretary of fVar. Washington, Sept. 10, 1812. SIR — Having- been ordered on to this place by Col. M' Arthur, for the purpose of communicating- to the government particulars respecting the expedition lately commanded by Brig. General Hull, and its ilisastrous result, as might enable them correctly to apprecinte the conduct of the officers and men ; and to rlevelope the causes which produced so foul a stain upon the national character, I have the honor to sub- mit for your consideration, the following statement. When the forces landed in Canada, they landed with an ardent zeal and stimulated with the hope of conquest. JNo enemy appeared within view of us, and had an immediate and vigorous attnck been made upon Maiden, it would doubtless have fallen an easy ■victory. . I know General Hull afterwards declared he regretted this attack had not been made, and he had every reason lo believe success would have crown- ed his eftbrts. The reason given for delaying our operations was to mount our heavy cannon, and to afibrdto the Canadian militia timeaiid opportunity to "quit an obnoxious service. In the course of two "^veeks the number of their militia, who were embodi- HISTORY or THE WAR. ' lOJ fed, hud decreased bv desertion from six hundredth one Imndred men ; and, in tlie coarse of three weeks,^ the cannon were mounted, tfie animnnition fixed, and every preparation made for an immediate investment oftliefort. At a council, at which were jiresent aH tl)e fijeld officers, and winch was held two days before our preparations were completed, it was unanimously ag^roed to juake an immediate attempt, to accomplish the object of the expedition. If by waiting- two days We could luive the service of our heavy artillery, it was agreed to wait ; if not, it was determined to i^o without it, and attempt the place by storm. Tins opinion appeared to correspond with the views of the General, and the day was appointed for commencing' our march. He declared to me, that he considered himself pledged to lead the army to Maiden. The ammunition was placed in the waggons ; the cannon embarked on board the floating batteries, and every re- quisite article was prepared. The spirit and zeal, the ardor and animation displayed l>y the officers and men, on learning the near accomplishment of their wishes, was a sure and sacred pledge, that in the hour of trial ihey would notbe found wanting in their duty to their country and themselves. But a change of meiisures, in opposition to the wishes and opinions of all the oflS- cers, was adopted by the General. The plan of at- tacking Maiden was abandoned, and instead of ac- ting offensively, we broke up our camp, evacuated Canada, and recrossed the river, in the night, without even the shadow of an enemy to injure us. We lell to the tender mercy of the enemy the miserable Can- adians who had joined us, and ihe protection we af- forded them was but a passport to vengeance. This fatal and unaccountable step dispirited the troops, and destroyed the little confidence which a series of timid, irresolute and indecisive measures had left in the com- manding officer. About the lOlh of Aug-ust, the enemv received a reiiitorcement of four hundred men. Oil the tweitth the commanding officers of thiee of the regiments. 1* 166 HISTORY OF THE WAR. (Ihe fourth was absent) were informed through anie« dium which admitted of no doubt, that the General had stated that a capitulation w ould be necessary.* They on the same day addressed to Governor Meigs, of Ohio, a letter, of which the following is an extract. * Believe all the bearer will tell you. Believe it, however it may astonish you^ as much as if it had been told by one of us. Even a c n, is talked of by the The bearer will fill the vacancy.^ The doub.ful fate of this letter rendered it necessa- ry to use circumspection in its details, and therefore these blanks were left. The word * capitulation' wili fill the first, and * commanding general,' the other. As no enemy was near us, and as the superiority of our force was manifest, we could see no necessity for capitulating, nor any propriety in alluding to it. We therefore determined in the last resort to incur the re- sponsibility of divesting the General of his command. This plan was eventually prevented by two of the commanding officers of regiments being ordered upon detachments. On the 13th the British took a position opposite to Detroit, and began to throw uf> works. During that and the two following days, they pursued their object ; without interruption and established a battery for two 18 pounders and an 8 inch howitzer. About sun^^et on the evening of the 14th a detachment of 350 men from the regiments commanded by Col. M' Arthur, and myself, was ordered to march to the river Raisin, to escort the provisions, which had some time remain- ed there protected by a party under the command of capt. Brush. On Saturday, the 15th about 1 o'clock, a flag of truce arrived from Sandwich, bearing a summons from General Brock for the surrender of the town and fort of Detroit, stating he could no longer restrain the fury of the savages. To this an immediate and spir- ited refusal was relurned. About four o'clock their batteries began to play upon the town. The fire was» HISTORY OF THE WAK. Ibl returned and continued without interruption and with little effect till dark. Their shells were thrown till eleven o'clock. At day-light the firing on both sides recommenced ; about the same time the enemy began to land troop$ at the Spring wells, three miles below Detroit, pro- tected by two of their armed vessels. Between 6 and 7 o'clock they had effected their landing, and imme- diately took up their line of march. They moved in, close column of platoons, twelve in front, upon the bank of the river. The fourth regiment was stationed in the fort ; the Ohio volunteers and a part of the Michigan militia, behind some pickets, in a situation in which the whole flank of the enemy would have been exposed. The residue of the Michigan militia were in the upper par of the town to resist the incursions of the savages Two 24-pounders, loaded with grape shot, were post-sv, ed on a commanding eminence, ready to sweep tha > advancing column. In this situation the superiority of our position was apparent, and our troops, in the eager expectation of victory, awaited the approach of the enemy. Not a discontent broke upon the ear ; not a look of cowardice met the eye. Every man ex- pected a proud day for his co.nnlry, and each was anxious that his individuiil exertion should contribute to the general result. When the head of their column arrived within about five hundred yards of our line, orders were received from Gen. Hull for the whole to retreat to the fort, and for the 24-pounders not to open upon the enem3^i ' One universal burst of indignation was apparent upon the receipt of this order. Those, whose conviction was the deliberate result of a dispassionate examina- tionof passing events, saw the folly and impropriety of crowding 1100 men iiito a little work, which 300 men. could fully man, and into which the shot and shells of* the enemy were fallings The fort was in this manner filled ; the men were directed to stack their arms, and scarcely was an opportunity afforded of moving 358 HISTORY OF the war. Shortly after a white flag was hung out upon the vvallr.. A British officer rode up to inquire the cause. A communication passed between the commading Gen- erals, which ended in the capitulation submitted to jou. In entering' into this capitulation, the General took counsel from his own feelings only. Not an offi- cer was consulted. Not one anticipated a surrender, till he saw the white flag- displayed. Even the wo- men were indio;naut at so shameful a deg-radation of the American character, and all felt as they sliould have felt, but he who held in his hands the reins of authority. Our morning report had that morning made our effective men present, fit for duty 1060, without inclu- ding the detachment before alluded to, and without includinof 300 of the Michigan militia on duty. About dark on Saturday evening the detachment sent to escort the provisions, received orders from Gen, Hull to return with as much expedition as possible. About ten o'clock the next day they arrived within sight of Detroit. Had a firing been heard, or any re- sistance visible, they would have immediately advanc- ed and attacked the rear of the enemy. The situa- tion in which this detachment was placed, although the result of accident, was the best for annoying the enemy and cutting ofl" his retreat that could have been selected. With his raw troops enclosed between two fires and no hopes of succor, it is hazarding little to say, that very few would have escaped. I have been informed by CdI. Findley, who saw the return of their quarter- master-general ihedny after the surrender, that their whole force of every descrip- tion, white, red, and black, was 1030. They had twenty nine platoons, twelve in a platoon, of men dres- sed in uniform. Many of these were evidently Can- adian militia. Tlie rest of the militia increased their while force to about seven hundred men. The num- ber of ther Indians could not be ascertained with any degree of precision ; not many were visible. And in the event of an attack upon the town and foil, it was a HISTORY OF THE WAR. 150 species offeree which could have afforded no material ad\ anlfio-e to the enemy. In endeavoring to appreciate the motives and to in- vestigate the causes, which led to an event so unex- pected and dishonorable, it is impossible to tind any solution inlhe relative strength oflhe contending parlies, or in the measures of resistance in our power. Tiiat we were far superior to the enemy ; that upon nuy ordinary principles of calculation we would have de- feated them, the wounded and indignant feelings of every man there will testify. A few days before the surrender, I was informed by Gen. Hull, we had 400 rounds of 24 pound shotfix- ed, and about 100,000 cartridges made. We surren- dered with the fort, 40 barrels of powder, and 2500 stand of arms. The state of our provision has nol been generally understood. On the day of the surrender we had fif- teen days' provisions of every kind on hand. Of meat there was plenty in the country, and arrange- ments had been made for purchasing grain and grind- insr it to flour. It was calculated we could readilv procure three months' provisions, independent of lOfO barrels flour, and 1300 head of cattle, which had been forwarded from the slate of Ohio, and which remained at the river Raisin, under Capt. Brush, within reach of the army. But had we been totally destitute of provisions, our duty and our interest undoublecUy was to fight. The enemy iiwited us to meet him in the field. By defeating hiju the whole country would have been open to us, and the object ot our expedition gloriously and successfully obtained. If we had been defeated we had nothing to do but to retreat to the fort, and make the best defence which circum- stances and our situation rendered practicable. But basely to surrender, without firing a gun— tamely to submit, without raising a bayonet — disgracefully to pass in review before an enemy, as inferior in the quality as in the number of his foi-ces, were circum- 160 fliSTORY OF THE WAll. stances, which excitetl feeling's of indignation more easily felt than described. To see the whole of our men flushed with the hope of victory, eagerly await* ing the approaching contest, to see them afterwardis dispirited, hopeless and desponding, at least 500 shed- ding tears, because they were not allowed to meet their country's loe, and to fight their country's battles, excited sensations, which no American has ever be- fore had cause to feel, and which, 1 trust in God, will never again be felt, while one man remains to defend the standard of the Union. I am expressly authorised to stale, that Colonel M'Arthur, and Col. Fuidley, and Lieut. Col. Miller, viewed this transaction in the light which I do. They know and feel, that no circumstance in our situation, none in that of the enemy, can excuse a capitulation so dishonorable and unjustifiable. This too, is the uni- versal sentiment among the troops ; and I shall be surprised to learn, that there is one man, who thinks it was necessary to sheath his sword, or lay down his TttiuskeL I was informed by Gen. Hull the morning after the capitulation, that the British forces consisted of of 1800 regulars, and that he surrendered to prevent the effusion of human blood. That he magnified their regular force nearly five-fold, there can be no doubt. Whether the philanthropic reason assigned by him is a sufficient justification for surrendering a fortified town, an army and a territory, is for the government to determine. Confident I am, that had the courage and conduct of the General been equal to the spirit and zeal of the troops, the event would have been as brilliant and successful as it now is dis- astrous and dishonorable. Very respectfully sir, I have the honor to be your Bnost obedient servant, LEWIS CASS, Col. 3(1 Regt. Ohio \ oluntecrs. Thf TJov. WiUiom Evstis., Secretary of War, HISTORY OF THE WAR. 161 [By the following Proclamation, it appears that Gen. Hull surrendered the whole of Michigan Territory, to Gen. Brock, although he has never made public any instrument to that effect !] ';, PROCLAMATION. JStf Isaac Br ocliy Esq. Mnjor-Geueral., commanding his majesty s forces in the province of Upper Canada. Whereas the Territory of Michigan was this day \jy capitulation, ceded to the arms of his Britannic JVIajesty, without any otiier condition than the protecr- tion of private property ; and wishing to give an early proof of the moileration and justice of the govern>- mcnt, 1 do hereby announce to all the inhabitants of the said Territory that the laws heretofore in existencye >hall continue in force until his Majesty's pleasure be known, or so long as the peace and safety of the Ter- ritory wiU admit thereof. And I do hereby also de- clare and make known to the said inhabitants that they shall be protected in the fidl exercise and enjoy- ment of their religion ; of which all persons, both civil and military, will take notice and govern themselves accordingly. All persons having in their possession, or having any knowledge of any public property, shall forthwith deliver in the same, or give notice thereof to the offi- cer commanding, or Lt. Col. Nichol, who are hereby authorized to receive and give proper receipts for the same. Officers of the militia will be held responsible that all arms in possession of militia-men be immediately delivered up ; and all individuals whatever, who btive in their possession arms of any kind, will deliver them up without delay. Given under my hand at Detroit, thislGth day of August, 1812, and in the 52d year of his Majesty's reign. (Signed) ISAAC BROCK, A true copy, ^ Mnjor-General, J. M'DONELL, Lt. Col. Militia & A. D. C, 21 162 MISXJivY OF THE WAR. A CARD. Colonel Synimes, of the senior division of the Ohio militia, presents his respectful compliments to Major* General Brock, commanding his Britannic majesty 'f* forces, white and red, in Upper Canada. ^ Colonel ISymmes, observing, that by the 4th article"^ of liie capitulation of Fort Detroit to INIajor-general Brock, all public arms moving towards Fort Detroit, are to be delivered up, but as no place of deposit is ' pointed out by the ca|)itulation, ybr/^y thousand stand of arms coming within the description, are at the ser- vice of Major-general Brock, if his excellency will Goi\i\e%c,e[i\\ to come and take tham. Copies of letters received at the navg department from ''^ Capt, Porter y of the United States frigate Essext of 32 giins. At Sea, AugvstM, 1812. SIR — I have the honor to inform you that on the 13th his Britannic Majesty' ssloop of war Alert, Captain T. P. Laugharne, ran down on our weather quarler, gave three cheers, and commenced an action (if so trifling a skirmish deserves the name and after 8 minutes fir- ing struck her colors, with 7 feet water in her hold, and " much cut to pieces, and three men wounded. T need not inform you that the officers and crew of the Esse,x behaved as I trust all Americans will in such cases, and it is only to be regretted that so nmch zea! and activity could not have been displayed on an occasion which would have done them more honor. The Essex has not received the slightest injury. The Alert was out for the purpose of taking the Hornet ! I have the honor to be, with great respect, your obedient servant, Signed DAVID PORTER; Hon. Puul Hamilton, Secretary of the Navy. HISTORY OF THE WAR. m ftlK-l^.namg myself much embarrassed l)v h. event of an elloaa•P,npn^ • i ^ ? "^ *"'P '» ly as poss,bl., parlicularlfas I wa* eu" "' ''"r.'"" immediately on their Mriv7\ in IT T ""■*'' "'•'' Alert overboard; will.drew from her aM the L to.a"f t^^^''' «PPO'"ted heut.J.P. VV.Ime,. ceivemexcliancre ^'"eucans a. he may re- ihetiriaf;:etJre;re':pt^j,t'' "" -^-'^ lative to tb,s transaction! and ,i .cerelv h^7 TT"^ conduct n. th. affair may m'er,^,:";r;;":^p2 Not %^c!rat ^N^^LSj^t^^rrf 1i can do shall be done, and «vhl,e er m Tbe om f^ our counlrymeu shall never blush Co. us ' i have the honor to be, lac. oj thi N,imj, Wathinglon. \ |er man killed inside the fort, and he lost his life by being too anxious — he got into one of the gallies of the bastions, and fired over the pickets, and called out to his comrades that he had killed an Indian, and neglecting to stoop down, in an instant he was shot dead. One of the men that junip-i. ed the pickets, relumed an hour before day, and run* T)ing up towards the gate, begged for God's sake for illSTOnY OF THE WAR. 167 ilto be opened. I suspected it to be a stratagem of the Indians to get m, as I did not recollect the voice —I directed the men in the bastion, where I hapi>en- ed to be, to shoot him lethim be who lie would and one ot them fired at him but fortunately he run up to the other bastion, wliere they knew his voice, and Dr Clark directed hirn to lie down close to the pickets be* land an empty biirrel that happened to be there, and at day li-ht I had him let in. His arm was broken in a most shockiniT manner, which he says was done bv the Indians— which 1 suppose wastheVause of his re- Ujrning-.I think it probable that he will not recover ihe other, they cauoht about 120 yards from the garrison, and cut him all to pieces. After keepino- up a constant fire m.til about six o'clock the next morning, which we returned with some effect- alter day-l.ght, they removed out of the rtach of our Vans A party ot them drove up the horses that beloTio-ed to the citizens here, aud as thev could not catch tirem very readily, shot the whole of' them in our siirht as well as a number of their hogs. They drove off \he whole ot the cattle, which amounted to sixtv-five head, as well as the public oxen. 1 had the vaaancv nl.ed up be ore night, (which was made by the burn- ing of the block house) with a strong row of pickets which I got by pulling down the guard house. We ost the whole of our provisions, but must make out to hve upon green corn until we can get a supply M hich I am in hopes will not be long. 1 believe the vvhole of the IVl.amies or Weas, wer? among the Pro- phet s party, as one chief gave his orders in that lan- guage, which resembled Stone Eater's voice, and I believe ^egro Legs was there likewise. The In- dians suflered smartly, but were so numerous as to take ott all that were shot. (Signed) z TAYLOR. Ills t^xctllency Governor Hurrison. 168 HISTORY Ol? THE WAK Com of a letter from Major ThomasJ. Jessup ««^ ^7al Tayto/, Q. M. Oen N. W An,.,, to_a aentUmanin WaMnffion (My, dated J* Chilitotliey (Ohio) Oct. i. SlR_Yom- leller has been received. req.iestu,g from us a corwboralion of Ccl.Casss fen.ent o the Secretary of War, of the surrender of the nortlv- wesufrarmv. We have read the colonel's stateme«t »Uh "llention, and find it a pretty correct h.story of : 'suSn. 'although .e »>-- observed .hat som« important facts have been on""^'^'- behave a so Slnd examined the official report of Gen. Hull, nd bavefound ,1 abounding with inaccurac.es and m st-.^e- Tents • the ffeneral has not only undcireled his o«n force bnt hat, in our opinion, magnified mfim.clv that of*; enemy, and enumerated dangers and d.fhc«l. lies that existed only ii> unas;matio;i. T at the means wUhin our power were "o P™pu- Iv^nnlied is a melancholy fact; and that the aimv ls'uWcess..'ily sacrificed, and the An-ncan arms disgn>ced, none -but .he base and cowardly wdlat- ''•f ou mt;:^lhonsed to mnkewhat use you may think Q. M. Oen. JS. W. Aunt/. ^kirmishivn--C^vi. Williams, on the 30lh of An- r'' St Ma y"t 'S olm-: nveir was uLcked by trom St. Ma J s to ai „ ho killed one man an •'"'''"«'f^!"Sl'"2,re ncludmo- Cap.. Williams. :i:ire;vtds::cnr.::;s'rti-un.ou';i.on^ WHO rectiveii sc pffpcted a retreat about 200 and tour "' ""^'fS-T^Vem^, stand, and fought hawks, which this little band soon put a slop to, by, HISTORY 05" THE WAK. 16^ Aargin^ bayonet and rushing on them. TV.e In- dians destroyed one waggon and took the other to carry off their killed and wounded. Capt. Williams then proceeded to St. John's with his well and wound- ed, excepting one man, who was not able to travel. The next day a party of Indians returned to the spot; when the wour»ded man rose up as well as he could, and called upon his parly to rush upon the Indians, which startled them in such a manner that one of them sprung from his horse, which, the wounded, man caught^ and arrived safe at Si. John's. (/apt. Forsyth, with 70 of his rifle company, and 34 militia'volunteers, on the night of the 20th September, 1812, went over to a small village called Gananoque, in the town of Leeds, from C ipe Vincent, for the purpose of destroying the kuig's -store house at that place. They landed unobserved, but were soon dis- covered by a party of regulars of about 125, and fired Upon. — Capt. Forsyth returned the fire with such spirit, that they were obliged to retreat to the village^ where they were reinforced by a number of militia, when they agam rallied, but finding the contest too sanguine, retreated the second time in disorder, leav- ing 10 killed, and 8 regulars and a number of militia, prisoners : Capt. Forsyth had otily one man killed and on© slightly wounded. After destroying the store house, with a quantity of flour and pork, our little band of heroes, returned to Cape Vincent, tak- ing with them the prisoners, 00 stand of arms, two * barrels of fixed ammunition, one barrel of powder, » one barrel of flints, and a quantity of other public •>( property taken from the store-house. On the 4th of October, about forty British boats, escorted by two gun boats, attempted to pass from Johnstown to Prescott, by Ogdensburg. — On their leaving Johnstown, the batteries at Prescott opened on Ogdensburg* and kept up a brisk fire, which was re- 22 170 HISTOKY OP THE AVAR. iurnedin a spirited manner, and continued UvoliourS' The next morning- the enemy commenced a lieavy cannonade on us trom Prescott, where tlie boals hiy, Avliich was continued wilh little i n term issi on,- through the day without any return from us; General Urown considering it useless to fire such a dislance. The enemy was very busy during the day iii preparing for an attack on Ogdensburg — -the next morning about 10 o'clock, 25 boats, aided by 2 gun boats moved up the river three quarters of a mile, when they tacked and stood over for our shore. As soon as the boats changed their course, the batteries from PresColt opened their fire upon us, which w as not answered till the boats had advanced to about the middle of the river, when our batteries commenced a tremendous lire upon them, which destroyed three, and caused the remainder to seek shelter under the batteries of Prescott. Cols. Lethridge and Breckenridge, led the British. There was not one man either killed or wounded on our side, whilst the enemy lost twelve killed and 20 wounded. Affair at St. Reyis. — Major Young, of the Troy, N. Y. militia, stationed at French IMills, on the St. Regis river, having received intelligence that a parly of the enemy had arrived at, and taken possession of St. Regis village, marched a detachment, on the night of the 21st October, w hich crossed the river about 3 o'clock, and arrived within half a mile of the village by 5 in the morning, unobserved by the enemy. Hert the Major made such a judicious disposition of his force, that the enemy were entirely surrounded, when a few discharges upon them caused them to surrender, after having 5 killed, and. several wounded. — The result of this afllair, was 40 prisoners, with their arms, equipments, &:c. one stand of colors, and two bat- teaux, without having one man hurt, on our side. Major Young had the honor of taking the first stan- dard tiom the cueuty in the present war. HISTORY OF THE Vv AR. 171 Letter from Captain Elliot to the Secretary of the Navy. Black Rock, Oct. 0, 1812. SIR — I have ihe honor to inf'onn you that on the morning- of ihe 8th inst. two British vessels, \Vhicii I was informed were his Britannic Mnjesly's brig' De- troit, late the United States bri^ Adams, and the hrij^- Hunter, niountinsj' 14 g-uns, but which afterwards proved to be the brig Caledonia, both said to be well armed and manned, came down the Lake and anchor- ed under the protection oV Fort Erie. Having- been on the lines for some time and in[a measure inactively employed, I determined to make an attack, and if possible to get possession of them. A strong induce- ment to this attempt arose from a conviction that with these two vessels added to those which I have purchas- ed and am fitting out, 1 should be able to meet the re- mainder of the British force on the Upper Lakes, and save an incalculable expense and labor to the govern- ment. On the morning- of their arrival I heartl that our seamen were but a short distance from this place, and immediately dispatched an Express to the officers, directing them to use all possible ct, and the reasons and mo- tives which governed me ; and if the result is uvt all iJiat might have been wished, it is such, that when the whole ground shall be viewed, I shall cheerfully sub- mit to the judgment of my country. . In my letter of the 8lh inst. I apprized you that a orisisin this campaign was rapidly advancing ; and that (to repeat the same Mords) ' the blow muat be soon Hrucky or all the toU and e^rpence of the campaign yo for nothing ; and worse than nothiny, for the whole- will be tinyed with dishonor.' - Under such impressions, I had on the 5th inst. written to brigadier-General Smyth, of the United States' forces requesting an interview with him, Ma- jor-General Hall, and the commandants of the United States' regiments, for the purpose of conferring upon the subject of future operations. I wrote Major-Gen-, eral Hall to the same purport. On the lllh, I had received no answer from General Smyth; but in a. note to me on the 10th, General Hall mentioned that' General Smyth had not yet then agreed upon any day- for consultation. In the mean time, the partial success of lieut. Elliot, at Black Rock, (of which, however, I have received no official informatioii) began to excite a strong dispo- sition in the troops to act. This was expressed to me J8i5 HISTOBY OP THE WAJt» tbroug'h various channels in the slmpeofanalternaiive : that they must have orc/ers to act; or at all hazacds^ they would ffo home. I forbear here commenting up- on the obvious consequences to me, personally, otlon- gerwithholdmgmy orders under such circumstances. I had a conference with as to the posi»ibillity of getting some person to pass over to Canada and ob- tain correct intbrmation. On the morning: of the 4th, he wrote to niethat he had procured the man who bore his- letterto go over. Instructions were given him ; he pas- sed oyer — oblained such mformalion as warranted an- immediate attack. This was contidently communi- cated to several of my first officers, and produced great zeal to act ; more especially as it might have a controling effect upon the movements; at Detroit, where it was supposed General Brock had gone with all the force he dared spare from the Niagara frowtier. The best preparations in my power were, therefore, made to dislodge the enemy from the Heights of: Queenston, and possess ourselves of the village, where tile Iroops might be sheltered from the distressing in« cleiuency of the weather. I^eut, Col. Fenwick's flying artillery, and a detach^ naei!t of legular troopa under his command, were or- dered to be up in season from Port Niagara. Ordersr "Were also sent to Geji. Smylh to send down from Buf^ fnloe, such detachments of hisbri^iade as existing cir^' cumslances in that vicinity might warrant. The at- tack was to have been made at 4 o'clock-in the morn- ing of the 11th, by crossir»gover in boat» from the oli ferry opposite the Heights. To avoid any embarrass** ment in crossing the river, (which is here a sheet of vio*' lent eddies) experienced boatmen were jirocured to take the boats from the landing below to the place o& embarkation. JLueuL Sim w-as considered the man of greatest skill for this service. He went ahead, ami in the extreme darkness, passed the intended place t\ir up the river ; and there, m a most extraordinary ma»*> ner fastened the boat to the shore and abandoned the; i^fiiuchmeut. In the lEQut boat he had carried mtajdf every oair which was prepared for all th6 bdats. lit this agonizing' dilemma, stood officers atkl men whose ardor had not been cooled by exposure through the nig-ht to one of the most tret^iendous north-et^st storms, which continued, unabated, for twenty-eig-ht hours, and deluged the whole camp. The approach of day light extinguished every prospect of success, and the detachment returned to camp; Col. Van Renssela^f was to have commanded the d>etachment. After this result, I had hoped tlie patience of the troops wouid have continued until I could submit the plaa suggested i« ray letter of the 8th, that I mig^f act under, and in conformity to the opinion that might be then expressed. But my hope was idle: the previously excited ardor seemed to gain new heart from the late miscairriage— the brave Weremor-- tified to stop short of their object, and the timed thought laurels half won by an attempt. €hi the morning of the 12th, such was the pi-esstire upon nre from all quarters, that I became siitisfiedf that my refusal to act might involve nie in Mspicioit :uid the service in disgnice. Viewing affairs at Buffalo as yet unsettled, I had immediately countenuanded the march of Genera:? Smytlj's brigade, upon the failure of the first expedV tion ; but having now determined to attack Q,ueeny- ton, I sent new orders to Gen. Smyth to march; not with the view of his aid in the attack, for I considered the force detached sufficient, but to support the de* lachment should the conflict be obstinate and lOng* continued. Lieut. Col. Chrj^tie, who had just arrived at the four mil eCieek, had late in the night of the first con- templated attack, gallantly offered me his own and his men's service ; but he got my permissiou too liite. He now again came forward ; had a conference with Col. Van Kensselaer, and begged tliat he might have the honor of a command in the expedition. The' ai^ rangenrervt was made. Gol. Van Rensselaer was td 182 HISTORY OF THE WAR.:! command one column of 300 militia ; and Lieut. Col. Chrystie a column of the same number of regular troops. Every precaution was now adopted as to boats, and the most confidential and experienced men i<> manag^e them. At an early hour in the night, Lieut. Col. Chrystie marched his detachment, by the rear road, from Niagara to camp. At 7 o'clock in the eveninjo^, L'cut. Col. Stranahan's regiment moved from Niagara Falls-— at 8 o'clock, Mead's — and at y Lieut. Col Blan's regiment marched from the same, place. All were in camp in go<\d season. Agreea- bly to my orders issued upon this occasion, the two columns were to pass over together ; and soon as the heights should be carried, Lieut. Col. Fenwick's flying" artillery was to pass over ; then Maj. IVIullaiiy's de- tachment of regulars ; and other troops to follow in order. - c At dawn of day the boats were in readiness, and t^e troops commenced embarking, under the cover.' of a commanding battery, mountmg two eighteeav pounders, and two sixes. . The movements were soon discovered, and a brisk fire of musketry was poured from the whole line of the Canada shore. Our bat- tery then opened to sweep tlie shore ; but it was, for.' some minutesj too dark to direct much fire with safe- ty. A brisk cannonade was now opened upon ibe boats from three different batteries. Our battery re- turned their fire, and occasionally thiew grape upon the shore, and was itself served with shells from a small mortar of the enemy's. Col. Scott, of the ar- tillery, by hastening his march from Niagara Falls in the night, arrived in season to return the enemy's tire with two six pounders. The boats were somewhat embarrassed with the. eddies, as well as with a shower of shot : but Col.i Van Rensselaer, with about 100 men, soon efi'ected. bis landing amidst a tremendous fire directed upon him from every point; but to tlie astonishment of all who witnessed the scene, this van of the column ad- HISTORY OP THE Wxti. ISS vjinced slowly against the fire. It was aserioiis mis* fortune to the van, and indeed to I he whole expedition', tliat in a few minutes after landing-, Col. Van Rens- selaer received four wounds — a ball passed throug-h the right thigh, entering just below the hip bone — another shot passed through the same thigh, a little below — the third through the calf of his leg — and a fourth cartused his heel. This was quite a cri.'sis in the expedition. Under so severe a fire it was difTi- cult to form raw troops. By some mismCinagemtnt of the boatmen, Lieut. Col. Chryslie did not arrive \m\\[ some time after this, and was wounded in the hand in passing the river. Col. Van Rensselaer was still able to stand ; and with great presence of mind ordered his officers to proceed with rapidity and storm the Fort, This service was gallantly perform- ed, and the enemy driven down the hill in every di* reclion. Soon after this both parties were considera- bly reinforced, and the conflict was renew ed in seve- ral places — many of the enemy took shelter behind a stone guard-house, where a piece of ordnance was now briskly served. I ordered the tire of our balterv directed upon the guard-house; and it was so effect- ually done, that with 8 or 10 shot the fire was silenci ed. The enemy then retreated behind a large store- house ; but in a short time the route became general^ and the enemy's fire was silenced except from a one gun battery, so far down the river as to be out of the reach of heavy ordnance, and our light pieces could not silence it. A number of boats now passed over nnannoyed, except from one unsilenced gun, Foi* some time after 1 had passed over, the victory appear- ei exchange of prisoners, and all ihe concerns consequent of such a battle, that I have not been able to forward this dispatch at as early an hour as I could ha\e wished. I shall sooh forward you another despatch, in which I shall endeavor to point out to you the conduct of some most gallant and deserving officers. Bui I cannot in justice close this .without expressing the very great obliga* lion I am under to brigadier-general Wads worth. Col. Van Rensselaer, Col. Scott, Lt. Cols. Ciiristie andFen^ Mick, and Captain Gibson. Many others ha^e also ♦)ehaved most gallantly. As I have reason to believe that many of our troops fled to the woods, with the hope of crossing the river, I have not been able to Team the probable number of killed, wounded and prisoners.* The slaughter of our troops must have been very considerable. And the enemy have snfleP- ed severely. General Brock is among their slaia, and hi$ aid-dc-cump mortally wounded. I have the honor to be, sir, with great respect and consideration, your most obedient servant, (Signed; STEPHEN VAN RENSSELAER. Major' General. Major-General Dearborn. » It is sine, ascertained thai 90 regulars and militia mere kitUcf, tt>irfo86 regulars, and 378 militia, 82 beinf^ tvoif'ulcd. inide pri- -. .srters, 24 186 HISTOllY OF THE WAR. CHxYPTER V. Documents accGmpanying the President's 3Iessage of JSovetuher 4,^SV2. 3Ir. Monroe to M?'. Hiissell. Department op State, July 27, 1812. SIR — I wrote you on the 2Gth of June, by Mr. Foster, a letter which he promised to deliver to you in person or by a safe hand. In that letter you were informed, that the Orders in . Council, and other illegal blockades, and the impress- ment of onr seamen by Great-Britain, as you well knew before, were the principal causes of the war, and that if they were removed, you might stipulate aii armistice, leaving them and all other grounds of dif- ference, for final and more precise adjustment by trea- ty. As an inducement to the British government to discontinue the practice of impressment from our ves- sels, by which alone our seamen can be made secure, you were authorised to stipulate a prohibition by law, to be reciprocal, of the employment of British seamen in the public or commercial service of the United States. As such an arrangement, which might be jiiade completely effectual and satisfactory by suitable regulations and pei;alties, would o|)erate almost ex- .clnsively in favor of Great-Britain, for as lew of our seamen ever enter voluntarily into the British service, the reciprocity would be nominal ; its advantage to Great-Britain would be more than an equivalent for any she derives from impressment, which alone ought to induce her to abandon the practice, if she had no other motive for it, A stipulation to prohibit by law the employment of British seamen in the service ot the United States, is to be understood in the sense and spirit of the constitution. The passage of such law must depend of course on Congress, who, it might reasonably be presumed, might give effect to it. By authorising you to secure these objects as the grounds of an armistice, it was not intended to restrict HlSTOllV OF THE WAR. 187 you to any precise form in which it shouhi be done. It is not particularly necessary that the several points should be specially provided for in the convention stipulating the armistice. A clear and distinct un- derstanding with Ihe British government on the sub- ject of impressment, comprising in it the discharge of men already impressed, and on future blockades, if the Orders in Council are revoked, is all that is in- dispensible. The Orders in Council being revoked, and the proposed understanding on the other points, Ihat is, on blockades and impressment, being first ob- tiined, in a manner, though informal, to admit of no mistake or disagreement hereafter, the instrument providing for the armistice may assnme a general form especially if more agreeable to lUe Britisli gov- ernment. It may for example be said in general terms * that both powers being sincerely desirous to terminate the differeiices winch unhappily subsist be- tween them, and equally so, th it full time should be given for the adjustment thereof, agree, Isl, that an armistice shall take place for that purpose to com- mence on the day of * 2. That they will forthwith appoint on each side commissioners with full power to form a treaty, which shall provide, by reciprocal arrangements, for the se- curity of their seamen from being taken or employed in the service of the other power, for the regulation of their commerce, and all other interesting questions now depending between them. * 3. The armistice shall not cease without a previ- ous notice by one to the other party of days, and shall not be understood as having other effect than, merely to suspend military operations by land and sea.' Bv this you will perceive that the President is de- sirous of removing every obstacle to an accommoda- tion which consists merely of form, securing in a safe and satisfactory manner, the rights and interests of the United States in these two great and essential cir- cumstances, as it is presumed may be accomplished by the proposed understanding ; he is willing that it should be done in a manner the most satisfactory and 38^ HISTORY OF THE WAR. honorable to Great-Brilain, as well as to the United S/ates. I have tlie lionor to be. &c. JAMES MONROE. Mr. Graham to Mr. Russell. Department of State, Ani^. 9, 1812; SIR — The Secretary left this city about ten tiayi? as^o, on a short visit to Virginia. Since that period M'"- Baker has, in constqnence of some tlespatches from his government addressed to Mr. Foster, made to me a commnnication respecting the intentions of his government as regards the Orders in Council, Xt was of a charactc>r, however, so entirely n)forn)al and contidential that Mr. Biker did not feel l)imseif at liberty to make it in the form of a note verbal or pro memoria, or even to permit me to take a memo-f random of it at the time he made it. As il authorises an expectation that something nioie precise and de- finite, in an official form, may soon be received by this government, it is the less necessary that I should go into an explanation of the views of the President in relation to it, more particularly as the Secretary of State is daily expected, and will be able to do it in a manner more satisfactory. I have the honor, &c. JOHN GRAHAM. 3Ir. Graham to Air. Hussell Department of State, Aug. 10, 1812. SIR— Thinking tiiat it may possibly be useful to you, 1 do m\ self the honor to enclose you a memo- randum of the conversation between Mr. Baker and myself, alluded to in my letter of yesterday's datei From a conversation with Mr. Baker since this me- nu -rand um was made, I find that 1 was correct in representing to the President that the intimation from Mt"- Foster, and the British authorities at Halifax was to be understood as connected with a suspension of hostilities on the frontiers of Canada. Yours, Sec. JOHN GRAHAM Memorandum re/erred to in the above letter. Mr. Baker verbally communicated to me for the information of the President, that he had received HISTORY OP THE WAK. 189 despatches from his government addressed to Mr. Foster, (dated I believe about the 17lh of June) from which he was authorised to say, that an official de- claration would be sent to this country, that the Or- ders in Council, so far as they affected the (T. States, Would be repealed on the 1st of August, to be revived on the 1st of May, 181;), uidcss the coaduct of the French government, and the result of the communi- cations with the American jrovernment, should be such as, in the opinion of iiis Majesty, to render their revival uuijecessary. Mr. Baker moreover stated that the Orders would be revived, provided the Amer- ican government did not, within fourteen days after they received the official declaration of their repeal, admit British armed vessels into their ports, and put an end to the restrictive measures which had grown out of the Orders in Council. The despatches authorising this communication to the American government expressly directed that it should be made verbally, and Mr. Baker did not con- aider himself at liberty to reduce it to writing, even in the form of a note ver!)al, or pro memoria, or to f?ufferme to take a memorandum of his communica- tio!i at the time he made it. I understood from him that the despatches had been opened by Mi'. Foster at Halifax, who in coisequence of a conveisaliorj he had had with Vice Admiral Sawyer, and Sir J. Sher- broke, had authorised Mr. Raker to say, that these gentlemen would agree, as a measure leading to a suspension of hostilities, that all captui-es made after a day to be tixed, should not be proceeded against im- mediately, but be detained to await the future decision of the two governments. Mr. Foster had not seen Sir George Prevost, but had written to him by ex- press, and did not doubt but that he would agree to an arrrangenisnt for the temporary suspension of hos- tilities. Mr. B iker also stated that he had received an authority from Mr. Foster to act as charge d 'af- fairs, provided the American government would re- ■^eive him in that character, for the purpose of ena- 190 HISTORY OF THE WAR, bling bini officially to communicate the declaralioti which was to be expected from the British govern- ment ; his functions to be understood, of course, as ceasing on the renewal of hostilities. I replied, That although, to so general and informal a communica- tion, no answer might be necessary, and certawdy no particular answer expected, yet, I was authorised to say, that the communication is received with sincere satisfaction, as it is hoped that the spirit in which it was authorised by his government, may lead to such further communications as will open the way not only to an early and satisfactory termination of existing hostilities, but to that entire adjustment of all the differences which produced them, and that per- manent peace and solid friendship which ought to be mutually desired by both countries, and which is sii)- cevely desired by this. With this desire, an authority was given to Mr. Russell on the subject of an armis- tice as introductory to a final pacification, as has been made known to Mr. Foster, and the same desire will be felt on the receipt of the further and more particu- lar communications which are shortly to be expected with respect to the joint intimation from Mr, Foster and the British authorities at Halifax, on the subject of suspending judicial proceedings in the case of mar- atime captures, to be accompanied by a suspension of military operations. The authority given to Mr. Rus- sell just alluded to, and of which Mr. Foster was the bearer, is full proof of the solicitude of the govern- ment of the United States to bring about a general suspension of hostilities on admissible terms, with as little delay as possible. It was not to be doubted therefore, that any other practical expedient for at- taining a similar result would be readily concurred in. .Upon the most favorable consideration, however, which could be given to the expedient suggested through him, it did not appear to be reducible to any practicable shape to which the executive would be authorised to give it the necessary sanction, nor in- deed is it probable that if it was less liable to insuper- HISTORY OP THE WAR. IDl able difficulties, that it could have any material effect previous to ihe result of the pacific advance made by this government, and which must if favora- bly received, become operative as soon as any other arrangment that could now be made. It was stated to Mr. Baker, that the President did not, under ex- istincT circumstances, consider Mr. Foster as vested with the power of appointii»g a charge d'affairs: but that no difficulty in point of form would be made, as any authentic communication through him, or any other channel, would be received with attention and respect. Secretary oj State to Mr. llnsscU. Department of State, Aug, 21,1812. [Extract.] My last letter to you was of the 27th of July, and was forwarded by the British packet, the Aithea, under the special protection of Mr. Baker. The object of that letter, and of the next preceding one of the 26th of June, was, to invest you with pow- er to suspend by an armistice, on such fair conditions as it was presumed could not be rejected, the opera- tion of the war, which had been brought on the Unit- ed States by the injustice and violence of the British government. At the moment of the declaration of war, the President, regretting the necessity which produced it, looked to its termination and provided for it, and happy will it be for both countries, if the disposition felt, and the advances made on his part, are entertained and met by the British government in a similar spirit. You have been informed by Mr. Graham of what passed in my late absence from the city, in an inter- view between Mr. Baker and him, in consequence of a despatch from the British government to Mr. Foster, received at Halifax, just before he sailed for Eng- land, and transmitted by him to Mr. Baker, relating to a proposed suspension or repeal of the British Or- ders in Council. You will have seen by the nutr forwarded to you by Mr, Graham, of Mr. Baker'f. 192 JWSTORY OF TH^ WAR. cohimunication tohim, that Mr. Foster haS aiitlioi*. ised hiffi to state that the commanders of the B;*itish forces at Hahfax wouhi a|^ree to a suspension, after a day to be fixed, of" the condemnation of prizes, to await the decision of both govertiments, withont hovvv ever preventins: captures on either side. It appears also, that Mr. Foster had promised to communicate with Sir George Prevost, and to advise him to pro* pose to our g-overnment an armistice. Sir George Prevost has since proposed to Gejieral Dearborn, at the suggestion of Mr. Foster, a buspen* sion of offensive opperations by land, in a letter whiclj ■was transmitted by the General to the Secretary at War. A provisional agreement was entered into be- tween Gen. Dearborn and Colonel liaynes, the British adjutant general, bearer of Gen. Prevost's letter, that neither party should act offensively, before the decr'r sion of our government shouhl be taken on the subject. Since my return to Washington, the document al- luded to in Mr Foster's despatch, as finally decide^ on by the British government, has been handed to m^ by Mr. Baker, with a remark, that its authenticity might be relied on. Mr. Baker added that it was no|; improbable, that the Admiral at Halifax might agree likewise to a suspension of captures, though he did not profess or appear to be acquainted with hissentimeuls on that pomt. On full consideration of all the circumstances which merit attention, the President regrets that it is not in his power to accede to the proposed arrangement, The following are among the principal reasons which have produced this decision. 1st. the President has no power to suspend judicial proceedings on prizes. A capture, it lawful, vests a right, over which he has no control. Nor could he prevent captnres otherwise than by an indiscriminate recal of the commissions granted to our privateers, which he could not justify under existing circumstajv ees. HISTORY OF THE M'AH. 1^ 2d. The proposition is not made by the British gov* eraient, nor is there any certainty that it would be ap- proved by it. The propor^ed arrangement, if acceed- ed to, might not be observed by the Britisli officers themselves, if their government, in consequence of the xvai'»shouhi give them instructions of a different char- acter, even if ihey were given without a knowledge of the arrangement. ;>d. No security is given, or proposed, as to ihelndians, nor could any be relied on. They have engaged in the war on the side of the Britisli government, and are now prosecuting it with vigor, in their usual savage mode. They can only be restrained by force, when once let loose, and that force has already been ordered out for Jlhat purpose. 4th Tiie proj>osition is not reciprocal, because it re» strains the United States from acting wHiere their povv* «r is greatest, and leaves Great-Britain at liberty, and gives her time to augment her forces in our neighbour* hood. 5th. That as a principle object of the war is to obtain redress against the British practice of impressment, an agreement to suspend hostilities even before the lir'u ish government is heard from on that subject, might be considered a relinquishment ol that claim. ^ 6th. It is the more objectionable, and of the less im-> portance, in consideration of the instructions heretotbre given you, which, if met by the British government, may have already produced the same result in a greater extent and more satisfactory form. I might add, that the declaration itself is objection^ able in many respects, particularly the following: — • 1st. Because it asserts a right in the British govern- ment to restore the Orders in Council, or any part thereof, to their full effect on a principle of retaliation On France, under circumstances of which she alone is to judge J a right which this government cannot admit, especially in the extent heretofore claimed^ and acted on by the British government 25 iW4: HISTORY OF THE WAR. - 2d. That the repeal is founded exchisively on the French Decree of the 28th of April, 1811, by whicb the repeal of the Decrees of Berlin and Milan, an- nounced on the 5th of August, 1810, to take effect on the 1st of November, of that year, at which time their operation actually ceased, is disreg^arded, as are the clauiis of the United Stales arisinnf Irom the re- peal on that day, evenaccordinii* to the British pledge, 3d. That even if the United States had no right to claim the repeal of the British Orders in Oouncil prior to the French Decree of the 28th of April, 1811, nor before the not fication of that Decree to the Brit- ish government, on the 20th of May, of the present "Vcar, the British repeal ought to have borne date, from that day, and been subject to none of the limit- ations attached to it. Ttiese remarks on the declaration of the Prince Regent, which are not pursued with rigor, nor in the full extent which they might be, are applicable to it, in relation to the stale of things which existed before the determination of the United States to resist the aggressions of the British government by war. By that determination, the relations between the two countries have been altogether changed, and it is only by a termination of the war, or by measures leading to it, by consent of both governnients, that its calam- ities can be closed or mitigated. It is not now u ques- tion whether the declaration of the Prince Regent is .such as ought to have produced a repeal of the non- importation act, had war not been declared, because, by the declaration of war, that question is superceded, and the non-importation act having been continued in force by Congress, and become a measure of war, and among the most efficient, it is no longer subject to the control of the Executive in the sense, and for the purpose for which it was adopted. The declara- tion, however, of the Prince Regent, will not be with- out effect. By repealing the Order's in Council without reviving the blockade of May, 1806, of any other illegal blockade, as is understood to be the HISTORY OP THE WAR. 196 c?ise, it removes a great obstacle to an accommoda- tion. The President considers it an indication of a disposition in the British jrovernnient to accommodate the differences which subsist between the two coun- tries, and 1 am inslructed to assure you, lh:it, if such a disposition really exists, and is persevered in, and is extended to other objects, especially the important one of impressment, a durable ami happy peace and reconciliation cannot fail to result from it. Mr. Russell to Mr. Monroe. LoNDOX, Sei)t. 1, 1812. SIR — You will perceive by the en(!losed copies of notes which have passed between lord C istlreagh an(J me, that the moderate and equitable terms proposed for a sus[)ension of hostilities, have been rejected, and that it is my intention to return immediately to the United Slates. My continuance here, after it has been so broadly intimated to me by his lordship, that I am no long-er ackiiowledg-ed in my diplomatic capacity, anrl after a knowledge that instructions are jjiven to the British Admiral to neofociate an arrangement on the other side of the Atlantic, would, in my view of the subject, not only be useless but improper. It is probable, however, that the vessel in which I propose to embark will not take her departure before the loth or 20th of this month. I have the honor to be, with great consideration, sir, your most obedient servant, JONATHAN RCJSSELL. The hon. James Monroe^ ^c. 3Ir. Russell to lord Castlereaqh. London, Aug. 24, 1812. My lord — It is only necessary, I trust, to call the attention of your lordship to a review of the conduct of the government of the United States, to prove in- controvertibly its unceasing anxiety to maintain the relations of peace and friendship with Great-Britain. Its patience in suffering the many uTongs which it 196 HIST >RY OF THE WAR. hfts received, and its perseverance in endeavoring by amicable means to obtain redress, are known to the world. Despairing at length of receiving this redress from the justice of the British government, to which ithad so often applied in vain, and feeling tliat a further forbearance would be a virtual surrender of rights and interests essential to the prosperity and m* dependence of the nation contided to its protection, it has been compelled to discharge its high duty by an appeal to arms. While, however, it regards this course as the only one which remained fv.r it to pur- sue with a hope of preserving any portion of that kind of character which constitutes the vital strength of every nation, yet it is still willing to give another proof of the spirit which has uniformly distinguished its proceedings, by seeking to arrest, on terms con- sistent with justice and honor, the calamities of war. It has, therefore, authorised nie to stipulate with his Britannic Majesty's government an armistice to com- mence at or before the expiration of sixty d lys after the signature of the instrument providing for it, on condition that the Orders in Council be repealed, and no illegal blockades to be substituted to them, and that orders be immediately given to discontinue the im- pressment of persons from American vessels, and to restore the citizens of the United Stales already im- pressed ; it being moreover well understood that the British government will assent to enter into detinite ^arrangements, as soon as may he, on these and every other difference, by a treaty to be concluded either at l^ondon or Washington, as on an impartial consideration of existing circumstances shall be deem- ed most expedient. As an inducement to Great-Britain to discontinue the practice of impressment from American vessels, 1 am authorised to give assurance that a law shall be passed (to be reciprocal) to prohibit the employment of British seamen in the public or couimercial service of the United States. HISTORV OP THE WAK. 197 It is sincerely believed that such an arrans^ement wotiUl jDi-ove more efficacious in securing to Great- Bntaiii her seamen, than the practice of imj)ressmeat, so derog-alory to the sovereign attributes of the United Stales, and so incompatible with the personal rights of their citizens. Your lordship will not be surprised that I have pre* sented the revocation of the Orders in Councd as a prelininary lo the suspension of hostilities, when it is considered that the act of the Biitish govtrnment of the 23<1 of June last, ordaining that revocation, is predicated on conditions, the performance of which is rendered impracticable by the change which is since known to have occurred ui the relations betweea tiie Iwij cou itries. h c uuot now be expected that the government of the United States will immt-diate- ly on due notice of that act, revoke or cause to be re* voked its acts, excluding from the waters and harbors of the United States ail British armed vessels, and in-p terdicling commercial intercourse with Great-Bri* tain. Such a procedure would necessarily involve consequences too u ireasonable and extravagant to be for a moment presumed.— The Order in Council of the 2od of June last will therefore according lo its own terms be null and of no effect, and a new act of the British government, adapted to existing circum- stances, is obviously required for the effectual repeal of the Orders in Council of which the United States complain. Tiie government of the United States considers indemnity for injuries received under the Orders in Council and other Edicts, violating the rights of the American nation, lo be incident to their repeal, and it believes that satisfactory provision will be made in the definite treaty, to be hereafter negociated, for this purpose. The conditions now offered to the British govern- ment for the termination of the war by an armistice as above slated, are so moderate and just in them* selves, and so eaiurel|^ consistent with its mterest and 198 HISTORY OP THE WAR. honor, that a confident hope is indulged that it will not hesitate to accept them. In so doing- it will aban- don no right ; it will sacrifice no interests ; it will ab- stain only from violating the rights of the United States, and in return it will restore peace with the power from whom in a friendly commercial inter- course so many advantages are to be derived. Your lordship is undoubtedly aware of the serious difficulties with which the prosecution of the war, even for a short period, must necessarily embarrass all fu- ture attempts at accommodation. — Passions exas- perated by injuries — alliances or conquests on terms which forbid their abandonment-— will inevitably hereafter embitter and protract a contest which might HOW be so easily and happily terminated. Deeply impressed with these truths, I cajinot but persuade myself that his Royal Highness, the Prince Regent will take into his early consideration, the pro- positions herein made on behalf of the United States, and decide on them in a spirit of conciliation and justice. I have the honor to be, with high consideration, my lord, your lordship's most obedient servant, JONATHAN RU8SELL. The Right hon. lord Viscount Castle leaghy &c. Lord Castlereayh to Mr. Russell. Foreign Office, Aug. '29, 1812. SIR — Although the diplomatic relations between the two governments have been terminated, by a de- claration of war on the part of the United States, I have not hesitated, under the peculiar circumstances of the case, and the authority under which you act, to submit to the Prince Regent the proposition con- tained in your letter of the 24th inst. for a suspension of hostlities. From the period at which your instructions must have been issued, it is obvious, that this overture was determined upon by the government of the United States, in ignorance of the Order in Council of the 23d , i HISTORY OF THE WAH. 199 June last, and as you inform me that you are not at liberty to depart from the conditions set forth in your letter, it only remains for me to acquaint you that the J'rince Regent feels himself under the necessity of declining to accede to the proposition therein contain- ed, as being- on various grounds absolutely inadmis- sible. As soon as there was reason to apprehend, that Mr. Foster's functions might have ceased in America, and that he mic^ht have been oblio:ed to viithdraw him- self, in consequence of v\ ar having been declared, from the United States, before the above mentioned Order of the 23d of June, and the instructions consequent thereupon, could have reached him, measures were taken for authorising the British Admiral on the American station, to propose to the government of the Unitcil States, an immediate and reciprocal revo- cation of all hostile Orders, with the tender of givmg full effect, in the event of hostilities being discontinu- ed, to the provisions of the said Order, upon the condi- tions therein specified. From this statement you will perceive that the view you have taken of this part of the subject is incorrect ; and that in the present state of the relations betv^ een the two countries, the operation of the Order of the 23d June, can only be defeated by a refusal on the part of your government to desist from hostilities, or to comply with the conditions expressed in the said Older. Under the circumstances of your having no pow- ers to negociate, I must decline entering into a de- tailed discussion of the [»ropositious which you have been directed to bring forward. I cannot, however, refrain on one single point, from expressing my surprise ; namely, that, as a con- dition preliminary even to a suspension of hostilities, the government of the United States, should have thought fit to demand, that the British government should desist from its anciejit and accustomed prac- tice of impressing British seamen from the merchant 200 HISTORY OF THE WAR. ships of aforeig^n state, simply on the assurance that a law shall hereafter be passed to prohibit the employ- ment ot British seamen m the pubhc or commercial service ot that state. The British government novr, as heretofore, is ready to receive from the government of the United States, and amicably to discuss, any pro| osition wliith professes to have in view either to check abuse in tlkC exeriise of the practice of impressment, or to aetom- plish b> means less liable to vexation, the objtct for which imj-ressment t.as hitherto been found necessary, but they cannot consent to suspend the exercise of a right upon which the naval strength of the empire mainly dej ends, until they are iuUy convinced that means can be devised, and will be adopttd, by which the object to be obtained by the exercise ot that right, can be effectually secured. I have the honor to be, sir, your most obedient humble servant, CASTLEREAGH. t/. Russell, Esq. &c. JWr. liussell to lord Castlereayh. LoND N, September 1, 1812. My lord — I have heard with much regret, by your lordship's note, dated llie 29ih uit. which I did not re- ceive until th s morning, that the Prince Regent has thought proper to decline to accede to the proposition for a suspension of hostilities, contained in my note of the 24ih oi August. It has been matter of surprise to me that my view with regard to the revocation ot the Order in Coun* oil of the 2;3d of June last, should ha\e been consid- ered to have been incorrect, when it appears by your ]<»rdship's note that the British government itself had deemed it necessary to give powers to the British Ad- miral to sti|>ulate tor its tull etTect, and thereby ad- mitted Ihala new act was recjuircd for that purpose. It now only remains for me to annouiice to your lordship that it is my intention to embark imuiediat&ly HISTORY OF THE WAR. 201 at Plymouth, on board the ship Laik, for the United States, and to request that permission may be grant- ed, as soon as may be, for the embarkation of my ser- vants, baggag-e, and tlie eftects of this leg-ation, and that the necessary passports may be furnished for my own, and tlieir safe conduct to that destination. I avail myself of this occasion to apprize your lord- ship that I am authorised by the g'overnment of the United States, to leave Reuben Gaunt Beasely, Esq. as its agent for prisoners of viar in this country, and to desire that every necessary facility may be afforded him in the exercise of that trust, by the British gov- ernment. I have the honor to be, my lord, your lordship'? most obedient humble servant, JONATHAN RUSSELL. The Rl. hon. lord Viscount CaMereayh. Mr. Russell to Mr. 3Ionro€. London, Sept. 3, 1812. SIR— T enclose herein a copy of a note, received yesterday from lord Castlereagh, which will acquaint you that I have obtained my passports to return to the United Slates, and that Mr Beasely is permitted to remain here as agent for prisoners of war Immediately on demanding my passport I address- ed to the consuls a circular of which you will also (ind a copy enclosed. I have the honor to be, &c. JONATHAN RUSSELL. The hon. Jmnes Monroe, 6(c. Lord Casilereayh to Mr. Russell. Foreign Office, Sept. 2, 1812. SIR — I have laid before his Royal Highness, the Prince Regent, your letter of the 1st inst. in which you announce your intention to era))ark immediately at Piyniouth on board the ship Lark, for the United States. 26 JW Ml^fbnr OF THE W AK. I have already had llie honor of forwarding to yoo an admiralty order for the protection of that ship as a cartel, on her voyage to America, and I herewith en- close to you a passport for the free embarkation of J'.ourself and family, in conformity to your request. The lords commissioners of his Majesty's treasury will issue directions to the comissioners of ihe customs to give every facility to the embarkation of your ef- fects. If previous to your departure from England, yon can point out to me any particular manner in which ( can facilitate your arrangements, I beg that you will command my services. • His Royal Highness, has commaded me to signify to you, for the information of your government, that there will be no difficulty in allowing Mr. R. G. Beasely, as stated in your letter, to reside in^this coun- try, as the United States' agent for prisoners of war. I have the honor to subscribe myself, with great truth and consideration, sir, your most obedient hum- ble servant, (Svgned) CASTLEREAGH. J. Russell, Esq. CORRESPONDENCE BETWEEN SIR J. B. "WARREifr AND THE SECRETARY OF STATE. Halifax, Nova Scotia, Sept. 30, 1812. SIR — The departure of Mr. Foster from America, has devolved upon me the charge of making known to you, for the information of the government of the U. Stales, the sentiments entertained by bis Koyal High- ness, the Prince Regent, upon the existing relations of the two countries. You will observe, from the enclosed copy of an Order in Council bearing date the 23'd of June, 1812, thatthe Orders in Council of the 7lh of January, 1807, and the 26lh of April, 1809, ceased to exist nearly at the same time that the government of the IT. State? declared war against his Majesty. HISTORY OF THE WAK. 205 Immediately on the receipt of this (kc'laration in Loiulon, the Order in Council, of wliich a copy is herewith enclosed to you, was issued on the 31st day of July, for the embargo and detention of all Ameri- can ships. Under these circumstances, I am cpmmanded to pro()ose to your g-overnment the immediate cessation of hostilities between the two countries and I shall be most happy to be the instrument of bringing about a reconciliation, so interesting- and beneficial to Ameri- ca, and Great Britain. I therefore propose to you, that the government <»f the U. States of America shall instantly recall their letters of marque and reprisal against British ships, together with all orders and instructions for any acts of hostility whatever against the territories of his Ma- jesty, or the persons or property of his subjects ; with the understanding, that, immediately on my receiving from you an official assurance to that effect, I shall in- struct all the officers ijnder my command to desist from corresponding measures of war, against the ships and property of the United States, and that I shall transmit without delay, corresponding intelligence to the sev- eral parts of the world where hostilities may have commenced. The British commanders in which, will be required to discontinue hostilities from the re- ceipt of such notice. Should the American government accede to the above proposal for terminating hostilities, I am author- ised to arrange with you as to the revocation of the laws which interdict the commerce and ships of war of Great Britain from the harbors and waters of the U. States ; in the default of which revocation within such reasonable period as may be agreed Uj:;on, you will observe by the order of the 2^d June, the Orders in Council of January, 1807, and April, 1809, are to be revived. The officer who conveys this letter to the Ameri- can coast has received my onlersto put to sea immedi- ately upon the delivering of this dispatch to the com- 204 HISTORY or THE WAR. petent authority ; and I earnestly recommend that r\o time may be lost in communicating^ to me the decision of your government, persuaded as I feel that it cannot but be of a nature to lead to a speedy termination of the present differences. The flag" of truce which you may charge with your reply will find one of my cruisers at Sandy Hook, ten days af^er the landing' of this despatch, which I have directed to call there with a flag of truce for that pur- pose. I have the honor to be, with the highest considera- tion, sir, your most obedient and most faithful humblo servant. JOHNBORLASE WARREN. Admiral of the BluCf and commander in cinefy 5cc. Mr. 3Ionroe to sir J. B. Warren. Department of State, Oct. 27, 1812. SIR — I have had the honor to receive your letter of the 30th ult. and to submit it to the consideration of the President. :' It appears that you are authorised to propose a ces- sation of hostilities between the U. States and Great Britain, on the ground of the repeal of the Orders in Council, and in case the proposition is acceeded to, to take measures in concert with this government, to carry it into complete effect on both sides. Yon stale, also that you have it in charge, in that €vent, toent^r into an arrangement with the govern- ment of the U. Slates for the repeal of the lawfe which intiTdicl the ships of war and the commerce of G real Britain from the harbors and waters of the U. Stales. Am\ vou intimate, that if the proposition is not acced- ed to, the Orders in Council (repealed conditionally by that of ihe 23d of June last) will be revived against the commerce of the U. Slates. I am instructed to inform you, thai it will be very saljsfaclor) to the President to meet the British govern- Dienl in such arrangenjents as may terminate without delay the hoslililjes which now exist between the U. HISTORY OF THE WAK. 205 .Vi States and Great Britain, on conditions honorable to ''. boih nations. At the moment of the declaration of war, the Presi- dent g-ave a signal proof of the attachment of the U. States to peace. Instructions were given at that ear- ly period to the late charge des affairs of the U. States at London, to propose to the British government an ai'mistice on conditions which it was presumed would have been satisfactory. It has been seen with regret that the propositions made by Mr. Monroe, particu- larly in regard to the important interest of impress- ment, was rejected, and that none was offered through that channel, as a basis on which hostilities might cease. As your government has authorised you to propose a cessation of hostilities, and is doubtless aware of the important and salutary effect which a satisfactory ad- justment of this difference cannot fail to have on the future relations between the two countries, 1 indulge the hope that it has, ere this, given you full power for the purpose. Experience has sufficiently evinced that no peace can be duriwble mdess this object is provided for. It is presumed, therefore, that it is equally the inti; rest of both countries to adjust it at this time. Without further discussing questions of right, ^ the President is desirous to provide a remedy for the evils complained of on both sides. The claim of the Bri- tish government is to take from the merchant vessels of other countries British subjects. In the practice, the cunmianders of the British ships of war often take from the merchant vessels of the U. States, American citizens. If the United States prohibit the employ- ment of British subjects in their service, and inforce the prohibition of suitable regulations and penalties, the motive for the practice is taken away. It is in this mode that the President is willing to accommodate this important controversy with the British govern- ment, and it cannot be conceived on what ground the arrangement can be refused. g06 HISTORY OF THE W4.E. A suspension of the practice of impressment, |>end- \ng the armistice, seems to be a necessary conser quence. Jt cannot be presumed, while the parties are engaged in a negociation to adjust amicably this important difference, that the U. States would ad- mit the right or acquiesce in the practice of the oppor pite party ; or that Great Britain would be unwilling |o restrain her cruizers from a pactice which would |iave the strongest tendency to defeat the negociation. It is presumable that both parties would enter into the negociation with a sincere desire to give it effect. J^or this purpose it is necessary that a clear and disf tinct understanding be first obtained between them, of the accommodation which each is prepared to makci Jf the British government is willing to suspend the practice of impressment from American vessels, on consideration that the U. States will exclude British ^eamen from their service, the regulations by which this compromise should be carried into efi'ect would \ie solely the object of negociation. The armistice would be of short duration. If the parties agreed, peace would be the result. If the negociation failed^ ^ach would be restored to its former state, and to all its pretentions, by recurring to war. Lord Castlereagh, in his note to 'vh\ Russell, seems to have supposed, that had the British government ac- cepted the propositions made to it, G. Britain would have suspended immediately the exercise of a right, on the mere assurance of this government that a law would be afterwards passed to prohibit the employ- ment of British seamen in the service of the U. States, and that Great Britain would have no agency in the regulation to give efi'ect to that proposition. Such an idea was not in the contemplation of this government, nor is to be reasonably inferred from Mr. Russell's note ; lest, however, by possibility such an inference might be drawn from instructions to Mr. Russell, and anxious that there should be no misunderstanding m the case, subsequent instructions were given to Mr, Russell with a view to obviate every objection of the HISTORY OF THE WAR, 207 kind aHiuled to. As they bear date on tKe 27th Tulv nnd were forwarded bv the British packet Allhe-» it IS more than probable that tliey mav have been receiv- ed and acted on. I am happy to explain to you thus fully the views ot my government on this important subject. The President desnes that the war which exists between our countries should be terminated on such conditions as may secure a sold and durable peace. To accom phsh this great object it is necessary that the interest t)t impressment be satisfactorily arranged. He k vvdhng that Great Britain should be secured a^^amst the evils of which she complains. He seeks on the other hand that the citizens of the United Stated should be protected against a practice which while it degrades the nation, deprives them of their rights as Ireemen, takes them by force from the.r families and he.r country into a foreign service, to^fij^ht the bat- tles of a foreign power, perhaps against th^ir own kin- tired and country. I;J»^stain from entering, in this communication in- to other grounds of difference. The Orders in Coun- cil having been repealed, (with a reservation not im- pairing a corresponding right on the part of the U States; and no illegal blockades revived or instituted in their stead, and an understanding being obtained no . ':X'' «V"^^^''^^"^^"*^ ^" *'^^ modelier^in H o- posed, he President is willing to agree to a cesXn of hostilities, with a view to arrange by treat vn a more distinct and ample manner, and to the s^^^ Hon of both parties, every other subject of controversv-. X will only add that if there be no objection to ar, accommodation of the difierence relating to impress ment,in the mode proposed, other than the suspension or the British claim to nnpressment during Uie armis- -ami! !^r T *''"''"' .^^ proceeding, without the armistice, to an immediate discussion and arran^re ment ot an article on that subject. This great X' 208 HISTOUY OF THE WAR. tion being satisfactorily adjusted, the way will be open either for an armistice or any other course lead* ino- most conveniently and expeditiously to a genera! pacification. I have the ^^^^^^'^^^^^^^^ BRITISH CHALLENGE. lonorant of the fate of the blustering J^ocre^, ^ir James Yeo, of the Southampton frigate,senttheto low- ing polite challenge toCapt. D. Porter, commanderof thi frigate Essex. The kwff, * the iounta.n ot honor, dw66jSu- James, a A%A^- we wished Capt. Porter the pleasure of drubbing him into a gentleman. * A passenger of the brig Lyon from Havanna to New- York, captured by the brig Southampton, sir James Yeo, commander, is requested by sir James Yeo, to present his compliments to captain Forter, commander of the American frigate Essex, would be ole 27 210 HISTOllY OF THE WAR. of the action. They immediately surrendered upon our g-aining their forecastle, so that no loss was sus- tained on either side after boarding-. Our main-top-mast was shot away between 4 and 5 minutes from the commencement of the firing, and falling together with the main-topsail yard across the larboard fore and fore-top-sail braces, rendered our head-yards unmanageable the remainder of the action. At eight minutes the gaft and and main-top-gallant mast came down, and at 20 minutes from the begin- ning of the action every brace and most of the rigginij was shot away. A few minutes after separating from the Frolic both her masts fell upon deck, the mainmast going close by the deck, and the foremast twelve or hfteen feet above it. The courage and exertions of the officers and crew fully answered my expectations and wishes. Lieut. Biddle's active conduct contributed much to our success, by the exact attention paid to every de- partment during the engagement, and the animating example he afforded the crevj' by his intrepidity. Lieuts. Kodgers, Booth, and Mr. Rapp, shewed by the incessant fire from their divisions that they were not to be surpassed in resolution or skill. Mr. Knight and every other officer acted with a courage and promptitude highly honorable, and I trust have giv- en assurance that they may be relied on whenever their services may be required. I could not ascertain the exact loss of the enemy, as many of the dead lay buried under the masts and spars that had fallen upon deck, which two hours' ex- ertion had not sufficiently removed. IMr. Biddle, who had charge, of the Frolic, states that from what he saM' and from information from the officers, the number of killed must have been about thirty, and that of the wounded about forly or fifty — of the kil- led is her first Lieut, and sailing master ; of the wounded Capt. Whinyates, and her second Lieut. We had five killed and five wounded as per list ; the wounded are recovering. Lieut. Claxlon, who HISTORY OF THE WAR. SU was confinej by sickness, left liis bed a Utile previous to the enjjag'enient, and though too weak to be at his division remained upon deck and shewed by Ivis composed manner of noting- icnidents, that we had lost by his ilbiess the services of a brave officer. I am respectfully, yours, JACOB JONES. Hon. Paul Hamilton Secretary ot the Navy. DECATUR'S VICTORY. Com. Decatur to the Secretary of the Navy. U. S. S. United States, at sea, Oct ao, l'«l-2. SIR — I liave the honor to iid'orm you, that on the 2oth inst. being in lat. 29 deg. N. long. 29, 30 W. we fell in with, aad, after an action of one hour and a half, captured his Britannic Majesty's frigate Ma- cedonian, commanded by Capt. John Carden, and mounting- 49 carriage guns (the odd gun shifting.) She is a frigate of the largest class, two years old, four months out of dock, and reputed one of the best saik rs in the British service. The enemy being to windward, had the advantage of engaging us at his own distance, which was so great, that for the fir-iit half hour we did not use our carronades, and at no moment was he within the complete eft'ect of our musketry or grape — to this circumstance atid a heavy swell, which was on at the time, 1 ascribe the unusual length of the action. The enthusiasm of every officer, seamen, and ma- rine on board this ship, on discovering the enemy — their steady conduct in battle, and precision of their tire, could not be surpassed. Where all met my ful- lest expectations, it would be unjust in me to discrim- inate. Permit me, however, to recommend to your par- ticular notice, my first Lieut. William H. Allen. He has served with me upwards of live years, and to his unremitted exertions in disciplining the crew, is to be imjiuted the obvious superiority of our gunnery exhibited in the result of the contest. Suivjoined is a list of the killed and wounded on both sides. Our loss, compared will) that of the en- 21$ HISTORY OP THE WAR. cniy, will appear small. Amongst our wounded, you will observe the name of Lieut, Funk, who died in a few hours after the action — he was an officer of great gallantry and promise, and the service has sus* tained a severe loss in his death. The Macedonian lost her mizen-mast, fore and main top-masts and main yard, and was much cut up in her hull. The damage sustained by this ship was not such as to render her return into port necessary, and had I not deemed it important that we should see our prize in, should have continued our cruise. With the highest consideration, &c. STEPHEN DECATUR, The hon. Paul Hamilton, Killed on board the United States seven — and five wounded. On board the Macedonian thirty-six killed — and sixty^eight wounded. BAINBRIDGE'S VICTORY. Com. Bainbridye to the Secretary oj the Navy, U. S. Frigate Coni^titution, St. Salvador ^ Jan 3, 1813. gIR — J have the honor to inform you, that on the 29th ultimo, at 2 P. M. in south latitude 13 06, and west longitude thirty eight, ten leagues distance from the coast of Brazils, 1 fell in with and captured his JBritanmc Majesty's frigate Java, of forty nine guns and upwards of 400 men, commanded by captain Lam-^ bert, a very distitjguished officer. The action lasted one hour and o6 minutes, ni which time the enemy was completely dismasted, not having a spar of any kind standing. The loss on board the Constitution was 9 kdled and 25 vyounded, as per enclosed list. The enemy had 60 killed and 101 wounded, certain- ly (among the latter captain Lambert, mortally) but by the enclosed letter, written on board the shij), (by Qjieof the officers of the JavaJ and accidentally tonnd, it is evident that the enemy's wounded niusl have been mucli- greater than above stated, and who must iiave HISTORY or THE AVAiL 213 dxeA of their wounds previously to their being* remov- ed The letter states sixty killed and 170 wounded. For further details of the action, I beg leave to re- fer you to the enclosed extracts from my journal. The Java had in addition to her own crew upwards of one hundred supernumirary officers and seamen, to join the British ships of war in the East Indies ; also, Lieutenant-General Hislop, appointed to the com- mand of Bombay, IVIaior Walker, and Capt. Wood, of his staif, a id Capt. Marshall, master and command- er in the British navy, going" to the East Indies to take command of a sloop of war there. Should I attem[)t to do justice, by representa- tion, to the brave and good conduct of all my officers and crew, during; the action, I should fail in the at- tempt ; therefore, suffice it to say, that the whole of their conduct was such as to merit my highest enco- miums. I beg leave to recommend the officers particu- larly to the notice of government, as also the unfortu- nate seamen who were wounded, and the families of those men who fell in the action. Tiie great distance from our own coast, and the perfect wreck we made the enemy's frigate, forbid every idea of attempting to take her to the United States ; and not considering it prudent to trust her in- to a port of Brazils, particularly St. Salvadore, as you will'percivc by the enclosed letters, No. 1. 2. and 3, I had no alternative but burning her, which I did on the 31st ult. after receiving all the prisoners and their baggage, which was very tedious work, only having one boat left (out of eighty and not one left on board the Java. On blowing up the frigate Java, I proceeded to this place, where I have landed all the prisoners oi» their parole, to return to England, and there remain until regularly exchanged, and not serve in their pro- fi^ssioiial capacities in any place or in any manner whatever agaiust the United States of America, until the exchangee shall be effected. I have the honor to be, Sir, with the greatest re* spect. W. BAINBRIDGE. 214 HISfORY OF THE WAR. Extract from Commodore Wm. Bainbridsfe's Jour- nal, kept on baord the U. States Constitution. ' ; . ' Tuesdai/y JJec. 29, IS12. ' At 9 A. M. discovered two strange sails on the "weather bow. At 10 discovered the strangle sails to be ships ; one of them stood in for land and the other stood off shore, in a direction towards us. At 10, 45 A. M. we tacked ship to the northward and westward and stood for the sail standing' towards us, and at 11 A. M. tacked to the southward and eastward, hauled up the mainsail and took in the royals. At 11, 30, made the private signal for the day, which was not answered, and then set the mainsail and royals to draw the strange sail off from the neutral coast, and separate her from the sail in company. * Wednesday t Dec. 30. . * In lat. 13, 9 S. long. 38 W. ten leagues from the coast of Brazil, commences with clear weather and moderate breezes from E. N. E. hoisted our ens gn and pendant. At 15 minutes past meridian, the ship hoisted her colors — an English ensign, having a sig- nal flying at her main. * At 1, 26, P. M. being sufficiently from the land, and finding the ship to be an E iglish frigate, took in the mainsail and royals, tacked ship and stood for the €nemy. At I, 30, P. M. the enemy bore down with an intention of raking us, which we avoided by wear- ing. At 2 P. M. the enemy bemg within half a mile of us, and to windward, and having hauled down his colors except the union jack at the mizenmast head, induced me to give orders to the officers of the 3d di- vision to fire a gun ahead of the enemy, to make him show his colors, which being done, brought on a fire from us of the whole broadside, on which the enemy hoisted his colors, and immediately returned our fire. A general action with round and grape then com- menced ; the enemy keeping at a mucli greater dis- tance than I wished ; but could not bring him to a closer action, without exposing ourselves to several rakes. Considerable manceuvers were made by both HISTORY OF THE AVAR. 215 vessels to i^ake and avoid being raked. The follow- ing' minutes were taken during the action : ' iVt -2, 10, P. M. commenced the action within good grape and canister distanee, the enemy to wind- ward, hut much iarther than I wished. * At 2, 30, our wheel was shot entirely away. * At 2, 40, determined to close with the enemy, not- withstanding his raking. Set the fore and mainsail, and luffed up close to him. * At 2, 50, the enemy's jib-boom got foul of our miz- zen rigging. * At 3, the head ofthe enemy's bowsprit and jib- boom shot away by us. * At 3, o, shot away his fore-mast by the board. * At 3, 15, shot away his main-top-mast just above the caj). * At 3, 40, shot away the gaff and sparker-boom. * At 3, 55, shot away his mizen-mast nearly by tlie board. * At 4, 5, having silenced the fire ofthe enemy com- pletely, and his colors in main rigging being down, supposed he had struck; then hauled down the courses to shoot ahead to repair our rigging, which was ex- tremely cut ; leaving the enemy a complete wreck ; soon after discovered that the enemy's flag was still flying. Hove too to repair some of our damage. * At 20 minutes past 4, the enemy's mainmast went nearly by the board. * At 50 minutes past 4, wore ship and stood for the enemy. * At 25 minutes past 5, got very close to the ene- my, in a very eft'ectual raking position, thwart his l)ovvs, and was at the instance of raking him, when he niosl pi'udently struck his flag ; for had he suftered ilio broadside to have raked him, his additional loss must have been extremely great — as he laid an un- manageable wreck upon the water. After the ene- my had struck, wore ship and reefed the topsails — then hoisted out one ofthe only two remaining boats we had left out of eight, and sent Lieut. Parker, l.-^t 216 HISTORY OF THE WAR. of the Constitution, to take possession of the enemy, which proved to be his Britannic Majesty's frigale Java, rated 38, but carried 49 g"uns, and manned with upwards of 400 men, commanded b}? Capt. Lambert, a very distinguished officer, who was mortaly wound- ed. The action continued from commencement to the end of the fire, one hour and 55 minutes. The Java had her own complement of men complete, and upwards of one hundred supernumeraries, going* to British ships of war to the East Indies — also sever- al officers, passengers, going out on promotion. The force of the enemy in number of men at the com- mencement of the action was no doubt considerably greater than we have been able to ascertain, which is upwards of 400 men. The officers were extremely cautious in discovering the number. By her quater- bill, she had one man more stationed to each gun than Vve had. * The Constitution was very much cut in her sails, and rigging, and many of her spars injured. * At 7 P. M. the boat returned with Lieut. Chads the first Lieut, of the enemy's frigate, and Lieut. Gen. Hislop,( appointed Governor of Bombay) Maj. Wal- ker, and Cipt. Wood. * Capt. Lambert was too dangerously wounded to be removed inunediately. The cutter returned on board the prize for the prisoners, and brought Capt. Marshall, master and commandant in the British na- vy, who was a passenger on board, also, several other naval officers. * The Java was an important ship, fitted out in the completest manner, to carry Lieut. Clen. Hislop and staff to Bombay,' Letter above alluded to, jrom an officer of the Java. Conatitulion, St. Salvador^ Brazils Jan. \st 181-i. * My dear sir — 1 am sorry inform you of the un- pleasant news of Mr. Gascoine's death. Mr. Gas- coineand myself were shipmates in the Marlborough, and first ou under good care, and hope this will reach you safely.* Yours truly, H. D. CORNECK. Lieut. Peter V. Woody 22d refjimentfitoty Isle of France or Bourbouy East indies. LAWRENCE'S VICTORY. Captain Lawrence to the Secretary of the Navy. U. S. Ship Hornet, Holmes' Hole. March 19, 1813. SIR — I have the honor to inform you of the arrival at this port, of the U. S. ship Hornet, under my com- mand, from a cruise of 14o days, and to state to you, that after C mi. Bainbridge left the coast of Brazils, (on the 6th of .January last) the Hornet continued oft" the harbor of St. Salvador, blockading the Bonne Citoyenne, until the 21th, when the Montagu, 74, hove in sight and chased me into the harbor ; but night coming on I wore and stood to the southward. K lowing that she had left Rio Janeiro lor the express purpose of relieving the Bonne Citoyenne, and the Packet, (which I had also blockaded for fourteen days, and obliged her to send her mail to Rio, in a Portuguese smack) I judged it most prudent to change our cruising ground, and stood to the eastward, with the view of cruising off Pernambuco — and on the 4th day of February, captured the English brig- Resolution, from Rio .Taneiro, hound to Moranham, with cotfee, jerkesibl€ exertion used to keep her nrtoat, until the prisoners could be removed, by pnni:)ing' and bailing", but with- out effect, and she unforUuvately sunk in live and a half fathoms water, carrying down 13 of her crew, and three of mv biave feUows. Lieut. Conner, midship- man Cooper, and the remainder of the Hornel's crew, employed in removing the prisoners, with difficulty saved themselves by jumping in a boat that was lying on her bows as she went down. Four men, of the 1-3 mentioned, were so fortunate as to gain the fore- top, and were afterwards taken off by the boats. Previous to her going down, four of her men took to her stern boat, whicli had been much damaged during . the action, who, I hope, reached the shore in safely ; but from the heavy sea running at the time, the shat- tered slate of the boat, and the difficulty of landing on the coast, I much fear they were lost. I have not been able to ascertain from her officers the exact number killed. Capt. Peake and four men were tound dead on board. The master, one midshipman, carpenter, and Captain's clerk, and 29 seamen were wounded, most of them very severely, three of whom died of their wounds after being removed, and 9 drowned. Our loss was trifling in comparison ; being only 2 killed and 3 wounded. Our rijjoinor and sails were much cut ; one shot through the foremast, and the bowsprit slightly injured. Our hull received little or no damage. At the time the Peacock was brought to action, the L'Espeigle, (ihebrig mentioned above as being at anchor) mounting IG two and thirty pound carronades, and 2 long nines, lay about six miles in shore, and could plainly see the whole of the action. Apprehensive that she would beat out to the assistance of her consort, such exertions were made by my offi- cers and crew in repairing damages, &c. that by nine o'clock the boats were stowed, anew set of sails bent, and the ship completely ready for action, At 2 A. M. got under way, and stood by the wind to the norlh- ward and westward, under easy sail. 220 HISTORY OF THE WAR. On mustering next moriniig, found we had 277 souls on board, including- the crew ot the Amercan brig- Hunter, of Purtiand, taken a itw days before by the Peacock. Aiid, as we had l)een on two thirds allowance of provisions tor some time, and liad but 3' 400 gallons of waler on board, I reduced the allow- ance Lo three pints a man, and determined to make the best of my way to the United iStates. The Peacock was deservedly styled one of the fin- est vessels of her class in the British navy, probably about the tonage <.A' the Hornet. Her beani was greater by five inches ; but her extreme leitgVh not so great by four feet. She mounted 16 twe;ity-four pound carronades, two long nmes, one twelve pound carronade on her top-gahant forecastie, as a shitimg gun, and one 4 or 6 pounder, and 2swiveiS mounted att. 1 tind by her quarter bill that her crew consisted of 134 men, four of whom were absent in a prize. With the greatest resj>ect, Sec. JAMES LAWRENCE. P. S. At the commencement of the action my sail- ing master and seven men were absent m a prize, and Lieut. Stewart and six men on the sick list. CHAPTER yiL CAPTURE OF LITTLE YORK. Major-General Dearborn lo the Secretary ol War. Head-quarterSt Yorh, Capital of Upper Canadtty April '2S(h, 1813. Sir- After a detention of some days by adverse winds, we arrived at this place yesterday morning, and at 8 o'clock commenced landing the troops about 3 miles westward from the town, and one and a half from the enemy's works. The wind was high and in an unfavorable direction for the boats, which pre- vented the landing of the troops at a clear field, the HISTORY OF THE WAR. 221 scite of the ancient French fort Tarento. It prevent- ed also many of the armed vessels from takincr posi- tions, which would have most effectually covered our landing — but every thing that couid be done was ef- fected. The Riflemen under Major Forsyth first landed, un- der a heavy fire from Indians and other troops. Gen. Sheatfe commanded in person. He had collected hs whole force in the woods near the point where the wind compelled our troops to land. His force con- sisted of 700 regulars and militia, and 100 Indians. Maj*)r Forsyth was supported as promptly as possible; but the contest was sharp and severe for nearly half an hour, and the enemy were repulsed by a number far inferior to theirs. As soon as Gen. Pike landed with 7 or BOO men, and the remainder of the troops were pushing for the shore, the enemy retreated to their works. Our troops were now formed on the ground originaly intended for their landing, advanced through a thick wood, and after caiTying one battery by as- sault, were moving on in columns towards the main work : when in sixty rods of this, a tremendous explo- sion took place from a magazine previously prepared, and which threw out such immense quantities of stone as most seriously to injure our troops. I have not yet been able to collect the returns of the killed and woun- ded ; but our loss will, I fear, exceed 100 ; and among these 1 have to lament the loss of that brave and excellent officer Brig. Gen. Pike, who received a contusion from a large stone, which terminated his ■valuable life within a few hours. His loss will be se- verely felt. Previously to this explosion the enemy had retired into the town, excepting a party ol" regulars, to the number of 40, who did not escape the effects of the shock, and were destroyed. General Sheaffe moved off with the regular troops, and left directions with the commanding officer of the railitia to make the best terms he could, (n the mean 222 HISTORY OJT TUE WAH. lime all further resistance on the part of llie enemy ceased, and the outlines of a capitulation were agreed upon. As soon as I learned that Gen. Pike had been wouiideo, I went on shore. To the Geu. I had been induced to confide the immediate attack, from a knowledge that it was his wish, and that he would have felt mortified had it not been given to him. jEvery movement was under my view. The troops behaved with great firmness, and deserve nnich ap- plause, particularly those first engaged, and under circumstances which would have tried the steadiness of veterans. Our loss in the morning and in carrying the first battery was not great, perhaps 40 or 50 killed and wounded, and of them a full proportion ot officers. Notwithstanduig the enemy's advantage in pusitiou and numbers in the commencemeid ot the action, their loss was greater than ours, cspeci.iily in officers. It was with great exertion that the small vessels of the fleet could work into the harbor against a g;iie of wind, but as soon as they got into a proper |>osition, a. tremendous cannonade opened u,>on the enemy's batteries, and was kept up against Uicm, until they were carried or blown up, and hazine. His death at this time is much to be regretted, as he had the perfect confidence of the Major-General; and his known activity, zeal, and experience, make his. loss a national one. Ill consequence of the fall of General Pike, the command of the troops devolved for a time upon Col. Pierce, who soon after took possession of the town. At about 2 p. M. the American flag was substituted foi' the British, and at about 4, our troops were in quiCt possession of the town. As soon as Gen. Dear- born learnt the situation of Gen. Pike, he landed and assumed the command. I have the honor of enclos- ing a copy of the capitulation which was entered into, and approved by Gen. Dearborn and myself. The enemy set fire to some of his principal stores, containing large quantities of naval and military stores, as well as a large ship upon the slocks nearly finished — the only vessel found here is the Duke of Glouces- ter, undergoing repairs — the Prince Regent left here on the 24th for Kingston. We have not yet had a return made of the naval and military stores, conse- quently can form no correct idea of the quantity, but have made arrangements to have all taken on board that we can receive — the rest will be destroved. I have to regret the death of midshipmen Thomp- son and Rntfield, and several seamen killed — the ex- act number I do not know, as the returns from the different vessels have not yet been received. I have the honor to be, &c. ISAAC CHALTNCEY. TERMS OF CAPITULATION, Entered uito on the 27lh of April 181 :, for the sur- rendei of the town of York, in Upper Canada, to the army and navy of the United States, under the connnand of Major-Gen. Dearborn and Commo- dore Chauncey : HISTORY OF THE WAR, 226 That the troops, regular and militia, at this post, and the naval officers and seamen, shall be surrender- ed prisoners of war. The troops, regular and militia, are to ground their arms immediately on parade, and the naval officers and seamen be immediately surren- dered. That all public stores, naval and military shall be immediately given up to the commanding officers of the army and navy of khe United States. — That all private property shall be guaranteed to the citizens of the town of York. That all papers belonging to the civil officers shall be retained by them— that such surgeons as may be procured to attend the wounded of the British regulars and Canadian mditia shall not be considered prison- ers of war. That 1 Lieut. Colonel, 1 Major, 13 Captains, 9 Lieutenants, 11 Ensigns, I Q,uaii,er-ma.ster, i deputy Adjutant-General, 19 Serjeants, 4 corporals, and 204 rank and tile, of the militia. — Of the field train de- partment J, of the provincial navy 21, of his Majesty's troops 2, and of the Roval artillery 1 bombardier and 3 gunners, shall be surrendered as prisoners of war, and accounted for in the exchange of prisoners between the United States and Great-Britain. G. S. MITCHELL, Lt. Col. 3d A. U. S. SAMUEL S. COiXINER, Maj and A. D. C. to Maji Gen. Dearborn. WILLIAM KING. Maj. U. S. Infantry. ' JESSE D. ELLIOT, Lieut. U. S. Navy. W. CHEVVITT, Lt. Col. com. 3d Reg. Y. militia. W. ALLAN, Maj. 3d Reg. York militia. F. GAURREAU, Lieut. M. Dpt. Extract of a letter from Major- General Dearborn • to the Secretary of War. Niagara, May 3, 1813. York was one immense magazine, which supplied Niagara, Detroit, and fort George. The troops were hulled a few moments to bring up the heavy artillery 29 226 lIliSToRY OF THE WAR. to play on the block house, when Gen. Sheaffe des- pairing of holding the town, ordered fire to be put to the principal magazine, in which was deposited 500 bariels^of powder, and an immense quantity of shells and shot. The explosion was tremendous, and rak- ed our column from front to rear with such effect thai it killed 52, and wounded 180 of our men, among the latter was Brig. Gen. Pike, who died of his wounds shortly after. Notwithstanding this calamity, and the discomfiture that might be expected to follow it, the troops gave three cheersy histanily formcdyand ^ warched on for the tonm. Notwithstanding the im- )| meiise amount destroyed by them, we found more public property than our vessels could bring away. Gen. Sheaffe's baggage and papers fell into my hands; they are a valuable acquisition. A SCALP was a found in the Executive and Legislative Council " Chamber, suspended near the Speaker's chair. A statement of our loss, as well as that of the enemy is subjoined. AMERICAN LOSS. Killed in battle 14 — do. by the explosion 52— total 66. Wounded in battle 23 — do. by the explosion 180 —total 203 total killed and wounded 269. BRITISH LOSS. Killed in battle 75 — do. by their explosion 40 — ; total 115. Wounded in battle 62 — do. by iheir explosion 23 — ; total 85. Prisoners, militia 700 — do. regulars 50 — total 750 total killed, wounded, and prisoners, 930. ^, ___-_^ Brigadier Gen. Winchestery to the Secretary at War, Fort George, Upper Canada y Feb. 11, 1813. SIR — On the 23d ultimo, I had the honor of com- municating to your excellency the result of the action utFrenchtown on theriver Raisin, of the preceding day. I have it now in my power to transmit to you a more detailed account of that transaction, together HISTORY OF THE WAR. 227 *w'\ih a more minute statement of our loss. A list of the killed, and wounded, and missing^, is herewith en- closed. The attack upon our camp was commenced about 6 o'clock in the morning, b} a heavy fire of small arms, tog'ether with the discharge of 6 pieces of artillery, directed immediately at our lines, and the Louses and temporary breatwork, from behind which a portion of our troops were engaged with the enemy. Early in the action a charge was made by the assail- ants; but the tire from our lines was so intense that they were quickly compelled to retire. In this charge the 4 1st regiment of British regulars principally suffered, their loss during the charge and in the subsequent engagement, being very considera- ble. Out of three hundred of these troops about 30 fell dead upon the field, and 90 or 100 wounded were removed from the ground. It is impossible to state with any degree of accuracy, the number of Canadian militia and Indians which were killed or wounded during the engagement ; it could, however not have been small, having received forthree or four hours the constant tire of the nmsque- try and riflemen, from the breast-work under which tliey were formed. The action had endured about a quarter of an hour, when the right division of our troops, who were less secured by a breast-work, and exposed to a heavy fire from a body of Indians and militia, who had possessed themselves of some out- houses withm their reach, were obliged to retreat from their lines in the encampment, for the purpose of occupying ground less exposed. This retreat being discovered by the enemy, the whole Indian force, to- gether with a portion of the mihtia, bore down upon them with redoubled violence, and prevented, by their superiority of numbers and the severity of their fire, the practicability of ever again forming this portion of o\if troops in order of battle. It was from this divi- sion that our principal loss was sustained, few indeed having escaped. Every effort in vain was employed to form them in some order of action, as affording the *i28 HISTORY OI' THE WAR. only means of either repelling-the pursuers or regain* ing" the lenij.orary breast-work from behind which the remaining part of our troops still gallantly defend- ed themselves ; but every exertion was in vain em- |Dh>yed, and the very few who survived of the parsty sur- rendered as prisoners to the enemy. . Our loss in this action will be ascertained by the list herewith enclosed. Among the killed, I have to la- ment several brave and valuable ofhcers, some of whom had distinguJshed themselves in the action of the evening of the 18th, and fell on the 22d while uu- availingly engaged in rallying the troops, who re- treated in disorder from the lines. Amonjy those, the loss ot Col. John Allen, and Maj. Elijah Mc Cianna- liiui, is to l>e particularly regretted, as also Capt. John H. Woofolk, one of my aids-de-camp ; their exertions were unsuccessful, notwUhstandmg every possible ex- ertion was employed ; they bravely fell in discharge of their respective duties. While I regret the fate of those who bravely fell upon this occasion, I should do injustice to pass over, without notice, the few parta- kers in their danger, wlio were fortunate to survive them. To Lieut, Col. William Lewis, who com- manded on the 18th, and to Capt John Overton, my aid-de-camp, who attended my person on the fields my thanks ai e particularly due, for their prompt and ■willing exertion, during every period of the conflict. To the officers and soldiers who bravely maintained their ground m the temporary fortifications, too much J r- ise cannot be bestowed. Assailed by numbers, great* ly superior, suporled by six pieces ot artillery, they gallantly defended themselves with their small arms alone, for n- ar four hours of constant battle, JNo troops ever behaved with more cool anddeternnn- ed bravery ; from the commanding-ofHcer down to the private soldier, there was scarce a single abandon- ment of duty ; and at the last when their ammunition was nearly exhausted, and surrounded by the enemy, greatiy sujjerior in number and tht means of war, snr-» rendered with a reluctance rarely to be found upon HISTORY OF THE WAR. 2*^ similar occasions. The officers commanding in the breast-work and whodeserve particular notice, if dis- tinction could easdy be drawn, were Majs. Benjamin Graves and George Madison j Capts. Hightower, Hart, Williams, Chulier, Sebree, Hamilton. Keleby, Bledsoe, Ballard, and James ; Brig-ade-Maj. James Garrai'd ; Adjt. John Mc Calla, and quarter-master Pollard Keen ; they defended ihemse'ves to the last, with great gallantry, and merit my warmest gratitude, as well as the highest praise of their country. With sentiments of the highest respect, I am, sir, your obedint servant, J. WINCHESTER. 17 iiegi. V. S. lufautiy Kdled and Missing 120,— Prisoners, 64,— total 184, Kentucky Volunteer Militia. Killed and Missnig — 277 — Prisoners — 452. — total, 729-ofthemissing5U arrived at Gen, Harrison's Camp safe. Total killed, wounded, and Missing, 863. The force of the enemy was about 1500, — they lost 150 killed, and 158 wounded ; among the latter, were Col. Procter, and Lieut. Col. St. George. MASSACRE OF GEN. WINCHESTER'S ARMY. [ The following iSarrative of the Massacre at brench- lotvHf after Gen. Winchester s defeaty was drawn up hy Lieut. Baker of the 2d liegt. U. S. Infantry.} So much ha-s been said about the Indian massacres at Frenchtown and its neighborhood, that something circumstantial from one who had an opportunity of acqun-ing information on the subject may not be un- acceptable to the public, I therefore submit the fol- lowing narrative. On the morning of the 22d of January, I was captured by the Indians about 9 o'clock, with anoth- er officer and about forty men. Closely pursued by an overwhelming force of Indians, we were endeav- oring to effect our escape, and had attained the dis- tance of a >out three miles from Frenchtown, when an offer o\ quarter was made us by an Indian chief. Many Indian chiefs on horseback being in our 230 HISTORY OF THE WAR. rear, tomahawking the hindmost, and wilhalthcmen being" much wearied with runnnig through the deep snow, we concluded it best to accept the chief's proposition. Accordingly we assembled around him, and gave up the few remaining arms that were still retained in the flight. In a few minutes the Indians on foot came up, and notwithstanding the chief ap- peared solicitous to save, massacred about half our number. I was led back towards the river along the road we had retreated in. Tlie dead bodies of my fellow comrades, scalped, tomahawked, and stripped, presented a most horrid spectacle to my view. 1 was at length taken to a lire near Col. Proctor, where I remained till our army capitulated, and marched by me towards Maiden. Major Madison,* as he was marching past, demanded me of the British officer commanding the guard, as an American officer; but the noble Briton replied with a sneer, ' You have too many officers,' and ordered the column to advance -which had made a partial halt. I was taken to San- dy creek, about three miles off, on Hull's road, and there kept during the night with about 20 other pris- oners. Next morning my master left me in charge of the old Indian, and with the exception of 20 or 30, all the Indians in the camp went back towards the river Raisin. They returned about 2 o'clock, P. M. bringing a number of fresh scalps and about 30 pris- oners, many of whom were wounded, though with a single exception, none dangerously. I was told by the prisoners that the Indians had that morning re- turned to the village, and massacred Capt. Hickman and a great many others, and that they were fearfu) * After the surrender of our troops to the British, at the river Kaisin, the Indians, in violation of the articles cf capitulation, crowded among them, and were plundering tlieir property — when the heroic Madison desired Col. Proctor to keep them off: — ' the Indians are fierce and unmanageable, (said Proctor) it canrui be dwie' Madisun cooly replied, ' if you cannot disperse them, I will' — the men were ordered to shoulder their arms and Proctor fear- ing that ' charge bayonet* would follow, waved bis sword, and the Indians iostantly withdrew. HISTORY OF THE WAR. 23J Maj. Graves and Capt. Hart were of the number; that some of the wounded had been scalped alive and burned in the house s. I had scarcely been told these things, when a volunteer who was standmg by my side, was knocked down, scalped, and afterwards tomahawked. Three others were successively treat- ed in the same manner. Seven days afterwards, I was sold in Detroit to some American gentlemen, and the next day sent over to Sandwich, where I remained nearly three weeks. In this time I had an opportunity of making enquiry about the massacres, and found that 60 had been massacred subsequent to the day of battle, and two officers the day on which the battle was fought, after they had surrendered. Of the first were Capt, N. G. S. Hart of Lexington, Capt. Paschal Hickman of Franklin, John H. Wooltolk, Esq. the eneral's Secretary ; and of the latter Capt. Virgil M'Cracken of Woodford, and Ensign Levi Wells, son of Col. Wells of the U. S. Infantry. Judge Woodward has ascertained several instances of great barbarity exer- cised on our prisoners, which w ill aj)pear as soon as that truly philantropic and patriotic gentleman returns to his own country. — Massacres were not only com- mitted on the 22d and 23d, but also on the 24th, 25th, and 26th, and even three weeks afterwards fresli scalps were brought into Maiden. Should this relation be doubted, many living wit- nesses of high standing for piobity, may be louad to attest them. Expedition against the Indians — Maj. Gen Sam- uel Hopkins, on the lith of Nov. 1812, marched with 1000 men under his command, from fort Harii- son, on an expedition to the Prophets town for the purpose of destroying their village, provisions, &c. On the morning of the 19th, a detachment of SOO men destroyed a town, and a great quantity of corn, belonging to the Winebago t-ibe, lying on the Ponce 232 HISTORY OF THE WAR. passu creek, one mile from tlie Wabash, and fouir from the Prophets town. On the 20lh. 21st, and 22d they destroyed, the Prophets town and a Kickapoo, village, on the opi'osite side of ti)e river, consisting" of upwards of 200 houses, a considerable quantity of corn, &c. On the 21st a larg-e body of Indians were discovered about seven miles from the town, by a small party, who the Indians tired on, and killed one man; the next day Lteut. Cois. Miller, and Wilcox, anxious to bury their comrade, as well as gain a more com- plete knowledge of the situation, and strength ot the Indians, set out with a party ot horsmen, consisting of about sixty ; the Indians had placed themselves in a strong place, on a ridge of land, running betv^een two large and rappid creeks, which could not be ascended only by a steep ravine, — our party returned, afera smart skirmish, in which we lost, in killed, wounded, and missing, 18 men. On the 24th, the main body of the army sta'ted tor the pupose of destroying the ene- my in their strong hold ; but when they arrived at the spot, they found they had fled, previous to the storm of snow, which fell very deep, on the 23d which pre- vented any further pursuit. Brig. Gen. Smyth. — In November 1812, General Smyth issued several addresses to the inhabitants on the frontiers, for the purpose of raising volunteers, to cross iiito Canada opposite Niagara. — Including the regular army under his command, and the volunleers that repaired to his camp, he had, on the 27lh Nov. 4000 men. Two parties were sent across the river to destroy abridge below fort Erie, and capture and spike the caimon in the batteries, and some pieces of light artillery. After accomplishing their object, ihe parties separated by misapprehension ; Lieut. Angus, the seamen, and a part of the tioops returned with all the boats, while Capts. King, Morgan, Spronl, and Houston, with about 00 men, remaned. The party thus reduced, took %w\ rendered unserviceable two of I HISTORY OF THE WAR. 233 tlie enemies' batteries, raptured 34 prisoners, and 2 bovits, in which Capt. Kini^ sent his prisoners, his own officers, and halt of his men across, remaining him- S'elf with -iO men, refusiiiy^ to abandon tht m On the 3<)th Nov. Gen. Sin\th again attempted to cross, with 300U men, l>ut by some.msnnderstandmg. O'dy a few woul(i, or couhl be made to embark. The killed in both these attempts amounted to about 20 — the wounded 30 — and prisoners 31. The ene- my lost 10 killed — 17 wounded, and 34 prisoners, besides an Indian chief. Capt. Forsyth, commandant at O^^densburaf, crossr ed over to Ehzabethtown on the 7th of February, 1813, with about 200 volunteers from the mditia and citizens, where they surprised the guard, took 42 pris- oners, with 1 Major, 3 Captains, 2 Lieutenant«, and 120 muskets, 20 ntles, two casks of fixed ammunition, and <'onsiderable other public properly, which was effected without the loss of a man. CHAPTER yill. Gen. Harrison to the Secretary at War, Head QuarlerSy Lower Sandusky, May 13, 1813. SIR — Having ascertained that the enemy (Indians as well as British) had entirely abandoned the neigh- borhood of the Rapids, I left the command of camp Meigs with Gen. Clay and came here last night. It is with the greatest satisfaction, I inform you, sir, that I have every reason to believe, that tlie loss of the Ken- tucky troops in killed on the north side of the nve.t 30 234 HISTORY OF THE WAR. does not exceed fifty. On the 10th and llth inst. I caused the ground which was the scene of the action and its environs to be carefully examined, and after the most diligent search 45 bodies only of our men "Were discovered — among them was the leader of the detachment, Col. Dudley. No other officer of note fell in the action. I have strong- reason to believe that a considerablenuraber of the Kentuckians effect- ed their retreat up the river to fort Winchester, Gen. Procter did not furnish me with a return of the prisoiicrs in his possession, although repeatedly prom- ised. His retreat was as precipitate as it could pro- perly be, leaving a number, of cannon ball, a new ele- gant slino^-carnage for cannon, and other valuable ar- ticles. . The might before his departure two persons that were employed in the British gun-boats (Ameri- cans by birlh) deseited to us. The information they gave me was very interresting — they say that the In- dians, of which there were from 1600 to 2000, left the British the day before their departure in a high state of dissatisfaction, from the great loss which they had sustained in the several engagements of the 5th, and the failure of the British in accomplishing their prom- ise of taking the post at the Rapids. From the ac- count given by these men, my opinion is comfiimed of the great superiority of the enemy which were de- feated by our troops in the two sallies made on the 5th inst. That led by Col. Miller did not exceed 350 men, and it is very certain that they defeated 200 British regulars, 150 militia, and 4 or 500 Indians. That American regulars (although they were raw re- cruits) and such men as compose the Pittsburg, Penn. and Petersburg, Va. volunteers, should behave well, is not to be wondered at — but that a company of mi- litia should maintain its ground against four times its numbers, as did Capt. Sebres, of the Kentucky, in truly astonishing. These brave lellows were at length however entirely surrounded by Indians, and HISTORY OF THE WAR. 235 would have been entirely cat off, but for the gallantry of Lieut. Gwynne of the 19th resc-meu', who, with partofCapt. Elliott's company, charged the enemy and released the Kentuckians. I mclose you a list of the killed and wouiided during the whole seijre. It IS considerably larger than I had supposed it would be when I last wrote to you — but it is satisfactory to. know that they did not bleed uselessly — but in the course of successful exertions. You will also receive herewith a monthly return of the troops at camp Meigs for the last month; the communication with the other post beijior cut off, the returns were not received. A copy of Gen. Clay's report to me of the manner of his executing my order for the attack on the enemies batteries, is likewise forwarded, by which it will be seen that my intention was perfectly understood, and the great facility with which they might have been executed is appar- ent to every individual who witnessed the scene. In- deed the cannon might have been spiked, the car- riages cut to pieces, the magazine destroyed and the retreat effected to the boats without the loss of a man, as none were killed in taking the batteries, so com-' plete was the surprize. An extensive open plain intervenes between the river and the hill upon which the batteries of the ene- my were placed ; this plain was raked by four of our eighteen pounders, a twelve and a six. The euemy, even before their guns were spiked, could not have brought one to bear on it. So perfectly secured was their retreat that 150 men who came off effected it without loss, and brought off some of the wounded, one of them upon the backs of his comrades. The Indians followed them to the woods, but dared not en- ter into the plain. I am unable to form a correct estimate of the ene- my's force. The prisoners varied much in their ac- counts ; those who made them least, stated the regu- lars at 550 and militia at 800 ; but the numbers of In- dians were beyond comparison greater than have ever |t)een brought into the iipld btlore; ntuitb^r^ ar^ rived aiter the seige commenced, and ihey wpre indited the efficient tV,n e ot ihe enemy. I have the h^ uorlo be, with great respect, sir, your bumble servant. : W. HARRISON. Fetum of the k lied and wounded at the siege effort I\u igs, and the se\eral sorties against the besiegers. Killed, 81.— A\ ounded, 189.— total 270. J. C FALLAN, Asst. Adjt. Gen. The folloniny conversalh^n took place between Moj. ijhainbersiund Gen. Harrison, on a demand Jor the anrrehcier of Jbrt Mei(/Sf Moj. Chamhera — Gen. Proctor has directed pie to demand the surrender of this post. He wishes to spare the efi'usiou ot blood. Gen. Harrison — The demand under present cir- cumstances, is a most extraordinary one. As Gen.. Proctor did not send me asumn^ons to surrender on his first arrival, I had supposed thai he believed use de- tcrn»ined to do my duly. His present message indi- cates an opinion of me that I am at a loss to ac- count for, Miij. Chambers — Gen. Prbctor could never think of saying any thing- to wound your leelings, sir, — - The chara( ter of Gen. Harrison, as an ofticer, is well known. Gen. Proctor's force is very respectable, ai»d there is with him a larger body of Indians that hav^ ever before been embodied. Oen. Jiarrison — 1 believe I have a very cprrect ideaol Gen. Proctor's torce, it is not such as to create the least a| prehension, for the result of the contest, vhatever shape he may be pleased hereafter to give to it. Assure the Gen. hov\ever, that he will never have \\\\8 \iOsl surrefidered \o him upon any ternis, Should it fall into his hands, it will be in a manner caiculaled to do lilm more honor, and to give him lar- ger ciauns upon the gratitude of his goverinnenl, thai? any capitulation could possibly do. HISTORY OF THE WAR. 237 CVPTURE OF FORT GEORGE. General Oiarbom to the Secretary of War — Flead* quarlf^rs. Fort George (U. C.) May 27, 1813. SIR — The lig-'it troops under the coiiiiuaiul of Co- lonel Scott and M ijor Forsyth, landed this moruhi^ at 9 o'clock. M ijor-general L wis's division, with C<>lon^l Porter's command of li;^ntarldlery, supported by them. Gen. Boyd's brig'ade landed iminediately after ilie lig'ht iroops, and Generals VVnider and Ciian- dier in quick succession. Tiie landing' was warmiy and obstinately disputed by the British forces ; but the coolness a. id intrepidity of our troops soon com- pelleners, exclusive to the wounded. — Col. Meyers of the 238 HISTORY OF THE WAR: 49fh, was woundefl and taken prisoner. Of ours, on- ly one cotnniissionecl officer was killed — Lieut. Hobart or" the liii'lit arrillery. I have the honor to be &c H. DEARBORN. Gm. Dearborn to the Secretary oj War.^ Hmd-Quartersy Fort George j 3Iay 29, 1813. \FJXtract.^^ Lieut. Col. Preston took possession of" _fort Erie anth at this point was now 500 men — all anxious for battle, as far as proiession wou'd g-o. The moment it was light enough to dis- cover the approach of ihe enemy, we found his shi[)s in line between Horse Island and Stony Pomt, and in a few mmtites afterwards ;3."3 large bo its filled with troops, came off to the larger Indian or Garden Island, under cover ot the fire of his gun boats. iVl y orders ' Avere, that the troops should lie close and reserve their fire till the enemy had ajjpioached so near that every shot might hit its object. It is, however, im- possible to execute such orders with raw troops unac- customed to subordination. My orders were in this ' case disobeyed. The whole line fired, and not. with- out effect — but in the moment while I was contem- plating this, to my utter astonishment, thev rose from their cover and tied. Col. Mills fell gallantly m brave but in vain endeavors to stop his men. I was personally more fortunate. Gdhering together about^ 100 militia, u.ider the immediate command of Capt. M'Nitt of that corps, we threw ourselves on the rear of the enemy's left flank, and I trust, did some execu- tion. It was during this last movement that tlie re- galai's under Col. Backus, first engagi^d the enemy- — nor was it long before they deieated him. •244 HISTORY OF THE WAR. Hnrryinef to this point of action, I found the battle still raging", but with obvious advantage on our side. The result ot the action, so glorious for the officers and soldiers of the regular army, has already been communicated in my letter of the 29th. H«d not Gen. Pre vost retreated most r«/>tV//y under the guns of his vessels, he would never have returned to Kings- ton. The enemy's force consisted of 1000 picked men, led by sir George Prevost in person. Their fleet con- sisted of the new ship Wolfe, the Royal George, the Prince Regent, Earl of Moira, two armed schooners, and their g-un and other boats. Lieut. Col Tuttle was in march for this post, but with every exertion was unable to reach it in time to take part in the action. This is felt by the Col. and every officer of his detachment, as a misfortune. JACOB BROWN. Brig. Gen. iV. Y. Militia. AMERICAN LOSS. Killed, 21.— Wounded, 84,— Missing, 50,— total 155, WM. SWANN. Act. Adjt. General. BRITISH L' SS. Killed, 39, — Wounded, 112, — Prisoners, 35,— total, 186. Gen. Lewis to the Secretary of War. Sacket's Harbor, July 20, 1818. [Extraft.~\ Our fleet has gone out of the inner har- l)or, and appearances are in favor of its going to sea in 48 hours at farthest. A little expedition of volunteers from the country, to which, by the advice of C;»ra. Chauncey, I lent 40 soldiers, sailed from hence three days since on board of two small row boats, with a six pounder each, to the head of the Ht. Lawrence, where they captured a fine crun boat mounting a 24 pounder, 14 batteaux loaded, 4 officers and tJl men. Two ot our schoon- ers went out and convoyed them m. HISTORY OF THE WAR. 246 Gen. Harrison to the Secretary of JVar, Head-Q,aarters, Seneca, Auu:. 5, 1813. I have the honor to enclose you Major Cro^han's report ot the attack upon fort Stephenson, which has this luoment come to hand. W ith great respect, ^c. W. H. HARRISON. Major Croghan to Gen. Harrison. Lower-Sandusky, Aug. 5, 1813. Dear Sir — 1 have llie honor to inform you that the combined force of the enemy, amounting to at least 500 regulars and seven or eight hundred Indians, under the immediate command of Gen. Proctor, made its appearance before this place, early on Sunday evening last, and as soon as the Gen. had made such disposition of his troops as would cut oti' my retreat, should I be disposed to make one, he sentC >t. Elliott, accompanied by Major Chambers, with a flag, to de- mand the surrender of the fort, as he was anxious to spare the eftusion of blood, which he should probably not have in his power to do, should he be reduced to the necessity of taking the place by storm. My an- swer to the summons was, that I was determined to defend the place to the last extremity, and that no force however large, should induce me to surrender it. So soon as the flag had returned, a brisk fire was opened upon us from the gun boats in the river and from a 6 1-2 inch howitzer on shore, which was kept up with little mtermission throughout the night. At an early ^ hour the next morning, three sixes ( which had beeu A placed during the night within 250 yards of the pick- els) began to play upon us, but with liltle eflect. ,Y About 4 o'clock P. M. discovering that the fire from © all his guns were concentrated against the north- t' western angle of the fort, I became confident that his : object was to make a breach, and attempt to storm the works at that point. I therefore ordered out as many men as could be employed for the purpose of strength- ening that part, which was so eflectually secured by means of bags of flour, sand, 6tc. that the picketing 246 HISTORY OF THE WAR. suffered little or no injury ; nolwithstanding; which, the enemy about 500, having formed in a close col- umn advanced to assault our works at the expected point, at the same time making two femls on the front of Capt. Hunter's hnes. The column which advanc- ed against the north-western agle, consistmg of about 850 men, was so enveloped in smoke, as not to be discovered until it had approached within 18 or 20 paces of the lines, but the men being all at then* posts and ready to receive it, commejiced so heavy and gal- lino- a fire as to throw the column a litlle into confu- sion ; being quickly rallied it advanced to the ouler works and began to leap into the ditch. Just at that, moment a fire of grape was opened from our 6 poun- der (which had been previously arranged so as to rake in that direction) which together with the mus- ketry, threw them into such confusion that they were compelled to retire precipitately to the woods. During the assault, which lasted about half an hour, an incessant fire was kept up by the enemy's artillery (which consisted of five sixes and a howitzer J but without effect. My whole loss during the siege was one killed and seven wounded slightly. — -.The loss of the enemy in killed, wounded, and prisoners, nmst exceed 150; one Lieut, Colonel, a Lieut, and hfty rank and file were found ni and about the ditch, dead or woun^ied. Those of the remainder who were not able to escape, were taken off during the night by the Indians. Seventy stand of arms, and several braces of pistols have been collected near the works. About three in the morning the enemy sailed down (he riv- er, leaving behind them a boat containing clothing and considerable military stores. Yours with respect. G. CROGHAN, Maj. 17th U. S. Infantry. By a letter from Gov. Huntington, dated Lower Sandushyy Aug. 4, it ap|)ears that Major Croghan's force was 160, and that of tiie enemy 800. It further states that the enemy lost 40 men kdled in the ditch. HISTORY OF THE WAR. 247 witli Lieut. Col. Short, and several officers; and about the same number of refjulars while advancino" to the attack, besides Indians. Onr loss was oiie killed, and tive wounded. — Tlie enemy 83 killed and 25 prisoners.' ' What will Gen. Proctor say, when he finds he has been baffled by a youth but just passed his 2 1st year. He is, however, a' Hero wortijy of his g-allant uncle Gen. Georije Ji. Clarke.' [See Gen. Harrison tojlie Secretary of War^^ LOSS OF THE CHESAPEAKE. Lieut. Budd to the Secretary of the Aavy, Halifax, J axe 15, 1813. SIR — The unfortunate death of Capt. James LaW' rence and Lieut. Auyustus C. Ludlow, has rendered it my duty to inform you of the capture of the late U. States Frig-ate Chesapeake. On Teusday, June 1, at 8 A. M. we unmoored ship and at meridian got under way from President's Roads, with a light wind from the southward and westward, and proceeded on a cruise. A ship was then in sight in the offing which had the appearence of a ship of war, and which, from information received from pilot boats and craft, we believed to be the Brit- ish Frigate Shannon. We made sail in chase and cleared ship for action. At half past 4 P. M. she hove to, with her head to the southward and eastward. At 5 P, M. took in the royals and top-gallant-sails and at half past five hauled the courses up. About 15 minutes before 6 P. M. the action commenced within j>islol shot. The first broadside did great execution on both sides, damao'ed our riu^ino-, killed amontv others Mr. White the sailing master, and wounfled Capt. Lawrence. In about 12 minutes after the com- mencement of the action, we fell on board of the en- emy and immediately after one of our arm chests on the quarter-deck was blown up by a hand grenade thrown from the enemy's ship. In a few minutes one ot the Captain's aids came on the gun deck to inform me that the boarders were called. I immediateK 248 HISTORY OF THE WAH, called the boarders away and proceeded to tlie spar deck, where I found that the enemy had succeeded in ]i)oarding us and had gained possession of our quarter deck. 1 immediately gave orders to haul on board the fore tack, for the purpose of shooting the ship clear of the other, and then made an attempt to re- gain the quarter deck, but was wounded and thrown down on the gun deck. 1 again made an effort to col- lect the boarders, but in the mean time the enemy had gained complete possession of the ship. On my being carried down to the cock-pit, I there found Captain Lawrence and Lieut. Ludlow both mortally wound- ed ; the former had been carried below previously to the ship's being boarded ; the latter was wounded in attempting to repel the boarders. Among those who fell early in the action was Mr. Edward J. Ballard, the 4th Lieut, and Lieut. James Broom of marines. I herein enclose to you a return of the killed and wounded, by which you wdl perceive that every offi- cer, upon whom the charge of the ship would devolve, ■was either killed or wounded previously to her cap- ture. The enemy report the loss of Mr. Watt, their first Lieut, the purser, the Captain's clerk, and 23 seamen killed; and Capt. Broke, a midshipman and 66 seamen wounded. The Shannon had, in addition to her full comple- ment, an officer and 16 men belonging to the Belle Poule, and a part of the crew belonging to the Ten- dos. I have the honor to be, Sec. GEORGE BUDD. Killed on board the Chesapeake 60 — wounded 86. Commodore Chauncey to the Secretary of the Navy, U. S. ship Gen. Pike, Niagara, Aug. 4, 1813. [Extract'] On the 25th 1 was joined by the Pert, and on the27lh by the Lady of the Lake with guides, and Capt. Crane's company of artillery, and Col. Scott, who had very handsomely volunteered for the service — After conversing with Col. Scott upon the HISTORY OF THE WAR. 249' snbiect, it was thonocht advisable \o take on board 250 lij.a try, which by the extraordinary exertions of that excellent officer, were enibarked before six o'clock the next mornin»" ; we arrived and anchored in the harbor of York, at about 3 P M. on the 31st, run the shooners nHothe up er harbor, landed the marines and soldiers under the command ol Col. Scott, with- out opposition, found several hundred barrels of flour and provisions in the public storehouse, five pieces of cannon, elevei» boats, and a quantity of shot, shells and other stores, all which were either destroyed oi* broug'ht away. On the 1st inst. just after receiving- on board all the vessels could take, I directed the barracks and the public store houses to !)e burnt ; we then re-embarked the men and proceeded for this place, where [ arrived yesterliei he was shot through the brain, and led tiead aiiitosl with- in reach of Graves. SJiirmishivg at fort Georyc, U- Canada. On the 14ih of Aug. lSl-3, Gen. Prot lor attacked our ] ickets at day break ;■ — afti r a sLorl tr.^agtment in which the enemy had 15 killed, and one Capt. and several privates made prisontrs, onr iorce retired to the fort with the loss of 2 killed and seviial wounded, Ontht night of the 17th, onr troops and a few In- dians formed an ambuscade, about ^00 strong, inn- mediately in front of the Br tish camj — at ua\ light our Indians rose and ga^e Ihe war-hiroji, and the en- emy considering it a friejidly call, cauie forth, and i HISTORY OP THE WAR. 253 were within halt' rifle shot before they discovered the stratagem. Tiiey were met u.ion all Sides, and made but little resistaiice ; 7o beino^ killed the tirst shot, and the remainder, 16, surrendered as prisoners. Col. U'w*. Russelly of Yinrennes, with 573 men cluefly volunteers, from Kentucky and Ohio, march- eil from Villo .la on the ioth Jinie, for the purpose of relievinix tiie frontier inhabitanls of the savages. In marching througii their country four weeks they suc- ceeded in destroying sixteen of their villages, and a considerable quantity of corn, ^c. and returned with- out the loss of a single man, bringing in several pris- oners, and 10 horses which the I idians had pillaged a few days before oi the inhabitants. A Yankee trick. — On the 5th of July, 1813, Com. Lewis, commandant of the flotilla of Clun Boats at New- York, sent out the fishing smack Yankee from Musquito cove, for the purpose of taking by strata- gem, the sloop E igle, a tender to the Poictiers ot 74 guns, which had been very troublesome to the fisher- men oft' Sandy Hook where they were cruising. A calf, a sheep, and a goose were purchased and secured on deck; and between 30 and 40 men, well armed with muskets, were secreted in the cabin and foie- peak of the smack. Thus prepared, with 3 men dressed in fishermen's clothes on deck, she put out to sea as if going on a fishing trip. The Eagle on per- ceiving the smack gave chase, and after coming up with her, seeing she had live stock on deck, ordered her to go down to the Commodore, about five miles distant. The helmsman cried * ave aye sir,' and ap- parently put up the heim for that purpose, which brought her alongside the Eagle, not more than three yards distant. The watch-word, Lawrnece^ was then given, when the armed men rushed from their hiding places and poured into her a volley of musketry, which struck her crew with dismay, and drove them all into the hold with such precipitancy, that they had / 254 HISTORY OP THE WAR. not lime to strike their colors. The Eagle had oii board a 32 pound brass howitzer, loaded with shot ; but their surprise was so sudden that they had not time to fire it. The crew consisted of a master, one* midshipman, and 11 marines from the Poictiers. The prize arrived at Whitehall, amidst the shouts of thousands who were celebrating the 4th of July. CAPTURE OF THE BOXER. Lieut. M' Calif to the Secretary of the Navy. U. S.Briy Enterprize, Portland, 1th Sept. 1813. SIR — In consequence of the unfortunate death of Lieut, commandant William Burrows, late command- er of this vessel, it devolves on me to acquaint you with the result of the cruize. After sailing from Ports- mouth on the 1st inst, we steered to the eastward ; and on the morning of the 3d, off Wood Island, dis- covered a schooner, which we chased into this harbor, where we anchored. On the morning of the 4lh, weighed anchor and swept out, and continued our course to the eastward. Having received informa- tion of several privateers being off Manhagan, we stood for that place ; and on the following morning, in the bay near Penguin Point, discovered a brig get- ting under way, which appeared to be a vessel of war, and to which we irtmiediately gave chase. She fired several guns and stood for us, having four ensigns hoisted. After reconnoitering and discovering her force, and the nation to which she belonged, we haul- ed upon a wind to stand out of the bay, and at 3 o'clock shortened sail, tacked to run down with an in- tention to bring her to close action. At twenty min- utes after 3 P. M. when within half pistol shot, the firing commenced from both, and after being warmly kept up, and with some manoeuvring, the enemy hail- ed and said they had surrendered, about 4 P. M.-** their colors being nailed to the masts, could not he hauled down. She proved to be his B. M. brig Box- er, of 14 guns, Samuel Blylhe, esq. commander, who fell in the early pait of the engagement, having r HISTORY OP THE WAR. 2o5 received a cannon shot through the body- And I am sorry to add that Lieut. Barrows, who had gallantly led us into action, fell also about the same time by a musket ball, which terminated his existance in eight hours. The Enterprize suffered much in spars and rigging, and the Boxer in spars, rigging and hull, having many shots between wind and water. As no muster roll that can be fully relied on has come into my possession, I cannot exactly state the number killed and wounded on board the Boxer, but from information received from the officers of that vessel, it appears there were between twenty and twenty-five killed, and fourteen wounded. Enclosed in a list of the killed, and wounded on board the En- terprze. I have the honor to be, &c. EDWARD R. M'CALL, Senior Officer. AMERICAN LOSS. Killed 4,— 'Wounded, 10,— total 14. BRITISH LOSS. Killed 25,— Wounded, 14,— total 39. CHAPTER IX. PERRY'S VICTORY. Com. Perry to the Secretary of the Navy. U.S. brig Niagara, Lake Ene,"Sept. 10, 1813. SIR — It has pleased the Almighty to give to the arms of the U. States a signal victory over their ene- mies on this lake. The British squadron consisting of 2 ships, 2 brigs, 1 schooner, and one sloop, have this moment surrendered to the force under my com« raand, after a sharp conflict. I have the honor to be, &c. O. H. PERRY. 256 HISTORY OF THE WAR. Com. Perry to the Secretary of the Navy. ' • V\ S.sch. Ariel, Put-in-bay, Sept. 13, 1813. SIR — In my last 1 informed you that we had cap- tured the e;iemy*s fleet on this lake. I have now the honor to g-ive yon the most important particulars of the action. On the morning' of the 10th inst. at sun- rise, they were discovered from Pat-in-Bay, where I lay at anchor with the squadron under my command. We got under weigh, the wind light at S. W. and stood tbr them. At 10 A. M. the wind hauled to S. £. and brought us to windward ; formed the line and bore up. At 15 minutes before twelve, the enemy commenced firing ; at 5 minutes before twelve the action commenced on our part. Finding their tire very destructive, owing to their long guns, and its be- ing mostly directed at the Liwrence, I made sail, and directed the other vessels to follow for the purpose of closing with the enemy. Every brace and bowline beujg soon shot away, she became unmanageable, notwithstanding the great exertions of the sadmg- master. Ii this situation she sustained the action up- wards of two hours within canister distance, until eve- ry gun was rendered useless, and the greater part of her crew either killed or wounded. Finding she could no longer amioy the enemy, I left her in charge of Lieut. Yarnall, who, I was convinced from the bravery already displayed by him, would do what "wonld comport with the honor of the flag. At half past two, the wind springing up, Capt. Elliott, was enabled to bring his vessel, tlie Niagara, gallantly m- to close action ; I mimediately went on board of her, when he anticipated my wish by volunteering to bring the schooners which had been kepi astern by the light- ness of the wind, into close action. It was with un- speakable pain that 1 saw soon after I get on board the Niagara, the flag of the Lawrence comedown, although I was perfectly sensible that she had been defended to the last, and that to have continued to make a show of resistance would have been a wanton sacrifice of the remains of her brave crew. But the HISTORY OP THE WAR. 257 chemy wais not able to take possession of her, and circumstances soon permitted her flag again to be hoist- ed. At 45 minutes past 2 the signal was made for * close action.' The Niagara, being very little injur- ed, I determined to pass through the enemy's lines, bore up and passed ahead of their two ships and a brig, giving a raking fire to them from the starboard guns, and to a large schooner, and sloop, from the larboard side, at half pistol-shot distance. The smal- ler vessels at this time having got within grai^e and canister distance, under the direction of Capt. Elliott, and keeping up a well directed fire, the 2 ships, a brig, and a schooner, surrendered, a schooner and sloop, nlaking a vain attempt to escape. Those officers and men who were immediately un- der my observation evinced the greatest galla>itry, and I have no doubt that all others conducted themselves as hecame American officers and seamen. Lieut. Yarnall, first of the Lawrence, although several times wounded, refused to quit the deck. I have the honor to enclose you a return of the kil- led and wounded, together with a statement of the relative force of the squadrons. The Capt. and first Li'ut. of the Q,ueen Charlotte, and first Lieut, of the Detroit were killed — Capt. Barclay, senior officer, and (he commander of the Lady Prevost, severely wounded. Tne commanderof the Hunter and Chip- peway slightly wounded. Their loss in killed and wounded I have not been able to ascertain, it must however have been very great. Very respectfully. &c. O. H. PERRY. U. S. Schooner Ariel, Put-in-bay, Sept. 13, 1813. SIR — r have caused the prisoners taken on the 10th inst. to be landed at Sandusky, and have requested Gen. Harrison to have them marched to Chilicothe, and there wait until your pleasure shall be known re- specting them, 33 •^58 HISTORY OF THE WAll. The Lawrence has been so entirely cut up, it is absolutely necessary she should go into a safe harbor; I have therefore directed Lieut. Yarnall to proceed to Erie in her, with the wounded of the fleet, and dis- mantle and get her over the bar as soon as possible. The two ships in a heavy sea this day at anchor lost their masts, being- much injured in the action. I shall haul them into the inner bay at this place and moor them for the present. The Detroit is a re- n'jarkably fine ship, sails well, and is very strongly built. The Q;Ueen Charlotte is a much superior ves->. sel to what has been represented.. The Lady Prevosfc is a large fine schooner. I also beg your instructions respecting the wound^; eA. I am satisfied, sir, that whatever steps I might take governed by humanity, would meet your appro- bation. Under this impression, I have taken upon myself to promise Capt. Barclay, who is very danger- ously wounded, that he shall be landed as near lake Ontario as possible, and I had no doubt you would allow me to parole him. He is under the impression that nothing but leaving this part of the country will save his life. There is also a number of Canadians among the prisoners, many who have families. I have the honor to be, &c. O. H. PERRY. Statement of the force of the American sqtiadron Lawrence 20 guns— Niagara 20 — Caledonia 3 — Ariel 4 — Scorpion 2 — Somers 4 — Trippe 1 — Tigress 1 — Porcupine 1 total 54 guns. Statement of the force of the British squadron. Detroit 21 guns— Q,ueen Charlotte 18 — Lady Pre- vost 14— Hunter 10 — Little Belt 3 — Chippeway 3 — ti>lal G3 guns. The exact number of the enemy's force has not been ascertained, but 1 have good reason to believf! that it exceeded ours by nearly 100 men. HISTORY OF THE WAR. 250 AMERICAN LOSS. Killed on board the LavAi-ence, 22, Wounded 61. lVia|rara 2 ; Wounded 25 — Calledonia Wounded 3; Somers 2 wounded — Ariel Kil'ed 1, V¥ounl. Paul, occupied in a column of sections of four, the sm ill space between the road and the river, for the purpose of seizing the enemy's artillery, and some ten or twelve friendly [ndians to move under the bank. The crotchet formed by the front line and Gen. De- sha's division, was an important point. At that place the venerable Governor of Kentucky was posted, who at the age of sixty-six preserves all the vigor of youth, the ardent zeal which distinguished him in the revo- lutionary war, and the undau.iled bravery which he manifested at King's mountain. With my aids de Camp, the acting assistant A. Ij. General, Capt. Butler, my gallant friei>d Com. Perry, who did me the honor to serve as my volunteer aid de camp, and Brig. Gen. Cass, who having no command, tendered me his assistance, 1 placed myself at the head of the front line of Infantry, to direct the movements of the cav- alry, and give them the necessary support. The army had moved on in tliis order but a short distance, when the mounted men received the tire of the British line, and were ordered to charge , the horses in the front of the column recoiled from the fire; another was given by the enemy, and our col- umn at length getting in motion, broke ihiongh the enemy with irresistable force. In one uunute the contest in front was over: the British officers seeing no hope oi reducnig their disordered ranks to order, and our mounted men wiieeiingupon them and pour- ing in a destriictive hre, immediately suirenden d. It IS certain thai three only of oar troops were wouiid- 34 2G6 HISTORY OP THE WAK. ed in this charge. Upon the left however, the coi> test was more severe with the Iiidians. Col. John- son, who commanded on that flank of his regiment, received a most galling fire from them, which was returned with great effect. The Indians still further to the right advanced and fell in with our front line of Infantry, near its junction with Desha's division, and for a moment made an impression upon it. His Excellency Gov. Shelby, however, brought up a regi- ment to its support, and the enemy receivi? g a severe fire in front, and a part of Johnson's regiment having gained their rear, retreated with precipitation. Their loss was very considerable in the action, and many were killed in their retreat In can give no satisfactory information of the num- ber ot Indians that were in the action, but they must have been considerably upwards of 1000. From the documents in my possession, (Gen. Proctor's official letters, all ^f which were taken) and from the infor- mation of respectable inhabitants of this Territory, the Indians kept in pay by the British were much more numerous than has been generally supposed. In a letter to Gen. de Rottenburgh, of the.27th ult. Gen. Proctor speaks of having prevailed upon 3,200 of the Indians to accompany him. 01 these it is certain that 60 or 60 Wyandot warriors abandoned him. The number of our troo[>s were certainly greater than that of the enemy, but when it is recollected, that they had taken a position that effectually secured their flank, which it was impossible for us to turn, and that we could not present to them a line more extended than their own, it will not be considered arrogant to claim for my troops the palm of superior bravery. In communicating to the President through you, sir, my opinion of the conduct of the officers who served un- der me, I am at a loss how to mention that of Gov. Shelby, being convinced that no eulogium of mine can reach his merits. The Governor of an independent state, greatly my superior in years, experience, and in military chaiacter, he placed himself under my HISTORY OF TH'E WAR. 267 command, and was not more remarkable for his zeal and activity, than for the promptituoe and cheerful- ness with which he obeyed uiy orders. I left the army before an othcial return of the pris- oners, or that of ihe killed and wounded, was made out. It was however ascertained that the former amounts to 600 reg^ulars, including- 2-3 othcers. Our loss is 7 killed and 22 wounded, o of which have since died. Of llie British 12 killed, and 22 wound- ed. The Indians suffered most, 100 of ihem having been found upon the ground, including- those killed on the retreat. On the day of the action, 6 pieces of brass arlillery were taken, and two iron 24 pounders the day before. Several others were discovered m the river and can be easily procured. Of the brass pieces, three are the trophies of our revolutionary war, that were taken at Saratoga and York, and surrendred by General Hull.. I have the honor to be, S.c. WILLIAM H. HAKllISON. The fruits of Gen. Harrison's victory, independent of the great advantages obtained, are of the British re- gular army, 609 non-commissioned officers and pri- vates, 2 Colonels, 4 Majors, and 19 officers of the line, prisoners ; and 12 pieces of cannon, 6000 stands of arms, 5 Gun-Boats, and ammunition and stores to the amount of 1,000,000 of Dollars ! ! SPEECH OF TECCJMSEH.* In the name of the Indian chiefs and narriorsj to Maj. Gen. Proctor ^ as the representative oj their great father — the king. Father, listen to your children ! You have them now all before you. The war before this, our British father gave the hatchet to his red children, when our chiefs were alive. ' Tecumseh was killed at the battle of the Moravian tonrns. 2t)^ HISTORY OF THE WAR. They are now dead. In that war, our father was' thrown on his back by the Americans, and our father took them by the hand without our ki'owledge ; and "vte are afraid that our father will do so again at this time. Bummer before last, when I came forward with my red brethren, and was ready to take u[) the hatchet- in favor of our British father, we were told not to be in a hurry, that he had not yet determined to fight the Americans. Listen I — When war was declared, our father stood lip and gave us the tomahawk, and told us that he was then ready to strike the Americans ; that he •wanted our assistance ; and that he would certainly get us our lands back, which the Americans had ta» ken from us. Listen ! — You told us, at that time, to bring for* ward our families to this place ; and we did so ; aiid you promised to take care ot them, and that the} should want for nothing, while the men would go and fight the enemy. That we need not trouble oursdves ftl)out the enemy's garrison ; that we knew nothing about them, and that our father would attend to that part of the business. You also told your red children, that you would take good care ot your garrison here^ which made our hearts glad. Listen ! — When we were last at the Rapids, it is true we gave \ou little assistance. It is hard to fight, people who live like ground hogs. Father, listen ! Our fleet baN gone out ; we know they have fought ; we have heard the great gui.s : but know nothing of what has hap}>ened to our father, with one arm. Owr ships have gone one way, and we are much astonished to see our father tyn.g up every thing and preparing to run away the other^ without letting his red children know what his inten- tions are. You always told us to remain here and take care of our lands ; it made our hearts glad to hear that was your wish. Our grt at father, the kii.g, is our head, and you represent hmi. You always told us. HISTORY OF THE WAR. 260 that you would never draw your foot oft' British ground; but now, father, we see you are drawing back, and we are sorry to see our father doingso without seenig the enemy. We must conipare our father's conduct to a fat a. lima!, that carries its tail upoii its back, but when aftriglited, he drops it between his legs and runs off. Listtriy Father f The Americans have not yet de- feated us by land ; neither are we sure that they have done so by water: we therefore, wish to remain here, and fight our enemy, if they should make their ap- pearance. If they defeat us, we will then retreat with our father. At the battle of the Ripids last war, the Ameri- cans certainly defeated us ; and when we retreated to our father's fort at that place the gates were shut against us. We were afraid that it would now be thecase ; but instead of that we now see our British father preparing" to march out of his garrison. leather ! You. have got the arms and ammunition which our great father sent for his red children. If you have an idea of going away, give them to us, and' youmaygoand welcome, for us. Our lives are in the hands of the Great Spirit. We are determined to de- fend our lands, and if it be his will we wish to leave our bones upon them. Amherstburg, ISept. 18, 1813. Com. Chauncey to the Secretary of the Navy. U.S. snip Gen. Pike, Sackett's Harbor, Oct. 6, 1818. SIR, — I h.ive the pleasure to intV rm you, that I ar- rived here this morning, with tive of the enemy's ves- sels, which I fell in with and captured last evening off 'the Dicks. They were part of a fleet of seven sail wuich ieft York on Sunday with 234 troops on boanl, bound to Kingston. Of this Beet five were captured, one burnt, and one escaped ; the prisoners, amount- ing to nearly 300, bes.des, having upwards ot 300 of our troops on board from Niagara, induced me to run into port for the purpose ot landing both. 270 HISTORY OP THE WAR. I have an additional pleasure in informing" you, that amongst the captured vessels are the late U. S. sch$. Julia and Growler, the others are gun vessels. I have the honor to be, &c. ISAAC CHAUNCEY. jReturn of the troops of H. B. M's. De Watte- ville r eff intent f captured in the above vessels. 1 Major, 1 Captain, 3 subalterns, 1 surgeon, 10 sergeants, 4 drummers and buglers, 202 rank and file. Oncers and marines. — 1 Lieut. 2 master's mates, 35 seamen and marines of the royal navy, and 4 sail- ing" masters of the provincial navy. J. GIBSON, Inspector Gen. Something Singular. — About the 1st of Oct. 1813, Capt. Morgan, of the rifle corps was sent from Sacketts Harbor, to Gravelly Point, near Kingston, for the purpose of taking possession of the Point. Seeing an English schr. gun boat, he concealed his men, about 60, and sent a small boat along the shore, which the enemy espied, and started in pursuit of. When the enemy came near, our men landed, and took to the woods ; the enemy came near shore, and sent a pa ty after the fugitives, when Morgan's campany rushed from their hiding place, and gave them so warm a reception, as either to kill or wound every one, as they appeared on deck ; a few of our men waded out and look possession of the gunboat, while those on shore stood ready to fire at the tirst man who made ap- pearance on deck. We did not lose a man in this gal- lant little exploit ; the enemy Jost 3 killed — 7 wound- ed, and 50 prisoners. Com. RodgerSf Sailed from Boston the 23d of April, 1813, and returned to Newport, Sept. 26. — After crossing the seas in almost every direction, cruising for some time in the British channel, and on the coast of Norway, without seeing a public vessel, ttlSTORY OF THE WAR. 271 of the enemy's, excepting a 74, and frigate in company, which chased him three days, often so near ast(J»give, and receive a shot, the Cora, returned to port, to re- cruit his stores. The President, captured the following' vessels on her cruise. — Brig Kitty, of 2 guns, and 12 men, car- ofo of codfish; sent into France. Packet Briir Duke of Montrose, of 12 guns, and 31 men ; sent to Eng- land as a cartel, with 78 prisoners. Letter of Marque Brig Maria, of 14 guns, and 35 men ; cargo of cod- fish, sent into France. Schr. Falcon, of 2 guns, and 11 men, cargo of codfish, sent into France. Brig Jean, burnt. Brig Daphne, of 2 guns, and 10 men; sunk. Ship Eliza Swan, of 8 guns, and 49 men ; cargo of blubber od; ransomed for oOOO pounds ster- ling. Brig Albert, cargo of pitch and tar, burnt. Barque Lion, of 8 guns, and 53 men ; cargo of blub- ber oil, ransomed for 3000 pounds sterling. Brig Shannon, cargo of rum, sugar, and molasses, sent into the U. S. Brig Fly, of 6 guns, and 10 men ', cargo of coffee, sent into the U. S His B. M's Schr. High Fly- er, of 5 guns, 5 officers, and 34 men, brought into Newport ; the High Flyer was sold at auction for eleven thouand Dollars. ' Col. Clarke to the Secretary of [Far. Camp Chazey-Landing, Oct. 15, 1813. It is with great pleasure I can inform you ofasuc- cessful attack upon the enemy at Massesqtioi bay on the morning of the I2lh inst. At this time I had only the riflemen with me, the artillery moving slow and the militia protecting their rear. We proceeded 16 the village (Massesquoi) and arrived within 15 rods of the enemy before we were discovered. We found them drawn up under Major Powell in a manner that would have annoyed us much had we attack- ed them by water, but wholly unprepared to defend themselves on the land side ; Li.ey commenced a fire on the left flank, but in te.i minuses after the first at- tack they laid down their arms and surrendered them- selves prisoners of war. 272 HISTORY OF THE WA«. Understanding that a force of 200 m6n under C6l« LocbM^as marching' to attack us, 1 despatched Capt Finch with his company to reconnoitre them and as* certam their course. He proceeded with such prompU ncss and ability as to surprise and capture the advanc- ed guard, consisting of cavalrv, excepting one man who escaped, and giving the mformation the enemy retreated. The prisoners were then put on board our boats and sent to Burlington. Our whole force engaged was 102 — the number of prisoners taken is 101 ; their killed 9, and wound'^d 14. 1 aai, sir, with respect, &c. ISAAC CLARKE. Massacre at fort Tensaw. — The following partic- ulars of the massacre at fort Tensaw, is received from Judge Toulmiu of Mobile. * The dread ul catastrophe which we have beea sometime expecting, has at length taken place ; the Indians have broken in upon us in numbers and fury unexampled. A few days before the attack, (Sept. 1) some negroes of Mr. Girt's who lived inthat part ol the Creek territory which is inhabited by half breeds* had been sent up the Alabama to his plantation for corn ; three of them were taken by a party of Indians. One escaped and brought down news of the approach of the Indians. The officer gave but little credit to him, but they made some further preparation to re- ceive the enemy, and on Saturday and Sunday con* siderable work was doae to puttlie fort in a state of defence. Sunday morning thrte negroes were sent out to attend the cattle, who soon returned with an account that they had seen 20 Indians. — Scouts were sent out to ascertain the truth of the report ; they re- turned and declared they could see no signs of Indians. One of the negroes belonging to Mr. Ran- don was whipped for bringing what they deemed a false report. — He was sent out again on Monday, and saw a body of Indians approaching ; but atraid HISTORY OP THE WAR. 273^ of being whipped, he did not return to Mims's, but to Pierce's fort ; but before his story could be coaimu- nicated, the attack was made. The commanding; officer called upon Mr. Fletcher, who owned another of the nei^roes, to whip him also. — He believed the boy, and resisted two or three applications; but at length they had him actually brought out for the pur- pose, when the Indians appeared m view of the fort. The gate was open. The ladians had to come through an open tieid 150 yards wide, before they could reach the fort, and yet they were withui -30 steps of the fort at 11 in the morning, before they were noticed. The sentry then gave the cry o. * In- dians!' and they immediately set up a most terrible war-hoop and rnshetl into the gate with inconceivable rapidity, and got within it before the people of the fort had any opportunity of shutting it. This decid- ed their fate. Major Beasely was shot through the belly near the gate. There was a large body of Indians, though they probably did not exceed 400. Our people seemed to sustain the attack with undaunted spirit. They took possession of the port holes in the other lines of the fort and tireil on the Indians who remai.jed m the field. Some of the Indians got upon ihe block house at one of the corners; but after tin g a good deal down upon the people they were 'dislodged. They succeeded however in settinof fif-eto a house near the pickets, from which it was communicated to the kitchen and from thence to the mam dwelling house. They attempted to do it by burning arrows, but failed. When the people in the tort saw the Indians retained full possession of the outer court, that the gate con- tinued open, that theirmen fell very fast, and that their houses were in Hames, they began to despond. Some determined to cut their way throu.h the pickets and escape. Of the whole number of white men and half- breeds in the fort, it is supposed that not more thau 25 or 30 escaped, and of these many were wounded. The rest and almost all the women and chddren tell a6 27i IIJ'STORY OF THE WAB. a saciitice either to the arms of the Indians or to the flames. The battle lasted about live hours and a half. When the buildings were burning" and the few who remained we're exposed to the heavy fire of the ene. my, they collected as many as they could of the guns of the deceased, and threw both them and the remain- ing stock of ammunition into the flames, to prevent their becoming- sul)servient in the hands of the In- dians, to the destruction of their fellow citizens. Surely this was an instance of determined resolution and benevolent foresight of which there are not many examples. Notwithstanding the bravery of our fellow citizens, the Indians carried all before them, and murdered the armed and the helpless without discrimination. Our loss is 7 commissioned officers, and about 100 non-commissioned officers and privates, of the first regiment of Mississippi Territory volunteers. There were about 24 families of men, women and children in the fort, of whom almost alMiave perished, amount- ing to about KiO souls. I reckon, however, among them about six families of half-breeds, and 7 Indians. There were also about 100 negroes, of whom a large proportion were killed. By William Henry Harrison, Mo;'. Gen. in ihe ser- vice of the U. S. commander in chief of ihe north- iveslern arm?/, ^H^rOliver Hazard Perry, Capt. in ihe Navyyand commanding the U. S. vessels on Lake A PROCLAMATION. Whereas, by the combnied operations of the land and naval forces under our command, those of the enemy within the upper district of Upper Canada have been captured or destroyed and the said district is now in the quiet possession of our troops : it be- co(Ties necessary to provide for its government:-^ Therefore, we do hereby proclaim and make known, that the rights and privileges of the inhabitants, and the laws and customs of the country, as they existed or were in force at the period of our arrival, shall con- WISTOI^y OF THE WAR. 2/5 tinue to prevail. All magistrates and other civil offi- cers are to resume the exercise of their functions ; previously taking an oath to be faithful to the govern- ment of the U. States, as long as they shall be in pos- session of the country. The authority of all militia commissions is suspended in said district, and the offi- cers required to give their parole, in such way as the officer, who may be appointed by the commanding Gen. to administer the government, shall direct. The inhabitants of said district are promised pro- tection to their persons and property, with the excep- tion of those cases embraced by the proclamation of Gen. yVocfor, of the — ult. which is declared to be in force, ar.d the powers therein assumed transfered to the officer appointed to administer the government. Given under our hands and seals, at Sandwich, this 17th Oct. 1813. (Signed; WiM. H. HARRISON. OLIVER H. PERRY. Gens. Wilkinson and Hampton. — These two Gen- erals made an attempt to take Montreal about the 1st of Nov. 1813. Gen. Hampton was stationed at Piattsburgh, and was to meet Gen. Wilkinson at French Mills ; having succeeded in marching through the forest 24 miles in one day, by way of Chatauguay, and entering upon the second large forest, Ins guides left hmi, which occasioned the army to halt for three or four days; in the mean time our troops attempted the enemy's breast work, thrown up in the woods by falling trees, digging ditches, &c. and succeeded in cotnpletely driving him from his posi- tion ; — a party sent round to intercept their retreat was met by one of considerable force and oblfged to retire. — Here some misunderstanding took place be- tween the two Generals on account of the place of meeting; which, finally contributed largely to the overthrow of the expedition. Hampton immediately ordered his men back to winter quarters. In this farce we lost 34 men killed and missing. — Gen Wil- 276 HISTORY OF THE WAR. kinson was stationed at Sarkett's Harbor, and con- veyed his army flown the St. Lawrence in boats» The enemy about 2000, from Presrott, Kmg-ston, &c. hung- on his rear, and harrassed him continually. They an'ived at Williamsburg- the 11th of Nov. and was obliged io face about and attack the enemy to save their bag-o^age. The forces were about equally slronsr, having- from 12 to I'OO men eng-aged ; each gave way by turns — our men getting out of ammuni- tion, left the field of action unmolested, and passed down the slreig-hts, without seeing the enemy again. We lost in this battle 102 non-commissioned officers and privates killed, and 237 officers and privates •wounded, with one field piece and several stand of arms: 3 officers and 2ht on the IHdi. Owing to the darkness of the night, t; etown was not reached until after day light — but so complete wus the surprise, that we succeeded in surrounding the town, and killing and capturmg almost (if not en- tirisly) the whole of the hostile Creeks assembled tuere. consislinof of about 310, of which number aboul CJO warriors were killed on the spot, and the remainder HISTORY OP THE WAR. 281 made prisoners. We lost not one drop of blood in accomplishing this enterprize. We destroyed this village ; and, in obedience to your orders, commenc- ed onr march for this post, which we were unable to reach until yesterday, I have the honor to be, &c. JAMES WHITE, Brig. Gen. Gen. Floyd to Gen. Pinhiey. Catahouche, Dec. 4, 1813. \Extracl.^ PIR — I have the honor to communicate to you an account of the action fought on the 29th ult. between part of the force under my command, and a large body of the Creek Indians. Having re- ceived information that the hostile Indians were as- -sembled at Autossee, 1 proceeded thither with the force under my command, accompanied by about 300 friendly Indians, We encamped the 28th, at night, within ten miles of our place of destination, and the next morning by half past 6, were formed for action m front of the town. It was my intention to have completely surround- ■ed the enemy, by appayiny the right of my force on Canlehee creek, at the mouth of which I was inform- ed the town stood ; and resting the left on the river below the town ; but to our surprise, as day dawned, we [>erceived a second town «500 yards below Autos- see. The plan of attack was immediately changed ; five companies immediately surrounded the lower town, and the remainder attacked the upper. The battle now became general. The Indians presented themselves at every point, and fought with the despe- jrate bravery of real fanatics ; but the well directed ^re of the artillery, with the charged bayonet, soon -forced them to take shelter in their houses, and many, *it is believed, secured themselves in caves previously prepared in the high bank of the river. The friendly Indians were to cross the river above the town, for the purpose of taking such as might attempt to es- cape; but owing to the coldiiess of the water, they 36 2^2 HISTORY OF THE WAR. declined, after making the attenipt: they crossed ihi^ creek, thronged to our fianks, and fought with an in- trepidity wortl»y of any troops. At 9 o'clock, tb« eneni}« was completely driven from the plain, and the houses of both towns wrapped in dames, to ihe num- ber of about 4t0. It IS difficult to determine the strength of the enemy, but the chiefs say there were as>^embled the warriors of eight towns, for the defence of Autossee,. it being their beloved ground, on which, they proclaimed, no white man could approach with- out inevitable destruction. It is believed the enemy lost at least, 200 killed, (among whom are the Autos- see andTvdlissee kings) and from the circumstance of their not making an effort to molest our return, probably they lost more. Our loss was 11 killed and 54 wounded. — The friendly Indians lost several killed and wounded ; the number not exactly known. I have the honor to be, &c. JOHN FLOYD, Brig. Gen. Gen, Claiborne J to ihe Secretary of War. Fort Claiborne, Jan. 1st, 1814. [Extract'] SIR— On the 13lh ult. 1 marched a detach- ment from rhis post with a view of destroying th« towns of the inimical Creek Indians, on the Alabama, above the the mouth of the Cahaba. After having marched about eighty miles, from the best infor- mation I could obtain, I was within thirty miles of a town newly erected on aground called Holy, occupi- ed by a large body of the enemy, mider the command of Wilherford, the half breed chief. On the morni ing of the 22d the troops resumed their line ot march, chiefly through woods without a track to guide them. W hen near the town on the morning of the 23d, my dispositon tor attack was made. — The troops advan- ced in three coUuiiiiS. With the centre column I ad^ Tanced myself, ordering Lester's guards and Well's troop of dragoons to act as a corps of reserve. About noon the right coiumn, composed of twelve month's volunteers, commanded by Col. Joseph Carson, came HISTORY OF THE WAR. in tiew of the town called Eccanachaca (or Holy. Ground) and was immediately vigorously attacked by the enemy, who were apprized of our approach, and had chosen their field of action. Before the centre, commanded by Lieut. Col. Rus-^ sell, with a part of the3dreg-iment of U. S. infantry and mounted militia riflemen, or the left column, which was comnosed of militia and a party of Choc-, taws under Pushamuttaha, commanded by Maj, Smoot oTmilitia, who were ordered to charge, could come generaly into action, the enemy were repulsed and were flying' in all directions, and many of them- castin^away their arms. Thirty of the enemy were killed, and judj^ing' from every appearance many were wounded. Tiie loss on our part was one corporal killed, and one ensig-n,twp Serjeants, one corporal, and two privates wounded. A pursuit was immediately ordered but from J he nature of the country, nothinof was efiecled. The town was nearly surrounded by swamps and deep ravines, which rendered our approach difficult, and facilitated the escape of llie enemy- In the town we found a large quantity of provisions and immense property of various kinds, which the enemy, flying precipitately, were obliged to leave behind, and which* tog-ether with two hundred houses were destroyed The ne\t day was occupied in destroying a tuwo consisting of sixty houses, eight miles higher up the river, and in taking and destroying the e.iemy's boats. At the town last destroyed was killed three Indians of some distinction. I have the honor to l>e, &c. FERD. L. CLAIBORNE. Brig. Gei. Gen. Fhyd to Major Gen. Pinckney. SJExtract] Camp Defiance, Jan. 27, 1814. SIR — I have the honor to acquaint your excellen- cy that this morning at 20 minutes past 5 o'clock, a very large body of hostile Indians made a desperate attack upon the army under nay command. They stole upon the ceuiinels, fired on them, and with great 284 HISTORY OF THE WAR, impetuosity rushed upon our line : in 20 minutes the action became ja;-ener;il, and our front, right and left flanks were closeiy pressed, but the brave and g-a lant conduct of the tield and line officers, and the firmness of the men, rej)eiled them at every point. The steady firmness, and mcessant fire of Capt. Thomas's aitdiers, and Capt Adams' rifiemen, pre^^ strved our front hues. Tiie enemy rushed withm 30 yards of the artillery, and Capt. Brodnax, uho coni- nmnded one of the picquet guards, maintamed his post with great bravtry, until the enemy gained his rear, and then cut his way through them to the army. ^s soon as it became light enough to distinguish ob- jects, I ordered Majors Watson's and Freman's bat- tallions to v\heei up at right angles with Majors Booth's and Cleveland's battallions, who foinieo the right wing, to prepare for the clrnrge. The onier lor the charge was [>romptly obeyed, and the eiient} fled in every direction before the ba} onet. The signal was given for the charge of the cavalry, who pursued and sabred 15 of the enemy, who left 37 dead on the field. From the effusion of blood, and the number of head dressesand war clubs found in var ous directions, their loss must have been considerable, independent of their wounded. 1 herewith transmit you a list of our killed and wounded, and have the honor to l)e, Sac. JOHN FLOYD, Brig. Gen. f Killed, 17— wounded, 132— total 149. Gen. Jackson to Gen. Pinkney. Fort !*trolher, Jan. 29, 1814. [Extract.^ SIR — I had oi-iiered 800 'i'ennessee volunteers to join me on the 10th inst. but they did not arrive until the 1 4th ; the next day they, with the; force before with me, 130, marched across the river to graze our horses. The motives which influenced Jiie to penetrate further into the enemy's country were many and urgent. I received a letter from Colonel Snodgrass, informing me that an attack was soon tp HISTORY OF TETE WAR. 2SS ' be made on fort Armstrong, by 900 of th<3 enemy, collected fro ii New Y >uka, Oakfuskee, and Ufauley ' tovv.js, and werecouneuirated in the bend of the Tal- ' lajioosee. Ii 1 couhJ have hesitated before, I could now hesitate no lon;^er. On the lUth I encamped at Entochapco ; here I soon perceived how little knowledg-e my spies had of the country, of the situa- tion of the enemy, or of the distance we were from them, and the insu!)ordinatioii of the new troops, and want ol' skill in their otficers, became more apparent ; but my wishes and my duty rema ned united. We arrived within a few miles of our destination the 21st, and encamped on a high piece of grou.id ; about 10 o'clock at night our picket tired upon a few of the enemy, and killed one. At 11 o'clock our spies returned with imormation that a large body of - the enemy were encamped about three miles distant, peing prepared at all points, nothing remained to be done, but await their approach, or be in readiness to attack them by day light. The enemy attacked our left tlank, about 6 o'clock in the m(>riiing, which was- vigorously met by our troops ; the attack lasted half an hour. So soon as it became light enough to pur- sue the enemy, the brave Gen. Cotfee led our troops on to the charge; the enemy was comi)letely routed at every point, and chased two miles with great slaugh- ter. Gen. Coffee was now sent with 400 troops to re- connoitre the enemy's camp, who returned after sat- isfying himself of their strength. In half an hour a considerable force of the enemy made its aj)pearance on my right flank, and attacked us with great spirit. Gen. Coffee requested 200 men of me for the purpose of turning their left flank, which was granted ; but by some mistake, not observed at the time, only 54 followed him, who were chiefly old volunteer officers. With this little band of heroes, the Gen. attacked it, and drove them from the ground; at the same time 200 friendly Indians were ordered to fall upon their right, and co-operute with the General. Tins order was soon obeyed, and in its execution* what I expect- iiSO lUSTORY OP THE WAR. e<^, was realized. The enemy intended the attack on my right as a feint, and soon attacked my left with their main force, which they hoped to find weak- ened and in disorder— -they were disappointed — the. whole line met the attack with firmness and astonishri ing intrepidity, and having given a few fires chargecj * with great vigor; the effect was immediate and in- • evitabie. The enemy fled with precipitation, and ■were pursued to a considerable distance with great slaughter. In the mean time Gen. Coft'ee was con- tending with a superior force, the Indians haying joined my left. Jim Fife, with 100 friendly Indians I forthwith ordered to his assistance ; he no sooner reached the spot than the Gen. made a charge, and the enemy routed and driven three miles, with thelos^ of 45 slain. I was determined to commence a return- ing march the next morning, as my provisions were nearly consumed. I considered it not necessary to pursue them any farther, as the object of a general . engagement would be more certamly attained by commencing a return, which, to them, would have the appearance of a retreat, and would inspire them-^ with new courage to pursue me ; and not prudenti«: because of my wounded, the starving condition of my horses, they not having neither eat corn nor cane for two days, and of the scarcity of provisions for my men — influenced by these considerations, I commenc- ed my return march on the 23d and reached Etiota- ehopcQ that night. I took a different route from the one we came in, to avoid a deep defile between two mountains. Having a deep creek to pass I issued a general order pointing out the manner in which the men should be formed, in, case of an attack. 'Ihe front guard and the wounded had crossed, when an alarm gun was heard in the rear. I heard it without surprise, and even with pleasure, as 1 calculated OQ the firmness of my troops, from the manner i>i which I had seen them act onth©'22d. Having chosen the ground, I expected to have entirely cut oft" the ene- my, by wheeling the right and left columns on their HISTORY OF THE WAR. 287 pivots, recrossing the creek above and below, and fal- ling- npon their flanks and rear. But to my astonish- ment, after a few guns had been fired, I beheld the right and left columns of the rear guard give way. This shameful retreat was disastrous in the extreme ; drawing with it the greater part of the centre column, and producing consternation and dismay in ihe whole army. There was left to oppose the enemy a few of the rear guard, the artillery, and Capt. Ilussell's com- pany of spies : they realized aiid exceeded my best expectations. Never was there more bravery dis- played than on this occasion. Amidst the most gal- ling fire from the enemy, more than ten times their number, they ascended the hill. In the hurry of the moment, in separating the gun from the limbers, the rammer and picker were left tied to it. No sooner was this discovered than Craven Jackson, and Con- stantine Perkins, gunners, found means to replace them ; Jackson amidst the galling fire of the enemy, pulled out the ramrod of his musket, used it as a pick- er, primed with a cartridge, and fired the cannon. Perkins having taken off his bayonet, used his gun as a rammer, and Jackson using his former plan, again discharged her. Lieut. Armstrong soon fell, and exclaimed as he lay, ' my brave fellows ^ some of you may Jail, but you must save the cannon.^ At this time a number crossed the creek, and entered into the chase, when they were pursued more than two miles, fleeing in consternation, throwing away their packs, and left 26 of their warriors dead on the field. This last de- feat was decisive. In these three engagements our loss was 20 killed and 7-3 wounded. The loss of the enemy cannot be exactly ascertained ; 189 of their warriors were found dead ; but this must fall consid- erably short of the number killed ; their wounded can only be guessed at. I am, sir, with sentiments of respect, Sec. ANDREW JACKSON, Major Gen. 288 HISTORY OF THE WAR. Ge)i. Jackson to (fov. Hhunt. Foil Williams, Marrli 31st, 1R14. [Kr/rac/] SIK — I liiive just relumed from the ex- petlilioii which I advised you in my hist I was about to make to the Tallapoosee ; and hasten to acquaint yon with the good fortune w hich attended it. I took up the line of march from this place on the niorning^ of the *2 1st inst. and having- opened .1 passage of 52 1-2 miles over the ridges which divide the wa- ters of the two rivers, I reached the bend of the Talla- poosee, three miles beyond where I had the engage* meiit of the 2"2d of Jan. and at the southern extremi- ly of New-Youka, on tlie morning of the 27lh. This bend resembles in its curvature that of a horse shoe, and is thence called by that name among the whites. Nature furni>hes few situations so eligible for defence, and barbarians have never renden^d one more secui*e by art. A cross the neck of the bend which leads into it from the north, they had erected a breastwork ot the greatest compactness and strength, from live to eight teet high, and prepared with double port holes very arlbillv arranged. Tlse figure ot this wall manifisted no less skill in the projection of it, than ils construc- tion ; an army could not approach it without being^ ex; osetl to a double and cross tire from tlie enemy, w ho la> in perfect sccuril> behind it. In this bend the warriors from Oakfusky, Oakeha- o^u, New Youka, Hilnbee, the Fish Ponds, and Eu- faula towns, apprised of our approach, had collected tlieir strength. Their exact number cannot be as- certained ; but it is said by the prisoners we have tak- en to h.i>e been a thousand. Early on the morning of the 27th, having encampH ed the preceding night at the distance ot live miles from them — 1 detailed Gen. Cotiee w ilh the mounted men and nearly the whole of the Indian force, to cross the river at a ford about 3 miles below their en** campinent, and {o surround the bend in such a man- ner that none of them should escape by altrmpting to cross tlie river. With the remainder of the forces t HISTORY OF THE WAH. 289 proceeded slowly and in onler, along- the point of land which led lo th<' front ot'their breast work ; hav- intr planted my cannon (one six and one three ponn- der) on an eminenrt' at the distance of 150 or 200 yards from it, I opened a very hnsk fire, playing up* on the enenriy with the muskets and nfles whenever they shevved themselves l»eyonrl it; this was kc; t up, with short interruptions, for ahout two hours, when a part of the Indian force, and Capt. Kussell's and Lieut. Bean's companies of sjnes, whi> had accom- panied Gen. Coffee, cr<»ssed over in canoes Jo the extremity of the hend, and set tire to the huildinirs ■which were there situated; they then advanced wilh great gallantry towards the breast work, ai d com- menced a spiiiled fire upon the enemy b»-hnid it. Finding that this force, notwithslandni^j the bravery they displaced, was whollv insufficient lo dislodge them, and that Gen. Coffee had entirely secured tlje opposite bank of the river, I now determined to take their works by storm. The men by ^hoin this was to 1)6 eff*ected had been waiting with impatience to re- ceive their order, and hailed it with acclamation. The spirit which animated them was a sure augury of the success which was lo follow. The hislorv of warfare furnishes finv instances of a more brilliant attack — the regulars led on by their intrepid and skil- ful commander. Col. Williams, and by the gallant Major Montgomery, soon gamed possession of the works in the midst of a most tremendous fire from behind them, and the mihtia of the venerable Gen. Doherty's brigade, accompanied them in the charge, with a vivacity and firmness that would have done honor to regulars. Tlie enemy were comjiletely rout- ed. Five hundred and fiity-seven were Jeftdtadon the peninsula.* The fighting continued with some severity about five hours, but we continued to destroy many of them * Gen. Coffee in his account to Gen. Jackson, say 9, there were not le^s than 250 killetJ, in atieniijimii to cross the river, which «uok, aod were nut includeil in tiie above. i90 HISTORY OP THE WAR. who had concealed themselves under the banks of the river until we were prevented by the night. This mornins: we killed 16 which had been concealed.— -i We took 250 prisoners, all women and children ex- cept two or three. Our loss is 106 wounded, and 26 killed. Major M'Intosh (the Cowetan) who joined my army with part of his tribe, greatly distinguished himself. According to my original purpose, I commenced my return march for fort Williams to-day, and shall, if I find supplies there, hasten to the Hickory ground. The power of the Creeks is, I think, for ever broken. I have th.e honor to be, ^c. ANDREW JACKSON, Maj. Gen. CHAPTER XI. CAPT. PORTER'S CRUISE. Capt. Porter to the Secretary of the Navy. U. S. Frigate Essex, Pacific Ocean, July 2d, 1813. SIR — On the 23d March last, 1 sailed shapping my course to the northward, and on the 26th of the same month, fell in with the Peruvian corsair ship ^ereyda, mounting 15 guns : she had a few days be- fore, captured two American whale ships, the crews of which (amounting in number to 24 men) were then detained prisoners on board her ; and they assign no other motive for the capture, than that they were the allies of G. Britain, and as such, should capture all American vessels they could fall in with ; there- fore, to prevent in future such vexatious proceedings, I threw all her armament into the sea, liberated the Ameiicans, and dismissed the Nereyda. I then proceeded with all possible dispatch for Li- ma, to intercept one of the detained vessels, which had parted with the Nereyda only three days before, and I was so fortunate as to arrive there and recapture her on the 5th April, at the moment she was entering the port. This vessel (the ship Barclay, Capt, Gideon HISTORY OF THE V> AR. 291 Randall, of New Bedford,) I look undenny protection* and liave had her with me ever since. From Lima, J proceeded for the Gahipagos Island where I captured the f'ollowin«r British Letters ot marque ships. Montezuma, — 2 guns, 21 men — Policy, 10 guns, 26 men — Georgiana, guns, 25 men — Atlantic, 8 guns, 24 men — Greenwich, 10 guns, 2omen. The Georgiana i)enig reputed a very fast sailer, and apparently well calculated for a cruiser, 1 mounted 16 guns on her and gave the command of her to that excellent officer, Lieut. John Downes, with a com- plement of 42 men. Lieut. Downes joined me at Tumbez, near Guiaquil, on the coast of Peru, on the 24th June, after captur- ing three Letter of INIarque ships. Hector, 11 guns 2.> men — Catharine, 8 gims, 29 men — Rose, 8 gun, ^1 men. The first had two men killed and six badly wound- ed in her rencontre with the Georgiana — and I have found by experience that the Georgiana did not de- serve the character jjiven of her for sailinuf. I there- fore shipped her officers and crew to the Atlantic, and mounted on her 20 guns, with a complement of 60 men, and appointed midshipman Rich. Dashiell, acting sailing master, on board her; to this vessel! gave the name of Essex Junior. I also fitted up the ship Greenwich as a store ship, and mounted on her 20 guns, placing her under the command of Lieut. Gamble, of the marines. On board her I have put all the provisions and stores of my other prizes, ex- cept a supply of three and a half months for each, and have by this means secured myself a full supply of every necessary article for seven months. I had hoped to dispose of my other prizes at Guiaquil : the Govs, in Peru, however, are excessively alarmed at my iei^- pearance on the coast, as my fleet amounts now tb nine sail of vessels, all formidable in their appearance, and they woidd if they dare, treat us with a hostility little short of declared enemies. 29^ HISTORY OF THE WAR. Indeed, sir, when I compare n»y present situation with what it was when I doubled Cape Horn, 1 can-^ not but esteem myself fortunate in an extraordinary degrte. Tiiere my ship was shattered by tempestu- ous weather, and destitute of every thing* ; my offit? cers aid crew half starved, naked, and worn out with fatigue. Now, sir, my ship is in prime order, abuiw dantly supplied wilh ever> thing necessary for her. I have a noble ship for a consort of 20 guns, and well Tuanned, a store shij) 0120 guns, and well supplied with the best of every thuig that we may want, and prizes which would be worth in England two millions of dollars: and what renders the comparison more pleasing, the enemy has furnisi ed all. The times of my best men have expired ; but their attachment to the ship and their zeal for the service we are engaged on, prevent all complaints on that account. Itis not prol>ablethat you will hear of me forseveral months to come, u urnt the town pf Newark, adjoining it, as a ni'asnre, he says, to prevent the enemy's occUj»ying tort George, after he had left it. On the l8tii of the saue month the British crossed to Lewistown, in considerable force, and burnt it to the ground; when tiieir riWes were set at liberty, and indulged freely in the)r brutal excesses, in murdering our detenceless citi/ens ; they then attacked and burnt iVIanchesler, a; id Tn-scarora, the latter an fiidian town, in the mta)» tune llie Bri- tish attacked iort Niagara, and took it by storm, at 4 o'c.ock on the morning of the l9Lh ; tl«e gate being- o en, after they had surprised the picket thes entered befoie they were discovered, when a scene of terrible slaugiiter took place. They were not opposed by HISTORY OF THE WAR. 293 any* except a few wounded men in the southeast block house, and a few of tlie i^uard, but, strang-e as it may appear, the e.temy bayouelted about 80 of our men, chiefly after they had cried for quarters. The pre- ceeding facts were sworn to before a justice, by Robert Lee, a gentleman of Lewistown, who was in the fort lyhen taken. Burnimj of Hnffaloc and Black Rock. — Soon after the storming of fort Niagara, and the burnmig of Lew- istown, N:c. JVlaj. Gen. Hall repaired to the frontiers, for the purj)ose of collecting- a force, (mdilia) suffi- cient to defend Buffaloe and Black Rock. From the 22d, Dec to the 29tti, Gen. Hall had collected about 2000 troops, militia and exem;»ts, but was reduced to 1200 by desertions, on the morning oi the battle ol the 30th. In the evening of the 29lh (says Gen. Hall, m a letter of the 30th Dec. to Gov. Tompkins,^ atabout l2 o'clock, 1 received information that one of ourpa- troles had been fired on, one mile below Black Ruck. The enemy advanced and took possessioii of the bat- tery near Conjokaties creek. The troops were imme- diately formed, and stood by their arms. 1 was not yet certain what point the enemy meant to attack. Being" anxious to anticipate the enemy's landing, to meet him at the water's edge, I gave orders for the troops at the Rock, to attack the enemy, and dislodge them from ihe battery, and to drive them their boats. The attempt failed through the confusion into which the militia were thrown, on the first fire of the enemy, and the darkness of the night. I then ordered corps un- der Major Adams, and Col. Chapin, to make the at- tack. These three detachments were thrown into confusion, and were of no service afterwards. As the day dawned, 1 discovered a detachment ofthe enemy's boats crossing to our shore, and bending their course towards the rear of Gen. Porter's house. 1 immedi-r ately ordered Col. Biakeslie to attack the enemy's force at the water's edjje. I now became satisfied as to the disposition and object of the enemy. Their jeft wing composed of about 1000 regulars, militia, 2Q4 HISTORY OF THE AVAR. and Indians, had been landed below the creek, under cover of the night. With their centre consisting of 400 royal Scotts, commanded by Col. Gordon, the battle was commenced. Their right which was pur- posely weak, was landed near the main battery, mere- ly to divert our force, the whole under the immediate command of Lieut. Gen. Drummond and led on by Maj. Gen. Riall. They were attacked by four field pieces in the battery and at the water's edge ; at the same time the batteiy from the other side of the river opened a heavy lire upon us, of shells, hot shot, and ball. The whole force now opposed to the enemy was at most, not over 600 men, the remainder having fled, in spite of the exertions of their officers. These few, but brave men, disputed every inch of ground, with the steady coolness of veterans, at the expence of many valuable lives. The defection of the militia, and the reserve, and loss of the services of the cavalry, by reason of the ground on which they must act, left the forces engaged, exposed to the enemy's fire in front and flank. After standing their ground for half an hour, opposed by an overwhelming force and nearly surrounded, a retreat became necessary to |,heir safety, and was accordingly ordered. I then made every ef- fort to rally the troops, with a view to attack their columns as they entered the village of Buff'aloe ; but all in vain. Deserted by my principal force I fell back that night to Eleven Mile creek, and was forced to leave the flourishing vdlages of Black Rock and Bufl'aloe a prey to the enemy, which they have pillag- ed and laid in ashes. They have gained but little plunder from the public stores ; the chief loss has fal- len upon individuals.' Our loss was oO killed, — 40 wounded,-: — and 69 prisoners, and one cannon. ' I regret to add, (says Gen. Hall, to Gov. Tompkijis, in his letter of Jan. 16) that on repossessing the battle ground, we collect- ed 50 dead bodies, yet unburied, of the battle of the 30th uit. The enemy admit their loss, to be, in killed and wounded, 300.' HISTORY OF THE WAR. '2^5 Col. Butler to Gen. Harrison. Detroit, March 7, 1814. [^Extract] SIR — By Lieut. Shannon, of the 27th regiment, U. S. infantry, I have the honor of inform- ing you, that a tietachment of the troops under my command, led by Capt. Holmes of the 24th regiment, U. S. infantry, have obtained asignal victory over the enemy. The affair look place on the 4th inst. about 100 miles from this place, on the river De Trench. Our force consisted of no more than 160 rangers and mounted infantry. The enemy, had from their own acknowledgment 236. The fine light company of the roy-al Scots is totally destroyed ; they led the attack most gallantly, and their commander fell with- in ten paces of our front line. The light company of the 89th has also suffered severely ; one officer of that company fell, one is a prisoner, and another is said to l>e badly wounded. In killed, and wounded, and pri- soners, the enemy lost about 80 — whilst on our part there were but four killed and four wounded. This great disparity in the loss on each side, is to be attri- buted to be very judicious position occupied by Capt. Holmes, who compelled the enemy to attack him at great disadvantage ; this, even more than his gallantry, merits the laurel. We took one hundred head of cattle also from the enemy, intended for Long Point or Burlington. H.BUTLER, Lieut. Col. WARRINGTON'S VICTORY. Capt. Warrimjton to the Secretary of the Navy. U.S. sloop Peacock, at sea, April 29th, 1814. [Extract^^ SIR — I have the honor to inform you, that we have this morning captured, after an action of 42 minutes, his Majesty's brig Eperviei', rating and mounting 18 32 pound caironades, with 128 men, of whom 11 were kiled and 15 wounded. Not amavv in the Peacock was killed and only two wounded, neither dangerously so. The fate of the Epervier Avould have been determined in mnch h^ss time, h\\\ 306 HISTORY OF THE WAR. for the circumstances of our fore-yard being totally disabled by two round shot in the starboard quarter from her first broadside, which entirely deprived us of the use of our fore and fore-top-sails, and coaipelled us to keep the ship large througliout the remainder of the action. This, with a few top-mast and top-gallant-back stays cut away, a few shot through our sails, is the on- ly injury iJie Peacock has sustained. Not a round shot touched our hull ; our masts and spars are as sound as ever. When the enemy struck, he had five feet water in his hold, his main-top-mast was over the side, his main boom shot away, his fore-mast cut near- ly in two and tottering, his fore rigging ai.d stays shot away, his bowsprit badly wounded, and 45 shot holes in his hull, 20 of which were within a foot of his water line. By great exertion, we got her in sailing order just as the dark came on. In 15 minutes after the enemy struck, the Peacock was ready for another action, in every respect but her fore-yard^ which was sent down, finished, and had the fore-sail set again m 46 minutes — such was the spirit and activity oi our gallant crew. Tlie Epervier had un- der her convoy an English hermaphrodite brig, a Russian and a Spanish ship, which all hauled tlieir wind and stood to the E. N. E. I had determined upon pursuing the former, but found that it would not answer to leave our prize in her then crippled state; and the more particularly so, as we found she had ;^1 20,000 in specie, which we soon transferred to this sloop. Every officer, seamen and marine did his duty, which IS the highest comj»leinentl can pay them. I have the honor to be,8cc. L.WARRINGTON. Lieut. Woolsey to Com. Chaunceij. Sackett's Harbor, June 1, 1811. [Extract.'] SIR — I had the honor to receive per express your communication of the 27th, vesting in me discretionary powers. I immediately despatched HISTORY OF THE WAR. 29T Mr. Dixon in the long- gig-, to reconnoitre the coast. I we »t with my officers to the falls, to run the boats down over the rapjcls. At sun set we arrived at Os- wego with the boats (19 in nnraher) loaded hi all with 21 long" 32 pounders, ten 21 pounders, three 42 do. (carronades) and 10 cables, besides some light articles, and distributed in the batteaux a guard of about 150 rifl Miieo, under command of M.ijor Ap- pling. Mr. D. \on having returned with a report of the coast being clear, we set off at dark and arrived at Big Salmon river about sunrise on the :i9lh, with the loss of one boat having on board two 24 pounders and one cable. At Big Salmon we met the Oneidas, whom I had despatched the day previous, under the command of Lieut. Hill, of the riHe reafinieot. As soon as thev had taken uii their line of march along the shore to Big Sandy Creek, I started with all the boats and ar- rived at our place of destination about two miles up the Creek. At 2 P. M. on the 30th, 1 received your letter of the 29th, (3 P. M. per express, and agreeably to the order contained thereni, sent Lieut. Pierce to lookout as far as Sloney Point: about (3 he returned, having been pursued by a gun boat and three barges. Ttie best possible disposition was made of the riHe- inen and Lidiaus, about half a mile below our boats. About 8 A. M. a cannonading at long shot was com- menced by the enemy, and believing (as I did) that no attempt would be made to la.id with their small force, 1 ordered Lieut. Pierce to proceed in erecting sheers and making ^reparations to unload the boats. About 9 o'clock Capt. Harris with a squadron of dragoons, and Capt. Melvin with a company of light artillery and 2 f)-pounders, arrived. Capt. Harris, the commanding officer, agreed with me that this re^ inforceraent should halt, as the troops best calculated for a bush fight were already on the ground, where thev could act to the greatest advantage, and that the enemy seeing a large reinforcement arrive, would most probably retreat. About 10, the enemy having 38 298 «[lSTORY OF THE WAR. jatideei and pushed up the creek with four ^un boatii, three cutters, and one gig — ihe riflemen under that excellent officer, M-.ijor Appling, rose from their coMf. cealment, and after a smart lire or about 10 minutes, succeeded in capturing all the boats and their crews, without one having escaped. At about 5 P. M. buried, with the honors of war, Mi. Hoare (a British midshipman) killed in the action. Tlie enemy's loss in this affair, is 14 killed, 28 ^Wounded, and 141 prisoners, including two post Captains, and six Lieutenants ; 4 gun boats, qne car- tymg 1 24-pounder, and one 681b. carronade; each of the others carrying two heavy guns ; two cutter* and one gig. 1 have the honor to be, 8cc. M. T. WOOLSEY. LOSS OF THE ESSEX. (japt. Porter to the Secretary oj tne Navy. Essex Junior, at sea, July 3, 1814. \^ExtractP\ SIR — I sailed from the Delaware, Oct. 27, 181'i, and repaired to Port Pray a, INoronho, and Cape Frio. On my passage from Port Praya to No- ronho, I captured his B. M. Packet Norton ; after tak- ing out 1 1,000 pounds sterling in specie, sent her for America. Oti Ca|.e Frio I captured a schooner with hides and tallow, and sent her into Porto Rico. [ proceeded to St. Catherines, to supply my ship with provisions. From St. Catherines I shaped my course for the Pacific, and arrived at Valj>araiso March 14, 1813. Of the success we met with m our next cruise you have been informed in my letter ot July 2, 1813- 1 received information that the Phoebe frigate, and Racoon and Cherub sloops of war, were in pursuit of me. My sliip, after being near a year at sea, requir- ed some repairs to put her in a state to meet them ; which 1 determined to do, and repaired, with my prizes, to the Island of Nooaheevah, or Madison Island, where I completely overhauled my ship, and took on board, from the prizes, provisions and stores HISTORY OF THE "WAR. 299 for upwards of four months, and sailed for the coast of Chili, Dec. 12,1813. Previous to sailing- 1 se- cured the Serini^apatam, Greenwich, and Sir A. Hammond, under the g-uns of a battery which I had erected for their protection ; (after taking possession of this fine Island, for the United Stales, and estab- lishing- the most triendly intercourse with its natives) I left them under the care of Lieot. Gamble and 21 men, with orders to repair to Valparaiso after a cer- tain period. Believing- Com. Hillyer would be most likely to appear at Valparaiso first, I therefore deter- mined to cruise about that place. Agreeably to my expectations the Com. arrived at that place ; but contrary to uiy expectations, he brought with him the Cherub sloop of war, mounting 28 guns, and a com- plement of 180 men. The force of the Phoebe, the Corn's, flag ship, was oO long 18 pounders, 1(3 32 lb. carronades, and 7 3 pounders in her tops, in all 53 •guns, and a crew of 320 men ; making a force of 81 gims and OOO men. The force of the Essex was 40 32 lb. carronades a*nd tj long twelve's, and her crew (had been reduced by manning out her prizes to 2-')5 men. They provisioned, and went off the port for the purpose of blockading me. I often endeavored to provoke a challenge, and bring the Piioebe alone to action with the Essex, but without success. There were no hopes of any advantages to my country from u longer stay in port; I therefore determined to put; to sea the first opportunity. The 28th of March, the day after this resolution was formed, the wind blew fresh from the southward, when I parted my larboard cable and dragged directly out to sea. Not a mo- ment was to be lost in getting sail on the ship. On Tounding the point a heavy squall struck us, and car- ried away our main top-mast, precipitating four men into the sea, who drowned, Both ships now gave chase ; seeing I could not recover my former anchor- age in my disabled stale, I ran close into a small bay? and anchored within pistol shot of the shore, under cover of two batteries off Valparaiso, which being 300 HISTORY OF THE WAR. Tientral were bound to protect me ; at least till I had re|)aired damages. I had not succeeded in repairing or getrttig' a s})ring on my cable \^ben the enemy at 54 minutes past 3, P. M. made bis attack. The Phoebe [)lacing' herself under my stern, and the Che- rub on my starboard bow; butfindmg that situation a hot one, she bore up and run under my stern also; where both ships kept up a raking- fire. I had got 3 long 12 pounders out of the stern ports, which were worked with so much bravery that in half an hour we so disabled both as to compel them to haul olf to re- pair damages. My ship had leceived many injuries, and several had been killed and wounded, but all ap- peared determined to deiend the ship to 'he last, and to (lie in preference to a si ameful surrender. The enemy soon repaired his damages, and made a fresh attack with both ships on my starboard quarter, out of reach of my carronades, and where my stern g-uns couid not be brought to bear — he there kept up a gal- Jing- fire which it was out of my power to return. The only rope not cut was tlu nyiiig gib halliards, and that being the only sail I could set, I caused it to be hoisted, my cables to be cut, and run down on both ships, with an intention of laying the Phoebe on board. The firing on both sides was now tremendous ; I had let fall my fore-topsail and foresail, but the want of tacks and sheets rendered them useless, yet were we enabled for a short time to close with the enemy, although our decks were strewed with the dead, our cockpit filled witls wounded, our ship had been several times on fire, and a pei-fect wreck, we were still encouraged to hope to save her, as the Cherub in her crippled stale, had been comi'.elled to haul off. The Phoebe, from our disabled state, was enabled to edge off, and choose her distance, for her long guns, and kept up such a tremendous fire, as to mow down my brave companions by the dozen. I now gave up all hopes ol closing vv;th hm), and de- termineu to run onshore, land my men, and destroy HISTORY OF THE WAR. 301 the vessel. We had approached the shore within musket shot, when in an instant the wind shifted, and payed our head down on the Phoebe. My ship was now totally unmanageable ; yet, as her head was to- ward the enemy, and he to the leeward of me, I still hoped to be nble to board him. Finding the enemy •was determined to avoid being- boarded, and my ship alarmingly on lire, and the slaughter on board having become most horrible, I directed a hawser to be bent to the sheet anchor, and the bow anchor to be cut, io» bring her head round : this succeeded, and we again got our guns to bear ; but the hawser soon gave way and left us a perfect wreck. The Hames were burst- ing up the hatchway, and no hopes were entertained of saving the ship, as a qnantity of powder had al- ready exploded, and the fire had nearly reached the magazine, which served to increase the horrors of our situation. I therefore directed those who could swim to jump overboard and gain the shore. Some reach- ed it — some were taken by the enemy — and some perished. We who remained, turned our attention wholly to extinguishing the flames; when we had succeeded, went again to onr guns, where the firing was kept up for some minutes. Almost every gun having been dismounted, and the impossibility of making further attempts to capture our antagonists, aiul the entreaties of the remainder of my br;\ve crew, to- surrender to save the Mounded, I sent for the officers of divisions to consult them, b«t what was my surprise, to find only acting Lieut. M'Knight remaining. I was informed that the cock- pit, steerage, wardroom, and birth-deck would con- tain no more wounded ; and that the ship was filling with water very fast. The enemy were enabled from the smoothness of the water, to take aim at us as a target — in fine, I saw no hopes of saving my vessel or making my escape, and at 20 minutes past C P. M. gave the painful order to strike the colors. Seventy- five men, including officers, were all that remained of my crew when the colors were struck, capable of 302 HISTORY OF THE WAR. doingf duty. 1 directed an opposite ^«n fired to slicw "Vi'e intended no further resistance ; but they did not desist ; a number or men were killed by my side and in other parts of the ship. 1 1 ow believed he intended to show us no quarter, and thought it would be as well to die with my flag" flying' as struck, and was on the point of again hoisting it, when 10 minutes after h.uling- the colors down, he ceased firing. I must in justification of myself and crew observe, tliat with our six twelve pounders only, we fought this action, our carronades being almost useless. Our loss is 58 killed — iS6 wounded — and 31 mis- sing — total 154. I have the honor, 8cc. DAVID PORTER. \Exlract\ Com. Channcey tothe Secrdai^i of the Navy , tJ. S. ship Superior, Sackett's Harbor, JVlay 16, 18 J4, The enemy has paid dearly for the little booty which be obtained at Osweg-o. From the best infor- mation which I can collect, both from deserters and my agents, the enemy lost 70 men killed and 165 wounded, drowned and missing — in all, 235 ; nearly as many as were opposed to them. Capt. Mutcaster is ceitainly mortally wounded ; a Gapt, of marines killed, and a number of other officers killed and Avounded. Col. Miichell, to Gen. Bronm. Head Quarters, Oswego, May 8th, 1814. [Extract^ SIR — I informed you ot" my arrival at fort Oswego on the 30th ult. This post being but occasionally and not receiilly occupied by regular troops, was in a bad state of defence. Of cannon we had but five old guns, three of which l>ad lost their trunnions. What could be done in the way of repair was effected. On the 5th inst. the British naval force, consisting of four large shij>s, three brigs and a num- ber of gun and other boats were descried at reveillebeal- ittg about seven miles from the fort. Inforraation was inuuediately given to Capt. Woolsey of the uavyi, HISTORY OF THE WAR. 303 (irwho was at Oswego viUage) and to the neighboring militia. It being doubtful on what side ot the river the enemy would atteni|)t to land, and my torce, (290 effectives) being too small to bear division, I ordered the teiits in stor«. to be pitched on the village side, while I occu[)ied the other with my whole force, (t is probable that this artitice had its effect aad deter- mined the enemy to attack where, from ap|)earances, they expected the least opposition. About one o'clcok the fleet approached. Fifteen boats, large and crowded with troops, at a given signal, moved slow- ly to the shore. These were preceded by gun-boats sent to rake the woods and cover the landing, while the larger vessels opened a fire upon the fort. Capt, Boyle and Lieut. Legate, (so soon as the debarking boats got within range ofoursliot) opened upon them a very successful fire from the shore battery, and compelled them twice to retire. Tliey at length re- turned to the ships and the whole stood off from the shore for better anchorage. One of the enemy's boats which had been deserted, was taken up by us, a .d some others by the militia. The first mentioned was sixty feet long, carried thirty-six oars and three sails and could accommodate 160 men. She had receiv- ed a ball through her bow, and was nearly filled with water. At day break on the 6th the fleet appeared bear- ing up under easy sail. The Wolfe, Sec. took a posi- tion directly against thefortand batteries, and for three hours kept up a heavy fire of grape, Sec. Finding that the enemy had effected a landing, I withdrew my small disposable force into the rear of the fort, and with two compames met their advancing columns, while the other companies engaged the flanks of the enemy. Lieut. Pearce of the navy and some seamen, joined in the attack and fought with their character- istic bravery. We maintained our ground about thirty minutes, and as long as consisted with my fur- ther duly of defending the public stores deposited at the falls, which no doubt formed the principal object "^nJJF' 304 HISTORY OF THE WAR. of the expedition on the part of the enemy. Nor was this movement made precipitately. I halted within 400 yards of the fort. Capt. Romayne's company formed the rear guard, and, remaining" with it, 1 marched to this place in good order, destroy iiig the bridges in my rear. The enemy landed six hundred of De Watteville's regiment, six hundred marines, two companies of the Glengary corps, and three hun- dred and fifty seamen. Gen. Drummond and Com. Yeo were the land and naval commanders. They burned the old barracks and evacuated the fort about 3 o'clock in the mornins: ot the 7lh. Our loss in killed, is six ; in wounded, thirty-eight — and in missing, twenty five. I'he enemy lost 70 killed, and 165 wounded, drowned, and prisoners. Gen. Brown to the Secretary of fVar. Head' Quarters, Chippewa, July 7th, 1814. [Extract.] SIR — On the 2d inst. I issued orders for crossing the Niagara, and made arrangements deemed necessary for securing the garrison of Fort Erie — the 3d, that post surrendered, at 5 P. M.^ Our loss in this affair, was 4 wounded ; 137 prisoners, in- cluding 1 Maj. I Capt. 3Lieuts. and 1 ensign, with the ammunition and cannon belonging to the post were surrendered to us. — On the morning of the 4th, Brig. Gen. Scott, was ordered to advance towards Chippewa, and be governed by circumstances ; taking care to secure a good military position for the night ; after some skir- mishing, he selected this plain with the eye of a sol- dier, his right resting on the river, and a ravine being in front. At 11 at night I joined him, with the reserve under Brig. Gen. Ripley, with our field and battering train, and corps of artillery. The next morning Gen. Porter arrived with a part of the Pennsylvania and N. York volunteers, and some Indians. Early in the morning oftheoth, the enemy commenced a petty war upon our pickets, and, as he m'us indulged, his presam[)tion increased. HISTORY OP THE WAR. 305 At 4 P. M. asri'eeably to my orders, Gen. Porter advanced from the rear of our camp, taking- the woods in order to keep out of view of the enemy, in hopes of surrounding their scouting^ parties. In half an hour Porter's command met the light parlies and drove them to camp ; and near Chippewa, met their whole column in order of battle. I mimediate- ly ordered Gen. Scott to advance with his brigade, and Towsan's artillery, who met them upon the high plain in front of our camp. He advanced in the most officer like style, and ma few minutes was in close action, with a superior force of Brit sh regulars. Gen. Porter's command had given way, and fled in every direction, which caused Scott's left flank to be greatly exposed. Capt. Harris, with his dragoons, was directed to stop ihe fugitives, behind the ravine fronting our camp ; Gen. Hipley was directed to pass to the left and skirt the woods, so as to keep out of view, a »d fall upon the rear of the enemy's right flank. This order was promptly obeyed, and the greatest e\ertions made to close with the enemy - but in vain ; for such was I he zeal and activity of the line com- manded by Gen. Scott, that it was not to be checked- Maj. Jessup, commanding the left flank, finding him- self pressed in front and flank, and his men falling fast around him, ordered his baltallion to ' support armsy and advance ; the order was promptly obeyed, amidst a most deadly and destructive fire. He gained a more secure position, and returned upon the enemy so galling a discharge, as caused them to retire. By this time their whole line was falling back, and our gallant soldiers pressing upon them, when they broke their lines, and ran to regain their works. In this effort he was too successful, when the guns opened immediately upon our line, checked, in some degree, the pursuit. At this moment, I deter- mined to bring up my ordnance, and force the [)lace by a direct attack ; Maj. Wood, of the engineers a:. d Capt. Austin, my aid, rode to the right of their line 39 306 HISTORY OP THE WAR. of works and examined Ihem ; 1 wns imluced l.y their renoH, to order the forces to retire to camp, tiU a <•..,„•<- lime Respectfully nnd truly yonrs, iutmttime. l JACOB BROWN. AMEKICAN loss. Killed 00— wounded 244— missing 19. BBITISH loss. Killed 199— wounded 3a0— prisoners 245. Gen. BroKH to ike Secretary of ll'a.-. Buffalo, Aug. 17, 1814. rFvlracn SIR— You are already apprised that the an"v had on the 2oth ult. taken a position at Clup- pew a About noon of that day. Col. Sw,ft,whowas IZIa atLewistown, advised me by express, that the CmvaPP^»'-^din considerable force .n aueenstown ad on iL heights ; that four of the enemy s Beet had "rnved during the preceding night, and were then H nt near Fort Niagara, and that a nuniber of boats v^ eliview, moving up the streight. Wilhm a few mim.es after this intelligence had been .-eee.ved, I wa u1her informed by Capl. Denmon, of theQi-a,^ JlrMiser's department, that the enemy was lauding at 'Sown, and that our baggage and stores a ScWosseis and on their way thither, were ,n danger ot Wu e Ua te capture. Gen. Scott, with the 1st brigade, Townsou's artillery, and all the dragoons and mount- ed men. were accordingly put in march or. the road "eadmo- to aneenstown, with orders to report it the em /appeared, and to call for ''''""'""'^^ '' " 'f^ was necessarv. On the Generals arriva at the Falls helearned that the enemy was in force direelly m his from Tn-, "ow piece of woods alone intercepting his ^i^w^ them Wailing only to give this mformation, .e ^dtn eTupon Ihern". By the time Assistant Adj. Gen .Tones had delivered his message, ' !« '«^''°" b*; ffai and befm-e the remaining part ot the division n 'crossed the Chippewa, it had become close a.,d General between the advance corps, {''""^h t>^,"- Klpley with Ihe 2d brigade, major Hmdman with U.e HISTORY OF THE AVAR. 307 corps of artillery, and Gen. Porter at the head of his command, liad respectively pressed forward with ar- dor, it was not less than an hour befoi'e they were brought to sustain Gen. Scott, durino- which time his command most skilfully and gallantly maintained the conflict. Upon my arrival 1 found that the General had passed the wood and engaged the enemy at Q,ueeMstown road, and on the ground to the left of it, with the 9lli, 1 Ith, and 22d legts. and Townson's artillery. The 2oth had been thrown to the right to be governed by circumstances. Apprehending that these corps were much exhausted, and knowing that tliey had suHlred severely, I determined to interpose a new line with the advancing troops, and thus dis- engage Gen. Scott and hold his brigade in reserve. Orders were accordingly given to Gen. Ri|)ley. The euemy's artillery at this moment occupied a hill which gave him great advantages, and was the key of the whole position. It was supported by a line of infant- ry. To secure the victory, it was necessary to carry this artillery and seize the height. This duty was as- signed to Ool. Miller, while, to favor its execution, the 1st regt. under the command of Col. Nicholas, was directed to menace and au»use the infantry. To my great mortitication, this regt. after a discharge or two, give way and retreated some distance before it could be rallied, though it is believed the officers of the regiment exerted themelves to shorten this dis- tance, in the mean time. Col. Miller, 'without re- gard to this occurrence, advanced steadily and gal- lantly to his object and carried the height and the cannon. Gen. Ripley brought up the 2od (which had also faultered) to his support, and the enemy dis- a{)peared from before them. The 1st regiment was BOW brought into line on the left of the 21st, and the detachments of the 17lh and J 9th, Gen. Porter oc- cupying, with his command, the extreme left. About the time Col. Miller carried the enemy's cannoi), the 2>th regiment, u.ider Maj. .lessup, was engaged in a more ob-jtmate conil^ct with all that remamed to uis- 308 HISTORY OF THE WAR. pnte with us the field of battle. The Maj. as has been already stated, had been ordered by Gen. Scolt, at the commencement of the action, to take ground to his rijriit. He had succeeded in turning" the enemv's left flank — had captured (by a detachment under Captain Ketchum) Gen. Riall and sundry other officers, and shewed himself again to his own army, in a blaze of fire, which delV^ated or destroyed a very superior force of the enemy. He was ordered to form on the right of the 2d regiment. The enemy rallying his forces, and as is bebeved, having received reinforcements, now attempted to drive us from our position, and re- gain his artillery. Our line was unshaken, and the enemy repulsed. Two other attempts having the same object, had the same issue. Gen. Scott was again engaged in repelling the former of these; and the last I savv of him on the field of batt'e, he was near the head of bis column, and giving to its march a direction that would have placed him on the ene- my's right. It was with great pleasure' 1 saw the good order and intrepidity of Gen. Porter's volunteers from the moment of their arrival, but during the last charge of the enemy, those qualities were conspicuous. Stimulated by the examples set by their gal'ant lead- e', by M'lj. Wood, of the Pennsylvania corps, by Col.' Pobbin, of New-York, and by their officers general- ly, they precipitated themselves upon the enemy's line, and made all the prisoi»ers which were taken at this point of the action. Having been tor sometime w©unded, and being a good deal exhausted by loss of blood, it became my wish to devolve the command on Gen. Scott, and re- tire from the field j but on enquiry, I had the misfor- tune to learn, that he was disabled by wounds ; I therefore kept my post, and had the satisfaction to see the enemy's last effort repulsed. I now consigned the command to Gen. Ripley. I saw and felt the victory was complete. The ex- bauslion of our men was such as made some refresh- ment necessary. They particularly required water ; I therefore ordered Gen. Ripley to return to camp, HISTORY OF THE WAK. 809 ufter br'uio^inor off the dead, wounded, and artillery, M'hicli was effected in ^ood order. 1 have the honor to be. Sec. JACOB BROWN. American Loss. Killed, 171--Wounded, 572— -Missing, 110. British Loss. Killed, 184— Wounded, 559— Prisoners, 221. CHAPTER XII. Copy of a Letter from the mayor oj Alexandria to the mayor of Georyttorvn. Dkar Sir — Enclosed is a copy of the terms pro- posed to the common council of Alexandria, by the commandiiij^ officer of the squadron now lying before the town, to which they were compelled to submit. Very respectfully, &c. CHARLES SIMMS. TERMS OF CAPITULATION. His Ma)estys ship iSea Horse, Off Alexandria, 29th Aug. 1814. Gentlemen — ^In consequence of a deputation yesterday received from the city of Alexandria, re- questing- favorable terms for the safety of the city, the undermentioned are the only conditions in my power to offer. The town of Alexandria, with the exception of public works, shall not be destroyed, unless hostilities are commcinced on the part of the Americans, nor shall the inhabitants be molested in any manner what- ever, or their dwelling houses entered, if the follbw- ing- articles are complied with : Art. 1. All naval and ordnance stores, public or private, must be immediately delivered up. 2. Possession will be immediately taken of all the shipping, and their furniture must be sent on board by the owners without delay. UiQ HlSTO£^Y OF THE WAR. 3. The vessels that have been sunk must be deliv- ered up in the state they wt-re, on the 19lh of Auo'ust, the day of the squadron passing tlie Kettle Bottoms. 4. Merchandize of every description must be in- stantly delivered up, and to prevent any irregularity, that might be committed in its embarkation, t!te mer- chants have it at their option to load the vessels gener- ally' employed for that purpose, when they shall be towed oft" by us. 5. All merchandize that has been removed from Alexandria, since the 19th inst. is to be included in the above articles. 6. Refreshments of every description to be suppli- ed the ships, and paid for at the market price, by bills on the British government. 7. Officers will be appointed to see that articles ]Vo. 2, 3, 4 and 5, are strictly complied with, and any deviation or non-compliance, on the part of the inhabitants of Alexandria, will render this treaty null and void. J have the honor to be, &c. JOHN A. GORDON, Captain of H. 31. ship Sea Horse, and senior officer of H. 31. ships ojf Alexandria. To the common council of the town of Alexandria. Gen. Winder to the Secretary of War, Baltimore, August 27, 1814. SIR — When the enemy arrived at the mouth of the Potomac, of all the anlitia which* I had been au- thorised to assemble there were but about 1700 in the field, fromtliirteen to fourteen hundred under general Stansbury near this place, and about 2oO at Bladens- burgh, under lieutenant colonel Kramer. Alter all the force that could be put at my disposal in that short time, and making such dispositions as I deemed best calculated to present the most rt spertjible force at whalevtrpoint.the enemy might strike, I was enabled by tue most active and harrassmg movement* HISTORY OF THE WAR. M fill of the troops to interpose befor the enemy at Bladens^ bnroh about five thousand men, including- three hun- dred and fifty regulars and commodore Barney s com- mand Much the laruest portion of this force arriv- ed on the trround when the enemy were m sight, and were disposed of to support in the best mamuT the position which Gen. Stansbury had taken. They had barely reached the ground before the action com- menced, which was about 1 o'clock P. M. of the o4ih inst. and continued about an hour. " The artdlery from Baltimore supported by major Pinkney's rifie'baltalion, and a part of captam Dough- lev's from the navy yard, were in advance to com- mand the pass of the brido^e at Bladensburgh, and plaved upon the enemy, as I have since learned, with very destructive efiV:ct. But the rifle troops were ob- lipcd after some time to retire and ot course artillery. Superior numbers however rushed U|)on them and made their retreat necessary, not however without o-reat loss on the part of the enemy. "^ The rioht and centre of Stansbury s brigade con- sistincr of' lieutenant colonel Ragan's and Shuier's reoiinents, generally gave way very soon afterward^ ^^^th the exception of about forty rallitd by colonel Raffan, after having lost his horse, and the whole or a pTrt of captain Shower's company, both ot whom oeneral Stansbury represents to have made, even Thus deserted, a gallant stand. The reserve under brigadier general Smith ot the- district 'of Columbia, with the militia of the city and Georgetown, with the regulars and some detachments of Marvh^nd militia, flanked on their nglit by com- modore''Barney and his brave fellows, and lieutenaftt colonel Beal, still were on the right on the hill, and maintained the contest for some time with great efl'ect. It is not with me to report the conduct of commo- dore Barney and his command, nor can I speak troai observation; bein- too remote, but the concurrent testimony of all who did observe them, does \hem 312 HISTORY OF THE WAR. the highest justice for their brave resistance and the destructive effect they produced on the enemy. From the best intelligence, there remains but little doubt that the enemy lost at least four hundred killed and wounded, and of these a very unusual portion killed. Our loss cannot, I think, be estimated at more than from thirty to forty killed, and fifty to sixty wounded. They took altogether about one hundred and tw en- ty prisoners. I am With very great respect, sir, your obedient servant. WM. H. WINDER, Brig. Gen. lOth mditary district. Com. Barney to the Stcretary of the Navy. Farm, at Elk ridge, Aug. 29, 1*814. [Extract.^ SIR — This is the first moment I have had it m my power to make a report of the proceed- ings of the forces under my command since 1 had the honor of seeing you on Tuesday, the 2?5d mst. at the camp at the * Old Fields.' On the afternoon of that day we were informed that the enemy was advancnig upon us. Our army was put into order of battie aud our positions taken; my forces were on the ng t, flanked by the two baltallions of the 36lh and o8th regiments. A little before sunset Gen. Winder came to me and recommended that the heavy artillery should be withrawn, with the excejtion of one twelve pounder to cover the retreat. We took up the line of inarch, and in the night entered Washington by the Eastern Branch bridge. Tfie Gen. requested nie to take command and place my artillery to defend the passage of the bridge on the Eastern Branch, as Ihe enemy was approaching the city in that direction. I immediately put my guns in position, leaving the marines and the rest of my men at the barrac ks, to ■wait further orders I was in this situation uhcn I bad the honor to meet you with the President and heads of Departments, when it was determined I should draw off my guns and meii, and proceed to- HISTORY OP THE WAR. ^13 ^Vards Bladensburg-, which was immediately put into execution. On our way I was informed the enemy was within a mile of Bladensburg" ; we hurried on, thoug-h the day was very hot, and my men much crippled from the severe marches we had experienced the preceding days. I preceded the men, and when I arrived at the line which separates the District from Maryland, the battle began. •! sent an officer back to hasten on my men — they came up in a trot. We took our position on the rising ground, put the pieces in battery, posted the marines under Capt. Miller, and flotilla men, who were to act as infantry under their own officers, on my right, to support tho pieces, and waited the approach of the enemy. During- this pe- riod the eng-aj^emeiit continued — the enemy advanc- ing, and our army retreating befon them — apparently in much disorder. At length the enemy made his appearance on the mam road in force and in front of my batttrv, and on seeing us made a halt ; I reserved our fire; m a few minutes the enen»y again advanced, when I ordered an 18 pounder to be fired, which completely cleared the road ; shortly after, a second and third attempt was made by the enemy to come forward, but all who made the attempt were destroy- ed. The enemy then crossed over into an open field and attempted to flank our right. He was tliCre met by three 12 pounders, the marines under captain Mil- ler, and my men acting- as iutantry, and again was to- tally cut up. By this time not a vestige of the Ame- rican army remained, except a body of five or six hundred posted on a height on my right, from whom I expected much support from their fine situation. — The enemy from this period never appeared in front of us. He however pushed forward his sharp shoot- ers, one of vhom shot my horse from under me, which fell dead between two of my guns. Theene-^ my, who had been kept in check by our fire nearly half an* hour, now began to ont flank us on the right. Our guns were turned that way — he pushed up the hill about two or three hundred-men towards the corps 40 314 HISTORY OF THE WAR. of Americans stnlioned as almve described, who io niv greai mortification m;^de no resistiince, giving a fire or two and retiring'. In this siluatidn vse had lie whole army of the en- emy to contend with ; our annumituin was expended, and unfortnnateiv the drivers of my ammnnilion was^pons had gone ofl' in the g'cnnal panic. At ihis time I received a sevtre woniid ni my thigh. Finding the enemy now c<;mplelely in our rear and no me; ns of defer»ce, 1 ga\e orders to m> oflhcers and men to retire. The great loss oi blood occasioned such a weakness that I was com jelled to lie down I le-. questedmy ( fhcers to leave me, which they obstinale- ly refused, but upon being ordered, they obe>ed : one only remained, fn a short time 1 observed a British soldier and had him called, and directed him to seek an officer ; in a lew mn utes an officer came, ■who, on learning who I mhs, brought Gen. Ross aid admiral Cockburn to me. These offit ers behaved to me wit!; the most n>aiked attention, res[)ect and po- liSeness; lad a surgeon biought, an< ni} wound (ires* std immediately. Altera few minutes convtrsation, the general infoimed (after paying me a handsome compliment) that I was jfiniedf aitd at bberly to proceed to Washington or Bluciensburg, offering me every assistance in h s power, giving orders for a lit- ter to be brought, in vvhich 1 was carried to Blaueiis- burg. My wound is deep, but T flatter myself not dange- rous ; the ball is not yet extracted. JOeKUA BARNEY. Com. Mncdonovijh to the Secretary of the ISavy. U.S" shipSitratdga,ofi Plallsburg, ^ept. 1I,1M4. MR — The Almighty has been pleased to grant ns aMgnal victory on Lake Champlain, in the cap- ture of one frigate, one brig, and two sloops ot war of the enemy. 1 Jiave the honor to be, .^c. T. MACDONOUGH. HISTORY OF THE WAR. 3ib Com. Macdoiwugli to the ^^ecretory tif the Navy. XL S. ship HaialoL^a, at anchor off | Paltsbmg, Stpt. l-i, IS 14. f SIR — By lieulenaiil commandant Ca^sin I have the honor to convey to you the tl.i«i^s of his Britannic Majesty's late squadron, ca tared on the llth inst. by the United Slates' squadron untler mv command. T. MACDOSOUGH. I V Com. Miicdnnoiiyh to the ISecretary of tlie Navy. ' I'. S. ship Saratoga, Platlsburg- bay,) September 13, l814. § SIR — I have tlie honor to give you the particulars of the action which took place on the llth inst. on this Lake. At >S A. M. the look-out boat announced the ap- proach of the enemy. At 9, he ancliored in aline ahead, at about three hundred yards distance from niv line ; Ins ship opposed to the Saratoga, his brig" to the Eagle, his gallies, thiiteeu in number, to the schooner, sloo •, and a division of our gallies ; one of his sloops assisting their ship and Ijrig, the other assisting their gallies. Our remaining gallies with the Saratoga and Eagle. In this situation the whole force on both sides be- came engaged, the Saratoga suffering much from the heavy fire of the Confiance. I could perceive at the same time, howev<^r, thit our tire was very destruc- tive to her. The Ticonderotra <> allantly sustained her full share of ihe action. Ai half paxt 10 o'clock the Eagle, not being able to bring her guns to bear, cut her cable and anchored in a more eligible position, between my ship and the Ticonderoga, where she very much annoyed the enemy. Our guns on the starboard side being nearly all dismounted, or not manageable, a stern anchor was let go, the bower cable cut, and the ship winded with afresh broadside on the enemy's ship, which soon after surrendered. Our broadside was then sprung to bear on the brig, which surrendered in about 15 minutes after. 316 HISTORY OF THE WAR. The sloop that was opposed to the Eagle, had struck some time be» ore and drifted down the line; the sloop which was with their gal lies having struck also. Three of their gailies are said to he sunk, the others pulled off. Our gallies were about obeying ■with alacrity the signal to follow them, when ail the vessels were reported to me to be in a sinking state : it then became necessary to annul the signal to the gallies, and order their men to the pumps. 1 could only look at the enemy's gallies going off in a shattered condition, for there was not a mast in either squadron that could stand to make sail om. The Saratoga had fifty-fi\e round shot in her hull ; the Confiance one hundred and live. The enemy's shot passed principally just over our heads, as there were not 20 whole hammocks in the nettii gs at the close of the action, which lasted without intermis- sion two hours and twenty minutes. The Saratoga was twice set on fire with hot shot from the enemy's ship. I have the honor to be, &c. T. MACDOJNOUGH. P. S. — Accompanying this is a list of killed and "wounded, a list of prisoners — and a precise slate- ment of both torces engaged, AMERICAN FORCE AND LOSS. Ships. guns. Saratoga, 26 Eagle, 20 , T.cotideroga, 17 Preble, 7 10 Gun Boats, 16 mtn. killed. wounded 210 28 29 120 13 20 liO 6 6 30 2 350 3 3 86 820 62 58 BRITISH FORCE AND LOSS. Ships. guns. men. killed. wounc Confiance, 39 800 50 60 Liuiiet, 16 120 20 30 Growler, 11 40 6 10 HISTORY OF THE WAR. 317 Ea^le, 11 40 8 10 l;3GunBoats,18 6d0 9o lOoO 84 110 Several of the gun boats struck ; but the sinking stale of the huge vessels required the assistance of the men in our j^aUies, which enabled them to escape, excepting" three, which sunk with all on board, which makes their loss 174 killed, 110 wounded, and 416 prisoners. Note. — The following valuable property was taken on board the Jieel, to wit . — 1 1,800 lbs. oj powder ex- clusive of Jix^ed amniun.tion — 85,000 /6s. of cannon had — 0000 muskets — 0)0 suits of sailors' clothiufft and aU the winter clotlwiy oJ the whole of their land army. Bnrniny of Petipauf/e. — Between 10 and 11 o'clock, P. M. of April 7lh, 1814, six British boats were dis- covered coming into Connecticut river ; by 12, a large force of the enemy had taken possession of an old fort at Saybrook Point, where finding nothing, the fort having been decayed for several years, re- eiitered their boats, anil proceeded for Petipauge Point, about miles higher up the river, where they arrived about 4 o'clock. The vessels in harbor being on tire, first gave notice that the enemy was near. T ;ere was not time alter the alarm, to get the wo- men and children otf frt)m the PoinU betore the ene- my had landed, and began burning nie vessels on the stocks; they immediatelv commenced searching the houses and stores, tor arms and ammunition, taking ail tht-y could find, and destroying furniture to a con- siderable amount ; liquors of ail kinds, when found, after satisfying themselves, were destroyed by staving the casks. There was no opposition to their plunder, although they remained on shore till 10 o'clock, when they called in their men, and proceeded down the river about a mile, with a brig, a schooner, and 2 318 HrSTORY OF THE WAR. sloops, where ihey anchored and lay till dark, "wheii they set lire to their prizes, and proceeded down to their vessels. Attack on Stoninqton, — The British fleet off New- liOndoii having- been reinforced on the 9ih August^ 1814, a pari of it, to wit, one 74, two frig-ates, a sloop of war, and a brig-, appeared off Stoiiington, when Sir Thomas Hardy sent a flag on shore for the in- formation of the women and children^ that if the town -Was not surrendered in one hour, the whole should be laid in ashes. The inhabitants informed Sir Thomas, that Slonnyton was not Petipanyey and prepared their cannon, 2 long IS's, and one (3 pounder, for defend- ing themselves. Tlie attack began at 9, at night, and continued tdl 1 in the moi'oing, with round shot, bombs, and rockets. The militia, 30 in number, re- turned the fire with great vigor and eflect. The at- tack was renewed next morning, and as warmly re- sented — their brig, whic h lay nearest shore, was al- most cut to pieces, and one barge, full of men, was sUiik, when the enemy withdrew. Our loss was 4 wounded, 2 houses fired, and 2 horses kiiled. On the 11th they ag-ain attacked the place, before which the humane Sir Thomas sent in another demand for its surrender, accompanied with a threat, that if it was not complied with, he would lay the whole town in ashes, or sacrijice his whole force, consisting of 13 ships of war. Our little band ot Heroes paid little attention to his threat, but went steadily to vvoik at their cannon, and numled the enemy so, that he was obliged to abandon the expedition. Gen. Gains to the Secretary of War. Fort Erie, Aug. 23, 1814. [ F^/mc^]— SI R — I have the honor to communi- cate the particulars of the battle fought at this place, on the loth insl. I have heretofore omitted stating to you, that during the 13th and 11th, the eaemy had kept up a brisk cannonade upon this fort, which was IIISTORY OF THE WAR. 319 briskly returnerl from our batteries, without any con- siderable loss on our part. At tj, A. M. of the l-jth, one o\' their shells lodged in a small macrazine, in Fort Erie, which was fortunately almost tmpty. It blew up with an explosion more awful in its appear- ance, than injurious in its eftects, as it did not (lisaijle 9 man, or derange a g-un. It occasioned but a mo- nientary cessation of the thunders ot the artillery on both sides ; it was followed by a loud and joyous shout by the British army, which was immediately returned on our pnrt, an(l Capt. Williams, amidst tha smoke of the explosion, renewed the contest, by aa animated roar of his heavy cannon. The night was dark and rainy, but the faithful cen- tinel slept not. At half past 2 o'ch>ck, the right col- umn of the enemy approached, and though enveloped in darkness,* black as his designs and principles, was distinctly heard on our left, and promptly mark- ed by our musqnetry and cannon. Being mounted at the moment, I repaired to the point of attack, where the sheet of tire enabled me to see the enemy's column, about 1.500 men, approaching on that point ; his ad- vance was not checked until it had approached within ten fe^t of our infantry. A line of loose brush rep- resenting an abetlis only intervened; a column of the enemy attempted to pass round the abcttis ihrou^^h the ■water, where it was nearly breast deep. At this mo- ment the enemy were repulsed, but instantly renewed the charge, and were again repulsed. My attention was now called to the right, where our batteries and lines were lighted by a most brilliant tire of cannon and musquefry ; it announced the approach of ti.e centre and left columns of the enemy, under Cols. Drummond and Scott; they were soon repulsed. That of the centre, led by Col. Drummond was not long kept in check; it approached at once every as- sailable point of the fort, and wilh scaling ladders, * I, with several of my officers, several tinies, heard orders giv- en, ' to give (he damned Yankee rascals tio ([uariers.' 320 HISTORY OF THE WAR. ascended the parapet, bul was lepulsed with dreadful carnag'e. The assault was twice repeated, and as often checked ; but the enemy liaviii^ moved round the ditch, covered with darkness, and the heavy cloud of smoke which rolled froju our cannon and niiis- quelry, repeated the charge, a.:d re-ascended the lad- ders, when their pikes, bayonets, and spears, fell upon our o-allant artillerists. Our bislion was lost ; Lieut. M'Donough, being severely wounded, demanded quarter, — it was refused by Col. Drummond. iVI'Do- nou<»'h then seized a handspike, and nobly defended hnnself until he was shot down with a p stol by the monster who had lefused him quarter, \^ho often re- iterated the order — cfwe the damned Yankee rascals no quarter. This hardened murderer soon met histate ; he was shot through the breast while repealing the order to give no quarter. The battle now raged with increased fury, on the right, but on the lett the enemy was repulsed and ])ut to dight. Thence and from the centre I ordered rein- forcements. They were promptly sent by Bng. Gen. Ripley and Brig.' Gen. Porter. Capt. Fanning, of the corps of artillery, kept up o spirited and destruc- tive fire with his field piecrs on the enemy attempting to approach the fort. Major Hindman's gallant ef- forts, aided by Maj. Trimble, having failed to dnve the enemy from the bastion with the remainuig artil- lerists and infantry in the fort, Capt. Buvisall of the 4lh rifle regiment, with a detachment of riflemen, galUuitly rushed in through the gatew ay to their as- sistance, and with some infantry charged the enem\ ; but was repulsed, and the captain sevt^rely woundi d. A detachment from thelllh, 19th, and •22d,uifaiiliy, under Capt. Fo ter of the lllh, were ii.trouuced o\ tr the interior bastion, for the purpose of charging the enemy. Major Hail, Assist. In Gen. \ery hand- somely tendered his services to lead the charge. The charge was gallantly made by Caj)t. Foster and Maj. Hall, but owing to the narro\M»es., ol the passage up to the bastion admitting only 2 or d men abreast, it HISTORY OF THE WAR. 321. failed. It was often repeated, and as often checked. The enemy's force in tlie bastion was, however, much cut to pieces and diminished hy our artillery and small arms. At lliis moment every operation was arrested hy the e\[)losion of some cartridges deposit- ed m the end of ihe slone budding adjoining- the con- tested bastion. The explosion was tremendons-r-it was decisive: the bastion was restored. At this ntOf. mejit Capt. Biddle was ordered to cause a held piece to be posted so as to enfilade the exterior plam aud salient glacis. Capt. Fanning's battery likewise play- ed upon them at tins lime with great effect. The enemy were in a few moments entnely defeated, ta- ken, or put to flight. I have the honor, (kc. E P. GAINS. AMERICAN LOSS. Killed, 17 — Woundeil,o6 — Missing, 11 — total, 84. BRITISH LOSS. Killed, 422 — Wounded, a54— Prisoners, 186—962. Gtn. Smith lo the Secretary of War. Baltimore, September 19, 1815. [E.r/rrtc/.] SIR — I have the honor of statmg that the enemy landed between 7 and 80U0 men on the 12tU inst. at North Point, 14 nnles distant from this cily. Anticipatnig this debarkation. Gen, Striker had been detached on Sunday evening w ith a portion of his brigade, to check any attempt the enemy might make in that quarter to land ; the General took a position on Monday, at the junction of the two roads leading from this place to the Point, having his right flanked on Bear Creek, and his left by a marsh. Here he waited the approach of the enemy, after having sent on an advance corps. Between two and three o'clock the enemy's whole force came up, and com- menced the battle by some discharges of rockets, which w ere succeeded by the cannon from both sides, when the action became general. Gen. Strieker gal- lantly mamtained his ground against this great supe- riority of numbers, one hour and 20 minutes, when 41 322 HISTORY OF THE WAK. his left gave way and he was obliged to retire to the ground in his rear. JHe here formed his brigade^ but the eiieniy not thinking it adviseable to pursue, he fell back, according to previous arrangements, and formed on the left of my entrenchments. I feel a pride in the belief, that the stand made on Monday, in no small degree, tended to check the temerity of a foe, daring to invade a country like ours. Major General Ross the commander in chief of the British forces, was killed in this action. About the time Gen. Strieker joined my left, he was joined by Gen. Winder, (who had been stationed on the west sme of the city,) with gen. Douglass' brigade of Virginia militia, and the U. S. Dragoons, who took post on the left of gen. Strieker. Meanwhile, gens. Stans- bury and Forman, the seamen and marines under com. Rodgers, the Pennsylvania volunteers under cols. Cobean and Findley, the Baltimore artillery under col. Harris, and the marine artillery under capt. Stiles, manned the trenches and batteries — all prepared to meet the enemy. On Tuesday the enemy appeared in front of my entrenchments, at the distance of two miles, on the Philadelphia road, and attempted by a circuitous route, to march against our left, and enter the city ; gens. Winder and Strieker were ordered to adapt their movements so as to defeat their intentions, which completely succeeded. This movement induced the enemy to concentrate his forces by one or two o'clock, in ray front, pushing his advance to within a mile of our videltes, and shewing an intention of attacking us that evening. 1 drew gens. Winder and Strieker nearer to the left of my entrenchments, and to the right of the enemy, with the intention of falling on his rear, should he attack me ; or, if he declined it, of attacking him in the morning. To this movement, and my defences, which the enemy had the fairest opportunity of observing, I attribute his retreat, which was commenced at one o'clock, the next morn- ing, in which he was so favored, by the extreme darkness, and continued rain, that we did not discov- HISTORY OF THE WAR. 323 €rit until day light. A considerable detachment was sent in pursuit, but the troops being so worn down by fatigue, that they could do nothing more than pick up a few straglers ; they completed their embarka- tion the next day at 1 o'clock. I have now the pleasure of calling your attention to the brave commander of fort McHenry, Maj. Ar- mistead, and to the operations in that quarter. Maj. Armstead had under his conunand one com- pany of U. S.' artillery, two do. sea fencibles ; three do. of Baltimore artillery, a detachment from Com. Barney's flotilla, and about 600 militia, in all about 1000 men. On the 12th, 16 ships, including 5 bomb ships, anchored about two miles from the fort. The next morning, at sunrise, the enemy conuiienced the at- tack from his bomb vessels, at the distance of two miles, which was out of our reach. At 2 o'clock one of our gnus was dismounted which occasioned considerable bustle in the fort, killing one and wound- ing several, which induced Uie enemy to draw his ships within a good striking distance, when the Maj. opened a well directed tire upon them for half an hour, which caused them to haul offlo their old posi- tion, when our brave little band gave three cheers, and again ceased firing. Availing themselves of the darkness of the night, they had pushed a considerable force above the fort, and formed in a half circle, when they commenced firing again which was retnrn- ed with spirit, for more than two hours, when the enemy were again obliged to haul ofi". Durmg the bombardment, which lasted 25 hour*, on the part of the enemy, from 15 to 1800 shells were thrown by the enemy ; 400 of which fell in the fort, threatening destruction to all within, but wonderful as it may appear only 4 of our men were killed, and 24 wounded. I have the honor &c. S. SMITH. American Loss. Killed, 24— Wounded, 90— Missing, 47. Brilish Loss. Killed, 97 Womided, 165 Prisoners, 136 324 HISTORY OF THE WAK. Gen. Jackson to the Svcrelary of IVar. Mobile, Seplem. er 17, 1314. [Ea^tract.] SIR — With lively emotions of satis- faction, 1 communicate that success has crovvnetl the gallant ellorts of our brave soldiers, m resistuig ar.d repulsing- a combined British naval and land force, which on the 15ti» inst. attacked FortBow>er, on the point of Mobile The shij) which was destroyed, was the Hermes, of from 24 to 28 gULS, Captain the Ion. TV ui. H. Percy, senior officer in the Gulf of Mexico ; and the brig so considerably damaoed is the Sojihie, 18 guns. The olher ship was the Carron, of from 24 to 28 guns ; the other br g's name unknown. On board the C.irron, 85 men were killed and wounded ; among whom was Col. Nicoll, of the Royal Marines, who lost an eye by a splinter. The land force consisted of 110 maripts, and 200 Cieek ladians, under the command of Capt. Woodbine, of the marines, and about 20 artiberists, with one four and an half inch howitzer, from which they discharg- ed shells and nine |>ound shot. They re-embarked the piece, and retreated by land towards Pensacola, whence they came. By ihe morning report of the 16th, there were present in the fort, fit for duty, officers and men, 158. I have the honor to be, 6cc. ANDREW JACKSON. Gen. Brown to the Secretary of War. Fort Erie, Sept. 29th, 1814. \Extract.'] SIR — In my letter of the 18ih inst. I briefly informed you of the fortunate issue of the sor- tie which took place the day [)receding. The enemy's camp 1 had ascertained to be situated in a field surrounded by woods nearly two miles dis- tant from their batteries and entrendmients, the olv ject of which was to keep the parts of the force which was not upon duty, out of the range of our fire from Fort Erie and Black-Rock. Their infantry was HISTORY OF THE WAR. 5325 formed into three brigades, esliraated at 12 or 15 hun- dred men each. One of these brigades, with a de. tail from their artillery, was stationed at their works, ( h -se bemg- aliout 60;> yards distant from old Fort Kiie, and the right of our line.) We had already sutil red much from the lire of two of their batteries, an I were aware that a third was about to Ojien uport us, Under these circumstances, I resolved to stonn the batteries, destroy the cannon, and roughly handle the brigade Uj)on duty, before those in reserve could be bioagnt into action. Oil the morning of the I7lh, the infantry and rifle- in"M, regulars and mihtia, were ordered to be |»ara* ded and |)ut in readiness to march precisely at 12 o'clock. Gen. Porter with the volunleers, Col. Gib- son With the riflemen, and M ijor Brooks with the 23d and 1st infantry, and a few dragoons acting as infantry, were ordered to move from the extreme letl of oiir position upon the enemy's right, by a passage opened through the woods for the occasion. Gen. Miller was directed to station hs command in the ra- vine which lies between Port Erie and the enemy's batteries, by passing them by detachments througlithe skirts of the wood — and the 2 1st intantry under Gen. Rijdey was posted as a corps of reserve between the new bastions of Fort Erie ; all under cover, and out of die view of the enemy. About 20 minutes before 3, P. M. I found the left columns, under the command of Gen. Porter, which were destined to turn the enemy's right, within a tew rods of the British entrenchments. They were or- dered to advance and commence the action. Passing down the ravine, I judged from the report of mus- quetry that the action had commenced on our left ; I now hastened to Gen. M dler, and directed him to seize the moment and pierce the enemy's entrench- ment between batteries No. 2 and 3. My orders were p omptly and ably executed. Within 30 minutes af- ter the first gun was tired, batteries No. 2 and 3, the enemy's line of entrenchments, and his two block i326 HISTORY OF THE AVAR. liouses, were in our possession. Soon after batlerv ]Xo. 1 was abandoned by the British. The g-uns in each were spiked by us, or otherwise destroyed, and the magazine of No 3 was blown up. A few minutes before the explosion, I had ordered up the reserve under Gen. Ripley. As he passed me at the head of his column, 1 desired him as he would be the senior in advance, to ascertain as near as possible, the situation of the troops m general, and to have a care that not more was hazarded than the occasion required : that the object of the sortie ef- fected, the troops would retire in good order, &c. Gen. Ripley passed rapidly on — soon after, 1 became alarmed for Gen. Miller, and sent an order for the 21st to hasten to his support towards battery No. 1. Col. Upham received the order, and advanced to the aid of Gen. Miller. Gen. Ripley had inclined to the left, where Major Brooks' command was engag-ed, with a view of making some necessary enquiries of that officer, and in the act of doing so was unfortu- nately wounded. By this time the ubject of the sor- tie was accomplished beyond my most sanguine ex- pectations. Gen. Mdler had consequently ordered the troops on the right to fall back — observing this movement, I sent my staff along the line to call in the other corps. Within a few minutes they retired from the ravine, and from thence to camp. Thus lOUO regulars and an equal portion of mili- tia, in one hour of close action, blasted the hopes of the enemy, destroyed the fruits of oO d.iys labor, and diminished his effective force 1000 men at least. Lieut. Gen. Drummond broke up his camp during the night of the 21st, and retired to his entrenchments behind the Chippewa. A party of our men came up with the rear of his army at Frenchman's creek ; the enemy destroyed part of their stores by setting fire to the buildings from which they were employed in conveying them. We found in and about their camp a considerable quantity of cannon ball, and up* %vards of 100 stand of arms. HISTORY OF THE WAK. 327 . I send yoii enclosed herein a return of our loss. I'he return of prisoners enclosed does not include the stra«jgiers that came in after the action. I have the honor to be, &c JACOB BROWN. AMERICAN LOSS. Killed 79 — wounded 214 — missing 218. BRITISH LOSS. Killed 271— wounded 3 LI— Prisoners 38-3. Gen. Macomb to tJie Secretary of War. Plaltsburgh, .Sept. 12, 1814. \E,xtract.~\ SIR — 1 ha\e the honor to mform you tliat the British army commanded by Sir George Prevost, consisting of four brigades, a corps of artd- lery; a squadron of horse, and a stiong light corps, amounting in all to 14,000 men, after m vesting this place on the north of the Saranac river since the 5th inst. broke up their camp and raised the siege this morning at 2 o'clock, retreating precipitately, and- leaving their sick and wounded behind. The strength of this garrison is oidy 1500 men fit for duty. The light troops and militia are in full pursuit of the enemy, making prisoners in all directions. Up- wards of 300 deserters have already come in, and many arrive hourly. Our loss in the fort is trifling indeed, having only one officer and 15 men killed, and one officer and 30 men wounded. Vast quantities of provision were left behind and destroyed, also an immense quantity of bomb shells, cannon ball, grape shot, ammunition, flints, &c. 8cc. intrenching tools of all sorts, also tents and marquees. A great deal has been found concealed in the ponds and creeks, and bupied in the ground, and a vast quantity carried oft" by liie inhabitants. Such was the precipitance of his retreat, that he arrived atCha- zy, a distance of eight miles before we discovered that he had gone. We have buried the British officers of the army and navy, with the honors of war, and .shewn every 328 HISTORY OF THE WAR. attention and kindness to those who have fallen into our hands. The conduct ot the officers, non-com- missioned officers and soldiers of ni}' command, (iur- ingthis trying occasion cannot be represented in loo high terms. 1 have the honor to he, Sec. ALEXANDER MACOMB. A31EKICAN LOSS. Killed 37 — wounded 62— missing 20. BKlTiSH LOSS. Killed 368-wounded 49 4--prisoners 2o2-deserled786 Capt. Blalieley to the Secretary of the Navy. U S. S. Wasp, L'Orienl, July 8, 1814. SIR- On Tuesday the 28ti; ult. bemg then ni lat- itude 48, y6 N. and long. 11, 15 VY. we fell in with, engaged, and alter an i.ction of 19 mnutes, captured his Britaiiuic \ ajesty's sloop of war Reindeer, Wil- liam Mrinners, Esq. commander. At half past 1;^, P. M. the enemy shewed a blue and white flag diagonally at the fore, and fired a gun. At 1, 15, Ccdicd all hands to quaiters and prepared for action; 1,22, believii-g we could weather tbe en- emy, tacked ship and stood for him ; 1, 50 the ene- my tacked ship and stood from us ; 1, 5(5, hoisted our coiors and fired a gun to wind v> aid ; at 2, 20, the en- emy still standing trom us, set the royals; at 9, 25, set the flying gib ; at 2, 29, set the upper staysails; at 2, 32, the enemy having tacked for us took in the staysads ; at 2, 47, furled the royals ; at 2, 51, seeing that the enemy would be able to weather us, tacked ship; at 3, 3, the enemy hoisted his flying gib — brail- ed up our mizen ; at 3, 15, the enemy on our weather quarter, distant about 00 yards, fired his shitting gun, a 12 pound carronade at us, loaded with round and grape shot from his top-gallant torecaslle ; at 3,17, fired the same gun a second time ; at 3, 19, fired it a third time ; at 3, 21, fired it a fourth time ; at 3, 24, a fifth shot, all from the same gun. Finding the en- emy did not get sufliciently on the beam to cnvibleus to bring our j>uns to bear, put the helm a-lee, and at 20 minutes after 3, commenced the action with the af- HISTORY OF THE WAR. 329 tet* carronade on the starboard side, and ifired in snc- cession ; at 3, 34, hauled np the mainsail ; at 3, 40,, the enemy having- his hirboard bow in coi.tact uith our larboard qnarttrr e ideavored to boaid ns, but was repulsed in every altempt ; at 3, 44, orders were s^iv- en to board in turn, which were promptly executed, when all resistance immediately ceased, and at 3, 46, the eneniv haaletl down his flag-. The Reindeer mounted sixteen 24 lb. carronades, two long 6 or pounders, and a shiftinj^ 12 lb. car- ronade, with a com|)lement on board of 118 men. Her crew was said to be the pride ot Plymouth. The Reindeer was literally cut to pieces in a line wilh her ports : her upperworUs, boats and spare spars were one com[)lete wreck. — A breeze springing- up the next afternoon her foremast went by the board. Having received all the prisoners on board, which from the nuudDer of wounded occupied much lime, t«»gether with their baggage, the Reindeer was on the evening of the 29th S(4 on fire, and in a few hours blew up. I have the honor to be. Sec J. BLAKELEY- Amprican Loss. — Killed 5 — wounded 21. British Loss. — Killed 23 — wounded 42. Cajyt. Blakelei/ to the Secret art/ of the Navtj. U. S.' S. Wasp, at sea, Sept. 11,1814. \Kxf.racl^^ SIR — I have the honor of informing Vou of the destruction of H. B. IM. brig Avon,of 18guns by this ship on the 1st inst. At 0, 30 minutes P. M. discovered 4 sail -, 2 on our starboard, and 2 on our larboard bow ; hauleil np for one on our starboard bow, being farthest to windward. At 7, the brig made signals, with flags, lanterns, rockets, and guns. At 9, 29, the chase being under our lee bow, com- menced the action by tiriiig a 12 lb. carronade at him, which he returned, when we run under his lee, bow to prevent his escaping. At 10, beiieving the enemy to be silenced, ceased tiring, and hailed and asked if he had s-arrendered. No answer being giv- " 42 330 HISTORY OF THE WAR. en, and he having- recommenced firing', it was return^ ed. At 10, 12, the enemy having suffered greatly, and having* made no return to our two last broadsides, I hailed the second time, when he answered in the afiirmative. The guns were then ordered to be se- cured, and the boat lowered to take possession. In the act ot" lowering the boat, a second brig was dis- covered close under our stern, and standing for us. Sent the crew to quarters, and prepared for another action, and waited his coming up. At 10, 36, dis- covered two more sails astern, standing for us. Our braces having been cut away, we kept off the wind, until others could be rove, with the expectation of drawing the second brig from his companions, but was disappointed ; having continued approaching us until within gun shot she suddenly hauled by the wind, fir- ed a broadside, which done considerable damage, and soon retraced her steps to join her consorts. Our prize, when we abandoned her, was firing guns of distress ; the two last sails came to her assistance, in time to save her crew from sinking with the vessel, which went down soon afterwards. I have the hon- or to be, &c. J. BLAKELE Y. American Loss. — Killed, 2 — wounded, 1. JbrUish Loss. — Killed, 12 — wounded 33. Gen. 31' Arthur to the Secretary of War. Head-Q,narters, Detroit, Nov. 18, 1814. [Extract.^ SIR I have the honor of reporting to you the safe return of fche mounted troops to this place. It was deemed expedient, from the arder of the Kentucky and Ohio volunteers and militia, that they should be actively employed in the enemy's terlrtory, with a view to destroy their resources, and paraliae any attempt they might make on this post during the winter. Accordingly (530 troops, and 70 Indians, were put in motion to destroy the valuable mills at the head of Lake Ontario, and Grand River. We proceeded over the river Si. Clair, down to the Scotch Settlement, up Bear Creek, abovit 30 miles, and a HISTORY OF THE AVAR. 3Si cross to the Moravian towns, where we arrived the 3Utli ult. We were fortunate at this phice in taking- a Bri- tish officer who was proceeding to Burliu«!:ton witii the information of our aj)proach, which enabled us to reach Delaware town undiscovered. Tlie ran- gers were dettiched across the Thames, to pass in rear of the town, to guard the different roads, whilst the troops were swimming their horses across. We were thus enabled to reach Oxford, 150 miles from Detroit, before they heard of our approach. A few hours before our arrival at Buford, the enemy retreat- ed to Malcom's mills, on the road to Burlington where they were reinforced, to the number of «jOO ifiilitia, and about 100 Indians. A deep creek of difficult passage, except at a bridge immediately in front of their works, which had been partly destroyed, lay between us. Arrangements were made for a joint attack o\\ their front and rear. The Ohio troops were thrown across, under cover o( a thick wood, and the Kentucky troops were ordered to attack in front. The enemy were entirely defeated and dispersed, with the loss of 1 Capt. and 1 7 privates killed, and 3 Capts. 5 subalterns, and 103 privates, taken prisoners. Our loss was only one killed, and six wounded. The next day we proceeded on and took several prisoners, 200 stand of arms, and destroyed five valuable mills, when we commenced our return much for this place, which we reached yesterday. I have the honor to be, &c. D. M' ARTHUR. CHAPTER Xlir. Gen. Jackson to Gov. Early. Head-Quarters, Tensaw, Nov. 14th, IS 14. [Extract.^ SIR — O.i iast evening I returned from Pensacola to this piace — I reached th it post on the evening of the 0th. On my approach, 1 sent Maj. Pierre with a flag to communicate the object of my yS2 HISTORY OF THE WAR. visit loll'e Gov. of Peiisacola. Ke approached fort St. George, with his flag- clisphiyecl, and was iired oii- by the ca.inoii iroiii the tori — :ie reluriied and luatle report thereof to me. 1 inmitdiate!)' wtht with the Adj. Gen. and the Maj. with a sn»all escort, and viewed the fort and found it defended by British and Spanisli troops. I immediately determined to storm the town. On the morning of the 7th I marched with the effective regnhirs of the 3d, 39lh, and 44th infantry, part of Gen. Coffte's hrigade, the Mississippi dra- goons, and part of tlie West Tenessee regiment, and partoftheChoctaws led by Maj. Bhie, of the 39th and Maj. Kennedy of Mississippi territory. Being encanjped on tjie west of the town I calculated they would expect the assault from that quarter, and be , prepared to rake me from the fort, and the British armed vessels, seven in number, that lay in the bay. To cherish this idea 1 sent out part oftlie mounted men to show themselves on tiie west, whilst I passed in rear of the fort undiscovered to the east of the town. When 1 appeared within a mile, I was in full view. My pride was never more heightened than viewing the unilorm tiimnessof my troops, and with what un- daunted courage they advanced, with a strong fort ready to assail them on the right, 7 British armed ves- sels on the leff, and strong blockhouses and batteries of cannon in their front, b'lt they still advanced with unshaken hrmness, entered the town, when a battery of tw'o cannon was opened upon the centre column composed of the regulars, w.th ball and grape, and a shower of musketry from the houses and gardens. The battery was inmiediately stornud by Cajtl. Le- vall and company, and carried, and the musketry was soon silenced by the steady and v^eli direcleti tue of the regulars. I'he Gov. met Cols. Williamson and Smith, who led the dismounted voluntens, with a flag, begged for mercy, and surrendered the town aiul fort uncon- ditionally ; mercy was granted and protection given to the citizens and their property. HISTORY OF THE WAR. 333 . On the niornincr of the 8lli I prepared to march and storai liie B «raiicas, btilb lore I could move treuieiicl- ous expios.oiis told ine that I he Baraucas, with all its appeiidaovs, was blown up. I dispalched a detach- ment ol" two huiidieil men to explore it, who returutd in the nig'itt witn die iiitorniation that it was b.own up, uU the combustible parts barnt, the cannon spiked a!id dismounted except two : this being" the case, I determined to withdraw my troops, but before 1 oj>s has drawn a just respect (rom our enemies — It has convinced the Red Slicks that they have no stroiii^' h')ltl or protection, only in the friendship of the U. S The good order and conduct of my troops whdsl in Pensacoia, has con- vinced the Spaniards of our friendship, and prowess, and has drawn from the citizens an expr. ssion that our Ciioctaws are more civilized than the British. 1 have the honor to be, \.c. ANiJUEW JACKSON. Gen. Jackson lo the Secretary of War. Head-Q,iMrlers, NevN -Orleans, Dec. 27, 1814. \_Extract.\ SIR — I have the honor to intorm you of the result ot the action on the 23d. Tlie loss of our gun boats near the pass of the Hii^Dlets, having given the enemy command of lake Borgne, he was enabled to choose his point of attack. It became, therefore an object of importance to obstruct the nu- merous bayous and canals leading from that lake, to the highlands on the Mississippi. This important service was committed to Major Gen. Villere com- manding the district between the river and the lakes, and who, being a native of the country, was presum- ed to be best acquainted with ail those passes. Un- fortunately, however, a picquet whicli the Gen. had established at the mouth of the bayou Bienvenu, and which notwithstanding my orders had been left un- obstructed, was completely surprised, and the enemy penetrated through a canal leading to his farm, about two leagues beiow the city, and succeeded in cutting 334 HISTORY OF THE WAR. ofFa company of militia stationed there. — This inte]. ligence was communicated tome about 12 o'clock on the 22d. My force at this time did not exceed in all 1500. I arrived near the enemy's encampment about seven, and immediately made my dispositions for the attack. His forces amounting- at that time on land to about 3000, extended half a mile on the river, and in the rear nearly to the wood. Gen.Coifee was ordered to turn their right, while with the residue of the force I attacked his strongest position on the left near the river. Com. Patterson having dropped down the river in the schooner Caroline, was directed to open a fire up- on their camp, which he executed at about half after seven. Tins being the signal of attack. Gen. Coffee's men with their usual impetuosity, rushed on the en- emy's right and entered their camp, while our right advanced with equal order. A thick fog arose about 8 o'clock occasioning some confusion among the dif- ferent corps. Fearing the consequences, under this circumstance, of the prosecution of a night attack with troops then acting together for the first time, I contented myself with lying on the field that night; and at four in the morning assumed a stronger posi- tion about two miles nearer the city. In this affair the whole corps under my command deserve the greatest credit. The best complement I can pay to Gen. Coffee and his brigade is to say they have behaved as they have always done while under my command. The two field pieces were well served by the oflficer commanding- them. We have made 1 major, 2 subalterns, and sixty- three privates prisoners. I have the honor, &c. ANDREW JACKSON. American Loss. — Killed and wounded 100. British Loss. — Killed (k wounded 344, prisoners 66. G(n. Jackson to the Secretary of War. Head-Q,ir.iiters, New-Orleans, Jan. 13, 1815. \Extract.\ SIR — At such a crisis I conceive it my duty to keep you constantly advised of my situationi<* HISTORY OF THE WAR. 336 Early on the morning' of the 8th, the enemy having been actively employed the two preceding days in making preparations for a storm, advanced in two strong columns on my right and left. They were re- ceived iiowever, with a firmness which seems, they lit- tle expected, and which defeated all their hopes. My men undisturbed l)y their approach, which indeed they long anxiously wished for, opened upon them a fire so deliberate and certain, as rendered their scal- ing ladders and fascines, as well as their more direct implements of warfare, perfectly useless. For up- wards of an hour it was continued with a briskness of which there have been but few instances, perhaps, in any country. In justice to the enemy it must be said, they withstood it as long as could have been expected from the most determined bravery. At length how- ever when all prospect of success became hopeless, they fled in confusion from the field — leaving it cov- ered with their dead and wounded. My loss was inconsiderable ; being only *seven killed and six wounded. Such a disproportion in loss, when we consider the number and the kind of troops engaged, must, I know, excite astonishment, and may not, every where, be fully credited : yet I am perfectly satisfied that the account is not exaggerated on the one part, nor un- derrated on the other. Whether after the severe losses he has sustained, he is preparing to return to his shipping, or to make still mightier eft'orts to attain his first object, I do not pretend to determine. It becomes me to act as though the latter were his intention. One thing, however, seems certain, that if he still calculates on cft'ecting what he has hitherto been unable to accom- plish he must expect considerable reinforcements as the force with which he landed, must undoubtedly be diminished by at least 3000. Besides the loss which he sustained on the night of the 23d ultimo, which is estimated as four hundred, he cannot have suffered * This rvas in the action on the line — afterwards a skirmishing 'Vas fcept lip in which ujhr more q/'oiir men T:ere.l.ost. 830 History of the war. less between that period and llie tnoniing of ihe 8lb irist, than 300; h-.ivino- within that time, been repulsed in two general attempts to drive us from our position, and there having been continual cannonading and skirmishing, during the whole of it. Yet he is stiH abie to show a very formidable force. The commanding Gen. Sir Edward Packenhara was killed in the action of the 8lh, and Maj. Gtns. Kf an and Gibbs were mortally wounded. I have the honor to be, ^kr. ANDREW JACKSON. American Loss — Killed 7 — wounded (3. BrUisli Loss — Killed 700 — wounded 1400 — pris- oners 500. Lieut. Shields to Com. Patterson* {Extract.] JNew Orleans, Jan. 25th, 1815. SIR — T have the honor of rept rtingthe result of the expedition orden-d by you on the 17th inst. The 19th, at night, I left the Pass Cheuf Menteur, having made the necessary observations on the enemy before dark, wtlh5 boats and your gig, n anned with 50 men. At 10. P. M. captured a boat by surprize, manned ■with ^5 men. The number of prisoners exceeding my men, I thougiit it most prudent to land them, to prevent weakening my force, which was accordingly done, and the prisoners were put into the charge of the army at the Pass. The 21st, at day light, I again fell into the track of the ileet. Finding it impossible to make any captures, witliout being discovered, I determined to run down among' them, and strike at every opportunity — hoisted English colors, and took a transport boat with 5 men ; ordered her to follow, and stood for a transport Schooner, with 10 nien-> which I boarded with 8 men, and took without op- position. From 9, to 12 o'clock, we were in the midst of their boats, and succeeded m taking 5 more, with about /Omen. The enemy's loss on this occa- sion w as 140 prisoners, 7 boats and llransport Schoon- er. 1 have the honor to be, &c. THO. SHIELDS HISTORY OF THE WAR. 337 Sailin(/- Master Johnson to Com. Patterson. New-Orleans, Jan. 7th, IHlo. [Extract.] SIR — I have the pleasure of informing- yon of my succeeding' in destroyinij a transport l)rig in lake Borgne, yesterday, at 4. A. M. Ot» thi^ otii inst. I proceeded down to the east month oi the Pass, to ascertain the enemy's (»osition ; finding at anclior there one brig, 3 guidioats, 3 Schooners, and several barges, the brig lying a mde distant from the oljurs, I returned, and determnied on making- an altenipt to destroy her. M . crew now amounted to 38 men ; with this force [ was confident I should be able to destroy her, although I had been previously inlorm- ed she mounted 4 peices of canno i.and equipped ac- cordingly. On the 6th at 4, \. M. we boarded the brijr, her crew consistniij of a Ciot. a sading-niaster, and 8 marines, making no resistance. It Demg nearly daylight, I ordered*the |)risonersiiito my boat, and set fire to die brig, which proved to be the C^rus, loaded with rum, bread, and soldiers clothing. I have the honor to be, kc. WM. JOHNSON. ADDRESS, Directed hy Major General Jackson to be read at the head of each of the corps tomposiny the line below New-Orleans, Jan. 21, 1815. Citizens and fellow soldiers! The enemy has re- treated, and your general has now leisure to pro- ctaitu to the world what he has noticed With adnnia- tion and pride — your undaunted courage, your patri- otism, and patience, under hardships and fatig'.ies — Natives of different States, acting together for the lirst time in this camp; differing in habits and in lan- ffuajie, instead of viewinff in these circumstances \he germ of distrust and division, you have made tl.em the source of an honorable emulation, and irom the seeds of discord itself have reaped the fruits of an honora- ble union. This day completes the fourth week since fifteen hundred of you attacked treble your mimber 43 338 HISTORY OF THEi WAK. of men, mIio had boasted of their discipline and their services under a celebrated leader, in a long, and eventful war — attacked them in their camp, the mo- ment they had profaned the soil of freedom with their hostile tread, and inflicted a blow which was a pre- lude to the final result of their attempt to conquer, or their poor contrivances to divide us. A few hours was sufficient to unite the gallant band, though at the moment they received the welcome order to march, they were separated many leagues, in different direc- tions from the city. The gay rapidity of the march, and the cheerful countenances of the officers and men, would have induced a belief that some festive enter- tainment, not the strife of battle, was the scene to which they hastened with so much eagerness and hi- larity. In the conflict that ensued, the same spirit was supported, and my communication to the executive of the U. S. have testified the sease I eiiterlained of the merits of the corps and officers that were engag- ed. Resting on the field of battle, they retired in perfect order on the the next morning to these lines, destined to become the scene of future victories, which they were to share with the rest of you, my brave companions in arms. Scarcely were your lines a protection against musket shot, when on the 28th a disposition was made to attack them with all the pomp and parade of military tactics, as improved by those velerans^of the Spanish war. Their batteries of heavy cannon kept up an inces-, sant fire ; their rockets illuminated the air ; and under their cover two strong columns threatened our flanks. The foe insolently thought that this spectacle was too imposing to be resisted, and in the intoxication of his pride he already saw our lines abandoned without a contest— how were those menacing appearances met? By shouts of defiance, by a manly countenance, not to be shaken by the roar of his cannon, or by the glare of his firework rockets ; by an artillery served with superior skill, and with deadly eflect. JNever, my brave friends, can your Gen. forget the tetimoni- als ofallaclmient to ourglorious cause of indignant hat- HISTORY OF THE WAR. 339 red to our foe, of effectionate confidence in your chief, that resounded from every rank, as he passed a'ong- your hue. This animating scene damped the cour- Jig-e of the enemy ; he dropped his scahnuj ladders and fascines, and the threatened attack dwindled in- to a demonstration, which served only to shew the emptiness of his parade, and to inspire you with a just confidence in yourselves. The new year was ushered in witii the most tro- mendious fire his whole artillery could produce, a few hours only, however, were necessary for the brave and skilful men who directed our own to dismount his cannon, destroy his batteries, and effectually si- lence his fire. Hitherto, my brave friends, in the contest on our lines, your courage had been passive only ; you stood with calnmess, a hre that would have tried the firmness of a vetran, and you anticipa- ted a nearer contest with an eagerness which was soon to be gratified. On the 8th of Jan. the final effort was made. At the dawn of day the batteries opened and the columns advanced. Knowing that the volunteers from Ten- nessee and the militia from Kentucky were stationed on your left, it was there they directed their chief at- tack. Reasoning always from false principles, they ex- pected little opposition from men whose officers even were not in uiiilorm, who were ignorant of the rules of dress, and who had never been caned into disci- pline — fatal mistake ! a fire incessantly kept up, di- rected with calmness and with unerring aim, strewed the field with the bravest officers and men of the col- umn which slowly advanced, according to the most approved rules of European tactics, and was cut down by the untutored courage of American militia. Unble to sustain this galling and unceasing fire, some hundreds nearest the entrenchment called for quarter, which was granted — the rest retreating, were rallied at some - Gen. can bestow, and the best is that of which they can never be dej)rved, the consciousness of haviiijj;- done their duty, and of merit- ing the applause they will receive. Com. Decatur to the Secretary of the Navy. H. B. M. Ship Endymion, at sea, Jan. 18, 1815. SIR — The pai iful duty of detailing- to you the particular causes which preceded and led to the cajj- tureof the late U S. frigate President by a squadron of his Br. tannic Majesty's ships* has devolved upon me. [n my communication of the 14lh, I made known my intention of proceeding to sea on that eve- ning. Owing- to some mistake of the pilots, the ship in going out grounded on the bar, where she continu- ed to strike hc^avily for an hour and a half; although she had broken several of her rudder braces, and had received such other material injury as to render her return into port desirable, I was unable to do so Irom the strong westerly wind which was then blowing-. We shaped our course along the shore of LMng-Isl- and for 50 miles, and then steered S. E. by E. At five o'clock, three ships were discovered ahead ; we immediately hauled up the ship and passed two miles to the northward of them. At day light, we discov- ered four ships in chase, one on each quarter, and two astern, tiie leading- ship of the enemy a razee — she commenced a tiie upon us but without effect. At meridian the wind became light and baffling; we t Majestic razee, Endymion^ Potnone, Tenedos, Dispatch {brig) 34;^ HISTORY OP THE WAR. had increased our distance from the razee, but the next ship astern, which was also a large ship, had gained and continued to g-ain upon uscojisiderably ; we imnu-diately occupied all hands to lighten ship. At 3, we had the wind quite light ; the enemy who had now been joined by a brig, had a strong breeze, and were coming up with us rapidly. The Endy- inion (mounting oO guns, 24 pgjinders on the main deck) had now approached us within gun shot, and had commenced a tire with her bow guns, which we returned from our stern. At 5 o'clock she had ob- tained a position on our starboard quarter, within half point blank shot, on which neither our stern nor quiu'ter guns would bear ; I remained with her in this position for half an hour, in the hope that she "would close with us on our broadside, m which case I had prepared my crew to board, but from his con- tinuing to yaw his ship to maintain his position, it be- came evident that to close was not his intention. JEvery lire now cut some of our sails or rigging. To have continued our course under these circumstances, would have been placing it in his power to cripple us, without being sutiject to injury himself, and to have hauled up more to the northward to bring our stern guns to bear, would have exposed us to his raking lire. It was now dusk when I determined to alter my course south, for the purpose of bringing the enemy abeam, and although their ships astern were drawing up fast, I felt satisfied I should be enabled to throw him out of the combat before they could come up, and was not without hopes, if the night proved dark (of which there was every appearance) that I might still be enabled to effect my escape. Our opponent kept off at the same instant we did, and our tire commenc- ed at the same time. We continued engaged, steer- ing south with steering sails set two hours and a half, when we completely succeeded in dismantling her. Previously to her dropping entirely out of the action, there were intervals of minutes, when the ships were broadside and broadside, and in which she did not HISTORY OP THE WAR. 343 fire a gun. At this period, half past 8 o'clock, al- though dark, the other ships of the squadron were ill sight, and ahnost within gun shot. We were of course compelled to abandon her. In resuming our former course for I he purpose of avoiding the squad- ron, we were compelled to present our stern to our antagonist — hut such was his state, though we were thus exposed and within range of his guns for half an hour, that he did not avail himself of this favorable oj)portu;iitv of raking us. We continued this course until 1 1 o'clock, when two fresh ships of the enemy (the Pomona and Tenedos) had come up. The Po- mona had opened her fire on the larbuard bow, with- in musket shot ; the other wbout two cables' length astern, taking a raking position on our quarter j and the rest (with the exce[)tion of the El^'dymion) within gun shot. Thus situat<^d, with about one Hftli of my crew killed and wounded, my ship crippled, and a more than four-fold force opposed to me, without a chance of escape left, 1 deemed it my duty to sur- render. It is with emotions of pride [ bear testimony to the gallantry and steadiness of every officer ami man I had the honor to command on this occasion, and I feel satisfied that the fact of their havmg beaten a force equal to themselves, in the presence, and almost under the guns of so vastly a superior force, when, too, it was almost self-evident, that whatever their ex- ertions might be, they must ultimately be captured, will be taken as evidence of what they would have performed, had the force opposed to ihem been m any degree equal. For 24 hours after the action it was nearly calm, and the squadron were occupied in repairing the crippled ships. Such of the crew of the President as were not badly wounded, were jjut on board the dif- ferent ships ; myself and a part of my crew were put on board this ship. On the 17th we had a gale from the eastward, when this ship lost her bowsprit, fore and mam-masts, and mizen top-mast, all of which were badly wounded, and was, in consequence of 34i HISTORY OF THE WAR. her disabled condition, obliged to throw overboard all her u per deck guns. 1 have the honor to be, ^c. STEPHEN DECATUR. American Loss. — Kuled 24 — wounded 55, British Loss — Kdled 15 — wounded 28. Capt. Boyle to IMr. George P. Stephenson. Datt d at sea, March 2, 1815. [Extract.] SIR — I Isave the honor to inform vou, thai on the :26th of Feb. being about six leagues to windward of Havanna and 2 leagues from the land — ;it 1 !, A. M. discovered a schooner bearing N. E. ot us, apparently running before the wind ; made every possible sail in chase. At half past meridian I lired a gunman J hoisted the American flag, to as- certain, if possible, the nation which she belonged to, bul she shewed no colors. At 1,P. M. drawing up W:th hmi very fast, she fired astern chase gun at us, and hoisted English colors, slievvuig at the same time oidy three ports in the side next to us. Under the impression that she was a running vessel bound to Havanna, weakly armed and manned, I tried every eft'urt to close with him as quick as possi- ble. Saw very few men on hi;^ deck, and hastily made small preparation for action, though my officers, myself and men did not expect an\ fighting, of couise we were not completely prepared for action. At 1, 26, we were within pistol shot of him when he open- ed a tier of ten ports on a side, and gave his broad- side V f round, grai>e and musket balls. 1 then open- ed the Chasseur's fire from the great guns and musk- etry, and endeavored to close with him for the j)ur- pose of boarding; we having quick way at this time, shot ahead of him under his lee; he put his helm up for the purpose of wearing across our stern and to give us a raking fire, which I prevented by timely taking notice of his intention, and putting our helm hard up also. He shot quick ahead, and I closed Within ten yards of him ; at this time both fires were heavy, severe and destructive. I now found his men HISTORY OF THE WAR. 345 had been concealed uader his hnlwark, and that I had a heavy enemv to contend with, and at 1, 40, g-ave the order for boardniuf, which my brave officers and men cheerfully obeyt'ard to lay him on board, and in the act of board int>- her, she surreiider- ed. She proved to be H B. Majesty's scliooae • .St. Lawrence, commanded by Lieut. James E. Ciortlon, of 15 guns, 14 twelve pound carronades upon an un- proved construction, and a long"ni,ie; 75 men, and had on board a number of so.diers, man les, and some gentlemen of the navy passengers; having l>y the report 15 killed and 23 wounded. 1 had 5 men killed, and 8 wounded, myself amongst the latter, though very slightly. Thus ended the action in 15 minutes after its commencement, and about 8 minutes close quarters, with a force in every respect erjual to our own. The Chasseur mounts six 12 pounders, and eight short 9 pound carronades, (the latter taken from one of her prizes) ten of our 12 pound carronades having been thrown overboard while hard chased by the Burrosa frigate. Yours with respect, THOMAS BOYLE. Col. Scott to Governor Ear it/. Great Satill rner, Feb! 28, 1815. [Ex'trnct.^ SIR — I have the pleasure to inform yo»iof a brilliant atiair having taken place on the 24th inst. on the river St. Mary's between a part of mv de- tachment, 20 men, comnninded by Capt. Will. am Mickler, aided by about oO o: ttie Patriots of Flori- da, under Col. Dili, a. id ti of the enemy's barges, containing about 250 men, \\h ch hail attempted to proceed up the river to burn Mr. A C ark's mills. The enemy were iirst attacked by the Patriots from the Florida shore, near Camp P.nckney, when the barges immediately tacked about to retreat, but our men being in aml)ush o;i this shore gave them a se- cond reception, and thus tiie lire was kept up irora 44 846 HISTORY OF THE WAR. both shores until they got into a greater extent of riv' er than our riflemen could reach. Tlie enemy lost 160 killed and wounded. — We had one man severely wounded through the body, and several received balls through their clothes, but no further injury. WILLIAM SCOTT. Sailing-master John HurJhurd to Com. Campbell, U. S. Gun Boat, No. 168, Cumberland Sound,) March 18, 1815. | \Extract.'] SIR. — Proceeding with the despatch which you did me the honor to entrust to ray care, I sailed from Tybee bar, at 1, P. M. on the 16th inst. wind N. E. steering south ; at half past 3 descried a sail in the S. E. quarter, which we soon found to be a ship standing N.N. W. about 40 minutes after she iired a gun and hoisted her colors, the shot passing over our fore gaff; our colors were hoisted, con- tinued our course for a few minutes, when anoth- er gun was fired ; the shot passed abaft the main rig- ging over the lee quarter. Heaving his vessel too on the starboard tack, hailed me by saying, ' you damn'd rascal, if you don't lower your boat down and come on board immediately, I'll fire into you, I'll sink you, God damn you.' Seeing me in the act of taking in the square sail, * why don't you heave to, God damn vou, I'll sink you ; I'll fire a broadside into you.* As soon as I could be heard I said, this is a tJ. S. ivessel, from Savannah, with despatches for Admiral Cockburn. In the act of pronouncing the last words, a musket was fired at me, the ball passed near my shoulders, over the hand of ihe man at the helm, strik- ing the water from twenty Lo thirty feet from the ves- sel. Putting the helm down, I again informed him of the character of the vessel, saying, if you wish for, further satisfaction you are at liberty to send your boat on board ; he said, * I don't care a damn for the des- patches nor Admiral Cockburn either; God damii them and the United States too; I'll fire a broadside into you and sink you, if you don't lower your boat down and come on board, you rascal.' Put about and HISTORY OF THE WAR. 347 run close under the ship's lee, saying, 'this is tlie U. States' gun vessel No. 1(58, with despatches for the Admiral off St. Mary's ; if you doubt her being what she >)pearsto be, you can send your boat on board. Timing to uie, he says, * God damn you, come on board or Tli sink you — Til fire thunder mto you.' I replied, * if you do, 1 shall return your com- plements with lightning.' At this time I received, if possible, a greater flood of vulgar abuse than be- fore I hove about, stood to wmdward of him, heav- ing too on his starboard quarter, with the larboard tacks on board ; when a Lieut, came alongside, and ordered me into the boat, saying, * if you do not go on board, every one of you will be taken out and cixrried to Charleston.' Go on board and tell your commander that I shall not lower my boat, nor shall an officer or man leave the vessel, but by force, sho^ving hmi the paper for Admiral Cockburn. *If you don't go on board, you'll be sunk as soon as I go on board ; 1 advise you to go' — >' I want no advice, (said i) I have the orders of my government, by which I am governed ; tell your commander that such trifling shall not pass with impunity.' On the boat leaving us the Captain of the ship said, * won't the damned rascal come ? then come alongside and let me sink hun ; J'll fire a broadside into him.' On tlie boat's reaching the ship's side a gun was fired; the shot [)assing to leeward, through the mainsail, near the mast, cutting avvav one of the stays, going between the foremast and rigging i while he gave full vent to his vulgar abuse. I now saw every one of our little crew anxiously waiting the order to fire in- to the apparent enemv ; but I considered that several lives would in all probability be lost, and the flag struck at last. Under these considerations, I fired a gun across his bows, as the vessels were lying, sunk the signals, and hauled the colors down. A Lieut, came on board, to whom I made a formal surrender of the vessel ; he observed that he was only a Lieut. * Send an officer on board, (I replied) the officers and men are your prisoners.* He ordered me on board 348 HISTORY or the v/ar. the ship. On m}' arrival on board the ship, I was met by the Capl. near the main mast, saying, this \s his majeslv s ship Erebns, Bartholomew, commaiider. * This IS my sword, (I repbed) that is the U. Slates gun vessel No. lt)8, which 1 surrender as your prize, m\seit, othcers and crew as your prisoners.' He said ag"Jiin, 'how dare you refuse to come on board bis majesty's ship when ordered ?' ' I know not nor do I acknowledge any right you have to order me on board, or to mlerrujit me sailing along the Amer- ican coast I sh;d', however, make a fair representa- tion of this most flagrant abuse of power on your part to my government. I very much regret that I have not the comma, id of a ve>.sel of 20 guns, which would save the trouble of demanding satisfaction at a future day, by taking it on thes ot.' He said, 'I only wish to warn you off tlie coast; wdi you see my orders from the Admiral to warn all vessels from the coast r*' * As I am guverned b\ the orders of my own gov- ernment, 1 can have nothing to do with those ot Ad- miral Cockburn.' He said ' 1 ihouiiht you might be from the Cape of Good Hope.' * You could not be- lieve any such thing, when you see she has no quar- ter, has not the appearaiice of having been at sea any length of time; her boats not stowed as if to remain long at sea; nor could you supj>ose that were I from a long crUize, I should run past the port of Savannah, thereby exposing my vessel to any British cruizer that might happen to be on the coast.' He then said *upon my honour, 1 believe it was an accident, but I am sure the last shot would not have been firt^l if you had not been tr^uigto run away from me.' ' You could believe no such thing; jou saw both gibs to "windward, aiul the helm a-lee.' He said, * upon my honor, I don't no whether it went off by accident or was fired, no orders were given to tire ' After v\ alk- ing the quarter-deck for a few minutes, reliirning, he said, * will you see my orders to warn all vessels off the coast.' * As I have nothing to do with I hem I can have no wisli to see them.' * I( you tlinik this \ydlcau9e any dis^jute between the two govenuueu^ HISTORY OP THE WAR. 349 (said he) T will return with you to the Admiral and h:ive it settled.' I re, lied, ' I do not t'eel mysflf authorised in my present sitna'ioa to receive any sat- isfaction vou may iiave in your power to oftbr for such a wiltui insult offered to the U. Stalt.s.' I was then ordered on board, and lo proceed with the des- patches. JOHN HURLBUKD. Capt. Stewart to the Sccretari/ of the l\av?/. U. 8. tVijrale C )n.stitntion, M.iy, — 1815. SIR— 0.1 the 20th oi February last, (he Island of Madeira bearnitr about W. S. W. distant tJU leagues, we fell in with his Britannic Majesty's two shi[>s of war, the Cyane and Levant, ami brought them to ac- tion about G o'clock in the eveaing, both of which after a spirited engagement of 40 minutes, surrender- ed to the ship under my command. Considering the adva .tages derived by the enemy, from a divided and more active force, as also Iheir superiority m the weight and number of guns, I deem tiie s[)eedy and decisive result of this action the strong- est assurance which can be given to the government, that ail did their duty, and gallantly supported the reputation of American seamen. Inclosed is a list of the killed and wounded ; also a statement of the actual force of the enemy, and the miinber killed and wounded on board their ships as near as could be ascertained. I have the honor to be, &c. CHARLES STEWART. FORCE AND LOSS OF THfc: CONSTITUTION. 32 twenty -four pounders. — 20 thirty -two pounders. — 62 guns. Otiicers, men and boys 4(56. Killed 3 — wounded 12. FORCE AND LOSS OF THE CYANE. 22 thirty-two pounders — 10 eighteen do. — 2 twelve do. — 2 brass swivels — officers, men and boys 180. Kdled 12— wounded 23. FOkCE AND L SS OF THE LEVANT. 18 thiit,-two ((ounders — 2 nine do. — 1 t\selvedo. o&cers, men and boys 156. Killed 23 — wounded 16. ^ ' ...<^'«'-„n^ ^%PPENDIX. ^''V^^'' SS^^^ CORRESPONDENCE, RELATIVE TO THE TREATY OF PEACE. Washington, Oct. 10, 1814. Ta the Senate and House of tiepresentatives of the United States. I lay before congress communications just received from the Plenipotentiaries of the U. S. charged with negociating peace with Great Britain ; shewing the conditions on which alone that government is willing to put ao. end to the war, JAMES MADISON. Copy of a letter from Messrs. Adams, Bayard^ Clay, and liitssell, to Mr. Monroe, Secretary of State* Ghint, August 12th, 1814. SIR— We have the honor to inform you that the British commissioners, lord Gambier, Henry Goul- burn, Esq. and Wilham Atlams, Esq. arrived in this city on Saturday evening, the sixth inst. The day af- ter their arrival, Mr. Baker, their Secretary, called upon us to give us notice of the fact, and to propose a meeting, at a certain hour, on the ensuing day. The place having been agreed upon, we accordingly met, at 1 o'^clock, on Monday, the eighth inst. We enclose, herewith, a copy of the full powers exhibited by the British commissioners, at that con- ference ; which was opened on their part by an ex- pression of the sincere and earnest desire of their governmeat, thai the negociatioii might result in a solid peace, honorable to both parties. They, at the same time declared, that no events which had occur- red since the first proposal for this negociation, had altered the pacific disposition of their government, or varied its views as to the terms upon which it was will- in^g to conclude the peace. APPENDIX. 361, We answered, that we heard these declarations with great satisfaction, and that onr government had acceded to the proposal ot negocialion, with the most sincere desire to put an end to the ditierences which divided the two countrits, and to lay upon just and liberal grounds the foundation of a peace which, secur- ing- the rights and interests of hoth nations, should unite them by lasting bonds of amity. The British commissioners then stated the follow* ing subjects, as those upon which it appeared to them that the discussions would be likely to turn, and oa which they were instructed. I. The forcibleseizuie of mariners on i)oard of mer- chant vessels, and in connection with it, the claim of his Britannic Majesty to the allegliance of all the native subjects of G. Britain. AVe understood them to intimate, that the British government did not propose this point as owe winch they were ))articularly desirous of discussing ; but that, as it had occupied so prominent a place in the disputes between the two countries, it necessarily at- tracted notice and was considered as a sui>ject which would come under discussion. 2. The Indian allies of G. Britain to be included in the pacification, and a definite boundary to be settled for their territory. The British commissioners stated, that an arrange- ment upon this point was a sine qua noii ; that ibey were not authorized to conclude a treaty of peace which did not embrace the Indians, as allies of his Britannic Majesty ; and that the establishment of a definite bouiidary of the Indian territory was necessa- ry to secure a permanent peace, not only with the In- dians, but also between the U. States and G.Britain. 3. A revision of the boundary line betweeti the U. S. and the ajacent British colonies. With respect to this point, they expressly disclaim any intention, on the part of their government, to ac- quire an increase of territory, and represented the pro- posed revision as intended merely for tiie purpose of preventing uncertamty and dispute. 352 APPENDIX. Afler having- stated tl ese three points as subjects ol discussion, the British commissioners addeci, that be- fore they des. red any answer from us, they felt it in- cumbent upon them to tleclare,lhat tlie British govern- ment did not deny the right of the Americans to the fisheries generally, or in the open seas ; but that the privileges, formerly granted by treaty to the U. S. oftishmg viathm the limits of the British jurisdiction, and ot landing and drying fish on the shores of the British territories, would not be renewed without an equivalent. The extent of what was considered by them as wa- ters peculiarly British, was not stated. From the manner in which they brought this subject into view, they seemed to wish us to understand that they were not anxious that it should be discussed, and that they only iiitendeow- er in relation to the same description of people, ex- isting under bke circumstances. We would say, however, that it would not be doubted, that peace with the Indians would certainly follow a peace with G Britain : that we had information that comniis- sioners had already been appointed to treat wjth them; that a treaty to that effect might, perhaps, have been already concluded : and that the U. S. having no in- terest, nor any motive to continue a separate war against the Indians, there could never be a moment when our government would not be disposed to make peace with them. We then expressed our wish to receive from the British commissioners a statement of the views and objects of G. Britain upon all the points, and our wil- lingness to discuss thtm all, in order that, even if no arrangement should be agreed on, upon the points not included in our instructions, the government of the U. States might be possessed of the entire and precise intentions of that of G. Britain, respecting these points, and that the British government might be fully informed of the objections, on the part of the U. States, toanv such arranoement. In answer to our remark that these points had not been alluded to by lord Castlereagh, in his letter pro- posing the negociation, it was said, that it could not be expected, that in a letter merely intended to invite a negociation, he should enumerate the topics of dis- cussion, or state the pretensions of his government; since these would depend upon ulterior events, and might arise out of a subsequent state of things. In reply to our observation, that the proposed stip- ulation of an Indian boundary was without example in the practice of European nations, it was asserted. APPENDIX. 365 that the Indians must in some sort be considered as an independei t people, since treaties were made with them, both by G. Britain and by the U. States ; upoa ■which we pointed out the obvious and important dif- ferences between the treaties we might make with Indians, hving in our territory, and such a treaty as ^vas proposed to be made, respecting' them, with a foreign power, who had solemnly acknowledged the territory on which they resided to be part of the U. Sales. We were then asked by the British commissioners ■whether, in case they should enter further upon the discussion ot the several points which had been stated, we could expect that it would terminate by some provisional arrangement on the points on which we had no mstructions, particularly on that respecting the Indians, which arrangement would be subject to the ratification of our government ? We answered, that before the subjects were dis- tinctly understood, and the objects in view more pre- cisely disclosed, we could not tlecide whether it would be possible to form any satisfactory article on the subject ; nor pledge ourselves as to the exercise of a discretion under our powers, even with respect to a provisional agreement. We added, that as we should deeply deplore a rupture of the negoci;ition on any point, it was our anxious desire to employ all possible means to avert an event so serious in its consequences; and that we had not been without hopes that a discus- sion might correct the effect of any erroneous infor- mation which the British government might have re- ceived on the subject which they had proposed as a preliminary basis. We took this opportunity to remark, that no na- tion observed, a jwlicy more liberal and humane to- "wards the Indians than that pursued by the U. States ; that our object had been, by all practicable means, to introduce civilization amongst them ; that their posses- sions were secured to them by well defined bounda- ries, that their persons, lands and other property were now more effectually protected against violence or 356 APPENDIX. frauds from any quarter, tb;in tl»ey liad hren under any former g-overnmeut; tluit even our citizens were not allowed to purchase their lands ; that when ihey g-ave U|) their title to any portion of their country to the U. States, it was by voluntary treaty with our government, who o-ave theni a satist'act(»ry equivalent; and that through these means the U. States Lad suc- ceeded in preserving, suice the treaty of Greenville of 1795, an uninterrupted peace ot sixteen years, with ail the Indian tribi s ; a period of tranquility niu(h loiig-er than they were kr.own to have enjoyed here- tofore. It was then expressly stated on our part, that the proposition resiiecting- the Indians, was not distinctly understood. We asked whetiser the pacification, and the settlement of a boundary for them were both made asrne quo mm. Which was answere.t in the affirm- ative. The question was then asked the British com* missioners, w helher the ))roposed Indian boundar}'^ was intended to preclude the U. Stales from the right of purchasing by treaty from the Indians, without the consent ot G. Britain, lands laying beyond that boun- dary ? And as a restriction upon the Indians from sel- ling by amicable treaties lands to the U. Slates as had been hitherto practised ? To this question, it was first answered by one of the commissioners, that the Indians would not be re- stricted from selling their lands, but that the U. States woidd be restricted from purchasing them ; and on reflection another of the commissioners stated, that it ■was intended that the Indian territory should be a barrier between the British domniions and those of the U. States that both G. Britain, ^md the U. States should be restricted from purchasing their lands; but the Indians might sell them to a third party. The proposition respecting Indian boundary thus explaii ed, and connected with the right of sovereign- ty ascribed to the Indians over the country, amounted to nolhiig" less than a demand of the absolute cession of the rights both of sovereignty and of soil. We cannot abstain from remarking to ^oii, that the sub- APPEIVDIX. ^57 jecl (of Indian boundary) v%as indislir.ctly stated when first proposed, and that the explanations were :it tirst obscure and always given with reluctance. And It was declared from the first moment, to be a sine qua non, renderui*^ any discussion unprofitable until it was aduiilled as a basis. Knowing that we had no power to cede to the Indians any part of our territory, we thought it unntcessarN to ask, what pro- bably would not have been answered till the principle was admitted, where the line of demarkation of the In- dian country was proposed to be established. The jjritish commissioners, after having repeated llial their instruclioiis on the subject of the Indians were peremptory, slated that unless we could give some assurance, that our powers would allow us to make at least a provisional arrangement on the sub- ject, any further discussion would be fruitless, and that they must consult their own go\ernment on this state of things. They proposed accordiigly a sus- pension of ti.e conferences, until they should have re- ceived an answer, it being understood that each party might call a meet ng wht never they had any proposi- tion to submit. Ttiey despatched a special messen- ger the same evenmg, and we are now waiting tor the result. Before the proposed adjournment took place, it was agreed that there should be a protocol of the con- ferences ; that a statement should for that purpose be drawn Uj) by each party, ami that we should meet the tiext day to com[»are the statements. We according- ly met again on Wednesday the lUth inst. and ulti- mately agreed upon what should constitute the proto- col of the conferences. A copy of this instrument, we have the honor to transmit with this despatch. They objected to the insertion of the an- swer which they had given to our question respecting the effect of the proposed Indian boundary ; but they agreed to an alteration of their original proposition on that subject, which renders it much more explicit than as stated, either in the tii-st conference or in their proposed draught of the protocol. They also object- 358 APPENDIX. ed to the insertion of the fact, that they 'had proposed to adjourn the conferences, until they could obttun fur- ther instructions from their government. The re- turn of their messenger may, perhaps, disclose the motive of their reluclance in that respect. We have the honor to be, &c. JOHN a ADAMS, J. A. BAYARD, H. CLAY, JONA. RUSSELL. PROTOCOL OF CONFERENCE. Avgust 8, 1814. The British commissioners requested infornmtion whether the x\merican commissioners were instructed to enter into negociation on the preceding points? But before they desired any answer, they felt it right to communicate the intentions of their govenmient" as to the North American fisheries, viz. That the Bri- tish government did not intend to grant to the United States, gratuitously, the privileges formerly granted by treaty to them, of fishing within the limits of the British sovereignty, and of using the shores of the Bri- tish territories for purposes connected with the fish- eries. Auyust 9 — The hieeling being adjourned to the 9th of August the commissioners met again on that day. The American commissioners at this meeting stat- ed, that upon the first and third points proposed by the British commisioners, they were provided with instructions from their government, and that the se- cond and fourth of these points were not provided for in their instructions. That in relation to an Indian pacification, they knew that the government of the U. States had appointed commissioners to treat of peace with the Indians, and that it was not improba- ble that peace had been made w ith them. The Amei-ican commissioners presented as further subjects considered by the government of the United States as suitable for discussion. L A definition of blockade, and as far as may be agreed, of other neutral and belligerent rights. APPENDIX. 359 2. Certain claims of indemnity to individuals for captures and seizures preceding and subsequent to the war. 3. They further stated that there were various oth- er points to which their instructions extended, which might with propriety be objects ot discussion, either in the negocialion ot the peace, or in that ot a treaty of commerce, which in the case of a propitious ter- mmation of the present conferences, they were like- wise authorised to conckide. That for the purpose of facditatinecitic authority from their government, it was not possible for them, previous to discussion, to decitle whether any article on the subject could be formed which would be mutually satisfactory, and to which they should think themselves, under their discretion- ary powers, justified in acceding. Messrs. Adums, Bayard, Clay, Bussell, and GaUa- tin, to Mr Monroe, Secretary of Slali'. Gh±,]st, August 19, 1814. SIR — Mrr Baker, secretary to the British mission, called upon us to-day, at 1 o'clock, and invited us to a conference to be held at liiiee. This was agreed to. 360 APPENDIX. and the British commissioners opened it, by saying' that they had received tlieir turlher instructions this morn- itifr, and liad not lost a moment in requesting a meet- ing (or the purpose of communicating the decision of their government. It is proper to notice that lord Cas lereagh had arrived last night in this city, whence, it is said, lie will depart to-morrow on his way to Brussels and Yieniia. The British commissioners stated that their gov- ernment had telt some surprise, that ue were not in- structed respecting the luchans, as il could not have been expected that they would leave their allies, in their cotnpm'ativeU weak situation, exposed to our resentment. Great-Britain might justlv have suppos- ed that the American government would have fur- nished us with instructions authorising us to agree to a postive article on the subject; bul, the least she could demand was that we should sign a provisional article admitting the principle, subject to the ratifi- cation of our govertuiient ; so that, if it should be ratified, the treaty should take effect ; and, if not, that it should be null and void; on our assent or refusal to admit such an article would depend the continu- ance or suspension of the negociation. As we had represented that the proposition made by them, on that subject, was not sufficiently expli- cit, their government had directed them to give us every necessary exj)lanation, and to state distinctl}'^ the basis which must be considered as an indispensa- ble prehminary. Il was a sine qua non that the Indians should be included in the pacification, and, as incident thereto, that the boundaries of their territory should be per- manently established. Peace with the Indians was a subject so simple, as to require no comment. With respect to the boundaries which was to divide their territory from that of the United Siates, the object of the British government was, that the Indians should remain as a permanent barrier between onr western settlements, and the adjacent British provinces, to prevent them from being conterminous to each other: a:ppendix. 861 and that neither the United Si ates^ nor Great-Britain, should ever hereafter have tlie right to j)nrrh.ise, or acquire any part of the territory ihus recogrnzed, as belonging- to the Indians. With regard to the extent of the I.idian territory, and the houadarv line, the British governnient would propose the lines of the Greenville treaty, as a proper basis, su ject, however, to discussion and tnoditications. Wt^ stated that the Indian territory, according to these lines, would comprehend a great iiuniber of American citizens ; not less, prehaps, tlian a hundred thousand: and asked, what was the intention of the British government respecting them, and under whose government they vvonhl tall ' It was answered that those settlements would be taken into consideration, when the line became a subject of discussion; but that such of the inhabitants, as would ultimately be included within the Indian territory, inu>t make their own arrangements and provide for themselves. The British commissioners here said that, consid- ering the importance of the question we had to de- cide, (that of agreeing to a provisional article) theii- government had thought it right, that we should also be fully informed of lis views, with r^'spect lo the pro- posed revision of the bou idary line, between the do- minions ot G Britain and the U. States. 1st. Experience had proved that the joint posses- sion of the lakes, and a right common to both nations, to keep up a naval force on thein, necessarily pro- duced collisions, and rendered peace insecure. As G. Britain could nut be supposed to expect to make CO iqnest in that quarter, and as that province was es- se. itially weaker than the LT. States, and exposed to invasion, it was necessary, for its security, that G. Britain should require that the U. States should here- after keep no armed naval force on the Western Lakes, from Lake Ontario to LaJce Superior, both inclusive; that they should not erect any fortified or military post or establishment on the shores of those lakes ; and that Ihev should not maintain thoso which were Ji62 APPENDIX. already existing^. This must, they said, be consider- ed as a moderate demand, since G. Britain, it" she had not disclaimed the intention oi any mcrease of terri- tory, might with propriety Iiave asked a cession ot the adjacent American shores. The commercial naviga- tion and intercourse would be lett on the same foot- ing as heretofore. It was expressly stated, (in an- swer to a question we asked,) that G. Bniain was to retain the right of having- an armed naval force on those lakes, and of holding military posts and establish- ments on their shores. 2 The boundary line west of Lnke Superior, and thence totie Mississippi, to be revised and the treaty right of G. Britain to the navigation of the Mississip- pi, to be continued. When asked, whether they did not mean the line from the lake of the Woods to the Mississippi, the British commissioners repeated that they meant the line from lake Superior, to that river. 3. A direct communication trom Halifax and the province ol New-Brunswick to Quebec, to be secur- ed to G. Britain. In answer to our question, in what manner this was to be efiected, we were told that it must be done by a cession to G. Britain of that por- tion of the district of Manie (in the state of Massa- chusetts) which inter\enes between New-Brunswick and Quebec, and prevents that direct communica- tion. Reverting to the proposed provisional article, re- specting the Indian paciticalion and boundary, the British commissioners concluded by stating to us, that if the conterences should be suspended by our re- fusal to agree to such an article, without having ob- taiiied further instructions from our government, G. Britain would not consider herself bound to abide by the terms which she now offered, but would beat lib- erty to vary and regulate her demands according to subsequent events, and in sucli manner as the state of the war, at the time of renewing the negociation, might warrant. We asked whether the statement made, respect- ing proposed revision of the boundary line between APPENDIX. 663 the U. Stales and the dominions of G. Britain, eni° braced all the objects she meant to bring- forward for di.sciission, and what were, particularly, her views with respect to Moose Island, and such other islands in the bay of Passamaquaddy, as had been in our possession till the present war, but had been lately captured ? We were answered, that those Islands, belonging' of right to G. Britain, (as much so, one of the commissioners said, as Northamptonshire,) they wouid certainly be kept by her, and were not even supposed to be an object of discussion. From the forcible manner in which the demand, that the U. States should keep no naval armed force on the lakes, nor any military post on their shores, has been brought forward, we were induced to in- quire whether this condition was also meant as a sine qua non ? To this the British commissioners declined giving a positive answer. They said that they had been sufficiently explicit j that they had given us one sine qua non, and when we had disposed of that, it would be time enough to give us an answer as to another. We then stated that, considering the nature and importance of the communication made this day, we wished the British commissioners to reduce their proposals to >yriting, before we gave them an answer; this they agreed to and promised to send us an official note without delay. We need hardly say that the demands of G. Britain will receive from us an unanimous and decided neg- ative. We do not deem it necessary to detain the John Adams for the purpose of transmitting to you the official notes which may pass on the snbject and close the negociation. And we have felt it our duty immediately to apprize you, by this hasty, but cor- rect sketch of our last conference, that there is not at present, any hope of peace. We have the honor to be, &c. JOHN Q, ADAMS, J. A. BAYARD, A. GALLATIN. H. CLAY, JON A. RUSSELL. 364 APPENDIX. Note of the British Commissioners. JReceived after the above letter wasnritteri. The undersigned, Pleiiipotentianes ot his Britannic Majesty, do themselves the honor ot acquaintintj^ the Plenipotentiaries of the U. Slates, that they have coninunucated to their court the result of tlie confer- ence which they had the honor of holding with them upon the 9th inst. in which they stated, that tliey ■were unprovided with any specific instructions, as to coinprehei»d ng the In lian nations in a treaty of peace to be made with G. Britain, and as to defining* a boundary to the Indian territory. The undersigned are instructed to acquaint the PKnipotentiaries of the U. States, that his Maje.st\'s government having al the outset of the negociation, With a view to the speedy restoration of peace re- duced as far as possible the number of points to be discussed, and having professed themselves willing to forego on some important topics any stipu>aliOii to the advantage of G. Britain, cannot but feel some surprize that the government of the U. States should not have furnished their Plenipotentiaries with in- structions ujjon those points which could hardly tail to come under discussion. Under the inability of the American Plenipotentia- ries, to conclude any article upon the subject of In- dian pacification and Indian boundary, which shall bind the government of the U. States, his jVlajesty's government conceive that they cannot give a better proof of their sincere desire for the restoration of peace, than by professing their willingness to accept a provisional article upon these heads, in the event of the American Plenipotentiaries considering them- selves authorized to accede to the general principles, upon which such an article ought to be founded. With a view to enable the American Plenipotentia- ries to decide, how far the conclusion of such an arti- cle is within the limit of their general discretion, the undersigned are directed to state, fully and distinctly, the basis upon which alone G. Britain sees any proS'« APl»ENDIX, 365 pect of advantage in the continuance of the negocia- tions at the present time. Tiie Uiiclersigiied have already had the honor of stat- ing' to the American Pleni|iOtentiaries, that in con- sider. ns^ the points above referred to, as a sine qua non of any treaty of peace, the view of the British govern- ment IS the permanent tranquility and security of the Indian iiatio is, a id the prevention of those jealousies a-id irritations, to which the frequent alteration of the I.idian limits has heretofore given rise. For this purpose it is indisj)cnsably necessary, thit the Indian nations who have been during the war in alliance with G. Britain should, at the tennniation of the war, be included in the pacilication. It IS equally necessary, that a definite boundary should be assigned to the Indians, and that the con- tracting parties should guarantee the integrity of their territory, by a mutual stipulation, not to acquire by purchase, or otherwise, any territory withm the specified limits. T:ie British government are willing to take, as the basis of an a- tide on this subject, those shpulatious ofthe treaty ol" Greenville, subject to mo- difications, which relate to a boundary line. As the undersigned are desirous of stating every poiiit in connection with the subject, which may rea- sonably influence the decision of the American PiCni- potentiaries in the exercise of their discretion, they avail themselves of this opportunity to repeat what they already stated, that G. Britain desires the revi- sion of the frontier between her North American do- minions and those of the CF. States, not vvitii any view to an acquisition of territory, as such, but for the pur- pose of securing her possessions, and preventing fu- ture disputes. The British government, consider the lakes from lake Ontario to lake Superior, both inclusive, to be the natural military frontier of the British possessions in North America. As the weaker power on the NortJi American continent, the least capable of acting otfensiveiy, and the most exposed to sudden invasions, G. Britain considers the military occupation of these 366 APPENDIX. Lakes as necessary to the security of her dominions, A boundary line equally dividing these waters, with a right to each nation to arm, both upon the lakes and upon their shores, is calculated to create a con- test for naval ascendancy in peace as well as in war. The power which occupies these lakes should, as a necessary result, have the military occupation of both shores. In furtherance of this object the Britsh government is prepared to propose a boundary. But as this might be misconstructed as an intention to extend their possessions to the southward of the lakes, which is by no means the object they have in view, they are dis- posed to leave the territorial limits undisturbed, and as incident to them, the free commercial navigation of the lakes, provided that the American government will stipulate not to maintain or construct, any fortifi- cations upon, or within a limited distance of the shores, or maintainor construct any armed vessel upon the lakes in question, or in the rivers which empty them- selves mto the same. If this can be adjusted, there will then remain for discussion the arrangement ofthe north western boun- dary between lake Superior and the Mississippi, the free navigation of that river, and such a vacation of the line of frontier as may secure a direct communi- cation between Quebec and Halfax. The undersigned trust, that the full statement which they have made of the views and objects ofthe British government i.^ requiring the pacification ofthe Indian nations, and a permanent limit to their territories, will enable the American Plenipotentiaries to conclude a provisional article upon the basis above stated. Should they feel it necessary to refer to the govern- ment ofthe U. States for further instructions, the un- dersigned feel it incumbent upon them to acquaint the American Plenipotentiaries, that the government cannot be precluded by any thing that has passed from varying the terms at present proposed, in such a manner, as the state of war, at the time of resuming the conferences, may in theirjudgment render advisable. APPENDIX. 367 The undersig'ned avail themselves of this occasion to renew to the Plenipotentiaries of the U. States, the assurance of their high consideration. GAMBIER, H. GOULBURN, W. ADAMS. Ghent i August 19, 1814. The ministers plenipotentiary/ and extraordinary of the U. Slates to the plenipotentiaries oj his Bri- tannic Majesty, Ghent, August 24, 1814. The undei*signed ministers plenipotentiary and extraordniary from the United States of America, have given to the official note which they have had the honor of receiving from his Britaiw)ic majesty's plenipotentiaries the deliberate attention which the importance of its contents required, and have now tliat of transmitting to them their answer on the sev- eral points to w hich it refers. They would present to the consideration of the Bri- tish plenipotentiaries, that lord Castlereagh, in his let- ter of the 4lh of November 1813, to the American secretary of state, pledges the faith of the British gov- ernment that * they were willing to enter into discus- sion with the government of America for the concili- atory adjustment of the difterences subsisting between the two states, with an earnest desire on their part to bring them to a favorable issue, upon principles of perfect reciprocity, not inconsistent with the estab- lished maxims of public law, and tiie maritime rights of the British empire.' This fact alone might suffice to shew, that it ought not to have been expected that the American government, in acceding to this pro- position, should have exceeded its terras, and furnish- ed the undersigned with instructions authorising them to treat with the British plenipotentiaries re- specting Indians situated withni the boundaries of the U. States. That such expectation was not enter- tained by tiie British government might also have beeu inferred from the explicit assurances v\hich the 368 APPENDIX. British plenipotentiaries gave, on the part of their government, at the first conference which the under- signed had the honor of holding with them, that no events, subsequent to the hrst proposal for this nego- ciation, had, many manner, varied either the dispo- sition ofthe British government, that it might termi- na e in a peace honorable to both parties, or the terms upon which the> would be willing to conclude it. It is well known that the differences which unhap- ily subsist between Great-Britain and the U. States, and which ultimately led to the present war, M'ere wholly of a maritime nature, arising principally from the British Orders in Council, in relation to blockades, and from the impressment of mariners from on board of American vessels. — Ttie boundary ot the Indian territory had never been a subject of difference be- tween the two countries. Neither ihe principles of reciprocity, the maxims of public law, nor the mari- time rigiits of the British empire could require the permanent establishment of such a boundary. The novel pretensions now advanced coud no more have been anticipated by the governmeiit ofthe U. States, ill forming instructions for this negociation, than they seem to have been contemplated by that of G. Britain in November last in proposing it. Lord Castlereagh's note makes the terminition ofthe war to depend on a conciliatory adjustment of the differences then sub- sistino' between the two states and in no other condi- tion whatever. Nor could the American government have foreseen that G. Britain in orderto obtain peace for the Indians, residing within the dominions of the U. States, whom she had induced to take part with her in the war, would demand that they should be made parties to the treaty betvieen the two nations, or that the boun- daries of their lands should be permanently and irre- vocably fixed by that treaty. Such a proposition is contrary to the acknowledged principles of public law, and the practice of all civilized nations, partic- ularly of Great-Britain and of the U. Slates. It is not ibunded on reciprocity. It is unnecessary for the APPENDIX. 309 altuininent of the object which it professes to have in view. No maxim of public law has hitherto been more universally established among- the powers of Europe jjossessing- territories in America, and there is none to which Great- Britain has more uniformly and in- Hexibly adhered, than that of suffering- no interposi- tion of a foreign power in the relations between the acknowledged sovereign of the territory, and the In- d.ans situated upon it. Without the adnussion of this principle, there would be no intelligible meanina; attached to stipulations establishing boundaries l;e- tween the dominions in America, of civilized nations possessing territories iiihabitee British Plenopotentiaries, that, under the system of liberal policy adopted by the U. Stales in their re- lations with the Indians within their teiritories, an un- interrupted peace had subsisted from the year 1775, not only between theU. States and all those tribes, but also amongst those tribes themselves for a longer period of time than ever had been known since the liist settlement of North America. Against those Indians the U. States have neither interest nor incli- nation to continue the war. They have nothing to ask of them but peace. Commissioners on their part have been appointed to conclude it, and an armistice was actually made last autumn with most of those tribes. The British government may again have in- duced some of them to take their side in the war, but peace with them will necessarily follow immediately a peace with G. Britain. To a provisional article similar to what has been stipulated in some former treaties, engaging that each party will treat for the Indians within its territories, include them in the peace, and use its best endeavors to prevent them APPENDIX 371 irom coinmittiug hostillities agaiiisl the citizens or subjects of the other party, the uudersig'iiod iiiiglit as- sent, and rely on the ap[>«-obation and ratification of their government They would also for the purpose of securing- the duration of peace, and to prevent col- lisions which might niterrupt it, propose a stipulation M^hich should preclude the subjects or citizens of each nation, respectively from trading- with the I.idians residing in the territory of the other. But to surrender both the rights of sovereig-nly and ot soil over nearly one third of the territorial dominions of the U. States to a number of Indians not probably exceeding" twenty thousand, the undersigned are so far from being instructed or authorized, that any ar- rangement for that pur|)<)se would be iiistantaaeously rejected by their government. Not Only has this extraordinary demand been made SLsme (jita notij to be admitted without a discussion, and as a preliminary basis ; but it is acconiivauied by others equally inadmissible, which the British Ple- nipotentiaries state to be so connected with it, that they may reasonably influence the decision of the un- dersigned upon it, yet leaving them uniformed how far these other demands may also be insisted on as in- dispensable conditions of a peace. As little^are the undersigned insU'Ucted or empow- ered to accede to the propositions of the British govrn- ment, in relation to the military occupation of the western lakes. If they have found the propv)sed inter- ference ofG. Britain in the concerns of India. is reside ing within die U. States utterly incompatible witli any established maxim of public law, they are no less at a loss to discover by what rule of perfect reciprocity theU. States can be required to renounce their equal right of maintaining a naval force upon those lakes, and of fortifying their own shores, while G. Britain reserves exclusively the corresponding rights to her- self. That in point of military [)reparation, G. Bri- tain in her possessions in Norih America, ever has been in a condition to be termed, with propriety, the '^'eaker power in comparison with the TT. States, the ii72 APPENDIX, undersigned believe to be incorrect in point of iact. In regard to the fortification of the shores, and to the forces actually kept on foot upon those frontiers, they believe the superiority to have always been on the side of G. Britain. If the proposal to dismantle the forls upon her shores, strike forever her mi'itary flag' upon her lakes, and lay her whole frontier defenceless in the presence of her armed and fortified neighbor, had proceeded not from G Britain to the U. States, but from the U. States to G. Britain, the undersigned may safely appeal to the bosoms of his Britannic Majesty's Plenipotentiaries for the feelings with M'hich, not only in regard to the interests, but the hon- or of their nation, they would have received such a proposal. What would G. Britain herself say, if iu relation to another frontier, where she has the ac- knowledged superiority of strength, it were proposed that she should be reduced to a condition even of equality with the U. States ? The undersigned further perceive that under the alledged purpose of opening a direct communication between two of the British provinces in America, the British government require a cession of territory forming a part of one of the states of the American union, and that they propose, without purpose speci- fically alledged, to draw the boundary line westward, not from the lake of the Woods, as it now is, but from lake Superior. It must be perfectly inmialerial to the IT. States whether the object of the British ;govenment, in demanding the dismemberment of the U. States is to acqinre territory, as such, or for pur- poses less liable, in the eyes of the world, to be ascri-r bed to the desire of agirrandi/ement, Whatever the motive may be, and w ilh whatever consistency views of conquest may be disclaimed, while demanding for jierself, or for the Indians, a cession of territory more extensive than the whole Island of G. Britain, tlie duty marked out for the nndersingned is the same. They have no authority to cede any part of the terri- tory of the U. States, and to no stipulation to that ef- fect will they subscribe, APPENDIX. 373 The conditions proposed by G. Britain have no re- lation to llie subsisting* differences between the two countries: they are inconsistent with acknowledged principles of public law : they are founded neither on reciprocity nor on any ot" the usual bases of neg^ocia- tion, neither on that of uti possidetis, or of status ante belluni : they would intlict the most vital injury on the U States, by disniemberini>- their territory, by ar- resting their natural orj-owth and increase of pojiula- tion, and by leaving their northern and western fron- tier equally exposed to British invasion and to Indian ag"gression : they are, above all, dishonorable to the U. States, in demanding from them to abandon ter- ritory and a portion of their citizens, to admit a for- eign interference in their domestic concerns, and to cease to exercise their natural rights on their own shores and in their own waters. A treaty concluded on such terms would be but an armistice. It can- not be supposed that America would long submit to conditions so injurious anddegrading. It is impossi- ble, in the natural course of events, that she should not, at the first favorable opportunity, recur to arms, for the recovery of her territory, of her rights, of her hon- or. Instead of settling existing differences, such a peace would only create new causes of war, sow the seeds of a permanent hatred, and lay the foundation of hostilities for an indefinite period. Essentially pacific from her political institutions, from the habits of her citizens, from her physical sit- uation, America reluctantly engaged in the war. She wishes for peace ; but she wishes for it upon those terms of reciprocity, honorable to both counties, which can alone render it permanent. The causes of the war between the U. States and G.Britain havino- disappeared by the maritime pacification of Europe, the government of the U. States does not desire to continue it, in defence of abstract principles, which iiave for the present, ceased to fiave any practical ef~ feet. The undersigned have been accordingly in- structed to agree to its termination, both parties res- toring whatever territory they may have taken, and 374 A1»PENDIX. both reserving all their rights, in relation to their re- spective seamen. To make the peace between the two nations solid and permanent, the undersiotentiaries are instructetl to ac- cept favorably such a proposition, or to discuss any other Hue of boundary which may be submitted for consideration. It is with equal astonishment and regret the under* signed find that the American plenipotentiaries have not only declined signing any provisional article, by which the Indian nations who have taken part with Great-Britain in the present contest may be included in the peace, and may have a boundary assigned to them, but liave also thought proper to express surprise at any proposition on tlie subject having been advanced. The American Plenipotentiaries state, that their govenimeiit could not have expected such a discus- sion, and appear resolved, at once, to reject any pro- position on this head; representing it as a demand contrary to the acknowledged principles of public law, tantamount to a cession of one third of the terri- torial dominions of the U. States, and required to be admitted without discussion. The proposition which is thus represented is, that the Indian nations, which have been during the war in alliance with G. Britain, should at its termination be included in the pacification ; and with a view to their permanent tranquility and security, that the Bri- tish government is willing to take as a basis of an ar- ticle on the subject of a boundary for those nations, the stipulations which the American government con- tracted in 1795, subject, however, to modifications. After the declaration, publicly made to those In- dian nations by the governor Gen. of Canada, that G. Britain would not desert them, could the Ameri- can government really persuade itself that no propo- sition relating to those nations would be advanced, and did lord Castlereagh's note of the 4th Nov. 181-3, imply so great a sacrifice of honor, or exclude from dis- cussion every subject, except what immediately rela- ted to the martime questions referred to in it .^ 580 APPENDIX. When the undersigned assured the American Ple- nipotentiaries of the anxious wish of the British government that the negociation might terminate in a peace honorable to both parties, it could not ha\e been imagined that the American Plenipotentiaries would thence conclude, that his Majesty's govern- ment was prepared to abandon the Indian nations to their fale, nor could it have been forseen that the American govenmient would have considered it as derogator y to its honor to admit a proposition by which thetrancpulity of these nations might be secured. The treaty of Greenville established the boundaries between the U. States and the Indian nations, Ti»e American Plenipotentiaries nuist be aware, that the Wdr which has since broken out, has abrogated that treaty. Is it contrary to the established principles of public law for the British government to propose, oa behalf of its allies, that this treaty, shall, on the pacifi- cation, be considered subject to such moditicatiotis as the case may render necessary ? Ui' is it unrea- sonable to propose, that this stipulation should be amended, and that on that foundation some arrange- ment should beniade which would provide for iheex- istance of a neutral power between G. Britain and the U. States, calculated to secure to both a longer con- tinuance of the blessings of peace ? So far was that specific proposition respecting the Indian boundaries from being insisted upon ni the note, or in the conference which preceded it, as one to be admitted without discussion, that it would have been difficult to use terms of greater latitude, or which appeared more adapted, uot only not to pre- clude but to invite discussion. If the basis proposed could convey away one tjiird of the territory of the U. States, the American govern- ment itself must have conveyed it away by the Greenville treaty of 1796. It is impossible to read that treaty without remark- ing how inconsistent the present pretensions of the American government are, with its preamble and provisions. The boundary line between the lands of APPENDIX. 381 the U. States nncl those of the Indian nations, is there- in expressly dtfinetl. The general character of tlie treaty, is that of a treaty with independent nations ; and the very stipulation which the American Pleni- potentiaries refer to, that the Indian nations should sell their lands only to the U. Stales, tends to prove that, hat for that stipulation, the Indians had a general riglit to dispose of thera. The American government has now for the first time, in effect, declared that all Indian nations with- in its line of demarkation are ils subjects, living there upon sutierance, on lands which it also claims the ex- clusive rig-htof acquiring, thereby menacing the final extinction of those nations. Against such a system the undersigned must for- mally protest. The undersigned repeat, that thr terms on which the proposition has been made for as- sig-ning to the Indian nations some boundary, mani- fest no unwillingness to discuss any other proposition directed to the same object, or even a modiHcation of that which is offered. G. Britain is ready to enter in- to the same engagements with respect to the Indians living- within her line of demarkation, as that which is proposed to the U. States. It can therefore, only be from a complete misapprehension of the proposi- tion, that it can be represented as being not reciprocal. Neither can it, with any truth, be represented as con- trary to the acJcnowledged principles of public law, as derogatory to the honor, or inconsistent with the rig-hts of the American government, nor as a demand required to be admitted without discussion. After this full exposition of the sentiments of his Majesty's government on the points above stated, it will be forthe American plenipotentiaries to determine whether they are ready now to continue the ncgocia- tions ; whether they are disposed to refer to their government for further instructions ; or, lastly, wheth- er they will take upon themselves the responsibility of breaking off the negociation altogether. 382 APPENDIX. The undersigned request the American Plenipo- tentiaries to accept the assurances of their high con- sideration. GAM BIER, HEWRY GOULBURN, WM. ADAMb. The American to the British Commissioners. Ghent, Sept. 9th, 1814. The undersigned have had the honor to receive the note ot' his Britannic Majesty's Plenipotentiaries, dated the 4th inst. If in the ton©, or substance of the former iiote of the undersigned, the British commis- sioners have perceived little proof of any disposition on the part of the American government, for a dis- cussion of some of the propositions advanced in the first note, which t!ie undersigned had the honor of re- ceiving from them, they will ascribe it to the nature of the propositions themselves, to their apparent incom- patibility with the assurances in lord Castlereagh's letter to the American Secretary of state, proposing the negociation, and with the solemn assurances of the British Plenipotentiaries themselves, to the under- signed, at their first conferences with them. The Uiidersigned, in reference to an observation of the British plenipotentiaries, must be allowed to say, that the objects which the government of the U. States had in view, have not been withheld. The subjects considered as suitable for discussion were fairly brought forward, in the conference of the 9th ult. and the terms on which the U. States were willing to conclude the peace, were frankly and ex- pressly declared in the note of the undersigned, dated the 24th ultimo. It had been conhdently lioped that the nature of those terms, so evidently framed in a spirit of conciliation, would have induced G. Britain to adopt them as the basis of a treaty ; and it is with deep regret that the undersigned, if they have rightly understood the meaning of the last note of the British Plenipotentiaries, perceive that they still insist on the exclusive military possession of the lakes, and on a APPENDIX. 38o permanent boundary and independent territorory for the Indians residnig within the dominions ot the U, States. The first demand is grounded on the supposition, that the American government has manifested, by its proceedings towards Spain, by the acquisition of Lou- isiana, by the purchases ot Indian lands, and by an avowed intention of permanently annexing the Cana- das to the U. States, a spirit of agt^randizement and conquest, which justifies the demand of extraordinary sacrifices from them, to provide for the security of the British possessions in America. Ill observations which the undersigned felt it their duty to make on the new demands of the British government, they confined their animadversions to the nature of the demands themselves : they did not seek for illustrations of the policy of G. Britain in her conduct, in various quarters of the globe, towards other nations, for she was not accountable to the U. States. Yet the undersigned will say, that their government has ever been ready to arrange, in the most amicable manner, with Spain, the questions re- specting the boundaries of Louisiana, and Florida, and that of the indemnities acknowledged by Spain due to American citizens. How the peaceable acquisition of Louisiana, or the purchase of lands within the ac- knowledged territories of the U. States, both made by fair and voluntary treaties for satisfactory equivalents, can be ascribed to a spirit of conquest dangerous to their neighbors, the undersigned are altogether at a loss to understand. Nor has the conquest of Canada, and its permanent annexation to the U. States, been the declared object of their government. From the commencement of the war to the present time, the American government has been always willing to make peace, without ob- taining any cession of territory, and on the sole con- dition that the maritime questions might be satis- factorily arranged. Such was their disposition in the month of July, 1812, when they instructed Mr, Russell to make the proposal of an aranstice; in the 384 APPENDIX. month of October of the same year, when Mr. Mon roe ajiswered Admiral Warren's proposals to the same effect ; in April, 1813, when iiislructions were g-iven to three of the nndersig-tied then appointed to treat of peace, under the mediation ot Russia; and in January, 1814, when the instructions under which the undersigned are now acting, were prepared. The proposition of the British plenipotentiaries is, that, in order to secure the frontier of Canada against attack, the U. States should leave their own Without defence ; and it seenjs to be forgotten, that if their superior population, and the proximity of their re- sources give them any advantage in that quarter, it is balanced by the great difference between the mil- itary establishments of the two nations. No sudden invasion of Canada by the U. States could be made, without leaving on their Atlantic shores, and on the ocean, exposed to the great superiority of the British force, a mass of American property far more valuable than Canadn. In her relative superior force to that of the U. States in every other quarter, Great-Britain may find a pledge much more efficacious for the safety of a single vulnerable point, than in stipulations ru- inous to the interests and degrading to the honor of 4merica. The best security for the possessions of both countries will, however, be found in an equal and solid peace ; in a mutual respect for tbe rights of each other, and in the cultivation of a friendly under- standing between them. If there be any source of jealousy in relation to Canada itself, it will be found to exist solely in the undue interference of traders and agents, which may be easily removed by proper restraints. The only American forts on the lakes known to have been, at the commencement of the negociation, lield by British force, are IMichilimackinac and Ni- agara. As the U. States were, at the same time, in possession of Amherslburg and the adjacent country it is not perceived that the mere occupation of tho.se two forts could give any claim to his Britannic ma- jesty to large cessions of territory, founded upon the APPENDIX. a85 right of conquest; and the undersigned may be per- mitted to add, that even if the chances of war should yield to the British arms a momentary possession of other parts of the territories of the U. States such events would not alter their view with resfard to the terms of peace to which they would give their consent. Without recurring to examples drawn from the re- volutionary governments of France, or to a more re- cent and illustrious triumph of fortitude in adversity, they have been taught by their own history that the occupation of their principal cities would produce no despondency, nor induce their submission to the dis- memberment of their empire, or to the abandoimient of any one of the rights which constitute a part of their national independence. The general position, that it was consistent with the principle of public law, and with the practice of civilized nations, to include allies in a treaty of peace, and to provide for their security, never was called in qnestion by the undersigned. But they have denied the right of Great-Britain, according to those princi- ples and her own [)ractice, to interfere in any man- ner with Indian tribes residing within the territories of the U. States, as acknowledged by herself, to con- sider such tribes as her allies, or to treat for them with the U. States. Tiiey will not repeat the facts and arguments already brotight forward by them in sup- poi't of this position, and which remain unanswered. Ttie observations made by the British plenipotentia- ries on the treaty of Greenville, and their assertion that the U. States now, for the first time, deny the absolute independence of the Indian tribes, and claim the exclusive right of purchasing their lands, require, however, some notice. If the U. States had now asserted, that the Indians within their boundaries, who have acknowledged the IJ. Stales as their only protectors were their subjects, living only at sufferance on their lands, far from being the first in making that assertion, they would onlv have followed the example on the principles, nni 49 .386 APPENDIX. formly and invariably aa^serted in subslance, and fre- quently avowed in ex^)ress terms by the British gov- ernment itself. What was the meaning- of all the colonial charters granted by the British monarchy, from that of Virginia, by Elizabeth, to that otGeorgia, by the immediate predecessor of the present king, if the Indians were the sovereigns and proprietors of the lands bestowed by those charters ? What was the meaung of that article in the treaty of LJtrecht, by which the live nations were described, in terms, as subject to the dominion of Great Britain ? or that of the treaty w ith the Cherokees, by which it was de- clared that the king oi Great Britain granted them the privilege to live where they pleased, if those sub- jects were independent sovereigns, and if these ten- ants, at the licence of ihe British king, were the right- ful lords of the lands where he granted them permis- sion to live :' What was the meaning of that procla- mation of his present Britannic majesty issued in 3 7G3, declaring all purchases of lands from the In- dians null and void, unless made by tieaties held un- der the sanction of his majesty's government, if the Indians had the rigitt to sell their lands to whom they pleased? W^hat was the meaning of boundary lines ol American territories, in all the treaties of G. Bri- tain with other European powers having American possessions, particularly in the treaty of 1763^ by w hich she acquired from France the sovereignty and possession of the Ganadas ; in her treaty of |>eace v. ith the U States in 1783; nay, wbat is the meaning of the north western boundary line now proposed by the British connnissioners themselvCvS, it" it is the riglitful possession and sovereignty of independent Indians, ol uliich these boundaries dispose? Is it indeed, ne- cessary to ask, whether Great Britain ever has per- nntted, or would permit, any foreign nation, or with- out her consent, any of her subjects, to acquire lands from the Indians, in the territories of the Hudson bay company, or in Canada? In formally protesting against this system, it is not against a novel preten- sion of the American government, it is against the APPENDIX. 387, most solemn acts of their own sovereig-ns, aorainst the rova! proclamations, charters, and treaties of G. Bri- tain, for more than two centuries, from the lirst settle- ment of North America to the present day, that the British plenipotentiaries j)rotest. From the riij^or of this system, however, as practis- ed by Great-Britain, and all other European powers in America, the humane and liberal policy of the U. States has voluntlation, this subse- quent silence, after an event so calculated (even in the view which the American plenipotentiaries have taken of it, in their note of the 24th ult.) to influ- ence the negociation, is, to say the least, no proof of a sincere desire to bring it to a favorable conclusion. The British government has entered into the negoci- ation with an anxious wish to eflect an amicable ar- rangement. After convu'sions unexampled in their nature, extent, and duration, the civilized world has Deed •i' repose. To obtam this in Europe, G. Bri- APPENDIX, 895 tain lias made considerable sacrifices. To complete the work of general pacification, it is her earnest wish to establish a peace w;lh the U. States, and in her en- deavors to accomplish this object, to manifest the same principles of moderation and forbearance ; but it IS utterly inconsistent with her practice and her principles ever to al)andon ni her neg^ociations for peace, those who have co-operated with her in war. The undersigned, therefore, repeat, that the British g-overnment is willing to sign a treaty of peace with the U. States on terms honorable to both parlies. It lias not offered any terms which the U. States can justly represent as derogatory to their honor, nor can it be induced to accede to any which are injurious to its own. It IS on this ground that the uudersigned arc authorized distinctly to declare, that they are instruct- ed not to sign a treaty of peace with the plenipoten- tiaries of the U. Stales, unless the Indian nations arc included in it, and restored to all the rights, privile- ges, and territories, \Ahich they enjoyed in the year 1811, previous to the commencement of the war, by virtue of the treaty of Greenville, and the treaties subsequently concluded between them and the United States. From this point the British plenipotentiaries cannot depart. They are further instructed to offer for discussion an article by which the contracting parties shall re- ciprocally bind themselves, according to boundaries to be agreed upon, not to purchase the lands occu- pied by the Indians within their respective lines of demarcation. By making this engagement subject to revision at the expiration of a given period, it is hoped that the objection to the establishment of a boundary beyond which the settlement of the United States should be forever excluded, may be efFectual- ly obviated. The undersigned have never stated that the exclu- sive military possessions on the lakes, however con- ducive they are satisfied it would be to a good under- standing between the two countries, without endan- gering the security of the U. States, was to be coa- 39G APPENDIX. sidered as a sine qua non in the neg'ocialion, When^ ever the question relative to the pacification of the Indian nations (which, subject to the explanations already given, is a sine qua non,) shall be adjusted, the undersigned will be authorized to make a final proposition on the subject of Canadian boundaries, so entirely founded on principles of moderation and justice, that they feel confident it cannot be rejected. This proposition will be distinctly stated by the un- dersigned, upon receiving" an assurance from the American plenipotentiaries that they consider them- selves authorized to conclude a provisional article on the subject, and upon their previously consenting to include the Indian nations in the treaty, in the man- ner above described. The undersigned avail themselves of this oppor- tunity ofrenewuig tothe American plenipotentiaries, the assurance of their high consideration, GAMBIER, HENRY GOULBURN, WILLIAM ADAMS. The American to the British Commissioners. Ghent, Sept. 26, 1814. In replying to the note which the undersigned iiave had the honor of receiving from his Britannic majesty's plenipotentiaries, dated on the 19lh inst. they are happy to concur with them in the sentiment of avoiding unnecessary discussions, especially such as may have a tendency to create irritation. They had hoped that, in the same spirit, the British pleni- potentiaries would not have thought allusions again uecessarv to transactions foreign to this negociation, relating to the United States, and other independent nations, and not suitable for discussion between the United States and Great-Britain. The observation made with respect to Louisiana is the more extraor- dinary, as the cession of that province to the United States was, at the time, communicated to the British government, who expressed their entire satisfaction *vith it, and has subsequently received the solemn APPENDIX. 397 sanction of Spain lierself. The undersigned will further sav, that whenever the transactions of the U. States, in relation to the boundaries of Louisiana and Florida, shall be a proper subject of discussion, they will be found not only susceptible of complete justi- tication, but will demonstrate the moderation and forbearance of the American government, and their undeviating- respect for the rights of their neighbors. The uj;dersigned are far from assuming the ex- clusive right to decide, what is, or is not, a subject of uncertainty and dispute, with regard to the bound- ary of the District of Manie. But until the British plenipotentiaries shall have shown in what respect the part of that boundary which would be affected by their proposal, is such a subject, the undersigned may be permitted to assert that it is not. The treaty of 1783 described the boundary as *a line to be drawn along the middle of the ri\er St. Croix, from its mouth in the bay of Fundy, to its source, and from its source directly north to the high- lands which divide the rivers that fall into the Atlan- tic ocean from those which fall into the siver St. Lawrence, and thence along the said highlands to the nortliwesternmosf head of Connecticut river.' Doubts having arisen as to the St. Croix designa- ted in the treaty of 1783, a provision was made by that of 1794 for ascertaining it : and it miiy be fairly inferred, from the limitation of the article to that sole object, that even in the judgment of G. Britain, no other subject of controversy existed in relation to the extension of the boundary line from the source of that river. That river and its source having been ac- cordingly ascertained, the undersigned are prepared to propose the appointment of commissioners by the two governments, to extend the line to the highlands, conformably to the treaty of 1783.^ The proposal, however, of the British Plenipotentiaries was not to as- certain, but to vary those lines in such manner as to secure a direct communication between Quebec and Halifax ; an alteration which could not be effected Without a cession by the the U. States to G. Britain ^98 APPENDIX, of all that portion of the state of Massachusetts iuter- vening between the province of New Brunswick and Quebec, although unquestionably included within the boundary lines fixed by that treaty. Whether it was con tern [)lated on the part of G. Britain to obtain the cession, with or without an equivalent in frontier or otherwise, the uiidersig^ned, in stating that they were not nistructed or authorised to treat on the subject of cession, have not declined to discuss any matter of uncertauity or dispute which the British Plenipoten- tiaries may point out to exist, respecting the bounda- ries in that or in any other quarter, and are, therefore, not liable to the imputation of having rendered their powers on the subject nugatory or inadniissibly par- tial in their operation. The British plenipotentiaries consider the under- signed as having declared, * that the U. States will admit of no line of boundary between their territory and that of the Indian nations because the natural growth and population of the U. States would be thereby arrested.' Tiie undersigned, on the contra- ry, expressly stated ni their last note * that the lands inhabited by the Indians were secured to them by boundaries, defined in amicable treaties between them and the U- States :' but they did refuse to assign, in a treaty of peace with G. Britain, a definitive and permanent boundary to the Indians, living within the limits of the U. States. On this subject, the under- signed have no hesitation in avowing, that the U. States, wiiile intending never to acquire lands from the Indians otherwise than peaceably, and with their free consent, are fully determined in that manner, progressively, and in proportion as their growing po- ])ulation may require, to reclaim from the state of na- ture and to bring into cultivation every portion of the territory contained within their acknowledged boun- daries. In thus providing for the support ot" millions of civilized beings, they will not violate any dictate of justice or humanity, for they will not only give to the few thousand savages, scattered over that territory, an ample equivalent for any right they may surren-- APPENDIX. 399 der, but will always leave them the possession of lands more than they can cultivate, and more than adequate to their subsistence, comfort and enjoyment by cultivation. If this be a spirit of ag-grandizement, the undei-sig-n- ed are prepared to admit, in that sense, its existence ; but they must deny that it affords the slightest prooi* of an intention not to respect the boundaries between them and Euro|X?au nations, or of a desire to en- croach upon the territories of G. Britain. If, in the progress of their increasing- population, the American people must grow in streng^th j)roportioned to their numbers, the undersigned will hope that G. Britain, far from repining at the prospect, will contemplate it with satisfaction. They will not suppose that that gov- ernment will avow, as the basis of their policy towards the U. States, the system of arresting their natural growth within their own territories, for the sake of preserving a perpetual desert for savages. IfG. Bri- taui has made sacrifices to give repose to the civilized world in Europe, no sacrifice is required from her by theU. Stales to complete the work of general pacifi- cation. This negociation at least evinces, on their part, no disposition to claim any other right, than that of preserving their independence entire, and of gov- eriung their own territories without foreign interfer- ence. Of the two proclamations, purported copies of which the British plenipotentiaries have thought proper to enclose with their last note, the undersigned might content themselves with remarking, that neith- er of them is the act of the American government. They are enabled however to add, with perfect con- fidence, that neither of them was authorised or ap- proved by that government. The undersigned are not disposed to consider as the act of the British gov- ernment, the proclamation of Admiral Cochrane, herewith enclosed, exciting a portion of the popula- tion of the U. States, under the promise of military employment, or of free settlement in the West-Indies, to treachery and rebellion. The undersigned very 400 APPENDIX. sincerely regret to be ol)liored to say, that an irresist^-. ble mass of evidence, consisting principally of the correspondence of British officers and agents, part on- ly of which lias already been published in America, establishes beyond all rational doubt, the fact, that a constant system of excitement to those hostilities was pursued by the British traders and agents, who had access to the Indians, not only without being discoun- tenanced, but with frequent encouragement by the British authorities ; and that if they ever dissuaded the Indians from commencing hostilities, it was only by urging them, as in prudence, to suspend their attacks, until G. Britain should recognize them as her allies in the war. When, in the conference of ihe 9lh ult. the under- signed inviled discussion upon the proposal of Indian pacification and boundary, as well as upon all the subjects presented by the British plenipotentiaries for discussion, they expressly staled their motives to be, 1st, to ascertain by discussion whether an article on the subject could be formed to which they could sub- scribe, and which would be satisfactory to the British plenipotentiaries; and -dly, that if no such article could be formed, the American government might be informed of the views of G. Britain upon that point, and the British government of the objections on the part of the United States, to any such arrangement. The undersigned have, in fact, already proposed no less than three articles on the subject, all of which they view as better calculated lo secure peace and tranquility to the Indians, than any one of the propo- sals for that purpose, made by the British plenipoten- tiaries. Tiie undersigned had repealed Iheir assurances to the British plenipotentiaries, that peace, so far as it depended on the United States, would immediately follow a peace with (i. Britain, and added, thai the Indians would thereby be reinstated in the same situation in which Ihev stood before the commence- ment of hostilities. The British plenipotentiaries insist, in their lant nole, that the Indian nations shall APPENDIX. 401 be included in the treaty of peace between Great- Britain and the U. States, and be restored to all the ri«rhts, jirivileges, and territories which they enjoyed in the year 1811, previons to their commencement of thi! war, by virtue of the treaty of Greenville, and the treaties sul)seqnently conchided between thetn and the U. States. Settinij aside the subject of boundary, which is presented as for discussion only, there is no apparent difference with respect to the object in view ; the pacification and tranquility of the Indians, and placing them in the same situation ia which they stood before the war, all which will be equally obtained in the manner proposed by the un- dersig-ned, and the only point of real difference is, the British plenipotentiaries insist that it should be ilone by including the Indians, us allies of G. Bri- tain, in the treaty of peace between her and the IT, States. The tJ. States cannot consent that Indians residing within their boundaries, as acknowledged by Great- Britain, shall be included in the treaty of peace, ia any manner which will recognize them as independ- ent nations, whom G. Britain, having obtained this recognition, would hereafter, have the right to con-' sider in every respect, as such. Tims to recognize these Indians as independent and sovereign nations, would take from the IJ. States, and transfer to those Indians, all the rights of soil and sovereignty over the territory which they inhabit; and this being ac- complished through the agency of G. Britain, would place them effectually and exclusively under her pro- tection, instead of being, as heretofore, under that of the U. States. It is not perceived in what res- pect such a provision would differ from an absolute cession by the U. States of the extensive territory in question. The British plenipolentiaries have repeated the assertion, that the treaty by which the Indians placed themselves under the protection of the U. States, was abrogated by the war; and thence infer, that tliev 51 402 APPENDIX. are no long-er to be considered as under tlie protec- tion of the U. States, whatever may be the import of the term ; and that the right of G. Britain to in- terfere in their behalf in the negociation of peace, can only be denied on the ground that ihey are re- garded as subjects. In point of fact, several of the tribes, parties to the treaty of Greenville, have con- stantly been, and still are, at peace with the United States. Whether that treaty be, or be not abrogated, is a question not necessary to be now discussed. The right of the U. States to the protection of the Indians within their boundaries, was not acquired by that treaty ; it was a necessary consequence of the sove- reignty and independence of the U. States. Previ- ous to that lime the Indians living within the same territory, were under the protection of his Britannic majesty, as its sovereign. The undersigned may refer the British plenipotentiaries to all the acts of their own government, relative to the subject, for proof, that it has always considered this right of protection as one of the rights of sovereignty, which it needed no Indian treaty to confer, and which the abrogation of no Indian treaty could divest. They will particu- larly bring to their recollection, that m hen a similar proposition of considering Indian tribes as independ- ent nations, to serve as a barrier between the French and English territories, was made by France to England, it was immediately rejected, by a minister to whom the British nation is accustomed to look back with veneration, and rejected on the express ground, that the king would not renounce his right to pro- tection over the Indians within his dominions. But whatever the relation of the Indians to ihe U. States may be, and whether under their protection or not, G. Britain having by the treaty of 178-3, recognized the sovereignty of the U. States, and agreed to certain limits as their boundaries, has no right to consider any persons or communities, whether Indians or others, residing within those boundaries, as ualions independent of the U. Stales^ APPENDIX. 403 The U. States claim, of rig^ht, with respect to all European nations, and particularly with respect to G. Britain, the entire sovereignty over the whole territory, and all the persons embraced within the boundaries of their dominions. G. Britain has no rig-ht to take cognizance of the relations subsisting- between the several communities or persons living' therein. They form as to her, only parts of the do- minions of the U. States, and it is altogether inmiate- rial, whether, or how far, under tlieir political insti- tutions and policy, these communities or persons arc independent states, allies, or subjects. With respect to her and all other foreign nations, they are parts of a whole, of which the U. States are the sole and ab- solute sovereigns. The alleg"ation of the British plenipotentiaries, that it is inconsistent with the practice or prniciples of G. Britain to abandon in her negociations for peace, those who have co-operated with her in war, is not appli- cable to the Indians, but on the erroneous assumption of their independence, which, so far as she is concern- ed, has been fully disproved. And although no powv er from these tribes to the British government to treat in their behalf, would, for the same reason be admit- ted by the nndersig-ned, they may nevertheless ob serve, that the British plenipotentiaries having- produc- ed no such powers, having no authority to bind the Indians, to engage for their assent to the pacification, or to secure the continuance of peace on their part whilst speaking of them as allies, do really propose to treat for them not as if they were independent nations, but as if they were the subjects of G. Britain. The undersigned so far from asking- that, in rela- tion to the Indians, G. Britain should pursue a course inconsistent with her former practice and principles, only desire that she would follow her own example re- specting them, in her former treaties with other Europe- an nations, and with the U. States. No provision for the Indians is found in the treaty of 176-3, by which France ceded Canada to G. Britain, although almost alllhe Indians living- within the territory ceded, or 404 APPENDIX. acknowleclgecl to belong to G. Britain, had taken part with France in the war. No such provision was inserted in the treaty of peace of 1783, between ' . Bri- tain and the U. States, aUhough almost all tl.e Indian tribes living^ within the territory recognized by the treaty to belong to the U. States, had during the war, co-operated wilh G. Britain, and might have been considered as her alhes more justly than on the pre- sent occasion. So far as concerns the relations be- tween G. Britain and the U. States, these Indians can he treated for only on the principles by which amnes- ties are stipulated in favor of disaffected persons, who, in times of war and invasion, co-operate with the en- emy of the nation to which they belong. To go as far as possible in securing the benefit of the peace lo the Indians, now the only object professed by the British government in their present sine qua noii, the undersigned offer a stipulation in general terms, that no person or persons, whether subjects, citizens, or Indians, residing within the dominions of either par- ty, shall be molested or annoyed, eitlier in persons or their property, for any part they may have taken in the war between the U. States and G. Britain ; but shall retain all ihe rights, privileges and possessions, which they respectively had at the commencement of the war; they, on their part, demeaning themselves peaceably, and conformably to their duties to the re- spective governments. — This the undersigned have no doubt will effectually secure to the Indians peace, if they themselves will observe it, and they will not suppose thatG. Britain would wish them included in the peace but upon that condition- The undersigned have never intimated that their government had not furnished them wilh any instruc- tions since January last. On the contrary, they dis- tinctly told the British plenipotentiaries in confer- once, though it appears to have escaped their recol- lection, that instructions had been received by the un- dersigned, dated at the close of the month of June. The undersigned will now add, that those instructions were drawn with a full knowledge of the general pa- APPENDIX. 405 <:ification in Europe, and with so liberal a considera- tion of its necessary bearing- upon ail the differences that had been until then subsisting between G. Bri- tain and the U. States, that the undersigned cannot doubt that peace would long- since have been conclud- ed, had not an insuperable bar against it been raised by the new and unprecedented demands of the Bri- tish government. With respect to the proposition which the British plenipotentiaries inform them they will be prepared to make, in relation to the Canadian boundaries, which appears to them so entirely founded on princi- ples of moderation and justice, but the nature of which they think proper at present to withhold, the under- signed can only pledge themselves to meet any pro- position from the British plenipotentiaries, character- ized by moderation and justice, not only with a per- fect reciprocity of those sentiments, but with a sincere and earnest desire to contribute to the restoration of peace, by every comphance with the wishes of Great Britain, compatible with their duty to their country. The undersigned have the honor of tendering- to the British plenipotentiaries, the renewed assurance of their hioh consideration. JONA. RUSSELL, A. GALLATIN. J. a ADAMS, J. A. BAYAHD, H. OLAY, The British to the American Commissioners Ghent, Oct. 8, 1814. The undersigned have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of the note of the plenipotentiaries of the U. States, dated on the 29th ult. As the continuance of the neg-ociation exclusively depends upon the question relating to the pacifica- tion and rights of the Lidian nations the undersigned are unwilling- to extend their observations to the other subjects brought forward in the note of the American plenipotentiaries, further than may be required for necessary explanation. h\ adverting- for this purpose to the acquisition of XiOuisiana, the undersigned must observe, thai the 406 APPKNDIX. instrument by which the consent of his Catholic ma- jesty is alJedged to have been given to tlie cession o{ it, has never been made public. His Cathohc ma- jesty .was no party to the treaty by which the ces- sion was made, and if any sanction has been subse- quently obtained from him, it must have been, hke other cotem para neous acts of that monarch, involun- tary, and as such cannot alter the character of the transaction. The Maiqnis of Yrujo, the minister of his Catholic majesty at Washington, iu a letter ad- dressed to the President of the U. States, formally protested against the cession, and the right of France to make it. Yet, in the face of this protestation, so stroiigly evincing the decided opinion of Spain as to the illegality of the proceeding, the President of the U. States ratified the treaty. Can it be contend- ed that the annexation of Louisiana, under such cir- cumstances, did not mark a spirit of territorial ag- grandizement ? His Britannic majesty did certainly express satis- faction when the American government communi- cated the event, that Louisiana, a valuable colony in the possession of France, with whom the war had just been renewed, instead of remaining in the hands of his enemy, had been ceded to the U. States, at that time professing the most friendly disposition to- wards G. Britain, and an intention of providing for her interest in the acquisition. But the conditions under which France had acquired Louisiana from Spain, were not communic.ded ; the refusal of Spain to consent to its alienation was not known ; the pro- test of her ambassador had not been made, and many other circumstances attending the transaction, on which it is now unnecessary to dilate, were, as there is good reason to believe, industriously concealed. The proof of a spirit of aggrandizement, which the undersigned had deduced from the hostile seiz- ure of a great part of the Floridas, under the most frivolous pretences, remains unrefuted; and the iin- dersigned are convinced that the occasion and cir- cumstances under which that unwarrantable act of APPENDIX. 407 a^g'i'ession took place, have given rise throug-hout Europe to bat one sentiment as to the character oi the transaction. After the previous communication which the under- signed have had the honor of" receiving- from the American plenipotentiaries, they could not but feei much surprized at the information contained in their last note of their having- received instructions dated subsequently to January, 1814. The undersigned have no recollection whatever of the American ple- nipotentiaries having communicated to them, either collectively, or individually at a conference or other- wise, the receipt of instructions from the govern- ment of the U. Slates dated at the close of the month of June, and they must remind the American pleni- potentiaries that their note of the 9th ult. distinctly stated that the instructions of January, 1814, were those under which they were acting. If therefore, the American plenipotentiaries received instructions drawn up at the close of the month of June, with ii liberal consideration of the late events in Europe, the undersigned have a right to complain, that while the American government justly considered those events as having a necessary bearing on the existing dift'er- ences between the two countries, the American ple- nipotentiaries should nevertheless have preferred act- ing under instructions, which, from their date, must have been without the contemplation of such events. The British government never required that all that portion of the state of Massachusetts intervening be- tween the province of JNew Brunswick and Q,uel)ec» should be ceded to G. Britain, but only that small portion of unsettled country which interrupts the com- munication between Halifax and Quebec, there be- ing much doubt whether it does not already belong to 6r. Britain. The undersigned are at a loss to understand how vice Admiral C-ochrane's proclamation illustrates any topic connected with the present negociation, or bears upon the conclusion which they contended was to be drawn from the two proc)am:itions of the Anifrican 408 APPENDIX. Generals. Tliese proclamations distinctly avow- ing the intention of the American government per- manently to annex the Canadas to the U. States, were adduced not as a matter of complaint, but simply for the purpose of provmg what had been denied as a fact, viz. that such had been the declared intention of the American government. The undersigned observe, that although the Ameri- can plenipotentiaries have taken upon themselves generally to deny that tlie proclamations were au- thorized or approved by their govermuent, without stating in what mode that disapprobation was express- ed j yet they avoid statnig that the part of those proc- lamations containing the declaration in question, had. not been so authorized or ap|}roved. It is indeed impossible to imagine, that if the American govern- ment had intimated any disapprobation of that part of General Hull's proclamation, the snme declaration would have been as contidently repeated four months after by General Smyth. His majesty's government have other and ample means of knowing that the conquest of the Canadas and their annexatiori to the U. States was the object and policy of the American government. For the present the undersigned will content themselves with I'eferring to the remonstrance of the legislature of Massachusetts, in June, 181-3, in which this inten- tion is announced as matter of notoriety. The undersigned deny that the American govern- ment had proved, or can prove, that previous to the declaration of war by the U. States, persons author- ized by the British government endeavored to excite the Indian nations against the U. States, or that en- deavors of that kind, if made by private persons, (which the undersigned have no reason to believe) ever received the sanction of his majesty's govern- ment. The American plenipotentiaries have not denied that the Indian nations had been engaged in \\arwith the U. States, before the war with G. Britain had commenced, and Uiev liav«; reluctanllv confessed that APPENDIX. 409 SO fai" iroiii his majesty having- iiuUiced the Indiaii nations to beg"in the war, as charged against Great- Britain in the notes of the 24th Aug. and 9th ult. the British government actually exerted their endeavors to dissuade the Indian nations from connnencing it. As to the unworthy motive assigned by the Ameri- can plenipotentiaries to this interference so amicably made on the part of G. Britain, its utter improbabdity is sufficiently apparent from considering by which party the war was declared. The undersigned, there- fore, can only consider it as an additional nidication of that hostile diposition which has led to the present unhappy war between the two countries. So long as that disposition continues, it cannot but render any effort on the part of G. Britain to termmale this con test utterly unavailing. The American plenipotentiaries appear unprepar- ed to state the precise ground upon which they resist, the right of his majesty to negociate with the United States on behalf of tlie Indian nations, whose co-ope- ration in the war his majesty has found it expedient to accept. The treaty of Greenville, to the words, stipula- tions, and spirit of which the undersigned have so frequently appealed, and all the treaties previously and subsequently made, between the U. States and the Indian nations, shew, beyond the possibility of doubt, that the U. States have been in the habit of treating- with these tribes as independent nations, capable of maintaining the relations of peace and war, and ex- ercising territorial rights. If this be so, it will be ditficult lo point out the pe- culiar circumstances in the condition of those nations, which should either exclude them from a treaty of general pacification, or prevent G. Britain, with whom they have, co-operated as allies in the war, from proposing stipulations in their behalf at the peace. Unless the American plenipotentiaries are prepared to maintain what they have in effect advanc- ed, that although the Indian nations mav be indepen- ^2 410 Ai»i»EXiJi-k. dent in their relations with the U. Hhiles, yet the cir - cumstance of living within the boundary of the ^- States disables them from forming- such conditions of alliance with a foreign power, as shall entitle that power to negociate for them in a treaty pf peace. The principle upon which this proposition is found- ed, was advanced, but successfully resisted so far back as the trer'y of Munster. An attempt wnsthen made to preclude France from nogociating in behalf of certain states and cities in Germany, who had co- operated with her in the war, because although those states and cities might be considered as independent for certain purposes, yet being within the boundary of the German empire, they ought not to be allowed to become parties in the general pacification with the emperor of Germany, nor ought France to be per- niitted in that negociation to mix their rights and in- terests with her own. The American plenipotentiaries, probably aware that the notion of such a qualified independence, for certain purposes, and not for othei*s, could not be maintained, either by argument or precedent, have been compelled to advance the novel and alarming pretension, that all the Indian nations living within the boundary of the United States, must in effect, be considered as their subjects, and, consequently, if engaged in war against the U. States, become liable lo be treated as rebels, or disaffected persons. They have further stated, that all the territory which tliese Indian nations occupy, is at the disposal of the United States, that the U. Stales have a right to dispossess them of it : to exercise that right, whenever their policy or interest may seem to them to requu'e it : and to confine them to such spots as may be selected, not l)y Indian nations, but by the American govern- ment. Pretensions such as these G. Britain can nev- er recognize : however reluctant his royal highness, the Prince Regent may be to continue the war, that evil must be prefered, if peace can only be obtained On such conditions. APrENDix. 4U To suj3port tliose pretensions, and at tlie same \\n\e to sitow, that the present conduct of Great-l^ritaiu i-s inconsistei.t with her former practice and principles, Ihe American plenipotentiaries have referred to the treaty of peace of 1783, to that of 17/^'3, and to the ne- g'ociations of" 17G1, during' the administration of a minister, whom the American plenipotentiaries have stated, and truly slated, to he high in the estimation ofhis country. The omissions to provide in the treaty of 1783, for the pacification of the Indian nations, which were to he included within the proposed boundary of the U. States, cannot preclude G. Britain from now uc- gociating' in behalf of such tribes or nations, unless it be assumed, that the occasional non-exercise of a rig-htis an abandonment of it. Nor can the right of protection, which the American plenipotentiaries have failed in showin": to have been ever claimed by Great Britain as incident to sovereig-ntv, have been transfer- red by G. Britain to the U. States, by a treaty, to which the Indian nations were not parties. In the peace of 17(33, it was not neccssiiry for G. Britain to treat for the pacification of the Indian na- tions, and the maintenance of their rights and privi- leges, because there had been nolndian nations livin<;^ without the British boundaries, who had co-operated with G. Britain, in the war against France. With respect to the negociations of 1/01, between G. Britain and France, on which the American pleni- potentiaries more particularly rely, they appear, in the judgmentof the undersigned, to have much misun-^ derstood the whole course of that negociation. It is very true that the Freiich government brought forward, at one period of the negociation, a proposi- tioii, by which a certain territory, lying between the dominions of the two contracting parties, was to have been allotted to the Indian nations. — But it does not appear that this formed a part oi their ultimatum, and it is clear, that Mr. Pitt in his answer, did not object to the proposition. He objected indeed to the propos- ed line of deniarkation between the countries belonqr. 412 APPENDIX. ing; to the two contracting parties, upon the two grounds : 1st. that the proposed northern line would have given to France, what the French had them- selves acknowledged to be part of Canada, tlie whole of which, as enjoyed by his most Christian majesty, it had been stipulated, was to be ceded entirely to G. Britain : 2dly, that the southern part of the proposed line of demarkation would have included within the boundary of Louisiana, the Cherokees, the Creeks, the Chickasaws, the Choctaws, and another nation, who occupied territories which had never been included within the boundaries of that settlement. So far was Mr. Pitt from rejecting, as alledged by the American plenipotentiaries, the proposition of considering In- dian nations a barrier,]^ that at one period of the ne- gociation he complained that there was no provision for such a barrier ; and he thus energetically urge.s his objections, in his letter to Mr. Stanley, the British plenipotentiary at Paris, dated on the 2t)th of June, 17G1 'j * As to the fixation of new limits to Canada towards the Ohio, it is captious and insidious, thrown out in hope, if agreed to, to shorten thereby the ex- tent of Canada, and to lengthen the boundaries of Louisiana, and in the view to establish, what must not be admitted, namely, that all which is not Canada is Louisiana ; whereby all the intermediate nations and countries, the true barrier to each province, would be given up to France.' The undersigned confidently expect, that the American plenipotentiaries wUl not again reproach the British government with acting inconsistently with its former practice and principles, or repeat the assertion made in a former note, that a definition of Indian boundary, with a view to a neutral barrier, was a new and unprecedented demand by any Euro- pean power, and most of all by G. Britain; the very instance selected by the American plenipotentiaries, undeniably proves that such a proposition had been entertained both by G. Britain and France, and that Mr. Pitt on the part of G. Britain had more particu- larly enforced it. APPENDIX. 413 It remains only to notice two objections which the American plenipotentiaries have urged against the proposal of Indian pacification, advanced by the mi- dersigned ; first, tliat it is not reciprocal : secondly, that as the United States could have no security that the Indian nations would conclude a peace on the terms proposed, the proposition would be in effect unilateral. The article now proposed by the undersigned, and herewith enclosed, is tree from both objections, and ap[)ears to them so characterised by a spirit of mod- eration and peace, that they earnestly anticipate tho concurrence of the American plenipotentiaries. In makuii; a last effort in tins sta^e of the war, the undersigned are not apprehensive that the motives which have influenced his royal highness, the Prince Regent to direct a renewal of the proposition, with its present modifications, can be misunderstood or mis- represented. Whatever may be the resnlt of the proposition thus offered, the undersigned deliver it as their ultimatum, and now await with anxiety the answer of the Amer- ican plenipotentiaries, on which their continuance in this place will depend. The undersigned avail themselves of this oppor- tunity of renewing to the American plenipotentiaries, the assurance of their high consideration. GAMBIER, HENHY GOULBUilN, WILLIAM ADAMS. '* The U. States of x\merica engage to put an end, immediately after the ratification ofthepresent treaty, to hostilities, with all the tribes or nations of Indians with whom they may be at war, at the time of such ratification, and forthwith to restore to such tribes or nations, respectively, all the possessions, rights and privileges, which they may have enjoyed or been en- titled to in 1811, previous to such hostilities : provid- ed always, that such tribes or nations shall agree to desist from all hostilities against the United States of 414 APPENDIX America, their citizens and subjects, upon the ratifi- cation of the present treaty being notified to such tribes or nations, and shall so desist accordingly. " And his Britannic majesty engages, on his part, to put an end, immediately after the ratilication of the present treaty, to hostilities, with all the tribes or na- tions of Indians with whom he may be at war, at the time of such ratification, and forthwith to restore to such tribes or nations respectively, all the possessions, rights and privileges, which they may have enjoyed or been entitled to in 1811, previous to such hostdi- ties: provided always, that such tribes or nations shall agree to desist from all hostilities against his Britannic majesty and his subjects, upon the ratifica- tion of the present treaty being notified to such tribes or nations, and shall so desist accordingly." From the American to the British Commissioners. Ghent, October 13, 1814. The undersigned have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of the note of the plenipotentiaries of his Britannic majesty, dated on the 8th instant. Satisfied of the impossibility of persuading the world that the government of the U. States was liable to any well founded imputation of a spirit of con- quest or of injustice towards other nations, the under- signed, in affording explanations on several of the topics adverted to by the British plenipotentiaries dur- ing this negociation, were actuated by the sole mo- tive of removing erroneous impressions. Still influenced by the same motive, they will now add, that at the time when ihe Spanish minister was remonstrating at Washington against the transfer of Louisiana, orders were given by his government for its delivery to France : that it was, in fact, delivered a short time after that remonstrance j and that if the treaty by which the U. Stales acquired it had not been ratified, would have become, of course, a French col- ony. The undersigned believe that the evidence of the assent of Spain to that transfer has been promuU gated. They neither admit the alledged disability oi APPENDIX. 415 the SpJinish monarch, nor the inference which the British pleoipotentiaries would seem to deduce from it ; on the contrary, the assent was voluntarily ^iven in the year 1804, by the same king- who, about the same time, ceded Trinidad to G. Britain, and prior to the time when he was a^ain eng^aged in war with her. The cession by France was immediately com- municated to G. Britain, no circumstance aft'ecting it, and then within the knowledge of the U. States, be- ing" intentionally concealed from her. She express- ed her satisfaction with it; and if in any possible state of the case she would have had a right to ques- tion the transaction, it does not appear to the under- signed that she is now authorised to do so. After stating, generally, that the proclamations of Generals Hull and Smyth were neither authorised nor approved by their government, the undersigned could not have expected that the British plenipotentiaries would suppose that their statement did not embrace the only part of the proclamations which was a sub- ject of consideration. The undersigned had, indeed, hoped, that, by stating in their note of the 9lh ultimo, that the g'ov- ernment of the U. States, from the commencement of the war, had been disposed to make peace without obtaininj^ any cession of territory, and by referring- to their knowledge of that disposition, and to instruc- tions accordingly given from July, 1812, to January, 1811, they would effectually remove tise impression that the annexation of Canada to the U . States was the declared object of their government. Not only have the undersigned been disappointed in this ex- pectation, but the only inference which the British plenipotentiaries have thought proper to draw from this explicit statement, has been, that either the American g'overnment, by not giving instructions subsequent to the pacification of Enroi-e, or the un- dersigned, by not acting under such instructions, gave no j)roof of a sincere desire to bring the present ne- gociations to a favorable conclusion. The nndersign- ejd did not allude, in reference to the ailedo'ed inten- 41 G APPENDIX. tion to annex Canada to the U. States, to any instruc- tions given by their government subsequently to Jan- uary last, because, asking at this tune for an accession of territory, it was only of its previous disposition that it appeared necessary to produce any proof. So er- roneous was the uiference drawn by the British ple- nipotentiaries, in both respects, that it was in virtue of the instructions of June last, that the undei'signed were enabled, in their note of the 24th of August, to state, that the causes of the war between tlie U. States and G. Britani, having disappeared, by the maritime pacification of Europe, they had been authorised to agree to its termination upon a mutual restoration of territory, and without making the conclusion of peace to depend on a successful arrangement of those points on which differences had existed. Considering the present state of the negociation, the undersigned will abstain, at this time from addu- cing any evidence or remarks upon the influence which has been exerted over the Indian h-ibes inhab- iting the territories of the U. States, and the nature of those excitements which had been employed by Bri- tish traders and agents. The arguments and facts already brought forward by the undersigned, respecting the political condition of those tribes, render it unnecessary for them to make many observations on those of the British plenipoten- tiaries on that subject. The treaties of 17(53, and 1783, were those principally alluded to by the un- dersigned, to illustrate the practice of G. Britain. She did not admit in the first, nor require in the last, any stipulations respecting the Indians who, in one case, had been her enemies, and in the other, her al- lies, and who, in both instances, fell by the peace with- in the dominions of that power against whom they had been engaged in the preceding war. The negociation of 17(51 was quoted for the pur- pose of proving, what appears to be fully established by the answer of England to the ultimatum of France delivered on the first of Sej)tember of that year, that his Britannic majesty would not renounce his right of APPENDIX. 417 protection over the Indian nations reputed to be with- in his dominions, that is to say, between the British settlements and the Mississippi. Mr. Pitt's letter, cited by tlie British plenipotentiaries, far from contra- dicting" that position, ^oes still further. It states that *the fixation of the new limits to Canada, as propos- ed by FrancCy is intended to shorten the extent of Canada, which was to be ceded to England, and to lengthen the boundaries of Louisiana, which France was to keep, and in the view to establisli what must not be admitted, namely, that all wliich is not Canada is Louisiana, whereby all the intermediate nations and countries, the true barrier to each province, would be given up to France.' This is precisely the princi- ple uniformly supported by the undersigned, to wit, that the recognition of a boundary gives up to the nation, in whose behalf it is made, all the Indian tribes and countries within that boundary. It was on this principle that the undersigned have contidently relied on the treaty of 1783, what fixes and recogniz- es the boundary of the U. States, without making any reservation respecting Indian tribes. But the British plenipotentiaries, unable to produce a solitary precedent of one European power treating for the savag-es inhabiting- within the dominions of another, have been compelled, in support of their principle, to refer to the German empire, a body con- sisting of several independent states, recognized as such by the whole world, and separately mamtaining with foreign powers the relations belonging to such a condition. Can it be necessary to prove that there is no sort of analogy between the political situation of these civilized communitities, and that of the wan- dering tribes of North American savages? In referring to what the British plenipotentiaries represent as alarming and novel pretensions, what G. Britain can never recognize, the undersigned might complain that these alledged pretensions have not been stated, either in terms or in substance, as ex- pressed by themselves. This, however, is the less 53 418 APPENDIX. material, as any further recognition oftliemby G Britain is not necessary nor required. On the other hand, they can never admit nor recognize the princi- ples or pretensions asserted in the course of this cor- respondence by the British plenipotentiaries, and which, to them, appear novel and alarming. The article proposed by the British plenipotentia- ries, in their last note, not including the Indian tribes as parties in the peace, and leaving tlie U. States free to effect its object in the mode consonant with the re- lations which they have constantly maintained with those tribes, partaking also of the nature of an amnesty, and being at the same time reciprocal, is not liable to that objection ; and accords with the views uni* formly professed by the undersigned, of placing these tribes precisely, and in every respect, in the same situation as that in which they stood before the commencement of hostilities. This article, thus pro- posing only what the undersigned have so often as- sured the British plenipotentiaries would necessarily follow, if indeed it has not already, as is highly ])rob- able, preceded a peace between G. Britain and the United States. The undersigned agree to admit it, in substance, as a provisional article, subject, in the manner originally proposed by the British govern- ment, to the approbation or rejection of the govern- ment of the U. States, which, having given no in- structions to the undersigned on this point, cannot be bound by any article they may admit on the subject. It will, of course, be understood, that if, unhappily peace should not be the result of the present negocia- tion, the article thus conditionally agreed to shall be of no effect, and shall not, in any future negociation, be brought forward by either party, by way of argu- ment or precedent. This article having been presented as an indispen- sible preliminary, and being now accepted, the un- dersigned request the British plenipotentiaries to com- municate to them the project of a treaty embracing all the points deemed material by G. Britain ; the un- dersigned engaging on their part to deliver immedi APPENDIX. 419 alely after, a counter ])roject with respeol to all the articles to which they may not agree, and on the sub- jects deemed material l)y the U. States, and, which may be omitted in the British ])roject. J. a ADzVMS, J. A. BAYARD, H. CLAY, JONA. RUSSELL, A. GALLATIN. The British to the American Commissioners. Ghent, October 21, 1814. The undersigned have had the honor of receiving the note of the American plenipotentiaries of the 13th inst. communicating their acceptance of the article which the undersigned had proposed on the subject of the pacification and rights of the Indian nations. The undersigned are happy in being thus relieved from the necessity of recurring to several topics, which though they arose in the course of their discus- sions, have only an incidental connection with the difference remaining to be adjusted between the two countries. With a view to this adjustment the undersigned prefering in the present state of the negociation a general statement of the formal arrangement of arti- cles, are willing so far to comply with the request of the American plenipotentiaries contaiuedin then* last note, as to wave the advantages to which they think they were fairly entitled, of requiring from them the first project of a treaty. The undersigned having stated at the first confer- ence the points upon which his majesty's government considered the discussions between the two countries as likely to turn, cannot better satisfy the request of the American plenipotentiaries than by referring them to that conference for a statement of the points which, in the opinion of his majesty's government yet remains to be adjusted. With respect to the forcible seizure of mariners from on board merchant vessels on the high seas, and the right of the king of G. Britain to the allegiance of all his subjects, and with respect to the maritime 420 APPENDIX. rights of the British empire the undersigned conceive, that after the pretentions asserted by the govenunent of the U. States, a more satisfactory proof of the concihatory spirit of his Majesty's government cannot be given than not requiring any stipulation on those subjects, which though most important in themselves, no longer in consequence of the maritime pacifica- tioD of Europe, produce the same practical results. On the subject of the fisheries the undersigned ex- pressed with so much frankness at the conference al- ready refered to, the views of their government, that they consider any further observations on that topic as unnecessary at tlie present time. On the question of the boundary between the do- minions of his majesty and those of the U. States, the undersigned are led to expect from the discus- sion which this subject has already undergone, that the north west boundary from the lake of the Woods to the Mississippi, the intended arrangement of 1803, -will be admitted without objection. In regard to other boundaries the American pleni- potentiiuies in their note of August 24th, appeared in some measure to object to the propositions then made by the undersigned as the basis of uti possidetis. The undersigned are willing to treat on that basis, subjectto such modifications as mutual convenience may be found to require, and they trust that the American plenipotentiaries will shew by their ready acceptance of this basis, that they duly appreciate the moderation of his majesty's government in so far con- sulting the honor and fair pretensions of the U. States as in the relative situation of the two countries, to authorise such a proposition. The undersigned avail themselves of this opportu- nity to renew to the American plenipotentiaries, the assurance of their high considertion. GAMBIEK, HENRY GOULBURN. WILLIAM ADAIMS. APPENDIX. 421 The American to the British Commissioners. Ghent, October 24, 1814. The undersigned have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of the note of the British plenipotentiaries of the 21st inst. Amonsfst the g-eneral observations which the nn- dersigned, in their note of the 24th Aug. made on the propositions then brought forward on the part of the British government, they remarked thatthose proposi- tions were founded neitlier on the basis of uti posside- tis, nor on that oi' status ante bellvm. But so far were they from suggestmg the uti possidetis as the basis on which they were disposed to treat, that in the same note they expressly stated that they had been instructed to conclude a peace on the principles of both parties re- storing whatever territory they might have taken. The undersigned also declared in that note, that they had no authority to cede any part of the territory of the U. Siates, and that to no stipulation to that effect would they subscribe ; and in the note of the 9th Sept. after having shewn that the basis of uti possidetis,such as was known to exist at the commencement of the negociation, gave no clami to his Britannic majesty to cession of territory founded upon the right of con- quest, they added that even if the chances of war should give to the British arms a momentary posses- sion of other parts of the territory of the U. States, such events would not alter their views with reijard to the terms of peace to which they would give their consent. The undersigned can now only repeat those de- clarations and dechne treating upon the basis of uti possidetis, or upon any other principle involving a cession of any part of the territory of the U. States. As they have uniformly stated, they can treat only upon the principle of mutual restoration of whatever territory may have been taken by either party. From this principle they cannot recede, and the undersign- ed after the repeated declarations of the British Ple- nipotentiaries, that G. Britain had no view to acqui- aition of territory, in this negociation, deem it neces- 422 APPENDIX. sary to add, that the utility of its continuance depends on their adherence to this principle. The undersigned having declared in their note of the 21st of Aug. that although instructed and prepar- ed to enter into an amicable discussion of all the points, on which differences or uncertainty had ex- isted, and which might hereafter tend to interrupt the harmony of the two countries, they would not make the conclusion of the peace at all depend upon a sucessful result of the discussion, and having since agreed to the preliminary article proposed by the British government, had believed that the negocia- lion already so long protracted, could not be brought to an early conclusion, otherwise than by the commu- nication of a project embracing all the other specific propositions which G. Britain intended to offer. They repeat their request in that respect and will have no objection to a simultaneous exchange of the projects of both parties. This course will bring fair- ly into discussion the other topics embraced in the last note of the British plenipotentiaries, to which the undersigned have thought it necessary to advert at the present time. The undersigned renew to the British plenipoten- tiaries the assurance of their high consideration. J. a ADAiMS, .1. A. BAYARD, H. CLAY, JONATHAN RUSSELL, ALBERT GALLATIN. The British to the American Comr/iissioners Ghent, Oct. 31st, 1814. The undersigned have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of the note addressed to them by the Amer- ican plenipotentiaries on the 24th inst. in which they object to the basis of uti possidetis proposed by the un- dersigned as that on which they are willing to treat in regard to part of the boundaries between the do- minions of his Majesty and those of the U. States. The American plenipotentiaries in their note of the ISlhinst. requested the undersigned to communicate to them the project of a treaty embracing all the APPENDIX. 423 points insisted on by G.Britain, engaging on their part to deliver immediately after a contra project as to all the articles to which they might not agree, and as to all the subjects deemed material by tlie U. States, and omitted in the project of the undersigned. The undersigned were accordingly instructed to wave the question of etiquette and the advantage ■which might result from receiving the first commu- nication, and, confiding in the engagement of the American plenipotentiaries, communicated in their note of the 21st lust, all the points upon which they are instructed to insist. The American plenipotentiaricshave objected to one esseutialpart of the project thus communicated: but before the undersigned can enter into the discussion on Uiis objection, they must require from the American plenipotentiaries that, pursuant to their engagement, they will deliver a contre project containing all their objections to the points submitted by the undersigned together with a statement of such further points as the government of the U. States consider to be ma- terial. The undersigned are authorized to stale distinctly, that the article as to the pacification and rights of the In- dian nations having been accepted, they have brought forward in their note of Ihe 21st inst. all the proposi- tions they liave to offer. They have no farther de- mands to make, no other stipulations on which the v are instructed to insist, and they are empowered to sign a treaty of peace forthwith in conformity witli those stated in their former note. The undersigned trust therefore that the American plenipotentiaries will no longer hesitate to bring for- ward in the form of articles or otlierwise, as they may prefer, those specific propositions upon which the}' are empowered to sign a treaty of peace between the two countries. GAMBTER, HENRY GOULBURN, W. ADAMS. 424 APPENDIX. TREATY OF PEACE. JAMES MADISON, PRESIDENT OK THE UiNITtD STATES OF AMERICA. To all and singular to whom these jnesents shall come. Greeting : WHEREAS a treaty of peace and amity between the United States of America, and his Britarmic ma- jesty was signed at Ghent, on the twenty-fourth day of December, one thousand eight hundred and four- teen, by the plenipotentiaries respectively appointed for that purpose ; and the said treaty having been, by and with the advice and consent of the senate of the United Stales, duly accepted, ratified, and confirmed, on the seventeenth day of February, one thousand eight hundred and fifteen ; and ratified copies thereof having been exchanged agreeably to the tenor of the said treaty, which is in the words following, to wit : Treaty of peace and amity between his Britannic 31ajesty and the United States of America. His Britannic majesty and the United States of America, desirous of terminating the war which has unhappily subsisted between the two countries, and of restoring, upon principles of perfect reciprocity, peace, friendship, and good understanding between them, have, for that purpose, appointed their respec- tive plenipotentiaries, that is to say : his Britannic majesty, on his part, has appointed the right honorable James lord Gambier^ late Admiral of the white, now Admiral of the red scpiadron of his majesty's fleet, Henry Goullmrn, Esquire, a member of the nii[)erial parliament and under secretary of state, and William Adams, Esquire, doctor of civil laws : — and the Pre- sident of the United States, by and with the advice and consent of the senate thereof, has appointed John Quincy AdamSy James A. Bayardj Henry Clayy Jonathan Rnssell, and Albert Gallatiny citizens of the United States, who, after a reciprocal communi- cation of their respective full powers, have agreed up- on the followino: articles : APPENDIX. 425 ARTICLE THE FIRST. There shall be a firm and universal peace between his Britannic majesty and the United States, and be- tween their respective countries, territories, cities, towns, and people, of every degree, without exception of places or persons. All hostilities, both by sea and land, shall cease as soon as this treaty shall havet)een ratified by both parties, as hereinafter mentioned. All territory, places and possessions whatsoever, taken from either party by the other, during- the war, or which may be taken after the signing of this treaty, excepting only the islands hereinafter mentioned, shall be restored without delay, and without causing any destruction, or carrying away any of the artillery or other public property originally caplnred in the said forts or places, and which shall remain therein upon the exchange of the ratifications of this treaty, or any slaves or other private propei'ty. And all archives, records, deeds, and papers, either of a public nature, or belonging to private persons, which, in the course of the war, may have fallen into the hands of the offi- cers of either parly, shall be, as far as may be prac- ticable, forthwith restored and delivered to the prop- er authorities and persons to whom they respectively belong. Such of the islands in the bayofPus- samaquaddy as are claimed by both parties, shall remain in the possession of the party in whose occu- pation they may be at the time of the exchange of the ratifications of this treaty, until the decision res- pecting the title to the said islands shall have been made m conformity with the fourth article of this treaty. No disposition made by this treaty, as to such possession of the islands and territories claimed by both parties, shall, in any manner whatever, be construed to aftect the right of either. AUTICLE THE SECOND. Immediately alter the ratifications of this treaty by both parties, as hereinafter mentioned, orders shaH be sent to the armies, squadrons, officers, subjects and citizens, of the two powers to ceasp. from all hos- 54 42t> appendix:* tilities : and to prevent all ciuses of complaiul whiclb might arise on account of the prizes which may be taken at sea after the said ratifications of this treaty, it IS reciprocally agreed, that all vessels and effects winch nipy betaken after the space ot" twelve days from the s.»id ratifications, u|)Oh ail parts of the coast of North A'.nerica, from the latitude of twenty-three degrees noith, to the latitude of fifty degrees north, and as far eastward in the Atlantic ocean, as the thirty-sixth degree of west longitude from the meridi- an of Greenwich, shall be restored to each side. That the time shall be thirty davs m all other parts of the Atlantic ocean, north of the equinoctial line or equator, and the same time for the British and Irish channels. lor the Gulf of Mexico and all parts of the West-Indies ; forty days for the North seas, for the Baltic, and for all parts of the Mediterranean ; sixty days for the Atlaiitic ocean sou h of the equator as far as the latitude of the Ca|>e of Good Hope; ninety days for every part of the world south of the equator ; and one hundred and twenty days for all other parts^ of the world, without exception. ARTICLE THE THII'D. All prisoners of war taken on either side, as well by land as by sea, shall be restored as soon as prac- ticable after the ratification or this treaty, as herein- after mentioned, on their paying the debts which they may have contracted during their captivity. The two contracting parties respectively engage to dis- charge in specie, the advances whi^h may have been made by the other for the sustenance and mainten- ance of such prisoners. ARTICLE THE FOURTH. Whereas it was stipulated by the second article in the treaty of peace, of one thousand seven hundred and eighty-three, between his Britannic majesty and the Unitechooner — Dolphin made a cartel 54 si'h'r Ann do. Salem 55-0 8 i schooners Jeffer. &. Dolphin do. 69 iiriii; — Dolphin do. 60 ^chooner — Lion Marblehead 61 schooner— Argus Portland 62 SIDOp — Polly Salem 63 sch'r Fanny | | Dolphin Baltimore 64-65 2 schooners 1 1 Buckskin Salem Note. Those marked with an [*] were H. B. Majesty's pvhlic vessels .ind those with a [f ] are U. S. pulAic vessels. 436 X i.PPENDIX. 66 brig Lamprey / F. Essex* Baltimore 67 transport brig* 197 do. ransomed 68 sch'r Mary Anu Buckskin Salem 69 ship Mary 14 Dolphin do. 70 sch'r — Fair Trader Wiscasset 71 sch'r Diligent Polly . Salem 72-73 2 schooners Snowbird do. 74 a Snow 6 Rev. Cutterf Savannah 75 sch'r Jane Dolphin Marblehead 76 ship Ann Green 10 Gossamer Boston 77 barque St. Andrews 8 Rapid Portland 78 brig Shamrock 6 16 Rev. Cutterf Savannah 79 sch'r Sally Teazer made a cartel 80 sch'r Nelson BHckskin Salem 81 schooner — Fame do. .82 sch'r 3 Brothers Wiley Reynard Boston 83 barque Catharine Portland 84 brig- Polly ransomed 85 ship Henry 10 Comet Baltimore 86 sch'r Alfred Spencer do. 87 sch'r Eliza Polly Salem 88 br Lady Sherbroke 4 Marengo New York 89 br, Eliz&, Esther 1 Gov. M'Kean Philadelphia 90 ship Boyd 10 Globe do. 91 brig Ranger 6 Matilda do. 92 sch'r Polly Wiley Reynard Boston 93-95 3 brigs do. Wiscasset 96 sloop Mary Ann Paul Jones Philadelphia 97 ship Hassan 14 20 do. Savannah 98 brig Harmony 4 28 Yankee New York 99 brig- do. made a cartel 100 ship Briganza 12 21 Tom Baltimore 101 brig Waldo Teazer Portland 102 sch'r Ann 4 Globe Baltimore 108 sh. Prince Adolphus 8 36 Gov. M'Kean Philadelphia 104 ship Teazer Portland 105 sch'r Harriet High Flyer Baltimore 106 brig Ceres John Salem 107 brig- Lynn Gloucester 108 brig William Rossie Boston l«9-n5 ships &. brigs do. burnt 116-117 brig & schooner 108 do. made a cartel 118 sch'r Industry Benj. Franklin New-York 119 sch'r Perseverance Nonsuch Charleston 120 ship Simon Clark 16 39 Globe Norfolk 121 Honduras Packet* 2 12 Mary-Ann Charleston 122 brig Amelia 10 17 do. do. 123 sch'r Mary do. burnt 124 schooner — do. made a cartel 125 sch'r Union John Salem brig Elizabeth -129 brigs ■IJ\ 5ch'r &. sloop brig Geo. Blake brig- brig James ship Apollo ship Royal Bounty brig Mary Schr. Venus ship Osborn brig Eliza brig Richard brig Nancy brig— |Schr — brig Leonidas Schr. Sky Lark brig Lady Prevost brig Friends brig Mary hip Jane ship John Schr. — ship Grenada sch'r Shadock barque Diana brig Roe-buck ship Guerriere* brig lady Warren brig Abona barque Harriet brig Dutchess brig Traveller brig Henry hip Hopewell brig Hazard sch'r Phoebe brig Thetis brig Alfred brig Antelope ship Kitty sch'r Spunk sch'r Providence ship Guayana bar duke of savoy ship Pursuit ship Evergreen brig New Liverpool ship Mary Ann APPENDIX. 4 4 12{ John Salem do. ransomed Orlando Gloucester Revenue Cutterf Charleston Bunker Hill do. do. Falmouth 8 John Salem 10 29 Yankee sunk 47:do. made a certel jTeazer Portland 10 is'do. do. 'Marengo New York Industry Marblehead Fair Trader Salem Bunker Hill New- York Leander Providence 14 Mars Savannah Bunker Hill New-York Marengo do. Bfciij Franklin Boston i do. do. 12 18 Rossie Salem 16 30 F. Presidenlf Philadelphia Teazer Portland 11 30 Young Eagle Charleston 2 10 do. do. High Flyer Savannah Rosamand Norfolk 49 302 F. Constitutionf burnt do. do. do. do. do. do. F. Congress! do. do. do. Yankee Newport 14 26 Comet Baltimore 6 ship Waspf Boston Squando Portsmouth Yankee burnt do. do. Dolphin Salem Rossie Portland Fair Trader Salem Wiley Reynard New York 8 Dromo Salem 8 Decatur do. Atlas Philadelphia Dolphin Salem 4 Yankee New York 12 18 High Flyer Charleston 438 APPENDIX. 179 180 181 182 183- 184 185 186 187 188 189 190 191 192 193 194 195 196 197 198 199 200 201 202 203 204 205 206 207 208 209 210 211 212 213 214 215 216 217 218 219 220 221 222 223-225 226 ship Elizabeth llO sch'r James brig Pursuit brig Tay ship Britannia brig Howe brig Elizabeth ship Jamaica brig Alert* transport ship* brig King George shij) — brig Ocean brig Tulip ship Esther sch'r Venus ship Quebec ship Richmond ship Adonis ship Falmouth brig Two Friends snow Two Friends brig William sch'r Trial sch John &c George ship — brig — sch'r Mary Ann brig Laura* sch'r Rising States brig Hannah ch'r Mary brig- brig Pomona brig Devonshire brig Concord brig Hope -ch'r Minorca barque Charlotte -^hip Mariana brig Diana 21 122 378 25 26 25 52 14| 25 \2\ 35 14; 30 I 6 10 50 brig brig Isabella sliip — 'i vessels >hip John 14 36 Sarah- Ann Di^lphin Rapid do. Thrasher Dart Decatur High Flyer F. Essexf do. do. Revenge Saratoga Atlas Montgomery Saratoga do. Thomas Montgomery Thomas Benj. Franklin Dart Rossie - Leander Regulator Poor Sailor Dart Black Joke Diligent do. Montgomery do. Dart Decatur do. do. do. Wasp Decalur Gov. M'Kean DartJ Teazer do. Decatur Dolphin Comet Charleston Baltimore Portland do. do. do. Newport Baltimore iSTew-York made a cartel BostoR Portland New-York Philadelphia Gloucester New York do. Portland Salem Portsmouth Boston do. do. Providence Boston Wilmmgton P»)rtland Norfolk Philadelphia do. Salem do. Castine made a cartel France burnt made a cartel Savannah Boston Norfolk Portland do. do. Marblehead burnt Baltimore (J^Those in Italic are Letters of Marque vessels J This Privateer came into the harbor of Portland triumpluxr^l}^ mounted on the deck of her prize ! ! ! A] ?P EN] DIX. 4a« 227 ship Commerce 141 2£j Decatur Portland 228 brig Industry 10 2C| Comet tVilmington 229 |jrivaleer Nassau 4 31 Dolphin iialtimore 2i0 jrivateer brig « 4( Rapid )urnt 231 3rig Tor Abbey Thresher <^ape Ann 2J2 brig Mary Benj. Franklu. (Jharleston 233 sbip Prins. Amelia 10 31 Kossie Savannah 234. schr. — Teazer Portland 235 Dfig— Marengo Newbury port 236 ! srig Orient Teazer Portland 237 ' schr. Jenny do. do. 238 ' sch'r Adelia Rosamond New-York 2J9 t)rig Poii\t Shares Ballimore iialtiniore 240 brig San Antonio Marengo Philadelphia 241 brig Detroit* 18 78 GunBoatsf burnt 242 sch'r Caledonia* 4 ic do- iMack Rock 24 J sch'r Single-Cap Matilda -New Orleans 244 sch'r Fame Nonsuch Savannah 245 ship Phoenix 12 17 Mary Ann Charleston 246 brig Concord do. do. 247 brig Favorite 2 Industry Lynn 248 brig sir Jol'u Moore do. do. 249 brig lord Sheffield Marengo ')urnt 250 sch'r Betsey Ann Fame Salem 251 brig VVilliaui Montgomery do. 252 brig Henry John do. 253 sch'r Four Brothers Fame do. 254 sch'r four Sons do do. 255-256 2 sch'rs Dart v'ortland 267 sch'r Antelope Rosamond Oimrlestou 258 sch'r Dawson Wasp Savannah 259 brig Diamond 10 Alfred Salem 260 brig George 12 do. do. 261 brig Neptune John do. 262 ship Jane do. do. 263 sch'r — Saucy Jack nade a cartel 264 sl'p Louisa Ann Benj. Franklin i^ortland 265 ship Venus Two Brothers )urnt 26B brig Ja. k Charlott America Salem 267 brig Fr. Blake Nonsuch Charleston 268 brig swallow*: 14 30 F. Presideolf ':5aliimore 269 brii^Porgie High Flyer Norfolk 270 ship Ned IG 1( John &c George Salem 271 sch'r Sisters Fame do. 272 sch'r Comet 2 Rapid Savannali 273 Privateer Scorcher 1 2( do. iurnt 374 sch'r Mary do. ransomed 275 sch'r Mary Hall ship Geo. Pikef Sacketts Harbor 276 si. Elizabeth do. do. 277 transport sch'r^r do. )urnt 440 APPENDIX. 278 brig Union 6 Gen. Armstrong 279 sch'r Neptune Revenge 280 barque Fisher Fox 281 brig James Bray Bunker Hill 282 bri» lady Harriet orders in Council 28.J-285 3 vessels do. 286 brig Freedom 6 Thorn 287 sch'r A-merica Pame k. Dromo 288 brig- Joel Barlow 289 packet John Bull* Rover 290 «hip Argo 12 26 F. Presidentf 291 F. Macedonian* 49 306 F. United Statesf 292 ship John Hamilton 16 30 Dolphin 293 brig— brig Argusf 294 sch'r Lorain Revenge 295 brig Bacchus do. 296 brig Venus 10 Polly 297-306 nine vessels Patriot 307 packet Townsend* 9 28 Tom 298 packet Burchall* Highflyer 308 sch'r — 74 do. 309 brig Criterion do. 310 sch'r Neptune Revenge 311 brig Neptune Roba 312 sch'r — Revr-nge 313 brig Fancy Joel Barlow 314 sloop Nelly Revenge 315 brig Devonshire Deca'ur 316 s 5a'r — Retali»*ion 317 ship James 22 67 Gen. Ar nstrong 318 bvig two Brothers Benj I'^v-^nklin 319 brig Active 10 18 Hi^nflyer 320 brig — Dart 321 brig Pomona 8 1^0 322 ship Betsey 5 Revenge 323 brig Dart 8 .\meiica 324 ship Queen 16 40 Gen. -Armstrong 325 brig Charlotte 10 America 326 sch'r William 2 30 Liberty 327 brig Recovery brig Argusf 328 brig Lucey &, Alida Revenge 329-332 tnree vessels Jacks Favorite 333 sch'r Swift Rolla 334 sch'r — 150 Roll a 335 sloop Reasonable Liberty 3JG sch'r Maria do. 337 sch'r Catherine 3 24 Lady Madison 338 sch'r Maria do. 339 ship Rio Nouva i8 25 Rolla 3\0 3ch*r Rebecca Jacks Favorite iBoston Cape Add Portland Boston New- York ransomed Marblehead Salem New-London destroyed Baltimore New- York Baltimore Hampton Roads Philadelphia Salem Savannah sunk &I. burnt ransomed Baltimore made a cartel Nt'w-York made a cartel Portland burnt N'fw London Philadelphia Prance New- York destroyed New York Charleston Portland Belfast Wilmington Salem wrecked Salem Savannah New- York Norfolk burnt do. made a cartel iestroyed ransomed Charleston made a cartel New-York New-London APPENDIX. 441 S41 brig— 342 privateer Richard 343 ship Hope 344 ship Ralph 345 ship Euphemia 346 brig — 347 schooner — 348 sch'r Meadau 349 ship Mary 350 sch'r Erin 351 packet Nocton* 352 brigBarrossa 353 sch'r Mary 354 brig Pegsy 355 ship Arabella 356 brig Andalusia 357 brig &, sloop 3i8 P Java* 359 brig— 360 ship Diligence* 361 schooner— 362 ship Neptune 363-364 two vessels SbA ship — 366 ship Volunteer 367 ship— 368 sch'r Ellen 369 ^hip Jane 370 sch'r Pr. of Wales 371 ship Aurora 372 373 two vessels 374 brig Pelican 375 ^hip — 376 l)rig Emu* S77 brig Ana 378 'Jriii — 379 sch'r Sabine 380 'ransport Canada* 381 brig Isabella 352 brig 3 Brothers 383 -loop Mary Ann 384 )rivateer Andalusi 385 ^ch'r George 386 -hip Albion 387 'jrig Harriot 388 ship Nelson 389 ship Neptune 390 'hip— 391 brig— 392 ichooner — 56 14 10 4'j 27 10 12 20 12 90 438 60 7^ 120 )!ioo 25 14 Ned Holkor America do. do. Decatur do. Sparrow Rnlla Eagle F. Essexf Rolla Eagle Hunter Growler Yankee do. F. Constitutionf Growler Eastport militia Gallinipper Decatur do. America F. Chesapeakef do S, Hornetf Spy Growler Holkar Mars do. Lady Madison Growler do. United we stand Erie Militia Paul Jones do. Do![)hin Yankee do. do. Hazard Yaiikee Decatur Saratoga Bdua D >Iphia Lovely Las=; Ocracoke Savannah Marblehead Portland do. France do. ransomed Newport Charleston made U S. vessel Martha's Vineyard Charleston Boston New-London Savannah ransomed burnt ransomed Machias ransomed Portland France Kenrifcbunk Portsmouth burnt Ncw-Caslle VfW Orleaas ansomftd Newport iiade cartels ,/harleston N^ewburn •larbiehead do. ■ivannah 'iirnt i.ade a cartel do. Vow York I'jrnt savannah nade a cartel -;t. Mary's Boston \ew Orleans do Newport New London I.Vew 0r!ean^3 445 APPENDIX. -410 393 394 395 396 S97 398 39y 400 401 402 403 404 405 406 407 408- 411-413 414 415-416 417 418-420 421 421 423 424 425 426 427 428 429 430 431 432 433 434 435 436 437 438 439 440 441 442 443 444 445 13i brig Shannon ship Mentor ^chV Huzzar brie Resolution 5hi'> Peacocks- hi'"; Anfritn bn^Fly h.i.oner— br. ; Earl Percy brig Hero bris Rover fransport Alder* brig Return brig ThornasJ fhree vessels hree vessels sloop — two vessels brig- three vessels privateer Caledonia brio; Tartar tender Fox* br. London Packet srb'r Farmer schooner — privat sch'r Crown :10 hip Francis bris; Malvina brig Charlotte Ru ol Gloucester* priv. sch'r Richard priv sloop Dorcas Uriq'Edviard ^rfi'r Hope , bri,^ — ship Nancy -chooner — ch'r Delight 's:ke* Mary Ann* '••i|> Dronio i-ig— tnvinc. NapoIeon| acket Ann* sch*r Greyhound hV\ 5L 3\ 2h 10 10 56 161 8i ( 12 12, I \ IG 10, 58 Yankee Paul Jones Saucy Jack Liberty ship Horuetf do. Saucy Jack Yankee do. Chesapeakef do. Ah^red Yankee Pan! Jones Yankee, Snap Dragon do. do. Divided we Fall do. do. sch'r Nonsuchf Gen. Armstrong Hero Paul Jones Sparrow Wasp (Tiiliiia volunteers r. biood. yaakee Ned Montgomery ship Madison Holkar do. Alexander do. Fox York Town ship Gen. Pikef Fame Gov. Tompkins Thomas do Young Teazer do. do. Bristol Chatham >J»'\s'- Orleans -Savannah )urnt -inik New-Orleans •':;ar!eston L'arpauhn Cove New- York )urnt Salem Bristol Tbatham Boston burnt ti!ade cartels made a tender ransomed sunk ransomed Charleston Georgetown Mystic wrecked given up Machias Waldohorougk Brest (France) Wilmington Salem Sackett's Harbor Savannah made a cartel Salem made a cartel Portsmouth Bristol Sackett's Harbor .Machias Boston Wiscasset Bootliebay Portland do. do. J T/ii.y ship was originally a French privateer, and captured by H. B. Majesty's ship Muline ; re cafiurcd hi/ the Jtexandcr of Salem ; rere- captnred by H. li. Majtsly'sjrigate ShainiO}!- and re-re re caplund by the Teazer of New York, and sent into Vorllund! ! ! 1 LPP ENDIX. 14o 446 brig Mary Anaconda New London 4*7 br. Kingston packet Globe Ocracoke 448 brig Mutiny \h do. Seaufort 4i9 br. S Geo. Prevost Rolla Vew Orleans 450 privateer L. packet t :33 Thames Portsmouth 451 King's packet* 14 40 Anaconda Dcracoke 452 brig David G.»v. Plnmer Portsmouth 45.3 Packet* Anaconda ■uade a cartel 45* ship Mary 8 do. New Haven 465 ship William 10 Grand Turk vilem 456 brig Harriot Anaconda V IV Bedford 457 brig Mars Fox /•.rismouth 458 ■ich'r Pearl Liberty ^ ivannab 459 itrivateer sloop 8 40 do. iiade a cartel 460 brig- Gov. Plumer lurnt 461 brig— Sabine do. 462 f)rig Dinah Globe Ocracoke 463 sch'r Britannia Grand Turk Portland 464 ship Loyal Sam 10 30 Siro Charleston 465 ship Venus i4 Globe Beaufort 466 ship Susau Siro France 467 ship Seaton Paul Jones >urut 468 sch'r Elizabeth Globe do. 469 ahip Pelham do. do. 470 brig Margaret It! America ^alem 471 trans Ly. Murray* 2 22 L. of the Lakef Sackelt'* Harbor 472 brig Morton VI Yorktovvn iiade a cartel 473-475 .J vessels Young Teazer Portland 476 brig Sally 4 Benj. Franklin acsomed 477 brig- Teazer Vew York 478 brig Hero do. Jastine 479 brig Resolution Nancy Portland 480 brig Hero F. Essexf ')urnt 'i8l t)rig James &c Sara? do. •ansomed 482 brig — Marengo Sew London 483 brig — 6 Gen. Armstrong .Martha's Vineyard 481. >>rig James orders in Counci! J^ew York 485 brig Sally John Boston 486 brig Ann Teazer Portsmouth 487 brig Thomas Decatur made a carte! 488 brig — 2 Holkar New York 489 barque Ii Dolphin ournt 490 ship Betsey Revenge Wilmington 491 ship Eliza Yankee Boston 492 sch'r Success Benj Franklin ransomed 49J sch'r Lady Clark Bunker Hill New York 494 sch'r Sally Wiley Reynard Boston 495 sch'r Blonde John ransomed 496 sch'r Ann do. Salem 497 sch'r Dorcas Liberty | ransomed 444 APPENBIX. 498 499 600 501 502 503 504 505 506 507 508- 511 512 SIS- 528 529 530 5^1 532 533 534 53d 63iy 537 538 «89 540 541 542 643 548 549 550 551 552 553 554 555 65& 557 558 559. 661 662 563 56-i 665- 568- 570 571 510 527 sloop Eagle* brig Union -hip Aurora ship — -hip Integrity- brig Avery hip Susan 5hip Fox sch'r Leonard brig Betsey hree vessels soh'r — 20 16 lO i.B &, 14 transp* ■>ch'r S Sisters sch'r Gen. Hosford brig Nelly loop Pesigy ch Broth. «!^ Sist brig Louisa loop F(>x loop William loop Js & Eliza brig Chance brig Mary ship Venus brig Morton ch'r Dominico* hip LoD Trader -547 five bri»s privateer Fly ch'r Ceres barque Henrietta brig Ann sch'r Plying Fish loop Catherine scli'r Kate ship Louisa brig 3 Brothers brig Earl of Moira shooner — 560 two vessels sch'r Louisa priva. Kg. of Rome ship — schooner — 567 three vessels 569 two vessels brig- schooner— 4 13 GunBoatsf T. B. Yankee do. Rambler T. B Yankee Yorktown do. 20 brig Arguiif T. B. Yankee Jacks Favorite America Fox Yankee 4, 65 2 row boatsf Saucy Jack Decatur Fox do. do. do. do. do. do. do. do. Dolphin Yorktown Decatur do. Snap Dragon 30 brig Enferprizef Yankee Snap Dragon do. Saucy Jack do. do. do. do. Industry Terrible Swiftsure 26 Expedition 40 brig Argusf F. Presidentf do. T. B Yankee Leo Brutus Gen. ArmslroDg 10 New York France do. wrecked N'orway New Bedford France =iunk o. Plymouth made cartels ransomed Bristol Sackett's Harbor St Mary's Savannah burnt ransomed burnt ransomed Norway France ransomed Norway burnt Salem Wilmington Charleston do. destroyed Portsmouth made a cartel Beaufort do. ransomed Cape Henry do. burnt St Mary's Machias Eastport Machias Newport destroj'ed France do. do. do. ransomed burnt APPENDIX. 4 672 brig Boxer-'f 18 96 brig Enterprize^ Portland 673 schooner— Mate and crew ! Castine 574. f5chooner— Terrible ransomed 575 brig Jane Snap Draggon Newbern 676 brig— Grainpus burnt 577-578 2 vessels Terrible Salem 579 ^ch'r Lilly Pilot ransomed 580 brig Mary Ann do do 581 brig— Gen. Armstrong burnt 582-58d I brig and sloop Industry Machias 584 packet Lapwing* Rattlesnake made a cartel 585-586 2 sbip3 T. blood. Yankee France 587 •^loop Traveller Lark Machias 588 Duke of Montrose* F. Fresidentf made a cartel 589 brig Jane and Ann do sunk 590 brig Daphne do do 591 ship Eliza 8 do ransomed 592 brig Alert do burnt 593 barque Lion 8 do ransomed 594. sch'r High Flyer» 5 do Newport 595 ih\\) Industry r. blood.Yankee Nforway 596 ?hip Lond. Packet 14 Arsons Boston £97 brig Atlantic do ransomed 598 brig Jane do made a cartel 599 brig Jane Snap Dragon ransomed 600 trig Venu3 do made a cartel 601 sch'r Elizabeth do given up 602 brig Harpy do do 603 barq\ie Reprisal do ransomed 604 privateer Dart 12 45 R. cut VIgillanlf Newport 605 »chV Salamanca 6 16 brig Argusf destroyed 606 brig Susannah do made a cartel 607 brig Richard do burnt 608 brig Fowey do do 609 sloop Lady Francis do do 610 trans. Barbadoes* do do 611 trans Alliance* do do 612 sich'r Cordelia do do 613 ship Betsey do France 614 ship Mariner do sunk 615 sloop — do France 616 itrig Helena do made a cartel G17 brig- do burnt 618 brig Diana &. Betty do do 619 ship Defiance do do 620 brig Baltic do do 621 sloop — do made a carte! 622 brig Belford do ^unk 623 pilot boat sch'r do do 624: brig — do do 445 446 APPENDIX. 625 transport Julia* 12 202 ship Madisonf Sacketts Harbor 626 sch'r Growler* 11 ^t> do. do. 627-6293 Gunboais* 6 M' do. do. 630 Gu'! boat* 2 ;) do. burnt 63 i packet Morgiana* I£ Saratoga Newport 632 ship — do. burnt 633 bng Sarah do. do. 634 sci;'r — Gen. Stark .Macbias 635 ship Economy Scourge &. RattU Norway 6«6 ship Pax do.Fsnak* do 637 ship Diiiorent do. do. 638 sch'r Liberty do. do. 639 3rig Betsey do. do 640 arig Hope do. do. 641 ship Hull do. do 642 ship Jol. Bachellor do. do- 643 ship Experiment do. do- 644 biig Ruby do. do. 645 ship BrilaQnia do. do. 646 sch'r Prosperous do. do. 647 jrig Burton do. do. 6*8 ship Latona do. do. 649 ship Frieods do. do. i550 ship Nottingham do. do. «51 \}i- Westmoreland do. do. €32 brig Brothers do. do. 653 sloopPerseverance do. do. 654 ship Harford do. do. 665 ship Thetis do. do. 656 brig Brunswick do. do. 637-669 13 vessels Leo burnt 6/0 Gun boat* 1 60 Morga' 's riflem. sacketts Harbor 671 ship Brutus Rattlesnake made a cartel 678 sch'r Fame Saratoga wrecked 673 ship St Lawrence - America Portsmouth 67l-«75 two vessels Yankee iHile a cartel 676-6^0 15 vessels Lady Cordeliu ■W'stroyed 69j brig- do. wrecked 692 brig President Folly S ivannah 693 brig Favorite 180 Yankee nade a cartel 694 brig Mary do. Chatham 695-696 (wo ships Sconrge Norway 697 sch'r Kaly Yankee 'few- Bedford 698 sch'r — Water Witcr do. 699 sch'r Ann Gen Stark lochias 700 sloop Eliza Tim. Pickering ■.iastport 70 J brig Dart do. ■ialem 702 sloop — East Port Fort ''iastport 703 si. G. Hodgkinson Saratoga vrecked 704-710 seven vessels Ogdensburg Mil Og'lensburg 711 712 713 714 715 716 717 718 719 720 721 722 723 724 725 726 727 728 729 730 731 732 733 734 735 736 737 738 739 740 741 742 743 744 745 746- 754 755 756 757 758 759 760 761 762 763 764 766- 774 775 brig Edward brig Janstoff brig Loyd ?hi[) Vesta ship Fame sch'r Joseph Lady Gockburn Sir J. Sherbroke ship Manly brig— scb'r Messenger ship MontezuQfia ship Policy ship Georgiana ship Atlaa(ic ship Greenwich ihip Hector ,hip Catherine ^hip Rose biig Jane 'jrig Diana Uiip Rose brig — brig Agnes ■iloop John brig Abel brig Cossack scb'r Jasper ?ch'r Rebecca sch'r Agnes brig Criterion sch'r Fanny sch'r Henry sch'r Maria ship Nereid •753^'ght vessels ship Castor brig Active ship Watson ship Cora brig Eliza sch'r Traveller sch'r George sloop Experiment sloop Vigilant* schooner — br. Young Husband ■773 nine vessels brig Tullock ship Minerva APPENDIX, 4 Fox Folly Landing Washington P>rtland Saratoga burnt 10 do. ransomed do. Sew York 29 Saratoga .>adea cartel do. r.nsomed IC 40 Saucy Jack M Mary's 4 Revenge Charleston Caroline Durnt Comet vilmington 2 21 F Essexf l-'fTU iO 26 do. Vjston 6 28 do. ade ships ) 8 24 do. of war > 10 25 do .>f 20 guns } 11 25 F Essex Juniorf -•eru 8 29 do. do. 8 75 do. lade a cartel 10 17 F. Congressf . irnt 10 14 do. .ade a cartel do unk Eliza .VilmingtoD Saucy Jack (iurnt do. uiisomed Caroline '.Vilmington Gen. Stark ieorgetown Caroline do. Grand Turk Portsmouth do. 1-' ance Caroline Stonijiglou- Revenge Charleston Roger do. do. iurnt 10 Gov. Tompkins New York T. B. Yankee lurnt do. i;iven up do. France do. do. do. do. do. do. Frolic Squam Fly i-'ilsvvorth do. vlnchias 4 30 Comet Wilmington Petapsco Savannah Gov. Tompkins Sewport Comet • unk 10 Fox Grloucester do. Portsmoutls 447 448 APPENDIX. la 776 bhip— 771 brig Isabella 778 sloop — 779 schr. Harmony 780 sloop Humbird 781 brig — 782 brig— 783 scbr. Mary 784 sloop— 785 ship Wanderer 786 ship Edward 787 'schr Jonathan 788 brig Britannia 789 schr Curfew 790 brig Terulla 79 1 ship Galatea 792 ship James 12 793 ship — 16 794-795 tvVo vessels 796 privateer-— 797 ship Sally 798 ship — ^■99 jbrig Superb 800 privateer Mars 801 brig Juno 802 [brig Friends 803 schr. Sea Flower 804 schr. Hazard 805 brig S(wereiga 306 ship Diana 1307 schr. William 308 schr. Mary S09 brigBykar 810 schr. Hope 81 1 brig Rambler 812 schr Eliza 313 ship Lady Prevost 314 sch. Susan &. Eliza 815 schr. — 316 'schr. Jane 317 brig Falcon sl8 ,brig Superb 319 ischr — 329 ship John 821 brig Brothers 822 ship Victory 323-826 ftur ships 327 nip — 828 brig Elizabpth 829 fship Ann Catherine Gov. Tompkins pade a earte! brig Rattlesnake-f] Wilmington General Stark Terrible Surprize brig Rattlesnakef Fox 30 80 Macedonian Hope F Presidentf do. do. Mars Alfred do. Chasseur T. B. Yankee do. Frolic Leo Delile brig Enterprizef Mars bs. Rati. & Ent f Grand Turk Diomede Tuckahoe do. America do. Diomede do. Fox Diomede 10 12 wrecked Portsmouth Machias sunk burnt ransomed Philadelphia sunk do. do. New Bedford Marblehead burnt Beaufort France do. destroyed Cape Francois sunk St Mary's Charleston Wilmington France wrecked burnt do. Portsmouth burnt Savannah New York Gloucester Bristol bs. Rati. &c Ent.f burnt do. Invincible. Mars Viper Fairy America Mary Viper Saucy Jack America Viper Rattlesnake do. Caroline Saucy Jack i\o. \Vilmingtoa do. 'Newport Wilmington Charleston New -York Newport Charleston Spain Camdeu Norway France Charleston Savannah APPENDIX. 4 830 schr. Nimble Saucy Jack Beaufort 831 achr. Jason Caroline Imrnt 832 5chr. — Kemp Cape Francois 833 3chr. Trinitaria Saucy Jack Savannah 834-842 nine vessels P. Neufchattcl France 843 851 nine vessels Comet destroyed 852-855 four vessels do. ansomed 856-857 two vessels do. vVilmington 858 brig Apollo 6 America Salem 359 brig Anne do. nade a cartel 860 cutter Patty do. ^unk 861 brig- do. Jo. 862 brig Henry 6 Gov. Tompkins Xe W.York 863 brig Abel do. Elizabeth City- 864 ship — Invincible Wilmington 865 sch. Encouragem't. Frolic destroyed 866 brig Tvvo Sisters Wasp Philadelphia 867 schr. Hope America burnt 868 schr. Sylph do. do. 869 schr. Eclipse Wasp wrecked 870 schr. Cobham JonquiUa Wilmington 871 brig Louisa Kemp Elizabeth City 872 ship Hive Surprize Norfolk 873 schr. Picton* 8 20 F. Con.titutionf sunk 874 ship r^ovely Ann do. made a cartel 875 schr. Phoenix do sunk 876 brig Nimble Invindhle Teneriflfe 877 brig Ceres Grampus burnt 878 schr. — Saratoga New Bedford 879 sch. Friends Adv'tr Fox Wiscasset 880 brig Fanny Galloway France 881 brig— Fox burnt 88^ schr. Eliza Snap-Dragon Beaufort 883 schr. Kentish Saratoga Fairhaven 884 5chr. Prince Regeni 10 Invincible ransomed 885 cutter Lyon do. given up 886 brig Portsea 8 do. ransomed 887 brig Conway 10 do. Portsmouth 888 sch Francis &cLuc) do. made a cartel 889 brig James Young Wasp France 890-891 two vessels do. made cartels 892 schr.— boat Alertf Burlington 893 ship Union Rambler wrecked 894 brig. Fair Stranger Fox Portsmouth 895 transport Mary ^ 12 82 Rattlesnake France 896 brig — Expedition destroyed 897 sch'r Miranda Chasseur do. 898 sloop Martha 4 20 do. made a cartel 899-900 two vessels do. destroyed 901 sch'r Adeline 20 E.Kppdilion New-York 449 D/ 450 APPENDIX. 902 hr. Experience 903 (lip Experence 90* schV— 905 ^ch'r Francis 906 cii'r Appellodore 907 cti'r William 908 loop Irwin 909 bng Bellona 910 c h'r Prince 911 sdi'r Industry .912 .loop— 913 brig Roebuck 914 diip Equity 915 ship Adston 916 ^ch'r— 917 sloop Regent 918 schV— 919 sloop Epervier* 920 kloop Cygnet 921 Isch'r Diligence 922 Lloop Bonita 923 biig Robert 924 brig Favorite 925 bug— 926 ship Su?an 927 ship Doris 928 brig Curlew 929 brig— 930 ship James 931 >.rig .Swift 9.32 !vig Caunelion 93.i-934tvvo vessels 9cio-9i4 10 vessels 945 -^c'l'r Hope 946 sch'r Pickrel 947 <^hipPelham 943 hip Fortuna 949 ^ch'r— 950 sliip Phoebe 951 brig Kutusoff 952 schr' Youn Farmer 953 si h'r Miranda 954 transport Rlartha* 955 s( h'r Ann IMaria 956 srh'r William 957 ship Joanna 958-959 two vessels 960 sch'r Brilliant 9G1 sliip Symmetry 962 ship Wincbester 128 12 10 15 4(t Caroline Rapid Perry Midas do, do. do. Globe sbi]) Adamsf do. do. do. Rattlesnake do. Saratoga do. do. brig Peacockf Saratoga York Delisle Zfebec Ultor David Porier do. do. do. do. Rattlesnake Young Wasp Zebec Ultor Mammouth Caroline Tom &t Leo Pike do. Sacey Jack Roger Viper Hawk Surprize Hcnrif Guilder Chasseur do. do. do. do. James Monroe Scourge do. do. wrecked Savnnah Norfolk burnt do. made a cartel do. Barracoa burot do, given up made a carte i burnt sunk Fairhaven unk ransomed Savannah Wilmington Jestroyed do. Charleston %\ven up do. ransomed do. burnt Portsmouth ransomed Baliimore Portsmouth licstroyed France Saco sunk Charleston Beaufort Newport Wilmington Frankfort New York burnt made a cartel burnt do. sunk burnt Boston burnt do. APPENDIX. do 963 brig UnioD Scourge burnt Amelia made a cartel 996 trig Jesfie G 2 do. burnt 997 ich'r Ann 1 u do. jiiade a cartel 998--999 ; wo vessels Hero rai:somerig Britannia do. do. 1191-1193 '^.ree brigs do. burnt 1194 )!■ Fortune of War 3 40 Giin Boatsf Sapcio 1195 ship Corontandel 2 66 York Baliimore 1196 brig Cyrus do. made a cartel 1197 ■iloop Regulator do. Chatham 1198 b-igQ Charlotte Surprize destroyed 1199 siiip Milnes ^ 15 do. burnt 1200 brig Lively do. do. I20I sch'r P Regent do. do. 1202 ship Dorrfs do. do. 1203 brig Willing Maid do. do. 1204 brig Polly ■< 15 do. do. 1205 sch'r Sally do. do. 1206 privateer Lively 1 17 do. Salem 1207 ship Caledonia do. ransomed 1208 brig Eagle do. do. 1209 brig Traveller 100 do. made a cartel I2I0 brig Wellington • 15 do. do. 1211 brig Eliza 82 do. do. 1212 sch'r Ann do. Salem !21J transport Stranger* 6 20 Fox do. 12I4-121G 'hree vessels Spjrk given up 1217 l^etcb Expedition Grampus .\ew-York APPENDIX. 455 -1230 S218 1219 1220 1221 1222 1223 12:;4 1225 1226 1227 1228 122a- 1231 1232 1233 1234. 1235 12J6 1237 1238 1^:39 1240 1241 1242 J24i 1244 1245 1246 1247 1248 1249 1250 1251 1252 1253 1254 1255 1256-1257 1258 1259 1260- 1266 1267 1268 1269 1270 1271 1272 1273 1274 126: ch'r Charlotte Ann icii'r William l)ric)i'r James brig C'>aliers brig Harmony brig Elizabeth hip — Princess Mary scb'r Eliza 'irig Stranger •ch'r— ^hip Hermes* >loop Jane brig Tritor rans. ship Aaron* )rig Apollo Cutter Gen Dojl loop George br Boswick Packe brig Sibron briti Nymph brig Albion hip Harmony brig Charlotte brig Mfiry Ann brin Douglas Launches* me do. do. vhip Neptune 6 transports* sch'r Ann brig Susan ship James brig Jane sch'r— transport gloop-x^ brig .Avon* •irig Concord brig S[)eculation 14 175 65 Stirprize Viper Chasseur Grampus Fhip Anisba do. do. brig Eliza do. made a cartel ship Dobson do. burnt s!»ip Sallust do. made a cartel d'jop Christianna 50 Chasseur do. brig Prudence do. burr^t sloop Favorite do. do. brig Cornveallis (00 do. made a cartel brig Alert do. burnt brig Harmony 43 do. made a cartel ship Carlbury do. Baltimore brig Seaflower . 10 ship Peacockf destroyed brig Stranger B 20 do. do. sloop Fortitude do. do. brig Venus do. do. brig Diana ( 5 20 do. made a cartel sloop Leith Packet do. destroyed br. William & Ann K 3 40 do. do. brig Peggy & Jane do. do. barque William do. do. ship Sir Ed. Pellew ^ i 20 do. made a cartel brig Bellona 11 do. destroyed brig Trittoa 10 do. do. brig Duck 14 do. do. ship Mary 15 do. do. i)r.lhinksItomyself ' 2 20 Dash Portland scb'r Britannia 19 Harpy burnt brig Halifax Packet 40 do. Portsmouth brig Harvest York do. sch'r Prince Regent Da?h Portland (iriva. Retaliation 5 20 Two Friends Barnstable brig Commerce Chasseur Charleston sloop Farmer Mammoth sunk brig Britannia do. burnt ?ch*r Two Brothers 50 do. made a cartel brig Ann Eliza do. burnt brig Uniza do. do. brig Ansley do. scuttled brig Sarah do. burnt brig Sir H. Popham do. do. sch'r Rapid do. do. ship C.'facvtjpion 60 do. made a cartel two vessels do. destroyed -chr Thomas 40 do. (nade a cartel •f h'r Good Intent 4 3 do. do. brig Joseph irj 102 Mammoth made a cartel •iri? Eliza do. given up • ch'r— ' Cus. House barge Camden brig Alalanta sloop Waspf Savannah brig Europa 10 22 Petapsco Wilmington bria; Canada 10 Lawrence do. sch'r Fox* 2 25 by her own cre.K iVewbem brig William Chasseur do. brig Lulice 7 sloop Waspf burnt brig Bon Accord 7 do. 5unk transport Mary* 2 10 do. bjirnt brig Three Brothers 7 do. do. brig Bacchus 2 11 do. do. ship Ann Dorothy brig Hitam Saratoga Boston David Porter ransomed brig Nai.Cf Scourge New York ship Lortl Hood do. burnt brig Be'.field do. do. brig Susan &c James Fox do. sch'r Retrieve do. do. brig Concord do. made a cartel brig Cos*ac Surprize Boston sch'r Pink Grand Turk sunk brig Brothers do. do. brig Belgrade 50 do. made a cartel brig Robert Stewart do. burnt sch'r Commerce do. do. sch'r Mary Surprize sunk sch'r Bird Grand Turk Salem trans, ship Ocean* Gen Putnam do. sch'r Georgiana Grand Turk do. sloop — Scorpion do. sch'r — do. sunk sch'r Eugene Midas do. sch'r Stringer do. do. sch'r Betsey &. Jane Cadet Thomas town brig- Jonquillc ransomed sloop — Saucy Jack do. sch'r Mary do. do. sch KingstonPacket do. made a tender sloop Cyrus Packet tender burnt sloop Jane Saucy Jack made a cartel ship Amelia 12 40 do. burnt sch'r Weasel do. St. Mary's sch'r Jane do. Savannah brig Louisa Macedonian burnt brig Britannia do. do. ship Sir Ed Pellew 2 19 do. sunk sch'r Mariner 22 do. made a cartel sch'r— Resolution Charleston r>s ]oS APPENDIX. , 1376 brig S. B. 2 12 Kemp Charleston 1377 ship Ros ibell I 6 35 do. do. 1378 brig Vortsea 8 26 do. do. 1379 ship Princess 2 14 do. do. 1380 sch'r — Young Wasp Ocracoke 1381 sch'r Hazard Surprize burnt 1382-J383 (wo vesse-ls do. made cartels 1384 sch'r Maty do. burnt I3S5 Kris: Cnurfney Yankee Fairhaven 1j86 ^ch'r Poliy Dash Boston 1387 ^(•h'r Swift Expedition Machias 1388 ship Amiable Roger Wilmington 1389 sch'r— Hero Beaufort 1390 transport shipf Fort Bowyer Mobile 1391 sch'r Mary-Ann Cadet Thomastown 1392 =;ch'r St, John Jonquilla ransomed 1393 ^ch'r— do. made a cartel 1J94 brig Gen Maitland Dash Portsmouth 1395 • loop Mary do. made a cartel 1396 ch'r — Fame ThomastowH i;197 ich'r Peggy Caroline made a carte! 13y8 sloop Eliza do. sunk 1399 -ch'r Mariner do. made a carte] 1400 brig; Stephen 1 4 30 do. do. 1401 sloop Trinidad Jonquilla burnt 1402 brig Equity Orlando Boston 1403 br Lord Wellington Diamond t^iven up 1404 brig Margaret Young Wasp Philadelphia 1405 ship Hero ' 4 27 Ino Boston 1406 brig Coliers Amelia burnt 1407 sch'r Nancy do. ransomed 1408 brig Harmony do. made a carle! 1409 trans Elizabeth* 30 do. burnt 1410 sch'r Neptune 8 18 do. ransomed 1411 ketch Caroline 10 do. do. 1412 brig Susannah 21 do. made a cartel 1413 sch'r Mary 1 6 22 do. Philadelphia 1414 brig Pallas 8 21 do. do. 1415 ship Gen.Wellesley 8 86 Yankee wrecked 1416 brig- Paul Jones Portsmouth 1417 Cutter Eliza 106 Lawrence made a cartel 1418 brig Good Intent do. burnt 1419 Cutter Dart do. do. 1420 brig Chrisfiaa do. do. Uil sch'r Atalanta do. do. 1422 br Lord Wellington Expedition do. 1423 ketch Expedition do. ivrecked 1424 sch'r Gold Finder Young Wasp Elizabeth CifT 142.'» transport* 250 Cadet 5c S. Jack ^vrecked use sloopGov.Hodgdon Dash given ui> APPENDIX. 459 J 427 3rig Ouly Son '■ 1 10 Dash 'iivcn up 1428 entler* 36 Barjief < "harleston 1429 ransport* ^I. Orleans milili-i urnt 1430 >hip Jane Harpey do. 1431 irig Wm. Neilson do. •lade a cartel 1432 ,ch'r Nine Sisters do. iirut 1433 jrig Louisa do. fiiisomed 1434 >hip Win. &t Alfre*! do. do. 14S5 ransport Jant f do J ade a cartel 1436 jrig Courtney Yankee ransomed 1437 ;hip St. Andrew i } do. do. 1438 irig Speculator do. nade a cartel 1439 tjrig Patriot Brutus Charleston 1440 t)rig Dantzic Paul Jones Vtachias 1441 tender* > 20 Virginia militir Norlblk 1*42 transport Cyrus* i 12 Lcb. N Orleans-f tiiirnt 1443-1449 seven transports* 1 brig Peter Jll8 3 LauDchesf i-ake Borgne 1450 Lawrence IJeaufort 1451 brig John ' Perry lialtimore 1452 brig Nancy do. made a cartel 1458 sch'r — Warrior .vrecked 1454 ship Williaia Charles Stewart Bath 1455 brig — Harrison ransomed 1456 sch'r — do. do. 1457 ship Mary 6 Lilfle George >larblehead 1458 tender sch'r Brent* Z 14 Boatsf Charleston 1459 brig- Kemp Ocracoke 1460 sloop Enterprize Whig made a cartel 1461 brig Brunswick do. burnt 1462 sch'r Britannia do. do. 1463 brig Race Horse do. do. 1464 sch'r Mary Surprize do. 1465 sch'r Good Intent do. do. 1466 sch'r Nancy do. do. 1467 sch'r Hazard do. do. 1468 sch'r Sea Flower do. do. 1469 sch'r Lucy-Ann do. made a cartel 1470 brig Forth do. burnt 1471 ship Star 8 26 do. Baltimore 1472-147^ two vessels Roger burnt 1474 ship — Ranger do. 1475 brig Athill 8 Lawrence France 1476 sch'r George David Porter made a cartel 1477 brig William Lawrence Beaufort U78 brig- Champlain Portsmouth 1479 brig Susanna Sine qua non do. 1480 brig Flying Fish David Porter New-Bedford 1481 ship Corona 8 Chasseur Wilmington 1482 'pack Lady Pelham* 10 4( 1 Kemp do. -483 brig Sarab Warrior sunk 460 1484 1485 1486 1487 1488 I48y uyo 1491 1492 1493 1494 1495 1496 1497 1498 1499 1500 1503 1502 1503 1504 1505 1506 1507 1508 1509 1510 1511 1512 1513 1514 1515 1516 1517 1518 1519 1520 1521 1522 1623 1524 1525. 1526 1527 1528 1529 1530 1531 1532 1533 APrENDlX. brig Ly Troubridge ship Mary &, Susan scb'r Arrow sloop St. Lawrence^ ship Adventure sch'r Robert sloop Jubilee ich'r Hope ^hip Emulation schooner — " sch'r Ceres sch'r William sloop Unity brig Daphne br. Crown Prince transport Juno* brig Ocean brig Langtou brig Adeona seb'r Sultan brig Sarah brig Legal Tender brig— 'hip Auliguia ihip Limerick brig Helen brig Plutus ship Mary Ann brig Lord Duncan brig Cossac ich'r Resolution sloop — . ihip Otway brig— bri;i Alexander bi ig Eagle brig Susannah • ig Lord Nelson hip Arabella briff Madeira hip Anne ich'r Perseverance brig John br. Maria- Arrabella sloop Twins sloop L'Esperance sloop Constitution brig Mohawk ship- ship — ] 'i 85 25 I no Chasseur America Chasseur do. America do. do. Syren Macdonough Reindeer do. do. do. Porlsmoulb do. do. do. America Blorgian^ Warrior David Portfcr Prin. Neufchattel Fox Morgiana do. Young Wasp do. Morgiana do. Kemp do. do. do. Leo Lawrence ^. Constitution |- do. Rambler do. Zebec Ultor do. do. do. do. do. do. do. Avon Jacob Jones burnt Savannah Salem made a carte! Charleston destroyed do. Salem Gracioso burnt do. do. made a cartel ransomed Sedgwick made a cartel burnt ransomed Salem Wilmington burnt Machias lunk Portsmouth New -York do. given up do. burnt made a cartel Beaufort j;iven up ansomed do. wrecked do. t*few-York burnt Macoa ■j;iveu up Vew York burnt do. do. do. do. do. Baltimore- ransomed da. APPENDrX. 461 -.534 1535 1536 1537 1538 1539 1540 1541 1542 1543 1544 1545-1546 1547 1548 1549 1550 • 1551 1652 1553 1554 1555 1556 1557 1558 1559 1560 1561 1562 l5G3 1564 l565 1 566 1567 ]568 1569 1570 1571 1572 1573 1574 1575 1576 1577 1578 1579 1680 J581 1582 1583 1584 frigate Cyane* 34 brig Baltic loop Busy scli'r Black Joke loop Entcrprize pack. sh. Elizabeth 8 sch'r Patriot pilot Boat sch'r Ontario ;hip William ship Hero two scii'rs brig— bri}^ Resolution brij5 Ranger 10 sch'r Peggy ship Codtinenoia ship King George sch'r Two Brothers- ship Commerce '^hip Diana bri<4 Concord hip — ship Ned 10 loop Brothers sch'r Sally brig John 10 sch'r Robin sloop Caroline brig Ann ship Mentor brig Antrim brig Emma sch'r Betsey h. RalphNickerson loop — sloop Earl Camden brig Elizabeth brig Watson brig Mariner chr — ship Grotius brig Jane Gordon 10 sch'r Hunter sch'r Susan sch'r Vigilant brig Maria sch'r Falcon brig Jane dloop Little Phoenix 1 75 frig.Cons titutionf New- York I Grand Turk wrecked ! America burnt do. do. do. made a cartel :ji do. ! do. Rev Cut. Jeflfer'u Norfolk Custom House "Eastport N. Y Militia :St. Vincents brig Vixenf TeaztT Buskin Paul Jones Nancy 20 Matilda Wiley Reynard Wasp Essexf United we stan( Decatur 16 15 20 do. Marengo Industry Revenge Saucy Jack Gon. Washiugtoi Benj. Franklin Revenge Retaliation Growler Jack's Favorite do. Holkar 18 .^. Prisoners America Ontario Yankee do. do. do. Saucy Jack Frolic do. do. do. do. F. Presidenlf do. Cordelia do. New- York Machias Salem >forfolk Portland Philadelphia Portland Charleston Boston Newport Poriland do. New York Maiblehead Salem Charleston do. do. Portland New-York Salem New Orleans do. Newport Campeachy Salem Sackel'sHarbor France do. do. do. given up Salem burnt made a cartel do. ransomed France do. burnt do. 462 APPENDIX. 1585 sloop Fame 1586 sloop Chance 1687 sch'r Deep Nine 1588 sloop Watt 1589 si. Charming Eliza 1590 sloop Jamaica 1591 sch'r Phoenix 1592 brig Marquis 1593 brig Concord 1594 sch'r — 1595 Tenders 1596 ship Barclay J597 ship Ashum 1598 brig Trident 1599 brig Haddock 1600 sch'r Columbia 1601 brig Fire Fly 1602 brig Mary 160 J sch'r Eliza 1604 brig Argo 1605 brig- 1606 trans. Lord Keith 1607 brig Penguin* ' Cordelia do. do. do. do. do. do. Yankee Rattlesnake F. Essexf Virginia Militia F. Essexf T.Blood Yankee Scourge do. Portsmou th Sabiae Argo Portsmouth Surprize Grampus Mars 22 182 Hornetf Total, gum 3083.-— U 797 men. burnt do. made a cartel do. unk do. made a cartel NewBedford Norway sunk Norfolk Peru France burnt do. Newburyport Wilmington burnt Machias Portland do. Newport sunk APPE^^IX. 460 BIDDLE'S VICTORY. Copy of a Letter from Captain Biddle to Commodore Decatur, datetl V. Slates' Sloop Hornet, off Trislan'd Acunha, March 25, 1815. SIR — I have the honor to inform, that on the morning of the 23d inst at half past ten, when about to anchor, off the north end of the island of Tristan'd Acunha, a sail was seen to the southward and east- ward, steering to the westward, the wind fresh from the S. S. W. In a few minutes she had passed on to the westward so that we could not see her for the land. I immediately made sail to the westward, and shortly after getting sight of her again, perceived her to bear up before the wind. I hove too for him to come down to us. — When she had ap- {iroached near, I filled the maintopsail, and continued to yaw the ship, while she continued to come down ; wearing occasionally to prevent her passing under our stern. At 1 40 P. M. being nearly within muskef shot distance, she hauled her wind on the starboard tack, hoisted Eng- lish colors, and tired a gun. We immediately luffed too, hoisted our ensign and gave the enemy a broadside. The action being thus com- menced, a quick and well directed fire was kept up from this ship, the enemy gradually drifting nearer to us, when at ih 55m, he bore up, ap- parently to run us on board. As soon as I perceived he would certainly fall on board, I calli;d the boarders so as to be ready to repel any attempt to boar(' us. At the instant every officer and man repairwl to the quarter deck, where the two vessels were coming in contact, and eager- ly pressed me to permit them to board the enemy : but this I would not permit, as it was evident from the commencement of the action that our fire was greatly superior both in quickness and in effect. The enemy's bowsprit came in between our main and mizen rigging, on our starboard side, affording him an opportunity to board us, if such was his design, but no attempt was made. There was a considerable swell on, and as the sea lifted us ahead, the enemy's bowsprit carried away our mizen shrouds, stern davits and spanker boom, and he hung upon our larboard quarter. At this moment an oiBcer, who was afterwards recognize*' to be Mr. M'Donold, the first lieutenant, and the then commanding officcT^ called out that they had surrendered. I directed the marines and mus- ketry men to cease firing, and, while on the taffrail asking if tbcy had surrendered, I received a wountl in the neck. The enemy just then got clear of us, and his foremast and bowsprit being both gone, and per- ceiving us wearing to give him a fresh broadside, he again' called out that he had surrendered. It was with difficulty I could restrain my crew from firing into him again as he had certainly fired into us after having surrendered. From the firing of the first gun, to the last time the enemy cried out he bad surrendered, was exactly 22 minutes by the watch. She proved to be H. B. M. brig Penguin, mounting sixteen 32 lb carronades, two long 12's, a twelve lb. carronade on the top gallant forecastle, with swivels on the capstrrn and in the tops. She had a spare port forward, so as to fight hpfh hfr long guns of a side. .ShesalJ: 464 APPENDIX. ed from England ia September last. She is io all respects, a remark- ably fine vessel of ber class. The enemy acknowledge a complement of 182 men ; 12 of them supernumerary marines from the Medway 74, They acknowledge, also, a loss of 14 killed, and 28 wounded ; but Mr. Mayo, who was in charge of the prize, assures me that the number of killed was certainly greater. Among the kilied is Captain Dickenson, who fell at the close of the action, and the boatswain ; among the woun- ded, is the second lieutenant, purser, and two midshipmen. Each of the midshipmen lost a leg. Having removed the prisoners, and taken on board such provisions and stores as would be useful to us, I scuttled the Penguin, this morning before day-light, and she went down. As she was completely riddled by our shot, her foremast and bowsprit both gone, and her mainmast so crippled as to be incapable of being secured, it seemed unadvisable, at this distance from home, to attempt sending her to the United States. This ship did not receive a single round shot in her bull, nor any ma- terial wound in her spars ! the rigging and sails were very much cut ; but having bent a new suit of sails and knotted and secured our rigging, we are now completely ready, in all respects, for any service. We were eight men short of complement, and had nine upon the sick list the morning of the action. Enclosed is a list of killed and wounded. I have the honor to be, &c. J. BIDDLE. AMERICAN LOSS. Killed, 1— Wounded, II. BRITISH LOSS. fiilled, 14.— Wounded, 28. noTE—TIie above Viclory was not received in time io be inserted in its 2»roper pla£«. SUBSCRIBERS NAMES. 465 Hartford Freeman Kilbourn Abner Jones Simeon Anold Daniel Phelps Elizur B. Smith Cyrus Woodruff Daniel Dewey Aaron Roberts Josiali HutDjihrey Stephen Camp Wm. H. Marsh Joseph Cburch Thas. P S wafer Joseph Z7urice Henry Perkins George i?eckwith Whilin- Clark James Keep Charles Benjamin Horace Z?elden Theodore S. Z?enton Henry Dwier John Gains (ieorge Larkum Diodate Taylor I'jiijah Treadway, jr. John May Wm. Gleason fsrael Shepard i-'recnian Shepard Chauncry AVaters Nathaniel Patten Daniel Bicknell Antlross &c Deming Vlli^ha Siiepard Levi Clark Adna North Aphek Woodruff Kufel C. I7ane L>an. DemtDg Jennus Lewis Preserved Marshal Samuel Tiilotson isahel Hart -Miles Lee ■Seth Wadsworth L/aniel Clark Sidney Hart Southington \bel Carter Inson Mathews Innna .indrus Michael Kugg SoiUhtvick Wait Easton U'esl Harlford illen Whiting, 2d. Charles Church Chester Samuel Sanderson /abez Law Kaal-Hartfrtrd Joel WadftWortli U Williams John Abby ./ared Shepard George Rich Benjamin Culver Warren Millard Abel Clark Socrales Zlalcan Benjamin J. BoardmanlGeorge W. Gilbroon John Millard Josfah Hempsted, jr. .iValban Dike man Varmins^toti yii Todd Nodiah Hooker damuel Dickenson Frederick Audrus 5saac Buck Nodiah Woodruff Vtisusfiis Bodwell Ab.l Woodruff -Merrin Clark Timothy M Namon /obn Ripley Samuel Johnson 'Viiliam Taber r'eftr Brown Haniel Edwards isher I/»vight Granville /■iiah Hotch Silvester Spelman Juel Root Blanford Oharles Cliurch r>liver W Slucum Timothy S. Hatch i'lson Collins Jasper .flooth Lee (Mass) Erastus Foot jOAniel Foot Bartholomew Bulkier Daniel Williams hiiJfUld Salmon Eusign Horace Hosmer Christopher Jones I'hodrab Trumbull Samue-I Eldridgc Oliver Rising izel F. Kenr Zlfred Sikes Luther Lewis Oliver Sheldon ifuthony Gabriel Thomas .Austin jr. Ichabod Smith jr. Elisha Gunn ledediah Gere Zcbulon .fZdaras rhadeus Sikes Stamford \athan Hill Norwich Asa Mann MonlviHe George Fox 1 Lff)arion Isaiah Loo mis John Haywood Isaiah Looniil 3d H'est SprtNgHeld (Ms^ Roswell Leonard Harvey .3dams Sirijamin Leonard Thadeus Leonard Jesse Mfc'Intire ISrastus Jonelon IflTred Flower lilijali Porter 'Seih Norton jr. 50 A6G SUBSCRIBEBS NAMES. Granhy Horace Hinsdale Zacheus Hays Hebron John H JFells Daniel Brown *3in()s Phelps Elihu Wright jJuson Gillet Henry Saunders John Payne Samuel Skinner Clarke Elliot William^ Sumner Colchester Ralph Clark John Holmes Frederick Daniels Washington Dotha W addam Daniel Clark Samuel Levitt Mansfield Dildc\nton— 3 Satnuel Reed Til us father Oliver Phelps Jonathan Pottibone \'en'-Mnl borough ('Ma^j.Ri chard Coil >;Hthaniel Spa;ildi/(g MaUiorough Kdwarii Root / iines Duvant Esq. Plymouth "ViJHh «ill Providence (R I ) > miel Kandal New Hartford iilton /^arnay Goslien *'iineas Miner J.ivid Lucas ^ ephen Hadley iiles Hills tnses Wadham {•Am Buel S/>!Tiuel Chapin T.M'ry Burtch firam Norton arleton Humphrey Cornivall vunuel Sterling • ilmon Thomson <>t Hart Samuel P. Johnson Jiiver Ford 'feman Cole ' uiiah Ho I ley ■hny Skiff >iinoch Peck Gamalid Everett Canaan ./mis Trunuta S. Wetmore George Jarvis Clark Taylor David .^Zudrus John Wetmore 2d Ichabod Loomis ^mos Piatt John Merrill Torrington Stephen Tyler Elisha Rowley i^hilip frolcott Jbijah Osboro Sheffield Silas Barnes Frederick J Brown Jonathan Hubbard FittsJield(Mass) John Case Moses .Jllen Canton Norman Dyer S alikbnry /ohn JSissell Lemon Heacock Hubbanl Peck Gilbert Brown M«)idalen King /^enajah Camp James Harris Isaac Barilett f^'iliiarri Cain Isaac Fosbnry Barnabas Freeman Canadaiqua (iS . Y.J rfamuel Hart Abraham H. Bennel' Philip J. Mo',vs Win Kctr.hum John B N orris Samuel Davis lAndrew Slewcst Elisha C. Wright Enoch Foht's Dyer B. Draper SUBSCRIBERS NAMES. 467 Gideon Cande Peter Barriiiger Beiij-iiiiin Morris Charles Gage OtiinialJ. \V. Taylor Wm H. Ackley Joel E. Mory David Chisbrou James Gettey John M. Sa^vyer Wiliard Flint Zo[ihu Beach Luinan Brown Gilbert Christee Mc McNair Michael J Souhoer Alfred Kennedy Noah Gates W. P Groesbeck Solomon Riggs M. Abbro Joseph Gjuld Wm R Waldron P. B Uuderhill Simon Hall Lambert Barnum Daniel Learned Miihael Sprague Z. &cS Larnards Abel Barnes Levi Smith Isaac Morse George Cieaveland Lotus Andrews John Ervvin Gideon Civefiss Hugh Canigan John Wads worth John C. McNair Abner Bunnel Birdsey Woodruff Ficlor (N. Y.) Rufus Dryer Reuben Brace Samuel Giilis John Jacobs Ezekiel Schuddor Lyman Turner Patrick Scollen Paul S. Richardson Asahel .Moore Isaac Scudder Asa Hickox Joseph Row lew J. B Blannot Calvin Green Anthony VVoodruff Jeremiah Hull Jacomiah Merrill Aaron Crankite J M Hughs Solomon Turner Nath. O. Dickenson Sophia B. Brace Samuel Kawson John Arn dd Uaac Marsh Samuel Johnson Peter C. Lane ^Vm. Bushnell •^2lisha Smith Ju!^eph S Hull i4I;itti)evv Ogden ■.'iiurnas Dodd I >lin Pliss ):iniel BuCTam H'lh Berry I )hn Porter a Lusk l-.aac Morse Vmbrose P. Fox iaron Birdsall lohn Clime loseph Lane Palmira, (X. Y.) iienry Wood \Vhip|)le Sfruter James F. Smith George Barkcorth ■jiias Shirbliff •iamuel Horton Wm. P Wilson I >hn Milli.ian ■5 >lomon Jjce Silas Hurlburt David S. Jack way Seymour Scovell lohn Dowling Samuel Simmons be2 Blackmor Abraham Spear ^oseph Tinkham vVebb Haswood iiilander Packard S'm. Bennett i^aac Smith isa Smith i jrace N Warren laei J Kictiardson jilisha Cobb David Warren ^Vin. W. daswGod vbiier Hill aac Beach Iremiah Irons iDuis \ndrU60 Luke Holbrook Elihu Rovvsou riiomas Fast Joshua Bridge Jrtmes Benjamin )a(iiel M Bristol Levi Leach Levi Sargeant I'artemeus Packard George Hopkins Andrew Low Job W. Jafift Wm. Rogers Jonah Howell George W Stoddar Isaac S. Richmond Peter Foster G^orge Tucker \. A Tyler \mos H. Reed Wm McLean \l)ner Cole Joshua S. Terry Fred*;rick Smith Ira Selby. Ezra Shepardson Ara Camfield Thos. StimsoB Henry Yale 408 SUBSCRIBERS NAMES. Isaac Ande Levi Thayer Peter Bower Isaac Aldrich Jeduthan Tucker Henry Pairsel Wing WalkcT John Longly Farminglon, N. Y. Stephen Howard Robert Power Arthur Power Sylvester R. Hathewa\ John Lopham Junis Cronkite HiJg!'s E. Fuller Asa Smith Jeremiah Whitney Isa;ic Carr Wm. Mason Truman Heminway Abel Harrington Jacob Eddy fcjaiuuel Cooper Francis Moore Israel Pattison George McCrumb Peter Brown Stephen Skellinger Josiah Crosman, jr. Joseph Watson Nathan Barlow Berjarain B. Brown Ricli?rd Dillon Nicholas Chrisban Benjamin Throop John D. Hoskius Ash Thomas Hezekiah Luther Reuben Buck Addison Buck Dariel Smith John Averill James Henry Gid'=:on Roys Shubat'l Clark Garmer Elsworth John Hart Davit Botsford Abial Tripp Moses Vanflret Frederick Payne Calvin Bacon Orrin Upson Audrus Stanley Jesse Rayner Benjamin Depree, jr. Saraiiel Janes Eseck Brown Blias Dennis Robert Hannass John S Duster, jr. John Greanold Selah Bepd BloomfifldN Y. Abraham Beach David jBassfctt Samuel Howard John \ViIkins Edward Sawyer Glias Loof vjrongh James Pastnelo James Merrill Zenas B. Dryer Michael Brookes Moses Cleaveland William Ketchum Eiihu Younglove iJames Root Oliver Chapins Philo Taylor George j^aker .7sa Johnson Josiah S. JJaldwin Randolph W. Hall Eben Kellogg Jonathan Hawley Clark Sanford John C'lossan Nathaniel Dupper Asa Smith J hn Peters J &c T.Jones 7 )hn J. Keyes Ephraim Wethcrill Harvey Roberts Ralph Wilcox Ed'Aard W Rose filbert Toras Cynthia Saxton ! Elisha E^lestoi^ Amos Avetj Peter Putnam Joseph Miner viaron R Passon Nathaniel Shcpard Williim H. Baker Piiilemon Yale Whiting Mann John Lee /(ifugusius Hotchkiss Cla7k Peck Ihacx Merrill George Viols George C. Nichols Brooks Chad wick William Lre, jr. Henry Amorin b>astus Hunt Ebetiezer Brigham L( man Critendou Stephen Hurlburt Pearley H Phillips Abraham Flint Frederick Ross S.tmuel Tupper Frederick Pennoyer \bner Alms Lf arcus Eddy Oliver Humphrey Mordecai Wilson John Coalbroth George A. Adams Joshua Preston Ulica, N. Y. James Rogen Wm. Hitchcock Timothy Allen John Crane WiUinnison, .V. H Eliakum Brown \lpheus Curtis James J. Seely Sarel Bonnet Nathan Williams Kpliraim Pierce irtemus Easlabrook fiUther Bristol ■Jieorge W. Hatch \ndrew CornweM SUBSCRIBERS NAMES. 469 Hawley Reed Ainos Gage Thomas Foster IMoses Sealy Epliraiin Lincoln Russell Coles Samuel Throop Eleazur Stocking J. W. Hallet Win. L. Grandin Abraham Pepper Richard Svvf.et Henry Tinklepach Alexander White Elisha Wood David Fish Jahiel Parks li'illiamsien^n Eli Paine Thos. Jones John Foote WedBloomfuld, N. Y Moses Baldwin John Putnam Preserved Hall Jonathan Chase, jr. Wm. Clark David Parsons Ralph Leavensworth Ira Webb Michael Siuger Lima, N. Y. Stephen Tinker La/arus Church Thaddeus Ward Francis Saunders Matthew Warner Isaac Farvar E. Belden Horace Hand Wm. Wallace Peter Olds Barton Monroe Andeel Abby Willard Humphrey Dan Baican Zetotus Hovey Cch. Morgan Math aw Ma win ■^lanson Brown Gideon Thayer Anna Stevens Wni. Bond Calvin Wilcox Pary Case Elisha F. Davies Polly Pasthhunt Parker Buel lohn Sci ambling John Buiieil Wm. Bacon Frances Smith Asahel Warner Ezekiel Fox Cdlvin Perrin Slockbridge, Mass. Samuel Dryen J >seph W. Marsh John Dresser Charles Bardwell Calvin Blood Jnhn Wallsworth Daniel Talcott Piiilo Carter Barlow Rowe Truman Dewey Patrick Hauilicton Samuel Bacon Franklin C. Cook Lyons, N Y. rruman Hawley Richard Beard Samuel Trowbridge Asa Shattuck Josiah Cartrete John D. Gufchel Charles Hatch John Wadley Samuel Andrus Rlisha C. Wright Solomon Kelsey Robert York Richard Manchester Samuel Davis Joseph D. Dennis Lawrence Barkley Andrew C. Hull David W. Ferine Peter D. Dunham Amanda Roys Philander Mitchell Robert W. Ashley Sc'muel R sseter Euiauue! Ketlle Ezid Jewet LViijamiu Price flloses B fJurlbut Benjamin Everitt Jane Gilvon Sajijuel Tr'Avbridge iJacob M. Gibbert Elic^s Hull Daniel Dorsey Wm. Walling Jo.seph Ellis I fesse B(ard |Wm Fulton Cornelia Kurkendall .dvon, N. Y. Vorioan Daveson Caleb Cole Allen Culver John Sparling chabod Rogers John Barlow Wm. Allen Mtndon, N. Y. Chauncey Roberts John J Wilcox Jamrs Thayer Daniel Gilson Jacob Youngs Joel Roberts Wm. Sanford lames Clark Guy Shaw Ezra Smith Henry Courtier Obadiah Force Abram Spear Nathan Ormsby Charles Moore Thos. Lovland Asahel Rowell Luther Adams Henry Josljn Robert Dayen E'isha F(»ot Cyrus "Webster Nathan Brvar. 470 SUBSCRIBERS NAMES. Samuel Lane Samuel Stimson Ephraim Novness Joliu Lowell Henry Cogswell John Keep neiiton,N. Y. Giles Norton — 2 Charles Cahovin SaiHuol Skerritt James E. Grady Reuben Hart Harris Seymour Rufus Hathaway Cyrus West Alden Smith Thos Desbrow Horatio Crane Middlesex, N. Y. Thos Saunders Joseph M Reaves Joseph Woodard Isaac Uotchkiss John Brookelbank John Tilton Archibald Armstrong Reuben LambertoB £. R. Hill Garjer M. Anderson Paul Clapp John Marshal James F Penn Luther Bartlett Ridgrvay, JV. Y. James Clement Rochester; N. Y. Daniel Mack J. Kenepshall Robert Bissell Russell A. Dickinson Leonard C. Morgan Bolton Chauncey Wakefield Noah Strong Gorliam, N Y. Jonathan tlawks Philip Hind Seth Staniey Wm Nichols Tchabocl Bristol [Jasper Shepard Zebbeus L. Knapp Stephen Payne Caleb Rathbun Wm. Cleaveland George Brundage James Moor Jeremiah Brown Edward Keith Er.istus Handy Elias Depu John S. Rowley Joseph Gibbert David Knapp Mary Benham Ezekiel Sampson iJouathan Harwood Sparla, N. Y. Wm. D. McNair Honeyjoy, N. Y. Nathaniel Allen Jasaill Farr Buffalo, N. Y. Oliver Coit Genesee, N. Y. Horatio Jones, jr. Livona, N. Y. George Pulmen I Fhelps, N. Y. George Grimes Peleg Wilbur John Hewes Henry Wilson Daniel Hall Peleg Norris Wm. H Woodward Henry Rowley Willson Coggshall Peter Holaday [Benjamin J. Hicox Francis Read Hi>sea Marsh John Sickles John S. i>ay Stephen Hall James Pullea Hiram Luce Wm. /iickinson Oliver Inearth Samuel Baldwin IDaniel Miller 'Wm. Peer \(iam Vauduren Fredus Granger 8 Jonathan Clark „Mary Westfall Sally Voorliies Henry Jowar Adam Learn Hugh Brown Samuel Durui Nathaniel Kinyoii George Zimmerman Asahel Banister John Warner Eleazer Hawks Jacob Cooper Jr. James Sober Joel Thayer \lpheus Lang Peter Westfali John Smock lames McDowel Thomas Hutchings David Vanauken John Vanauken lanna B. Lewis Biron Woodhull Solomon Walker Levi Ostrander \sa Dinsmore Henry West [Joshua McKinsIey William Melton Hfczekiah Seager \rthur Fairbrother Samuel Johnson Wm Bartlet Geneva. (N. Y.J George Matham William Wickoff James Hays Samuel Provast William Watson Baseley Baker Milo Taylor Roger Hogarth Jacob B. Hall A-utville W. Walrath Israel CritbudcD SUBSCRIBERS NAMES. 471 Joseph Throckmarfon Caimllns (N. Y) Henry Bedfield Seneca (J\ Y.) John M. Cobb Henry Moore James Cully Sally McCary Ct^ester H Benton Elijah Wilder Solomon Gates Joel Whitney Nathan Whitney EleRZur F. Gleason Stephen Taylor Ziichard Anthony Joseph Brunday John E Sty Daniel Colwell Crosby Maxwell Nine Starr Naples (N. Y.) Ebenezer L Boon Sodus,(N.Y ) David Bray ton Thomas Wheeler Ira Shelley Seba Norton jr. John Blanchard Seba Norton Stephen Bushnel! Joel I>nolittle Alva Hill Sarah Eadus John Briggs Benjamin Morrow Bennet Farr Henry Pitcher Mary Axtill Braddic Davis Henry Siccum Thadeus Bancraft Henry D. Chapman Galaslu Harrington Charles Morgan Wm. Cory Samuel Hall Elijah Holcomb Enoch Morse -^enks Crillon I Peter Riggs \Nu\. Delano Lonson Cora Teor2;e Sar^eants Stephen Johnson //aron Corey Moses A. filakeley Lyman /Running Juhn Wilson fti)bert A Paddock ()tis Hay ward Maxnclt (N Y.J Wm. N Lummis Wm D. Erwin Thomas Wafer Epiiraim Coon Brisfol, (N. Y.J Oaniel Do(.\ge Chicwalws fj\. Y J Asahel Widy Ontario fN.Y J \bel Wolcott fames Buckley Ira Howard Oaniel Ethridg Reuben Randolph Lot Stone Wavid JL^alrymple Thomas Powers Wm. Barnhart Daniel Lyon Benja Thobbins Miles Smith LulherFilumre Alfre'm. Comes alvin Hotchkiss f^/arius Hicox xiah G. Baldwin Samuel J. Holmef) iohn Smith Jharles Leonard Siiiis Pardy James Jones, jr. \,ustin Steele — 10 itichard B. Harrison Iohn S. Tuttle Edward Nichols VrSxir Morris Samuel Pinch Wm C. Shannon Clark Bunnell Statira Benham Polly M. Merrel! Olive Olds -Samuel Root Jesse Porter Zelah Jariel ,/ames Brown Vndrew Bryan f/ai ris Bronson Daniel Steele jr Heman Payne Thomasj G. Mur' Daniel Welton Wm Covrcs Daniel Steele Zenas Cooke Anion Sherry jr, Joel Scott Benjamin JarreU Cheshire Thomas Benham Philo Mie Amos Hall Jesse •Steele Leveret Bradley Benjauiin Spcrry 472 SUBSCRIBERS NAMES. Wrn. Johnson Jac )b Ri)binsoa Gneu Smith Samuel Duraiuljr. John Dayton Phiiieas Atu'ater Isaac R. W lirooks Win Peck Auimiel Lewis Darling H.Byington John Potter Silas Gay lord Salem Wm. Hoadley jr. Felersham Mass. Lucius Spooner Meriden Solomon Flagg Norlhford Dennis Talrnage Vernon Flavel C Kins:;sbury Woodhridge Asacl Jiukl Isaac Hofchkiss jr. Phineas Hitchcock Ancon Perkins James Perkins New Haven Joseph Steele 2d liird-^ey Judson John J. Hallard Rnkard B. Mallory Caleb Gtjines Alexander ]M. Henry J ihn Stewart Hugh Lar2;en Wm. Haryhill Stephen Deekman Caleb Hofchkiss Henry F Osborn James S;)» rney Pills/brd /v. 1'. James Cowego Jacol) F. Pester Ileman BicKvell John F L)of borough John Hunt jr. Na;!)an Nye ("ladius Bou^hton Henry Bailey Win. Griffin Lyman .Wilier Phineas King [John Gof dwin John Osboru Robert Horn Caleb Nye Joseph Bradish Isaac Sto" Anthony L Brings Wm. Taylor Silas W Newcomb Jonathan Perin Nathan Davis Major H. Smith James Gallagher Samuel Fett George Law Thomas Mattson Alfred Doul Tames Merrill Henry Paddock Aaron Brighton Phineas Hil! Win. M Kinsley Samuel Perin iS^athaniel Marsha! Tames Gallop ra Blodget Luther Ludden Isaac Dimond Tonah D. Simons lames Stodard Isaac Robinson Luther Darrel jr. lohn Acre Luther CChamberlaii Samuel Sonbury Hazard K Tinker Sf (h Turrell Varon L'lsk Hiram Cady Oavid Acre Jolm Ray Vriel Newcomb loel Robert Satiian A. Caliioon ">a;nu?l Tillotson Danici M. Rood yOaniel Marble Gates A'. Y. Hamlet Swantom Elijah Darrow Gtfnoa N. Y. John Obert FenfteldN. Y. James Spear Henry J. Shermans J. B. Bryan Gershom Daineam Reuben Duleher Sylvester Rellogg Ebenezer Cook John Amsden Ezra Kapp [Jabez Matthews jr. |Samue! Thomson Joseph Hatch Elizabeth Sears Stephen Warren Brighton N. 5 Aaron Parker Otis \Valker Ralph Malbone John Lucas Daniel Tinker Joim Gorton Francis Postal Simon Stone — ■i- Orange Stone Alva Stone Aaron Brown John Warimman Kellogg Vosburgh iEbenezar Mcrwii* Oliver Culver I Gideon Cobb Caleb Batch Henry Miller Jonathan Ilussel' Auna Ross Joel Scutlder Joseph Colwell Paringlon A". 1 Slizur Lusk Gbenrzur Stone \sa Gay jr Uvi Treaihvell Joshua C. Eaton ' '-Oi/V