4 
 
 4°* . 
 
 .* 4> 
 
 
 v. *«» ^ ♦*■ 
 
 9* *V«* "> V % ..»^ 
 
 ^ 
 
 : ^^ - 
 
 
 > ^> ** ♦*<! 
 
 
 
 «fev* 
 
 Aq 
 
 «» •' 
 
 
 * ^ 
 
 4* % 
 
 *.!»& 
 
 **r 
 
 C? vfV. • 
 
 
 
 by 
 
 '■r. 
 
 
 
 
 r ^^ • 
 
 ■ * A>^ 
 
 A <► *<??•* ,G* >», *• • » * A <► *<7Y r « 
 
 
 .4 
 
 v^\/ %^S?V \*^\^ ^ 
 
 V 
 
 
 O^ *o 
 
 
 9 e\' 
 

 V *v * * 
 
 
 
 ^ 
 
 
 -^ • « » Av 
 
 *k *. 
 
 
 ■4°* .1 
 
 v % ..j^v%^ a4 o 
 
 *P**k 
 
 1**1 
 
 v-* 
 
 r^-.OT*\*r^ 
 
 
 
 
 \: 
 
 ^ • • ° at 
 
 
 
 
 *' 
 
 
 .o* .-.. "*> "' v^:.i^r*« 
 
 
 , *, 
 
 
 
 l0* 
 
 
 
 
 OK 
 
 
 
 
 %'?$%\<? \-f>*\S ***S5£v ! 
 
FORMATION 
 
 OF THE 
 
 MASSACHUSETTS ABOLITION SOCIET 
 
 A meeting of the friends of the slave was holden at the Marlboro' 
 Hotel, on Monday, May 27, 1839, at 3 o'clock, P. M. to take into con- 
 sideration the present state of the anti-slavery cause, as carried on by 
 the present organization in the State; and also to hear and act upon 
 the report of a Committee chosen at a preliminary meeting, to draft a 
 constitution. 
 
 The meeting was organized by the choice of Rev. D. S. King of 
 Boston, Chairman, and J. W. Alden of Cambridgeport, Secretary, 
 and was opened with prayer, by Rev. C. T. Torrey of Salem. 
 
 After some consultation in regard to the formation of another State 
 anti-slavery society, on the original basis of the American Anti-Slavery 
 Society, from which the present State society is believed to have wide- 
 ly and fundamentally departed, it was unanimously 
 
 Voted, That this meeting now proceed to the organization of a new- 
 State Anti-Slavery Society. 
 
 Voted, That the Report of the Rev. A. A. Phelps be accepted, and 
 that the Preamble and Constitution presented by him, be now read and 
 acted on In its parts. . 
 
 The following Preamble and Constitution as amended, were then 
 unanimously adopted: 
 
 PREAMBLE AND CONSTITUTION OF THE MASSACHUSETTS 
 ABOLITION SOCIETY * 
 
 Whereas the Most High God "hath made of one blood all nations 
 of men to dwell on all the face of the earth," and hath commanded 
 them to love their neighbors as themselves; and whereas our national 
 existence is based upon this principle, as recognized in the Declara- 
 tion of Independence, " that all men are created equal, and are endow- 
 ed by their 1 Oreator with certain unalienable rights, among which are 
 life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness; " and whereas, in the face 
 of this solemn avowal before Almighty God and the world, and in vio- 
 lation of the principles of natural justice, of righteous government, and 
 of the Christian religion, nearly one sixth part of this nation are held 
 m bondage by their fellow countrymen; and whereas we regard such 
 
 ♦The name of the society, as at first adopted, was the "Massachusetts State 
 Anti-Slavery Society;" the word "State," being inserted to distinguish it 
 from the old society*. It was subsequently changed by the Committee author- 
 ized to do it, if they thought it advisable, as will be seen by the records. 
 
7 
 
 2 
 
 'ery as destructive to the prosperity, peace, union, and liberties of 
 entire country and of the several States, and believe that righteous- 
 ness alone can exalt this nation, that the command of Jehovah, to "ex- 
 ecute judgment," and by righteous law, as well as other means, "de- 
 liver him that is spoiled out of the hand of the oppressor," is binding 
 is as a people, and therefore, that "there are, at the present time, 
 the highest obligations resting on the people of the free," as well as 
 the slave "states, to remove slavery by moral and political action, as 
 ribed in the constitution of the United States," and of the several 
 States; and whereas we believe it the duty and the interest of the 
 makers, immediately to emancipate their slaves without expatriation, 
 and that no scheme of colonization, either voluntary or by compulsion, 
 .. remove this great and increasing evil, and that we owe it to the 
 oppressed, to our fellow citizens who hold slaves, to our whole coun- 
 try, to posterity, to immutable justice, and to God, to do all that is 
 lawfully in our power to bring about its utter extinction, we do here- 
 by agree, with a prayerful reliance on the Divine aid, to form our- 
 selves into a society for this purpose, to be governed by the follow- 
 ing 
 
 CONSTITUTION. 
 
 Article I. This society shall be called the Massachusetts Abolition 
 Society, and shall be auxiliary to the American Anti-Slavery Socie- 
 Art. II. The doctrines of this society are summarily set forth in the 
 preamble to this constitution. Its objects are the entire abolition of 
 slavery and the slave trade in the United States, and the elevation of 
 the character and condition of the people of color, and their admission 
 to equal religious, civil, and political rights and privileges with the 
 whites. It will endeavor to effect these objects by the use of all means 
 sanctioned by law, humanity and religion. It will aim, through the 
 agency of the living speaker and of the press, to convince all our fel- 
 low citizens of the correctness of its doctrines and the propriety and 
 justice of its objects. It will also endeavor, in a constitutional way, 
 to influence Congress to put an end to the slave trade, and to abolish 
 slavery in all those portions of our common country which come under 
 its control, especially in the District of Columbia, and likewise to pre- 
 vent the extension of it to any State that may hereafter be admitted to 
 the Union. 
 
 Art. III. Any person who consents to the principles of this constitu- 
 tion, is in favor of its objects and measures, and is not a slaveholder, 
 may become a member of this society by signing its constitution and 
 contributing to its funds. Any person may become a life member by 
 the contribution, at one time, of Ten Dollars, or two dollars annual- 
 ly. And Life Members shall be entitled to a copy of all the publica- 
 tions of the society. 
 
 Art. IV. The officers of the society shall be a President, Vice Presi- 
 dents, a Recording Secretary, a Corresponding Secretary, a Treasur- 
 er, an Auditor, and a Board of Managers, composed of the above, and 
 not less than ten other members of the society. 
 
 Art. V. The Board of Managers shall annually elect an Executive 
 Committee, to consist of not less than five, 4101- more than twelve mem- 
 bers, which shall be located in Boston, who shall have power to enact 
 their own bye laws, fill any vacancy in their body and in the offices of 
 Secretary and Treasurer, employ agents, determine what compensa- 
 tion shall be paid to Agents and Secretaries, direct the Treasurer in 
 the application of all monies, and call special meetings of the society.. 
 They shall make arrangements for all meetings of the society, make 
 
an annual written report of their doings, the income, expenditures, 
 and funds of the society, and shall hold stated meetings, and adopt 
 the most energetic measures in their power to advance the objects of 
 the society. 
 
 Art. VI. The President shall preside at all meetings of the society, 
 or in his absence one of the Vice Presidents, or in their absence, a 
 President pro tem. The Corresponding Secretary shall conduct the 
 correspondence of the society. The Recording Secretary shall notify 
 all meetings of the society, and of the Executive Committee, and shall 
 keep records of the same in separate books. The Treasurer shall col- 
 lect the subscriptions, make payments at the direction of the Execu- 
 tive Committee, and present a written and audited account, to accom- 
 pany the annual report. 
 
 Art. VII. The society shall hold an annual public meeting each year 
 at Boston, on the Tuesday next preceding the last Wednesday in May, 
 when an abstract of the annual report shall be read, and addresses de- 
 livered. It shall hold its annual meeting for the choice of officers, the 
 acceptance of the report, and the transaction of other business, on the 
 same or succeeding day, at such time and place as may be designated 
 by the Executive Committee. 
 
 Art. VIII. Any Anti-Slavery Society founded on the same principles 
 and for the same objects, may become auxiliary to this society, and be 
 entitled to a representation at its meetings, of one for every twenty-five 
 members, provided, however, that every society shall be entitled to 
 send at least one delegate. 
 
 Art. IX. The business of the society shall be transacted in meetings 
 constituted, first, of the officers and agents of the society; and second, 
 of such gentlemen as may be sent as delegates from auxiliary socie- 
 ties. 
 
 Art. X. This constitution may be amended, at any annual meeting 
 of the Society, by a vote of two thirds of the members present, pro- 
 vided the amendments proposed have been previously submitted, in 
 writing, to the Executive Committee. 
 
 Voted, That a committee of six be appointed to nominate officers 
 for this society, and report at a subsequent meeting. A. A. Phelps, 
 J. F. Fuller, D. S. King, Geo. Russell, H. M. Chamberlain, and J.' 
 W. Al.len. 
 
 Voted, That a committee of three be appointed to engross the pre- 
 amble and constitution, and present the same for signatures at a sub- 
 sequent meeting. A. A. Phelps, D. Wise, and H. M. Chamberlain. 
 
 Voted, That a committee of three be appointed to call a meeting 
 forthwith, of all persons in favor of a new organization, for the pur- 
 pose of completing it. C. T. Torrey, J. E. Fuller, and J. W. Alden. 
 Adjourned to meet at the call of the committee. 
 
 Adjourned Meeting. 
 
 In pursuance of public notice, by the committee chosen for the pur- 
 pose, a meeting was held at the Marlboro' Chapel, Hall No. 1, on 
 Wednesday, May 29, 1839, at 9 o'clock A. M. The meeting was 
 called to order by the chairman, Rev. D. S. King of Boston, and 
 opened with prayer by Rev. David Brigham of Framingham. 
 
 The proceedings of the former meeting, and the constitution as 
 then adopted, were read by the Secretary, after which a statement of 
 reasons for a new organization, and the manner of effecting it, were 
 made by Rev. C. T. Torrey of Salem, followed with explanations of 
 the constitution, by Rev. A. A. Phelps of Boston. 
 
 On motion of A. A. Phelps, Voted that a committee of nine be ap- 
 
pointed by the chair, to take the names of all persons present, who 
 wish to subscribe to the constitution. The chair appointed J. E. 
 Fuller, J. S. Kimball, D. Wise, W. C. Brown, Geo. Russell, J. 
 Brackett, J. H. Eayrs, H. Brown, and A. St. Clair. 
 
 It was then stated that after the names had been taken, the consti- 
 tution would be open to any amendments proposed by such persons, 
 and the Society be organized by the choice of officers. While the 
 committee were taking the names, several gentlemen present address- 
 ed the meeting, with great interest and effect. A letter was also read 
 from Rev. 0. Scott, who was prevented from attending the meeting 
 by sickness, highly approving of a new organization. 
 
 More than one hundred and fifty persons, from seventy-five different 
 towns, enrolled their names. 
 
 On motion of A. A. Phelps, Voted that the names of such as are in 
 favor of a new society, having been taken, we now proceed to com- 
 plete its organization. 
 
 Rev. C. T. Torrey of Salem offered the following amendments, to 
 add to the article on membership; "or two dollars annually;" and 
 "Life members shall be entitled to a copy of all the publications of 
 
 the Society." 
 
 Voted, To refer the amendments to a committee of three to consider 
 and report. Messrs. Charles Tappan, Geo. Allen, and A. A. Phelps, 
 committee. 
 
 Several individuals suggested an alteration of the name of the So- 
 ciety, and on motion 
 
 Voted, To refer the subject to the committee on amendment-;, with 
 power to change it if they think best. 
 
 On motion of C. T. Torrey, Voted, That we now proceed to hear 
 the report of the committee, chosen at the former meeting to nominate 
 officers. 
 
 The committee, by their chairman, made report, when the follow- 
 ing gentlemen were chosen as officers of the society for the ensuing 
 year. 
 
 President. 
 WM. B. DODGE, of Salem. 
 
 Vice Presidents. 
 
 Essex County Ingalls Kittredge, M. D., Beverly. 
 
 Gilman Parker, Esq., Haverhill. 
 Rev. Benjamin Drew, Jr., Andover. 
 Leonard Gott, M. D., Sandy Bay. 
 Col. Jesse Putnam, Danvers. 
 
 Middlesex County . . Hon. Wm. Jackson, Newton. 
 Rev. Orange Scott, Lowell. 
 Rev. Jotham Horton, " 
 Rev. J. W. Cross, Boxboro'. 
 Sereno Fisk, Esq., Billerica. 
 Dexter Fair bank, Cambridgeport, 
 
 Suffolk COunty . . . Rev. D. S. King, Boston. 
 James C. Odiorne, " 
 William Carleton, " 
 J. H. Eayrs, 
 
 Worcester County . Rev. C. P. Grosvenor, Worcester. 
 T. W. Ward, Esq., Shrewsbury. 
 Rev. George Goodyear, Ashburnham, 
 Rev. George Waters, Sterling. 
 
Franklin County . . 
 
 Hampden County . . 
 Hampshire County . 
 Berkshire County . 
 
 Norfolk County . . 
 
 Bristol County . . . 
 
 Plymouth County . . 
 
 Dukes' County .... 
 
 Barnstable County . 
 
 Elizur Wright, Jr.. 
 Amos A. Phelps, 
 Josiah Brackett. 
 B. H. Barnes, Esq. 
 
 Charles Tappan, Esq., Boston. 
 Thomas Gould, Esq., " 
 John E. Fuller, 
 Alanson St. Clair, " 
 
 Rev. C. T. Torrey, Salem. 
 
 Hon. Wm. Whittaker, New Salem. 
 Rev. Samuel Ware, South Deerfield. 
 Jasper Bement, Ashfield. 
 
 Samuel Osgood, D. D., Springfield. 
 Hon. Abel Bliss, Wilbraham. 
 
 W T m. H. Stoddard, Northampton. 
 Gardiner Dorrance, M. D., Amherst. 
 
 James W. Robbins,Esq., Lenox. 
 
 Rev. Joseph Hurlbert, Curtisville. 
 
 Rev. Harper Boies, Dalton. 
 
 Rev. Jacob Ide, D. D., West Medway. 
 
 Dea. J. Newcomb, Braintree. 
 
 Gen Appleton Howe, Weymouth. 
 
 Wm. Reed, Esq., Taunton. 
 
 C. C. Nichols, Freetown. 
 
 Rev. John Allen, Seekonk. 
 
 Gilbert H. Durfee, Fall River. 
 
 Moreton Eddy, Esq., South Bridge water. 
 Jesse Perkins, Esq., North Bridgewater. 
 Rev. E. D. Moore, Kingston. 
 
 Rev. James H. Thomas, Edgartown. 
 
 . Rev. Joseph Mash, Sandwich. 
 
 Boston, Corresponding Secretary. 
 " Recording " 
 
 " Treasurer. 
 , " Auditor. 
 
 Managers. 
 
 H. M. Chamberlain, Esq., Cambridegp-ari:. 
 
 J. W. Alden, 
 
 Rev. Timothy Merritt, Lynn. 
 
 Wm. C. Brown, Chelsea. 
 
 Rev. George Allen, Shrewsbury. 
 
 The President took the chair. C. T. Torrey of Salem presented 
 the following resolutions, which were taken up separately and unani- 
 mously adopted. 
 
 1. Resolved, That in forming a new State Anti-Slavery organiza- 
 tion, we solemnly disclaim any sectarian or party political objects. 
 Our aims are, to promote in all lawful, constitutional, moral and 
 Christian ways, the immediate and entire abolition of slavery in our 
 land, and to secure for our beloved brethren, both bond and free, the 
 enjoyment of all their rights as men, and as members of society, on. 
 the same terms on which these rights are accorded to men df a 
 different complexion. And to attain these ends, we deem it necessary 
 to present our cause before the community, on its merits; unconnected 
 either in form or in fact, with those sectarian and local or personal! 
 objects, which have been recently, to so great extent, in this state, 
 identified with it. 
 
 2. Resolved, That the Executive Committee be instructed to pre- 
 pare and issue at an early day an address to the public, setting forth 
 our objects and reasons for separate action, and inviting the co-oper- 
 ation of all who love the cause of enslaved humanity, and that the 
 same be published in the papers, and in pamphlet form, together with 
 
 1* 
 
a list of the officers of the society, and an account of the proceedings 
 at its formation. 
 
 3. Resolved, That the committee be instructed to take immediate 
 measures to procure an office for the transaction of its business, con- 
 nected, if possible, with an Anti-Slavery reading room, and a deposi- 
 tory for the sale of Anti-Slavery publications. 
 
 4. Resolved, That the Executive Committee be instructed to invite 
 the American A. S. Society to send into this state such of its agents 
 as will co-operate with this society in raising funds, and in other 
 measures to promote the cause of the slave within our limits. 
 
 5. Resolved, That said committee be authorized to make such ar- 
 rangements with the committee of the National Society, in regard to 
 the amount of funds to be pledged by this society to that, as shall be 
 mutually satisfactory. 
 
 6. Resolved, That the committee be instructed to make the im- 
 provement of the free people of color, in this their native country, a 
 special department of their labors; and to this end, that they be au- 
 thorized to engage the services of some suitable person, a colored 
 brother, if possible, who shall keep an intelligence office for the espe- 
 cial benefit of colored youth who may desire places in business; aid 
 in the establishment of schools and moral and literary societies among 
 them; the collection and transmission of funds for the support of 
 schools among the fugitives in Canada; and in other suitable ways, 
 labor for the moral and intellectual benefit of our colored brethren. 
 
 The meeting then adjourned, sine die. 
 
 Attest, J. W. Alden, Sec'y. 
 
 Executive Committee. 
 
 The Board of Managers subsequently met and made choice of an 
 
 Executive Committee, which is as follows: — 
 
 Josiah Brackett, Alanson St. Clair. 
 
 Nathaniel Colver. Dexter Fairbank. 
 
 D. S. King. John E. Fuller. 
 
 James Porter. J. W. Alden. 
 
 Elizur Wright, Jr. Thomas Gould, Esq. 
 
 ADDRESS 
 
 OF THE EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE OF THE MASSA- 
 CHUSETTS ABOLITION SOCIETY. 
 
 TO THE PEOPLE OF MASSACHUSETTS. 
 Fellow Citizens : 
 
 In appearing before you, as the organ of a new association for the 
 benefit of the colored population of our country, we wish to invite 
 your attention to a succinct statement of our principles and objects, 
 together with the reasons which have led us to separate from those 
 with whom we once rejoiced to co-operate, in our efforts to rescue 
 humanity from the grasp of oppression, and liberty from the encroach- 
 ments of despotic power. 
 
 Original Views and Aims. 
 
 Recal to your minds the views and aims with which we entered 
 upon our labors of love. Ten years since, more than two millions' of 
 
our countrymen, bone of our bone and flesh of our flesh, natives of 
 our soil, and heirs with us to the common rights of humanity, were 
 held in unrequited bondage; their wrongs almost forgotten, their 
 wretchedness almost unpitied, by the free. Here and there an indi- 
 vidual told the story of their wrongs in the ears of an incredulous 
 community, and plead for justice to the poor. But the heart of the 
 nation was not reached. If the tide of Christian sympathy flowed 
 forth at all, political and religious influences combined to direct it 
 into the delusive channel of colonization on a heathen shore. More 
 than 350,000 nominally free men of color, scattered over the free and 
 slave states, were victims also to the spirit of slavery, and of Amer- 
 ican caste, (more wicked than that of Hindoostan,) denied the exer- 
 cise of their acknowledged rights, and excluded from the common 
 courtesies of life, and the privileges of society. Awakened, in the 
 Providence of God, to the consideration of the claims of these our 
 brethren, we were soon convinced that to hold or use a human being, 
 a rational, immortal mind, as an article of property, to degrade ac- 
 countability and immortality to a level with mere brute and inanimate 
 existence, must be always and every where a sin in the sight of the 
 Holy Creator; a violation of his universal law of love, and conse- 
 quently a robbery, both of his rights as Sovereign, and of man's rights 
 as the subjects of His government. It required but little knowledge of 
 the nature of man, and a slight examination of the facts, as taught by 
 history and observation, to see that the lot of the slave must be full of 
 bitterness and wo. Not a wrong ever done to man but would find its 
 logical justification in the principle, which is the foundation and life 
 of slavery, viz., treating man as property . The withholding of civil and 
 political rights, the keeping back of the hire of the laborer, the use of the 
 whip and chain to extort labor from unwilling hands, the rejection of his 
 testimony in the courts of justice against his oppressor, the destruc- 
 tion of the sacredness of the marriage tie, and with it the disregard of 
 all the endearing relations of life, and the consequent brutality and 
 lewdness, the deprivation of the means of intellectual instruction, the 
 annihilation of the rights of conscience, and the sealing up of the light 
 from heaven which beams from the pages of Holy Writ, all these are 
 the logical and natural fruits of the principle on which the slave is 
 deprived of his manhood. As humane and Christian men we believed 
 we were called to lay the axe at the root of this foul system, and labor 
 with all our strength for its immediate and utter overthrow. 
 Slavery and Freedom at War. 
 We were alarmed, moreover, at the influence we found slavery 
 exerting upon the cause of universal liberty; its power in maintaining 
 that system of caste which crushes the free man of color even in those 
 states where slavery does not exist; its control over the legislation of 
 the country, manifest in the enactments unfavorable to liberty in the 
 free states; in the commercial and financial policy of the nation, ever 
 changing to cater to its interests; and in the successive admission of 
 seven new slave states into the federal union: its destruction of the 
 freedom of speech and of the press, (the great safeguards of liberty,) 
 on every subject connected with its own existence, throughout the 
 south, and to a great extent in the north, as seen in the thousand 
 mobs, the action of the ecclesiastical and legislative bodies, the mur- 
 der of Lovejoy and other like events; and iis gradual corruption of 
 private opinion and sentiments in reference to human rights, and the 
 enforcement of righteous laws; all these united to enkindle in our 
 bosoms a patriot's zeal, and to arouse a patriot's fears, lest the lamp 
 of freedom should be extinguished in our land, and with it the hope 
 
8 
 
 of millions in other climes who rejoiced in its light; with these things 
 before us, we remembered and felt our obligations as citizens, to exert 
 the powers entrusted to us, and secured by our constitution and laws, 
 to overthrow that system which thus made war upon American lib- 
 erty, the hope of suffering millions. 
 
 Slavery at War with Religion. 
 
 Slavery too, w r e found, had to a fearful extent corrupted the church- 
 es of the living God, and entrenched itself within the sacred enclo- 
 sures of the altars of religion. Members and ministers of all the great 
 denominations of Christians in our land, not only apologized for or 
 defended slavery, but actually owned human chattels, and bought and 
 sold the purchase of the Redeemer's blood in the shambles! While 
 few of their fellow disciples rebuked their wickedness, and almost 
 none excluded them from their Christian fellowship. When we saw 
 these things, and then thought of the slave, robbed of his birthrights, 
 of the word of God, and of access to every minister of Christ who 
 would not, by his silence, at least, connive at his oppression, we could 
 not refrain from lifting up our voices, to plead with God and man, to 
 arise and destroy a system so utterly hostile to Christian freedom, and 
 to religion itself. We felt that the principles of natural justice, 
 the preservation of civil liberty, the voice of humanity, and the purity 
 of the gospel, alike demanded the immediate freedom of the slave, 
 upon the soil where God gave him his birth and a dwelling place. 
 Associated Action. 
 
 That we were bound to labor for the deliverance of the enslaved was 
 evident. Humanity plead for it, reason, justice, conscience, God 
 himself, commanded us to open our mouths for the dumb, and plead 
 the cause of the helpless poor. Rut how could we act most wisely 
 and efficiently for their redemption? Should the cause be left to the 
 energy of individual minds? the benevolence of individual hearts? 
 Entrenched within the enclosures of the church, supported by the 
 commercial and social influence, and defended by the political power 
 of the nation, we believed slavery would mock at the power of indi- 
 vidual mind, and care for its efforts as little as for the sighs and tears 
 of its victims. And what, we ask, would call forth individual exer- 
 tion, and give it direction, and cause its voice to be heard, when the 
 pulpit, the senate house, and the press, alike forbade its utterance. 
 Experience too, proved the power of associated action, in the then 
 certain, and now completed redemption of 800,000 slaves under kingly 
 rule, and in the gigantic efforts made within the last fifty years to 
 diffuse the gospel and reform society, in every part of the world. We 
 felt that the combined influence of all who cared for rational liberty 
 and pure religion, would hardly be sufficient to breast the tide of op- 
 position, and roll back its waves, and thus give individuals an oppor- 
 tunity for efficient action in behalf of liberty. Nothing else would 
 break down the barriers of political partizanship, purify the source of 
 political power, and unite the good and the true of every party in 
 favor of liberty to the enslaved. 
 
 Principles of Association. 
 
 Accordingly we united, most of us in the early, some of us in the 
 first of the associations, formed on the principle of immediate emanci- 
 pation, for the overthrow of slavery and caste. We set before the 
 public expositions of our doctrines, and of the measures by which we 
 hoped to give them power over the mind and will of the people. We 
 held slave holding to be uniformly sinful; emancipation the duty of the 
 master, the right of the slave, and the highest interest of both; efforts 
 
to secure emancipation obligatory upon every man, and especially 
 upon northern freemen and Christians, and the exertion of all our 
 moral, social, political and religious influence, an indispensable duty, 
 if we would not prove that neither love to God or man held any place 
 in our heart*. The measures we contemplated were (1) the publica- 
 tion of the truth, by the pulpit, public lectures and debates, and the 
 press; (2) the promotion of ecclesiastical action by the expression of 
 our views, and the exertion of our influence and votes as members of 
 religious bodies; (3) political action, including petitions, and the ex- 
 ercise of the elective franchise, and such other means as should se- 
 cure the appropriate action of the legislative bodies. Unity in respect 
 of these doctrines and measures, we deemed essential to hearty co-op- 
 eration and final success. Indeed, unity of views and measures, in 
 reference to the attainment of any given end, is vital to the integrity 
 of an association for that end. If a single principle or measure con- 
 sidered necessary to success is given up, or a single new feature in- 
 troduced, except by unanimous consent, the bond of union is dissolved. 
 No harmony of action can be otherwise secured; nor can good faith 
 towards the individual members of the body, or to the community, be 
 otherwise observed. Uncompromising adherence to the foundation 
 principles and measures of the body, or open and honest efforts to 
 change them, or if not successful, and the principles in question are 
 matters of conscience, secession from the body, are the only honor- 
 able alternatives left to individual members. 
 Causes of Division. 
 We now come to those causes of division which have led to the or- 
 ganization of the Massachusetts Abolition Society. Adhering, 
 heartily and conscientiously, to all the original principles and mea- 
 sures of our cause, we have witnessed, with grief unspeakable, the 
 perversion, in this state, of our associations to purposes and objects 
 not contemplated in our bond of union, foreign to our original objects", 
 not necessary to their attainment, and in the view of the reflecting, 
 fatal to our prospects of ultimate success. 
 
 The Woman Question. 
 
 The first of these, in the order of time, as it respects its introduction 
 into our cause, is what is technically called the " Women's Rights 
 question" — or the question whether, as a matter of right, females 
 should exercise all the social, political, and religious rights, discharge 
 all the corresponding duties, and be subject to all the connected liabil- 
 ities attached to them, equally with the other sex. (1) What, we 
 would ask, has this question to do with the deliverance of the bond- 
 slaves of our country? unless it be, indeed, necessary to take free wo- 
 man out of the sphere in which she has moved in all ages and in every 
 clime, in order to enlist her warm heart and quick sympathies in be- 
 half of her sisters, and their helpless little ones in bondage ! We do 
 not believe it. We cannot so belie our knowledge of the noblest hearts 
 that beat responsive to the call of mercy for the down-trodden. (2) 
 But many of our coadjutors consider the contemplated change in the 
 sphere of female action, a moral wrong: a thing forbidden alike by the 
 word of God, the dictates of right reason, the voice of wisdom, and the 
 modesty of unperverted nature. Whether they are right or wrong in 
 these views, we do not decide. But we affirm that to identify our 
 cause with the opposite views, is a violation of good faith ; such 
 as might justly impair the public confidence in our integrity, and mul- 
 tiply hindrances to the eventual success of our efforts. 
 
 (3) Such an identification, in the present state of the public mind 
 
34 
 
 Let us try to translate this into plain English — into common sense it will not 
 come. 
 
 " We are very far from saying that it is your duty, or even right for you if 
 you think it so, to go to the polls and give your countenance to a human gov- 
 ernment; but if you will go at other times, your abolitionism is violated if you 
 purposely absent yourselves when work is to be done for the slave. If you 
 are indifferent about politics, you may stay away by accident. We object to 
 nothing but " purposely," excepting the slave from the benefit of your suf- 
 frage provided you must give it." 
 
 Compare this with any one of the resolves before quoted, and say, if here 
 is not a suppression of impartial truth, at the bidding of sect — say if there is 
 not too much evidence that the ' glory ' of true integrity did indeed depart, 
 when it was adopted. The subjoined extract from the Annual Report adopted 
 at the same meeting, is in keeping with the resolve above quoted, and with the 
 general tone of the Report, and the speeches made in favor of its adoption. 
 
 " If any attempt be made, directly or indirectly, (as is strenuously advised 
 by certain abolitionists,) to declare that it is the duty of all abolitionists to go 
 to the ballot-box, then it follows that those who think otherwise must be 
 treated as recreant to duty. The Board deny that it is competent for any anti- 
 slavery society, by its votes or through its organ, to arraign either the political 
 or religious views of its members. It may with no more propriety decide, 
 that one man is morally bound to cast a vote at the polls, than that another 
 man is morally bound to unite himself to the church. On this subject, there 
 are many conflicting but honest opinions entertained by abolitionists. All that 
 a society or its organ may rightfully do, is to entreat its members to abide by 
 their principles, [good or bad?] whether in the church or out of it, at the 
 polls or elsewhere; to vote for no man, who is not in favor of immediate 
 emancipation; to listen to no preacher, who apologises for slavery." 
 
 This is saying, in almost so many words, that every A. S. Society is of 
 course a no-human-government society. For even such a society may " entreat " 
 men to obey the voice of conscience — to act in consistency with " their prin- 
 ciples." But this in thousands of instances would be bidding men to sin. Are 
 not many slaveholders professedly conscientious in holding slaves. Are they 
 " entreated " to abide by their principles, whether in the church or out of it?" 
 The voice of God's truth is, See that you have a good conscience and right 
 principles, and then obey them. Excuse not wrong doing with the plea of 
 conscience or consistency. If it be a duty to go to the polls, for the redemp- 
 tion of the slave, say so. If it be not, then warn every man against it, with a 
 voice of thunder. Considered in this, which we are persuaded is the true 
 view of the subject, the resolve alluded to is thorough non-governmentism; 
 and its adoption, under the circumstances, was to all practical purposes, the 
 adoption of non-governmentism by the society. A resolution is presented af- 
 firming the old anti-slavery doctrine, that the use of the elective franchise for 
 the slave is duty. Non-governmentism opposes it and offers a substitute. The 
 society yields, refuses to affirm its doctrine of duty and adopts the non-gov- 
 ernment one of consistency. What, under such circumstances, is refusal to 
 affirm, but denial of the doctrine ? Whit, but a <; repudiation of human poli- 
 tics " in the case, and a shaping of abolition in conformity with that model ? 
 What but the adoption of a non-political, non-government ^abolition ? 
 
 The attempt to secure the passage of a similar resolut on at the quarterly 
 meeting of the Essex Co. A. S. Society in Wenham, March 14lh, 1839, was 
 defeated, by a tie vote, after a long discussion, the agents of the state society 
 strenuously advocating the measure. 
 
 The following resolve was presented, and the amendment which follows it 
 proposed. 
 
 " Resolved, that any man, who, at this fearful crisis, (provided he can con- 
 scientiously exercise the elective franchise) will either stay away from the 
 ballot-box, or throw a vote for any person not in favor of the immediate aboli- 
 tion of this giant enemy of the human race, grossly neglects an imperious duty 
 and takes sides with the slaveholders." 
 
35 
 
 Amendment. •« That any man who deems it his duty to exercise his elective 
 franchise, and at this fearful crisis refuses to carry his abolition to the ballot- 
 box, is recreant to his principles and in effect takes sides with the slaveholder." 
 
 At the late annual meeting of this same society, it was assimilated in that 
 respect, and likewise in respect to the "woman question," to the State Society. 
 
 A minor auxiliary of that society, in West Gloucester, passed the following, 
 April 4th, 183i). It is sufficient to say that it is composed chiefly of those 
 who " repudiate all human politics." 
 
 " Resolved, that we view with alarm the doctrine advanced by some, that 
 it is a Christian duty to go to the polls and vote. We think those principles, 
 carried out, would oblige us to equip ourselves and go to the South and fight 
 until slavery should be abolished. 
 
 " Resolved, That we view with regret the spirit manifested by some of our 
 brethren, and hope they will in future content themselves to leave matters of 
 conscience to an unerring power, lest they be found fighting against God." 
 
 At the annual meeting of the American Society, the passage of the resolve, 
 affirming the duty (see Note B.) of political action, was resisted, by the offi- 
 cers and agents of the Mass. A. S. Society, with scarcely an exception; and a 
 non-government resolution urged in its stead. This was cut off by the previ- 
 ous question, and that which reasserted the old abolition doctrine passed — a ma- 
 jority of the votes thrown against it were from this state. Since the meeting in New 
 York, the Board of Managers of the state society have issued an address to the ab- 
 olitionists of the state on this subject. The object of it would seem to be to re- 
 trace their steps, or at least to deny having lent their sanction as a society or board 
 to the non-government theories. To prove this, they quote from their Ad- 
 dress on Political Action issued in August, 1838; and then say "these pas- 
 sages [for which see Note B] continue to express the views of a great majority 
 of the Board;" and in regard to the society, they " doubt whether one hun- 
 dredth part of its members entertain" the non-government views. This at 
 first sight looks well. A careful examination of it, however, will present us 
 with a very different result. In August, 1838, the question before the public 
 generally, and the abolition public in particular, was, what is anti-slavery 
 doctrine on the subject of political action ? It was not, what is the doctrine 
 of this individual, or that individual, or of any number of individuals, but what 
 is the abolition doctrine ? What is the doctrine of the society as such ? The 
 Board of Managers of the Mass. A. S. Society stepped forth to answer the 
 question. This they did, not as expositors of their views as individuals, 
 or of the views of others as individuals, but as a Board of Managers, the 
 organ of the society, the expositors of its doctrines, the interpreter of 
 its constitution. And their answer went forth to the public, and was 
 received by the public, as an official exposition of anti-slavery doc- 
 trine, as such. They spoke and were understood to speik, not for them- 
 selves but for the society, and as the official interpreters of acknowledged and 
 constitutional abolitionism. Such was their position then. But now, alas, 
 they* speak for individuals only. True, a majority of their number hold the 
 same views of the duty of voting they did then, but |rCP "they consider it 
 rather a duty growing out of our general, obligations as men, 
 than as enjoined in our anti-slavery constitution . " They no longer hold 
 these views then as abolitionists; nor do they urge them as any part of a' oli- 
 tion. They may or may not do it as individuals, but the society, as such, and 
 they as its organ, have no doctrine on the subject. Such is their present posi- 
 tion. What then is this, their last public official act, but an official abandon- 
 ment of anti-slavery doctrine on the subject, and an official shaping of abolition 
 to the model of non-governmentism ? 
 
 Is then the old pioneer society fallen? Fallen it is indeed, but we would 
 hope it may rise again, and be clothed with strength, to plead for justice and 
 judgment in behalf of the bondman. At present, it has thrown away its prin- 
 ciples, and with them, the staff of its power. 
 
no new measure on this subject. We stand just where the National 
 and State Societies have all heretofore stood; not excepting even the 
 society in this State; and where they all now stand, with the exception 
 named. 
 
 By a reference to the documents annexed, (See appendix B.) it will 
 be seen that political action was originally laid down as an anti-sla- 
 very duty, and measure — that the duty of acting politically, as well as 
 morally, has ever been avowed by the early and tried advocates of our 
 cause, such as Lundy, Garrison, Stanton, Goodell, and Birney; by 
 the American and State Societies, and especially by the Massachu- 
 setts Society and its county auxiliaries. The resolves, too, of special 
 conventions, called in reference to this very subject, may be quoted as 
 unquestioned evidence of the anti-slavery doctrine in relation to it, as 
 held by the friends of the slave universally. The mass of evidence on 
 the point, of which we give but a part, is truly surprising. Peruse it 
 with attention ; and we think it will appear evident that those who 
 now " repudiate," or even look coldly upon political action have aban- 
 doned, on this subject, the original doctrines and measures of our asso- 
 ciations. 
 
 No Human Government Views. 
 Recently, some of our brethren have matured certain views, new to 
 them, perhaps, on the subject of human governments. They hold, in 
 substance, that the desire of power is the essence of tyranny and sla- 
 very, and that all government of man over man is sinful, and that no 
 man can do an act, or sanction a sentiment, which recognizes allegi- 
 ance to any human government, or recognizes our duties as citizens 
 under them, without sin; rebellion against the government of God. — 
 This is not the place to discuss these views. It is enough here to say 
 that they stand in direct contrariety to the leading measure originally 
 proposed by the anti-slavery societies, and if acted upon by the mass of 
 abolitionists, the slave is left to hopeless and interminable bondage. 
 The Massachusetts Society, at its annual meeting, refused to pass a 
 resolve, asserting, in the most guarded manner, its original, and till 
 then unquestioned principles, on the subject of political action; and in 
 its place adopted one which was a distinct and deliberate sacrifice of 
 principles to the sectarian dogmas just alluded to.* The attempt, 
 made chiefly by the officers and some of the leading members of the 
 Mass. A. S. Society, to secure a similar sacrifice of principle at the an- 
 nual meeting of the Am. A. S. Society, was defeated. Similar efforts, 
 however, have succeeded in the meetings of some of its own auxiliaries. 
 The State Society is now (see appendix C.) fully identified with the 
 sectarian views of a few of its individual members. That the aboli- 
 tionists of the Commonwealth generally, sanction these proceedings, 
 we have never believed. Nor do we question that they will come for- 
 ward promptly to co-operate with us, in an association where the 
 cause of the slave shall not only be paramount to every thing else, but 
 the only object of its associated action. 
 
 Mode of Organization. 
 The Massachusetts Abolition Society was organized after such con- 
 sultation with the friends of the measure as were readily accessible, 
 selecting that mode of organization which best united promptness with 
 deliberation. Time, indeed, did not allow the calling together of a 
 special convention for the purpose; and the assemblage of hundreds of 
 our friends from every part of the State to attend the religious anni- 
 versaries rendered it needless. 
 
 ** See Appendix, Note E. 
 
13 
 
 Business Meetings. 
 
 By an examination of ourconstitution,it will be seen that no change 
 in principles or measures is contemplated. We shall seek to promote 
 original abolitionism in its purity, and subduing power. We have, 
 however, availed ourselves of the opportunity to guard against a de- 
 fect in the former organization, in regard to the composition of its 
 business meetings. The society will hold its anniversary for the read- 
 ing of its report and addresses, in May, in connection with other be- 
 nevolent societies. The transaction of its business will be confined to 
 meetings composed of its officers and agents, and such a delegation as 
 will secure an adequate and equitable representation from every aux- 
 iliary. The provision on this subject is the same in principle as that 
 regulating the ratio of representation in the House of Representatives 
 of this Commonwealth. We doubt not it will commend itself to all; 
 especially to all who have witnessed the operation of the old method 
 of representation, and the disgraceful scenes that have, on some recent 
 occasions, grown out of it. 
 
 Plans and Prospects. 
 
 Relying upon, and humbly imploring divine aid and guidance, we 
 shall go forward and do what in us lies, to redeem the slave from his 
 house of bondage. We have already appointed several able agents, 
 and design to employ others, to lecture, collect funds, distribute pub- 
 lications, establish libraries, and in every appropriate way to promote 
 the cause of the slave. Special attention, also, will be paid to the 
 claims of our free colored brethren. We sympathize with their pecu- 
 liar trials. The laws which degrade them, and the spirit of caste 
 which would drive them from their native land, we shall labor with 
 zeal to overthrow. 
 
 We solicit the cooperation of all who are ready to avow our prin- 
 ciples, and who consent to our measures, as specified in our constitu- 
 tion. Let our friends promptly fill our treasury with the requisite 
 funds, that we may not lack the means of efficient action. We look 
 for a union of all whose hearts beat quick with sympathy for the op- 
 pressed, in our labors of love. We feel assured of the support of a 
 generous community; and to its prompt and efficient aid we appeal. 
 Every reason that called for our associated efforts at first, renders 
 them even more imperative now. And new reasons continually rise 
 to urge us on in the conflict with despotism, till the victory is won. 
 
 Having assigned our reasons for separate action, our object will be 
 the freedom of the slave; not conflict with the old society. We shall 
 avoid such conflict just so far as fidelity to the slave, and the rights of 
 the free, will permit. Still less shall we be turned from our purpose 
 to engage in mere personal controversy. We trust that many of our 
 esteemed brethren, who now act with the old society, and lend their 
 sanction to its unwise proceedings, will, ere long, see their error. — 
 Meanwhile, we bid them God speed in every wise effort to break the 
 fetters of the slave, and pray that they may be led into the path of du- 
 ty. 
 
 Conclusion. 
 Fellow Citizens: 
 
 How long shall the slave groan and bleed in his fetters? Will not 
 his blood — our brother's blood — cry to heaven from the ground (tilled 
 by his unpaid labor), against us, unless we arise, in the strength of 
 God, and do all in our power to deliver him; and to wipe out this blot 
 upon the freedom, the humanity, and the Christianity of our common 
 country? Let us not think to escape from our responsibilities as men, 
 and as Christians. We cannot do it. In the final review of our con- 
 2 
 
14 
 
 duct by the Judge of all, we must meet the claims of the poor, the 
 fatherless, the widow, the oppressed, and him that hath no helper. — 
 And if we fail to employ our social and religious influence, and our 
 political power, in whatever station God has placed us, for the deliv- 
 erance of the poor and needy, shall we meet his smiles? Will he not 
 say, rather, "Inasmuch as ye have not done it unto one of the least of 
 these, ye have not done it unto me ? " Let us awake to our duty and 
 quit ourselves like men. 
 
 We are yours, for the slave. 
 
 In behalf of the Executive Committee, 
 
 Wm, B. Dodge, President. 
 Elizuh Wright, Jr.,, Cor. Sec. 
 A. A. Phelps 3 Rec. Sec. 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 NOTE A, 
 
 The Woman Question. 
 
 The history of the introduction of the ' woman question ' into our meetings, 
 
 may be told in a few sentences. It is said in the text, to be a novelty, not 
 
 contemplated originally by any one, neither by its present opposers, nor by its 
 
 friends. The following documents are a sample of the proof of this assertion. 
 
 (1) American Society. 
 
 At the formation of the American A. S. Society, in Dec. 1833, on motion of 
 Samuel Joseph May, it was 
 
 " Resolved, That all delegates from Anti-Slavery Societies, and all persons 
 present who agree in principle with them on the subject of the immediate eman- 
 cipation of slaves without expatriation, be entitled to seats in this convention. 
 
 It should be remarked that there were Female A. S. Societies then in exis- 
 tence; but none sent any delegates. The propriety of their doing so had never 
 been advocated by any one. Women, too, were present, who agreed in senti- 
 ment with the present " women's rights " party. But not one offered to enrol 
 her name as a member of the convention, under the above comprehensive 
 invitation. All the members of the Convention signed the Declaration of Senti- 
 ments, — no woman's name is found there ; and although two of the ladies 
 present made a few suggestions, they did so not as member's of the Convention 
 or as a matter either of claimed or acknowledged right, but at their request, and 
 as a matter of courtesy. They were merely spectators, and seemed to take 
 it for granted that their sectarian peculiarities were not to be connected with 
 the Anti-Slavery cause. The Society, after its formation, passed resolves in 
 favor of the organization of distinct Societies for the female sex. 
 (2) N. E. A. S. Society. 
 
 No females were ever enrolled as active members (in the sense now claimed) 
 of, or delegates to the New England Anti-Slaveky Society. None 
 took part in the formation of it. No female ever took a part in the public 
 exercises of the Mass. A. S. Society (which succeeded to the N. E. Society,) 
 until January, 1839. None had so far forgotten to respect the views of the 
 other members of the Society. There was no disposition on their part, or on 
 the part of others, to put them forward, as a means of furthering ulterior views. 
 (3) New England Convention. 
 
 From the year 1834 to the present time, there has been a " New England 
 Convention " of the friends of the slave, in Boston, on the week of the reli- 
 gious anniversaries in May. The following resolves, passed by the successive 
 Conventions, will show who were invited to vote and deliberate in its meet- 
 
 in s 8 - 
 
 in 1834, there seems to have been no particular form of invitation given- 
 
16 
 
 The only clue we have on the subject, is in the fact that none but men were 
 enrolled as members, and in the following extract from the proceedings. 
 
 " The Committee on Expenses of Convention presented the following as 
 their report, which was accepted. 
 
 "Resolved, That the members of this Convention, and other gentlemen^ 
 disposed, be and they are hereby requested, to pay one doliar each,"&c. 
 
 In 1S35, the form of invitation was as follows: 
 
 " That all delegates from Anti-Slavery Societies, be members of this Con- 
 vention, and all persons wishing to become so, who are in favor of the imme- 
 diate and unconditional abolition of Slavery," &c. 
 
 How the terms " delegates " and " persons " were then understood, is 
 obvious from the fact that none but gentlemen enrolled their names. No 
 others thought of doing it, least of all of claiming the right, as members, to 
 participate in the public debates of the Convention. At this Convention, it was 
 voted to hold a New England A S. Convention annually, in Boston, until 
 slavery should be abolished throughout the land ; and the Board of Managers of 
 the Massachusetts A. S. Society was appointed a standing committee to make 
 the necessary arrangements. The Convention of 1836 was, therefore, the first 
 of the regular series of said Conventions ; of course, its form of invitation to 
 membership may be fairly considered as designating the basis of organization 
 and action upon which it was intended these Conventions shonld ever be con- 
 ducted. That form, as offered by N. Southard, and adopted by the Conven- 
 tion, was — 
 
 "■ Resolved. That all gentlemen present who wish to take part in this Con- 
 vention, and who are friends of the abolition of slavery in our country, be 
 invited to become members." 
 
 The Convention of 1837 — the second of the regular series — on motion of 
 J. E. Fuller— 
 
 " Resolved, That all gentlemen present, who wish to take part in the pro- 
 ceedings of this Convention, and are friendly to the immediate abolition of 
 slavery, be invited to become members." 
 
 In May, 1838, however, there was a distinct and formal change, as will be 
 seen by the resolution passed. 
 
 *' On motion of Oliver Johnson — 
 
 "Resolved, That all persons present, or who may be present at subsequent 
 meetings, whether men or women, who agree with us in sentiment on the 
 subject of slavery, be invited to become members and participate in the 
 proceedings of the Convention." 
 
 This was not a spontaneous movement, but evidently the result of previous 
 concert; as is evident from the novel and careful phraseology of the resolution, 
 and the fact that it was offered by a " woman's rights " man, and that it was 
 received at the time, by the few initiated, with a burst of applause. Others, 
 little suspecting that this " was to be the first public act of a mighty reform," 
 paid no heed to it, till the proceedings of a subsequent day revealed both the 
 meaning of the vote, and the design of its introduction. The unprecedented 
 spectacle of a woman rising to speak, as a member of the Convention, (at the 
 suggestion of another, a man,) and the appointment of a woman on a commit- 
 tee, soon after, made the trick palpable. The Convention assembled in May, 
 1839, took the same course deliberately; the question having been raised, at 
 the opening of the first session. It should be added, that the Convention this 
 year embraced very few from other States. Most of the delegates and friends 
 from places out of Massachusetts, (and a large number within it,) declined 
 enrolling their names as members of the Convention. Many that did, after- 
 wards expressed their regret at having done so. 
 
 (4) Massachusetts A. S. Society. 
 
 The change in the composition of the meetings of the Massachusetts «#. S. 
 Society was not effected by means even as honorable and direct as this. No 
 
17 
 
 change was attempted till the Annual Meeting in January, 1839, when the 
 usual resolution of courtesy, inviting the friends of the cause to sit and act, 
 was passed in the following words — 
 
 " On motion of Alanson St. Clair — 
 
 " Voted, That all persons present, in favor of immediate emancipation, be 
 permitted to take seats, and participate in the proceedings of this Convention." 
 See 7th Ann. Rep., 1839. 
 
 Under similar resolutions, heretofore, no female had been enrolled as a mem- 
 ber or delegate. The Committee to make np the roll, proceeded, on their own 
 authority, to take the names of persons of both sexes as members; and no oppor- 
 tunity occurred to question their right so to do, till near the final adjournment 
 of the Society, when most of those opposed to it had retired disgusted with the 
 spirit and violence of the meeting. The Mover of the resolve then stated that 
 he did not intend by it to invite females to vote and deliberate, &c, as members 
 of the meeting. 
 
 " J. H. Martyn, of Haverhill, introduced the following resolution — 
 
 " Resolved, That so much of the Annual Report as relates to the subject of 
 woman's rights, be struck out. 
 
 " Rejected by an immense majority." — See 7th Ann. Rep. 
 
 No vote was allowed on the naked question of principle. But the Annual 
 Report contained a sanction of the new sectarian dogmas. And the effort to 
 strike out, being treated as a personal attack upon the writer of the Report, 
 was voted down, under appeals to personal sympathies. The report argues 
 affirmatively at some length the question of the propriety of allowing females 
 to act in .our meetings, and endeavors to heap odium upon all who adopt and 
 act upon other views. — See pp. 32-7, 7th Ann. Rep. At the subsequent 
 Quarterly Meeting of the Society, held in Boston, in March, a similar 
 course was pursued, and the Society at last thoroughly identified with secta- 
 rianism. 
 
 (5) Annual Meeting of American Society, 1834. 
 
 The spirit of propagandism has been strikingly manifest in the proceedings 
 of this party ever since the N. E. Convention in May, 1838. To sustain 
 themselves at home, they have made active efforts, by their agents and friends, 
 to secure the adoption of similar measures elsewhere — in some cases without 
 success, and in others with it. To bring the question up, the Massachusetts 
 Board appointed a number of female delegates to attend the annual meeting of 
 the American Society in May, 1839. Their agents secured similar appoint- 
 ments from a few of their local auxiliaries. A member of the Society of 
 Friends raised the question of their right to be enrolled, at the opening of the 
 business meeting in Chatham street Chapel. In order to settle it definitely, 
 Rev. N. Colver offered the following resolution. 
 
 "Resolved, That our roll shall be made up, according to former usage, and 
 men, duly appointed, shall constitute the roll ;" (that is, of delegates.) 
 
 An attempt was instantly made to evade the decision of the question. 
 
 *' Oliver Johnson, of Boston, moved an amendment, substituting persons 
 for jttfia," in the above resolve, leaving the question of the admission of women 
 still a matter of construction. This was debated through the afternoon and 
 evening, and the amendment declared to be adopted, by the chair. The vote 
 was reconsidered the next morning, and after voting to take the yeas and nays 
 on the question, 
 
 " Ellis Gray Loring offered the following amendment — 
 
 " Strike out all after the word Resolved, and insert — That the roll of this 
 meeting be made by placing j;hereon the names of all persons, male or fe- 
 niale,who are delegates from any auxiliary Society, or members of this Society." 
 
 Amos A. Phelps, in order to procure a definite decision in regard to the con- 
 stitutional right of females to vote, deliberate, etc., instead of a mere deci- 
 sion as to the enrolment of their names— 
 2* 
 
18 
 
 " Moved the following amendment to the amendment, as a substitute for that 
 of Mr. Loring. That the term ' person,' as used in the 4th article of the (Con- 
 stitution of this Society, is to be understood as including men and women; and 
 as entitling women to sit, speak, vote, hold office, and exercise the same rights 
 of membership as persons of the other sex." \ 
 
 After protracted debate, Mr. Phelps' amendment was rejected, and Mr. 
 Loring's adopted, by a vote of 180 yeas to 14U Noes. These votes were divi- 
 ded among the several States as follows — 
 
 
 Ayes. 
 
 Noes. 
 
 
 Ayes. 
 
 Noes. 
 
 Maine, 
 
 1 
 
 6 
 
 N. Y., 
 
 45 
 
 76 
 
 N. H., 
 
 1 
 
 5 
 
 N. J., 
 
 9 
 
 2 
 
 VI., 
 
 5 
 
 4 
 
 Penn., 
 
 21 
 
 7 
 
 Mass., 
 
 72 
 
 45 
 
 Del., 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 R.I., 
 
 10 
 
 1 
 
 111. 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 Ohio, 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 It should be remarked, that several persons voted with the majority, on the 
 ground of a literal construction of the Constitution, which they thought 
 necessarily included females, while they disapproved heartily of the tiling 
 itself. The decision of the Chairman of the meeting, by which those, whose 
 right to be enrolled was in question, were allowed to vote upon the question 
 of their own enrolment, contributed to swell the majority. A protest against 
 the vote, was afterwards presented, signed by 123 persons. 
 
 PROTEST. 
 
 We the undersigned, members and delegates of the American Anti-Slavery 
 Society, as a duty, and therefore a right, hereby protest against the principle, 
 assumed by a majority of persons representing said Society at its present meet- 
 ing, that women have the right of originating, debating, and voting on questions 
 which come before said Society, and are eligible to its various offices: — and we 
 protest against the assumption of said principle for the following, among other 
 reasons, viz: 
 
 1. Because it is contrary to the expectation, design, and spirit of the Consti- 
 tution of said Society, as clearly indicated by the proceedings of the framers 
 of that instrument, at the commencement, in the progress, and at the comple- 
 tion of the work. 
 
 2. Because it is at variance with the construction of said instrument, as made 
 known by the constant usage of the Society from its first to its present mt eting. 
 
 3. Because it is repugnant to the wishes, the wisdom, or the moral sense of 
 many of the early and present members of said Society, and devoted friends to 
 the cause for which that Society was organized. 
 
 4. Because, though assumed by a majority of persons representing said Soci- 
 ety in its present meeting, we believe it to be wide from the expression of the 
 general sense of the abolitionists of this country, of either sex, and, if not objec- 
 ted to in this formal manner, might seem to be the unqualified and unlimited 
 sanction of the friends of the slave and the asserters'of his rights. 
 
 5. Because it is rather the expression of local and sectarian feelings, of recent 
 origin, than of those broad sentiments which existed among the friends of our 
 great enterprise at its beginning, and which led to the framing of the Society 
 on a foundation where all sects might stand and wield the potent weapons of our 
 warfare against the oppression of our brethren. 
 
 6. Because in conformity with these broad sentiments, and in opposition to 
 local and party peculiarity, the American Society, at its first meeting, so far 
 from contemplating the principle which is now for the first time assumed by 
 the aforesaid majority, recommended the organization of distinct societies of the 
 female sex. 
 
 7. Because, how much and how conscientiously soever we might differ in 
 respect to the abstract question of the rights of women and the propriety of 
 their action in large deliberative bodies, yet waiving entirely any expression 
 here of sentiment on this subject, we are persuaded that the principle which is, 
 at this meeting, for the first time, assumed as aforesaid, is well fitted to bring 
 unnecessary reproach and embarrassment to the cause of the enslaved, inasmuch 
 
19 
 
 as that principle is at variance with the general usage and sentiment of this and 
 all other nations, under whatever form of government, and of every age: and 
 while we thus speak, we also declare, that if the assumption of the aforesaid 
 principle was, in our belief, demanded by the great law of right, and by a Divine 
 constitution necessary to rescue this nation from the great crime and curse of 
 slavery, we would not hesitate to assume it in defiance of universal custom and 
 sentiment, but would do so by openly and manfully changing either the Consti- 
 tution of our Society, or our organization itself. 
 
 In offering this Protest, we refrain from expressing any opinion respecting 
 the propriety of those, whose right to the contemplated membership was con- 
 tested, voting on the question of said right, as was done in the present case, 
 preferring to leave such proceeding to the obvious conclusion of common sense. 
 
 NEW JERSEY. 
 
 Wm. R. Weeks, Newurk, Thomas P. Hunt, do., Andrew M. Torbut, Pat- 
 erson. 
 
 CONNECTICUT. 
 
 F. A. Perkins, Norwich, Geo. Hall, Northfield, H. G. Ludlow, N. Haven, 
 C. P. Bush, do. Amos G. Beman, do. A. C. Luca, do. James Quintard, 
 Norwalk, Randolph Lindsley, Meriden, Julius Pratt, do. Lewis Beers, Jr., 
 Stratford, W. L. Wilson, Middletown. 
 
 NEW YORK CITY. 
 
 G. Ratrie Parburt, A. Libolt, La Roy Sunderland, James G. Bir- 
 ney, Roe Lockwood, W. S. Dorr, Joshua Bishop, Patrick Reason, Charles 
 W. Denison, Hiram Barney, M. R. Berry, S M W. Benedict, John 
 Jay, Thos. L. Jinnings, Robert Aikman, Jr., James Hildreth, Wm. W. Pat- 
 ton, Lyman W. Gilbert, Edward A. Lambert, N. E. Johnson, Albert O. Wil- 
 cox, Lewis Tappan, Thomas Downing, John W. Sleight, Robert Laird, Dun- 
 can Dunbar, Hezekiah D. Sharpe, Alfred Smith, Asa Parker, James Wallin 
 Darius E. Jones, Arthur C. Cox, Samuel D. Burchard, Henry H. Loomis, 
 Geo. D. Little, Aug. J. Giilett, Anthony Lane, Wm. D. Cooledge, Geo. h! 
 Williams, T. McNamee, Edward Corning, Henry C. Bowen, Geo. M. Tracy, 
 O. W. Norton, Edwin Wilcox, Robert R. Kellogg, Charles Kellogg, Samuel 
 Leeds, Jr., George Storrs, Sumner Davidson, Elisha W. Chester, F. W. 
 Graves. 
 
 MASSACHUSETTS. 
 
 J. E. Fuller, Boston, A. A. Phelps, do. Geo. Russell, do. Alanson St. 
 Clair, do. Geo. Allen, Shrewsbury, D. W. Alvord, Greenfield, Joseph Hurl- 
 but, Curtisville, Q. Scott, Lowell, Samuel Osgood, Springfield, Phineas Cran- 
 dall, Fall River, J. A. Canfield, Andover, T. E. Turner, do. James Birney, 
 Jr., do. Sewall Harding, Med way, Daniel Wise, Quincy, Geo. H. Smith', 
 Salem, C. T. Torrey, do. D. Butler, Dorchester, Timothy Merritt, Lynn, 
 Geo. Goodyear, Ashburnham, Israel Trask, Beverly. 
 
 NEW VORK. 
 
 Abm. Requa, Poughkeepsie, Hiram H. Kellogg, Clinton, Amos Savage, 
 Utica, Edward C. Pritchett, do. E. W. True, Pittsford, Stephen Stanley, Au- 
 burn, L. C. Lockwood, N. Windsor, J. R. Wilson, Coldenham, W. E. Whi- 
 ting, Brooklyn, Nath. Colver, Greenwich, Fayette Shipherd, Troy, John Low, 
 Dutchess Co. • 
 
 VERMONT. 
 
 E. D. Barber, Middlebury, J. W. Hale, Brandon. 
 
 MAINE. 
 
 Ebenezer Dole, HallowelJ, Eben. Dole, Jr., do. Ichabod Codding, do. C. C. 
 Cone, Brunswick. 
 
 NEW HAMPSHIRE. 
 
 Jared Perkins, Nashua, Silas Curtis, do. W. H. Brewster, Derry. 
 
 MICHIGAN. 
 
 Warren Isham, Detroit. 
 
PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 Chas. W. Gardner, Philadelphia, Henry Grew, do. Samuel D. Hastings, 
 do. Geo. M. Alsop, do. 
 
 ILLINOIS. 
 
 Geo. W. Gale, Galesburg. 
 
 RHODE ISLAND. 
 
 Hiram Brooks, Providence, John Waugh, do. 
 
 In order to procure a decision by which the evasions of Mr. Loring's reso- 
 lution might be met, Mr. Phelps offered the following. 
 
 "Resolved, That in placing 'the names of all persons, male and female, 
 who are delegates from any auxiliary Society, or members of this,' on the 
 roll of this, or any subsequent meeting of this Society, it is not to be under- 
 stood, that by the constitution and usage of this Society, women are entitled to 
 sit, speak, vote, held office, and exercise the same rights of membership, as 
 persons of the other sex." 
 
 In the afternoon of the same day, (Wednesday,) this resolution was rejected. 
 Thus, after many evasions, " the party " were compelled to vote in favor of 
 their own views. Much as we regret the action in this meeting, we believe 
 the American A. S. Society will yet retrace its steps. The sober, considerate 
 portion of its members do not generally sanction such measures, and the 
 nature and bearing of the question at issue is now better understood. 
 (6) Other Societies. 
 
 In the Rhode Island, and Eastern Pennsylvania Societies, this party have 
 carried the same measure. In the Annual Meeting of one of the County aux- 
 iliaries of the Massachusetts A. S. Society, that of Essex, the measure was car- 
 ried in June, 1839, by the indirect evasive policy before noticed. How far 
 similar results will be secured cannot be foreseen. But we believe the good 
 sense of the community will soon put a check to these party movements. For 
 the sake of the bleeding slave, God speed the day. 
 
 EFOTE B. 
 Political Action. 
 
 The doctrines illustrative of the original views of our associations and the 
 subsequent changes, in respect to political action, are so numerous, that it is 
 difficult to make any selection. Each is important, as expressive of the views 
 of some portion of the gathering host of the army of humanity. They are given, 
 arranged under several heads, for the sake of ready reference. 
 Original Doctrine. 
 
 This cannot be better exhibited than by quoting the constitutions, addresses, 
 resolves, and other documents, put forth by the various societies throughout the 
 land, together with the views of distinguished laborers in this cause. We be* 
 gin with the old 
 
 (1) New England A. S. Society. 
 
 This society was the first formed, and has since been merged in the Mass. A. 
 S. Society. The second article of its Constitution is, 
 
 " The objects of the Society shall be, to endeavor, by all means sanctioned 
 by law, humanity and religion, to effect the abolition of slavery in the United 
 States; to improve the character and condition of the free people of color, to 
 inform and correct public opinion in relation to their situation and rights, and 
 obtain for them equal civil and political rights and privileges with the whites." 
 
 That the exercise of all the political rights enjoyed by white freemen was 
 included among the " means sanctioned by law, humanity and religion," which 
 the society pledged itself on all suitable occasions to use in behalf of the slave, 
 is obvious from their also pledging themselves to endeavor to obtain all such 
 rights for the free colored people. Could men pledge themselves to " obtain" 
 for others, " political* rights" which either law, humanity, or religion forbade 
 themselves to exercise ? The real meaning of this article is put beyond all 
 doubt, by the expositions given it by its authors, as contained in the following 
 extracts from Annual Reports of the Society. 
 
21 
 
 m 
 
 In their First Annual Report, drafted by Mr. Garrison, and adopted and pub- 
 lished in Jan. 1833, the Board say : — 
 
 " So long as slaves are held in the District of Columbia, and in the Territo- 
 ries of the United States ; so long as ours is a representative government, sub- 
 ject to the will of the people; so long as no efforts are made to modify or repeal 
 the present compact, by those who have both the right and the power thus to 
 do ; so long as the interests of non-slaveholding States are jeoparded by the 
 twenty-five slave votes in Congress ; so long as moral influence, widely and 
 wisely disseminated, is productive of beneficial results ; so long as public 
 opinion is the lever of national reform ; so long as the people of New England 
 are liable to be called upon to put down slave insurrections at the south ; so 
 long as there is neither liberty of speech nor of the press, on the subject of op- 
 pression, in a large portion of our country ; so long as southern States deprive 
 the colored citizens of New England, who may visit them, of their liberty and 
 the rights of citizenship guaranteed to them by the Constitution of the United 
 States ; so long as slavery mars the harmony, divides the policy, retards the 
 prosperity, and fearfully threatens the existence of the nation ; so long as the 
 commands of Jesus remain binding upon all men, c Whatsoever ye would that 
 men should do to you, do ye even so to them,' 'Thou shalt love thy neighbor 
 as thyself; ' so long as there remains any flesh in our hearts, any physical or 
 moral affinity between us and our enslaved brethren, any love to God or man in 
 our souls ; it never can be true that the people of New England are not 
 bourn! to use their moral and political power to overthrow slavery in the 
 United States." 
 
 In the third Report, Jan. 1835, we find the following : — 
 
 " A large number of persons think that slavery ought to be abolished in the 
 District of Columbia and the Territories, and that no new State ought to be 
 admitted into the Union, without providing against the toleration of slavery 
 within its borders. They also think that the slave-trade between the States, 
 ought to be abolished by Congress. 
 
 Holding these opinions of the duties of the National Government, it becomes 
 not only their right, but their DUTY, to endeavor in every mode sanctioned by 
 law and religion, to procure the action of Congress on these subjects. How is 
 this to be done ? It is answered, by diffusing information among the people, 
 and petitioning Congress. These are, no doubt, efficacious measures. But an- 
 other, equally important, is to endeavor to send to Congress, men who think 
 rightly on these subjects, and to oppose others. If abolitionists, by exerting 
 themselves to obtain a sound representation in Congress, should be subjected to 
 the charge of being a political party, they ought not to be deterred from their 
 duty, by an odious name. It seems an ill-judged course for moral and religious 
 m< j, i to shrink from exercising their privileges as citizens at elections, be- 
 c sse others make a bad use of these privileges; or to hesitate to unite for effect- 
 . moral and religious purpose, merely because it is at the same time a polit- 
 ical one. 
 
 " But, while in voting for candidates to offices, in which the persons elected 
 are likely to be called on to act on important questions in regard to slavery, it is 
 earnestly recommended to abolitionists to support those only in whose princi- 
 ples they can confide ; the Managers would caution their friends against making 
 anti-slavery opinions the test of qualification for other offices, where similar 
 questions cannot arise. 
 
 " The course recommended, is the same which was pursued successfully by 
 the abolitionists in Great Britain.'" 
 
 Who can resist the conviction, that those who wrote, and the Society which 
 sanctioned the above extracts, believed in the rightful existence of the civil 
 magistracy, and meant to tell all men who could vote, that duty called them 
 to the ballot box to deliver the slave, whenever and wherever his cause could 
 be affected by their efforts ? That these were the avowed views of the Society, 
 even as late as August, 1838, may be seen by reference to the following extracts 
 from an address to the abolitionists of the State, in view of the approaching 
 
election, drawn up by Ellis Gray Loring, and sanctioned by the Board of Man- 
 agers. 
 
 " There are those who disapprove of every form of political action, on the part 
 of abolitionists. They contend that our cause should be presented exclusive- 
 ly under its religious and philanthropic aspect; that it will be degraded and en- 
 feebled at the North, by connecting it with politics, — while, at the South, our 
 political efforts will rouse a more united and determined resistance to our ob- 
 jects. 
 
 " We cannot yield to this reasoning. It proceeds, we think, upon a narrow 
 view of the subject. POLITICS, RIGHTLY CONSIDERED, IS A BRANCH 
 OF MORALS, AND CANNOT BE DESERTED INNOCENTLY. Our mor- 
 al convictions must follow us to the ballot-box. They are not less imperative 
 on us as citizens, than as members of the church, or fathers of families. In 
 each, we have nothing to do, but to carry out our highest idea, simply and fear- 
 lessly. If the public mind is misled or vitiated on the subject of politics, — if 
 politics has come to be considered as a game played by the desperate and un- 
 principled for power or emolument, it must not, therefore, be abandoned to 
 them. The worldly and corrupt would like nothing better, than that the good 
 should retire, in fear or disgust, from, this wide sphere of action. It seems 
 to be our mission to substitute, in the minds of men, a new set of associations 
 with the subject of politics. It is worth noting that the abolitionists form the 
 only great party, in our age, who, aiming at a wide social reform, and operating 
 on and through social institutions, yet rest their efforts and their hopes pro- 
 fessedly on religious ground; — on faith in God, and faith in the God-like man. 
 That slavery is a sin against God, has been our rallying cry from the beginning; 
 heard not merely from the pulpit, but in the courts of justice, the popular as- 
 sembly, and the halls of government. 
 
 " To think of purposely keeping such a question — a question of essentially 
 moral and religious character, but having important public bearings, — out of 
 politics, is like the view some persons have, that religion belongs to the temple 
 and the Sabbath, but is out of place in week-day life. This is, after all, but a 
 question of time. The subject of slavery must, obviously, sooner or later, en- 
 ter deeply, into general politics. Slavery is itself the creature of law, thai is, 
 of political action. It can only be finally destroyed, by the same x>ower that 
 gave it being." 
 
 Had such views never been repudiated by that Society, the friends of the 
 slave might not have been called to mourn over strifes and divisions anion.": us, 
 nor the slave to fear, lest his hope of freedom should die. That they h;tve 
 repudiated them, will be seen on reference to the next note. 
 
 (2) American Anti-Slavery Society. 
 
 The views embodied in the Constitution and acts ot the Ameiican An- 
 ti-Slavery Society are likewise to be adduced as evidence of the nature of 
 original abolitionism. 
 
 The Convention that formed it, met in Philadelphia, December 4. 1833 In 
 the Declaration of Sentiments, drafted by Win. Lloyd Garrison, and adopted 
 and put forth by the Convention, the Convention say: — 
 
 " That it (this nation) is bound to repent instantly, to undo the heavy bur- 
 den, to break every yoke, and to let the oppressed go free. * ** * Every 
 man has a right to his own body — to the products of his own labor — to the pro- 
 tection of law — and to the common advantages of society. * * * There- 
 fore we believe and affirm,' (among other things named) ' that the slaves ought 
 instantly to be set free, and brought under the protection of law ; * * * 
 that all persons of color who possess the qualifications which are demanded of 
 others, ought to be admitted forthwith to the enjoyment of the same privileges, 
 and the exercise of the same prerogatives, as otheis.' 
 
 " We also maintain that there are, at the present time, the highest obliga- 
 tions resting upon the people of the free States, to remove slavery by 
 moral and political, action, as prescribed in the Constitution of the 
 United States;' and the whole concludes with a solemn pledge, on the part 
 of its signers, « that, under the guidance, and by the help of Almighty God, we 
 
23 
 
 will do all that in ui lies, consistently with this Declaration of our principles, 
 to overthrow the most execrable system of slavery that has ever been witness- 
 ed upon the earth, * * * and to secure to the colored population of the 
 United States, ALL the rights and privileges which belong to them as men 
 and as Americans" — i. e. obviously, 'air their natural and inalienable rights, 
 as men; and then ■ all' their political and social rights, as American citizens, 
 or as members of society, and subjects of law and government." 
 
 In the Preamble to its Constitution, the Society is pledged to "do all that is 
 lawfully in its power for the extinction of slavery." And in the 2d Art., it is 
 declared not only that " it shall aim to convince all our fellow citizens by 
 arguments addressed to their understandings and consciences," of the sin of 
 holding slaves, and the duty of immediate emancipation ; but there is, beside 
 this, a specific pledge to another kind of action, viz: to " endeavor, in a con- 
 stitutumal ivay, to influence Congress" to abolish slavery, so fir as it comes 
 under its jurisdiction. The declaration of sentiments throws a strong light 
 upon the meaning of these passages. If men have a ' right to the protection 
 of law,' it is certainly the correlative duty of somebody to protect them by 
 law, and to maintain law by the enforcement of its penal sanctions. If we 
 are to influence Congress in the ways pointed out in the Constitution of the 
 Union, it indicates a want of that very desirable quality, — common sense, 
 to suppose that the employment of the elective franchise was not specially 
 intended as the great means of doing it. Those who hold the elective fran- 
 chise, are the men who must do both the one and the other. The following 
 vote of the Society, at its recent Annual Meeting, does but reiterate its con- 
 stitutional principles: 
 
 u Resolved, That this society still holds, as it has from the beginning, that 
 the employment of the political franchises, as established by the constitution 
 and laws of the country, so as to promote the abolition of slavery, is of high 
 obligation — a duty, which, as abolitionists, we owe to our enslaved fellow 
 countrymen groaning under legal oppression." 
 
 So long as that society continues to hold and promulgate such views, those 
 who have rights to gain, or rights to maintain, will rejoice to rally around its 
 standard. 
 
 (3) The Views of Individuals, 
 whose labors have endeared them to the lovers of freedom, illustrate the prin- 
 ciples already advanced. We give the following extracts, as a specimen. We 
 will first quote at length, from one, who, though not the earliest in the field, 
 or the first to advance correct anti-slavery views, has done much to give them 
 currency and power over the public mind. We refer to 
 Wm. Lloyd Garrison. 
 
 " Immediate abolition does not mean that the slaves shall immediately exer- 
 cise the right of suffrage, or be eligible to any office, or he emancipated from 
 law, or be free from the benevolent restraints of guardianship. We contend 
 for the immediate personal freedom of the slaves, for their exemption from 
 punishment, except where law has been violated, for their employment and 
 reward, as fvee laborers, for their exclusive right to their own bodies, and 
 those of their own children, for their instruction and subsequent admission to 
 ALL the trusts, offices, honors, and emoluments of intelligent freemen.'— ~ 
 Thoughts on Colonization, page 80. 
 
 " Again : ' By immediate emancipation, we do not mean — 
 
 * 4 That the slaves shall be turned loose upon the nation, to roam as vagabonds 
 and aliens — nor 
 
 "That they shall be instantly invested with all political rights and privi- 
 leges — nor 
 
 " That they shall be expelled from their native land to a foreign clime, as 
 the price and condition of their freedom. 
 
 "But we mean — That instead of being under the unlimited control of a few 
 
 irresponsible masters, they shall really receive the protection of law. 
 
 ********** 
 
 " That the slaves shall be employed as free laborers, fairly compensated, and 
 protected in their earnings: 
 
 " That they shall be placed under a benevolent and disinterested supervision , 
 
24 
 
 which shall secure to them the right to obtain secular and religious knowledge, 
 to worship God according to the dictates of their consciences, to accumulate 
 wealth, and to seek an intellectual and moral mastery over their white com- 
 petitors.' — Prospectus to Liberator, vol. 3, 1833. 
 
 " Again : Immediate emancipation, among other things specified, means, 
 in the first place, that all title of property in the slaves shall instantly cease. 
 Secondly, that every husband shall have his own wife, and every wife her 
 own husband, both being united in wedlock according to its proper forms, and 
 placed under the protection of law. * * * * Fourthly, that all trade in 
 human beings shall be regarded as felony, and entitled to the highest pun- 
 ishment. * * * * Sixthly, that all those laws which now prohibit the 
 instruction of the slaves, shall instantly be repealed, and others enacted, pro- 
 viding schools and instruction for their intellectual illumination." 
 
 And among the things which it is said immediate emancipation will do, is 
 the following: 
 
 " It will give protect ion to millions now at the mercy of a few irresponsible 
 masters and drivers; every man and every woman may then find redress at 
 law." — 1st Annual Report New England Anti-Slavery Society, 1833, pp. 17 
 —19. 
 
 The last quotation is the testimony of the New England A. S. Society, in- 
 asmuch as they made the definition their own, by the adoption of the Report. 
 The conduct of any man is, in general, a good comment upon his principles. 
 In this view, and as an evidence of the teelings of intelligent abolitionists 
 then, we quote at considerable length, a portion of the discussions, in the fall 
 of 1834. At that time, Abbot Lawrence, and Amasa Walker were put in 
 nomination to represent Boston in Congress. Mr. Lawrence was interrogated 
 in regard to his views on the subject of slavery in the District of Columbia- 
 Commenting on his reply, Mr. Garrison, in the Liberator of November 8, 1834, 
 said: 
 
 "The Election — Mr. Lawrence's Letter. 
 
 " It is certainly a singular, and not very creditable fact, that the people of 
 New England, with all their professed hostility to slavery, and their desire to 
 see it abolished, have never interrogated those who have presented themselves 
 for their suffrages, whether, if elected, they would endeavor to effect a 
 speedy and complete overthrow of the foul system in the District of Colum- 
 bia, and in the Territories of the Union. This question should be paramount 
 over all others at every election, until the nation, as a nation, ceases to traffic 
 in human flesh. * * But this apathy is fast giving way, and very soon 
 
 the all-absOrbing question at the polls, will be, — « VVill you vote for the imme- 
 diate abolition of slavery in that portion of the country, over which Congress 
 has exclusive jurisdiction?' And upon the answer given to this question, 
 will hinge every Congressional election. Fortunately, we have the experi- 
 ence of the British people to guide us in this matter. The tables of the two 
 houses of parliament groaned for many a session, beneath the weight of peti- 
 tions for the abolishmeut of colonial slavery ; hut these petitions were unheed- 
 ed, because no effort was made to send the right men to put away that evil 
 and bitter thing. At last the moral influence of the nation was poured 
 through a political medium — and slavery received its death-blow at once. 
 Mrs. Child, in her Oasis, tells us the following instructive and pithy anec- 
 dote :— 
 
 " HOW TO EFFECT EMANCIPATION. 
 
 " A venerable and excellent member of the Society of Friends, from Eng- 
 land, speaking to the editor of the manner in which emancipation could be 
 effected in the United States, said : — « Thou must do as we have done in Eng- 
 land. A sculptor came among us with images, in black marble, of an African 
 kneeling, in chains. Almost every abolitionist purchased one ; and when a 
 man came to ask us to vote for him as member of Parliament, we held up the 
 image and asked, What hast thou done for this? If he said he had not made 
 up his mind on that difficult question, we answered, Then, friend, we HAVE 
 made up our triads that we shall not vote for thee.' " 
 
25 
 
 This, Mr. Garrison calls a " good example," and accordingly, after some 
 comments on Mr. Lawrence's letter, adds : 
 
 " We have taken no pains to ascertain how this letter is regarded by our 
 abolition brethren generally. Doubtless some of them will, on the whole, 
 deem it so acceptable at the present juncture, as to induce them to vote for 
 Mr. Lawrence. As for ourselves, we shall give a decided preference to an- 
 other candidate in the field, viz., AMASA WALKER, Esq., simply because 
 he is publicly known to be a thorough-going, uncompromising abolitionist, upon 
 whose integrity the utmost reliance may be safely placed, and who is in other 
 respects, and for many weighty reasons, deserving of a triumphant vote. 
 Conceding fairness of integrity and benevolence of heart to Mr. Lawrence, 
 yet we presume he is almost a stranger to the anti-slavery controversy; and 
 we therefore choose to give our votes to one who is an acknowledged aboli- 
 tionist, and who has, on all great moral questions, displayed so much intre- 
 pidity as Amasa Walker. 
 
 " These remarks we make upon our individual responsibility \ presuming that 
 abolitionists will exercise that independence of thought, of choice, and of ac- 
 tion, in this particular, for which they are signalized in all their movements." 
 
 The election passed. The colored people were persuaded to throw their 
 votes generally for Mr. Lawrence. This called out a letter to them from Mr. 
 Garrison, dated Dec. 18th, and published in the Liberator of Dec. 20th, 1834, 
 and headed «' Political Suggestions to the Colored Inhabitants of Boston." The 
 following are extracts: 
 
 * * * *t We do indeed need a Christian party in politics — not made up of 
 this or that sect or denomination, but all who fear God and keep his command- 
 ments, and who sincerely desire to seek judgment and relieve the oppressed. 
 I know it is the belief of many professedly good men, that they ought not to 
 meddle with politics ; but they are cherishing a delusion, ivhich, if it do not 
 
 prove fatal to their own souls, may prove the destruction of their country. 
 
 * * * 
 
 "With regard to Abbot Lawrence, I respect him as an honorable man and 
 an enterprising merchant; but he had no claim upon you for your votes, for 
 his letter was not at all satisfactory, nor such an one as an abolitionist would 
 have written. Moreover, there was another candidate in the field, who was 
 and is your friend and advocate, known openly as such — a man of moral cour- 
 age and a Christian — AMASA WALKER. I gave him my vote on the 
 ground of humanity , justice, benevolence, and religion; and 1 think, as you 
 valued your own welfare, he ought to have received your votes. It is true, 
 had you all voted for him, he would not have been elected ; but your support, 
 on that ground, would have told well for him and for you, and increased the 
 probability of his success at another election. Besides it is our duty to throw 
 our votes wisely, even if we are sure of defeat. We must try it again and 
 again, until we succeed ; for in this, as in every good work, we shall reap in 
 due season, if we faint not. 
 
 " In conclusion, I will add, that I am glad, yea, proud to see that you are 
 appreciating the importance of exercising that elective franchise which is se- 
 cured to you by the Constitution of Massachusetts. By rallying at the 
 polls, you show that you understand and duly estimate an important right, 
 and you elevate yourselves in public estimation, if you do not suffer designing 
 men to mislead you. In many cases, you will undoubtedly be led astray, in 
 consequence of a want of correct information ; but by consulting your tried 
 friends, you will generally cast your votes into the right scale. When the 
 various parties present their list of candidates, I would advise you to examine 
 them all minutely, and from them all select such names of persons as you 
 know or believe are most kindly disposed toward you as a people. This is not 
 an appeal to your selfishness, but the presentation of a DUTY which you 
 owe to yourselves, and to your brethren elsewhere — whether bond or free. 
 The foregoing hints are calculated for general application, wherever colored 
 men are allowed to vote, although they are written with special reference to 
 you who reside in Boston. * * * 
 
 " Wm, Lloyd Garrison. 
 
 " Boston, Dec. 18, 1834." 
 
 3 
 
This letter, and other similar articles, induced " A Friend " to write fo Mr, 
 Garrison, expressing the hope " that no ' political suggestions ' or other poli- 
 tics might tind their way into the Liherator hereafter," which call' <! lorth 
 from Mr. G.'s pen, the following notice in the Liberator of Dec. 27, 13;4. 
 
 *.* To CORRESPONDENTS. 
 
 '"' * A Friend,' who hopes ' that no political svggestions, or other politics, 
 may find their way into the Liberator hereafter,? will be surely disappointed. 
 Hitherto, we have said little or nothing in reply to the hypocritical cant and 
 lugubrious outcry which have been uttered by the pro-slavery party, respect- 
 ing the ' political action' alluded to in the Declaration of the Nation il Anti- 
 slavery Convention ; but in our next volume we shall take up this subj t, and 
 tell slave-traders, slaveholders, eolonizationists, and all others, what w mean 
 to do with our elective franchise, towards breaking up the impious s\ em of 
 slavery. As that Declaration was penned by us, we presume thai we are 
 competent to give an exposition of its doctrines. One thing we wil ay, in 
 advance of our essays, that the Immediate Emancipation of th< slaves 
 in the District of Columbia and the Territories, is to be made a Test a t the 
 ballot boxes, in the choice of representatives to Congress ; and that >o man 
 who is a slave-holder, will receive the votes of conscientious and Co istent 
 abolitionists, for pny station in the gift ol the people — especially for the Presi- 
 dency of the United States." 
 
 This called out Mr. Tracy, of the Boston Recorder, in an article, leaded 
 " Political Action in the Churches." To this, Mr. Garrison replies : 
 
 " Nobody but Mr. Tracy has ever alluded to, or contemplated a- such 
 action in the churches; and he ought to be ashamed to make such a < lorous 
 hue and cry about the discharge of a great and solemn privilege at 1I1 ballot 
 box. Will he tell us whether abolitionists, or, if it will suit him better wheth- 
 er those who are opposed to slavery, can conscientiously or consistently t^stow 
 their suffrages upon a slave holder, or whether they will sin in pre' ing a 
 non-slaveholder, (for the honor of the country), to fill the Presidential chair ? 
 Or vs hetber they ought not to ' remember those in bonds as bound win hem ' 
 — at the polls— and send those to Congress who will abolish slaver) in the 
 District of Columbia ? " 
 
 Sentiments more honorable to himself and the cause he advocates never fell 
 from his lips, or flowed from his pen, than those we have above quoted The 
 extract which follows, gives us the views then entertained by 
 
 Henry B. Stanton, 
 than whom no man has labored more ardently, or with a greater measure of 
 success, for the last three years. We cannot well separate it from its imnec- 
 tions. At the Annual Meeting of the Mass. A. S. Society, Jan. 1' 7, Mr. 
 Stanton brought forward several political resolves, in the discussion of ich he 
 remarked, among other things, " That they (the resolutions) speak of le du- 
 ties, not of a party, but of the entire people, of all parties and all eeds." 
 This called up 
 
 Mr. Hall of Boston, who approved of all these resolutions but the If t. He 
 did not rise for the purpose of finding fault, or cavilling; but he deprer ed po- 
 litical action, at least in the present stage of the question, as it would excite 
 much clamor, and in his opinion do much harm. 
 
 Mr. Garrison replied — He was surprised to hear that sentiment from one of 
 the original signers of the Declaration of Anti-Slavery Sentiments, by the Con- 
 vention at Philadelphia, which expressly states that we are to make use of 
 * moral and political action ' for the removal of slavery. True, abolitionists 
 have nothing to do with politics, as understood among politicians, with reference 
 to the political parties of the day; but they have something to do with politics, 
 so far as relates to this question. Surely, they ought not to vote for any man 
 who will not maintain the right of petition, and go for the abolition of lavery, 
 where Congress has the power; and this is all that the resolution affirms. Are 
 we to be deterred from discharging our duty by the clamors of unprincipled 
 and violent men ? 
 
 Mr. Stanton. — There is political action in this country, on this subject, at the 
 
27 
 
 present moment. We feel its oppression now. In the nature of things, there 
 must continue to be political action. Oar petitions are thrown under the table, 
 to be swept out with the waste paper of the House, and they will continue to 
 be. Then, the inquiry is, shall we sit quietly by, and permit the present po- 
 litical action to continue, (for continue it will,) or shall we introduce a system 
 of action more in accordance with the spirit of our free institutions ? Our 
 brother says, let us avoid political action. Avoid political action ? We have 
 political as well as religious responsibilities. We might as well avoid the at- 
 mosphere and hope to live, as to dodge our political responsibilities, and to 
 expect the favor of Heaven upon the discharge of our religious duties. In this 
 nation, where the people rule, EVERY MAN WHO HAS A VOTE, IS 
 BOUND TO USE IT FOR THE PROMOTION OF POLITICAL AND 
 MORAL RIGHT." 
 
 And no man took exception to this doctrine then, or pretended that in preach- 
 ing and urging it in our anti-slavery meetings, we were introducing new tests 
 and despotising over men's consciences. Every one who has heard Mr. Stan- 
 ton lecture, will bear witness to his earnestness in the enforcement of these 
 views — and to the general applause which has followed his efforts. The views 
 of another of the earliest friends of the slave, were drawn out in reply to a 
 paragraph from the pen of N. P. Rogers, editor of the N. H. Herald of Free- 
 dom. We refer to 
 
 John G. Whtttier. 
 
 In reference to the question, what is the doctrine of original abolitionism, on 
 the subject of political action, Mr. Rogers remarks, 
 
 • Political action is enjoined in the Declaration of Sentiments at Philadelphia. 
 But there, if we remember right, nothing is said, which necessarily demands 
 anything more of political action than petitioning Congress and other legislative 
 bodies. That is political action, and probably all that was then contemplated. 
 It was not then expected that Congress would treat the petitions and the peti- 
 tioners unconstitutionally. It could not have been anticipated that Athertonism 
 would have gone with a northern hand and ' clapped the torch to freedom's 
 temple.' " 
 
 To this Mr. Whittier replies in the Pennsylvania Freeman. 
 
 " Our brother Rogers is mistaken. We were a member of that Philadelphia 
 Convention — one of the three constituting the sub-committee which drew up 
 the Declaration of Sentiments. No one at that period objected to political ac- 
 tion in its fullest extent. Our friend Garrison told us how the abolitionists of 
 Great Britain were carrying their principles to the ballot box as an earnest of 
 what we should be able ere long to do in our own country. For ourselves, 
 we never had the fmly to suppose that the selfish politicians at Washington 
 would regard at all petitions for the slave, unless they knew we were prepared 
 to vindicate our principles at the ballot box; — unless they believed us ready to 
 do all in our power, to hurl from their ' bad eminences ' all who disregarded 
 our plea for perishing humanity." 
 
 Precisely the views exhibited in Mr. Garrison's remarks above quoted, under 
 the head of "The Election — Mr. Lawrence's Letter," and they 
 are not only coincident, but palpably correct. 
 
 Before quoting further it may be well to remark upon the delay to enforce 
 the right exercise of the political franchise, which has been appealed to as proof 
 that no such exercise of them was intended at the outset of our career. It is 
 not a matter of wonder, that the duty of individual voters was not sooner urged. 
 Political power was to be accumulated before it could be applied. Abolition- 
 ists were not bound to waste their votes when no gain to the slave or to liberty 
 could accrue from it — and they wisely and patiently waited till they could exert 
 a measure of political power that would be felt, amid all the din of party strug- 
 gles for power and plunder. In the meantime, there was no concealment of 
 their intentions, or of their views of duty, when circumstances should call for 
 its discharge. Let us now summon other witnesses. 
 Elizur Wright, Jr. 
 
 " The doctrine (of immediate emancipation) may be thus briefly stated. It 
 
28 
 
 is the duty of the holders of slaves immediately to restore to them their liberty, 
 and to extend to them the full protection of law, as well as its control." 
 (Other things, such as providing means of instruction, employment as free la- 
 borers, &c, are mentioned.) — Sin of Slavery, p. 40, 1833. 
 A. A. Phelps. 
 
 " It (immediate emancipation) means simply, that the slaves be at once de- 
 livered from the control of arbitrary and irresponsible power, and, like other 
 men, put under the control of equitable laws, equitably administer ed." — 
 1834, Lectures, p. 171. 
 
 James G. Birnev. 
 
 Instead of specific quotations, we content ourselves with referring to an article 
 from his pen, in the Emancipator, of May 2d, 1838 — in which he argues at 
 length, that those who oppose political action are inconsistent in retaining their 
 connection with the American A. S. Society, on the ground that political action, 
 including voting, is as plainly an anti-slavery duty, enjoined in our Constitutions, 
 etc., as any other measure for the overthrow of slavery. 
 (4) State Societies. 
 
 We will now add a few illustrative testimonies from State Societies. The 
 following were passed at the Annual Meeting of the 
 
 New York State Societv, 
 
 Held at Utica, on the 20th and 21st of Sept. 1838. We only need to say 
 they are from the pen, and may be considered as the testimony also of Wm. 
 Goodell, to the character of original abolitionism. 
 
 " Resolved, That American slavery, which exists only by American laws, 
 can be abolished only by the repeal of those laws; therefore, 
 
 " Resolved, That it is a contradiction in terms, for American citizens to talk 
 of ' breaking every yoke,' and ' delivering the spoiled out of the hands of the 
 oppressor,' without a repeal of the laws which sanction American slavery. 
 
 " Resolved, That if every slaveholder in the United States shouid now libe- 
 rate his slaves, and yet the slave laws should remain unrepealed, the }o!.e of 
 slavery, though not in use, for the time being, would not be broken, according 
 t» the divine command ; there would be no governmental testimony against slave- 
 holding, nor security against its introduction to-morrow, and consequently the 
 national and state guilt of slavery, would remain unrepented of, and unre- 
 moved. 
 
 " Resolved, That as the legislators of the slave States, and the people who 
 elect them, are morally bound to break the yoke of slavery, by the repeal of 
 the slave laws of those States, — so, in like manner, the legislators of the United 
 States, in Congress assembled, and the people who ele^t them, are morally 
 bound to repeal the slave laws of the District of Columbia, and territories, and 
 prohibit the slave trade between the different States. 
 
 " Resolved, That as there are no circumstances which can justify the slave- 
 holder in refusing to emancipate the slave, and no circumstances which can 
 justify the southern Statesman in neglecting to break the yoke of oppression in 
 the slave States — so there are no circumstances winch can justify northern 
 freemen in neglecting to break the yoke of oppression, in the District of Co- 
 lumbia, which they are constitutionally and politically able to do, by their votes 
 for members of Congress, and President and Vice-President of the United 
 States — and no circumstances which can justify them in neglecting to abolish 
 the relics of slavery in the non-slaveholding States, by their votes for the legis- 
 lators and executives of the same. 
 
 "Resolved, That since politics, rightly conducted, are properly a branch of 
 morals, and that since moral action against slavery consists in the use of moral 
 arguments to induce men to break the yoke of oppression, we are led to regard 
 the so-called moral efforts of those who believe in the duty of exercising the 
 right of suffrage, and who talk against slavery, but will not themselves assist to 
 break the yoke of oppression by their votes, as being no moral action at all 
 against slavery, but an immoral action in its favor. 
 
 " Resolved, That holding as we do these principles, we feel bound in frank- 
 to promulgate them and our consequent purposes to the 
 
29 
 
 world, not for the purpose of dictating to our fellow-citizens what they shall 
 do, but for the purpose of making known what we feel bound to do ourselves, 
 and what we affectionately invite our fellow-citizens to assist us in doing: there- 
 fore. 
 
 " Resolved, That by the grace of Gcd, no motives of political expediency, of 
 partizan interest, of personal friendship, or any other consideration, shall tempt 
 us, under any possible circumstances, to vote for slavery through the repre- 
 sentatives of our choice, either in the national or state legislatures: nor will 
 we neglect the opportunity to record our votes against slavery, whenever a 
 candidate of good moral character, and heartily in favor of immediate emanci- 
 pation shall be nominated in the district of our location, irrespective of the po- 
 litical party to which he may belong, or of the pecuniary or partizan interests 
 which may be supposed to be involved." 
 
 The Vermont A. S. Society, 
 
 At its Annual Meeting, 20th of February 1839, adopted the following: — 
 
 "Resolved, That slaveholding, under all possible circumstances, is sin, and 
 ought to be immediately repented of and abandoned; and hence every philan- 
 thropist and Christian — in short, every moral agent, is under the most solemn 
 obligations to use all means sanctioned by law, humanity and religion, to effect 
 the immediate abolition of this sinful relation. 
 
 " Resolved, That as Abolitionists, we carefully avoid all alliance with either 
 of the political parties of the day; but in the exercise of the elective franchise, 
 we will support those candidates, without regard to party distinctions, who will 
 promote the cause of immediate emancipation; and if no such candidates are 
 nominated by either of the political parties, we will give our votes for good 
 men not on either of the regular tickets." 
 
 The Convention which formed the 
 
 Ohio A. S. Society, 
 
 In April 1835, put forth a " Declaration of Sentiments," which was signed, 
 among others, by such men as Rankin, Wattles, Stanton, Crothers, Dickey, 
 Howells, Thome, and Weld, and is therefore the testimony of these individu- 
 als on the point before us, as well as of the Convention, as a whole. 
 
 " By immediate emancipation, (say the Convention,) we do not mean that 
 the slaves shall be deprived of employment: and turned loose to roam as vaga- 
 bonds. We do not mean that they shall immediately be put in possession of 
 all political privileges, any more than foreigners before naturalization, or native 
 citizens not qualified to vote; nor that they shall be expelled from their native 
 country as the pric<jra.nd condition of their freedom. But we do mean that, 
 instead of being uncW" the unlimited control of a few irresponsible masters, 
 they shall receive the protection of law ; that they shall be employed as free 
 laborers, fairly compensated and protected in their earnings; that they shall 
 have secured to them " (by the law that protects them, of course,) 'the right, 
 to obtain secular and religious knowledge, and to worship God according to 
 his word.' " 
 
 The Maine A. S. Society, 
 
 At its Annual Meeting, in Augusta, Feb. 8th, 1839, adopted the following: — 
 
 " Resolved, That it is the imperious duty of every abolitionist, who can 
 conscientiously exercise the elective franchise, to go promptly to the polls and 
 deposit his vote in favor of some man, who, if elected, will use his utmost Con- 
 stitutional power for the immediate overthrow of slavery." 
 
 The following is from the Annual Report, adopted at the same time. 
 
 " At the formation of the American Anti-Slavery Society, the importance of 
 promoting the cause of the slave by suitable political action, was distinctly re- 
 cognized, and the subject has since to a greater or less extent, been constantly 
 kept in view. During the past year, a new interest in it has been awakened. 
 
 " The right of suffrage is not merely a privilege. It is a most sacred and im- 
 portant trust, to be employed, under a solemn sense of responsibility to God, 
 in the promotion of the public good. As abolitionists, we profess to believe 
 that slavery is a most heinous sin against God and man, and in the highest de- 
 gree injurious to the welfare of Society, We are bound therefore, to attempt 
 3* 
 
30 
 
 its removal not merely by moral suasion, or appeals to the conscience of the 
 slaveholder, but also by the right use of whatever political power we possess. 
 
 " It is unquestionably in the power of Congress to abolish slavery in the Dis- 
 trict and Florida, to put a stop to the slave trade between the States, and to re- 
 fuse the admission of any new slave State into the Union. The free States 
 possess a clear majority in Cungress. These several objects will therefore be 
 accomplished, whenever the public sentiment in the free States shall demand 
 it, and that sentiment is properly represented in Congress. We are under sol- 
 emn obligations therefore not only to diffuse through the community correct sen- 
 timents on the subject of slavery, but also to make all proper efforts to place in 
 our National Legislature, men who will use the power, committed to their hands, 
 in accordance with our views. 
 
 " The subject of political action has recently been fully discussed at the meet- 
 ings of several of the County Societies, and the strong resolutions of Mr, 
 Goodell, affirming the duty of political action, adopted, in the end, with great 
 unanimity." 
 
 (5) County Societies. 
 
 Returning again homewards, we find a multitude of resolves passed by the 
 County Societies in Massachusetts, most of which are auxiliary to the old 
 State Society. We begin with a resolve passed by the Middlesex County A. 
 S. Society, at Framingham, Oct. 17, 1838. 
 
 " Resolved, That we recommend to the voters in the several towns and 
 districts of the State, in no case to obstain from voting, merely because they 
 cannot conscientiously throw their votes for either of the regularly nominated 
 candidates; but to see to it that each individual cast his vote for some true 
 friend of the slave — otherwise his whole influence on the politics of the coun- 
 try is lost." ' • 
 
 The Plymouth Co. Society, at a meeting in Hingham, Oct. 31st, 1838, 
 adopted the following — 
 
 " Whereas, slavery is the creature of law, and can be finally and completely 
 abolished only by law; and whereas effectual legislation on the subject can be 
 secured only by the election of men to political offices, who will go to the 
 extent of their constitutional powers in the case; and whereas we believe, with 
 the Convention that formed the American Anti-Slavery Society, that ' there 
 are the highest obligations resting on the people of this country to abolish 
 slavery by moral and political action,' — Therefore, 
 
 "Resolved, That no consistent abolitionist can vote for any man, of any 
 party, to a seat in the Executive, or Legislative department of Government, 
 who will not go to the extent of his constitutional authgkity in giving freedom 
 to the enslaved." 
 
 At the Annual Meeting of the Worcester Co. N. Division Society,' the 
 following was adopted, with one dissenting voice, a non-government man from 
 another county. 
 
 " Whereas slavery is the creature of legislation, upheld and supported by 
 law, and is to be abolished by law, and by law only; and, 
 
 ** Whereas, in order to secure its legal overthrow, the legislative bodies 
 having power over the same, must be composed of good men and true, who 
 will go for its immediate abolition; and, 
 
 " Whereas it Is impossible to obtain such a legislative body, unless aboli- 
 tionists carry their principles to the ballot box, and vote only for men of this 
 character; therefore, * 
 
 "Resolved, 1, That in the opinion of this Society, every abolitionist is in 
 duty bound, not to content himself with merely refusing to vote for any man 
 who is opposed to the emancipation of the slave, but to go to the polls 
 
 AND THROW HIS VOTE FOR SOME MAN KNOWN TO FAVOR IT." 
 
 The Bristol Co. A. S. Convention was held at Taunton, Sept. 26th, 1838. 
 It adopted the following resolutions on the subject — 
 
 " Resolved, That in the opinion of this Convention, the civil and political 
 rights of men, as much as their moral and religious, are the gift of God, and 
 that they are as truly bound to exercise the former as the latter for the ad- 
 vancement of universal liberty, and the overthrow of all oppression. 
 
31 
 
 *'* Resolved, That among their rights and gifts, are the rights of suffrage and 
 petition, two of the mightiest engines against tyranny and oppression, in all 
 their forms, and that they cannot be missapplied, but with the displeasure of 
 Almighty God. 
 
 " Resolved, That we earnestly recommend to the abolitionists of even- 
 town in this county, to see to it immediately, that every candidate for their 
 suffrage be questioned as to his views on slavery and emancipation, and that 
 they steadfastly refuse to vote for any man who does not answer in such a 
 manner that they can trust in his action on the subject as a legislator, and as 
 steadfastly vote for those who do so answer." 
 
 The Bristol Co. A. S. Society held its annual meeting at Assonet, on the 
 30th of October following, when the same resolutions were referred to the 
 Society, and "after much discussion, unanimously adopted." 
 
 The Barnstable Co. Society adopted the following, April 4, 1839. 
 
 " Resolved, That the lamentable state of political corruption in our nation, 
 is chiefly owing to a ' delusion ' cherished by ' some professedly good men,' 
 that they ought not to meddle with politics. They have forsaken the polls, 
 and abandoned the power and rights of the ballot box to the control and in- 
 fluence of political jockeys and gamblers, who have not hesitated to throw any 
 stake which bids fair to elevate them to office. Hence the recent speech of 
 Mr. Clay on anti-abolition petitions. Hence the threat of Mr. Van Buren to 
 uphold slavery in the District of Columbia with his veto power. Hence the 
 recent attempt to father Texas upon this Union, with perpetual slavery in its 
 Constitution. Hence the purchase of Louisiana and Florida, to furnish new 
 territory for slavery, and prevent the escape of fugitives from the Southern 
 prison house of innocence and freedom. None of these dark deeds could 
 have been perpetrated without the treachery of Northern Representatives — 
 inasmuch as the free states have always had a majority in Congress; nor 
 would any of these men have dared to perpetrate these deeds of treason to 
 liberty, had good men, who feared God, and kept his commandments, gone to 
 the polls and done their duty. 
 
 " Whereas, slavery is itself the creature of law, i. e. political action, and 
 can only be destroyed by the same power that gave it being; therefore, 
 
 " Resolved, That any man to whom, By the providence of God, is com- 
 mitted the important and sacred right of using the elective franchise, who does 
 not steadfastly, firmly, and perse veringly refuse to give his vote to any candidate 
 for Representative to Congress, or for any other station in the gift of the peo- 
 ple — especially for the Presidency of the United States — who is not a faithful, 
 true, and known friend of universal and immediate emancipation — is not true 
 to the precious interests of humanity; he connives at the perpetuity of the foul 
 system; slips the cable of the noble ship x\bolition, and sends her adrift upon 
 a wide and shoreless ocean." 
 
 (6) Political Conventions. 
 
 A kind of testimony, still more decisive, is furnished by the resolves of poli- 
 tical anti-slavery conventions ; at which the whole subject was fully discuss- 
 ed, and such resolutions as the following passed with great unanimity. 
 
 The Young Men's State Convention, at Worcester, Oct. 2, 1838, adopted 
 the following resolutions. 
 
 " Resolved, That slavery in this country, existing as it does by virtue of 
 law, can be legally abolished only by the enactment or by the repeal of law. 
 
 "Resolved, That the emancipation of slavery by individual slaveholders, 
 though it should be universal, would not be a repeal of the slave laws — would 
 not furnish a safeguard against future enslavement — would not break but only 
 lay aside, for the time being, the yoke of oppression — would not involve a 
 public, social renunciation of slaveholding; and hence, without political action 
 against slavery, there can be no national repentance and amendment, in relation 
 to that great national crime. 
 
 " Resolved, That the people of the United States, and their representatives 
 in Congress, are morally bound to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia 
 and national territories, and prohibit the interstate slave trade; and that for 
 
32 
 
 the neglect of this duty, they are as really guilty as the people of the slave 
 States, and their representatives in the State Legislatures, who refuse to abol- 
 ish the slave laws of those States. 
 
 " Resolved, That as there are no circumstances which can justify south- 
 ern freemen and statesmen, in neglecting to vote against slavery in those 
 sections of the country where they hold the political power; so there are no 
 circumstances which can justify northern freemen and statesmen in the 
 same neglect to vote against the slavery over which they possess political 
 power. 
 
 " Resolved, That holding, as we do, these principles, we feel bound, in 
 frankness and fair dealing, to promulgate them, and our consequent purposes, 
 to the world — not for the purpose of dictating to our fellow-citizens what they 
 shall do, but for the purpose of making known what we feel bound to do our- 
 selves, and what we affectionately invite our fellow-citizens to assist us in doinw." 
 
 The Essex County A. S. Convention adopted the following, October 24th, 
 1838. 
 
 " Whereas, we, as the subjects of the government of God, are accountable 
 to Him for the use or abuse of our political rights; and, 
 
 " Whereas, slavery is sustained by legislation; and 
 
 " Whereas the pro-slavery legislation of this country can never be changed 
 until suitable men are elevated to political offices; and, 
 
 " Whereas no man, who will not speak and vote in favor of the inalienable 
 rights of men, irrespective of color, is entitled to the suffrages of true hearted 
 abolitionists; therefore, 
 
 " Resolved, That we pledge ourselves to vote for no man of any political 
 party for any office in the Executive or Legislative departments of our State 
 and national governments, who is not ready to speak and act in favor of im- 
 mediate emancipation in the District of Columbia, and the immediate abolition 
 of the slave trade between the States; and, 
 
 " Whereas, we believe, with the Declaration of Sentiments of the Conven- 
 tion which formed the American A. S. Society in 1833, that 'there are the 
 highest obligations resting upon the people of the free States, to remove slavery 
 by moral and political action;' therefore, 
 
 '« Resolved, That a Committee of six be appointed by this Convention, 
 whose duty it shall be to question the several candidates for Congress and the 
 State Senate, in the county, and publish their answers forthwith." 
 
 The Norfolk County Convention, at Dedham, November 6, 1838, passed 
 the following. 
 
 " Whereas, slavery fis it exists in this country, is at war with the rights of 
 God and man, destructive to the rights of the free as well as the slave, and 
 dangerous to the safety and welfare of the whole people; and whereas, it is 
 the creature of law, and must be annihilated by late; therefore, 
 
 " 1. Resolved, That, as citizens and friends of the slave, we regard it as our 
 solemn duty'to exercise our political as well as our moral influence for the 
 complete and utter overthrow of the whole system. 
 
 " 2. Resolved, That, as consistent abolitionists, we cannot vote for any 
 man of any party, for a seat in Congress, who is not in favor of going to the 
 extent of his constitutional authority for the immediate and complete extinction 
 of slavery and the slave trade in the District of Columbia, and Territory of 
 Florida." 
 
 The Middlesex County Convention passed the following, October 30, 
 ,1838. 
 
 " Whereas, slavery is the creature of law, and can be effectually and finally 
 abolished only by law; and whereas such legislation can be secured only by the 
 election of such men to political offices as will use all their constitutional power 
 for this end; therefore, 
 
 " 1. Resolved, That no consistent abolitionist can vote for any man for any 
 office in the Executive or Legislative departments of the national government, 
 who will not go to the utmost verge of his constitutional authority for the im- 
 mediate overthrow of slavery and the slave trade. 
 
33 
 
 " 3. Resolved, That this Convention recommend the immediate circulation 
 in the several towns, of the following pledge: — 
 
 "We, the undersigned, deeming it a solemn duty to exercise the elective 
 franchise so as most effectually to promote the cause of human freedom, do 
 hereby agree that we will not vote, at the ensuing election, for any man of any 
 party, for a seat in the national or State legislature, who will not vote and act 
 for the immediate overthrow of slavery," &c. 
 
 At a second meeting in the same county, pending the contested election, 
 Dec. 11th, the following were passed. 
 
 " Resolved, That we will not content ourselves with simply staying away 
 from the polls, and neglecting to vote for the candidates in question, but, 
 Providence permitting, will be at the polls without fail, and vote for some one 
 who is true to the slave — deeply sensible that it is quite as important, and as 
 much our 'duty, to be at our post, and vote for a good and true man, as it is 
 to decline voting for one who is not; and that we earnestly recommend to all 
 abolitionists in the District to do the same. 
 
 " Resolved, That the more effectually to secure this object, it be recommend- 
 ed to the abolitionists in each town, to appoint a committee of one, two, or 
 three, as the case may require, whose duty it shall be to see that every aboli- 
 tionist in the town is at the polls, that he may there vote for the slave." 
 
 These documents, we think, make it clear, that the doctrine of abolition 
 from the beginning has been, that men are bound, in duty, to exercise the 
 elective franchise for the slave, whenever and wherever he can be benefitted 
 thereby; and that the abolitionism which gives up this doctrine, and fails to 
 urge this measure as a matter of duty, widely departs from the original and 
 fundamental principles of our associations. 
 
 NOTE C. 
 
 Departure of the Massachusetts A. S. Society. 
 
 The history of the departure of the Massachusetts Society from the princi- 
 ples of genuine abolitionism on this subject, is a short one. A portion of its 
 influential members having adopted other views, were naturally enough averse 
 to having the Society continue to reiterate, what they had themselves ' repu- 
 diated ' as erroneous in religion and morals.* Hence their efforts to identify 
 the Society's influence with their own views; efforts, which through various 
 artifices, unhappily succeeded. 
 
 To satisfy the scruples of some, a reserve was made, in the resolution of- 
 fered at the annual meeting in January last, which was of itself a proof of the 
 prevalence of the new and sectarian views on the subject. It was as follows. 
 
 " Resolved, That it is the imperious duty of every abolitionist, who can con- 
 scientiously exercise the elective franchise, to go promptly to the polls and 
 deposite his vote in favor of some man, who, if elected, will use his utmost 
 constitutional power for the immediate overthrow of slavery." 
 
 But even this would not satisfy, and on motion of Mr. Garrison, the following 
 was adopted in its stead. 
 
 " Resolved, That those abolitionists, who feel themselves called upon, by a 
 sense of duty, to go to the polls, and yet purposely absent themselves from 
 the polls whenever an opportunity is presented to vote for a friend of the slave 
 — or who, when there, follow their party predilections to the abandonment of 
 their abolition principles — are recreant to their high professions, and unworthy 
 of the name they assume." 
 
 * Their doctrine is — " As every human government is upheld by phy- 
 sical strength, * * * * we therefore voluntarily exclude ourselves 
 from every legislative and judicial body, and repudiate all human poli- 
 tics, worldly honors, and stations of authority. If we cannot occupy a 
 seat in the legislature, or on the bench, neither can we elect others to 
 act as our substitutes, in any such capacity." — Declaration of Sentiments 
 of the J\on-Resistance Convention, Sept, 18,1838. 
 
34 
 
 Let us try to translate this into plain English — into common sense it will not 
 come. 
 
 " We are very far from saying that it is your duty, or even right for you if 
 you think it so, to go to the polls and give your countenance to a human gov- 
 ernment; but if you will go at other times, your abolitionism is violated if you 
 purposely absent yourselves when work is to be done for the slave. If you 
 are indifferent about politics, you may stay away by accident. We object to 
 nothing but " purposely," excepting the slave from the benefit of your suf- 
 frage provided you must give it." 
 
 Compare this with any one of the resolves before quoted, and say, if here 
 is not a suppression of impartial truth, at the bidding of sect — say if there is 
 not too much evidence that the ' glory ' of true integrity did indeed depart, 
 when it was adopted. The subjoined extract from the Annual Report adopted 
 at the same meeting, is in keeping with the resolve above quoted, and with the 
 general tone of the Report, and the speeches made in favor of its adoption. 
 
 " If any attempt be made, directly or indirectly, (as is strenuously advised 
 by certain abolitionists,) to declare that it is the duty of all abolitionists to go 
 to the ballot-box, then it follows that those who think otherwise must be 
 treated as recreant to duty. The Board deny that it is competent for any anti- 
 slavery society, by its votes or through its organ, to arraign either the political 
 or religious views of its members. It may with no more propriety decide, 
 that one man is morally bound to cast a vote at the polls, than that another 
 man is morally bound to unite himself to the church. On this subject, there 
 are many conflicting but honest opinions entertained by abolitionists. All that 
 a society or its organ may rightfully do, is to entreat its members to abide by 
 their principles, [good or bad?] whether in the church or out of it, at the 
 polls or elsewhere; to vote for no man, who is not in favor of immediate 
 emancipation; to listen to no preacher, who apologises for slavery." 
 
 This is saying, in almost so many "words, that every A. S. Society is of 
 course a no-human-government society. For even such a society may " entreat " 
 men to obey the voice of conscience — to act in consistency with " their prin- 
 ciples." But this in thousands of instances would be bidding men to sin. Are 
 not many slaveholders professedly conscientious in holding slaves. Are they 
 " entreated " to abide by their principles, whether in the church or out of it?" 
 The voice of God's truth is, See that you have a good conscience and right 
 principles, and then obey them. Excuse not wrong doing with the plea of 
 conscience or consistency. If it be a duty to go to the polls, for the redemp- 
 tion of the slave, say so. If it be not, then warn every man against it, with a 
 voice of thunder. Considered in this, which we are persuaded is the true 
 view of the subject, the resolve alluded to is thorough non-governmentlsm; 
 and its adoption, under the circumstances, was to all practical purposes, the 
 adoption of non-governmentism by the society. A resolution is presented af- 
 firming the old anti-slavery doctrine, that the use of the elective franchise for 
 the slave is duty. Non-governmentism opposes it and offers a substitute. The 
 society yields, refuses to affirm its doctrine of duty and adopts the non-gov- 
 ernment one of consistency. What, under such circumstances, is refusal to 
 affirm, but denial of the doctrine ? Whit, but a " repudiation of human poli- 
 tics " in the case, and a shaping of abolition in conformity with that model ? 
 What but the adoption of a non-political, non-government iabolition ? 
 
 The attempt to secure the passage of a similar resolut on at the quarterly 
 meeting of the Essex Co. A. S. Society in Wenham, March 14lh, 1839, was 
 defeated, by a tie vote, after a long discussion, the agents of the state society 
 strenuously advocating the measure. 
 
 The following resolve was presented, and the amendment which follows it 
 proposed. 
 
 "Resolved, that any man, who, at this fearful crisis, (provided he can con- 
 scientiously exercise the elective franchise) will either stay away from the 
 ballot-box, or throw a vote for any person not in favor of the immediate aboli- 
 tion of this giant enemy of the human race, grossly neglects an imperious duty 
 and takes sides with the slaveholders." 
 
35 
 
 Amendment. " That any man who deems it his duty to exercise his elective 
 franchise, and at this fearful crisis refuses to carry his abolition to the ballot- 
 box, is recreant to his principles and in efl'ect takes sides with the slaveholder." 
 
 At the late annual meeting of this same society, it was assimilated in that 
 respect, and likewise in respect to the "woman question," to the State Society. 
 
 A minor auxiliary of that society, in West Gloucester, passed the following, 
 April 4th, 1839. it is sufficient to say that it is composed chiefly of those 
 who " repudiate all human politics." 
 
 " Resolved, that we view with alarm the doctrine advanced by some, that 
 it is a Christian duty to go to the polls and vote. We think those principles, 
 carried out, would oblige us to equip ourselves and go to the South and fight 
 until slavery should be abolished. 
 
 " Resolved, That we view with regret the spirit manifested by some of our 
 brethren, and hope they will in future content themselves to leave matters of 
 conscience to an unerring power, lest they be found fighting against God." 
 
 At the annual meeting of the American Society, the passage of the resolve, 
 affirming the duty (see Note B.) of political action, was resisted, by the offi- 
 cers and agents of the Mass. A. S. Society, with scarcely an exception; and a 
 non-government resolution urged in its stead. This was cut otf by the previ- 
 ous question, and that which reasserted the old abolition doctrine passed — a ma- 
 jority of the votes thrown against it were from this state. Since the meeting in New 
 York, the Board of Managers of the state society have issued an address to the ab- 
 olitionists of the state on this subject. The object of it would seem to be to re- 
 trace their steps, or at least to deny having lent their sanction as a society or board 
 to the non-government theories. To prove this, they quote from their Ad- 
 dress on Political Action issued in August, 1838; and then say "these pas- 
 sages [for which see Note B] continue to express the views of a great majority 
 of the Board;" and in regard to the society, they " doubt whether one hun- 
 dredth part of its members entertain" the non-government views. This at 
 first sight looks well. A careful examination of it, however, will present us 
 with a very different result. In August, 1838, the question before the public 
 generally, and the abolition public in particular, was, what is anti-slavery 
 doctrine on the subject of political action ? It was not, what is the doctrine 
 of this individual, or that individual, or of any number of individuals, but what 
 is the abolition doctrine ? What is the doctrine of the society as such ? The 
 Board of Managers of the Mass. A. S. Society stepped forth to answer the 
 question. This they did, not as expositors of their views as individuals, 
 or of the views of others as individuals, but as a Board of Managers, the 
 organ of the society, the expositors of its doctrines, the interpreter of 
 its constitution. And their answer went forth to the public, and was 
 received by the public, as an official exposition of anti-slavery doc- 
 trine, as such. They spoke and were understood to speik, not for them- 
 selves but for the society, and as the official interpreters of acknowledged and 
 constitutional abolitio?iis7n. Such was their position then. But now, alas, 
 they" speak for individuals only. True, a majority of their number hold the 
 same views of the duty of voting they did then, but |rCP "they consider it 
 rather a duty growing out of our general obligations as men, 
 than as enjoined in our anti-slavery constitution . " They no longer hold 
 these views then as abolitionists; nor do they urge them as any part of a' oli- 
 tion. They may or may not do it as individuals, but the society, as such, and 
 they as its organ, have no doctrine on the subject. Such is their present posi- 
 tion. What then is this, their last public official act, but an official abandon- 
 ment of anti-slavery doctrine on the subject, and an official shaping of abolition 
 to the model of non-governmentism ? 
 
 Is then the old pioneer society fallen? Fallen it is indeed, but we would 
 hope it may rise again, and be clothed with strength, to plead for justice and 
 judgment in behalf of the bondman. At present, it has thrown away its prin- 
 ciples, and with them, the staff of its power. 
 
36 
 
 ItfOTE D. 
 Civil Government. 
 It was intended to add some testimony to show how uniformly our societies, 
 and prominent men had gone upon the assumption of the rightful existence of 
 civil government. But the mass of documents already given will be evidence 
 enough. We will only remark that emancipation has always been denned, by 
 prominent anti-slavery writers, (by Garrison, Smith, Goodell, Phelps, Wright, 
 Weld, Whittier, May, Follen,&c.) as consisting, not in freedom from law, but 
 in the equal subjection of all men, of every color, to its wholesome restraints: 
 as if such restraints were of course righteous in their nature, and of binding 
 authority. 
 
 NOTE E. 
 Sectarianism. 
 The charge of sectarianism has not been made without reflection. Let the 
 case be put very simply. Two men desire to unite in the promotion of a given 
 object. They agree in reference to the principles and measures involved in it. 
 They disagree on other topics. If either party insist upon introducing or 
 asking sanction for his views on the topics of difference, he is a sectarian. 
 This our brethren have done, in regard to the " woman's rights " and " no- 
 government " views. We agreed on anti-slavery. We did not agree on the 
 other topics. We united to promote anti-slavery, and nothing else. They 
 insisted upon a sanction (1) of their views on women's rights, and then (2) on 
 the subject of political action. 1 They obtained their wishes, in spite of our 
 private and public remonstrances and exertions. They have made their asso T 
 ciation a sectarian thing, and because we were not sectarian, we withdrew 
 from it. Be it, that they were conscientious in their conduct. So^ were we, 
 and had they refrained from urging upon us their sectarian " after-thoughts," 
 the consciences of all would have been respected, and what is all important to 
 our cause, the abolitionism of Massachusetts would hav^ maintained its un- 
 spotted, unsuspected purity. God speed the day when it rhall regain it. 
 
 g4 
 
 VI 
 
r <£&••% Abates «'°^> ^ 
 
 V'W«P 9 V^V V^V ' 
 ': ^%. -.lis.' ^V 'Wm?: A **v 
 
 
 
 A °* .* 
 
 "of 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 • : **% = .5Hr. : .#*v : 1H ; ^ : .1if 
 
 
 
 ^6* 
 
 
 *4°* 
 
 
 •A •* 
 
 O, *o . » * 4 «\ 
 
 
 
 L^ o°"°# ^> 
 
 5^ •' 
 
 
 i ^. 
 
 
 * v ^. '*!«Bf«* 2? *d 
 
 : -^V •. 
 
 V ^ % 
 
 

 
 "oV* 
 
 
 
 J- ^ 
 
 
 ^ 
 
 •5 
 
 
 
 ^0 
 
 °o. -: 
 
 % 
 
 
 6' ^ 
 
 °o 
 
 
 W€RT 
 BOOKBlfSONT 
 
 J«f> ■ Feb 1989 
 
 At> 8c 
 
 

 ' :!:.:•': ' ;ii!! ;!i! . 
 
 
 ■1:1':!: