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COLLECTIONS 
 
 OF 
 
 CJje iSijotie^fjeilanti l^i^torical ^ocietp. 
 
 VOL. IV. 
 
 
 PROVIDENCE: 
 
 K N O W L E S, V O S E & COMPANY 
 
 MDCCCXXXVIII. 
 
 --^o 
 
 ^- 
 
i1 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 It has, for several years, been the desire and in 
 tention of the Rhode-Island Historical Society to 
 cause Callender's Historical Discourse, with ap- 
 propriate notes and a selection of documents requi- 
 site for its illustration, to be embodied in their pub- 
 lished Collections. The original edition of the 
 Discourse, which was published in 1739, has long 
 been out of print. Of that edition but few copies 
 remain perfect, and even those are extremely rare. 
 The propriety, and indeed necessity, of its repub- 
 lication has been rendered greater durhig each 
 succeeding year, by the increased attention which 
 has been paid to the early history of New-England, 
 among the memorials of which, this work has ever 
 been held in high and merited estimation. 
 
 In the accomplishment of this object, it has been 
 fortunate for the Society that the editorship of the 
 present edition, with the task of preparing such 
 notes and additions as it was desirable should ac- 
 company it, has been undertaken by one qualified 
 to discharge it with so nuich ability. The original 
 materials which Professor Elton has contributed, 
 the information contained in the notes, respecting 
 distinguished individuals whose names are con- 
 nected with the history of the Colony during the 
 first century, add much to the value of the work ; 
 and when it is considered how little has been 
 
4 PREFACE. 
 
 know a in relation to the life of Mr. Callender, we 
 feel confident that every reader of the Discourse 
 will be gratified to find so interesting a ?»Iemoir of 
 its author. 
 
 The Appendix of historical documents is exten- 
 sive and well selected. All the papers wdiich it 
 contains, not only deserve a place in the Collections 
 of the Society, hut are also particularly valuable 
 as explanatory of the facts narrated in the Dis- 
 course, conveying, as they do, full information on 
 many points to which brief references only could 
 be made in a work written for such an occasion. 
 With regard to the manner in which these docu- 
 ments are here published, the Committee are happy 
 in bearing testimony to the unw-earied care and 
 minute exivmination which have been bestow^ed in 
 their prepa.ration for the press. In every instance 
 they have been carefully compared with the 
 original;^, and no pains have been spared to ensure 
 their correctness. 
 
 In presenting this volume, the Committee can 
 therefore speak with much confidence respecting 
 the manner in wliich Professor Elton has met the 
 wishes of the Historical Society. He is entitled to 
 the thanks of that Society, for the valuable ad- 
 dition which he has made to their Collections, and ; * 
 deserves the grateful remembrance of the people V 
 of our State, for the satisfactory manner in which 
 he has illustrated this history of their forefathers. 
 For the Committee of Publication ; 
 ALBERT G. GREENE, 
 WILLIAM G. GODDARD, 
 Providence, April, 1838. 
 
AN 
 
 HISTORICAL DISCOURSE, , 
 
 if 
 
 THE CTYIL AND RELIGIOUS AFFAIRS 
 
 OF THE COLONY OF 
 
 RHODE-ISLAND. 
 
 BY JOHN C A L L E N D E R, M. A. 
 
 WITH A MEMOIR OF THE AUTHOR ; BIOCRAPIIICAL NOTICES OF SOME 
 OF HIS DISTINGUISHED CONTEMPORARIES ; 
 AND ANNOTATIONS AND ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS, ILLUSTRATIVE OF 
 THE HISTORY OF RHODE-ISLAND AND PROVIDENCE PLAN- 
 TATIONS, PROM THE FIRST SETTLEMENT TO THE 
 END OF THE FIRST CENTURY. 
 
 BY ROMEO ELTON, M. A., F. S. U. S., 
 
 Member of the Royal Society of Northern Antiquaries, at Copenhagen ; 
 one of the Vice-Presidents of the Rhode-Island Historical Society; 
 and Professor of the Latin and Greek Languages and Lite- 
 rature in Brown University. 
 
 Xescirc quid antea f/unm natus sis acciihrit, id rst semper esse jivervm. 
 
 Cicero. 
 
 PROVIDENCE: 
 K N O \V L E S, V O S E A- C O M P A N Y. 
 
 1838. 
 
 ^ 
 
 .'^. 
 
Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1838, by Romeo 
 Elton, in the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the United States, 
 within and for the District of Rhode-Island. 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 Page 
 
 Memoik of the Rev. John Callender, M. A. - - 9 
 Dr. Cotton Mather. — Letter sent to Dr. Mather's Church, on Mr. 
 
 Callender's ordination, ----- 27 
 
 Thomas Mollis, Esq. - - - - - - 28 
 
 Professor Wigglesworth, ----- 29 
 
 Biographical sketch of Dean Berkeley, - - - - 30 
 
 Letter from the first Baptist Church in Boston to the Congrega- 
 tional Church in Cambridge, - - - - 37 
 
 Rev. John Comer, - - - - - - - 38 
 
 Biographical notice of Rev. Nathaniel Clap, - - - 39 
 
 Mary Callender. — Dr. Waterhouse's sketch of Jier character, 40 
 
 Callender's Historical Discourse, - - - 47 
 
 No. APPENDIX. 
 
 1. Biographical notice of Rev. Thomas Prince, - - 177 
 
 2. Ante-Columbian Discoveries, .... 173 
 Biographical notice of President Stiles, - - - 186 
 
 3. Voyage of Verrazzano to America, - - - - 189 
 
 4. Roger Williams. — His Address to the Clergy, - - 190 
 
 5. Rev. William Blackstone. - . . . . 202 
 
 6. Deed of the chief Sachems of Narragansett to Roger Williams, 204 
 
 7. Deed of Roger Williams to his twelve original associates, 20G 
 
 8. Deposition of Roger Williams, .... 097 
 
 9. Biographical notice of John Clarke, - - . . 210 
 
 10. Form of Civil Compact agreed to by the first settlers on the Isl- 
 
 and of Rhode-Island, . . - . . 212 
 
 11. Indian Deed of the Island of Aquetneck, - - - 214 
 
 12. Deposition of William Coddington, - - - 220 
 
 13. Reference to Simplicity's Defence ; — and the Early History of 
 
 Narragansett, ...... 221 
 
 14. The first Patent of Rhode-Island, - - - 221 
 
 15. Letter to the Massachusetts Governor and Assistants, from mem- 
 
 bers of Parliament, in commendation of Roger Williams, 220 
 
'■^: CONTENTS. 
 
 Page. 
 
 IG. Laws of Rhode-Island, 1047, . ... 228 
 
 17. Letter from Oliver Cromwell to Rhode-Island, - - 230 
 
 18. From the General Assembly to the Commissioners of the United 
 
 Colonies, ...... 231 
 
 19. Letter of Commissioners to John Clarke, - - - 234 
 
 20. Commission to John Clarke, .... 239 
 
 21. The Charter granted by King Charles II. July 8, 1GG3, - 241 
 
 22. Decision of Carr, (fcc, relative to Misquamacock, - 262 
 
 23. Commission from Carr, &c., 1665, .... 263 
 
 24. Establishment of the Episcopal Church in Rhode-Island, 265 
 
 25. Philip's War, 1675, 267 
 
 26. List of the Presidents and Governors of Rhode-Island, 2G8 
 
MEMOIR 
 
 OF THE 
 
 REV. JOHN CALLENDER, AM 
 
 Biography, as well as history, is too frequently 
 employed in eulogizing men who have distinguished 
 themselves merely as crafty statesmen or as ambi- 
 tious warriors. The historian and the biogra}3her 
 vsay little of those characters who are actuated by 
 christian principle, and who seek not the praise of 
 Tnen, but of God. Moral excellence, however, is 
 the most beneficial to mankind ; and it is but justice 
 to allow it to participate in those honors which are 
 more usually appropriated to men of great depravity 
 of heart, and who employ their fellow men only as 
 tools for advancing their own ambition. The biog- 
 raphy of a person of unostentatious piety and good- 
 ness, may afford more useful instruction to the ma- 
 jority of readers, than the dazzling exploits of an 
 Alexander the Great, a Julius Csesar, or a Buo- 
 naparte. 
 
 The subject of the following memoir, died nearly 
 a century ago, and it is to be regretted that the 
 materials to fill up his character are not more 
 ample; particularly those parts of his private con- 
 
10 MEMOIR OF 
 
 duct, which would have made us familiar with thi» 
 excellent man, and imparted a graphic reality to 
 the portrait. The imperfect sketch which follows, 
 will not do justice to the subject, but it may, at 
 least, furnish a few facts respecting a man who 
 possessed a mind of no ordinary vigor, and whose 
 memory is still precious. 
 
 The Rev. John Callender was born of reputable 
 parents, in the city of Boston, Mass., A. D. 1706- 
 His father, John Callender, Esq., was the son of the 
 Rev. Ellis Callender, the highly honored and es- 
 teemed minister of the first Baptist Church in 
 Boston from 1708 till 1726. Elisha Callender, his 
 son, uncle to the subject of this memoir, became 
 his successor in the pastoral office. This gentle- 
 man was educated at Harvard College, and was 
 one of the fourteen students who were graduated 
 in the year 1710. At his ordination, which took 
 place May 21, 1718, three Congregational ministers 
 gave their assistance, viz. Dr. Increase Mather, 
 Dr. Cotton Mather, and Rev. John Webb. Dr. 
 Cotton Mather preached the ordination sermon, 
 which was entitled. Good 3Ien United* 
 
 This expression of Christian feeling on the part 
 of the Congregational ministers in Boston, and the 
 catholic spirit which existed at Cambridge, in- 
 duced Thomas Hollis, Esq. of London, a wealthy 
 merchant, of the Baptist denomination, to bestow 
 
 * See note A . 
 
JOHN CALLENDER. 11 
 
 very large benefactions upon Harvard College, 
 Besides making large additions to its library and 
 philosophical apparatus, he founded two professor- 
 ships in that Institution, one of Divinity, and one of 
 Mathematics and Natural Philosophy, and endowed 
 the College to the amount of a hundred pounds a 
 year, to be distributed among ten scholars of good 
 character.* 
 
 Mr. Callender continued faithful and successful 
 in the pastoral office, till his death, March 31, 1738, 
 A few days before he died, he said, " When I look 
 on one hand, I see nothing but sin, guilt and dis- 
 couragement ; but when I look on the other, I see 
 my glorious Saviour, and the merits of his precious 
 blood which cleanseth from all sin. I cannot say, 
 I have such transports of joy as some have had, 
 but through grace I can say, I have gotten the 
 victory over death and the grave." His obituary 
 in the public newspaper, three days after his death, 
 was in the following words: "On Friday morning 
 last, after a lingering sickness, deceased the Rev. 
 Mr. Elisha Callender, minister of the Baptist Church 
 in this town ; a gentleman universally beloved by 
 people of all persuasions for his charitable and 
 catholic way of thinking. His life was unspotted, 
 and his conversation always affable, religious, and 
 truly manly. During his long illness, he was re- 
 markably patient, and, in his last hours, like the 
 blessed above, pacific and entirely serene; his 
 
 ' See note B. 
 
12 MEMOIR OF 
 
 senses were good to the last. ' I shall,' said he, 
 ' sleep ill Jesus,' and that moment expired, very 
 much lamented by all that knew him." He pub- 
 lished a century sermon in the year 1720, com- 
 memorative of the landing of our forefathers at 
 Plymouth, which has furnished important informa- 
 tion for succeeding historians. 
 
 Of the early years of John Callender, the sub- 
 ject of the following narrative, Ave have little infor- 
 mation. At the age of thirteen he entered Harvard 
 College, where he received the benefit of Mr. Holliss 
 donation. The Hon. John Leverett, F. R. S. was 
 at that time its President, a man whose mental 
 excellencies were adorned by the noblest moral 
 qualities. Here, his vigorous understanding was 
 cultivated, a proper direction given to his activity, 
 and his mind imbued with the principles of virtue 
 and religion. He graduated from tliat Institution in 
 1723. In tlie same year, he was baptised on a pro- 
 fession of faith, and united with the first Baptist 
 Church in Boston, of which his uncle was pastor. 
 He was licensed to preach by this church, in June, 
 1727. In August, 1728, he received and accepted 
 an invitation from the Baptist Churcli in Swansey, 
 the oldest in Massachusetts, to supply their pulpit, 
 and continued laboring among tliis people until 
 February 15, 1730. Soon after, he received a re- 
 quest from the first Baptist Church in Newport, to 
 visit and preach to them. This was the second 
 Baptist Church in America, and was founded in 
 
JOHN CALLEKDER. 13 
 
 1G44. After long and mature deliberation and 
 earnest prayer, he accepted the invitation of that 
 Church to the pastoral office, and was ordained, 
 October 13, 1731. Rev. Elisha Callender, of Bos- 
 ton, preached on the occasion, from Matthew xxviii; 
 18, 19. Mr. Callender continued the faithful and 
 beloved pastor of this church and congregation, till 
 he was called to his final rest. 
 
 Soon after his settlement in Newport, he became 
 a member of a literary and philosophical society es- 
 tablished in that place. The celebrated Dean, 
 afterwards Bishop Berkeley, who resided there at 
 that time, is thought to have suggested its forma- 
 tion.* The society was select, and some of its 
 members were men of great intellectual power — 
 among wdiom were Judge Edward Scott, Hon. 
 Daniel Updike, Governor Josias Lyndon, Dr. John 
 Brett, Hon. Thomas Ward, Hon. William Ellery, 
 Rev. James Honyman, Rev. James Searing, Rev. 
 John Checkley, jun., and Rev. Jeremiah Condy, of 
 Boston. Among the occasional members were 
 Governor Stephen Hopkins and Samuel Johnson, 
 D. D., afterwards President of Columbia College, 
 New- York. As this was probably one of the 
 earliest societies of the kind in this country, we 
 have thought proper to subjoin a copy of its rules 
 and regulations, the original of which, (in the hand 
 writing of Judge Scott,) is in the archives of the 
 Rhode-Island Historical Societv. 
 
 * See note C. 
 
14 MEMOIR OF 
 
 "Whereas, A. D. 1730, Messrs. Daniel Updike, 
 Peter Bours, James Searing, Edward Scott, Henry 
 Collins, Nathan Townsend, Jeremiah Condy and 
 James Honeyman, jun. did form a Society for the 
 promotion of Knowledge and Virtue, by a free con- 
 versation according to several regulations by them 
 agreed. 
 
 " We the present members of the said Society, 
 finding it necessary on many accounts for the more 
 effectual answering the end of our Institution, do 
 agree to enter into a more strict engagement, and 
 establish the following as the laws and orders to 
 be observed in this Society. 
 
 "1. The members of the Society shall meet every 
 Monday evening, at the house of one of the mem- 
 bers, seriatim, and converse about and debate, some 
 useful question in Divinity, Morality, Philosophy, 
 History, &c. 
 
 "2. The member who proposed the question, 
 shall be moderator, (pro hac vice) and see that 
 order and decency be maintained in all the debates 
 and conversation. 
 
 " 3. Every member in order shall freely give his 
 opinion with his reasons, having liberty to explain 
 the sense of the question, or his own expressions, 
 and to retract or alter his opinion as to him shall 
 seem right. 
 
JOHN CALLENDER. 15 
 
 " 4. The member at whose house we meet shall 
 propose a question for the next evening's conver- 
 sation, the Society to judge of its propriety and 
 usefulness, only nothing shall ever he proposed or 
 debated which is a distinguishing religious tenet of 
 any one member. 
 
 " 5. No member shall divulge the opinion or ar- 
 guments of any particular member as to any sub- 
 ject debated in the Society, on penalty of a per- 
 petual exclusion. Nevertheless, any member may 
 gratify the curiosity of any that may inquire the 
 names, number, general design, method and laws 
 of the Society, and the opinions or conclusions of 
 the major part, without discovering how any par- 
 ticular member voted. 
 
 " 6. The moderator for the time being shall keep 
 a book, in which he shall register the questions and 
 the solutions or answers, and another for the fines 
 and forfeits that may become due. 
 
 "7. The question shall be propounded by the 
 moderator exactly at seven in the evening, or if 
 he be then absent, another shall be chosen in his 
 room, and whoever shall come after that, shall for- 
 feit one shilling ; whoever is absent the whole 
 evening, shall forfeit two shillings and six pence ; 
 only the moderator shall forfeit double. Whoever 
 shall make it an excuse to avoid giving his opinion, 
 that he has not thought of the question, or has for- 
 I 
 
16 MEMOIR OF 
 
 2^ot what the question is, shall forfeit one shilliiii^. 
 Whoever is improv ided of a proper question, on his 
 turn to propound it, shall forfeit one shillmg. He 
 that omits to register the question or solution in his 
 turn, shall forfeit two shillings and six pence. A 
 treasurer shall he chosen once in three months, and 
 whoever shall refuse an office when chosen, shall 
 forfeit five shillings. And every treasurer that is 
 deficient in his duty in collecting the fines, shall 
 pay them himself No excuse shall he taken for 
 absence hut sickness in person, or family, or the 
 being out of town. The fines shall be gathered 
 every month, and be laid out in books, (fcc, as the 
 Society shall think best. Whoever shall absent 
 himself a quarter of a year successively, Avithout 
 sufficient excuse, shall have his name struck out of 
 the list. 
 
 "8. Any member may bring with him any friend 
 or stranger who shall desire it, and whom he may 
 think may not be offensive to any other member. 
 
 " 9. Any member may propose a. candidate, but 
 none shall be admitted without the full and free 
 consent of CA'ery member, to be manifested in 
 written votes, after a month's probation. However, 
 the same person that has been negatived, may be 
 propounded again by another member. 
 
 " 10. If the Society incline to choose any gentle- 
 men at a distance to be occasional members, their 
 
JOHN CALLENDER. 17 
 
 election shall l3e made in the same manner ; they 
 shall be subject to the same rules of secrecy, and 
 have the same liberty to speak and debate any sub- 
 ject with the other members, and shall vote in all 
 occasional matters. 
 
 "11. The laws shall be publicly read in the So- 
 ciety every three months, on the same evening that 
 the treasurer is chosen. And every member shall 
 then produce his copy, upon the forfeiture of two 
 shillings and six pence. 
 
 " 12. Every member shall promote the good of 
 the Society, as far as lies in his power. 
 
 " 13. Each of the present members shall sign 
 these articles in the book, and shall have a copy of 
 them, signed by the moderator for the time being, 
 to be and remain as a proof and token of our fellow- 
 ship and society. And every gentleman that may 
 hereafter be chosen a member, shall enter his name 
 in the same manner, and have a copy of the laws 
 signed as above, together with a list of the Society, 
 and a copy of the additional or explanatory laws 
 tliat may hereafter be made. 
 
 Newport, February 2, 1735. 
 
 DANIEL UPDIKE, JOHN BRETT, 
 
 PETER BOURS, CHARLES BARDIN, 
 
 EDWARD SCOTT, J. HONYMAN, jun. Feb. 9th. 
 
 NATHAN TOWNSEND, HEZ. CARPENTER, May 24, 173G 
 
 SAMUEL WICKHAM, JAMES SEARING, 
 
18 MEMOIR OF 
 
 THOMAS WARD, JOSEPH JACOB, 
 
 JOSIAS LYNDON, WILLIAM ELLERY, Oct. 3, 17:^7 
 
 JOHN CALLENDER,jun. JOS. SYLVESTER, 
 
 SUETON GRANT, JOHN CHECKLEY, jun. 
 
 Occasional Members. 
 JOHN ADAMS, JOHN WALLACE, 
 
 DANIEL HUBBARD, STEPHEN HOPKINS, 
 
 JEREMIAH CONDY, SAMUEL JOHNSON. 
 
 " Oct. 3, 1737. Voted, That every member who 
 shall neglect to bring or send the book of fines, 
 shall forfeit two shillings and six pence. A true 
 copy, compared with the Society's book, by 
 
 EDWARD SCOTT, Moderator." 
 
 One of the objects of this Society was the col- 
 lection of valuable books. It was subsequently 
 joined by Abraham Redwood, Esq. who gave the 
 the sum of five hundred pounds sterling to increase 
 its library, on condition the Society would build a 
 suitable edifice. The Society obtained a charter 
 from the Colony in 1747, by the name of The 
 Company of the Redwood Library. In 1748, the 
 present classical building was erected, from a de- 
 sign by Harrison, the assistant architect of Blen- 
 heim House, England. This library contains many 
 choice and rare European editions. 
 
 Apart from his more ordinary employment and 
 influence as a minister of the gospel, Mr. Callender 
 acted an important part in relation to the more 
 general and public interests of the town and State. 
 
JOHN CALLENDER. 19 
 
 In civil matters he was inucli consulted, and fre- 
 quent and honorable mention of his name appears 
 on the records of the town. His character com- 
 manded the respect and confidence not only of his 
 on n church and society, but also of the State of 
 which he was an intelligent and useful citizen. 
 
 In 1739, Mr. Callender published a historical 
 discourse on the civil and religious affairs of the 
 Colony of Rhode-Island, from the settlement in 
 1638 to the end of the first century, usually known 
 by the name of the " Century Sermon." This is 
 the only history of the Colony or State of Rhode 
 Island, which has been written, and though small, 
 it is a noble and enduring monument to the talent 
 and piety of its author. It is written with great 
 fidelity, is disthiguished by solid and profound phi- 
 losophical views, and by an ardent attachment to 
 the ])rinciples of civil and religious freedom. It 
 breathes a spirit of candor, impartiality, and en- 
 lightened piety, in ever page. Mr. Callender evi- 
 dently took great pains in investigating the sources 
 from which he drew his informatioji, and his ob- 
 servations on men and things indicate an acute, 
 observant and reflecting mind. 
 
 In the same year, he published a sermon preached 
 at tlie ordination of Mr. Jeremiah Condy, A. M., 
 to the pastoral care of the Baptist Church in Bos- 
 ton. In this sermon, the liberal sentiments of Mr. 
 Callender on the subject of free communion, are 
 
20 MEMOIR OF 
 
 fully exhibited. After earnestly inculcating the 
 duty of all Christians loving one another as 
 brethren, he observes, " But I have trespassed too 
 much upon your patience already, and shall there- 
 fore only beg leave to add, that if that glorious 
 2yrinciph which was a fundamental article in the 
 constitution of the first Baptist Church, gathered 
 in this Province, could be fully acted upon, we 
 might with the utmost propriety, join the heavenly 
 host, and sing, Glory to God in the highest : Peace 
 on earth, and good will towards and among men. 
 For they declared in their church covenant, " That 
 union to Clirist was the sole gr'oimd of their com- 
 munion witli each other, and that they were ready 
 to accept of, receive to, and hold churcli-comniunioii 
 icith, all such, as in a judgment of charity, v'cre 
 fellow-member's with them in their head Christ Jesus, 
 though differing in such controversial jwints^ as arc 
 not absolutely and essentially necessary to salvation^* 
 
 The religious sentiments of Mr. Callender were 
 ever thus fearlessly avowed and honestly main- 
 tained. His inflexible integrity did not permit him 
 to conceal the convictions of his mind on any sub- 
 ject which he thought affected the social, political 
 or moral interests of mankind. 
 
 Mr. Callender was ingenious in devising plans of 
 usefulness, and especially in endeavoring to pro- 
 mote the welfare of the young. In 1741, he pub- 
 
 * See note D. 
 
JOHN CALLENDER. 21 
 
 lislied a sermon on the advantages of early religion, 
 preached to a society of young men in Newport. 
 This sermon is replete with somid practical in- 
 struction, flowing from a heart warmed with the 
 love of God. 
 
 In the year 1745, Mr. Callender published a dis- 
 course occasioned by the death of his friend, the 
 Rev. Mr. Clap, in which he pays a tribute of affec- 
 tionate veneration to his memory. Mr. Callender's 
 sermon was founded on Hebrews xiii. 7, 8. 
 
 The prominent traits in the character of Mr. 
 Clap, are faithfully delineated in the following 
 extracts from that sermon : 
 
 " The main stroke in his character was his eminent 
 sanctity and piety, and an ardent desire to promote the 
 knowledge and practice of true godliness in others. As 
 his understanding was above the common level, so was 
 his learning, though he studiously concealed it. He 
 thought his station required more than common instances 
 of innocency, self-denial and caution. 
 
 " He was zealously attached to what he considered as 
 the true doctrines of grace, and to the forms of worship 
 he thought to be of divine institution. But his charity 
 embraced good men of all denominations. He had little 
 value for mere speculative, local, nominal Christianity, 
 and a form of godliness without the power. He insisted 
 most on those things on which our interest in Jesus Christ 
 and our title to eternal life must depend : that faith 
 
22 MEMOIR OF 
 
 by which we are justified and have peace with God 
 through our Lord Jesus, and that repeiitance towards God 
 and 77ew obedience^ which are the necessary effect and 
 evidence of our regeneration, and the proper exercise of 
 Christianity. 
 
 " He abounded in contrivances to do good by scattering 
 books of piety and virtue, not such as minister questions 
 and strife, but godly edifying, and put himself to a very 
 considerable expense, that he might, in this method, 
 awaken the careless and secure, comfort the feeble mind- 
 ed, succor the tempted, instruct the ignorant, and quicken, 
 animate and encourage all. 
 
 "He abounded in acts of charity to the poor and ne- 
 cessitous — to whom he was a kind father and guardian. 
 
 " In fine, he was a public blessing, as an able minister 
 of the New Testament, an example of unsuspected piety, 
 and an honor to religion. 
 
 " There are two things in which he excelled in so re- 
 mark'able a manner, that I must not omit them : his care 
 about the education of children, and his concern for the 
 instruction of servants. 
 
 " The conclusion of his life and ministry was a peace- 
 ful and happy death, without those raptures which some 
 boast of, but with perfect resignation to the will of God, 
 and good hope and humble confidence in Christ Jesus, 
 who was the sum of his doctrine and the end of his con- 
 versation."* 
 
 * Sec Note E. 
 
JOHN CALLENDER. 23 
 
 Mr. Callender collected many papers relating to 
 the history of the Baptist denomination in this 
 country, which were used by the Rev. Isaac 
 Backus in his Church History of New-England. 
 
 After a long and painful illness, which he bore 
 w ith Christian resignation, he died in full expecta- 
 tion of the blessedness of the righteous, January 
 26, 1748, in the 42d year of his age. 
 
 Mr. Callender, on the 15th of February, 1730, 
 was married to Elizabeth Hardin, of Swansey, 
 Mass. By this lady he had six children : Eliza- 
 beth, Mary, John, Elias, Sarah and Josias. The 
 following description of his person is taken princi- 
 pally from an original portrait : He was about the 
 middle size, graceful and well proportioned. His 
 complexion was fair, his features were regular, his 
 forehead was high and prominent, and in his coun- 
 tenance there was an admirable mixture of gravi- 
 ty and sweetness. His eyes were of a dark blue, 
 and said to be remarkable for their intelligence and 
 brilliancy. 
 
 The character of Mr. Callender, both in public 
 and private life, was truly amiable and excellent. 
 Whether viewed as a citizen, a relative, a friend, a 
 christian, or a minister of the gosj^el, he adorned 
 the sphere in which he moved. 
 
24 MEMOIR or 
 
 His remains were interred in llie common bury- 
 ing ground at Newport, where a tomb Avas erected 
 to his memory, on which is the foUowing inscription, 
 composed by Dr. Moffatt, a celebrated physician 
 of that town : 
 
 "Confident of awaking, here repose th 
 
 JOHN CALLENDER; 
 
 Of very excellent endowments from nature, 
 
 And of an accomplished education, 
 
 Improved by application in the wide circle 
 
 Of the more polite arts and useful sciences. 
 
 From motives of conscience and grace 
 
 He dedicated himself to the immediate service 
 
 Of God, 
 
 In which he was distinguished as a shining 
 
 And very burning light by a true and faithful 
 
 Ministry of seventeen years in the first Baptist 
 
 Church of Rhode-Island ; where the purity 
 
 And evangelical simplicity of his doctrine,confirmed 
 
 And embellished by the virtuous and devout tenor 
 
 Of his own life, 
 
 Endeared him to his flock, and justly conciliated 
 
 The esteem, love and reverence of all the 
 
 Wise, w^orthy and good. 
 Much humility, benevolence and charity 
 Breathed in his conversation, discourses and writ- 
 ings, 
 
JOHN CALLENDER. 25 
 
 Which were all pertinent, reasonable and useful. 
 
 Regretted by all ; lamented by his friends ; and 
 
 Deeply deplored by a wife and numerous issue, 
 
 He died, 
 
 In the forty-second year of his age, 
 
 January 26, 1748 ; 
 
 Having struggled through the vale of life 
 
 In adversity, much sickness and pain. 
 
 With fortitude, dignity and elevation of soul. 
 
 Worthy of the Philosopher, Christian and Divine." 
 
NOTES TO THE MEMOIR. 
 
 Note A — p. 10. 
 Dr. Cotton Mather, in his ordination sermon, 
 after aUuding to the severities which had been 
 used against Christians by the ruling powers, says : 
 
 "Cursed the anger, for it is fierce, and the wrath, for it 
 is cruel ; good for nothing but only to make divisions in 
 Jacob and dispersions in Israel. Good men, alas ! good 
 men have done such ill things as these ; yea few churches 
 of the reformation have been wholly clear of these iniqui- 
 ties. New-England, also, has in some former times done 
 something of this aspect, which would not now be so 
 well approved of; in which, if the brethren in whose 
 house we are now convened, met with any thing too 
 unbrotherly, they now with satisfaction hear us expres- 
 sing our dislike of every thing which looked like perse- 
 cution in the days that have passed over us." 
 
 The following is the copy of the letter sent to 
 the Church under the care of Dr. Mather and Rev, 
 Mr. Webb, on Mr. Callender's ordination : 
 
 '• Honored and beloved in the Lord, 
 
 " Considering that there ought to be a holy felloAvship 
 maintained among godly Christians, and that it is a duty 
 
28 NOTES TO THE MEMOIR. 
 
 for US to receive one another as Christ also received us to 
 the glory of God, notwithstanding some differing per- 
 suasions in matters of doubtful disputation ; and although 
 we have not so great latitude as to the subject of baptism 
 as the churches of New-England generally have ; not- 
 withstanding, as to the fundamental principles in your 
 doctrine of Christ, both as to the faith and order of the 
 gospel, we concur with them ; being also satisfied that 
 particular churches have power from Christ to choose 
 their own pastors, and that elders ought to be ordained in 
 every Church ; and having chosen our well beloved 
 brother, Elisha Callender, to be our pastor, we entreat 
 you to send your elders and messengers to give the Right 
 Hand of Fellowship in his ordination." 
 
 Note B — p. IX. 
 
 Tliomas Ilollis, Esq., was a u;reat patron and 
 friend of learning. He was a Baptist, but not a 
 sectarian. What he required in the character of the 
 professor of divinity was, "tliat he should be a man 
 of solid learning in divinity, of sound and orthodox 
 principles, one who is well gifted to teach, of a 
 sober and pious life, and of a grave conversation."* 
 
 The following extract is taken from a sermon 
 delivered before the General Court, by Dr. Benja- 
 min Colman, of Boston, occasioned by the death of 
 Mr. HoUis : 
 
 " He was one of those righteous men who should be 
 had in everlasting remembrance. Like Araiinah^ he gave 
 
 " Pierce's History of Harvard University, Ap. p. 96. 
 
NOTES TO THE MEMOIR. 29 
 
 as a prince. Of his own mere motion he poured in upon 
 lis, and upon other places also, from time to time, as a 
 hving spring whose waters fail not. That which is sin- 
 gular in the piety and benefits of Mr. HoUis unto these 
 churches was, that he was not strictly of our way, nor in 
 judgment with us in point of infant baptism ; yet his 
 heart and hand was the same to us, as if lue had been one 
 in opinion and practice with him. And in this let him 
 stand a teaching pattern and example to us of a noble, 
 Christian, and catholic spirit of love." 
 
 " It was some account he received from us of the free 
 and catholic air we breathe at Cambridge, where protes- 
 tants of every denomination may have their children edu- 
 cated, and graduated in our college, if they behave with 
 sobriety and virtue, that took his generous heart and 
 fixed it on us, and enlarged it to us. And this shall be with 
 me among his distinguishing praises, while we rise up and 
 bless hismemory ; that is, bless God in remembrance of all 
 the undeserved favors done us by him." — Colman^s Life. 
 
 The first professor of divinity in Harvard College, 
 Avas Rev. Edward Wiggleswortli, D. D., chosen 
 in 1721, at the age of thirty, lie was a classmate 
 of Rev. Elisha Callender, and occupied the divini- 
 ty chair more than forty years, with a high repu- 
 tation fi)r piety and learning. 
 
30 NOTES TO THE MEMOIR. 
 
 Note C— p. 13. 
 
 Biograp/dad Skctc/i of Dean Berkeley^ (iftcrwarcU 
 Bisliop of Cloync, u'ho resided on Rhode-Island^ 
 
 1729—1731. 
 Dr. George Berkeley was born at Kilkrin, in 
 Ireland, in 1684. He was educated at Trinity 
 College, Dublin, where he distinguished himself by 
 his literary attainments and the superior powers 
 of his mind. He became a Fellow of Trinity 
 College in 1707 ; and was created D. D. in 1717. 
 By the recommendation of Swift, he accompanied, 
 as chaplain and secretary, the celebrated Earl of 
 Peterborough, who was appointed ambassador to 
 Sicily; and afterwards, when disappointed in his 
 expectations of preferment, he spent four years on 
 the Continent, as travelling tutor to the son of Dr. 
 Ashe, Bishop of Clogher. Shortly after his return 
 to London, in 1721, he was appointed chaplain to 
 the lord lieutenant of Ireland, the Duke of Grafton. 
 By a legacy of Miss Vanhomrigh, the Vanessa of 
 Swift, his fortune was considerably increased. In 
 1724, on being promoted to the Deanry of Derry, 
 he resigned his Fellowship. He now published his 
 proposals for the conversion of the American 
 savages to Christianity, by the establishment of a 
 College in the Bermuda Islands. The plan was 
 very favorably received ; and he obtained a charter 
 for a College, in which he was named the first 
 President. He received, also, from Sir Robert 
 Walpole, a promise of a grant of twenty thousand 
 
NOTES TO THE MEMOIR. 31 
 
 pounds to carry it into effect. Having resigned his 
 living, worth eleven thousand pounds per annum, 
 and all his hopes of preferment, he set sail for the 
 field of his distant labors, with his family, and three 
 Fellows of Trinity College, and several literary 
 and scientfiic gentlemen. He landed at Newport, 
 after a tedious passage of five months, January 23, 
 1729. His arrival is thus announced in the New- 
 England Weekly Journal : 
 
 "Newport, January 24, 1729. 
 '' Yesterday arrived here, Dean Berkeley, of London- 
 derry, in a pretty large ship. He is a gentleman of mid- 
 dle stature, of an agreeable, pleasant, and erect aspect. 
 He was ushered into the town with a great nimiber of 
 gentlemen, to whom he behaved after a very complaisant 
 manner. ' Tis said he purposes to tarry here with his 
 family about three months." 
 
 The following extract of a letter was written by 
 Dean Berkeley to Thomas Prior, Esq., of Dublin, 
 soon after his arrival at Newport : 
 
 ^ "Newport, in Rhode-Island, April 21, 1729. 
 " I can by this time say sometbing to you, from my 
 own experience, of this place and people. The inhabi- 
 tants are of a mixed kind, consisting of many sects and 
 subdivisions of sects. Here are four sorts of Anabaptists, 
 besides Presbyterians, Quakers, Independents, and many of 
 no profession at all. Notwithstanding so many differences, 
 here are fewer quarrels about religion than elsewhere, the 
 people living peaceably with their neighbors of whatsoever 
 
32 NOTES TO THE MEMOIR. 
 
 persuasion. They all agree in one point, that the church 
 of England is the second best. The climate is like that 
 of Italy, and not at all colder in the winter than I have 
 known it every where north of Rome. The spring is 
 late ; but to make amends, they assure me the autumns 
 are the finest and longest in the world ; and the sum- 
 mers are much pleasanter than those of Italy by all ac- 
 counts, forasmuch as the grass continues green, which it 
 doth not there. This island is pleasantly laid out in hills, 
 and vales and rising grounds, hath plenty of excellent 
 springs and fine rivulets, and many delightful landscapes 
 of rocks and promontories, and adjacent lands. The pro- 
 visions are very good, so are the fruits, which are quite 
 neglected, though vines sprout up of themselves to an ex- 
 traordinary size, and seem as natural to this soil as to 
 any I ever saw. The town of Newport contains about 
 six thousand souls, and is the most thriving place in all 
 America for bigness. It is very pretty, and pleasantly 
 situated, I was never more agreeably surprised than at 
 the first sight of the town and harbor." 
 
 Soon after his arrival, the Dean purcliased a 
 country seat and farm about three miles from 
 Newport, and there erected a house which lie 
 named Whitehall. He was admitted a freeman 
 of the Colony, at tlie General Assembly, in May, 
 1729. He resided at Newport about two years 
 and a half, and often preached at Trinity Church. 
 Though he was obliged to return to Europe with- 
 out ellecting his original design, yet his visit was 
 of great utility in imparting an impulse to the lite- 
 ratiure of our country, particularly in Rhode-Island, 
 
NOTES TO THE MEMOIR. 33 
 
 and Connecticut. During his residence on the 
 Island of Rhode-Island, he meditated and com- 
 posed his AlcipIu'OHj or Minute Philosopher, and 
 tradition says, principally at a place about half a 
 mile southerly from Whitehall. There, in the most 
 elevated part of the Hanging Rocks, (so called,) 
 he found a natural alcove, roofed and open to the 
 south, commanding at once a beautiful view of the 
 ocean and the circumjacent islands. This place is 
 said to have been his favorite retreat. His Minute 
 Philosopher was published in London, in 1732, 
 shortly after his return. This acute and ingenious 
 defence of the Christian religion, is written in a 
 series of dialogues after the model of Plato. It 
 contains many allusions to the scenery about his 
 residence on Rhode-Island. In the introduction, 
 he alludes, with the resignation of a Christian phi- 
 losopher, to the miscarriage of his plan in founding 
 a College. He says : 
 
 '' I flattered myself, Theages, that before this time I 
 might have been able to have sent you an agreeable ac- 
 count of the success of the affair that brought me into this 
 remote corner of the country. But instead of this, 1 
 should now give the detail of the miscarriage, if I did not 
 choose to entertain you with some incidents which have 
 helped to make me easy under the circumstance which I 
 could neither obviate nor foresee. Events are not al- 
 ways in our power, but it always is to make a good use of 
 the very worst. And I must needs own, the course and 
 event of this affair gave me opportunity for reflections 
 that make me some amends for a great loss of time, pains 
 5 
 
34 NOTES TO THE MEMOIR. 
 
 and expense. For several months past, I enjoyed much 
 liberty and leisure in this distant retreat." 
 
 To Bishop Berkeley, the literary institutions of 
 New-England are much indebted. He visited 
 Cambridge, Massachusetts, in 1731, and during his 
 residence at Newport, augmented the library of 
 Harvard College by valuable donations of the 
 Latin and Greek classics. To Yale College, he 
 presented eight hundred and eighty volumes, and, 
 on his departure from Newport, he gave the White- 
 hall estate, consisting of his mansion and one hun- 
 dred acres of land, for three scholarships in Latin 
 and Greek. After his return to England, in 1733, 
 he sent a magnificent organ, as a donation to 
 Trinity Church, in Newport, which is still in con- 
 stant use, and bears an inscription, which per- 
 petuates the generosity of the donor. 
 
 Parliament having failed to afford him that as- 
 sistance for the establishment of a College, which 
 had been promised, his project miscarried. After 
 he had spent more than seven years of the prime 
 of his life, and a large part of his private fortune 
 in endeavors to accomplish it, he returned to 
 England. 
 
 '&' 
 
 In 1734, he was raised to the See of Cloyne, and, 
 twelve years after, he refused the offer from lord 
 Chesterfield of a translation to the Bishopric of 
 Clogher. In the discharge of his high office, his gen- 
 
NOTES TO THE MEMOIR. 35 
 
 erosity was conspicuous in the sacrifices he made, 
 as well as in the tokens of his beneficence which 
 he scattered around him. When, in consequence 
 of the infirmities of age, he was unable to at- 
 tend to his episcopal duties, he was unwilling to 
 receive the emoluments of his Bishopric, and gen- 
 erously signed over the demense lands to be renew- 
 ed at a yearly rent of two hundred pounds sterling, 
 which sum, by his orders, was distributed among 
 the poor. In 1752, he retired to Oxford, that he 
 might pass the remainder of his days in learned 
 leisure, and for the purpose of superintending the 
 education of his son. 
 
 This excellent man died suddenly and calmly 
 at Oxford, January 14, 1753, in the seventy-third 
 year of his age. 
 
 Berkeley was endued with great powers of mind, 
 and possessed of vast stores ol' erudition. His 
 intellectual and moral qualities conspired to form 
 in him a character of high and attractive excel- 
 lence. The learned Bishop Atterbury said of him : 
 '' So much understanding, so much knowledge, so 
 much innocence, and such humility, I did not think 
 had been the portion of any but angels, until I saw 
 this gentleman." Pope, who, as a friend, knew him 
 well, describes him as possessed of " every virtue 
 under Heaven." 
 
36 NOTES TO THE MEMOIR. 
 
 The following verses were written by Bishop 
 Berkeley, during his residence in Newport. 
 
 " On the prospect of planting Arts and Learning in 
 America. 
 " The muse, disgusted at an age and clime, 
 
 Barren of every glorious theme, 
 In distant lands now waits a better time. 
 Producing subjects worthy fame : 
 
 " In happy climes, where from the genial sun 
 And virgin earth fresh scenes ensue. 
 
 The force of art by nature seems outdone. 
 And fancied beauties by the true : 
 
 " In happy climes, the seat of innocence. 
 Where nature guides and virtue rules. 
 
 Where men shall not impose for truth emd sense 
 The pedantry of courts and schools : 
 
 " There shall be sung another golden age. 
 
 The rise of empire and of arts, 
 The good and great inspiring epic rage, 
 
 The wisest heads and noblest hearts. 
 
 " Not such as Europe breeds in her decay ; 
 
 Such as she bred when fresh and young. 
 When heavenly flame did animate the clay 
 
 By future ages shall be sung." 
 
 " Westward the course of empire takes its way : 
 
 The four first acts ah'eady past, 
 A Jiftfi shall close the drama with the day ; 
 
 Time's noblest offspring is the last." 
 
NOTES TO THE MEMOIR. 37 
 
 Note D— p. 20. 
 The following extract is from the letter sent by 
 the First Baptist Church in Boston, to the Con- 
 gregational Church in Cambridge, when Mr. Condy 
 was to be ordained. 
 
 " To the Church of Christ in Cambridge, imder the 
 pastoral care of the Rev. Mr. Nathaniel Appleton. 
 
 ^^ Honored and beloved in the Lord: 
 
 " This is to request you to send your Reverend Elders 
 and Messengers to assist in the ordination of our elected 
 Pastor, on the second Wednesday in February next. A 
 request of the like tenor with this we have made to the 
 churches in Boston, under the care of the Rev. Messrs. 
 Webster and Gray, and Mr. Wilham Hooper. 
 
 " Honored and beloved, we heartily wish you all spir- 
 itual blessings in Christ Jesus, the glorious head of the 
 Church. We are, in behalf and by order of the Church, 
 your affectionate brethren in the Gospel. 
 
 "SHEM DROWNE, Deacon. 
 
 "JOHN CALLENDER,* 
 
 "JAMES BOUND, 
 
 "BENJ. LANDON, 
 
 "JOHN PROCTOR." 
 
 * This gentleman was tlic father of tlie subject of this Memoir. 
 
38 NOTES TO THE MEMOIR. 
 
 The following is an extract from the manuscript 
 journal of Rev. John Comer, A. B., who was the 
 predecessor of Rev. John Callender in the pastoral 
 care of the first Baptist Church in Newport. 
 
 "January 31, 1725. This day I was baptised by the 
 Rev. Mr. Elisha Callender, and was admitted into full 
 communion with the Baptist Church in Boston, having 
 before waited on the Rev. Mr. Appleton, of Cambridge, 
 and discoursed with him on the point of baptism, together 
 with my resolution — upon which he signified I might, 
 notwithstanding, maintain my communion in his church: 
 by which I disco veered the candor and catholic temper of 
 his spirit." 
 
 Mr. Comer's manuscript journal, two volumes 
 folio, is now deposited in the cabinet of the Rhode- 
 Island Historical Society. It is a curious produc- 
 tion, giving an account of all the remarkable events 
 with which he became acquainted, interspersed 
 with prayers, religious reflections, &c. Mr. Comer 
 had formed the design of writing the history of the 
 American Baptists, and had collected many useful 
 materials for this purpose, which were of great ad- 
 vantage to Edwards, Backus, and Benedict in their 
 histories. For an account of this excellent man, 
 we refer the reader to Backus, vol. 2, p. 66, 111 ; 
 Benedict, vol. 1, p. 497. 
 
NOTES TO THE MEMOIR. 39 
 
 Note E.— p. 22 
 Biographical notice of Rev. JVathaniel Clap. 
 The Rev. Nathaniel Clap, minister of the first 
 Congregational Church in Newport, Rhode-Island, 
 was born in Dorchester, Massachusetts, January, 
 1G68. He was a descendant from one of the first 
 planters in Massachusetts. He was graduated at 
 Harvard College, in 1690, and while he was young 
 liis praise was in the churches, for his piety, learn- 
 ing, and pulpit talents. He began to preach in 
 Newport, 1695, and in the midst of many dis- 
 couragements, continued his labors till a church 
 was formed, of which he was ordained pastor, No- 
 vember 3, 1720. He was minister in Newport near 
 fifty years, and continued his pastoral care over 
 the first Congregational Church till his death. 
 When Mr. Whitefield arrived at Newport from 
 Charleston, in the year 1740, he called upon Mr. 
 Clap, and he speaks of him as the most venerable 
 man he ever beheld. " He looked," says Mr. 
 Whitefield, " like a good old puritan, and gave me 
 an idea of what stamp those men were, who first 
 settled New-England. His countenance was very 
 heavenly, and he prayed most aflfectionately for a 
 blessing on my coming to Rhode-Island. I could 
 not but think, that I was sitting by one of the 
 patriarchs." — Mliitcficld^s Journal. 
 
 Dean Berkeley was intimate with Mr. Clap, and 
 often spoke of his good deeds and exemplary 
 
40 NOTES TO THE MEMOIR. 
 
 character. He said, "Before I s^w father Clap, I 
 thought the Bisliop of Rome had the most grave 
 aspect of any man I ever saw, but really the min- 
 ister of Newport has the most venerable appear- 
 ance." Mr. Clap died October 30, 1745, in the 
 seventy-eighth year of his age. 
 
 Note F— p. 23. 
 
 Mary Callender, daughter of the subject of this 
 Memoir, was born in Newport, Dec. 12, 1731. She 
 was about sixteen years of age when her father 
 died ; and soon after his decease, at the request of 
 his friends, Joseph Jacob and wife, she became an 
 inmate in their family. At the age of twenty, she 
 became a member of the first Baptist Church, of 
 which her flither had been pastor. In the year 
 1762, she united with the Society of Friends, and 
 in the 37th year of her age she became a preacher 
 in that denomination. November 11th, 1778, she 
 was married in Providence to Joseph Mitchell, a 
 worthy member of the Society of Friends. In 
 1787, she removed to Nantucket. She quietly de- 
 parted this life June 26, 1810, in the 78th year of 
 her age. A short account of her life has been pub- 
 lished, written by herself, with selections from 
 some of her writings. She sustained, during the 
 whole of her life, a most exemplary Christian char- 
 acter, and w^as held in great esteem by the Society 
 of Friends, and by all who had the pleasure of her 
 acquaintance. 
 
NOTES TO THE MEMOIR. 41 
 
 In her account of her life, Mary Mitchell fre- 
 ([uently speaks in the most affectionate terms of 
 her parents. In page 9, she says : 
 
 " My father was much beloved and respected by people 
 of all ranks that were acquainted with him ; he being a 
 person of an enlarged mind, embraced the virtuous of every 
 denomination, and lived in strict friendship with many 
 worthy persons, from whom he differed in some religious 
 sentiments. Among this number was Joseph Jacob and 
 his truly virtuous wife ; these were sensible of his worth ; 
 and my dear father's removal by death was justly es- 
 teemed by many, a public loss, he possessing qualifica- 
 tions for much usefulness. My dear mother was a vir- 
 tuous woman, a pattern of patience, humility and resig- 
 nation to the dispensations of Providence. She, with 
 my dear father, experienced many seasons of adversity j 
 she survived him many years, and died in sweet com- 
 posure of mind, and no doubt is now at rest with the 
 Lord." 
 
 The following account of Mary Callender is ex- 
 tracted from a letter which the editor has received 
 from the learned Dr. Benjamin Waterhouse, late 
 Professor in Harvard University, <fec. <fec. 
 
 " The sensible and pious Mary Callender, who be- 
 came a public preacher in the Society of Friends, had the 
 meek and quiet spirit of her father. Not long after her 
 father's death, this offspring of a regularly ordained min- 
 ister of the gospel, united herself with that religious So- 
 ciety. In Newport, there was a worthy, opulent, and very 
 respectable member of that denomination of Christians, 
 6 
 
42 NOTES TO THE MEMOIR. 
 
 named Joseph Jacob, advanced in life, who had four or 
 five neat and well behaved negro domestics, bound to- 
 gether by duty, respect and gratitude ; a pleasant picture 
 of patriarchal government, without fear and without re- 
 proach. But being all blacks, yet natives, it left the 
 master and his wife alone in the parlor and garden ; when 
 he invited Mary Callender to become their parlor com- 
 panion, and she did so to mutual satisfaction, exhibiting 
 a respectable picture of father and daughter, waited on 
 by black female slaves, who wore the plain, neat garb of 
 Q-uakers. The family was singular, and every thing 
 very decorous, relatively respectable, and marked by 
 humble wisdom. To see the negro women, with their 
 black hoods and blue aprons, walking at a respectful dis- 
 tance behind their master to meeting, was not an un- 
 pleasant sight in those days. Friend Jacob himself was 
 somewhat unique in his habits and manners. Easy in his 
 circumstances, and intellectual in his tastes, he filled up 
 his liberal leisure in watching the wind, his clock and his 
 weather glasses. At that day, he was the only person on 
 Rhode-Island who owned a thermometer. When very 
 cold, or very warm, he was the oracle of the atmosphere, 
 and of time-pieces ; for every one had recourse to him as 
 the prime regulator ; and when passing along to meeting 
 with his uniform step, people in his way consulted their 
 clocks and watches, without speaking to him. 
 
 " This steady follower of George Fox, though a grave 
 and rather silent man, had, it is presumed, no small grati- 
 fication in being if not Sir Oracle, at least Friend Ora- 
 cle. His house was the pattern of neatness, order and 
 quiet, and a very proper residence for the nun-like Mary 
 Callender ; and in this pleasant greenhouse grew up and 
 prospered that fair lily of Q,uakerism, who sprang origin- 
 
NOTES TO THE MEMOIR. 43 
 
 ally from a Baptist stock. She was not a cactus grandi- 
 Jlorus, but the modest lily of the valley, with qualities of 
 the sensitive plant ; and yet she thought it her duty to 
 proclaim, in the most public parts of the city of Newport, 
 a mission from heaven ! I myself heard her in the open 
 streets, call the people to repentance — exclaiming, ''Re- 
 pent — repent! for the kingdom of heaven is at handP^ 
 She was accompanied by a grave man and woman, se- 
 lected, if I mistake not, by the monthly meeting or elders. 
 But she never raised a crowd of people around her. They 
 rather shut their doors and windows, and considered it an 
 hallucination, than a commission from heaven. They 
 were pained, and lamented to see a tall, slender, well- 
 looking woman, of middle age and respectable connec- 
 tions, suflering under a mistake. Some of the common 
 people remarked, that had the commission come from 
 heaven, the Lord would have given her a stronger voice 
 and a bolder manner. I myself thought it a natural idea. 
 Her second father by adoption, the wise and wary Joseph 
 Jacob, had died a few years before, and left her alone, 
 with no other guide than her own enthusiastic feelings 
 operating on a feeble frame, and one would have supposed 
 a timid disposition ; for there was no wildness in her 
 manner, or any thing like rant in her utterance. I have 
 conjectured that thiS' was the fine feeling of her pious 
 father, divested of his correct judgment ; who, had he 
 lived, might have said to her, " Mary ! be not righteous 
 overmuch, neither be thou overwisc ; for why shouldst 
 thou destroy thyself?" 
 
 " Does this character of the daughter throw any light on 
 that of the father ? My esteemed friend, Moses Brown, 
 that chronicle of truth, must have known her and her 
 friend Jacob. If it were judicious to give the characters 
 
44 NOTES TO THE MEMOIR. 
 
 of Milton's two daughters, it cannot be too much out of 
 the way to mention these particulars of the offspring of 
 the Rev. John Callender.* 
 
 " Henry Collins, a wealthy merchant and a man of 
 taste, the Lorenzo de Medicis of RJiode-Island, caused a 
 painting to be made of parson Callender, as well as some 
 other divines, as Hitchcock, Clap, and Dean Berkeley. 1 
 conjecture that the portrait you mention is the very one 
 that I often admired in the Collins collection."! 
 
 * The venerable Moses Brown died September G, 1836, aged ninety- 
 seven years, eleven months and fourteen days. He was a liberal bene- 
 factor of Brown University, of the Seminary belonging to the Friends, 
 erected in Providence in 1818, and of various benevolent institutions. 
 He was a man of vigorous intellect, of sterling integrity, of simple 
 manners, and of unfeigned piety. In his old age he enjoyed an unusual 
 share of health, and the powers of liis mind were very little impaired. 
 At the time of his decease he was one of the Vice Presidents of the 
 Rhode-Island Historical Socict}'. 
 
 \ This fine original portrait, supposed to have been executed by Smi- 
 bert, is now in the possession of Henry Bull, Esq., of Newport. 
 
CALLENDER'S 
 
 HISTORICAL DISCOURSE 
 
Note. — In order to preserve entire the original form of 
 Mr. Callender's Historical Discourse, the notes of the 
 edition are all of them placed in the Appendix, except two 
 or three which are intended to correct errors, into which 
 the author had fallen with regard to dates, &c. The 
 title page and dedication of the former edition are also 
 retained. 
 
AN 
 
 HISTORICAL DISCOURSE, 
 
 ON THE 
 
 CIVIL AND RELIGIOUS AFFAIRS 
 
 OF THE COLONY OF 
 
 RHODE-ISLAND AND PROVIDENCE PLANTATIONS, 
 
 IN NEW-ENGLAND, IN AMERICA, 
 
 FROM THE FIRST SETTLEMENT, 1638, TO THE 
 
 END OF THE FIRST CENTURY. 
 
 BY JOHN CALLENDER, A. M. 
 
 Joshua, xxii. 22. — The Lord God of Gods, the Lord God of Gods, he 
 knoweth, and Israel shall know, if it be in rebellion, or in transgress- 
 ion against the Lord. 
 
 Psalms, cxlv. 4. — One generation shall praise thy name to another, and 
 shall declare thy mighty acta. 
 
 BOSTON: 
 
 Printed and sold by S. Kneeland and T. Green, 
 in dueen-Street. — mdccxxxix. 
 
DEDICATION. 
 
 TO THE HONORABLE 
 
 WILLIAM CODDINGTON, ESQ,. 
 
 Sir — It is not barely to give you a public testi- 
 mony of my gratitude for many per.sonal favors, 
 nor yet of that esteem and respect which all men 
 bear you, for your singular equity and benevolence, 
 not only in private life, but in all the various 
 offices, in which you have served and adorned your 
 country ; that I prefix your name to these papers : 
 but because an attempt to recover some account 
 of this happy Island, and to make a religious im- 
 provement of the merciful providences of God 
 towards it, is justly due to the lineal representative 
 of that worthy gentleman, who was the great in- 
 strument of its original settlement. 
 
 Your honored grandfather, William Coddington, 
 Esq., was chosen in England to be an Assistant of 
 tlie Colony of the Massachusetts Bay, A. D. 1629, 
 and in 1630 came over to New-England with the 
 
50 DEDICATION. 
 
 Governor and the Charter, ttc, after which he was 
 several times rechosen to that honorable and im- 
 portant office. He was for some time treasurer of 
 the Colony. He was with the chiefest in all public 
 charges, " and a principal merchant in Boston," 
 where he built the first brick house. 
 
 In the year 1637, when the contentions ran so 
 iiigh in the country, he was grieved at the pro- 
 ceedings of the Court against Mr. Wheelwright 
 and others. And when he found that liis opposition 
 to those measures was ineffectual, he entered his 
 protest, " that his dissent might appear to succeed- 
 ing times;" and though he was in the fairest way 
 to be great, in tlie MassacJmsetts, as to outward 
 things, yet he voluntarily quitted his advantageous 
 situation at Boston, his large property and his im- 
 provements at Braintrcc, for peace sake, and that 
 he might befriend, protect, and assist the pious 
 people, who Avere meditating a removal from that 
 Colony, on account of their religious differences. 
 
 Here, wlien the people first incorporated them- 
 selves a body politic on this Island, they chose him 
 to be tlieir judge or chief ruler, and continued to 
 elect him annually lo be Iheir Governor for seven 
 
DEDICATION. 51 
 
 years together, till the Patent took place, and the 
 Island was incorporated with Providence Planta- 
 tions. 
 
 In the year 1647, he assisted in forming the body 
 of laws, which has been tlie basis of our constitu- 
 tion and government ever since; and the next 
 year being chosen Governor of the Colony, de- 
 clined the office. 
 
 In 1651, he had a commission from the siq^reme 
 authority then in England., to be Governor of the 
 Island, pursuant to a power reserved in the Patent: 
 but the people being jealous " the commission might 
 affect their lands and liberties as secured to them 
 by the Patent," he readily laid it doAvn on the first 
 notice from England that he might do so; and for 
 their further satisfaction and contentment, he, by 
 a writing under his hand, obliged himself to make 
 a formal surrender of all right and title to any of 
 tlie lands, more than his proportion in common 
 with the other inhabitants, wheiiever it should be 
 demanded. 
 
 After that, he seems to have retired much from 
 public business, (ill toward the latter end of his 
 days, whc!! he was ac^ain divers times prevailed 
 
52 DEDICATION. 
 
 with to take the government upon him ; as he did 
 particularly 1678, when he died November 1, in 
 the seventy-eighth year of his age, a ^ood man, 
 full of days. Thus, after he had the honor to be 
 the first judge and Governor of this Island, " after 
 he had spent much of his estate and the prime of 
 his life in propagating plantations," he died Gov- 
 ernor of the Colony — in promoting the welfare and 
 the prosperity of the little commonwealth, which 
 he had in a manner founded. 
 
 If there was any opposition at any time to any 
 of his measures, or if he met with any ungrateful 
 returns from any he had served, it was no more 
 than what several of the other first excellent Gov- 
 ernors of the other JVew English colonies met with, 
 from a people made froward by the circumstances 
 of a wilderness, and over-jealous of their privileges. 
 A free people will always be jealous of their privi- 
 leges, and history abounds with examples of the 
 mistakes and ingratitude occasioned by that 
 jealousy. 
 
 If the following Discourse has done any justice 
 to the memory and character of the pious people 
 who first settled this Colony, or if it has any ten- 
 dency to promote the true original ends of this* 
 
DEDICATION. 53 
 
 Plantation, I am sure of your patronage. And as 
 to what relates to some articles, different from 
 your judgment and practice in religious matters, 
 the generosity and candor you inherit from your 
 great ancestors, will easily bear with me, endeavor- 
 ing to vindicate my own opinions on such an oc- 
 casion. 
 
 I hope there are few or no errors in the matters 
 of fact related, or the dates that are assigned ; to 
 prevent any mistakes, I have carefully reviewed 
 the public records, and my other materials ; this 
 review has brought to my knowledge or remem- 
 brance, many things that were not mentioned in 
 the pulpit, which however it seemed ought not ta 
 be omitted. 
 
 I designed to have put all the additions and en- 
 largements, in the form of notes, for my own ease, 
 but have been persuaded to weave as many of 
 them as were proper into the body of the Discourse^ 
 as what is generally most pleasing to the reader. 
 I am very sensible, several things will be thought 
 too minute or personal by strangers, but the de- 
 scendants of the persons concerned, and the in- 
 habitants of the Colony, will readily pardon me. 
 
54 DEDICATION, 
 
 And some other things which are familiarly known 
 among ourselves, will be necessary to others. 
 
 It is much to be lamented that many valuable 
 manuscripts of some of the first settlers here, are 
 so soon embezzled and lost. And it is much to be 
 wished, that some gentlemen of ingenuity and 
 leisure, would take pains to collect as many of 
 these old papers as can be found dispersed about. 
 I am apt to think, that these, with the public 
 records, would furnish materials for a just history 
 of the Colony. 
 
 What is here presented to your view, will by no 
 means supersede such a design ; I rather hope it 
 will stimulate gentlemen in every part of the 
 Colony, to make a search after such papers, and 
 more especially noio^ while the JVeic-Bngkmd 
 Chronology is in hand, composing by a gentleman, 
 above all exceptions universally acknowledged the 
 best versed in the history of the country, and the 
 most capable to give the world a just and clear idea 
 of all our civil and religious affairs, and who is al- 
 ready so well furnished with materials from every 
 other part of the country. 
 
DEDICATION. 55 
 
 That the Most High woukl be pleased to bless 
 you with all the blessings of grace and providence, 
 together with your pious lady and numerous off- 
 spring, is the prayer of 
 
 Your Honor's most obliged 
 
 humble servant, 
 
 JOHN CALLENDER. 
 Newport, on Rhode-Island, Oct. 27, 1738. 
 
AN HISTORICAL DISCOURSE, Xc 
 
 PSALMS, LXXVIl. 10, 11, 12. 
 
 I will remember the years of the right hand of the 
 Most High. I will remember the work of the Lord, 
 surely I will remember thy wonders of old, I will medi- 
 tate also of all thy work, and talk of thy doings. 
 
 As it is now more than a century, since the 
 lands within the present patent, or charter of this 
 Colony, began to be settled by Englishmen, and 
 inhabited by Christians, our ancestors ; and as this 
 day is just an hundred years since the Indian Sa- 
 chems, jMlantonomy* and the ancient Canonicas, 
 his uncle and guardian, signed the grant of this 
 Island, to Mr. Coddington and his friends united 
 with him; and as Mr. John Clark, the founder 
 under God, and the first elder of this Church, and 
 its liberal benefactor, was a principal instrument 
 in negotiating the purchase and settlement of the 
 
 *The name of this Sachem is usually spelt in the 
 printed books, Miantonimoh, but in all the manuscripts, 
 Myantonomy, or Miantonomc, or Miantonomu, and the 
 name is so pronounced by the people who take the sound 
 by tradition, and not from the books, with the accent on 
 the last syllable but one. 
 9 
 
58 HISTORICAL DISCOURSE. 
 
 Island, as he was likewise afterwai'd, in obtainiiii^ 
 and maintaining the old patent, and procuring the 
 present charter ; I thought it would be but proper 
 to defer our Lecture, which in course fell out on 
 yesterday, to this time ; and now I propose to lay 
 before you, such an account as I have been able to 
 collect, of the occasion and the manner of our first 
 settlement, together with a short view of the civil 
 and religious history, and the present state of the 
 Colony. And then to entertain you with such 
 reflections as the subject will suggest, and such 
 remarks as may serve to dispose and assist us, to 
 a religious improvement of those memorable occur- 
 rences. 
 
 I confess the account I have been able to collect 
 is very lame and imperfect, and for that reason I 
 should have laid aside the design, if I had not 
 thought it in reality a duty, to recollect and review 
 so much as we can of the merciful providence of 
 God, in the settling and preserving this Colony; 
 and that we ought to remember the years of the 
 right hand of the IMost High, the works of the 
 Lord, and the wonders of old, to meditate of his 
 work, and talk of his doings. 
 
 And here, in order to lay before you some ac- 
 count of the occasion and manner of our first set- 
 tlement, and the conduct of Divine Providence 
 towards us ever since, it may be proper, previously 
 to mention a few things relating to the settlement 
 of New-England in general. 
 
HISTORICAL DISCOURSE. 59 
 
 And that we may take thinp^s from the begin- 
 ning, he pleased to observe that October 12, 1492,* 
 this part of the world smce called America, before 
 that wholly unknown to the rest, was first discovered 
 by Christopher Columbus, a Genoese, in the ser- 
 vice of the king of Spain. The Pope soon after, 
 generously bestowed the new world on the Span- 
 iards; they made many successful voyages, and 
 many great conquests and settlements in the south- 
 ern parts of the new found world. Their success 
 and the immense riches they carried home to Eu- 
 rope, did, in process of time, excite other nations to 
 put in for a share with them. Among the rest the 
 English (who had narrowly missed the advantages 
 of the hrst discovery) besides their enterprises on 
 the Spaniards, made many successive attempts to 
 discover and settle in North America. 
 
 In 1578 or 1579, there was a patent granted by 
 Q^ueen Elizabeth for six years to Sir H. Gilbert, to 
 
 * Where several writers give the same account, 'tis 
 needless to quote any one in particular, as 'tis also, where 
 the account is taken from a comparison of many authors, 
 with one another. However, I have followed the dates 
 in the New-England Chronology, where the most mate- 
 rial facts are collected, and placed in the truest light, and 
 the dates fixed with the greatest accuracy and exactness. 
 The reader will observe many expressions marked " " ; 
 these are the very words of the authorities I follow, and 
 which I choose to make use of as ol\en as conveniently 
 might be. 
 
GO HISTORICAL DISCOURSE. 
 
 ])lant and inliabit some nortliern parts of America, 
 unpossessed by any Prince witli whom she had any 
 alliance. 
 
 March 25, 1584, Queen Elizabeth 2:ranted to 
 Sir W. Raleigh a patent for foreign parts not pos- 
 sessed by any Christian Prince. And the same 
 year, he took possession of the country to tlie west- 
 ward of lloanoke, and called it Virginia, in honor 
 of his mistress. He sent three several colonies to 
 settle in those parts, who all failed. As did Capt. 
 Gosnold, in a like attempt to settle in what is since 
 called New-England, which he first discovered in 
 1602. And several otlier attempts met with the 
 like ill success. 
 
 April 10, 1G06, King James divided Virginia into 
 two colonies, which were called South and North, 
 the first between 34 and 41 degrees nortli, and the 
 last between 38 and 45, and they were not to settle 
 within an hundred miles of one another. By 1611, 
 the Southern or London company, had made an 
 efTectual settlement; while the Northern or Ply- 
 mouth company were almost discouraged at their 
 repeated disappointments. However, Judge Pop- 
 ham, Sir Ferdinando Gorges, and others, continued 
 their attempts and their designs, till Divine Provi- 
 dence began a settlement within their jurisdiction, 
 without their knowledge or contrivance. 
 
 It is acknowledged, on all hands, the first settle- 
 
HISTORICAL DISCOURSE. 61 
 
 meiits of New-England were a consequence of tlie 
 disputes whicli attended the Reformation in Eng- 
 land ; and therefore we must observe, that during 
 this time, viz. 1517, learning having revived all 
 over Europe, the Reformation was begun by Lu- 
 ther, and others in Germany, and carried on in sev- 
 eral parts of Christendom, particularly in England, 
 where, after a long struggle, it was was finally es- 
 tablished, by act of Parliament, under Queen 
 Elizabeth, who ])egan to reign November 17, 1558. 
 
 As the whole Christian religion had been cor- 
 rupted and disfigured by the inventions and im- 
 positions of Popery, in a long course of time, it is 
 so far from being to be wondered at, that it could 
 not but be expected that many, who were justly 
 and equally offended, at the horrid corruptions of 
 Popery, should yet be unable entirely to agree in 
 their sentiments, of what things were to be reformed, 
 or how far they should carry the Reformation at 
 the first. And yet this was every where a great 
 and unhappy rcmora to that glorious work, and 
 gave their enemies a very considerable advantage, 
 which they well knew how, and failed not to im- 
 prove to the utmost. 
 
 The effects of these divisions, and the animosi- 
 ties with which they were maintained, were felt in 
 England, not only in the beginning of the Refor- 
 mation, but after it was established, and even ever 
 since to this day. Among the Reformers in (iueen 
 
62 HISTORICAL DISCOURSE. 
 
 Elizabeth's reign (many of whom had been exiles in 
 Queen Mary's persecution, and so had more opportu- 
 nities to see and converse with the foreign Protest- 
 ants) there were many who sought to carry the Re- 
 formation, farther in some points than had been done 
 in King Edward's time. They sought to take away 
 every thing they imagined had the color of supers- 
 tition, and to make the Bible their real rule in wor- 
 ship and discipline, as well as in faith. These 
 were presently called Puritans, as pretending to 
 seek a purer church state and a farther reforma- 
 tion than the other party thought Avas necessary 
 or expedient. 
 
 Those had not the same exceptions to many 
 things the Puritans scrupled ; and beside, thought 
 it was but good policy to make as few and as little 
 changes and alterations as possible, especially in 
 the ceremonies, which most powerfully affect the 
 vulgar, in order to draw in the bulk of the clergy 
 and the nation to favor the other alterations, which 
 all of them esteemed to be of the most importance. 
 And the Queen zealously espousing this party, 
 turned the balance in their Ijivor; and accordingly 
 for some years the whole nation, in cifcct, came to 
 church, though the times were far from being set- 
 tled. 
 
 The Puritans, it seems, had few or no objections 
 to the articles of faith, but they chiedy objected 
 against the liturgy, the ceremonies, and the con- 
 
HISTORICAL DISCOURSE. 63 
 
 stitution and discipline. But, however, they were 
 not perfectly agreed among themselves; while the 
 much larger part of them, fathers of those since 
 called Presbyterians, generally strove to keep their 
 places in the church, without conforming to some 
 of the most offensive ceremonies, and by voluntary 
 agreement among themselves, sought to remedy, 
 and .supply what they thought was amiss or want- 
 ing, in the parliamentary establishment ; others of 
 them, fathers of those since called Independents 
 and Congregationalists, separated wholly from the 
 public worship, in the parish churches, and sought 
 a thorough alteration in the whole form and con- 
 stitution of the church, and to lay aside the liturgy 
 and all the ceremonies together. 
 
 Q,ueen Elizabeth kept a watchful and jealous 
 eye over them all, as fearing, and being determined 
 against all farther alterations in religious matters. 
 And subscription and conformity, being at times 
 pressed harder, as the friends to the Puritans were 
 out of power, some of them, especially of those 
 called Separatists, had been driven out of England, 
 and at length there was a church of the indepen- 
 dent scheme, formed at Amsterdam, in Holland. In 
 the reign of King James, (whom the Puritans expec- 
 ted to be a patron to them, as he had been educated 
 in Scotland, and jiad openly censured the Church 
 of England,) those things winch offended them, 
 were carried with an Jiiglier hand. In the years 
 1608, and 1609, several more of them in the north 
 
64 HISTORICAL DISCOURSE. 
 
 of England, removed to Holland, and a number of 
 them settled at Leyden under the pastoral care ol' 
 Mr. John Robinson, (afterwards the father of 
 Plymouth colony,) in hopes to enjoy that liberty 
 of their consciences, in a strange land, they were 
 denied at home. 
 
 Here they continued eleven or twelve years, till, 
 for many reasons, they began to meditate a re- 
 moval, and chose to seek an asylum somewhere in 
 North America, near Hudson's river. They had a 
 long and tedious treaty with the southern or Vir- 
 ginia Company, who might reasonably expect 
 greater sobriety, patience and industry, from a 
 people of such a character, and in such circum- 
 stances, and Avilo had such views and designs of 
 their own, than they had found in such other people 
 as they could prevail on to transport themselves 
 into a wilderness. However, the factions and dis- 
 turbances in the Company, and other causes, de- 
 layed the affairs for some time, till 1619, in the 
 fall, they obtained a Patent for the land, but they 
 could not obtain a legal assurance of the liberty of 
 their consciences. However, they determined at 
 length to remove, depending on some general 
 promises of connivance, if they behaved themselves 
 peaceably, and hoping that the distance and re- 
 moteness of the place, as well as the public service 
 they should do the King and Kingdom, would pre- 
 vent their being disturbed. 
 
HISTORICAL DISCOURSE. 65 
 
 After encountering many difficulties and dis- 
 couragements, from tlie nature and circumstances 
 of their voyage, and from the treachery of some of 
 the undertakers, they arrived at Cape Cod, on the 
 9th of November, 1620. Here they found their 
 Patent useless, this place being within the bounds 
 of the NcAV-England or Plymouth Company ; and 
 yet necessity obliged them to set down thereabout. 
 They did, therefore, two days after, incorporate 
 themselves a body politic, and having made such a 
 search of the adjacent country as their circum- 
 stances would allow, at that time of the year, they 
 began their settlement, about Christmas, at a place 
 called by the Indians, Patuxet ; by them named 
 New Plymouth. Infinite, almost, were the hard- 
 ships and distresses of the ensuing winter, in which 
 near half the Company died for want of necessaries. 
 However, through the merciful providence of God, 
 they maintained their ground, and through many 
 difficulties, which they overcame by patience and 
 the divine blessing, they increased to three hundred 
 souls in nine years after, when they obtained a 
 Patent from the New-England Company, the 13tli 
 of January, 1629—30. 
 
 In that period, there had been many successless 
 attempts to make settlements in New-England, for 
 the sake of trade and liusbandry only, as if Divine 
 Providence had reserved the place for those who 
 soon after took possession of it. The success of 
 
 9 
 
66 HISTORICAI. DISCOURSE.' 
 
 tlie Plymouth planters be^jjaii to excite the Puri- 
 tans, all over England, to meditate a removal to 
 those parts of the world, in order to enjoy the liberty 
 of worshipping God according to their consciences. 
 There was no ground at all left them to hope for 
 any condescension or indulgence to their scruples, 
 but uniformity was pressed with harder measures 
 than ever. A great part of the nation was alarmed 
 with the apprehensions of Arminianism, and that 
 even Popery itself was approaching ; yea, the civil 
 affairs, and the peace of the nation, began to be 
 embroiled and interrupted by the false politics and 
 bad counsels of the unhappy Prince on the throne ; 
 so that New-England began to be looked on by 
 them as a place of refuge ; and it is said, that some 
 who proved principal actors in the changes and 
 events that followed, had even determined to 
 transport themselves here, had they not been un- 
 accountably restrained by authority. This is cer- 
 tain, the same principles in some persons, which 
 had rendered their stay uneasy at home, and which 
 at first refused them a legal toleration in the wilds 
 of America, made their leaving the Kingdom as 
 difficult as possible. Whereas, could good policy 
 have prevailed over bigotry, it would have ap- 
 peared a good expedient for them, thus to clear the 
 Kingdom of the disaffected and nonconformists, 
 and with them make such an effectual plantation, 
 as promised a great addition to the trade and riches, 
 and power of the Kingdom, and greatly enlarged 
 its territory 
 
HISTORICAL DISCOURSE. 67 
 
 Mr. White, of Dorchester, tlie father of the Mas- 
 sachusetts Colony, encouraged Mr. R. Conant, who 
 had, on disgust, removed Ironi Plymouth to Nan- 
 tasket, to continue in the country, with the promise 
 of men, and all things necessary for another plan- 
 tation. Whereupon, this gentleman, 1625, re- 
 moved to Cape Ann, and the next year to Naum- 
 keak, since called Salem. March 19, 1627 — 8, the 
 Council for New-England signed the Massachu- 
 setts Patent, and March 4, 1628 — 9, the King con- 
 lirms it by Ca harter which included liberty of 
 conscience. The nonconformists, so called, are 
 busily employed about their intended expedition. 
 In 1628, they send Mr. Endicot, with some people, 
 to begin and prepare the way (or them, and the 
 next year they send Mr. Higginson and many more; 
 and, 1630, Governor Winthorp, Deputy Governor 
 Dudley, with tlie Assistants, the Charter, and fifteen 
 hundred people, and all necessaries, came over and 
 made effectual settlements at Charlestown, Water- 
 town, Dorchester, Boston, etc.; and more of their 
 friends coming over to them, in the following years, 
 the new settlements increased and prospered, not- 
 withstanding the many diliiculties and hardships 
 which must necessarily attend the planting such 
 a remote wilderness. 
 
 As the country was more fully discovered, the 
 lands on Connecticut river grew so famous for their 
 fruitfulness, and convenience to keej) cattle, that 
 great numbers from New-Town. Dorchester, &c., 
 
68 HISTORICAL DISCOURSE. 
 
 removed there, under the conduct of Mr. Hains, 
 Mr. Hopkins, Mr. Ludlow, and Mr. Hooker, <fcc., 
 and through inexpressible hardships, through 
 famine, and weariness, and perils of the enemy, 
 they at length settled at Hartford, 1635 and 1636, 
 which was the beginning of Connecticut colony ; 
 and, in 1637, New-Haven colony was begun by a 
 people directly from England, under the leading 
 of Mr. Eaton, and Mr. Davenport, <fec. Thus the 
 four grand colonies of New-England were begun in 
 a few years, and some faint attempts likewise made 
 to settle in the eastward parts, in the province of 
 Maine, &c.., for the sake of trade and fishery, and 
 by some of the people who afterwards came here. 
 Which brings me to the more immediate occasion 
 of the settlement of this Colony, and the manner 
 in which it was brought about and accomplished. 
 It is allowed, by all sides, the religious differences 
 among the first settlers of the Massachusetts 
 Colony, gave rise to this Colony, and the settling of 
 this Island. 
 
 Almost all the first settlers of New-England 
 were Puritans. The people at Plymouth were 
 generally of that sort called Separatists, and those 
 of Boston generally had lived in the communion of 
 the Church of England, though they scrupled con- 
 forming to some of the ceremonies. But these 
 being come to so great a distance from the Bishops' 
 power, could well enough agree in the same forms 
 of worship, and method of discipline with the church 
 
HISTORICAL DISCOURSE. 69 
 
 at Plymouth, and a mixed form of church govern- 
 ment was generally set up. Though they had 
 seemed well enough united, by the common zeal 
 against the ceremonies, yet now they were removed 
 from the ecclesiastical courts, with a patent which 
 gave them liberty of conscience, a variety of opin- 
 ions as to several points, before not so much re- 
 garded, and perhaps not thought of, now began to 
 be visible, and operate with considerable effects. 
 It is no wonder such differences in opinion arose 
 among them, as had been the case before among 
 the Protestants in general. It was the avowed 
 opinion of some among them of chiefest note and 
 authority, (Mr. Hooker,) "that there were two great 
 reserves for inquiry in that age of the world : first, 
 wherein the spiritual rule of our Lord's kingdom 
 doth consist, and after what manner it is revealed, 
 managed and maintained in the souls of his people; 
 the second, after what order the government of 
 our Lord's kingdom is to be externally managed 
 and maintained in his church." — Magnalia B. 3. 
 p. 66. 
 
 Notwithstanding which, the chief leaders, and 
 the major part of the people, soon discovered them- 
 selves as fond of uniformity, and as loath to allow 
 liberty of conscience to such as differed from them- 
 selves, as those from Whose power they had lied. 
 Notwithstanding all their sufferings and complaints 
 in England, they seemed incapable of mutual for- 
 bearance ; perhaps they were afraid of provoking 
 
70 HISTORICAL DISCOURSE. 
 
 tlie higher powers at home, if they countenanced 
 other sects ; and perhaps those who differed from 
 them took the more freedom, in venting and pres- 
 sing their peculiar opinions, from the safety and 
 protection they expected, under a charter that had 
 granted liberty of conscience. 
 
 In reality, the true grounds of liberty of con- 
 science were not then known, or embraced by any 
 sect or party of Christians ; all parties seemed to 
 think that as they only were in the possession of 
 the truth, so they alone had a right to restrain, and 
 crush all other opinions, which they respectively 
 called error and heresy, where they were the most 
 numerous and jjowerful ; and in other places they 
 pleaded a title to liberty and freedom of their con- 
 sciences. And yet, at the same time, all would dis- 
 claim persecution for conscience sake, which has 
 something in it so unjust and absurd, so cruel and 
 impious, that all men are ashamed of the least im- 
 putation of it. A pretence of the public peace, the 
 preservation of the Church of Christ from infection, 
 and the obstinacy of the heretics, are always made 
 use of, to excuse and justify that, which, stripped of 
 all disguises, and called by its true name, the light 
 of nature, and the laws of Christ Jesus condemn 
 and forbid, in the most plain and solemn manner. 
 Mr. 11. Williams and Mr. J. Clark, two fathers of 
 this Colony, appear among the first who publicly 
 avowed that Jesus Christ is king in his own king- 
 dom, and that no others had authoritv over his 
 
HISTORICAL DISCOURSE. 71 
 
 subjects, in the afTairs of conscience and eternal 
 salvation. So that it was not singular or peculiar 
 in those people at the Massachusetts, to think 
 themselves bound in conscience to use the sword 
 of the civil magistrate to open the understandings 
 of heretics, or cut them off from the State, that 
 they might not infect the church or injure the 
 public peace. These were not the only people 
 who thought they were doing God good service, 
 when smiting their brethren and fellow-servants. 
 All other Christian sects acted generally, as if they 
 thought this was the very best service they could 
 do to God, and the most effectual way to promote 
 the gospel of peace, and prove themselves the true 
 and genuine disciples of Jesus Christ — of Jesus 
 Christ, Avho hath declared, his kingdom was not of 
 this world, who had commanded his disciples to call 
 no man master on earth, who had forbidden them 
 to exercise lordship over each other's consciences, 
 who had required them to let the tares grow witli 
 the wheat till the harvest, and who had, in fine, 
 given mutual love, peace, long-suffering, and kind- 
 ness, as the badge and mark of his religion. 
 
 Mr. Roger Williams, a minister, wiio came over 
 to Salem, 1630, had, on a disgust, removed to 
 Plymouth, where he was an assistant to their min- 
 ister, Mr. Smith, for two years. And being dis- 
 gusted likewise at Plymouth, returned back to Sa- 
 lem, where he was chosen by the people to succeed 
 Mr. Skelton, in 1G31. The magistrates opposed 
 
72 HISTORICAL DISCOURSE. 
 
 his settlement there, as they had done before. 
 They made great objections to his principles, and 
 it is said some wordly things helped to increase 
 the animosities that soon prevailed against him ; 
 though Mr. Williams appears, by the whole course 
 and tenor of his life and conduct here, to have been 
 one of the most disinterested men that ever lived, 
 a most pious and heavenly minded soul. He was 
 charged with holding it " unlawful for an unre- 
 generate man to pray, or a regenerate man to pray 
 with him ;" " that it Avas unlawful for the magis- 
 trate to meddle with the breaches of the first table;" 
 and that he insisted on an unlimited toleration, or 
 liberty of conscience ; from whence they inferred 
 him an advocate for licentiousness, which the good 
 man's soul abhorred, " and ever disclaimed." How- 
 ever, on these accounts, and for teaching the Patent 
 was sinful, (in what sense and how truly is very 
 obvious,) for opposing the oath of fidelity, (not out 
 of disloyalty to the King, but on account of the 
 nature of an oath, which he thought, as a sacred 
 thing, ought not to be forced on all men promis- 
 cuously, whether in a state of grace or nature,) 
 " and for separating from, and renouncing com- 
 munion with all the churches in the land, and 
 even with his own, for not joining with him there- 
 in;" — for these things, he was at length banished 
 the Colony, as a disturber of the peace of the church 
 and commonwealth ; and, as he says, " a bull of 
 excommunication was sent after him in his ab- 
 sence." 
 
HISTORICAL DISCOURSE. 73 
 
 He came away to Sccimke, since called Reho- 
 both, where he procured a grant of lands, from 
 Ousamequin, or Massasoiet, the chief Sachem of 
 Pokanokik. But being' desired to remove from 
 thence, which was within the jurisdiction of New- 
 Plymouth, "he had several treaties with Myanto- 
 nomy and Canonicus, the Nantygansick^ or Narra- 
 ganset Sachems, in the years 1634 and 1635, who 
 assured him he should not want for land for a set- 
 tlement ;" Divine Providence giving him wonder- 
 fully great favor in the eyes of the Sachems. And 
 in the spring of the year 1634-5,* he came over the 
 river to a place called by the Indians Mooshausick, 
 and by him named Providence, " in a sense of God's 
 merciful providence to him in his distress." And 
 several of his friends following him, they planted 
 there. The authority and power of Miantonomy 
 awed all the Indians round, to assist and succor 
 these few feeble and helpless Englishmen, thus cast 
 out by their brethren, in a strange land. However, 
 we must (to be impartial) own that their being 
 Englishmen, was a real security and protection to 
 
 *Here is an error of one year. It was in the spring of 
 1635-6, or what would now be called 1636, that Roger 
 Williams came over Seekonk River, and settled at Moo- 
 shausick or Providence. The precise day or month can- 
 not be ascertained. The earliest record of his being here 
 is under date of July 26, 1636, O. S. See Knowles' 
 Memoir of Roger Williams, p. 101 — 105. Savage's Win- 
 throp, vol. 1, p. 193. — Editor. 
 
 10 
 
74 HISTORICAL DISCOURSE. 
 
 them, unless tlie Indians had designed a general 
 war. The English at Massachusetts employed Mr. 
 Williams to make a league offensive and defensiv^e 
 with the Narraganset Indians, in the Pequot war, 
 which followed in 1(337. And the Indian Sachems, 
 in one of their conhrinations of the grants of lands 
 to him,* express their gratitude, " for the many 
 kindnesses and services he had continually done 
 for them, both with their friends at Massachusetts, 
 as also at Ciunniticut, and Apaum or Plymouth." 
 Mr. Williams also maintained a loving correspon- 
 dence with many of his old friends to the last, and 
 was esteemed and valued by many of them ; though 
 he ever opposed, and that in print, once and again, 
 what he called the bloody tcnent, i. e. every kind and 
 degree of persecution for conscience sake. The 
 hardships and distresses of these poor exiles, are 
 hardly to be conceived by the present generation, 
 who, through the divine goodness, have never seen 
 any thing like what they cheerfully endured. But 
 Divine Providence, in which they trusted, sup- 
 ported them, and provided for them in their greatest 
 straits, and wonderfully blessed their honest in- 
 dustry, so that in a few years they had plenty of 
 all tilings necessary to their subsistence and com- 
 fort. 
 
 * The said writing is dated Nanhygansick, the 24th of 
 the first month, commonly called March, the second year 
 of our Plantation, or planting at Mooshasick or Provi- 
 dence. 
 
HISTORICAL DISCOURSE. ro 
 
 The banishment of Mr. Williams, and the volun- 
 tary exile of many of his adherents, did not put an 
 end to the unhappy divisions and contentions in the 
 Massachusetts. Mr. Hains, the Governor, in 1635, 
 did with great difficulty still and quiet the storm 
 for the present, in the beginning of his administra- 
 tion ; but Mr., afterwards Sir Henry Vane, jun., 
 arriving at Boston that summer, and zealously 
 falling in with the opinions of one party, he was by 
 them persuaded to tarry there, (though designed 
 for Connecticut river,) and was the next year, 
 1636, chosen Governor ; and then the animosities 
 and contentions were carried to a very great height; 
 one side reproaching the other, as Legalists and 
 under a covenant of works, &c.j and the others 
 calling them Familists^ Antinomians^ iSic. The 
 next year, Mr. Winthrop being rechosen Governor, 
 with a great struggle, he strenuously exerted him- 
 self to crush and exterminate the opinions he dis- 
 approved. A synod was called for that end at 
 New-Town, (since named Cambridge,) on the 30tli 
 of August, where eighty erroneous opinions were 
 presented, debated, and condemned ; and a court 
 lield on the 2d of October following, at the same 
 place, banished a few of the chief persons, among 
 those who were aspersed with those errors; and 
 censured several that had been the most active, 
 not, it seems, for their holding those opinions, but 
 for their pretended seditious carriage and be- 
 iiavior; and the church at Boston likewise excom- 
 
76 HISTORICAL DISCOURSE. 
 
 municated at least one of her members, not for 
 those opinions, but for denying they ever held 
 them, and the behavior which these heats occa- 
 sioned ; and some of these, with their friends and 
 followers, came to this Island. 
 
 Notwithstanding such a formidable number of 
 errors, produced at the synod, that which these 
 people differed in from the others, was chiefly this, 
 as Mr. John Clark has briefly represented it, viz : 
 " Touching the covenants and in point of evidenc- 
 ing a man's good estate. Some (says he) pressed 
 hard for the covenant of works, and for sanctifi- 
 cation to be the first and chief evidence; others 
 (he means himself and those who came here) 
 pressed as hard for the covenant of grace, that was 
 established on better promises, and for the evidence 
 of the spirit, as that which is a more sure, con- 
 stant, and satisfactory witness." (C/«rA:'s JVarra- 
 tive Introd.) This account is agreeable to what 
 there is in those books wrote on the other side, I 
 have had the opportunity to consult; only they 
 must be allowed to express, in their own way, their 
 own sentiments of the opinions of the other side, 
 and they add such shades as darken and disfigure 
 the opinions of the opposite party, and set off their 
 own to the best advantage. 
 
 Dr. Mather thus describes the five questions de- 
 bated between tlie synod and Mr. Cotton, (which 
 
HISTORICAL DISCOURSE. 77 
 
 were the same points about which all the divisions 
 first began ;) they were " about the order of things 
 in our union to our Lord Jesus Christ, about the 
 influence of our faith in the application of his 
 righteousness, about the use of our sanctification 
 in evidencing our justification, and about the con- 
 sideration of our Lord Jesus Christ, by men, yet 
 under a covenant of works ; briefly, they were the 
 points whereon depend the grounds of our assur- 
 ance for blessedness in another and better world. 
 Mag. B. 7, p. 17. 
 
 Mr. Neal says, " The Commonwealth was almost 
 torn in pieces by intestine divisions, occasioned by 
 the spreading Familistical and Antinomian errors 
 among the people." And from the writers before 
 him, he gives the original of the controversy, to 
 this purpose: " The members of the church at Bos- 
 ton used to meet once a week, to repeat the ser- 
 mons they heard on the Lord's Day, and to debate 
 on the doctrines contained in them ; those meetings 
 being peculiar to the men, some of the zealous 
 women thought it might be useful to them. One 
 Mrs. Hutchinson, a gentlewoman of a bold and 
 masculine spirit, and a great admirer of Mr. Cotton, 
 set up one at her house. The novelty of the thing, 
 and the fame of the woman, quickly gained her a 
 numerous audience, and from these meetings arose 
 all the errors that soon after overspread the coun- 
 try." He says she taught that believers in Christ 
 
78 HISTORICAL DISCOURSE. 
 
 are personally united to the spirit of God ; that 
 coiniiiands to work out our salvation with fear and 
 trembling, belong to none but such as are under 
 the covenant of works ; that sanctification is not a 
 good evidence of a good estate. She likewise set 
 up immediate revelation about future events, to be 
 believed as equally infallible with the scriptures ; 
 and a great many other chimeras and fancies, 
 which, (says he,) under a pretence of exalting the 
 free grace of God, destroyed the practical part of 
 religion, " and opened a door to all sorts of licen- 
 tiousness-" NeaVs Hkt. C. 5, p. 166. 
 
 I shall not enter into the merits of the cause ; 
 there is neither time nor occasion for it, only, I 
 must observe, how each side ascribed to the others, 
 consequences they imagined followed from their 
 opinions, which they did not see or own. And par- 
 ticularly the people who came here, have things 
 laid to their charge, which they utterly denied and 
 detested equally with their antagonists. So harshly 
 did their adversaries judge of them, as even to in- 
 volve in their opinions, or the consequences of them, 
 a denial of the resurrection of the dead, and the 
 life everlasting ; Avhich totally subverts and de- 
 stroys Christianity, and all religion at once, which 
 necessarily implies a future state ; when yet the 
 whole debate supposed tlie truth of Christianity, 
 and the certainty of a future state; and the main 
 question was about the method hi which they might 
 
HISTORICAL DISCOURSE, 79 
 
 best obtain an assurance of their interest in, and 
 their title to, the inheritance of the saints in light. 
 The very first of the eighty errors to be tried in 
 the synod, doth (as I remember) charge the denial 
 of the immortality of the soul, as a consequence of 
 the opinion, that the faculties of the soul are pas- 
 sive or quiescent in the work of conversion and re- 
 generation ; when yet the synod themselves unani- 
 mously believed particular election and irresistible 
 grace. 
 
 ''The question was, by what evidence must a man 
 proceed in taking to himself the comforts of his jus- 
 tification. The bigger part of the country laid the 
 first and main stress of our comfortable evidence, 
 on our sanctification ; but the opinionists (says Dr. 
 Mather) were for another sort of evidence, as their 
 chief, namely the spirit of God, by a powerful ap- 
 plication of a promise, begetting in us, and reveal- 
 ing to us, a powerful assurance of our being justified." 
 Mag. B. 7. p. 14. 
 
 Now, as the Doctor adds, (even on this way of 
 stating the question, or expressing the sentiments of 
 those called opinionists, which they would be far 
 from acquiescing in, as expressing their full and true 
 opinion,) "the truth might easily have united both 
 the seopinions." But as he goes on, "they carried the 
 matter on to a very perilous door, opened to many 
 errors and evils, yea, to threaten a subversion of the 
 
80 HISTORICAL DISCOURSE. 
 
 peaceable order in government." But they deny 
 and disclaim the consequences fixed on them, and 
 justify their own opinion and conduct, and charge 
 the other party with as fatal and mischievous con- 
 sequences, and a conduct arbitrary and oppressive. 
 
 Besides the differences about those points, for 
 which these people were charged with Antinomian- 
 ism, what was called Familism Avas, perhaps, not a 
 little offensive. Nay, their differences in opinion 
 were worked up to almost a state quarrel at the 
 last, as Arminianism had been in Holland, and 
 Episcopacy was in England afterwards, and as the 
 Reformation still is all over Europe. The public 
 affairs of town and Colony were affected by these 
 contentions, and the Governor and Assistants put in 
 and out, as the one or the other side prevailed. 
 The whole people unhappily run into factions and 
 parties, in such a manner, as if contention and every 
 evil work had not been evidences incontestible, 
 that the wisdom from which they proceeded could 
 not be from above. But so it is, where men differ 
 about religion, their contentions are usually the 
 most sharp, and carried on with the most irreligious 
 heat and animosity : even though they differ about 
 the smallest matters, or when, as was the case 
 here, they differ from each other but in a very little. 
 
 A great part of the body of the people, and I am 
 apt to think, at the first, the majority of the town 
 
HISTORICAL DISCOURSE. 81 
 
 of Boston, Avcre of the same side the question with 
 those people who afterwards came here. It is cer- 
 tain, the synod and the court were both held at 
 New^-Town, because of the disaffection of the people 
 of Boston. The deputies of the town, at least some 
 of them, openly espoused that party. The town, 
 at least many of them, petitioned in their favor. 
 And Mr. Cotton, the chief oracle then of both town 
 and country, was confidently believed by them to 
 be of the opinion they contended for. To which I 
 might add the number of the people in that town, 
 that were censured at the court. 
 
 Those who came away, were most of them long 
 esteemed as brethren of the church, and never 
 censured by the church at all ; nay, that church 
 did long retain some ^particularities, as to the 
 brethren's power in church affairs, and their liberty 
 to exercise their gifts in private or family meetings, 
 and as to the subjects of infant baptism. It is 
 certain, Mr. Wheelwright, minister to a branch of 
 that church, at a place since called Braintree, 
 (where the town had some lands,) was eager and 
 zealous against the covenant of works ; and was 
 banished by the court for what was then called se- 
 dition, by the same rule which will make every dis- 
 sent from, or opposition to, a majority in any re- 
 ligious affairs, to be sedition, and an iniquity to be 
 punished by the judge. The minor part must al- 
 ways be seditious, if it be sedition to defend their 
 
82 HISTORICAL DISCOURSE. 
 
 own religious opinions, and endeavor to confute the 
 contrary. This maxim, once allowed, must chain 
 men down under errors and falsehoods wherever 
 they prevail, and even rivet their chains. On this 
 foot, what will become of the glorious martyrs for 
 the gospel in the first ages of it, and the holy 
 apostles, who turned the world upside down, who 
 turned men from darkness to light, from the gods 
 of the nations, whom they called vanities, to the 
 living and true God 7 Nay, what shall we say of 
 our blessed Saviour himself, who says he came to 
 send division on earth 1 Hoav shall we excuse the 
 Protestants, nay, how shall we justify the Puritans 
 themselves, if it be seditious to oppose any religious 
 opinions we think are false or erroneous, when the 
 major part of the society happen to think other- 
 wise? I must farther add, that however Mr. Cotton, 
 at the synod, after long labor with him, disowned 
 many of the opinions charged on these people, yet 
 he would not condemn all the said errors in the 
 gross, as the rest did, and there is some reason to 
 believe that he differed from the other ministers to 
 the last, at least in the manner of explaining these 
 most abstruse and difficult points ; if he did not 
 continue to hold, that "union to Christ was before 
 faith in him, and that the habit of faith proceeded 
 or followed from our justification," which it is said, 
 he once seemed to hold in the synod ; and Avhich 
 was in reality the root or fountain of all the 
 opinions so much faulted in this people. And how- 
 
HISTORICAL DISCOURSE. 83 
 
 ever Mr. Cotton has in print disowned them, and 
 they are by otliers charged with falsehood and ca- 
 lumny, in shrouding themselves under the authority 
 of liis great name ; yet they who should be owned 
 to know their own opinions, and understand their 
 own expressions and designs best, always persisted 
 in it, that '' Mr. Cotton was with them," or that 
 they meant no more than they understood him to 
 mean. 
 
 But to return. The affair was agitated in court 
 for three days; and, some changing sides in the 
 court, the majority was on the side of the synod, 
 and took measures effectually to support their own 
 opinions. Whereupon, many of the other side de- 
 termined to remove, for peace sake, and to enjoy 
 the freedom of their consciences. And Mr. John 
 Clark, " who made the proposal, was requested, 
 with some others, to seek out a place, and, there- 
 upon, by reason of the suffocating heat of the sum- 
 mer before, he went north, to be somewhat cooler, 
 but the winter following proving as cold, they were 
 forced in the spring to make towards the south. 
 So, having sought the Lord for direction, (hey 
 agreed, tliat while their vessel was passing about 
 a large and dangerous Cape, (Cape Cod,) they 
 would cross over by land, having Long-Island and 
 J)elaware Bay in their eye, for the ])lace of their 
 residence. At Providence, Mr. 11. Williams lov- 
 ingly entertained them, and being ct)iisulted about 
 
84 HISTORICAL DISCOURSE. 
 
 their design, readily presented two places before 
 them in the Narra"anset Bay, the one on the main 
 called Soic-icamcs, (the neck since called Fhebe's 
 Neck, in Barrington,*) and Aquetneck, now Rhode- 
 Island." And inasmuch as tliey were determined 
 to go out of every otlier jurisdiction, Mr. Williams 
 and Mr. Clark, attended with two other persons, 
 went to Plymouth to inquire hoAv the case stood; 
 they were lovingly received, and answered, that 
 Soicames w^as the garden of their Patent. But 
 they were advised to settle at Aquetncck^ and 
 promised to be looked on as free, and to be treated 
 and assisted as loving neighbors. {3Ir. J. Clark^s 
 Nar) On their return, the 7th of March, 1637-8, 
 the people, to the number of eighteen, t incorpo- 
 rated themselves a body politic, and chose Mr. 
 Coddington their leader, to be the judge or chief 
 
 * Perhaps ISoivames is properly the name of the river, 
 where the two Swansey rivers meet and run together for 
 near a mile, when they empty themselves in the Narra- 
 ganset Bay, or of a small Island, where those two rivers 
 meet, at the bottom of New Meadow Neck, so called. 
 
 t Their names are as follow. William Coddington, John 
 Clark, William Hutchinson, John Coggeshall, AVilliam 
 Aspinwall, Samuel Wilbore, John Porter, John Sanford, 
 Edward Hutchinson, jnn., Thomas Savage, William 
 Dyre, William Freeborne, Philip Shearman, John Walker, 
 Richard Carder, William Baulston, Edward Hutchinson, 
 sen., Henry Bull. 
 
HISTORICAL DISCOURSE. 85 
 
 magistrate. After the same maimer, Plymouth and 
 Connecticut Colonies were forced to enter into a 
 voluntary agreement or covenant at the ^lrst, as hav- 
 ing no legal authority amongst them; the people 
 here, however, immediately sought a Patent, and 
 in a foAV years obtained one. 
 
 Mr. R. Williams was very instrumental in pro- 
 curing the Island of the Indian sachems, and has 
 left this account in per'jyetuam rei memoriam. " It 
 was not price or money that could have purchased 
 Rhode-Island, but it was obtained by love, that 
 love and favor which that honored gentleman, Sir 
 Henry Vane, and myself, had with the great sa- 
 chem Myantonomy, about the league which I pro- 
 cured, between the Massachusetts English and the 
 Narragansets in the Pequot War. This I mention, 
 that as the truly noble Sir Henry Vane hath been 
 so great an instrument, in the hand of God, for pro- 
 curing this Island of the barbarians, as also for the 
 procuring and confirming the Charter, it may be 
 with all thankful acknowledgments recorded, and 
 remembered by us, and ours who reap the sweet 
 fruits of so great benefits, and such unheard of 
 liberties among us." {MS. of B. \\\) And in 
 another manuscript, he tells us the Indians were 
 very shy and jealous of selling the lands to any, 
 and chose rather to make a grant of them to such 
 as they aflccted, but, at the same time, expected 
 such gratuities and rewards as made an Indian i^'fl 
 
86 HISTORICAL DISCOURSE. 
 
 often times a very dear bargain. And the Colony, 
 seventy years ago, 16G6, averred, that though the 
 favor Mr. Williams had with Myantonomy was the 
 great means of procuring the grants of the land, 
 yet the purchase had been dearer than of any lands 
 in New-England ; the reason of which might he, 
 partly, the English inhabited between two power- 
 ful nations, the Wampanoags to the north and east, 
 who had formerly possessed some part of their 
 grants, before they had .surrendered it to the Nar- 
 ragansets, and though they freely owned the sub- 
 mission, yet it was thought best by Mr. Williams, 
 to make them easy by gratuities to the sachem, his 
 counsellors and followers. On the other side, the 
 Narragansets were very numerous, and the natives 
 inhabiting any spot the Eiiglisli sat down upon, or 
 improved, were all to be bought off to their con- 
 tent, and often times were to be paid over and over 
 again. 
 
 On the 24th of March, 1637-8, this day an hun- 
 dred years, the Indian sachems signed the deed or 
 grant of the Island Aquetneck, &c., and the En- 
 glish not only honestly paid the mentioned gra- 
 tuities to the sachems, but many more to the in- 
 habitants to remove off, as a^^pears by the receipts 
 still extant. And afterwards, at a considerable ex- 
 pense, they purchased quit-claims of the heirs and 
 successors of the sachems ; besides, they were 
 forced to buy, over again, several parts of the first 
 
HISTORICAL DISCOURSE. 87 
 
 grant. So that they came very justly by the soil. 
 And thus they describe themselves, twenty years 
 after, in an address to the supreme authority in 
 England, 1659 : " This poor Colony (say they) 
 mostly consists of a birth and breeding of the Most 
 High. We being an outcast people, formerly from 
 our mother nation, in the Bishops' days, and since 
 from the rest of the New-English over zealous 
 Colonies. Our whole frame, being much like the 
 present frame and constitution of our dearest mother 
 England ; bearing with the several judgments and 
 consciences of each other, in all the towns of the 
 Colony ; which our neighbor Colonies do not ; and 
 which is the only cause of their great offence 
 against us." 
 
 The settlement began immediately at the east- 
 ward or nortliAvard end of the Island, (then called 
 Pocasset,*) round the cove, and the town was laid 
 out at the spring. And many of their friends fol- 
 lowing them that summer, their number was so 
 
 * AH our histories call the main land, over against the 
 easterly end of the Island, where is now Tiverton, &c., 
 by the name of Pocasset, and in the Indian grant to the 
 first settlers, the same place seems to be called Powa- 
 casick. But it is as evident in our records, that the 
 eastern end of the Island is called by the same name ^ 
 perhaps if I may be indulged a conjecture, the name 
 properly belonged to the strait in the river or bay, at the 
 eastern end of the Island, where is now Rowland's Ferry, 
 
88 HISTORICAL DISCOURSE. 
 
 considerably increased that, the next spring, some 
 of the heads, with others, came to the southern or 
 western end of tlie Island. The Island was divided 
 into two townships, the eastern part called Ports- 
 mouth, and the other Newport ; and, 1644, they 
 named the Island the Isle of Rhodes^ or Rliodc- 
 Island. Thus began the settlement of this Island 
 and Colony, and through the good hand of our God 
 upon us, we have continued to this day. God has 
 blessed and prospered the people in their labors, 
 and preserved to them their privileges, for the sake 
 of which they followed him into the wilderness. 
 
 And now, having seen something of the occasion 
 and manner of our first settlement, let us take a 
 short view of the history, and present state of the 
 Colony. 
 
 And here, in the first place, as to the inhabiting 
 the other lands, and erecting the other towns now 
 within our bounds. — At the same time the Island 
 
 and the lands on both sides might be called Pocasset, till 
 the English name of Portsmouth for the easterly end of 
 the Island prevailed, when the Indian name Pocasset 
 might become confined to the main land, which was not 
 settled by the English for many years after. It is certain, 
 every remarkable strait, or fall in a river, had a name 
 among the Indians, as well as every point of land in the 
 Bay. A knowledge of the meaning of the Indian words, 
 would decide all such disputes. 
 
HISTORICAL DISCOURSE. 89 
 
 was inhabited, a number of the Providence people, 
 Mr. Arnold, (fcc, sat down at Patuxet, a place 
 adjoining, and within their grant. They were en- 
 couraged by the meadows on the river, which were 
 every where an inducement to people to settle 
 themselves, as they immediately furnished food for 
 their cattle in the winter. 
 
 In 1642-3, on the 12tli of January, Shaicomet^ or 
 Allshaicomet^ since called Warwick, was purchased 
 of Myantonomy ; Pomham, the petty sachem, con- 
 senting to the sale or grant, though he afterwards 
 denied it. The grant was made to Randal Holden, 
 John Wickes, Samuel Gorton, John Greene, Francis 
 Weston, Richard Waterman, John Warner, Richard 
 Carder, Samson Shottoii, Robert Potter, William 
 Woodeal. 
 
 Here it may be proper to take some notice of the 
 religious opinions of Mr. Gorton, whose Ibllowers 
 were called Gortonists, or Gortonians, holding some 
 things peculiar to themselves, and different from 
 all the other people in New-England. 
 
 He came to Rhode-Island in June, 1G38, where 
 he tarried till 1639-40 ; then he was, on some con- 
 tentions, banished the Island. Thence he went to 
 Providence, where many of the people growing 
 uneasy at his planting and building at Patuxet, 
 and complaining to the Massachusetts Government 
 12 
 
90 niSTOKICAL DISCOURSE. 
 
 in 1G42, lie was summoned to appear before their 
 court, which he despised. But, however, lie pur- 
 chased this tract of tlie Indians, and removed there 
 with his friends. But new complaints soon went 
 to Boston from some of the English, and Pomliam 
 and Socononoko, petty sachems of the Indians, who 
 it seems were willing to take advantage of the pro- 
 tection of the Massachusetts English, to revolt 
 from their subjection to Myantonomy, as Massasoit 
 had done before, by means of the Plymouth En- 
 glish. Hereupon, Mr. Gorton and his friends being 
 summoned to court, he refused to obey, as out of 
 the jurisdiction, both of Boston and Plymouth, who 
 both sought to stretch their bounds, to have taken 
 him in. The government at length sent up a com- 
 pany of armed men, who, after a fruitless treaty, 
 made him and his friends prisoners, except a few 
 who escaped by flight. They were carried to Bos- 
 ton, and after a trial in their court, condemned to 
 be confined in a severe, and even a scandalous 
 manner, in several towns, for the winter, and in 
 the spring banished the Colony. They came to 
 Rhode-Island, and fearing to be again troubled, 
 the Massachusetts seeking a Patent of some of the 
 Narraganset country, they procured an actual and 
 solemn submission of the sachems to King Charles, 
 on the 19th of August, 1644 ; and Messrs. Gorton, 
 Greene, and Holdeii, went to England and ob- 
 tained an order to be sufl'ered peacealdy to possess 
 their purchase. And the lands forementioned, be- 
 
HISTORICAL DISCOURSE. 91 
 
 ing incorporated in the Province* of Providence 
 Plantations, they returned and carried on their 
 improvements, naming their purchase Warwick, in 
 honor to the Earl of Warwick, who gave them his 
 friendly protection. 
 
 What Mr. Gorton's religious opinions really were, 
 is now as hard to tell, as it is to understand his 
 most mysterious dialect, for there are sufficient 
 reasons why we ought not and cannot believe, he 
 held all that are confidently fathered upon him. 
 For it is certain, that, whatever impious opinions 
 his adversaries imputed to him, and whatever hor- 
 rid consequences they drew from the opinions he 
 owned, he ascribed as bad to them, and fixed as 
 dreadful consequences on their tenets; and at the 
 same time, in the most solemn manner, denies and 
 disavows many things they charge him with; above 
 all, when he is charged with denying a future state 
 and the judgment to come, both in theory and in 
 practice, he peremptorily and vehemently denies 
 the charge, and solemnly appeals to God, and all 
 that kncAV him, of the integrity of his heart and the 
 purity of his hands ; and avers, that he always joins 
 eternity with religion, as most essential. And that 
 the doctrine of the general Salvationists, was the 
 
 * They sometimes called themselves the Colony, some- 
 times the Province of Providence l^lantations, and some- 
 times the Colony or Province. 
 
92 HISTORICAL DISCOURSE. 
 
 thing which his soul hated. {MS. letter in cms. to 
 Mr. Morton! s Memorial?) 
 
 In nn address to King Charles II., 1679, he dis- 
 owns the Puritans, and most unaccountably says, 
 he sucked in his peculiar tenets " from the breasts 
 of his mother, the church of England." He strenu- 
 ously opposed the doctrines of the people called 
 Quakers. I am informed that he and his followers 
 maintained a religious meeting, on the first day of 
 the week, for above sixty years, and that their 
 worship consisted of prayers to God, of preaching, 
 or expounding the scriptures, and singing of psalms. 
 He lived to a great age. He was of a good family 
 in England, and says he made use of the learned 
 languages in expounding the scriptures to his 
 hearers. 
 
 About 1642-3, there were two trading houses set 
 up in the Narraganset country ; one by Mr. Wilcox 
 and Mr. R. Williams, the other by Mr. Richard 
 Smith, and some few plantations made near them, 
 on particular grants or purchases of the Indians, 
 but not very many till 1657 : when several gentle- 
 men on the Island and elsewhere, made a con- 
 siderable purchase, called the Petaquamscut pur- 
 chase. And the same year, there was a purchase 
 of the Island of Canonicut, as the smaller Islands 
 had been purchased before. 
 
HISTORICAL DISCOURSE. 93 
 
 In 1665, Misqiiamicut was purchased of the In- 
 dians, and it was granted a township by the name 
 of Westerly, 1669. In 1672, Manisses, called 
 Block-Island, was made a township, by the name 
 of New-Shoreham. In 1674, the inhabitants at 
 Petaquamscut and parts adjacent, had their lands 
 incorporated a township by the name of Kingston. 
 And, in 1677, the town of East-Greenwich was in- 
 corporated, and, 1678, Canonicut Island, or rather 
 Quononoquot, was incorporated a township by the 
 name of James-Town. In 1722, the lands properly 
 called Narraganset, were divided into the two 
 townships of North and South Kingston. In 1729, 
 the whole Colony was divided into three counties, 
 for the ease of the inhabitants. And, 1730, the 
 town of Providence was divided into the four towns 
 of Providence, Smithfield, Glocester, and Scituate; 
 the whole land being filled with inhabitants, partly 
 by the coming in of some few from other places, 
 but chiefly by the natural increase of the first 
 settlers.* In the foresaid year 1730, there was by 
 the King's order, an exact account taken of the 
 number of souls in the Colony,! and they were 
 
 *In 1738, the town of Westerly is divided, and the 
 easterly part of it erected into a township, by the name 
 of Charlestown, which may be to the honor of King 
 Charles II., who granted us our present Charter. 
 
 ■f The said account was taken before Providence town- 
 ship was divided. The whole account is this : 
 
94 HISTORICAL DISCOURSE. 
 
 found to be no less than seventeen thousand nine 
 hundred and thirty-five, of which no more than 
 nine hundred and eighty-five were Indians, and 
 one thousand six hundred and forty-eight negroes. 
 So that the English in all were fifteen thousand 
 three hundred and tAVo. 
 
 Some of the principal persons who came at first 
 to this Island, removed again in a little time, some 
 to Long-Island for larger accommodations, some 
 to Massachusetts again, where three* of those 
 families have made a very considerable figure ever 
 since to this day. A considerable number, like- 
 wise, removed to the other towns in this Colony, 
 and many settled in the parts adjacent, that are 
 within the Colony of Plymouth. Nevertheless, in 
 1730, the inhabitants of the whole Island were five 
 
 
 Whites. 
 
 Negroes. 
 
 Indians. 
 
 Newport, 
 
 3843 
 
 649 
 
 148 
 
 Providence, 
 
 3707 
 
 128 
 
 81 
 
 Portsmouth, 
 
 643 
 
 100 
 
 70 
 
 Warwick, 
 
 1028 
 
 77 
 
 73 
 
 Westerly, 
 
 1620 
 
 56 
 
 250 
 
 North-Kingston, 
 
 1875 
 
 165 
 
 65 
 
 South-Kingston, 
 
 965 
 
 333 
 
 225 
 
 East-Greenwich, 
 
 1149 
 
 40 
 
 34 
 
 Jamestown, 
 
 222 
 
 80 
 
 19 
 
 New-Shoreham, 
 
 250 
 
 20 
 
 20 
 
 15302 1648 98.5 
 
 * Hutchinson, Dummer. Savage. 
 
HISTORICAL DISCOURSE. 95 
 
 thousand four hundred and lifty-eight, and of tliis 
 town four thousand six hundred and forty, who are 
 no doubt by this time increased to five thousand 
 souls. The trade and business of the town at the 
 first, was but very little and inconsiderable, con- 
 sisting only of a little corn, and pork and tobacco, 
 sent to Boston for a few European and other goods 
 they could not subsist without, and all at the mercy 
 of the traders there, too.* At present, there are 
 above one hundred sail of vessels belonging to this 
 town, besides what belong to the rest of the Colony. 
 Cxod grant, that as we increase in numbers and 
 riches, we may not increase in sin and wickedness; 
 but that we may rather be led, by the divine good- 
 ness, to reform whatever may have been amiss or 
 wanting among us. 
 
 As to the forms of government we have passed 
 under, it must be observed, the government has 
 been ahvays more or less democratical. At the 
 
 * Perhaps it may be agreeable to some persons to ob- 
 serve, that about 1G60, and many years after, provision 
 pay was one hundred per cent beneath sterling money. 
 In 1G87, the prices of goods set to pay taxes in, were, 
 wool eight pence per pound, butter four pence, Indian 
 Corn one shilling and six pence per bushel. If the tax 
 was paid in money, then there was to be an allowance or 
 abatement of one-sixth part, and that perhaps will nearly 
 give the true current price of those kinds of provisions, at 
 that time. 
 
96 HISTORICAL DISCOURSE. 
 
 first incorporation on the Island, the people chose 
 a Judge to do justice and judgment, and preserve 
 the public peace ; and towards the latter end of 
 the year, on the second day of the eleventh month, 
 they added three gentlemen as Assistants to him in 
 his office.* And soon after appointed all, to take 
 the oath of allegiance to the King, according to the 
 statute. In 1640, they voted the chief magistrate 
 should be called Governor, the next Deputy Gov- 
 ernor, and four gentlemen chosen out of the two 
 towns, Assistants. Their names were W. Cod- 
 dington, Governor; W. Brenton, Deputy Governor; 
 N. Easton, J. Coggeshall, W. Hutchinson, J. Porter, 
 Assistants. The next year, R. Harding was in Mr. 
 Easton's place, and Mr. W. Baulston in the room 
 of Mr. Hutchinson, (who perhaps removed,) and 
 the next year Mr. Easton was chosen Assistant 
 again, and those sixt gentlemen held their offices 
 till the patent of incorporation. 
 
 At Providence, all new comers promised " to sub- 
 mit themselves in active or passive obedience to 
 all such orders and agreements as shall be made 
 for public good of the body, in an orderly way, by 
 
 * The three elders were Nicholas Easton, John Cogges- 
 hall, and William Brenton. 
 
 ■f The six gentlemen were W. Coddington, Governor, 
 W. Brenton, Deputy Governor, N. Easton, J. Coggeshall, 
 W. Baulston, and J. Porter, Assistants. 
 
HISTORICAL DISCOURSE. 97 
 
 mn jor consent of tlie inliabitmits,"* but this bein2^ 
 iiisiilticicut, 27th day Otli iiio., 1640, they did, to 
 the number of near forty persons, combine in a 
 form of civil government, according to a model 
 drawn up by some of themselves, as most suitable 
 to promote peace and order in their present circum- 
 stances ; which, however, left them in a very feeble 
 condition. 
 
 But all the inhabitants in the Narraganset-Bay, 
 ])eing without a patent and any legal authority, 
 1643, Mr. R. Williams went to England as agent, 
 and, by the help and assistance of Sir Henry Vane, 
 jun., obtained of the Earl of Warwick (appointed 
 by Parliament Governor and Admiral of all the 
 Plantations) and his council, " a free and absolute 
 
 * The first twelve persons who came to Mr. Williams, 
 and therefore had, by virtue of his conveyance, some pre- 
 rogative with him, in the divisions, &c., of the land, were 
 William Arnold, John Greene, John Throgmorton, Thomas 
 James, WilHarn Harris, Thomas Olney, Richard Water- 
 man, Francis Weston, Ezekiel Holliman, Robert Cole, 
 Stukelcy Westcoat, and William Carpenter. Soon after 
 came to them Chad Browne, Wm. Fairfield, J. Warner, 
 E. Angel,t J. W indsor. R. Scott, Wm. Reinolds, Wm. 
 Wickenden, Gregory Dexter, (fcc. &c., most of whose 
 names remain in a numerous posterity. 
 
 1 Callcndcr, who is rcniiirkablc for liis accuracy, here mistakes the 
 Christian name. It should be Thomas Angel. See Backus, vol. I,j). 
 74, note. — Editor. 
 
 13 
 
98 HISTORICAL DISCOURSE. 
 
 Charter of civil incorporation, by the name of the 
 incorporation of Providence Plantations in the 
 Narraganset-Bay in New-England ;" empowering 
 them " to rule themselves, and such as should in- 
 habit within their bounds, by such a form of civil 
 government as by the voluntary agreement of all, 
 or the greater part, shall be found most serviceable, 
 in their estate and condition ; and to make suitable 
 laws, agreeable to the laws of England, so far as 
 the nature and constitution of the place will admit, 
 <fec." It was dated 17th of March, 19th Charles, 
 i. e. 1643-4, but it does not appear how long it 
 was before Mr. Williams brought it over. It is 
 not to be wondered at, if it took them some time 
 to agree in a method. 
 
 In 1647, May 19th, a General Assembly of the 
 Province (as then called) established a body of 
 very good and wholesome laws, agreeable to the 
 English statute book ; and erected a form of civil 
 government for the administration of the laws, 
 and the making such other, as should be found ne- 
 cessary. The supreme power was left in the body 
 of the people, assembled in an orderly way ; a 
 court of Commissioners, consisting of six persons, 
 chosen by each of the four towns of Providence, 
 Portsmouth, Newport, and Warwick, had a legis- 
 lative authority; at least their acts were to be in 
 force, unless repealed within a limited time by the 
 vote of the major part of the freemen of the Prov- 
 
HISTORICAL DISCOURSE. 99 
 
 ince, to be collected at their respective town meet- 
 ings appointed for that end. 
 
 A President and four Assistants were chosen 
 yearly, to be conservators of the peace, with all 
 civil power, and by a special commission they were 
 judges of the court of trials, assisted by the two 
 wardens or justices of the particular town in which 
 tlie court sat from time to time. 
 
 Every town chose a Council of six persons, to 
 manage their town affairs, and their town court 
 had the trial of small cases, but with an appeal to 
 the court of the President and Assistants. 
 
 This form of government subsisted till 1651, 
 Avhen there were some obstructions to it, by a com- 
 mission granted from the Council of State, to the 
 principal inhabitant of the Island, to govern the 
 Island with a Council chosen by the people, and 
 approved by himself. But the people, thinking it 
 " a violation or encroachment on their liberties and 
 purchases, as granted and secured by Charter," 
 immediately despatched Mr. R. Williams and Mr. 
 J. Clark to England, as their agents; and they 
 easily procured an order from the Council oi' State 
 to vacate or suspend the commission. This order 
 is dated 2d of October, 1652, but by reason of some 
 misunderstandings between the four towns, it was 
 a year or two before they returned to their old 
 plan, wliich then lasted to the present Charter. 
 
loo HISTORICAL DISCOURSE. 
 
 Ill 1GG3, July 8, Charles II. granted an ample 
 Charter, whereby the Province was made " a body 
 corporate and politic, in fact and name, by the 
 name of the Governor and Company of the English 
 Colony of Rhode-Island and Providence Planta- 
 tions hi New-England in America.'' This Charter' 
 we enjoy to this day, through the merciful provi- 
 dence of God. And as every one knows the form 
 of government established in it, I need say but lit- 
 tle about it. The Governor, the Deputy Governor, 
 and ten Assistants chosen yearly by the freemen, 
 on the first Wednesday in May, have the adminis- 
 tration of the government in their hands ; and to- 
 gether with thirty-six Deputies,* chosen half yearly 
 by the several towns, make up the General As- 
 sembly ; which is the highest Court in the Colony, 
 and our Legislature : empowered to make laws as 
 to them shall seem meet, for the good and welfare 
 of the said Company — " so as such laws be not 
 contrary and repugnant unto, but as near as may 
 be, agreeable to the laws of England, considering 
 the nature and constitution of the place and people 
 there." 
 
 This Assembly meets twice a year by Charter, 
 on election day, and the last Wednesday of October. 
 
 *The town of Charlestown being erected since this 
 was prepared for the press, the number of Deputies is now 
 thirty-eight. 
 
HISTORICAL DISCOURSE. 101 
 
 The first, by law, is held at Newport, and the last 
 at Providence and South-Kingston alternately. 
 The Governor has no negative voice, and the ma- 
 jor vote of the ^vhole Assembly in one House de- 
 termines in the choice of civil or military officers ; 
 but in the passing laws the Assembly sits in two 
 Houses. 
 
 It would be too tedious to give a particular ac- 
 count of all the repeated attempts and stratagems 
 made use of, to wrest the jurisdiction and propriety 
 of a considerable part of the lands within our Pa- 
 tent from the Colony. 
 
 Therefore I proceed to say, 
 
 When Colonel Dudley was appointed President 
 of the Massachusetts, the Narraganset country, 
 called then King's Province, was included in his 
 commission. In 1685, October 6, a writ of quo 
 icarranto was issued out against the Colony, which 
 was brought here June 26, 1686, by Ed. Randolph, 
 lisq., whereupon the free inhabitants, especially of 
 the chief towns, met at Newport on the 29th, and 
 gave in their opinion to the General Assembly, 
 and left '^ the further proceeding to the judicious 
 determination of the Assembly." The Assembly, 
 upon serious ccmsideration, published and declared 
 that they determined not to " stand suit with His 
 Majesty, but to proceed, by liumble address to His 
 
102 HISTORICAL DISCOURSE, 
 
 Majesty to continue their privileges and liberties 
 according to the Charter;" and they accordingly 
 sent home an address to the King, who by his an- 
 swer promised them protection and favor. How- 
 ever, the Colony was put under the government of 
 Sir Ed. Andross, and " suffered with others, several 
 hard.ships and severe impositions." 
 
 The reasons why the Assembly chose not to 
 stand suit with the King, were partly " their poverty 
 and inability to bear the expense of such a law- 
 suit in England, and partly the example of the 
 many Corporations in England, which had in the 
 like case surrendered their Charters;" and perhaps 
 the secret hope they should find more favor with 
 the King, by this way of proceeding, was the prin- 
 cipal motive. 
 
 January 12, 1(386-7. Sir Edmund Andross's 
 commission to be Governor of this Colony, with 
 the rest of New-England, was published here, and 
 the Colony made one county, and governed by civil 
 officers under him. 
 
 After the revolution in England, there was a 
 General Assembly of the freemen of the Colony at 
 Newport, May 1, 1089, who agreed '• that since Sir 
 Ed. Andross was seized and confined with others 
 of his Council (at Boston) and his authority si- 
 lenced and deposed, it was their duty to lay hold 
 
HISTORICAL DISCOURSE. 103 
 
 of their former Charter privileges ; and avowedly 
 professing all allegiance to the crown of England, 
 they replaced all the general officers that had been 
 displaced three years before. But some of the gen- 
 tlemen afterwards declining to act by this authority, 
 a General Assembly, called February 20 following, 
 elected others in their room. And there having 
 been no judgment against the Charter, the govern- 
 ment allowed of the resuming it, and through the 
 divine goodness, and the clemency, justice, and 
 prudence of our Princes, it has been continued 
 ever since. God grant, we may never forfeit nor 
 lose our precious and invaluable liberties and privi- 
 leges ; and that we may ever use them with pru- 
 dence and discretion, with gratitude to God, the 
 governor of the world; and with loyalty to the 
 crown ! 
 
 It is now more than time for me to lay before 
 you, some account of our religious affairs. 
 
 It is a pity we cannot entirely confute all the 
 opprobrious things which some have written of 
 some of the iidiabitants. I am satisfied a great 
 many of them were wholly groundless, many others 
 very much aggravated and misrepresented, and 
 some things made to be reproaches which in reality 
 were praiseworthy. 
 
 I take it to have been no dishonor to the Colony, 
 that Christians, of every denomination, were suf- 
 
104 HISTORICAL DISCOURSE. 
 
 fered to lead quiet and peaceable lives, without 
 any lines or punishments for their speculative 
 opinions, or for using those external forms of wor- 
 ship they believed God had appointed, and would 
 accept. Bigots may call this confusion and dis- 
 order, and it may be so, according to their poor 
 worldly notions of religion, and the kingdom of 
 Christ. But the pretended order of human au- 
 thority, assuming the place and prerogatives of 
 Jesus Clirist, and trampling on the consciences of 
 his subjects, is, as Mr. R. Williams most justly 
 calls it, " monstrous disorder." 
 
 Though it 1)6 very certain, that a public worship 
 of God is very necessary, even to civilize mankind, 
 who would be likely to lose all sense of religion 
 without it; yet it will not follow, that the civil 
 magistrate, as such, has authority to appoint the 
 rites of worship, and constrain all his subjects to 
 use them, much less to punish them for using any 
 other. What has been forever the consequences 
 of his pretending to such authority, and using his 
 power to support it 7 What glory doth it bring to 
 God, and what good can it do to men, to force 
 them to attend a worship they disapprove? It can 
 only make them hypocrites, and God abhors such 
 worshippers. 
 
 Notwithstanding our constitution left every one 
 to his own liberty, and his conscience ; and not- 
 
HI.STORTCAL DISCOTTRSE. 1U5 
 
 withstanding the variety of ophiions that were en- 
 tertained, and notwithstanding some may have con- 
 tracted too great an indiflerence to any social wor- 
 ship, yet I am well assured there scarce ever was a 
 time, the lumdred years past, in which there was 
 not a weekly public worship of God, attended by 
 Christians, on this Island and in the other first 
 towns of the Colony. 
 
 It is no ways unlikely, some odd and whimsical 
 opinions may have been broached ; the liberty en- 
 joyed here, would tempt persons distressed for their 
 opinions in the neighboring governments, to retire 
 to this Colony as an asylum. It is no ways un- 
 likely, that some persons of a very different genius 
 and spirit from the first settlers, might intrude 
 themselves, and use this liberty as an occasion to 
 the flesh ; but the first set of men who came here, 
 w^ere a pious generation, men of virtue and godli- 
 ness, notwithstanding their tincture of enthusiasm, 
 which was not peculiar to them ; and notwithstand- 
 ing their peculiar opinions of justification, and the 
 nature and rights of the Christian church. They 
 had not so many great and wise men among them, 
 perhaps, as were in some of the other Colonies ; 
 but their whole number was very small, in com- 
 parison with the other Colonies. Nevertheless, 
 they had some very considerable men, and of su- 
 perior merit. It is true, likewise, their form of 
 goveriunent was too fec])le ; their first Patent left 
 M 
 
lOG HISTORICAL DISCOURSE. 
 
 them without sufficient authority in their civil 
 officers, to check any popular humors ; hut yet, 
 they did, and that as early as the Massachusetts 
 Colony, form a body of good laws, by which all 
 vice, and every immorality, was discouraged or 
 punished. And throughout the whole history of 
 the Island and Colony, there is manifestly an aim 
 and endeavor to prevent or suppress all disorders 
 and immoralities, and to promote universal peace, 
 virtue, godliness, and charity. 
 
 I do not pretend to defend all the opinions that 
 were entertained by any of them ; much less, all 
 the extravagant notions that were unjustly ascribed 
 to some of them ; nor yet to justify every Avord or 
 action that might be the effect of heated zeal, or 
 raised indignation and resentment. That man, 
 who w411 go about to justify or condemn a party, in 
 the gross, and without distinction, shall never be 
 approved or imitated by me ; much less can it be 
 expected, I should defend all the opinions of so 
 many different religious parties, as were here 
 united in civil peace. However, I dare say it after 
 Mr. J. Clark, that " notwithstanding the different 
 consciences and understandings among them, they 
 agreed to maintain civil justice and judgments; 
 neither were there such outrages committed among 
 them, as in other parts of the country were fre- 
 quently seen." {Clark's Nar. Introd.) And I 
 bear them witness, thev liad a zeal for God ; If it 
 
HISTORICAL DISCOURSE. 107 
 
 were not according to knowledge in ever article, 
 yet they lay open to instruction, desirous to find 
 out and discover the whole mind and will of God ; 
 which cannot so truly be said of all places, where 
 yet men are not more infallible. If there were 
 any of them, who made shipwreck of faith and a 
 good conscience, perhaps it would be as easy, as it 
 would be invidious, to find parallels enough in other 
 places, to shew there are other dangerous rocks, 
 besides liberty of conscience. It is an unaccount- 
 able humor that has prevailed among too many 
 Christian sects, to make religion and the gospel 
 consist in their own peculiar and distinguishing 
 tenets, which would almost tempt an impartial 
 man to think it ought rather to consist in those 
 things, wherein they are most generally agreed, 
 and conclude in the words of the excellent Dr. 
 Cotton Mather : '' The period hastens for a new 
 reformation, wherein it is likely none of our very 
 best parties will be, in all things, the standard of 
 what shall prevail in the world, but our holy Lord 
 will form a new people of those good men that shall 
 unite in the articles of their goodness, and sweetly 
 bear with one another in their lesser differences." 
 {Good Men United, p. 26-7. 
 
 It must be a mean, contracted way of thinking, 
 to confine the favor of God and the power of godli- 
 ness, to one set of speculative opinions, or any par- 
 ticular external forms of worship. How hard must 
 
108 HISTORICAL DISCOURSE. 
 
 it be, to imagine all other Christians but ourselves 
 must be formal and hypocritical, and destitute of 
 the grace of God, because their education or ca- 
 pacity differs from ours, or that God has given 
 them more or less light than to us, though we can- 
 not deny, they give the proper evidence of their 
 fearing God, by their working righteousness ; and 
 shew their love to him, by keeping what they under- 
 stand he has commanded ; and though their faith 
 in Christ Jesus purifies their hearts, and works by 
 love, and overcomes the world. It would be hard 
 to shew, why liberty of conscience, mutual forbear- 
 ance and good will, why brotherly kindness and 
 charity, is not as good a center of unity, as a con- 
 strained uniformity in external ceremonies, or a 
 forced subscription to ambiguous articles. Ex- 
 perience has dearly convinced the world, that 
 unanimity in judgment and affection cannot be 
 secured by penal laws. Who can tell, why the 
 unity of the spirit in the bonds of peace, is not 
 enough for Christians to aim at 1 And who can 
 assign a reason, why they may not love one another, 
 though abounding in their own several senses? 
 And why, if they live in peace, the God of love and 
 peace may not be with them 7 
 
 Indulgence to tender consciences, might be a re- 
 proach to the Colony, an hundred years ago, but a 
 better way of thinking prevails in the Protestant 
 part of the Christian church at present. It is now 
 
HISTORICAL DISCOURSE. lUl) 
 
 a glory to the Colony, to have avowed such senli- 
 iiients so long ago, while blindness in this article 
 happened in other places, and to have led the way 
 as an example to others, and to have first put the 
 theory into practice. 
 
 Liberty of conscience is more fully established 
 and enjoyed now, in the other A^ew-English 
 Colonies ; and our mother Kingdom grants a legal 
 toleration to all peaceable and conscientious dis- 
 senters from the parliamentary establishment. 
 Greater light breaking into the world and the 
 church, and especially all parties by turns expe- 
 riencing and complaining aloud of the hardships of 
 constraint, they are come to allow as reasonable to 
 all others, what they want and challenge for them- 
 selves. And there is no other bottom but this to 
 rest upon, to leaA e others the liberty we should de- 
 sire ourselves, the liberty wherewith Christ hath 
 made them free. This is doing as we would be 
 done by, the grand rule of justice and equity; this 
 is leaving the government of tlie church to Jesus 
 Christ, the King and head over all things, and 
 suffering his subjects to obey and serve him. 
 
 But to take things in their order, Mr. R. Williain^ 
 is said, in a few years after his settling at Provi- 
 dence, to have embraced the opinions of the people 
 called (by way of reproach) Anabaptists, in respect 
 to the subject and mode of baptism ; and to have 
 
110 HISTORICAL DISCOURSE, 
 
 formed a cliurch there, in that Avay, with the lielp 
 of one Mr. Ezekiel HoUiman,* and that after a 
 while he renounced these opinions likewise, and 
 turned seeker, i. e. to wait for new apostles to re- 
 store Christianity. He believed the Christian re- 
 ligion to have been so corrupted and disfigured in 
 what he called the '^ apostacy, as that there was 
 no ministry of an ordinary vocation left in the 
 church, but prophecy," and that there was need of 
 a special commission, to restore the modes of posi- 
 tive worship, according to the original institution. 
 It does not appear to me, that he had any doubt of 
 the true mode, and proper subjects of baptism, but 
 
 * Since this was transcribed for the press, I find some 
 reasons to suspect, that Mv. Williams did not form a 
 Church of the Anabaptists, and that he never joined with 
 the Baptist Church there. Only, that he allowed them to 
 be nearest the scripture rule, and true primitive practice, 
 as to the mode and subject of baptism. But that he him- 
 self waited for new apostles, &c. The most ancient in- 
 habitants now alive, some of them above eighty years old, 
 who personally knew Mr. Williams, and were well acquain- 
 ted with many of the original settlers, never heard that 
 Mr. Williams formed the Baptist Church there, but al- 
 ways understood that Mr. Browne, Mr. Wickenden or 
 Wiginton, Mr. Dexter, Mr. Olney, Mr. Tillinghast, &c., 
 were the first founders of that Church. f 
 
 t " I have one of the Century Sermons of Mr. Callender, with a dele 
 upon this note, in his own hand writing." See manuscript materials for 
 a history of the Baptists, by the Rev. Morgan Edwards, in the cabinet 
 of the Rhode-Island Historical Soc'iciy .^Editor. 
 
HISTORICAL DISCOURSE. Ill 
 
 tliat no man had any authority to revive tlie prac- 
 tice of the sacred ordinances, without a new and 
 immediate commission. It is also said, (JVcale,) 
 " That his church hereupon crumbled to pieces, 
 every one following his own fancy, and the worship 
 of God came to be generally neglected." But I 
 believe this to be a mistake in fact, for it certainly 
 appears, there was a flourishing church of the 
 Baptists there, a few years after the time of the 
 supposed breakmg to pieces ; and it is known by 
 the names of the members, as well as by tradition, 
 they were some of the first settlers at Providence ; 
 however, it is possible some of his followers might 
 embrace his new opinions. Mr. Williams used to 
 uphold a public worship, sometimes, though not 
 weekly, as many now alive remember, and he used 
 to go once a month, for many years, to Mr. Smith's 
 in the Narraganset, for the same end. 
 
 There was no reason to lay aside the use of the 
 sacred institutions of Jesus Christ, because they 
 had been perverted, for surely the disciples of 
 Jesus Christ must of necessity have an inherent 
 right to revive, or rectify, any of his ordinances 
 that have been misused. The Protestants in 
 general have done so, by both sacraments, which 
 they have all of them rescued from some or other 
 of the corruptions of Popery. And why they may 
 not be as well rescued from every corruption, as 
 from some, and why Christians may not revive the 
 
112 IIIRTORICAT- DISCOURSE. 
 
 true form oC adiniiii.steriiig baptism, as well as the 
 supper, is hard to tell, unless we make a charm of 
 the institution. So long as we have the New Tes- 
 tament, wherein the original commission and in- 
 structions are contained, we can want no immediate 
 warrant to obey the general laws of Christ, any 
 more than a new revelation, and new miracles, to 
 justify our believing the old facts and doctrines of 
 the gospel. The Bible contains the religion of 
 Christians, and the word of God is a sufficient rule 
 of faith and worship. Had Mr. Williams adhered 
 to this maxim, the maxim of the Protestants, and 
 more especially of the Puritans, he might liave 
 continued an Anabaptist all his days, as it is said 
 he was more inclinable to them in his latter time. 
 
 Bishop Sanderson says, ( Veneer on the thirty- 
 nine articles, p. 655,) that " the Rev. Archbishop 
 Whitgift, and the learned Hooker, men of great 
 judgment, and famous in their times, did long since 
 foresee and declare their fear, that if ever Puri- 
 tanism sliould prevail among us, it would soon 
 draw in Anabaptism after it. — This Cartwright 
 and the Disciplinarians denied, and were offended 
 at. — But these good men judged right ; they con- 
 sidered, only as prudent men, that Anabaptism had 
 its rise from the same principles the Puritans held, 
 and its growth from the same course they took ; 
 together with the natural tendency of their prin- 
 ciples and practices toward it ; especially that one 
 
HISTORICAL DISCOURSE. Ho 
 
 PRINCIPLE, as it was then by tlicni misunderstood, 
 that the scripture was adequata agendorum regula^ 
 so as nothing might be lawfully done, without ex- 
 press warrant, either from some command or ex- 
 ample therein contained; which clue, if followed 
 as far as it would go, would certainly in time carry 
 them as far as the Anabaptists had then gone." 
 
 This I beg leave to look on as a most glorious 
 concession of the most able adversaries. One 
 party contend, that the scripture is the adequate 
 rule of worship, and for the necessity of some com- 
 mand or example there ; the other party say this 
 leads to Anabaptism. It seems vey remarkable, 
 that the Puritans, at least some of the Puritans, 
 put the baptism of infants, and the administering 
 baptism by sprinkling, on a different foot from 
 many of the other party. It was one grand reason 
 of the Plymouth people's discontent in Holland, 
 that the Dutch would not reform the custom of 
 baptising indifferently the children of all persons 
 that had been themselves baptised in infancy. 
 And it was once a great complaint against New- 
 England, that the children only of visible church 
 members were admitted to baptism. Nor did the 
 general way of baptising the grand children of the 
 covenant, or the infants of such as do what is 
 called "owning the covenant," (a phrase and way 
 peculiar perhaps to New-England,) take place, 
 without w very great and lojig struggle : perhaps 
 
 15 
 
114 HISTORICAL DISCOURSE. 
 
 it docs not yetuiiivcrsLilly prevail. When the first 
 principles and practice of New-England are in- 
 quired into, and compared together, and with those 
 that prevailed forty years after; it will be found 
 no great wonder, if a person (and there have been 
 such persons) who heard the unanswerable argu- 
 ments with which some Pa?do-baptists prove the 
 infants of those who are not members of some 
 visible church, are not to be baptised ; and the 
 like powerful arguments, with which others prove 
 that other infants have an equal right and claim 
 with the infants of church members ; I say, it would 
 be no wonder, if such a person should believe them 
 both, and concUide in the words of the late ex- 
 cellent Dr. C. Mather, on a like occasion, " that 
 regeneration is the thing, without which, a title 
 unto sacraments is not to be pretended ; that real 
 regeneration is that which, before God, renders 
 men capable of claiming sacraments ; and visible 
 or expressed regeneration, is that which, before 
 men, enables them to make such a claim." Comj). 
 for Comm. p. 31.) 
 
 But to return. About the year 1G53 or 54, there 
 was a division in the Baptist Church, at Provi- 
 dence, about the right of laying on of hands, which 
 some pleaded for as essentially necessary to church 
 communion, and the others would leave indifferent. 
 Hereupon they walked in two churches, one under 
 Mr. C. Browne, Mr. Wickenden, (tc, the other 
 
HISTORICAL DISCOURSE. 115 
 
 under Mr. Thomas Oliiey ;* but laying on oi' hands 
 at length generally obtained. 
 
 It is remarkable, that the principles of a too 
 rigid separation, planted by Mr. Williams, have 
 taken a deep root, while some other of his darling 
 opinions are almost withered away. That church 
 which was distinguished by holding laying on of 
 hands necessary to all baptised persons, came in 
 time, generally to hold universal redemption. 
 
 This Church shot out into divers branches, as 
 the members increased, and the distance of their 
 habitations made it inconvenient to attend the 
 public worship in the town ; several meetings were 
 thereupon fixed at different places, for their ease 
 and accommodation ; and about the time the large 
 township of Providence became divided into four 
 towns, these chapels of ease began to be considered 
 as distinct churches, though all are yet in a union 
 of counsels and interests. And there is a strict 
 Association of all the Baptist Churches in New- 
 England, that hold the doctrine of laying on of 
 hands, in that sense, maintained by yearly meet- 
 ings of the elders and brethren, at several places, ' 
 
 *This last continued till about twenty years since, 
 when becommg deslitate of an elder, the members were 
 united with other churches. At present, there is some 
 prospect of their re-establishment in church order. 
 
1 l() HISTORICAL DISCOURSE. 
 
 froin (iine to time, Avhcrc llic affairs of all the 
 Churclics are considered. 
 
 The people who came to Rhode-Island, who 
 were Puritans of the highest form, had desired and 
 depended on the assistance of Mr. Wheelwright, a 
 famous Congregational minister aforementioned. 
 But he chose to go to Long-Island, where he con- 
 tinued some years. In the mean time, Mr. John 
 Clark, who was a man of letters, carried on a pub- 
 lic worship, (as Mr. Brewster did at Plymouth,) at 
 the first coming, till they procured Mr. Lenthal, of 
 Weymouth, who was admitted a freeman here, 
 August 6, 1640. And August 20, Mr. Lenthal was 
 by vote called to keep a public school for the learn- 
 ing of youth, and for his encouragement there was 
 granted to him and his heirs one hundred acres of 
 land, and four more for an house lot ; it was also 
 voted, "that one hundred acres should be laid forth, 
 and appropriated for a school, for encouragement 
 of the poorer sort, to train up their youth in learn- 
 ing, and Mr. Robert Lenthal, while he continues to 
 teach school, is to have the benefit thereof." But 
 this gentleman did not tarry here very long : I find 
 him gone to England the next year but one ; but 
 there is no reason to think that persons of their 
 zeal should immediately fall into a total neglect of 
 a social worship. One of their first cares, both at 
 Portsmouth and at Newport, was to build a Meet- 
 ing House, which I suppose was designed for public 
 worship. 
 
HISTORICAL DISCOURSE. 117 
 
 It is said that, in 1644, Mr. John Clark and some 
 others formed a Church on the scheme and prin- 
 ciples of the Baptists. It is certain that in 1648 
 there were fifteen members in full communion.* 
 And it is this Church, of which we are, by Divine 
 l*rovidence, the successors, thouEjh with some little 
 V ariation in the points which their adversaries had 
 objected to them, in the other Colony. And thus 
 all the Churches of Christ in New-England have 
 meliorated their opinions, and ways of speaking of 
 some points, since that age of dispute, contention 
 and temptation. However, I have good reason to 
 think, the first founders of this church would have 
 heartily joined in that explanation, which was ac- 
 cepted from Mr. Cotton, by the synod, and which 
 is said " to make an happy conclusion of the whole 
 matter," and I .suppose every one of the present 
 members would readily subscribe it, viz. " That 
 we are not married to the Lord Jesus Christ, with- 
 out faith, giving an actual consent of the soul to 
 it; that effectual calling, and the soul's appre- 
 hending by faith, is in the order of nature, before 
 God's act of justification on the soul; and that in 
 the testimony of the Holy Spirit, which is the evi- 
 dence of our good estate before God, the qualifica- 
 
 *The names of the males were, John Clark, Mark 
 Liikar, Nathanacl West, Wm. Vahan, Thomas Clark, 
 Joseph Clark, John Peckham, John Thorndon, William 
 Weeden, and Samuel Hubbard. 
 
118 HISTORICAL DISCOURSE. 
 
 tions of inlierent graces, and the fruits thereof, 
 proving the sincerity of our faith, must ever be co- 
 existent, concurrent, and co-apparent, or else the 
 conceived testimony of the Spirit is either a delu- 
 sion or doubtful ?" {^Magnal. b. 7, p. 17.) In this 
 Church there were several persons, able to speak 
 to the edification of the rest ; and I have been in- 
 formed by tradition, that the greatest part of the 
 inhabitants used to attend this worship, thougli the 
 members in church fellowship were always but 
 few. 
 
 In 1652 (during Mr. Clark's absence in England) 
 some of the brethren embraced the opinion of lay- 
 ing on of hands, as necessary to all baptised per- 
 sons, and in the year 1654 or 1656, the opinion it 
 was necessary to church communion and fellow- 
 ship, together with their opinions of the doctrines 
 of grace and free-w ill, occasioned some of them to 
 separate, and form a Church by themselves, under 
 the leading of Mr. Wm. Vahan ; this Church con- 
 tinues to this day, and is numerous ; at present 
 under the pastoral care of Messrs. D. Wightman 
 and N. Eyres. 
 
 In 1656 or 1657, some of the ])e(^ple called 
 (Quakers came to this Colony and Ishmd; and 
 being persecuted and abused in tlie otlier Colonies, 
 that, together with the opinions and circumstances 
 of the people here, gave them a very large harvest; 
 
HISTORICAL DISCOURSE. 119 
 
 many, and some of the Baptist Church, embraced 
 their doctrines and particular opinions, to which 
 many of their posterity, and others, still adhere. 
 
 About 1G65, a number of the members of the 
 Clmrch under Mr. J. Clark, removed to the new 
 plantation at Westerly, among whom Mr. John 
 Crandal was a preacher and elder. They after- 
 wards did generally embrace the Seventh-Day 
 Sabbath, and their successors are now a very large 
 and flourishing Church, under the pastoral care of 
 Messrs. J. and J. Maxon, and Mr. William Hiscox, 
 
 In 1671, some of the members of Mr. Clark's 
 Church, who had been in the observation of the 
 Seventh-Day Sabbath for some years, thought it 
 proper and necessary to draw off by themselves ; 
 and they erected a Church, under the leading of 
 Mr. William Hiscox. It is under the roof of their 
 successors we are now assembled.* Mr. J. Cran- 
 dal, elder of this Church, died the 12th of Septem- 
 ber, 1737. 
 
 In 1695, several ministers of the Massachusetts 
 Colony came and preached here to some who had 
 desired it. The next year there was a Meeting 
 
 * While our Church is erecting a new and more con- 
 venient Meeting House, we are kindly favored with the 
 use of this, belonging to the Sabbatarian Church. 
 
120 HISTORICAL DISCOURSE. 
 
 House erected, in which the public worship of God 
 was maintained by the Kev. Mr. Nathanael Clap. 
 In 1720, there was a Church in the Congregational 
 scheme gathered, and he was ordained the pastor, 
 and is still alive, laboring in the word and doctrine. 
 In 1728, there was another Church formed out of 
 this ; the present pastor the Rev. Mr. James Sear- 
 ing. 
 
 About 1700, the worship of God, according to 
 the rites of the Church of England, was began to 
 be set up here, by the Society for propagating the 
 gospel in foreign parts. Mr. Lockyer was the first 
 Missionary, succeeded by the Rev. Mr. James 
 Honyman, at present the most ancient Missionary 
 of the Church of England in all America. 
 
 So that there are at this time, seven worshipping 
 Assemblies, Churches or Societies, in this town, 
 besides a large one of the people called Q,uakers, 
 at Portsmouth, the other part of the Island. 
 
 I am not able to assign the exact date, when 
 every Church or meeting began, or every Meeting 
 House was built, in all the several towns of the 
 Colony. But there are now in the other eleven 
 towns no less than twenty-five distinct Societies or 
 worshipping Assemblies of Christians ; besides 
 several places where there are occasional meetings, 
 in some part of the year, or at certain seasons, as 
 
HISTORICAI, DISCOURSE. 121 
 
 is the custom in the other Colonies, among the new 
 or scattered settlements. 
 
 There are in the nine towns on the main land, 
 eight Churches of the people called Baptists, one 
 in every town, except Greenwich, where there is, 
 however, a Meeting House, in which there is a 
 meeting once a month.* 
 
 Of the people called Quakers, there are seven 
 Meeting Houses on the main land, and one at 
 James-Town on Conanicut Island ; and a constant 
 meeting at Westerly, though no Meeting House 
 yet erected. 
 
 There are four Episcopal Churches on the main, 
 one at Providence, to which the Rev. Mr. John 
 Checkley is appointed, and one at North-Kingston, 
 of which the Rev. James M'cSparran, D. D., is the 
 present rector ; besides one at Westerly, and one 
 on the edge of Warwick, adjoining to East-Green- 
 wich, which are occasionally supplied by the Mis- 
 sionaries at other towns. 
 
 * The names of the elders of these Churches are, at 
 Providence, Mr. T. Windso r, and Tiio. Burhngham ; at 
 Smithfield, Mr. Josias Cooke ; at Scituatc, Mr. S. Fisk ; 
 at Glocester, Mr. Ed. Mitchcl ; at Warwick, Mr. Manasseh 
 Martyn and Mr. Francis Bates ; at N. Kingston, Mr. R. 
 Sweot and Mr. B. Herrington ; at S. Kingston, Mr. 
 Daniel E^/erit. 
 
 16 
 
122 mSTORICAT, DISCOURSE. 
 
 There are three Presbyterian or Congregational 
 Churches, at Providence, South-Kingston and 
 Westerly ; each of them supplied at present with 
 a pastor, viz. the Rev. Mr. Josiah Cotton, at Provi- 
 dence ; the Rev. Mr. Joseph Torrey, at South- 
 Kingston ; and the Rev. Mr. Joseph Park, at 
 Westerly. And at New-Shoreham or Block-Island 
 there is a Meeting House, which is at present sup- 
 plied with a preacher. 
 
 Thus, notwithstanding all the liberty and in- 
 dulgence here allowed, and notwithstanding the 
 inhabitants have been represented as living with- 
 out a public worship, and as ungospelized plan- 
 tations ; we see there is some form of godliness 
 every where maintained. God grant the power 
 may always accompany the form, and that all that 
 name the name of Christ may depart from iniquity; 
 may Christ Jesus walk in the midst of his golden 
 candlesticks, and hold the stars in his right hand ; 
 and may he heal all divisions among his disciples ; 
 may he unite the hearts of all that love him, to 
 love one another ; may he grant them to be all 
 like-minded, and may pure religion, and undefiled 
 before God and the Father, thrive and flourish 
 among us ! 
 
 It remains now that I say a few words relating 
 to the state of the Indians, within the bounds of 
 this Colony, and the circumstances of the English 
 in regard to them. 
 
HISTORICAL DISCOURSE. 123 
 
 111 general, all the New-English Colonies were 
 at the first but one interest, in relation to the In- 
 dians, and though the other four called themselves 
 the united Colonies, there was a commission from 
 this Colony to Mr. Williams and Mr. Clark, to 
 enter into a league offensive and defensive with 
 them. 
 
 A few years, three or four, before the English 
 came to Plymouth, the Indians had been dread- 
 fully wasted away by devouring sickness, from 
 Narraganset to Penobscut. So that the living 
 sufficed not to bury the dead, and the ground was 
 covered with their bones in many places. This 
 wonderfully made room for the English at Plymouth 
 and Massachusetts, and those Colonies protected 
 the rest. 
 
 In the year 1637, the English with united forces 
 subdued the Pequots, who had attacked their 
 brethren in Connecticut ; the Narragansets, who 
 bordered on the Pequot's land, consented and as- 
 sisted in their destruction, through a desire of re- 
 venge, which is remarka])le in all the savages, 
 though their old sachem desired to have preserved 
 peace. 
 
 The Nanhygansicks, or Narragansets, inhabited 
 the lands, or governed over all the Indians within 
 the bounds of this Colony. They were a nume- 
 
124 IIISTOUICAL DISCOURSE. 
 
 roiis, a rich, and powcrCiil people : and tliougli 
 they arc, by some, said to have been less fierce 
 and warlike than the Pequots, yet it appears they 
 had lately, before the English came, not only in- 
 creased their numbers, by receiving many who 
 had iled to them from the devouring sickness or 
 plague in the other parts of the land ; but they 
 had enlarged their territories, and that both on the 
 eastern and western boundaries. They were 
 reckoned five thousand figliting men. {ATS. of Mr. 
 R. W. in evidence.) And Mr. Williams says, they 
 were so populous, that a traveller would meet with 
 a dozen Indian towns in twenty miles. 
 
 In the midst of this mighty and haughty people, 
 the little handful of helpless English ventured to 
 sit down ; though not without taking all possible 
 precautions, on the one hand, to give them no just 
 offence, and on the other hand to keep themselves 
 in the best posture of defence their circumstances 
 would admit of. But the conquest and utter de- 
 struction of the Pequots, had for the present en- 
 deared Englishmen to the Narragansets. And the 
 conduct and valor they had shewn, and the won- 
 derful success of their expedition, had made them 
 a terror to all the Indian nations round about. 
 
 Mr. Williams at first " made a league of peace- 
 able neighborhood with all the sachems and natives 
 round about;" in this, Rhode-Island was included. 
 
HISTORICAL DISCOURSE. 125 
 
 And, oil tlicTtli of July, 1640, Mr. Coddiiigtoii, with 
 the rest of his Assistants, had a particular treaty 
 of peace and amity with Myantonomy and the rest 
 of the sachems. Nevertheless, the next year there 
 was a misunderstanding, and some hostilities, oc- 
 casioned, I think, by some of the Indians (if not 
 Myantonomy himself) kindling fire in Mr. Easton's 
 land. Lord's Day, April 4, 1641, whereby an house 
 of his was burnt. But whether it was designedly, 
 or only through carelessness, does not plainly ap- 
 pear in the records. However, it alarmed the 
 people, and among other measures, they fitted out 
 an armed boat, to ply round the Island, to keep off 
 the Indians from landing; and it seems, in some 
 scuffle on that account, two Englishmen were 
 wounded, and one Indian slain ; though the orders 
 to the soldiers were as mild and prudent as could 
 be given. They likewise appointed garrison houses, 
 to which the people were to repair on an alarm. 
 Among which, I find one was Mr. Lenthal's, the 
 minister. But the rupture lasted not long, before 
 peace was restored. 
 
 In 1643, Myantonomy, the great sachem of the 
 Narragansets, was taken prisoner by Uncas, sa- 
 chem of the Moheags, and some time after slain, 
 and as some of the English say, after quarter and 
 promise of life given. This excited his subjects to 
 revenge his death, but the terror of the English at 
 the Massachusetts kept them quiet. And so it is 
 
126 HISTORICAL DISCOURSE. 
 
 said, that seven years after, there were some com- 
 motions stilled by the same terror, and so likewise 
 in 1653, <fec. &c. 
 
 In 1652, when the Council of State confirmed 
 their Patent, the people were put on some enter- 
 prises against the Dutch at New-York, or New- 
 Netherlands, and the next year the Island sent 
 some men to the assistance of their countrymen, 
 settled at Long-Island, which gave great offence 
 to the towns on the main, and in the two Dutch 
 wars, in King Charles 2d's time, the Colony and 
 Island were put to considerable expense and trouble 
 to put and keep themselves in a posture of defence. 
 
 In 1675, Philip, King of the Wampanoags, began 
 a war against Plymouth Colony in June, which 
 soon spread almost throughout all New-England. 
 Tradition says,* " He was forced on by the fury of 
 his young men, sore against his own judgment and 
 inclination ; and that though he foresaw, and fore- 
 
 * All the histories from Mr. Hubbard and Dr. Mather, 
 make Philip to be the spring and mover of the war ; but 
 there is a constant tradition among the posterity of the 
 people, who lived next to him, and were familiarly con- 
 versant with him, as also with the Indians who survived 
 the war, that both Philip and his chief old men were ut- 
 terly averse to the war, and they shew the spot (Kikemuit 
 spring, in a farm belonging to Stephen Paine, Esq., in 
 Bristol) where Philip received the news of the first En- 
 
HISTORICAL DISCOURSE. 127 
 
 told the English would in time by their industry, 
 root out all the Indians, yet he was against making 
 war Avith them, as what he thought would only 
 hurry on and increase the destruction of his people;" 
 and the event proved he judged right. The Pow- 
 aws had foretold Philip, no Englishman should 
 ever kill him, which accordingly proved true ; he 
 was shot dead by an Indian.* 
 
 glishmen that were killed, with grief and sorrow, and 
 wept at the news ; and that a day or two before the first 
 outrages, he had protected an Enghshman the Indians 
 had captivated, rescued him from them, and privately 
 sent him home safe. 
 
 * I have heard from some old people, who were fa- 
 miliarly acquainted with the Indians, both before and 
 after the war, that the Powaws had likewise given out 
 another ambiguous oracle, which did very much spirit 
 on the Indians to war at first, and afterwards as much dis- 
 couraged them, viz. that they promised the Indians would 
 be successful, if the English fired the first gun. It is 
 certain the Indians long delayed, and designedly avoided 
 firing on the English, and seemed to use all possible means 
 to provoke the English to fire first, by rifling their houses, 
 abusing their cattle, threatening and insulting their per- 
 sons, &c. And the histories carry it, that an English- 
 man fired the first gun, at Metapoiset garrison, some days 
 before any English were slain. But those ancient people, 
 since dead, told me, that by a mistake, occasioned through 
 the hurry and trepidation which usually attends the be- 
 ginning of any considerable enterprise, an Indian fired tlie 
 
128 HISTORICAL DISCOURSE, 
 
 When Philip could no longer resist the impor- 
 tunity of his warriors, he, like a wise man, took the 
 most proper measures to make their enterprise ef- 
 fectual, especially by an early endeavor to per- 
 suade the other Indian nations into the war, that 
 with united forces they might fall on the English 
 every where at once; and particularly he en- 
 deavored to persuade the Narragansets, who had 
 several pretensions to quarrel with the English, 
 and who were then reputed four thousand* fighting 
 
 first gun, (whether on Pocasset side, where there was a 
 skirmish at the beginning of the war, that is not mentioned 
 by Mr. Hubbard, &c., I cannot noAV say,) and that the 
 news of this, when known among the Indians, was a fatal 
 wound to their courage, they saying the Englishman's 
 God would now subdue them, which contributed not a 
 little to their after destruction. This I always looked on 
 as a very remarkable passage, but the authors before men- 
 tioned, and Col. Church, who had by far the best means 
 to be informed in all circumstances relating to the be- 
 ginning and progress of the war in this part of the country, 
 being wholly silent about it; and the few ancient people 
 who are now alive, that were actors in the war, not re- 
 taining any perfect tradition of the matter, the reader may 
 entertain tlie story as he pleases ; I dare not warrant the 
 truth of it, but only that I certainly heard the story from 
 some ancient people of Swausey, since deceased. 
 
 *Mr. Hubbard says, page 13: ''The Narhagansets 
 promised to rise with four thousand in the spring of the 
 year 1676," and in a postscript, says, "Concerning the 
 
HISTORICAL DISCOURSE. 129 
 
 men. But whether the war began too soon for 
 them, or the first begmnmgs discom*aged them, or 
 that they did not intend to make war at all ; they 
 renewed their league of peace and war with the 
 united Colonies, in July, a month after Philip had 
 began hostilities at Swansey. 
 
 However, when he was driven out of his country, 
 they were charged to have received and entertained 
 his people. Whereupon the united Colonies sent 
 an army of a thousand men, under Jos. Winslow, 
 Esq. He arriA^ed with the Massachusetts and 
 Plymouth forces, the 12tli of December, at Major 
 
 Narhagansets, this is further to be added here, that Mr. 
 Thomas Stanton and his son Robert, who have a long 
 time lived amongst them, and are best acquainted with 
 their language and manners of any in New-England, do 
 affirm that, to their knowledge, the Narhaganset sachems, 
 before the late troubles, had two thousand fighting men 
 under them, and nine liundred arms." These accounts 
 are perhaps both true, for the first might mean to contain 
 all the Indians in the bounds of this Colony, who being 
 under the authority of the great Narhaganset sachem, 
 were often called by this general name ; and were per- 
 haps four thousand fighting men. Mr. Stanton might 
 mean only those properly or precisely called Narraganset 
 Indians, in distinction from the Indians at Providence and 
 the Indians at Warwick, who joined in the war under 
 Pomham, &c., and from the Nyhantic Indians, under 
 Ninigret, who did not join in the war ; though these were 
 
 17 
 
130 HISTORICAL DISCOURSE. 
 
 Smith's, in North-Kingston ; on the 18th, the Con- 
 necticut men being arrived, the army inarched the 
 next day near eighteen miles to a sort of fort, 
 (19th of December,) Avhich the Indians had raised 
 on an Island of upland, in the midst of a most 
 hideous swamp. Their Indian guide led them to 
 the only place where it could be attacked ; the 
 English fell on with too much courage and eager- 
 ness, which proved fatal to some of their valiant 
 Captains. However, their victory was complete ; 
 the fort w as taken, and it is said seven hundred 
 fighting men, and twenty chief Captains of the 
 enemy were slain that day, besides women and 
 children ; and three hundred more died of their 
 
 always, and to this day are, frequently included in the 
 general name of Narhaganset Indians. What seems to 
 confirm this, is what Mr. Hubbard adds, viz. "Yet are 
 they so broken and scattered at this day, that there is 
 none of them left on this side the country, unless some 
 few, not exceeding seventy in number, that have sheltered 
 themselves under the inhabitants of Rhode-Island, as a 
 merchant of that place, worthy of credit, lately affirmed 
 to the writer hereof" Those sheltered at the Island 
 were either prisoners of war, or such as had voluntarily 
 surrendered themselves to the English for protection, on 
 promise of life. But it is well known, that Ninigret's 
 men alone vastly exceeded that number ; besides there 
 were divers prisoners at Providence. And that side of 
 the country was much fuller of Indians, in the memory 
 of very many now alive. 
 
HISTORICAL DISCOURSE. 131 
 
 wounds afterwards, besides the vast numbers who 
 perislied through cold and hunger. The loss to 
 the English was of about eighty men ; six Captains 
 >slain, and one hundred and lifty men wounded, 
 many of them by their own friends. Towards 
 night, they set lire to the fort, and retreated to 
 their head quarters, through the cold and snow. 
 Some thought, if they had kept possession of the 
 fort, where was the Indian provisions, they might 
 have saved many of their own wounded men, and 
 that the Indians must all have perished, through 
 cold and hunger, or surrendered at discretion, the 
 next morning. Others thought it a merciful provi- 
 dence, they retreated so soon, notwithstanding the 
 fatigue of such a retreat. But however that be, 
 which cannot so well be judged of now,* the 
 
 * Mr. Hubbard represents the burning the fort as ne- 
 cessary to dislodge the Indians, and after that the retreat 
 must be also necessary. However, he mentions their 
 want of provisions, by means of their vessels being frozen 
 in at Cape Cod. He says there was a great quantity of 
 provisions burned in the four or five hundred wigwams in 
 the fort. And he several times laments the misery of 
 the wounded men, in marching near eighteen miles 
 through the cold and snow that night, before their wounds 
 could be dressed. But Col. Church, who was present 
 and wounded in the action, tells us, he vehemently op- 
 posed the firing the fort ; that the General was surprised 
 into it, and he condemns it as a very imprudent and un- 
 fortunate conduct. He says, " The fort was full of corn 
 
132 HISTORICAL DISCOURSE. 
 
 wounded and starving Indians, on their retreat, re- 
 turned, put out their fires, and sheltered themselves, 
 and found some refreshment among the ashes of 
 the best and strongest fortification the Indians were 
 ever masters of in this country. This was the 
 greatest action ever performed by the New-English 
 Colonies, against the Indians ; if we regard either 
 the numbers of men on each side, or the conse- 
 quences of the action. Beside that, the Indians 
 had now the use of guns, as well as they ; and were 
 as expert in the use of them, as any men in the 
 world. The Indians were soon pursued with 
 famine and sickness, so that after they submitted 
 the next year, they were never formidable again. 
 These Narragansets do now in a manner cease to 
 be a people, the few, if any, remaining in the Colony, 
 
 and other provisions, sufficient to support the whole army 
 till the spring, and there was no other provisions to be 
 depended on ; there was good warm lodging for the 
 wounded men, not elsewhere to be had." He supposes 
 every one acquainted with the circumstances of that 
 night's march, deeply laments the misery of the whole 
 army, especially of the wounded and dying men. He 
 adds, " That it mercifully came to pass, that Capt. An- 
 drew Belcher arrived that very night at Mr. Smith's, from 
 Boston, loaden with provisions for the army, who must 
 otherwise have perished for want." {Church, p. 16, 17.) 
 Tradition is on the same side, and supposes had the army 
 kept possession of the fort, it must have in a manner 
 finished the war. 
 
HISTORICAL DISCOURSE. 133 
 
 being cither scattered about where the English 
 will employ them, or sheltered under the successors 
 of" Ninigret, a sachem that refused to join in the 
 war, and so has preserved his lands to his posterity; 
 and there are a few Indians now livins; round him, 
 on his lands, or belonging to his tribe. 
 
 As to the part this Colony had in that war, it 
 must be observed that though the Colony was not, 
 as they ought to have been, consulted, yet they 
 not only afforded shelter and protection to the 
 flying English, who deserted from many of the 
 neighboring plantations, in Plymouth Colony, and 
 were received kindly by the inhabitants, and re- 
 lieved, and allowed to plant the next year on their 
 commons, for their support ; but they likewise fur- 
 nished some of the forces with provisions and 
 transports : and some of their principal gentlemen, 
 as Major Sanford, and Capt. Goulding, were in the 
 action at Mount Hope, as volunteers in Captain 
 Church's Company, when King Philip was slain.* 
 
 * In the Colony's answer to the King's letter, 1679, in- 
 quiring the value of Mount Hope Neck, which was beg- 
 ged of the King, by Johny Crownc, the poet, they say, 
 that '•' a Rhode-Island Indian, under a Rhode-Island Cap- 
 tain, a volunteer, with a Plymouth Captain, killed King 
 PhiHp." His name was Alderman, and Col. Church says 
 he deserted the year before, from Weetamore, squaw sa- 
 chem of Pocasset, and came over to Rhode-Island with his 
 family, and gave good intelligence to the English at that 
 time, which was ill improved or neglected. 
 
134 HISTORICAL DISCOUKSE, 
 
 The Indians never landed on the Island, in the 
 war time, armed boats being kept plying round, to 
 break their canoes, and prevent their making any 
 attempts. But our settlements on the main suf- 
 fered very much, both at Petaquamscut, and at 
 Warwick, and at Providence ; where the Indians 
 burnt all the ungarrisoned and deserted houses. 
 And the inhabitants made heavy complaints, that 
 when the army of the united Colonies returned 
 home, they did not leave a sufficient number of 
 forces to protect our plantations, which were now, 
 in a very peculiar manner, exposed to an exaspe- 
 rated and desperate enemy.* 
 
 * I know this was attempted to be excused, by the 
 agents of a neighboring Colony, before the King ; and 
 they had the face to assert, that "the Colony would 
 never yield any joint assistance against the common 
 enemy, no, not so much as in their own towns, on the 
 main, nor garrison their own towns of Providence and 
 Warwick, and so that the blame ought to lie on this 
 government, if they suffered spoil, while the army was 
 pursuing the routed enemy." But the printed histories 
 confute this answer in part ; the Providence Company, 
 under Capt. Andrew Edmonds, was very helpful, and 
 successful too, against the common enemy, and that even 
 out of our own bounds. (See Hubbard's Narrative of the 
 Troubles with the Indians, p. 28. ) (See also Col, Church's 
 History. ) 1 could give several reasons, why the Colony 
 did not act more jointly, and why it ought not to be 
 charged to their fault, that they did not. But perhaps it 
 would be no service to any body now to mention them. 
 
HISTORICAL DISCOURSE. 135 
 
 As King Philip had no fortified places, and no 
 magazines, when the foreign succor and assistance, 
 which he depended upon, failed him, when the 
 Narragansets were in his own condition, and the 
 Mohawks refused to assist him, his people lost all 
 hope, and courage, and conduct ; being beaten oif 
 from their planting and fishing, and pursued by 
 famine and sickness, and divers parties of the 
 
 However, I must say, it was not owing only to the re- 
 ligious principles of the gentlemen then at the head of 
 our administration. It is true, the Governor and the 
 Deputy Governor, that year, were both of the people 
 called Quakers, but there are military commissions still 
 in being under their hands and seals, to Mr. B. Arnold, 
 jun., and others, to go in an armed sloop to visit the gar ^ 
 risons at Providence, &c. It was but reasonable the 
 united Colonies should have left a sufficient guard, at least, 
 at their own head quarters, and some other places, while- 
 the Island, the only part of the Colony able to contribute 
 to the charge of the wars, was at so great an expense in 
 supporting and defending the distressed English, who fled 
 to them from all the adjacent parts. On account of these 
 and some other like aspersions, the forementioned Deputy 
 Governor, in order that things might not be otherwise re- 
 sented against us than they were, gave an affidavit or evi- 
 dence on solemn engagement, that " he never was against 
 giving forth any commissions to any, that might have 
 been for the security of the King's interest in this Colony." 
 This, with some commissions actually signed by him, is 
 among a large number of ancient manuscripts in the pos- 
 session of the Honorable William Coddington, Ksq. 
 
136 HISTORICAL DISCOURSE. 
 
 English, who had their courage raised in proportion 
 as the other side were discouraged, they were 
 forced to surrender ahiiost at discretion, and beg 
 peace on any terms. Philip himself being slain, 
 and most of the chief captains, the war wholly 
 ceased in this part of the country, and with those 
 nations who first began the war. 
 
 Ever since that peace, this Colony has had little 
 or nothing to do with the other Indian Avars, but 
 only to assist the other Colonies, when properly 
 consulted and applied to. The Colony bore its 
 part cheerfully in the several expeditions against 
 the French, at Port-Royal, and Canada. And di- 
 vine Providence remarkably succeeded and smiled 
 on the defence and protection of our sea-coasts, 
 which were very much exposed all the two long 
 French wars. 
 
 The necessary defence of the inhabitants, was 
 never neglected in the time of war, and, since the 
 peace, the Colony, though so small as it is, hath 
 rebuilt an handsome Fort on an Island that com- 
 mands the harbor of Newport, and, 1733, furnished 
 it with a number of fine guns, at their own expense. 
 Besides, the Colony always keeps a certain number 
 of smaller carriage guns and small arms, witli all 
 necessaries and appurtenances in good order, ready 
 to put on board one or more vessels, as occasion 
 may require, on the very first notice of any enemy 
 
iriSTORICAL DTSCOURSE. 137 
 
 on the coasts. And though a Lirge proportion of 
 the inhahitants are not free in tlieir consciences to 
 learn war, yet the military exercises are kept iij) 
 as in other places, and the success which formerly 
 attended the enterprises of our forces, will, while 
 the memory thereof remains, keep up a military 
 spirit in the body of the people. 
 
 The Narragansets, as I observed, were the most 
 populous nation among the Indians, but all at- 
 tempts to civilize or christianize them were utterly 
 ineffectual. Their sachems would not suffer the 
 gospel to be preached to their subjects, and their 
 subjects obstinately adhered to the traditions and 
 customs of their forefathers. It seems hard that 
 New-England should be complained of and re- 
 proached as particularly negligent of the conver- 
 sion of the Indians, and harder still we should be 
 reproached for neglecting the methods used by the 
 French to make proselytes of their Indians, and 
 most unhappy that such complaints are made by 
 writers that seem otherwise well acquainted with 
 plantation affairs, and are deservedly of great note 
 and character. It is happy, however, these re- 
 proaches are not well grounded. New-England, 
 nay, the Massachusetts and Plymouth Colonies 
 alone, have had more real success in the conver- 
 sion of the Indians, not only than all the larger 
 Engli.sh Colonies to the southward, but than all 
 the other Cliristian nations that have settled 
 18 
 
138 HISTORICAL DISCOURSE. 
 
 throuc^hout the whole Continent of America. The 
 sectaries of New-England could never be contented 
 with such sort of converts as the Roman Catholic 
 Missionaries boasted of in many places ; they had 
 no satisfaction in the religion of the nominal 
 Christians in Europe, and thought it would be no 
 advantage to make such Christians among the In- 
 dians, as knew no more of the gospel than to make 
 the sign of the cross, or who desired baptism only, 
 for the sake of the new shirt with which their con- 
 version was to be rewarded. And there was very 
 great opposition to the making them real Christians. 
 Their sachems or princes generally, their powaws 
 or priests always, opposed all their power and all 
 their arts to prevent the growth of the gospel, as 
 what they imagined would put an end to their au- 
 thority, especially that of their priests ; and the 
 customs of the people, their way of life, and their 
 national vices, made it a m.ost difficult task to 
 gospelize such people, as must be first civilized or 
 humanized. The New-English wonder to hear 
 themselves reproached, for not intermarrying with 
 such barbarians, of a complexion so different ; they 
 never had the temptations to the unnatural mix- 
 ture, as some foreign plantations had, nor do they 
 know other English plantations used to do so. 
 
 As to this Colony in particular ; at first, the 
 Narragansets made it a public interest, to oppose 
 the propagation of the Christian religion. And 
 
HISTORICAL DISCOURSE. 139 
 
 though Mr. Williams made some laudable attempts 
 to instruct them, yet he was much discouraged, not 
 only by want of a lawful warrant, or an immediate 
 commission to be an apostle to them, but especially 
 by (as he thought) the insuperable difficulty of 
 preaching Christianity to them, in their own lan- 
 guage with any propriety, without inspiration. 
 After the war, they were soon reduced to the con- 
 dition of the laboring poor, without property, 
 hewers of wood and drawers of water ; and there 
 is no more reason to expect religion should, by hu- 
 man means, thrive among such people, than among 
 the lazy and abandoned poor in London. The 
 few that have lived much together, on Ninigret's 
 lands, have had several offers of the gospel, as 
 the Narragansets had before ; and at present the 
 Congregational minister at Westerly is a mis- 
 sionary to them, and encouraged by an exhibition 
 from the Scotch Society for propagating Christian 
 knowledge, by means of an estate, mortified to 
 them for this end, by the late Dr. Daniel Williams, 
 of London. However, it must be owned we have 
 been too soon discouraged, and too negligent in 
 this affair. Perhaps it is one of tlie worst effects 
 of the variety of religious opinions among the En- 
 glish, that it has been some hindrance to this good 
 work, and even furnished the Indians sometimes 
 with an excuse or pretence to waive any offers to 
 instruct them. If the manners of any have like- 
 Avise prejudiced any Indians, it is most lamentable. 
 
14U HISTORICAL DISCOURSE. 
 
 The vices of Christians have been an insurmount- 
 able obstacle to the progress of Christianity in all 
 the other parts of the world, as there are too many 
 evidences. May these reflections, however, stir us 
 up to adorn our holy religion, and to be careful 
 that we give none offence to any that are without : 
 And may it dispose all persons to contribute all in 
 their power, to further the conversion of these 
 people to the Christian religion. They demand 
 our compassion, and our prayers to the throne of 
 grace, that God would remove the veil from their 
 eyes, and all prejudices from their hearts ; that he 
 would convert and save them. 
 
 Mr. R. Williams, at first, gave a promising 
 character of the morals of these people ; but on 
 longer acquaintance and more experience, he seems 
 to have altered his opinion of them ; as appears by 
 some expressions in a manuscript of his, yet re- 
 maining. " The distinction of drunken, and sober, 
 honest sachems, is (says he) both lamentable and 
 ridiculous ; lamentable, that all Pagans are given 
 to drunkenness ; and ridiculous, that those (of 
 whom he was speaking) arc excepted. It is (says 
 he) notoriously known, what consciences all Pagans 
 make of lying, stealing, whoring, murdering," <fec. 
 25th 6th m. 1658. 
 
 After this account of their morals, 1 should think 
 it hardly worth while to inquire what was their 
 
HISTORICAL DISCOURSE. 141 
 
 laitli and worship that had so little effect on their 
 conversation, if we had not just heard what a 
 scandal to Christianity the lives of too many 
 Christians are. However, the faith of this people 
 and their idolatrous worship, was much like the 
 other Indian nations. They believed in one great 
 and good god, who lived somewhere at a great 
 distance in the south-west, and that the spirits of 
 good men do after death reside with him. But, 
 the government of the world, they seemed to think, 
 left in the hands of an evil god, the devil, to whom, 
 with many inferior and subordinate deities, they 
 paid their chief worship, at their nicommors, or 
 devilish feasts, as Mr. Williams calls them. 
 
 The Indians in this part of America, appear to 
 have been some of the least improved of the human 
 species, without any learning or knowledge in any 
 of the politer arts of life, even without iron and the 
 improvements which depend on that. The strange 
 destruction of this people, now since the wars 
 ceased, and within memory, is very remarkable. 
 Their insuperable aversion to the English industry, 
 and way of life, the alteration from the Indian 
 method of living, their laziness, and their universal 
 love of strong drink, have swept them away, in a 
 wonderful manner. So that there are now above 
 twenty English to one Indian in the Colony. Their 
 lew miserable remainders are left, as monuments 
 of the anger of a righteous God, and for our warn- 
 
142 HISTORICAL DISCOURSE. 
 
 ing and instruction. While the contentions, and 
 mutual animosities of the Indians in general, and 
 their cursed thirst of revenge, made them a prey 
 to the weak, and small number of English, we 
 should learn not to bite and devour one another, 
 lest we be devoured one of another, or of the judg- 
 ments of God, While we have seen their iniquities 
 prove their ruin, we should learn to break off from 
 our sins by righteousness, and especially abstain 
 from, and watch against the sins, which have been 
 so evidently both the procuring causes and the 
 means of their destruction. When God was con- 
 ducting the Israelites to the land of Canaan, and 
 driving out the inhabitants, to make room for them, 
 he was pleased to warn and require them, not to 
 defile themselves with the abominations of those 
 nations, lest as the land then spued out its inhabi- 
 tants, so it should spue out them likewise, when 
 they in like manner defiled it. Though it would 
 be ridiculous to compare ourselves to the Israelites, 
 and the Indians to the Canaanites, in many in- 
 stances, yet in this respect it may be proper to 
 argue, that if we indianize in our manners and 
 vices, they will in time draw down the like, or as 
 heavy judgments of God, upon us, as those with 
 which he hath destroyed our predecessors. God 
 grant that the people, who have been overthrown 
 in the wilderness may be ensamples to us, to pre- 
 vent our lusting after any evils, lest we be destroy- 
 ed likewise of the destrover ! 
 
HISTORICAL DISCOURSE. 143 
 
 And this brings me now, at last, to the remarks 
 I promised at the beginning. And 
 
 1. The first is, the wonderful and misearchable 
 providence of God, in the whole affair of driving 
 out the natives, and planting Colonies of Europe- 
 ans, and churches of Christians, in the place of 
 heathenism and barbarity. 
 
 I pretend not to have known the mind of the 
 Lord, or to have been his counsellor, or to be able to 
 comprehend the ways of divine Providence. God's 
 judgments are a great deep, but we must be wil- 
 fully blind, if we cannot see that the hand of the 
 Lord hath wrought this. 
 
 *&' 
 
 The discovery and the conquest of America, 
 with the amazing desolations wrought therein, ap- 
 pear a more remarkable event than any other in 
 all prophane history, since the universal deluge. 
 A new world, as it was justly called, discovered to 
 the other, or rather to Europe, and all its riches 
 and glory overturned, and given away to another 
 people, and the aboriginal natives, by famine, sword 
 and pestilence, destroyed and wasted away by mil- 
 lions throughout all America ! Who can tell how, 
 or how long it had been inhabited, and by what a 
 series of iniquity, it was ripe for such a fearful deso- 
 lation, such an utter destruction ! If we believe a 
 Providence (and 'tis impossible we can believe 
 
144 HISTORTCAL DISCOURSE. 
 
 none) we must needs think it concerned, in the 
 preservation, and the punisliment of kingdoms 
 and nations, and that these parts of the world, 
 though separated, hid and unknown to the rest, are 
 yet as near the omnipresence of God, and as much 
 under his government as any other. And there- 
 fore we should take notice of the wonderful provi- 
 dence of God in this great affair. How should we 
 learn to submit our little personal affairs to the 
 Divine Providence, when we see that nations, be- 
 fore Him, are but as the small dust of the balance ? 
 And how justly may we say, great and marvellous 
 are thy works, O Lord God Almighty ; true and 
 faithful are tliy ways, and righteous are thy judg- 
 ments, thou King of Saints; who shall' not fear 
 thee, and glorify thy name, for thou only art holy : 
 Let all nations come and worship before thee, for 
 thy judgments are made manifest. The Most High 
 ruleth in the kingdoms of men, and giveth them to 
 whomsoever he pleasetli. 
 
 Again, the settlement of New-England in par- 
 ticular was evidently providential, in many re- 
 spects. I have mentioned often the prevailing 
 motive with the people, who came first to plant and 
 inhabit in this wilderness ; but the difficulties and 
 discouragements in their way were really many 
 and very great, so that whoever reflects the least 
 upon them, " must wonder so many were carried 
 out from a flourishing State, to a wilderness so far 
 
HISTORICAL DISCOURSE. 145 
 
 distant ; for (as one of them, Mr. Shepherd, of 
 Cambridge — his life in the Magnalia — says) they 
 were not all of them rash and weak spirited per- 
 sons, inconsiderate of what they left behind, and 
 were going to. It was not gain or riches they 
 aimed at. When we look back (says he) and con- 
 sider what a strange poise of spirit God had laid 
 on many of our hearts, we cannot but wonder at 
 ourselves, that so many, and some so weak and 
 tender, with such cheerfulness and constant reso- 
 lution, against so many persuasions of friends, and 
 discouragements from the ill reports of the country, 
 and the straits, and wants, and trials of God's peo- 
 ple in it, yet should leave our accommodations and 
 comforts, forsake our dearest relations, overlook all 
 the dangers and diihculties of the vast sea, and all 
 this to go into a wilderness, where we could forecast 
 nothing but care and temptations, only in hopes to 
 enjoy Christ in his ordinances, and the fellowship 
 of his people." 
 
 Moreover, as these people came not here for 
 plunder, which drew over the Spaniards to the 
 southward, neither did they settle themselves by 
 force or by their own might ; but God was pleased 
 to make ready a place prepared as an asylum for 
 them : And since he has wonderfully driven out 
 and consumed the natives by his devouring judg- 
 ments, their sins have proved their punishment ; 
 and their detestable vices have drawn on those 
 
 19 
 
146 HISTORTCAL DISCOURSE. 
 
 mortal sicknesses, which have wasted away all 
 within the English pale, but a few who remain em- 
 braced Christianity, or who, by submitting to the 
 English power, remain the memorials of these won- 
 derful events. It is true, the Indian jealousy and 
 revenge prevented a union among their several 
 clans at first, and made them instrumental in the 
 destruction of one another, and the English had 
 great advantages in their arms; but still the In- 
 dians vastly out-nundjered them ; were more able 
 to endure fatigue and hardships, hunger and travel; 
 and were perfectly acquainted with their own 
 country. However, a remarkable interposition of 
 Providence was visible in some of the earliest, and 
 other the most important enterprises against them; 
 and it would be unjust not to give to God the 
 glory due to his name : The Lord is King forever, 
 and the Heathen are perished out of the land! 
 As, therefore, God hath planted this people, and 
 not their own skill or power, so neither let them 
 imagine it was for their merits and deserts. We 
 know not the secret and future designs of Provi- 
 dence. Only let us remember, that He who 
 chastiscth the Heathen, will also correct those who 
 are called by his name, if they turn to folly. 
 
 Again, it is remarkable how Divine Providence 
 was pleased to supply their wants in a wilderness, 
 among a people that never took care for the mor- 
 row ; and to support them under the distresses 
 
HISTORICAL DISCOURSE. 147 
 
 they were tried with. At Plymouth and Charles- 
 town, many died at first, for want of necessaries 
 and conveniences ; but, afterwards, it was many 
 years before any sickness prevailed amongst the 
 planters. And though they have often since been 
 visited with sore calamities, and wasting sicknesses, 
 yet their numbers have continually increased to a 
 very great degree; while the natives have been 
 wasted away by the same diseases, and some other 
 infectious distempers, from which the English have 
 been providentially delivered.* I cannot help ob- 
 serving, here, the very great age to which many of 
 the first settlers of this Colony lived. Many of 
 them, through all the difficulties and hardships of 
 a new plantation, lived here near and some above 
 forty years, and some above sixty.! Remarkable 
 
 *Thus I am informed by a worthy gentleman, that an 
 Indian, coming in from sea, sick of an uncommon fever, 
 infected his acquaintance, and they propagated the dis- 
 ease to others, and a very great mortahty ensued among 
 the Indians, in Narhaganset ; while the English were 
 preserved from the infection. 
 
 f Many of the original settlers of the Colony, lived 
 through all the dangers and difficulties of their new settle- 
 ment, above forty years. Particularly Mr. Wm. Arnold, 
 Mr. J. Greene, &c., who came up the first year with Mr. 
 Williams ; Mr. Harris, Mr. Olney, &c., who came soon af- 
 ter. Mr. Williams himself lived till about 1682, when he 
 was buried with all the solemnity the Colony was able to 
 
148 HISTORICAL DISCOURSE. 
 
 was the care of Divine Providence in preserving: 
 them from famine in a new country, where it was 
 some time before they could be enabled to provide 
 
 shew. Gov. Arnold, who came up a man grown, the first 
 winter, died a few months before Gov. Coddington in 
 1678. At Warwick, Mr. Weekes was slain by the In- 
 dians, 1675, a very ancient man ; and Mr. Gorton, Mr. 
 Holden, &c., survived the war, and some of them, many 
 years. Particularly Major J. Greene, who came a youth 
 to Providence in 1634-5,* and was a Commissioner for 
 Providence the first Assembly after the Patent in 1647 ; 
 was Deputy Governor of the Colony, 1700, as he had 
 been many times before. Here at Newport, several of 
 those who incorporated themselves, 1637-8, and of those 
 who came to them the summer following, survived the 
 Indian war. Mr. John Clark lived to the 20th of April, 
 1676. Gov. Brenton died in 1674. Mr. N. Easton, who 
 came, 1638, from Hampton, where he built the first En- 
 glish house, as he did also in 1639 in Newport, lived to 
 1675, when he died a very ancient man. His son, Mr. 
 John Easton, who, as his father, was divers times Gov- 
 ernor of the Colony, died 1705, in his eighty-fifth year. 
 Mr. H. Bnll, one of the eighteen that incorporated them- 
 selves at the first, was Governor of the Colony after the 
 Revolution. Mr. Ed. Thurston, who was Assistant, 
 1675, and many times Deputy for Newport, died 1706-7, 
 aged ninety years. Many such instances might be given. 
 And many of the second generation, such, I mean, as were 
 born within the first twenty or twenty-five years, reached 
 
 * This dato shovild be 1635-6, or as wc should now write 1636. See 
 p. 73, note. — Editor. 
 
HISTORICAL DISCOURSE. 149 
 
 for their comfortable subsistence. God was pleased 
 to bless their provision, and satisfy his poor with 
 food.* 
 
 to fourscore, and some to ninety years. If we consider 
 the long lives of so many of the first comers, notwith- 
 standuig the hardships and distresses they underwent, and 
 the change of climate, diet, 6cc., and to this add the great 
 age of many of their children, we cannot call the country 
 unhealthy, or the inhabitants short lived. The proportion 
 of ancient people above seventy years of age, to the whole 
 number of the present inhabitants, compared with the 
 like proportion in other countries, which have been fully 
 settled and inhabited above a thousand years, can be no 
 good rule to judge by. Eighty years ago, the whole 
 number of the inhabitants, and consequently of the births 
 here, was very small, perhaps there were fewer than two 
 hundred families in the whole Colony. And the number 
 of inhabitants in this town has vastly increased the last 
 thirty years. Let me further add, that the foresaid rule 
 will not be applicable to this Colony a great while hence, 
 if ever ; because so many of the natives die in the West- 
 India Islands. It is certain, a very great proportion who 
 die between sixteen and thirty-six, are lost at sea, or die 
 in those Islands, or bring home from thence those diseases 
 which soon prove fatal to them here ; though it is noto- 
 rious how conducive to the recovery of health, a voyage 
 from those Islands to the northern plantations is generally 
 found, so that we have almost always some or other of 
 their inhabitants here for that end. 
 
 * January 22, 1639, it was found that there were but one 
 hundred and eight bushels of corn to supply ninety-six 
 
150 HISTORICAL DISCOURSE. 
 
 II. Wc must remark, (however it will sound in 
 the ears of many) that this Colony was a settle- 
 ment and plantation for religion and conscience 
 sake. The first comers came on this account ; 
 their brethren may have said many hard things of 
 them, in their haste ; but it is certain the first 
 planters of this Colony, and Island, fled not from 
 religion, order, or good govermnent, but to have 
 liberty to worship God, and enjoy tlieir own relig- 
 ious opinions and belief. They left England for the 
 same reasons, and with the same views as the rest ; 
 and they left the Massachusetts, as they thought, 
 on the like account, and came here to pursue and 
 effect the ends of their first removal into America. 
 
 I know well what account the New English his- 
 torians give of that set of men ; but we must re- 
 member they were parties, and wrote by way of 
 apology, or to vindicate themselves from tile charge 
 of persecution, or error and heresy, both alike 
 odious. Now if it be considered what account con- 
 tending parties usually give of each other, and in 
 what a light, and with what colors they usually re- 
 persons : which, at the proportion of one bushel and half 
 a peck to each, was not more than snliicient to supply 
 them for six weeks, and yet it was then more than so 
 many months to harvest. I>nt there was plenty of fish, 
 and fowl, and venison ; and, soon after, even to this day, 
 all the necessaries of life have been plentiful. 
 
HISTORICAL DISCOURSE, 151 
 
 present their adversaries, no one will charge mc 
 with any design to reflect on those gentlemen, whose 
 memory is so highly regarded in the other New- 
 English Colonies, if I beg leave to question and 
 suspect the ill character they have fastened on 
 those poor people, some of whom have expressed a 
 deep resentment of the injury and wrong that was 
 done them by the historians of the other party. 
 Whoever considers the character those writers give 
 of all other sects and parties of Christians, and the 
 character some other parties give of them, will be 
 apt to think that both sides are to be read with 
 allowance for their respective prejudices. I say, 
 whoever considers the character the contending 
 parties of Christians almost forever give, not only 
 of each other's tenets or opinions, but of their con- 
 duct, especially in so far as relates to the support 
 or spreading their opinions ; not only the Papists 
 of the Protestants, but the Protestants of one 
 another, particularly the Lutherans of the Cal- 
 vinists : {Hornheck; Sumrn.) Whoever considers 
 how common it is for personal reflections to mix 
 with solemn debates, on the highest and most awful 
 doctrines, as well as tlie least and most inditrerent: 
 I say, whoever considers these things, will readily 
 acknowledge we are not to take the character of 
 any sect or person, barely from the description of 
 known adversaries ; especially when the description 
 doth itself imply many circumstances, which carry 
 the strongest grounds of suspicion with them. 
 
152 HISTORICAL DISCOURSE. 
 
 If there be any tiling in that observation, " that 
 the nature and import of the questions, about which 
 the difference began, and the zeal wherewith they 
 were handled, intimate something of the holy tem- 
 per prevailing among the body of the people;" 
 {3IagnaUa) I desire it may be considered, that 
 those persons were in repute with the a ery best, 
 for holiness and zeal, before this unhappy conten- 
 tion. Moreover, it must be remembered that the 
 points about which they were charged with error, 
 are of such a nature, as that a person's sentiments 
 may be easily mistaken and misrepresented. It 
 was long before the Church at Boston could have 
 any evidence of their holding those opinions, which 
 that Church condemned ; the witnesses at the last 
 were parties, and transported with zeal. It is 
 not doubted there was some difference in their 
 opinions, at least in their expressions ; but there is 
 much ground to doubt, whether any of them held 
 all the opinions condemned in the synod, and that 
 few of them held many of those harsh consequences 
 wdiich their adversaries drew from their tenets. 
 Besides, much the greater number were never cen- 
 sured at all, but (as I observed before) considered 
 as brethren, long after their coming here. 
 
 We cannot reasonably suppose tliat they directly 
 forgot or neglected the sole end of their removal, 
 but as they followed that church order they judged 
 most agreeable to the will of God, and professed 
 
HISTORICAL DISCOURSE. 153 
 
 those opinions and articles of belief they thouglit 
 God had revealed, so we must charitably judge, the 
 life of religion and the love and fear of God did not 
 go out and vanish away, on their leaving all, for 
 his namesake and the gospel, i. e. the liberty to 
 worship Him according to their consciences. And 
 yet all the other Colonies will be obliged to own, 
 that the trials and temptations of a wilderness had 
 some unhappy effects on many who had shewn 
 great zeal about religion. 
 
 However, while we are contemplating the oc- 
 casion of our settlement, and the ends and views 
 of our pious ancestors, when we fmd that religion 
 and conscience began the Colony, it is natural, it is 
 necessary to reflect and consider how these ends 
 are answered by their posterity at present. Our 
 fathers bore the heat and burden of the day; and 
 tliough Providence gave them a pleasant and 
 fruitful land,* the garden of New-England, yet 
 
 *Mr. Neale justly observes, (p. 595,) this Island, which 
 is about fourteen or fifteen miles long, and about four or 
 five miles broad, (though of unequal breadth,) is de- 
 servedly esteemed the Paradise of New-England, for the 
 fruitfulness of the soil, and the tcmperateness of the 
 climate ; that though it he not above sixty-five miles 
 south of Boston, is a coat warmer in winter, and being 
 surrounded by the ocean is not so much affected in sum- 
 mer with the hot land breezes, as the towns on the con- 
 tinent." Let me add, we have, all summer, a south or 
 20 
 
154 HISTORICAL DISCOURSE. 
 
 the subduing and cultivating a wilderness, was a 
 tedious and a laborious business, and necessarily 
 attended with many hardships, straits and diffi- 
 culties. Their posterity possess the fruit of their 
 labor, and should think themselves obliged to fulfil 
 the pious ends of our plantation. God justly ex- 
 pects that we fear the Lord our God, and love 
 him, and walk in his ways, and serve him with all 
 our heart. It seems that pure religion and true 
 godliness is what we, in a most peculiar manner, 
 owe to God, as the very quit-rents of our lands, 
 and an acknowledgment of the merciful provi- 
 dences in our first settlement ; as well as for the 
 constant favors of God to us ever since. 
 
 The posterity of a people, who were guided by 
 
 southwesterly sea breeze, almost every day, which rises 
 about 10 A. M., and wonderfully cools the air. And by 
 reason of southeasterly sea breezes, in the spring, the 
 summer does not come on so quick as at Boston, though 
 the winter usually breaks up sooner. — Here let me be 
 permitted to offer a correction of a vulgar error, about the 
 reason of the cold of New-England winters, which is so 
 very much greater than in the European countries in the 
 same latitudes. The Lakes usually bear the blame of 
 our cold northwest winds, but by a map of the country of 
 the five nations, and of the Lakes, &c., published at New- 
 York by authority, and said to be taken from a map of 
 Louisiana, done by Mr. De Lisle in 1718, it appears that 
 all the Lakes, except the Lake Champlain, are considerably 
 
HISTORICAL DISCOURSE. ' 155 
 
 the providence of God to this happy Island, as a 
 vsafe retreat from the stormy winds, as a place of 
 freedom to practise every branch of religion in, 
 must be inexcusable, if they degenerate and forget 
 the God of their fathers. The very instrument of 
 our original incorporation, obliges us to "serve God 
 and Jesus Christ, and obey all his holy laws." Ir- 
 religion, then, and profaneness and immorality, 
 must be a peculiar reproach to such a people. Our 
 fathers will rise up in judgment against, and con- 
 demn their degenerate offspring, and the God of 
 our fathers will cast us off" forever, if we do not 
 practise that sobriety, righteousness and godliness, 
 which his gospel requires, and we are under so 
 many peculiar obligations to observe. Nay, it will 
 
 to the westward of the northwest point, from this town. 
 The chief of these vast Lakes are northwest from Penn- 
 sylvania, Maryland, and Virginia. All the great Lakes 
 are west from Albany, as the Council of New- York seem 
 to assert ; and Albany is, as I suppose, nearer west from 
 Boston than north-west. Besides, it is credibly reported 
 by intelligent persons, most conversant in those regions, 
 that at the most eastern of the Lakes, the winds are 
 usually easterly in those months when we are frozen with 
 north-west winds. Perhaps as our distance from the 
 equator occasions the long draft of winds from north-west, 
 so the vast body of lands, uncultivated, and covered with 
 a perpetual forest, which breaks the rays of the sun, and 
 prevents their reflection from the earth, is what occasions 
 those winds to be so very cold here. 
 
156 HISTORICAL UlSCOUKSE. 
 
 be more tolerable for the Peqiiots, the Waiiipa- 
 noags, the Narragansets, in the day of judgnieiit, 
 than for such of us as obey not the gospel of our 
 Lord Jesus Christ. It is true, the Indian nations 
 did obstinately refuse the gospel, but they knew 
 not what they did ; they did it ignorantly, and in 
 unbelief, while we have known our master's w ill ; 
 and to whom nmch is given, of them much will be 
 required. As we have been, as it were, lifted up 
 to Heaven with privileges, our fall will be so much 
 the greater in the bottomless pit, unless we lay 
 hold on eternal life. 
 
 If our neighbors observe the manners of tlie in- 
 habitants are reformed in any instances, formerly 
 grievous to them, let us endeavor to reform what- 
 ever is still really amiss among us, and put away 
 the evil of our doings, that the Lord God may 
 dwell among us. May we be noted only, and ever, 
 for the general discharge of all public and private 
 virtues, for the impartial administration of justice, 
 and the steady execution of good and wholesome 
 laws, and for leading quiet and peaceable lives, in 
 all godliness and honesty. 
 
 It is an old and common observation, that the 
 stature and complexion* of human creatures, as 
 
 * In like manner some diseases are peculiar to every 
 country ; perhaps we may this way account for what has 
 
HISTORICAL DISCOURSE. 157 
 
 well as of plants and animals, yea, and tlie genius 
 and dispositions of a people, are very much in- 
 fluenced by the soil and climate ; by the situation, 
 the nature and circumstances of the place they in- 
 habit. Thus, the inhabitants of the several parts 
 of Italy, of Germany, &c., are characterised from 
 their respective countries ; and thus it was observed 
 of the Carthagenians. The peculiar genius and 
 dispositions of a people must arise from hence, or 
 the form of government and laws they live under, 
 or the genius of the present chief commanders. 
 The Narragansets, who inhabited this tract of land 
 before us, were not remarkable among the Indians 
 for many vices peculiar to them,* only that in pro- 
 portion to their greater populousness, they ex- 
 ceeded in the vices common to all the Indian na- 
 tions. Idleness and intemperance are every w here 
 branded as Indian vices ; and they were com- 
 plained of, as shamefully negligent in the education 
 of their children, and that they had in a manner 
 
 been, in vain, attempted to be accounted for so many 
 other ways, viz. the defective teeth so common in New- 
 England. Mr. R. Williams says, that when he first 
 came here, the Indians were vastly subject to the tooth- 
 ach, and that their very stoutest men complained more of 
 that pain, than their women of the pains of travail. 
 
 * Mr. Hubbard says, p. 3: " The Narhagansets were 
 always more civil and courteous to the English, than any 
 of the other Indians." 
 
158 HISTORICAL DISCOURSE. 
 
 no family government at all. Though the face of 
 the country is greatly changed by English industry, 
 and an almost immense labor and expense, yet a 
 plentiful country will always afford its inhabitants 
 inducements and temptations to abuse the divine 
 goodness, and to turn the grace of God into wan- 
 tonness. If, instead of having been able to teach 
 the Indians Christian virtues, we should learn and 
 imitate the Indian vices, how unhappy, how re- 
 proachful, how lamentable would it be 1 Surely, 
 we must think God expects more from us, with all 
 our advantages of knowledge, with the gospel, the 
 word of God ; which is able to make us wise to 
 salvation, through faith that is in Christ Jesus. 
 We have not only the light of reason, brightened 
 and improved, but revelation, to be as a guide to 
 us. Let us make the scriptures, then, as alight to 
 our feet, and a lamp to our path. 
 
 And in fine, let every sect and party of Christians 
 among us, be followers of God as dear children. 
 Let us be careful to build only gold, silver, precious 
 stones, on the rock of ages, the true foundation of 
 our faith and hope. Let us walk worthy of God 
 to all well pleasing, and adorn the Christian re- 
 ligion in general, in the sight of the Heathen ; and 
 recommend our distinguishing opinions to one 
 another, by a more exemplary behavior, and 
 so induce others to glorify God our Heavenly 
 Father. 
 
HISTORICAL DISCOURSE. 159 
 
 III. Liberty of conscience was the basis of this 
 Colony. Our fathers thought it just and necessary 
 to allow each other mutually to worship God as 
 their consciences were respectively persuaded. 
 They thought no man had power over the spirit of 
 God, and that the duty of the magistrate was to 
 leave every one to follow the light of hi« conscience. 
 They were willing to exhibit to the world, an in- 
 stance that liberty of conscience was consistent 
 with the public peace, and the flourishing of a civil 
 Commonwealth, as well as that Christianity could 
 subsist without compulsion, and that bearing each 
 other's burdens was the way to fulfil the law of 
 Christ. 
 
 I do not know there was ever before, since the 
 world came into the Church, such an instance, as 
 the settlement of this Colony and Island. In other 
 States, the civil magistrate had forever a public 
 driving in the particular schemes of faith, and 
 modes of worship ; at least, by negative discourage- 
 ments, by annexing the rewards of honor and profit 
 to his own opinions ; and generally, the subject 
 was bound by penal laws, to believe that set of 
 doctrines, and to worship God in that manner, the 
 magistrate pleased to prescribe. Christian magis- 
 trates would unaccountably assume to themselves 
 the same authority in religious affairs, which any 
 of the Kings of Judah, or Israel, exercised, either 
 by usurpation, or by the immediate will and in- 
 
160 HISTORICAL DISCOURSE. 
 
 spiration of God, and a great deal more too. As 
 if the becoming' Christian gave the magistrate any 
 new right or authority over his subjects, or over 
 the Church of Christ ; and as if that because they 
 submitted personally to the authority and govern- 
 ment of Christ in his word, that therefore they 
 might clothe themselves with his authority ; or 
 rather, take his sceptre out of his hand, and lord it 
 over God's heritage. It is lamentable that pagans 
 and infidels allow more liberty to Christians, than 
 they were wont to allow to one another. It is 
 evident, the civil magistrate, as such, can have no 
 authority to decree articles of faith, and to deter- 
 mine modes of worship, and to interpret the laws 
 of Christ for his subjects, but what must belong to 
 all magistrates ; but no magistrate can have more 
 authority over conscience, than what is necessary 
 to preserve the public peace, and that can be only 
 to prevent one sect from oppressing another, and 
 to keep the peace between them. Nothing can be 
 more evidently proved, than '' the right of private 
 judgment for every man, in the affairs of his own 
 salvation," and that both from the plainest princi- 
 ples of reason, and the plainest declarations of the 
 scripture. This is the foundation of the Reforma- 
 tion, of the Christian religion, of all religion, which 
 necessarily implies choice and judgment. But I 
 need not labor a point, that has been so often 
 demonstrated so many ways. Indeed, as every 
 man believes his own opinions the best, because 
 
HISTORICAL DISCOURSE. IGl 
 
 the truest, and oiic^Iit cliaritably to wish all others 
 of the same ophiion, it must seem reasonable the 
 magistrate should have a public leading in religious 
 affairs, but as he almost forever exceeds the due 
 bounds, and as error prevails ten times more than 
 truth in the world, the interest of truth and the 
 right of private judgment seem better secured, by 
 a universal toleration that shall suppress all pro- 
 faneness and immorality, and preserve every party 
 in the free and undisturbed liberty of their con- 
 sciences, while they continue quiet and dutiful sub- 
 jects to the State. 
 
 Our fathers established a mutual liberty of con- 
 science, when they first incorporated themselves : 
 this they confirmed under their first Patent, and, 
 at the Restoration, they petitioned King Charles II. 
 ( Charter) " That they might be permitted to hold 
 forth a lively experiment, that a most flourishing 
 civil State may stand, and best be maintained, and 
 that among English subjects, with a full liberty in 
 religious concernments, and that true piety, rightly 
 grounded on gospel principles, will give the best 
 and the greatest security to sovereignty, and will 
 lay in the hearts of men the strongest obligations 
 to true loyalty." And the King was pleased to 
 make them a grant, by which " every person may 
 ever freely and fully have and enjoy his own judg- 
 ment or conscience in matters of religious concern- 
 ment, behaving liimself peaceably and quietly, and 
 21 
 
162 HISTORICAL DISCOURSE. 
 
 not using this liberty for licentiousness and ])ro- 
 faneness, nor to the civil injury or outward dis- 
 turbance of others." This happy privilege we en- 
 joy to this day, through the divine goodness ; and 
 the experiment has fully answered, and even be- 
 yond what might have been expected from the 
 first attempt. The civil State has flourished, as 
 well as if secured by ever so many penal laws, 
 and an inquisition to put them in execution. Our 
 civil oflicers have been chosen out of every re- 
 ligious society,* and the public peace has been as 
 well preserved, and the public councils as well 
 conducted, as we could have expected, had we 
 been assisted bv ever so many religious tests. 
 
 All profaneness and immorality are punished by 
 the laws made to suppress them ; and while these 
 laws are well executed, speculative opinions or 
 
 * It has been no uncommon sight to see gentlemen of 
 almost every religious persuasion among us, sitting on the 
 same bench of magistrates together. And we may al- 
 Avays expect to see it, while that principle prevails, that 
 the surest way to preserve and enjoy our Charter privi- 
 leges, is so to divide the posts of honor, trust and profit 
 among all persuasions indifferently ; and, in general, to 
 prefer those gentlemen, of whatever religious opinions 
 they are, that are otherwise best qualified to serve the 
 public, and adorn their stations, and to suffer no one re- 
 ligious sect to monopolize the places of power and au- 
 thority. 
 
HISTORICAL DISCOURSI^. 163 
 
 modes of worship can never disturb or injure the 
 peace of a State that allows all its subjects an 
 equal liberty of conscience. Indeed, it is not va- 
 riety of opiniojis, or separation in worship, that 
 makes disorders and confusions in government. It 
 is tlie unjust, unnatural, and absurd attempt to 
 force all to be of one opinion, or to I'eign and dis- 
 semble that they are ; or the cruel and impious 
 punishing- those, who cannot change their opinions 
 without light or reason, and will not dissemble 
 against all reason and conscience. It is the wicked 
 attempt to force men to worship God in a way they 
 believe He hath neither commanded nor v.'ill ac- 
 cept; and the restraining them from worshipping 
 Him in a method they think He has instituted and 
 made necessary for them, and in wliich alone they 
 can be sincere worshippers, and accepted of God ; 
 in which alone, they can find comfort and peace of 
 conscience, and approve themselves before God ; 
 in which alone, they can be honest men and good 
 Christians. Persecution will ever occasion con- 
 fusion and disorder, or if every tongue is forced to 
 confess, and every knee to bow to the power of the 
 sword : this itself is the greatest of all disorders, 
 and the worst of confusions in the Kingdom of 
 Christ Jesus. 
 
 Liberty of conscience was never more fully en- 
 joyed in any place, tlian here; and this Colony, 
 with some since Ibrmed on the same model, have 
 
164 HISTORICAL DISCOURSE. 
 
 proved that the terrible fears that barbarity would 
 break in, where no particular forms of worship or 
 discipline are established by the civil power, are 
 really vain and groundless ;* and that Christianity 
 can subsist without a national Church, or visible 
 Head, and without being incorporated into the 
 State. It subsisted so for the iirst three hundred 
 years ; yea, in opposition and defiance to all the 
 powers of hell and earth. And it is amazing to 
 hear those who plead for penal laws, and the 
 nuigistrate's right and duty to govern the Church 
 of Christ, to hear such persons call those early 
 times the golden age of Christianity. 
 
 However, as the best things, tlie wisest institu- 
 tions are subject to some inconveniences, while 
 some good may accidentally follow the very worst 
 things in the world, it may be worth our while to 
 consider, whether some incon\enicnces do not 
 naturally, or have not in fact, followed or attended 
 our constitution. The Popish Inquisition itself, 
 which is such an open tyranny over conscience, 
 and such an absolute destruction of the essentials 
 of Christianity and all true religion, yet keeps up 
 
 * I am aware some such charges of ignorance and bar- 
 barity have been formerly insinuated, and that the people 
 lived in a state of anarchy ; bnt I hope I have said enough 
 to shew the groundlessness of such reports, which were 
 the effects of prejudice and misinformation. 
 
HISTORICAL DISCOURSE. 165 
 
 the face and slievv of the greatest decorum, order 
 and liarmony imaginable. It ought not to be won- 
 dered at, if an unlimited toleration of every doctrine 
 or form of Christian worship, though never so just in 
 itself, and so useful and beneficial in many respects, 
 yet in some other respects may be attended with or 
 productive of some inconveniences. We know some 
 followed on the gospel itself. It cannot be wondered 
 at, if some should make an ill use of this liberty; 
 yea, if this liberty itself should be unhappily a 
 vsnare to some men. Have never any, in no parts 
 of the Colony, appeared lost and bewildered in a 
 variety of opinions round them 7 At least, is it 
 not likely there should be some persons so weak 
 and unstable 7 Have never any pretended to think 
 it needless or endless to search after truth, amonff 
 so many pretenders to it? And have not some, in 
 the heat and hurry of dispute about the circumstan- 
 tials of Christianity, the circumstances of order, 
 time, and place, grown cold or negligent about the 
 vitals and essentials of the gospel covenant ? Hath 
 not too much zeal about outward things, too often 
 occasioned censoriousness and uncharitableness, 
 and starved the life of religion 1 Is there no foun- 
 dation for that character that has been given of too 
 many among us, that '' they have a thorough in- 
 diflerence for all that is sacred, being equally 
 careless of outward worship, and of inward princi- 
 ples, whether of faith or practice." And '' that 
 they have worn off a serious sense of all religion.'' 
 
166 HISTORICAL DISCOURSE. 
 
 It would be no wonder if some or all these evil con- 
 sequences should have followed, in some degree ; 
 they have often done so in other places, even where 
 there was not the like fair occasion. The tempter 
 always suits his temptations to the circumstances 
 of those he assaults. But these things will be no 
 good objection against liberty of conscience, be- 
 cause infinitely greater evils necessarily follow on 
 persecution for conscience sake. 
 
 Nevertheless, our own experience, or the obser- 
 vations and reproaches of others, will dispose us to 
 be peculiarly careful against all these evils, and 
 some others, that our constitution may be pecu- 
 liarly liable and exposed to. Here in a particular 
 manner, let us be exhorted, 
 
 1, To prevent our religious differences from be- 
 ing ever carried into our civil affairs. Let them 
 never make factions in government. 
 
 2. liCt us study for peace, and to promote mutual 
 love among Christians of every denomination. We 
 should love all of Christ we see in them, and as 
 far as possible speak the same things. On the one 
 hand, we should take heed that charity and mutual 
 forbearance do not sink into lukewarmness and in- 
 difference to the truth of the divine institutions ; 
 and, on the other hand, we should maintain our 
 own opinions, and manage the defence of them. 
 
HISTORICAL DISCOURSE. 167 
 
 when need requires it, with a Christian spirit of 
 candor and moderation. Especially let us be 
 warned by our own history, to take heed of im- 
 puting to others, the consequences we think follow 
 from their opinions ; if, on the account of those con- 
 sequences, we cannot embrace their opinions, yet 
 let us remember every man's opinion must be taken 
 from his own understanding and judgment, and not 
 i'rom tlie understanding and judgment of other 
 men. 
 
 It is no pleasure to any real Christian to see his 
 brethren, the disciples of Jesus Christ, so divided 
 as they are through the w^orld, in their opinions of 
 various articles of his religion ; and much less, to 
 see them so divided in their affections. Indeed ^ 
 considering the finite capacity, and the corruption 
 of human nature, we ought to expect a variety of 
 opinions in religion, as well as in every thing else. 
 But as the enemies to the cross of Christ make this, 
 though unjustly, a reproach to Christianity, and as 
 many Aveak persons are carried away with the 
 errors of the wicked, every sincere Christian can- 
 not help wishing that every stumbling block and 
 rock of offence was removed out of the way, and 
 that all Christians w^alked in the truth with one 
 consent of heart and voice. It is a grief to a 
 Christian, as it is a scandal to the whole world, to 
 see Christians (so called) full of envy and malice, 
 liating and reviling one another, and smiting with- 
 
1G8 HISTORICAL DISCOURSE. 
 
 the fist of wickedness. This, when all is said and 
 done, is a more full and just argument, that such 
 have no part in Christ, than any supposed ortho- 
 doxy of opinion can he of their interest in Him. 
 For by this (says he) shall all men know that ye 
 are my disciples, if ye have love one to another. 
 It is a glorious sight to see the disciples of Jesus 
 live in love and peace, and " sweetly bear wdth one 
 another in their lesser differences ;" to see every 
 one keeping the ordinances, as he thinks Christ 
 has commanded him, and at the same time care- 
 fully abstaining from all evil, and the appearances 
 of evil, and practicing wliatsoever things are true, 
 honest, just, and pure ; whatsoever things are lovely 
 and of good report. 
 
 When we have freedom to search the scripture, 
 and liberty to believe, and profess what we find 
 there revealed, how unhappy would it be, if any 
 should neglect their privilege, and be fools and slow 
 of heart to improve the opportunity they enjoy? 
 How unhappy would it be, if any should neglect 
 the worship of God and the institutions of Christ 
 Jesus, because they are not enforced by human 
 penal laws 1 Let us be all able ever to give an 
 answer to every one that asks us a reason of the 
 hope that is in us, with meekness and fear ; and let 
 us lay aside all wrath, anger, malice, bigotry and 
 censoriousness, and endeavor to pay a universal 
 and constant regard to the will of God, revealed in 
 
HISTORICAL DISCOURSE. 109 
 
 his word. Let us be united to Christ Jesus by ii 
 true and living fiiith, and let every man take heed 
 how he buildeth : Other foundation can no man lay, 
 than that which is laid, viz. the Prophets and 
 Apostles, Jesus Christ himself being the great cor- 
 ner stone. Now if any man build on this founda- 
 tion, gold, silver, precious stones, wood, hay, stubble; 
 every man's work shall be made manifest. For 
 the day shall declare it, because it shall be re- 
 vealed by lire, and the fire shall try every man's 
 work, of what sort it is. If any man's work shall 
 be burnt, he shall suffer loss; but he himself shall 
 be saved ; yet so, as by fire. 
 
 3. Above all things, let us unite in the practice 
 of piety and holiness. Let us do justly, and love 
 mercy, and walk humbly with God ; let us deny 
 all ungodliness, and every worldly lust, and live 
 soberly, righteously, and godly, and perfect holi- 
 ness in the fear of God. These things we may do 
 without any offence to any party of Christians. If 
 we be followers of that which is good, who are they 
 that will harm us, or be offended at us, on that ac- 
 count. Each party requires all men to be redemed 
 from a vain conversation; every party owns the 
 necessity, if they differ in the nature of the obli- 
 gation, of these duties : Let us then unite in the 
 practice of them, and have our conversation as be- 
 cometh the gospel, which we in common profess. 
 How unha])])Y. how inexcusable, wouUI i( he. il 
 22 
 
170 HISTORICAL DISCOURSE. 
 
 liberty of conscience should degenerate into li- 
 centiousness, and open a door for a flood of im- 
 moralities 1 If, while we plead a right to think 
 and judge for ourselves, and reject all mere human 
 authority in matters of faith and worship, we should 
 neglect the sacred laws of God, and the unalterable 
 and eternal duties of morality 1 It is certainly a 
 reproach to Christians, that they can be so zeal- 
 ously affected about the things which arc peculiar 
 and distinguishing to each sect respectively, and 
 yet be so cold and negligent of those wherein they 
 all agree. It is reasonable to suppose, those doc- 
 trines and duties which all agree in, are the most 
 important and essential. Let us then be truly 
 concerned to glorify and serve God, by a true and 
 spiritual worship, and the virtues of a good life, and 
 to imitate the example which the great author and 
 finisher of our faith hath set us. Let us hold fast 
 the form of sound words we have received, and not 
 make shipwreck of faith and a good conscience. 
 
 IV. I hope I shall be excused, if on this occa- 
 sion I exhort the members of this Church in par- 
 ticular, to review the merciful providences of God, 
 which have hitherto preserved this vine, which we 
 trust his own right hand hath planted. We may 
 sing of judgment and of mercy, in many sore losses 
 and bereavements, in some uncomfortable conten- 
 tions, and in a total failure of elders, for many 
 years together. Nevertheless, the burning bush 
 
HISTORICAL DISCOURSE. 171 
 
 has not been consumed ; the Church has still sub- 
 sisted, and been resettled again in peace and ^com- 
 fort. Various are the storms in which this Church 
 has been tossed ; but, through them all, God has 
 preserved us. May we, and our successors, be as 
 a name and a praise to Him, throughout all gene- 
 rations ! Let us pray the Father of lights, and 
 the Lord of the harvest, to revive and prosper his 
 work in the midst of these years. Blay He unite 
 our hearts to love Him more, and serve Him better; 
 and to love one another, and strive together to 
 promote his glory, and our mutual edification and 
 growth in grace. May he that ministereth seed to 
 the sower, both minister bread for your food and 
 multiply the seed sown, and increase the fruits of 
 your righteousness. 
 
 As this was the first Society settled in church 
 order on this Island, as it is the eldest, (though 
 nearly the least,) let us strive to go before all others 
 hi the primitive simplicity, love, integrity, and 
 public spiritedness. 
 
 Let us consider, whether we make good the 
 ground of those pious and excellent Christians, who 
 lirst formed this Church ; and whether the succes- 
 sors of men so holy and so zealous, are not obliged 
 in a singular manner to imitate them, wherein they 
 followed Christ. We have professed a subjection 
 to the gospel of Christ; let our lights shine before 
 
172 HISTOKICAL DISCOURSE. 
 
 men, let us adorn the doctrine of God our Saviour 
 in all tilings; and let us hold the beginning of our 
 confidence steadfast to the end, and let us consider 
 one another, to provoke unto love and to good 
 works : In fine, let us contend earnestly for the faith 
 and order of the gospel, once delivered to the saints; 
 and, at the same time, maintain the unity of the 
 spirit in the bonds of peace. Him that is weak in 
 the faith receive, but not to doubtful disputations. 
 And the God of patience and consolation grant us 
 to be like minded one towards another, according 
 to Christ Jesus. 
 
 V. Is it not proper to remark the very great al- 
 teration which the merciful providence of God has 
 made, in the outward circumstances and accommo- 
 dations of the inhabitants of the Island and Colony, 
 ^ince their first settlement here 1 
 
 We have reason to think, the very first settlers 
 did not come here empty handed ]* but as their 
 stock, on which they lived, was by degrees con- 
 sumed, the produce of wild lands was able to go 
 but a little way in purchasing a new supply of 
 many comforts of life ; and they were obliged to 
 make an hard shift with such things as the present 
 generation perhaps may too much despise. I do 
 
 * Vid. Mr. Cotton's way of Congregational Churches 
 rleared, p. f)l. 
 
HISTORICAL DISCOURSE. 173 
 
 not well know how to describe the difference in 
 some articles, in suitable and grave expressions : 
 the mention of some instances would perhaps sur- 
 prise many. Let us then be thankful to God, who 
 has blessed the labors of our hands ; and let us not 
 wax fat and kick against God, now we have eaten, 
 and are full of the mercies of the Lord. 
 
 Nay, would it be unuseful or improper to think 
 of the outward accommodations which the present 
 English inhabitants enjoy, above the aboriginal 
 natives, and their miserable remainders among us? 
 Doubtless, it would excite our gratitude to God, 
 who has made us to differ, and to say with David, 
 blessed be thou, Lord God of Israel, our father, for 
 ever and ever. Thine, O Lord, is the greatness, 
 and the power, and the victory, and the majesty, 
 for all that is in the heaven, or in the earth, is 
 thine. Thine is the kingdom, O Lord, and thou 
 art exalted as head above all. Both riches and 
 honor come of thee, and thou reignest over all ; 
 and in thine hand is power and might, and in thine 
 liand it is to make great, and to give strength unto 
 all. Now, therefore, our God, we thank thee, and 
 praise thy glorious name ! 
 
 VI. Lastly. As the pious people who first planted 
 this Island and Colony, were so concerned about 
 the best way of evidencing a man's good estate, 
 mcthinks there is no more proper remark for us to 
 
174 HISTORICAL DISCOURSE. 
 
 finish with, than the duty, the wisdom, and the ne- 
 cessity of every one, to get into a good estate as to 
 God and the future world, and to seek after suf- 
 ficient and satisfactory evidence thereof. 
 
 I mean not to revive the old dispute ; I am well 
 satisfied, the difi'erence may be compromised with 
 great ease and justice ; but to persuade each of us 
 to think of this article with seriousness, and suit- 
 able concern. What will it signify, which of those 
 ways is the most satisfactory, if we ourselves have 
 no grounds for satisfaction, in either of them 1 And 
 what can excuse us neglecting to work out our sal- 
 vation, and make our calling and election sure, 
 when God is working in us to will, and to do, of 
 liis good pleasure ? Alas ! how very conmion is it 
 for persons, who live under the gospel, to be very 
 careless and unconcerned in this matter 1 for many 
 who call themselves Christians, to presume they 
 are something, when indeed they are nothing 1 and 
 cry peace, peace to themselves, when they are in 
 the gall of bitterness, and the bonds of iniquity, 
 and have no lot or part in the Christian salvation ? 
 
 A man's good estate consists in his being recon- 
 ciled to God through Jesus Christ, who was de- 
 livered for our offences, and raised again for our 
 justification. Let us aim to have both the testi- 
 mony of our own consciences and the spirit of God 
 witnessing together with our spirit, that we are the 
 
HISTORICAL DISCOURSE. 175 
 
 children of God, and heirs, with Christ, to the in- 
 heritance of the saints in light. And may He that 
 is able, keep us from falling, and present us fault- 
 less before his presence with exceeding joy. 
 
 To conclude, should not this solemnity put us in 
 mind of our mortal, transitory condition, and so stir 
 us up the more to give diligence to make our call- 
 ing and election sure. The generations of men are 
 passing away continually. Not one person, that 
 we know of, is now alive, of all those who began 
 this settlement, and but few remain of the second 
 generation. Death is daily preying upon us. Should 
 we not then be the more quickened in the securing 
 our eternal welfare ? Should we not do Avith our 
 might, what our hands find to do, before the night 
 of death overtakes us 7 
 
 Let us remember we are strangers and pilgrims 
 here, as were all our fathers ; and let us seek after 
 a city which is to come, which hath foundations, 
 whose builder and maker is God. And let us be 
 followers of those who through faitli and patience 
 inherit the promises. 
 
 Let this occasion, an occasion we can never ex- 
 pect again, excite us to number our days aright, 
 so as to apply our hearts to true wisdom. May we 
 so prepare for death and judgment, and the eternal 
 world, as that an entrance may be at last ad- 
 
176 HISTORICAL DISCOURSE. 
 
 ministered to us into the everlasting Kingdom of 
 our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ : Which God 
 of his infinite mercy grant tlirough Him : To whom 
 with the Father and the Holy Spirit, be all honor, 
 glory and power, both now and ever. AMEN. 
 
 Note. — Tlie Editor has taken the liberty to substitute for the orthog- 
 raphy of the original text, the more familiar and intelligible orthography 
 of the present day, and likewise to correct the punctuation, when ne- 
 cessary to render obvious the meaning of the author. 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 No. I.— [p. 54.] 
 
 Rev. Thomas Prince, A. M., the author of the 
 work alluded to, page 54, was Pastor of the Old 
 South Church m Boston. He was born at Sand- 
 wich, Massachusetts, May 15, 1687, and was gradu- 
 ated at Harvard College, m 1707. He visited En- 
 gland, in 1709, and for several years preached at 
 Combs in Suffolk, where he was earnestly solicited 
 to remain ; but his attachment to his native land 
 induced him to return, in 1717. He was ordained 
 as colleague with Dr. Sewall, his classmate, Octo- 
 ber 1, 1718. He died, October 22, 1758, aged 
 seventy-one. He was eminent as a preacher, and 
 distinguished for his intellectual attainments and 
 Christian virtues. In the opinion of Dr. Chauncey, 
 no one in New-England had more learning, except 
 Cotton Mather. Besides many other works, he 
 published a Chronological Hlslory of JVcw-Englnnd ^ 
 ill the form of annals, 12 mo. 1736, and three num- 
 bers of the second volume, in 1755. The value of 
 this book was not sufficiently appreciated at the 
 
 23 
 
178 APPENDIX. 
 
 time of its publication. Mr. Callender, who, in the 
 opinion of the learned Dr. Eliot, was one of the first 
 men of that generation, thus expresses his com- 
 mendation of this book, in a letter, dated Newport, 
 April 4, 1739. 
 
 " It gives me great concern, that Mr. Prince's Chro- 
 nology has been so ill received. I look on it as an honor 
 to the country as well as to the author, and doubt not 
 but posterity will do him justice. But that, you will say, 
 is too late. Some of the very best books have had the 
 same fate in other places and other ages. I need not tell 
 you of Milton, Raleigh, &c. I wish, for his sake, he 
 had taken less pains to serve an ungrateful and injudicious 
 age, lest it should discourage his going on with his de- 
 sign. I hope it will not, and hope you will encourage 
 him, for, sooner or later, the country will see the ad- 
 vantage of his work and their obligations to him." 
 
 No. II.— [p. 59.] 
 Ante- Cohmibian Discoveries. 
 
 An Icelandic historian, Torfa^us, has claimed 
 for his ancestors the glory of having discovered the 
 new world.* A learned work has recently been 
 
 * Torfaci Ilistoria Vinlandiaj Antiquae, Hafnio;, 1705. See Wheaton's 
 History of the Northmen, p. 22-28. Belknap'ss Am. Biog. 1. 47-58. 
 Examen critique dc 1' Histoire, «fcc., par Alexandre de Humbolt. 
 
APPENDIX. 179 
 
 published by the Royal Society of Northern An- 
 tiquaries, at Copenhagen, giving an account of the 
 voyages made to America by the Scandinavian 
 Northmen, during the tenth, eleventh, twelfth, 
 thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. The ac- 
 counts of these early voyages are published from 
 authentic manuscripts, which date back as far as 
 the tentli century. The work is entitled ^^Antiqui- 
 tates Americance sive Scriptorcs Septentrionales Re- 
 rimi Ante-Columhianarmn in America. Hafnicc^ 
 1837." It is published in the original Icelandic, 
 and is accompanied by a Danish, and also by a 
 complete Latin translation. It is a work of vast 
 labor and research, and is one of the most inter- 
 esting and valuable publications relative to the 
 history of our country, wdiich has issued from the 
 press. From this work, it appears that the ancient 
 Northmen explored a great extent of the eastern 
 coasts of North America ; repeatedly visited many 
 places in Massachusetts and Rhode-Island ; fought 
 and traded with the natives ; and attempted to 
 establish colonies. The most northerly region was 
 called IfcUuland, (vSlatcland ;) further south 3Iark- 
 kmd, (Woodland ;) and further south still, Finland, 
 (Vineland,) which is supposed to have extended as 
 far as Massachusetts and Rhode-Island. It is the 
 opinion of the learned and indefatigable editor of 
 the Antiquitatcs Americance^ Professor C. C. Rafn, 
 and his erudite associate, Professor Finn Mag- 
 nussen, that the celebrated inscription on the 
 
180 APPENDIX. 
 
 Digliion Rock was designed as an evidence of the 
 occupancy of the counlry by the Northmen. This 
 learned and interesting work deserves to be tlior- 
 oughly studied by every American scholar who 
 feels interested in liis country's history. 
 
 Tliat Cokimbus made a voyage to the north of 
 Europe, in 1477, is evident from the following pas- 
 sage, extracted by his son from one of his letters. 
 
 ''Ill the year 1477, in February, I navigated one hun- 
 dred leagues beyond Thule, the southern part of which 
 is seventy-three degrees distant from the equator, and not 
 sixty-three, as some pretend ; neither is it included with- 
 in the line which includes the west of Ptolemy, but is 
 much more Avesterly. The English, principally those of 
 Bristol, go with their merchandise to this Island, which 
 is as large as England. When I was there, the sea was 
 not frozen, and the tides were so great as to rise and fall 
 twenty-six fathoms," — Hist, del Almirante, C. 4. Vid. 
 living's Columbus, vol. 1, p. 44. 
 
 The Island above mentioned as Thule, is gene- 
 rally, and, we think with justice, believed to have 
 been Iceland. It appears from the correspondence 
 of Columbus with the learned Paulo Toscanelli, of 
 Florence, which took place in 1474, that he had 
 expressed his intention of seeking a western route 
 to India. We think it highly probable, however, 
 that the knowledge of the previous discoveries of 
 
APPExNDIX. 181 
 
 the Scandinavian Northmen, obtained on his visit 
 to Icehind, might have imparted to him a power- 
 ful inlluence in his great enterprise. 
 
 That America was discovered by the Northmen, 
 before the time of Columbus, has long been the 
 opinion of many learned men in our country. The 
 following extract is contained in a letter from Dr. 
 Franklin to Mr. Mather, dated London, July 7, 
 1773. 
 
 " You have," says he, " made the most of yonr argu- 
 ment, to prove that America was known to the ancients. 
 There is another discovery of it, claimed by the Nor- 
 wegians, which you have not mentioned, unless it be 
 under the words 'of old viewed and observed,' p. 7. 
 About twenty-five years since. Professor Kahn, a learned 
 Swede, was with us in Pennsylvania. He contended 
 that America was discovered by their northern people, 
 long before the time of Columbus ; which I doubting, he 
 drew up and gave me, some time after, a note of these dis- 
 coveries, which I send you enclosed." — Frank. Woi'ks^ 
 vol. 6, p. 77. See also Forster's Hist, of Discoveries in 
 the North. Robertson's Hist, of America. 
 
 The learned Dr. Stiles, in his Election Sermon, 
 published in the year 1783, speaks of" the certain 
 colonization" of America " from Norway, A. D. 
 1001, as well as the certain christianizing of (Treen- 
 land in the ninth century." As President Stiles 
 
182 APPENDIX. 
 
 was intimate with Dr. Franklin, he had probably 
 seen the Avork of Torfaius, and the above account 
 by Professor Kalm, 
 
 The curious reader will be pleased to see the 
 whole passage in which Dr. Stiles, expresses his 
 views with regard to the peopling of America. 
 
 "I rather consider the American Indians as Canaanites 
 of the expulsion of Joshua: some of which in Phoenician 
 ships coasted the Mediterranean to its mouth, as appears 
 from an inscription which they left there. Procopius, 
 who was born in Palestine, a master of the PhoBnician 
 and other oriental languages, and the historiographer of 
 the great Belisarius, tells us, that at Tangier he saw and 
 read an mscription upon two marble pillars there, in the 
 ancient Phoenician (not the then modern Pnnic) letter, 
 " We are they who have fled from the face of Joshua the 
 robber, the son of Nun."* Bochart and Selden conjecture 
 the very Punic itself. Plato, ^lian, and Diodorus Siculus 
 narrate voyages nito the Atlantic Ocean, thirty days west 
 from the pillars of Hercules, to the Island of Atlas. This 
 inscription examined by Procopius, suggests that the Ca- 
 naanites, in coasting along from Tangier, might soon get 
 into the trade winds, and be undesignedly wafted across 
 the Atlantic, land in the tropical regions, and commence 
 the settlements of Mexico and Peru. Another branch of 
 
 * Ibi ex albis lapidibus constant columNji: du^e prope magnum fontem 
 erectffi, Phoenicios habcntes characteres insculptos, qui Phoenicum lin- 
 gua sic sonant: nos ii sumusqui pugerunt a facie Joshu^e pr^donis 
 FiLii Nun. — Evag. hist. ecc. 1. 4, c. 18. Procop. Vandalic. 1. 2. 
 
APPENDIX. 183 
 
 the Canaanitish expulsions might take the resolution of 
 the ten tribes, and travel north-eastward to where never 
 man dwelt, become the Tchuschi and Tungusi Tartars 
 about Kamschatka and Tscukotskoinoss in the north-east 
 of Asia: thence, by water, passing over from island to 
 island through the northern Archipelago to America, be- 
 come the scattered Sachemdoms of these northern regions. 
 It is now known that Asia is separated by Avater from 
 America, as certainly appears from the Baron Dulfeldt's 
 voyage round the north of Europe into the Pacific Ocean, 
 A. D. 1769. Amidst all the variety of national dialects, 
 there reigns a similitude in their language, as there is also 
 in complexion and beardless features, from Greenland to 
 Del Fuego, and from the Antilles to Otaheite, which shew 
 them to be one people. 
 
 " A few scattered accounts, collected and combined to- 
 gether, may lead us to two certain conclusions, 1. That 
 all the American Indians are one kind of people. 2. That 
 they are the same as the people in the north-east of Asia. 
 
 " An Asiatic territory, three thousand miles long and 
 fifteen hundred wide, above the 40th degree of latitude, 
 to the Hyperborean ocean, contains only one million of 
 souls settled as our Indians ; as appears from the numera- 
 tions and estimates collected by M. Muller, and other 
 Russian Academicians in 1760. The Koreki, Jakuhti 
 and Tungusii living on the eastern part of this territory 
 next to America, are naturally almost beardless, like the 
 Samoieds in Siberia, the Ostiacs and Calmuks, as well as 
 the American Indians: all these having also the same 
 custom of plucking out the few hairs of very thin beards. 
 
184 APPENDIX. 
 
 They have more similar usages and fewer dissimilar ones, 
 than the Arabians of the Koreish tribe, and Jews who 
 sprang from Abraham : or than those that subsist among 
 the European nations, who s])rang from one ancestor ; or 
 those Asiatic nations, which sprang from Shem. The 
 portrait painter, Mr. Smibert, who accompanied Dr. 
 Berkeley, then Dean of Derry, and afterward Bishop of 
 Cloyne, from Italy to America in 1728, was employed by 
 the grand Duke of Tuscany, while at Florence, to paint 
 two or three Siberian Tartars, presented to the Duke by 
 the Czar of Russia. This Mr. Smibert, upon his landing 
 at Narraganset Bay with Dr. Berkeley, instantly recog- 
 nized the Indians here to be the same people as the Si- 
 berian Tartars whose pictures he had taken. Moravian 
 Indians, from Greenland and South- America, have met 
 those in our latitude at Bethlehem, and have been clearly 
 perceived to be the same people. The Kamschatdale 
 Tartars have been carried over from Asia to America, and 
 compared with our Indians, and found to be the same 
 people. These Asiatic Tartars, from whom the Ameri- 
 can aboriginals derived, are distinct from, and far less nu- 
 merous than, the Mongul and other Tartars which, for 
 ages, under Tamerlane and other chieftains, have deluged 
 and over-ran the southern ancient Asiatic empires. At- 
 tending to the rational and just deductions, from these 
 and other disconnected data combined together, wc may 
 perceive, that all the Americans are one people — that they 
 came hither certainly from the north-east of Asia ; probably 
 also from the Mediterranean; and, if so, that they are Ca- 
 naanites, though arriving hither by different routes. The 
 ocean current from the north of Asia might waft the 
 beardless Samoieds or Tchuschi from the mouth of .Tene- 
 
APPENDIX. 185 
 
 sea or the Oby, around Nova Zembla to Greenland, and 
 thence to Labrador, many ages after the refugees from 
 Joshua might have colonized the tropical regions. Thus 
 Providence might have ordered three divisions of the same 
 people from different parts of the world, and perhaps in 
 very distant ages, to meet together on this continent, or 
 'our Island,' as the six nations call it, to settle different 
 parts of it, many ages before the present accession of 
 Japhet, or the former visitation of Madoc, 1001, or the 
 certain colonization from Norway, A. D. 1001, as well 
 as the certain christianizmg of Greenland in the ninth 
 century ; not to mention the visit of still greater antiquity 
 by the Phoenicians, who charged the Dighton rock and 
 other rocks in Narraganset Bay with Punic inscriptions, re- 
 maining to this day. Which last I myself have repeatedly 
 seen and taken off at large, as did Professor Sewall." — 
 President Stiles^ s Election Sei'mon, preached before the 
 General Assembly of the State of Cotmecticut, at Hart- 
 ford, May 8, 1783, p. 10-13. 
 
 Ill confirmation of Dr. Stiles' views, it may be 
 remarked that the aborigines of our country re- 
 semble the Asiatics, especially the Tartars, more 
 than the inhabitants of any other part of the world. 
 They liave the same prominency of the cheek 
 bones — their faces are broad at the forehead and 
 narrowing to the chin. Both the Indians and the 
 Tartars are accustomed to shave the head, and to 
 leave only one tuft of hair to grow on the back of 
 the skull. Both also worship the sun as a deity. 
 We find that the aborigines were here when the 
 24 
 
186 APPENDIX. 
 
 Scandinavian Northmen first landed on our shores ; 
 but the narratives of their voyages give no infor- 
 mation concerning their origin. 
 
 As President Stiles was for more than twenty 
 years a resident and a distinguished ornament of 
 Rhode-Island, a short biographical notice of him 
 is here subjoined. 
 
 Ezra Stiles, D. D., LL. D., was the son of the 
 Rev. Isaac Stiles, of North-Haven, Connecticut, 
 and was born December 10, 1727. He graduated 
 at Yale College in 1746, with the reputation of 
 being one of the most accomplished scholars it had 
 ever produced. In 1749, he was chosen one of its 
 tutors, and in that station he remained six years. 
 He was ordained pastor of the second Congrega- 
 tional Church, in Newport, R. I., the 22d of Octo- 
 ber, 1755, and continued the able, dcA^oted, and 
 highly esteemed minister of that Church, till he 
 was elected President of Yale College, in 1777. 
 He presided over that institution, with distinguished 
 ability, till his death, May 12, 1795, in the sixty- 
 eighth year of his age. President Stiles was one 
 of the most learned men that our country has ever 
 produced. As a scholar, he was familiar with every 
 department of learning. He had a profound and 
 critical knowledge of the Latin, Greek, French and 
 
APPENDIX. 187 
 
 Hebrew languages ; in the Samaritan, Chaldee, 
 Syriac and Arabic he had made considerable pro- 
 gress ; and he had bestowed some attention on the 
 Persic and Coptic. He had a passion for history, 
 and an intimate acquaintance with the rabbinical 
 writings and with those of the fathers of the 
 Christian Church. Dr. Stiles maintained an ex- 
 tensive literary correspondence with many eminent 
 persons in remote quarters of the globe ; and his 
 name was enrolled as a member of several learned 
 societies in his own and in foreign countries. As 
 a preacher, he was impressive and eloquent ; and 
 the excellence of his sermons was enhanced by the 
 energy of his delivery, and by the unction which 
 pervaded them. His catholic spirit embraced good 
 men of every nation, sect, and party. In the cause 
 of civil and religious liberty he was enthusiastic. 
 In his discourse on Christian Union, he says, 
 " There ought to be no restrictions on the con- 
 science of an honest and sober believer of revela- 
 tion. The right of conscience and of private judg- 
 ment is unalienable ; and it is truly the interest of 
 all mankind to vmite themselves into one body, for 
 the liberty, free exercise and unmolested enjoy- 
 ment of this right, especially in religion. Not all 
 the difference of sentiment, not all the erroneous 
 opinions that have yet been started, afford just um- 
 brage for its extinction, abridgement or embarrass- 
 ment." p. 28. 
 
188 APPENDIX. 
 
 The following appropriate remarks are from the 
 pen of Chancellor Kent, one of Dr. Stiles' pnpils. 
 
 "President Stiles's zeal for civil and religious liberty, 
 was kindled at the altar of the English and New-England 
 Puritans, and it was animating and vivid, A more con- 
 stant and devoted friend to the Revolution and Indepen- 
 dence of this country, never existed. He had anticipated 
 it as early as the year 1760, and his whole soul was en- 
 listed in favor of every measure which led on gradually to 
 the formation and establishment of the American Union. 
 The frequent appeals he was accustomed to make to the 
 heads and hearts of his pupils, concerning the slippery 
 paths of youth ; the grave duties of life ; the responsi- 
 bilities of man ; and the perils, and hopes, and honors, 
 and destiny of our country, will never be forgotten by 
 those who heard them ; and especially when he came to 
 touch, as he often did, with ' a master's hand and prophet's 
 fire' on the bright vision of the future prosperity and 
 splendor of the United States. Take him for all in all, 
 this extraordinary man was undoubtedly one of the purest 
 and best gifted men of his age. In addition to his other 
 eminent attainments, he was clothed with humility, with 
 tenderness of heart, with disinterested kindness, and with 
 the most artless simplicity. He was distinguished for 
 the dignity of his deportment, the politeness of his address, 
 and the urbanity of his manners. Though he was un- 
 compromising in his belief and vindication of the great 
 fundamental doctrines of the Protestant faith, he was 
 nevertheless of the most catholic and charitable temper, 
 resulting equally from the benevolence of his disposition 
 
APPENDIX. 189 
 
 and the spirit of tlie gospel." — KenVs Address delivered at 
 New-Haven, before the Phi Beta Kappa Society, 1831. 
 See Holmes's Life of President Stiles. 
 
 No. Ill— [p. 59.] 
 
 Voyage of Verrazzano to Ameiica. 
 
 January 17, 1524, Giovanni Verrazzano, a 
 Florentine, in the service of Francis I., King of 
 France, sailed from a desert rock near the Island 
 of Madeira, in the ship Dolphin, to make discovery 
 of new countries. He steered a westerly course, 
 and, after encountering a violent tempest on the 
 24th of February, he arrived, about the middle of 
 March, on the American coast, in latitude thirty- 
 four degrees north, probably near that part of North 
 Carolina on which Wilmington now stands. He 
 pursued his voyage northwesterly to the shores of 
 New-Jersey. The harbor of New- York attracted 
 his notice for its convenience and pleasantness. 
 Afterwards, pursuing his course eastward, he passed 
 Block-Island, which struck him by its resemblance 
 to the Island of Rhodes. Fifteen leagues more 
 brought him to the spacious haven of Newport, 
 where he remained for more than fifteen days. 
 The natives " were the most beautiful and well be- 
 haved people he had met with in all his voyage." 
 On the 6th of May, leaving the waters of Rhode- 
 
190 APPENDIX. 
 
 Island, the intrepid navigator sailed along the coast 
 of New-England to Nova Scotia, till within nearly 
 the fiftieth degree of northern latitude. See an 
 able article in the North American Review, vol. 
 45, p. 293. " Tlie Life and Voyages of Verrazzano" 
 by George W. Greene, Esq., U. S. Consul at Rome. 
 II Capitano Giovanni da Verrazzano Fiorentino 
 di Normandia alia Serenissima Corona d' Francia. 
 Diepa a di 8 d'Liiglio 1524. Lettera di Ferdinando 
 Carli a suo Padre a Firenze. These letters have 
 been copied by Mr. Greene, and presented to the 
 Rhode-Island Historical Society. Hakluyt's Voy- 
 ages, vol. 2, p. 295-300. 
 
 No. IV.— [p. 79.] 
 
 Roger Williams* was the first person in modern 
 Christendom to maintain the doctrine of religious 
 liberty and unlimited toleration. His " Bloody 
 Tenent of Persecution for cause of conscience, dis- 
 cussed between Truth and Peace," tfcc. (fcc, was 
 
 * For an able and interesting delineation of the life and character of 
 this extraordinary man, whose name deserves to be enrolled with the 
 legislators of ancient times, or with the statesmen of modern Europe, see 
 a " Memoir of Roger Williams," by the Rev. Professor Knowles, of the 
 Theological Institution at Newton, Massachusetts ; see also " What- 
 cheer, or Roger Williams in Banisliment. " A Poem, by the Hon. Job 
 Durfee, Chief Justice of the State of Rhode-Island. 
 
APPENDIX. 191 
 
 published in London in 1644. It is a small quarto, 
 of two hundred and forty-seven pages. In this 
 work he maintains the absolute right of every man, 
 to a " full liberty in religious concernments," sup- 
 ported by the most luminous and powerful reason- 
 ing. Here are disclosed principles, which have ex- 
 cited admiration in the writings of Jeremy Taylor, 
 Milton, Locke and Furneau. A reply was written 
 by Mr. Cotton, an eminent clergyman in Boston, 
 and printed in London in 1647. Mr. Williams 
 published a rejoinder, entitled " The Bloody Ten- 
 ent, yet more Bloody by Mr. Cotton's endeavor to 
 wash it white in the Blood of the Lamb. Of whose 
 precious Blood, spilt in the Blood of his servants ; 
 and of the blood of millions spilt in former and later 
 wars for conscience sake, that most Bloody Tenent 
 of Persecution for cause of conscience, upon a 
 second trial, is found now more apparently and 
 more notoriously guilty. In this rejoinder to Mr. 
 Cotton, are principally, I. The Nature of Persecu- 
 tion. II. The Power of the civil Sword in Spirituals,, 
 examined. III. The Parliament's permission of 
 Dissenting Consciences, justified. Also (as a Tes- 
 timony to Mr. Clark's Narrative) is added a letter 
 to Mr. Endicot, Governor of tlie Massachusetts, in 
 N. E. By R. Williams, of Providence in New- 
 England. London, printed for Giles Calvert, and 
 are to be sold at the black-s})read-Eagle at the 
 West-end of Pauls, 1652." It is a quarto volume 
 of three hundred and seventy-four pages. The 
 
192 APPENDIX. 
 
 same clear, enlarged and consistent views of re- 
 ligious freedom are maintained in this last work, as 
 in his preceding, with additional arguments, evinc- 
 mg an acute, vigorous, and fearless mind, imbued 
 with various erudition and undissembled piety. 
 
 In an appendix is the following address : 
 
 " To the Clergy of the four great Parties, professing the 
 name of Christ Jesus, in England, Scotland, and Ireland^ 
 viz. the Popish, Prelatical, Presbyterian, and Inde- 
 pendent. 
 
 Worthy Sirs — I have pleaded the cause of your several 
 and respective consciences, against the bloody doctrine of 
 persecution, in my former labors, and in this my present 
 rejoinder to Mr. Cotton. 
 
 And yet I must pray leave without offence to say, I 
 have impartially opposed and charged your consciences 
 also, so far as guilty of that bloody doctrine of persecuting 
 each other for your consciences. 
 
 You four have torn the seamless coat of the Son of 
 God into four pieces, and, to say nothing of former times 
 and tcarings, you four have torn the three nations into 
 thousands of pieces and distractions. 
 
 The two former of you, the Popish and Protestant Pre- 
 latical, are brethren : so are the latter, the Presbyterian 
 and Independent, But, oh, how rara est, &c ? What 
 concord, what love, what pity, hath ever yet appeared 
 
APPENDIX. lyj 
 
 amongst you, when the providence of the Most High and 
 only wise hath granted you your patents of mutual and 
 successive dominion and precedency ? 
 
 Just like two men, whom I have known break out to 
 blows and wrestling, so have the Protestant Bishops fought 
 and wrestled with the Popish, and the Popish with the 
 Protestant ! The Presbyterian with the Independent, 
 and the Independent with the Presbyterian ! And our 
 chronicles and experiences have told this nation, and the 
 world, how he whose turn it is to be brought under, hath 
 ever felt an heavy wrathful hand of an unbrotherly and 
 unchristian persecutor. 
 
 Meanwhile, what outcries for a sword, a sword at any 
 price, on any terms, wherewith to take final revenges on 
 such their blasphemous and heretical adversaries and cor- 
 rivals ? 
 
 Hence is it, that the magistrate hath been so courted, 
 his person adored and deified, and his religion magnified 
 and exalted. 
 
 Amongst the people, some have thought and said, how 
 hath the shining of the magistrate's money and sword 
 out-shined the nobility of his person, or the Christianity 
 of his conscience ? For when the person changes and re- 
 ligion too, how grossly notorious have been the Clergy's 
 changes also ? For instance, how have they pernified, 
 tacked and turned about, (as the wind hath blown,) from 
 Popery to Protestantism, from Protestantism to Popery, 
 and from Popery to Protestantism again, and this within 
 
 25 
 
194 APPENDIX. 
 
 the compass of about a dozen years ; as the purse and 
 sword-bearers were changed, whatever the persons of 
 those Princes (male or female, men or children, or their 
 consciences, Popish or Protestant) were. 
 
 Yea, how justly in the late King's book (if his) are the 
 Clergy of England charged with horrible breach of vows 
 and oaths of canonical obedience to their fathers the 
 Bishops, against whom, in the turn of the times and the 
 sword-bearers, they turned to the Scotch Presbyters, their 
 fathers' dreadful enemies and persecutors ? 
 
 Now as to the persecuting each of other, I confess the 
 wolf, (the persecutor,) devours the goat, the swine, yea 
 the very fox, and other creatures, as well as the inoffen- 
 sive sheep and lamb. Yet, as the Lord Jesus made use 
 of that excellent fable or similitude of a wolf getting on 
 a sheep's-skin, so may I not unseasonably make use of 
 that of the wolf and the poor lamb coming down to 
 drink upon the same brook and stream together. The 
 wolf, cruel and strong, drinks above and aloft : the lamb, 
 innocent and weak, drinks upon the stream below. The 
 wolf questions and quarrels the lamb for corrupting and 
 defiling the waters. The lamb, not daring to plead how 
 easily the wolf, drinking higher, might transfer defile- 
 ment downward, but pleads improbability and impossi- 
 bility, that the waters descending could convey defile- 
 ment upwards. This is the controversy, this the plea. 
 But who shall judge ? Be the lamb never so iimocent, 
 his plea never so just, his adversary the wolf will be his 
 judge, and being so cruel and so strong, soon tears the 
 Iamb in pieces. 
 
APPENDIX. 195 
 
 Thus the cruel beast, armed with the power of the 
 Kings, (Revel. 17) sits judge in his own quarrels against 
 the lamb, about the drinking at the waters. And thus, 
 saith Mr. Cotton, the judgment ought to pass upon the 
 heretic, not for matter of conscience, but for «innii3g 
 against his conscience. 
 
 Object. Methinks I hear the great charge against the 
 Independent party to be the great pleaders for liberty of 
 conscience, &c. 
 
 Answer. Oh the horrible deceit of the hearts of the 
 sons of men ! And what excellent physic can we prescribe 
 to others, till our soul, as Job said, come to be in their 
 soul's cases ? What need have we to be more vile (with 
 Job) before God, to walk in holy sense of self-insufficiency, 
 to cry for the blessed leadings of the holy spirit of God, 
 to guide and lead our heads and hearts uprightly ? 
 
 For, to draw the curtain and let in the light a little, do 
 not all persecutors themselves zealously plead for freedom, 
 for liberty, for mercy to men's consciences, when them- 
 selves are in the grates, and pits, and under hatches ? 
 
 Doth not Gesner tell us of a gentleman in Germany, 
 who, fitting his pitfall for wild beasts, found in the morn- 
 ing a woman, a wolf, and a fox in three several corners, as 
 full of fear, and as quiet, and desirous of liberty, one as 
 well as another ? 
 
 Thus bloody Gardiner and Bonner, (prisoners during 
 King Edward's days,) yea, and that bloody Uucen Mary 
 
196 APl'ENDIX. 
 
 herself, all plead the heedoin of their consciences. What 
 most humble supplications, and indeed unanswerable ar- 
 guments for liberty of conscience, have the Papists, when 
 in restraint, presented, and especially in King James's 
 time ? Yea, what excellent subscriptions to this soul- 
 freedom are interwoven in many passages of the late 
 King's book, if his ? Yea, and one of his chaplains, so 
 called. Doctor Jer. Taylor, what an everlasting monu- 
 mental testimony did he publish to this truth, in that his 
 excellent discourse, of the liberty of prophecying ? Yea, 
 the formerly non-conforming Presbyterian and Indepen- 
 dent, Scotch and English, old and new, what most humble 
 and pious addresses have they made before the whole 
 world, to Princes and Parliaments, for just mercy, in true 
 petitions of right, to their consciences ? But, let this 
 present discourse, and Mr. Cotton's fig-leaf evasions and 
 distinctions ; let the practices of the Massachusetts in 
 New-England, in twenty years persecution ; and this last 
 of Mr. Clarke, Obadiah Holmes, and others, be examined. 
 Yea, let the Independent minister's late proposals be 
 Aveighed with the double weight of God's sanctuary, and 
 it will appear what mercy the poor souls of all men, and 
 Jesus Christ in any of them, may expect from the very In- 
 dependent's Clergy themselves. 
 
 Object. But doth not their proposals provide a liberty 
 to such as fear God, viz. that they may freely preach 
 without an ordination ! and that such as are not free to 
 the public assemblies, may have liberty to meet in private. 
 
 Answer. It may so please the father of lights to shew 
 them that their lines and models, and New-England's 
 
APPENDIX. 197 
 
 copy also, after which they write and pencil, are but 
 more and more refined images, whereby to worship the 
 invisible God : and that still, as before, the wolf (the per- 
 secutor) must judge of the lamb's drinking! 
 
 For instance, New England's laws, lately published in 
 Mr. Clark's Narrative, tell us how free it shall be for 
 people to gather themselves into church-estate ; how free 
 to choose their own ministers ; how free to enjoy all the 
 ordinances of Christ Jesus, &c. But yet, provided, so 
 and so, upon the point, that the civil state must judge of 
 the spiritual, to wit : whether persons be fit for church- 
 estate, whether the gathering be right, whether the peo- 
 ple's choice be right, doctrines right, and what is this in 
 truth, but to swear that blasphemous oath of supremacy 
 again, to the Kings, and Queens, and Magistrates of this 
 and other nations, instead of the Pope, (fcc. ? 
 
 Into these prisons and cages, do those otherwise worthy 
 and excellent men, the Independents, put all the children 
 of God, and all the children of men in the whole world, 
 and then bid them fly and walk at liberty, (to wit, within 
 the conjured circle,) so far as they please. 
 
 To particularize briefly : when they have in their six 
 several circuits, ejected, according to their proposals, it 
 may be hundreds, it may be thousands, if impartial of 
 Episcopal and Presbyterian Ministers, and that without 
 and against their people's consent, to the present distress- 
 ing of thousands, and enraging, through such soul-op- 
 pressions, the whole nation ! Then, say they, it shall be 
 free for all that be able, &c., to be preachers, though not 
 
198 APPENDIX. 
 
 ordained, &c. But, provided, that two ministers' hands, 
 at least, which upon the point, is instead of an ordination, 
 be to their approbation, &c. Upon this lock, any shall be 
 free to preach Christ Jesus, upon this point of the compass, 
 as I may in humble reverence, and with sorrow speak it, 
 the spirit of God shall be free to breathe and operate in the 
 souls of men ! By this plummet, and line, rule, and square, 
 and, seeming, golden reed, and metewand, the sanctuary 
 must be built and measured, &c. 
 
 But further, if any shall be of tender consciences, and 
 that the common size will not serve their foot, if they shall 
 think the Independent's foundations too weak, or it may 
 be too strong for their weak belief, if they cannot bow 
 down to their golden image, though of the finest and 
 latest edition and fashion ; why God forbid they should 
 be forced to church as others, they shall enjoy their 
 liberty, and meet apart in private. But, provided they 
 acquaint the civil magistrate, that is, as it may fall out, 
 (who knows how soon?) and too often hath fallen out, the 
 poor sheep and deer of Christ must take license of and 
 betray themselves unto the paws and jaws of their lion- 
 like persecutors. 
 
 Hear O Heavens, give ear Earth ! What is this but 
 like the treacherous Dutchmen, who capitulate of leagues 
 of peace and amity with their neighbor English, and in 
 the midst of State compliments, some say out of malicious 
 wrath, others say it was out of drunken intoxications at 
 the best, thunder out broadsides of fire and smoke of per- 
 secution ? 
 
APPENDIX. 199 
 
 Object. Some possibly may say, Your just suffering 
 from the Independents in New-England makes you speak 
 revenges against them in old. 
 
 Ansioer. What I have suffered in my estate, body, name, 
 spirit, I hope through help from Christ, and for his sake I 
 have desn-ed to bear with a spirit of patience and of re- 
 spect and love, even to my persecutors. As to particulars, 
 I have and must, if God so will, further debate them with 
 my truly honored and beloved adversary, Mr. Cotton. 
 
 But as to you, worthy Sirs, men of learning and men 
 of personal holiness, many of you, I truly desire to be far 
 from envying your honors, pleasures, and revenues, from 
 whence the two former Popish and Prelatical are ejected, 
 unto which the two later Presbyterian and Independent 
 are advanced. Nor would I move a tongue or pen that 
 any of you now possessed, should be removed or dis- 
 turbed, until your consciences by the holy spirit of God, 
 or the consciences of the people, to whom you serve or 
 minister, shall be otherwise, than as you are yet, per- 
 suaded. 
 
 Much rather would I make another humble plea, and 
 that I believe with all the reason and justice in the world, 
 that such who are ejected, undone, impoverished, might 
 some way from the State or you receive relief and succor: 
 considering, that the very nation's constitution hath oc- 
 casioned parents to train up, and persons to give them- 
 selves to studies, though in truth but in a way of trade 
 and bargaining before God, yet, it is according to the 
 custom of the nation, who ought therefore to share also 
 
200 APPENDIX. 
 
 in the fault of such priests and ministers who in all 
 changes are ejected. 
 
 I end with humble begging to the Father of Spirits, to 
 persuade and possess yours with a true sense of three par- 
 ticulars. 
 
 First, Of the yokes of soul-oppression, which lie upon 
 the necks of most of the inhabitants of the three nations, 
 and of the whole world ; as if Cham's curse from Noah 
 were upon them, servants of servants as they are, and 
 that in the matters of the soul's affection unto God, which, 
 call for the purest liberty. I confess the world lies in 
 wickedness, and loveth darkness more than light ; but 
 why should you help on those yokes, and force them to 
 receive a doctrine, to pray, to give thanks, (fcc, without 
 an heart ? Yea, and, in the many changes and cases in- 
 cident, against their heart and soul's consent ? 
 
 Secondly, Of the bloodiness of that most bloody doc- 
 trine of persecution for cause of conscience, with all the 
 winding stairs and back doors of it, ifcc. Some professors, 
 true and false, sheep and goats, are daily found to differ 
 in their apprehensions, persuasions, professions, and that 
 to bonds and death. 
 
 What now, shall these be wracked, their souls, their 
 bodies, their purses, &c ? Yea, if they refuse, deny, op- 
 pose the doctrine of Christ Jesus, whether Jews or Gentiles, 
 why should you call for fire from Heaven, which suits 
 not with Christ Jesus, his spirit or ends ? Why should 
 you compel them to come in, with any other sword but 
 
APPENDIX. 201 
 
 that of the spirit of God, who alone persuaded Japhet to 
 come into the tents of Shem, and can in his holy season 
 prevail with Shem to come into the tents of Japhet ? 
 
 Thirdly, Of that hias of self-love which hails and sways 
 oar minds to hold so fast this hloody Tenent. You know 
 it is the spirit of love from Christ Jesus, that turns our 
 feet from the tradition of fathers, &c. That sets the 
 heart and tongue, and pen and hands too, as Paul's, day 
 and night to work, rather than the progress and purity 
 and simphcity of the crown of Christ Jesus should be de- 
 based or hindered. 
 
 This spirit will cause you to leave with joy, benefices, 
 and bishopricks, worlds and lives for his sake ; the heights 
 and depths, lengths and breadths, of whose love you 
 know doth infinitely pass your most knowing compre- 
 hensions and imaginations. There is but little of this 
 spirit extant, I fear will not be, until we see Christ Jesus 
 slain in the slaughter of the witnesses. Then Joseph 
 will go boldly unto Pilate for the slaughtered body of 
 most precious Saviour : and Nicodemus will go by day 
 to buy and bestow his sweetest spices on his infinitely 
 sweeter souls beloved. The full breathings of that 
 heavenly spirit, unfeignedly and heartily wisheth you, 
 Your most unworthy countryman, 
 
 R. WILLIAMS/' 
 
 26 
 
202 APPENDIX. 
 
 No. v.— [p. 73.] 
 
 Rev. WiUiarn Blackstone. 
 
 About the time that Roger Williams came to 
 Providence, Rev. William Blackstone settled in 
 Cumberland, near the river which bears his name, 
 about three miles above Pawtucket. He was a 
 man of learning, and had received Episcopal ordi- 
 nation in England. He appears to have left his 
 native country, on account of his nonconformity, 
 and he sought an asylum for the enjoyment of re- 
 ligious freedom in the wilds of New-England. The 
 precise time of his arrival in this country is un- 
 known. It appears from Johnson's History, p. 20, 
 that he was here in 1628 ; but not agreeing with 
 Mr. Endicot and others on ecclesiastical affairs, he 
 devoted himself to agriculture. When the iirst 
 planters of Massachusetts arrived, in the year 
 1630, they found him already quietly seated on 
 the peninsula of Shawmutj now the city of Boston. 
 His cottage was near a spring, on the south end of 
 the peninsula. Gov. Hopkins, in his " History of 
 Providence,"* says, that Mr. Blackstone had been 
 at Boston " so long" (when Governor Winthrop 
 and his company came) " as to have raised apple 
 trees and planted an orchard." " Having escaped 
 the power of the Lords Bisliops in England, and 
 
 * His account of Providence was first published in tiic Providence 
 Gazette, in 17G5. 
 
APPENDIX. 203 
 
 .soon becoming" discontented with the power of the 
 Lords Brethren here," he sokl his lands on the pen- 
 insula, in the year 1635, and made a removal about 
 the year 1636. The place to which he removed, 
 was about six miles north of Mr. Williams. His 
 house was situated near the east hank of the river 
 which perpetuates his name, a few rods eastward 
 of a knoll, which he called " Study HilV It was 
 surrounded by a park, which was his favorite walk. 
 His house he named " Studij HallP Here, also, he 
 planted an orchard, the first that ever bore apples 
 in Rhode-Island. " Blany of the trees which he 
 planted, about one hundred and thirty years ago," 
 says Governor Hopkins, in 1765, " are still pretty 
 thrifty fruit-bearing trees. He had the first of that 
 sort called yellow^ sweetings, that were ever in the 
 world, perhaps the richest and most delicious apple 
 of the whole kind." Mr. Blackstone used fre- 
 quently to preach in Providence and other places 
 adjacent. He was a man of talent, and though 
 somewhat eccentric, sustained the character of an 
 exemplary Christian. He died. May 26, 1675, 
 having lived in New-England, about fifty years. 
 His death occurred at a critical period, a few- 
 weeks before the commencement of Plulip^s War. 
 His estate was desolated, and his house and library 
 laid in ashes, by the ruthless natives. He lies 
 buried about two rods east of his favorite Study 
 Hill, where two rude stones designate the place ol" 
 his interment. His family here is extinct; ])ut his 
 
204 APPENDIX. 
 
 name will be found on the first list of freemen of 
 Massachusetts, 1630, and it is identified with the 
 beautiful stream which flows through the valley of 
 the Blackstone. 
 
 No. VI.— [p. 74] 
 
 Deed of the chief Saclicnis of Nmragansett to Roger 
 Williams. 
 
 At Nanhiggansick, the 24th of the first month com- 
 monly called March, in the second year of our plantation, 
 or planting at Mooshausick, or Providence : Memorandum, 
 that we Caunannicus and Miantinomu, the two chief sa- 
 chems of Nanhiggansick, having two years since sold 
 unto Roger Williams the lands and meadows upon the 
 two fresh rivers called Mooshausick and Wanaskatucket,* 
 do now by these presents establish and confirm the bounds 
 of those lands, from the rivers and fields of Pautuckett, 
 the great hill of Neoterconkenittf on the north-west, and 
 the town of Mashapauge on the west. As also, in con- 
 sideration of the many kindnesses and services he hath 
 continually done for us, both for our friends of Massachu- 
 setts, as also at Quininkticutt and Apaum, or Plymouth ; 
 
 * The first, of these rivers falls into the cove above Weybosset bridge 
 from the north, the other from the west. 
 
 t Neoterconkernitt is three miles from Weybosset bridge, Mashapauge 
 IS about two miles south of Neotcrcorikenitt. 
 
APPENDIX. 205 
 
 we do freely give unto him all that land from those rivers 
 reaching to Pantuxett river, as also the grass and meadows 
 upon ]\autiixett river. In witness whereof we have here- 
 unto set oiu" hands. 
 
 The mark of I . (Jaunannicus. 
 
 The mark of Miantinomu. 
 
 In presence of 
 The mark X of Seatagh. 
 The mark * of Assotemewett. 
 
 1639. Memorandum, 3d month, 9th day this was all 
 again confirmed by Miantinomu. He acknowledged this 
 his act and hand [illegible] up the stream of Pautuckett 
 and Pautuxett without limits we might have for our use 
 of cattle. 
 
 Witness hereof, 
 ROGER WILLIAMS, 
 BENEDICT ARNOLD. 
 
 [Providence Records.] 
 
 This deed is dated two years after the settieinent 
 of Mr. Williams and his associates at Providence, 
 and bears date the same day and year, with tlie 
 deed of Aquetneck or the Island of Rhode-Island. 
 Previous to his hanishment, he had cultivated an 
 acquaintance with the natives, learned their lan- 
 guage, and entered into negotiations for lands 
 
20G APPENDIX. 
 
 with the sachems Canoniciis and Ousamequin, pro- 
 vided he shoukl be under the necessity of settling 
 among them. He had made large presents to these 
 chiefs, " and therefore," says he, in one of his letters, 
 " when I came, I was welcome to Ousamequin and 
 to the old prince Canonicus, who was most shy of 
 all English to his last breath." 
 
 No. VII.— [p. 74.] 
 
 Deed of Roger il'dUams to Ids twelve original as- 
 sociates. 
 
 Providence, Stii of the Sth month, 1638, 
 
 (so called,) 
 Memorandum, that I, Roger Williams, having for- 
 merly purchased of Caunannicus and Miantinomu, this 
 our situation, or plantation, of New-Providence, viz. the 
 two fresh rivers, Wanasquatuckctt and Mooshausick, and 
 the ground and meadows thereupon; in consideration of 
 thirty pounds received from the inhabitants of said place, 
 do freely and fully ])ass, grant and make over equal right 
 and power of enjoying and disposing of the same grounds 
 and lands unto my loving friends and neighbors, Stukely 
 Wescott, William Arnold, Thomas James, Robert Cole, 
 John Greene, John Throckmorton, William Harris, 
 William Carpenter, Thomas Ohiey, Francis Weston, 
 Richard Waterman, Ezekiel Holliman, and such others 
 as the major part of us shall admit into the same fellow- 
 
APPENDIX. 207 
 
 ship of vote with us : — As also I do freely make and pass 
 over equal right and power of enjoying and disposing of 
 the lands and grounds reaching from the aforesaid rivers 
 unto the great river Pautuxett, with the grass and meadows 
 thereupon, which was so lately given and granted by the 
 aforesaid sachems to me. Witness my hand, 
 
 ROGER WILLIAMS. 
 [Providence Records.] 
 
 Every inhabitant who was received, signed the 
 following covenant : 
 
 " We whose names are here under-written, being de- 
 sirous to inhabit in the town of Providence, do promise 
 to submit ourselves, in active or passive obedience, to all 
 such orders or agreements as shall be made for public good 
 of the body, in an orderly way, by the major consent of 
 the present inhabitants, masters of families, incorporated 
 together into a township, and such others whom they 
 shall admit unto the same, only in civil tliings.^^ 
 
 No. VIII.— [p. 74.] 
 
 Dqjosition of Roger Williams. 
 
 Narragansctt, IS June, 16S2, Ut. Vul. 
 
 I testify as in the presence of the all making and alf 
 
 seeing God, that about fifty years since, I coming into 
 
 this Narragansett country, I found a great contest between 
 
 three sachems, two (to wit, Cononicus and Miantonomy) 
 
208 APPENDIX. 
 
 were against Ousamaqnin on Plymonth side, I was forced 
 to travel between them three, to pacify, to satisfy all their, 
 and their dependents' spirits of my honest intentions to 
 live peaceably by them. I testify that it was the general 
 and constant declaration that Cononicus his father had 
 three sons, whereof Cononicns was the heir, and his 
 youngest brother's son Miantonomy (because of his youth) 
 was his Marshal and Executioner, and did nothing with- 
 out his uncle Cononicus' consent. And therefore I de- 
 clare to posterity that were it not for the favor that God 
 gave me with Cononicus, none of these parts, no, not 
 Rhode-Island had been purchased or obtained, for I never 
 got any thing out of Cononicus but by gift. I also profess 
 that being inquisitive of what root the title or denomina- 
 tion Nahiganset should come, I heard that Nahiganset 
 was so named from a little Island between Puttisquom- 
 scut and Musquomacuk on the sea and fresh water side. 
 I went on purpose to see it, and about the place called 
 Sugar-loaf Hill, I saw it, and was within a pole of it, but 
 could not learn why it was called Nahiganset. I had 
 learnt that the Massachusetts was called so from the Blue 
 Hills, a little Island thereabout : and Cononicus' father and 
 ancestors living in those southern parts, transferred and 
 brought their authority and name into those northern parts 
 all along by the sea side, as appears by the great destruc- 
 tion of wood all along near the sea side : and I desire pos- 
 terity to see the gracious hand of the Most High, (in 
 whose hands is all hearts, ) that when the hearts of my 
 countrymen and friends and brethren failed me, his in- 
 finite wisdom and merits stirred up the barbarous heart of 
 Cononicus to love me as his son to his last gasp, by 
 which means I had not only Miantonomy and all the 
 
APPENDIX. 209 
 
 Cowesit sachems my friends, but Ousamaquin also, who 
 because of my great friendship with him at Plymouth and 
 the authority of Cononicus, consented freely (being also 
 well gratified by me) to the Governor Winthrop's and my 
 enjoyment of Prudence, yea of Providence itself, and all 
 the other lands I procured of Cononicus which were upon 
 the point, and in effect whatsoever I desired of him. And 
 I never denied him nor Miantonomy whatever they de- 
 sired of me as to goods or gifts, or use of my boats or 
 pinnace and the travels of my own person day and night, 
 which though men know not nor care to know, yet the 
 all-seeing eye hath seen it and his all-powerful hand hath 
 helped me. Blessed be his holy name to eternity. 
 
 R. WILLIAMS. 
 
 September 28, 1704, I then being present at the house 
 of Mr. Nathaniel Coddington, there, being presented with 
 this written paper which I attest upon oath to be my fa- 
 ther's own hand writing. 
 
 JOSEPH WILLIAMS, Assistant. 
 
 February 11, 1705. True copy of the orignal placed to 
 record and examined by me. 
 
 WESTON CLARKE, Recorder. 
 
 [Colony Records,] 
 
 27 
 
210 APPENDIX. 
 
 No. IX.— [p. 83.] 
 
 Biographical notice of Rev. John Clarke. 
 
 Dr. John Clarke, the founder and first Pastor 
 of the first Baptist Church m Newport, was born 
 October 8, 1609. He married Elizabeth, daughter 
 of John Harges, Esq., of Bedfordshire, England. 
 In a power of attorney he signed, May 12, 1656, 
 to receive a legacy given by his wife's father out of 
 the manor of Wreslingworth in Bedfordshire, he 
 styles himself, John Clarke, Physician, of London. 
 It is not certainly known where Mr. Clarke was 
 born, but tradition makes him a native of Bedford- 
 shire. His writings evince him to have been a 
 learned man. In his will he bequeaths to his dear 
 friend, Richard Bailey, his Hebrew and Greek 
 books ; also a Concordance and Lexicon, written 
 by himself, the fruit of several years study. He 
 published in London, in 1652, a book, entitled, "111 
 News from New-England, or a narrative of New- 
 England's persecution ; wherein it is declared, that 
 while Old England is becoming New, New-England 
 is becoming Old, tfcc. tfec," in which he introduced 
 the substance of a tract, issued the preceding year, 
 called " A Brief Discourse touching New-England, 
 and particularly Rhode-Island ; as also a faithful 
 and true relation of the prosecution of Obadiah 
 Holmes, John Crandall and John Clarke, merely 
 for conscience towards God, by the principal mem- 
 
APPENDIX. 211 
 
 bers of the Church or Commonwealtli of the Mas- 
 sachusetts in New-England, which rules over that 
 part of the world." This tract was probably 
 written by the same hand. 
 
 In 1651, he w^as sent to England with Roger 
 Williams to promote the interests of the Colony 
 of Rhode-Island. Mr. Clarke remained in England, 
 as agent for the Colony, till he procured the Charter 
 of 1663. After his return, he was elected three 
 years, successively, Deputy-Governor. But all his 
 exertions to promote the civil prosperity of Rhode- 
 Island, did not induce him to neglect the affairs of 
 religion. He continued the esteemed pastor of the 
 first Baptist Church in Newport, till his death. 
 Having no children, he gave most of his property 
 to charitable purposes ; the income of which was 
 to be given to the poor, and to be employed for the 
 interests of learning and religion. He died, April 
 20, 1676, in the sixty-seventh year of his age, resign- 
 ing his soul to his merciful Redeemer, and through 
 faith in him he enjoyed the hope of a resurrection 
 to eternal life. He left behind a wa'iting which 
 evinces his sentiments to liave been those of the 
 Particular Baptists. He was a faithful and useful 
 minister, courteous and amiable in all the relations 
 of life, and an ornament to his profession and to 
 the vseveral offices which he sustained. His memory 
 is deserving of lasting honor for his efforts towards 
 establishing the first government in the world, 
 
212 APPENDIX. 
 
 which gave to all equal civil and religious liberty. 
 To no man, except Roger Williams, is Rhode- 
 Island more indebted than to him. He was the 
 original projector of the settlement on the Island, 
 and one of its ablest legislators. No character in 
 New-England is of purer fame than John Clarke. 
 
 " all his study bent 
 
 To worship God aright, and know his works 
 
 Not hid, nor those things last which might preserve 
 
 Freedom and Peace to men." — Milton, P. L. 11. 577. 
 
 From his three brothers, Thomas, Joseph and 
 Carew, are descended the large family in Rhode- 
 Island bearing the name of Clarke. 
 
 No. X.— [p. 84.] 
 
 The following is the form of civil compact agreed 
 to by the first settlers on the Island of Rhode- 
 Island. 
 
 " We whose names are underwritten do here solemnly, 
 in the presence of Jehovah, incorporate ourselves into a 
 body politic, and as he shall help, will submit our persons, 
 hves, and estates, unto our Lord Jesus Christ, the King 
 of kings and Lord of lords, and to all those perfect and 
 
APPENDIX. 213 
 
 most absolute laws of his, given us in his holy word of 
 truth to be guided and judged thereby." — Exod. 24. 3, 4. 
 //. Chron. 11. 3. //. Kings, 11. 17. 
 
 The first act passed under this form is dated 3d 
 month loth day, 1638, and is in these words. 
 
 " It is ordered that none shall be received as inhabitants 
 or freemen, to build or plant upon the Island, but such as 
 shall be received in by the consent of the body, and do 
 submit to the government that is or shall be established 
 according to the word of God." 
 
 This form continued till ihe 12th of March, 1640. 
 On the 16th of March, 1641, at a General Court 
 of Election, 
 
 " It was ordered and unanimously agreed upon, that 
 the government which this body politic doth attend unto 
 in this Island and the jurisdiction thereof, in favor of our 
 Prince is a DEMOCRACY or popular government, (that 
 is to say) it is in the power of the body of freemen, or- 
 derly assembled, or major part of them, to make or con- 
 stitute just laws by which they will be regulated, and to 
 depute from among themselves such ministers as shall see 
 them faithfully executed between man and man. 
 
 " It was further ordered by the authority of this present 
 Court, that no one be accounted a delinquent for DOC- 
 TRINE, provided it be not directly repugnant to the 
 government or laws established." 
 
214 APPENDIX. 
 
 And on the 17th September following (1641) 
 they passed this act. 
 
 " It is ordered that that law of the last Court, made con- 
 cerning liberty of conscience in point of doctrine, is per- 
 petuated." 
 
 No. XL— [p. 86.] 
 
 Indian Deed of the Island of Aquet7ieck or' Aqued- 
 
 neck.* 
 
 The 24th of the 1st month called March in the year 
 (so commonly called) 1637-8. 
 Memorandum, that we Cannonicus and Miantunnomu, 
 the two chief sachems of the Nanhiggansets by virtue of 
 our general command of this Bay ; as also the particular 
 subjecting of the dead sachem of Aquedneck and Kitacka- 
 muckqut themselves and lands unto us, have sold unto 
 Mr. Coddington and his friends united unto him, the great 
 Island of Aquedneck, lying from hence eastward in this 
 Bay, as also the marsh or grass upon Gluinunnugat and 
 the rest of the Islands in the Bay, (excepting Chibachu- 
 weca, formerly sold unto Mr. Winthrope, the now Gov- 
 ernor of Massachusetts, and Mr. Williams of Providence) as 
 also the rivers and coves about Kitackamiickqut and from 
 
 * This word is also spelled Aquctlinick, Aquidncck, and Aquithneck ; 
 the middle syllable was probably guttural. 
 
APPENDIX. 215 
 
 thence to Paupasquash for the full payment of forty 
 fathom of white beads to be equally divided between us. 
 In witness whereof we have here subscribed. 
 
 Item. That by giving by Miantunnomu's hand ten 
 coats and twenty hoes to the present inhabitants, they 
 shall remove themselves from off the Island before next 
 winter. Witness our hands. 
 
 The mark of j_ ^_ Cannonicus 
 
 A 
 
 The mark of 
 
 Miantunnomu. 
 
 In the presence of 
 The mark M of Yotursh, 
 ROGER WILLIAMS, 
 RANDAL HOLDEN, 
 
 The mark M of Assotimuit, 
 The mark ^ of Mishammoh, 
 Cannonicus his son. 
 
 This witnesseth, that I, Wanamataunemet, the present 
 sachem inhabitant of the Island, have received live fathom 
 of wampum, and do consent to the contents. 
 Witness my hand. 
 
 The mark of T Wanamataunemet, 
 
 In the presence of 
 RANDAL HOLDEN. 
 
21G APPENDIX. 
 
 McmomndLim. That I Oiisamcqiiin, freely consent 
 that Mr. William Coddington and his friends united unto 
 him, shall make use of any grass or trees on the main 
 land on Powakasick side, and do promise loving and just 
 carriage of myself and all my men to the said Mr. Cod- 
 dington, and English his friends united to him, having 
 received of Mr. Coddington five fathom of wampum as 
 gratuity from himself and the rest. 
 
 The mark >< of Ousamequin. 
 Dated the Gth day of the 5th month 1638. 
 
 Witness, 
 ROGER WILLIAMS, 
 RANDAL HOLDEN. 
 
 A true copy pr. me, 
 
 FRA. BRINLEY, Recorder. 
 
 A true copy pr. me, 
 WILLIAM LYTHERLAND, Recorder. 
 
 The 11th day of May, 1639. Received by me Mian- 
 tunnomu (as a gratuity) of Mr. Coddington and his friends 
 united, for my pains and travel in removing of the natives 
 ofT the Island of Aquedneck, ten fathom of wampum peagc 
 and one broad cloth coat. 
 
 Mian tonnomu. 
 
 A true copy of the original entered and recorded by 
 JOHN SANFORD, Recorder. 
 
APPENDIX. 217 
 
 ■ Dated May 14th, 1639. Received of William Cod- 
 dington and his friends united unto him, in full satisfac- 
 tion for ground broken up or any other title or claim 
 whatsoever formerly had of the Island of Aquedneck, the 
 full sum of five fathom of wampum peage and a coat. 
 
 Weshaganasett M his mark. 
 
 Witness, 
 Miantonnomu I his mark, 
 
 HUGH DURDAL, 
 
 Thomas Sabery M his mark. 
 
 A true copy of the original entered and recorded by me, 
 JOHN SANFORD, Recorder. 
 
 June 20th, 1G39. Received of Mr. William Codding- 
 ton and of his friends united to him in full satisfac- 
 tion of ground broken up or any other title or claim what- 
 soever formerly had of the Island of Aquedneck, the full 
 sum of five fathom of wampum peage. 
 
 Wonimenatony M his mark. 
 Witness, 
 WM. COWLING, 
 RICHARD SAWELL. 
 
 A true copy of the original entered and recorded by me, 
 JOHN SANFORD, Recorder. 
 
 The 22d November, 1639. Received by me Mian- 
 tunnomu, of Mr. William Coddington and his friends 
 28 
 
218 APPENDIX. 
 
 united, twenty and three coats and thirteen hoes to dis- 
 tribute to the Indians that did inhabit of the Island of 
 Aquedneck, in full of all promises, debts and demands for 
 the said Island, as also two tarkepes. 
 
 Mian 
 
 tunnomu. 
 
 Can ^"^Bso^nonicus. 
 
 Witness, 
 AMOMPOUCKE, 
 WAMPAMINAaUITT. 
 
 A true copy of the original entered and recorded by 
 JOHN SANFORD, Recorder. 
 
 [Colony Records.] 
 
 The other seventeen joint purchasers of Aquet- 
 neck, whose names are mentioned p. 84, note, ex- 
 pressed their dissatisfaction that the Indian title 
 to the Island of Rhode-Island stood in the name of 
 Wm. Coddington, and to pacify them he executed 
 an instrument of the following tenor, giving them 
 an equal share with himself. 
 
 Boston in Massachusetts Bay in New-England. — 
 Whereas, there was an agreement of eighteen persons to 
 make purchase of some place to the southward for a plan- 
 
APPENDIX. 219 
 
 tatioii, whither they resolved to remove, for which end 
 some of them were sent out to view a place for them- 
 selves and such others as they should take into the liberty 
 of freemen and purchasers with them, and, upon their 
 view was purchased Rhode-Island, with some small 
 neighboring Islands and privileges of grass and wood of 
 the Islands in the Bay and main adjoining ; and whereas, 
 the sale of the said purchase from the Indians hath ever 
 since lain in the hands of William Coddington, Esq., 
 which being a great trouble to the aforesaid purchasers 
 and freemen, I, the said William Coddington, Esq., do by 
 this writing promise to deliver the said deeds of the pur- 
 chase, together with what records are in my hands be- 
 longing to the said purchasers and freemen, into the hands 
 of such as the major part of the purchasers and freemen 
 shall appoint to receive them ; and do hereby declare that 
 I, the said William Coddington, Esq., have no more in the 
 purchase of right than any other of the purchasers or free- 
 men received, or shall be received in by them, but only 
 for my own proportion. In witness hereof, I have put to 
 my hand this 14th of April, 1652. 
 
 WILLIAM CODDINGTON. 
 
 Signed in the presence of 
 ROBERT KNIGHT, 
 GEORGE MUNING. 
 
 A true copy of the original entered and recorded the 
 7th of April, 1673, by me, 
 
 JOHN SANFORD, Recorder. 
 |(Jolony Records.] 
 
220 APPENDIX. 
 
 No. XII.— [p. 8G.] 
 
 Deposition of William Coddingioii. 
 
 William Coddington, Esq., aged about seventy-six 
 years old, testifyeth upon his engagement that when he 
 was one of the magistrates of the Massachusetts Colony, 
 he was one of the persons that made a peace with Co- 
 nonicus and Miantonomy in the Colony's behalf with all 
 the Narragansett Indians, and by order from the authority 
 of the Massachusetts a little before they made war with 
 the Pequod Indians. Not long after, this deponent went 
 from Boston to find a plantation to settle upon, came to 
 Aquedneck, now called Rhode-Island, where was a sa- 
 chem called Wonnumetonomey, and this deponent went 
 to buy the Island of him ; but his answer was that Co- 
 nonicus and Miantonomy were the chief sachems, and he 
 could not sell the land, whereupon this deponent with 
 some others went from A(piedneck Island into the Narra- 
 gansett to the said sachems, Conomcus and Miantonomy, 
 and bought the Island of them, they having as I under- 
 stood the chief command both of the Narragansett and 
 Aquedneck Island, and farther saith not. Taken upon 
 engagement in Newport on Rhode-Island the 27th day of 
 September 1677 before P. Sanford Assistant. 
 
 The above is a true copy of the original, placed to 
 record, examined by me February 11, 1705. 
 
 WESTON CLARKE, Recorder. 
 
 [Colony Records.] 
 
APPENDIX. 221 
 
 No. XIII.— [p. 89.] 
 
 For an able and an impartial account of Gorton 
 and his religious opinions, the reader is referred to 
 vol. 2 of the Collections of the Rhode-Island His- 
 torical Society, by the Hon. William R. Staples. 
 We are gratilied to learn that this gentleman is 
 preparing for publication, a History of Providence. 
 
 [p. 92.] 
 
 For an early History of Narragansett, see vol. 3 
 of the Collections of the Rliode-Island Historical 
 Society, by Elisha R. Potter, Esq. This work will 
 supply valuable materials for the future historian 
 of Rhode-Island. 
 
 No. XIV.— [p. 98.] 
 
 The first Patent of Rkodc-Tsland. 
 
 Whereas, by an ordinance of the Lords and Commons 
 now assembled in Parliament, bearing date the 2d day of 
 November, Anno. Dom. 1643, Robert, Earl of Warwick, 
 is constituted and ordained Governor in chief and Lord 
 High Admiral of all those Islands and other Plantations, 
 inhabited and planted by or belonging to any his Majesty 
 the King of England's subjects, or which hereafter may 
 be inhabited and planted by or belonging to them, within 
 the bounds and upon the coast of America. And where- 
 as, the said Lords and Commons have thought fit, and 
 
222 APPENDIX. 
 
 thereby ordained that Phihp, Earl of Pembroke ; Ed- 
 ward, Earl of Manchester ; WiUiam, Viscount Say and 
 Seal ; Philip, Lord Wharton ; John, Lord Roberts ; Mem- 
 bers of the House of Peers ; Sir Gilbert Gerard, Baronet : 
 Sir Arthur Haselrige, Baronet ; Sir Henry Vane, Jr., 
 Knight ; Sir Benjamin Rudyerd, Knight ; John Pym, 
 Oliver Cromwell, Dennis Bond, Miles Corbet, Cornelius 
 Holland, Samuel Vassall, John RoUe and William Spur- 
 stowe, Esq'rs, Members of the House of Commons, should 
 be Commissioners, to join in aid and assistance with the 
 said Earl. And whereas, for the better governing and pre- 
 serving of the said Plantations, it is thereby ordained, that 
 the aforesaid Governor and Commissioners, or the greater 
 number of them, should have power and authority from 
 time to time, to nominate, appoint and constitute, all 
 such subordinate governors, councils, commanders, officers 
 and agents, as they should judge to be best affected, and 
 most fit and serviceable to govern the said Islands and 
 Plantations, and to provide for, order and dispose all things 
 which they should from time to time find most fit and ad- 
 vantageous for the said Plantation, and for the better se- 
 curity of the owners and inhabitants thereof: to assign, 
 ratify and confirm so much of their aforementioned au- 
 thority and power, and in such manner and to such per- 
 sons as they should judge to be fit for the better govern- 
 ing and preserving of the said Plantations and Islands 
 )^^^^)^^^^^^ from open violence, prejudice, dis- 
 ^ ^rtiflri*t ^ turbance and distractions. And 
 ^ ^^2 whereas there is a tract of land in the 
 
 ^212tiSVUjittt*^ continent of America aforesaid, called 
 ^ r 1 ?^ by the name of the Narragansett Bay, 
 
 ^ L. S. )J^ - ° ■' ' 
 
 C^ bordering north and north-east on the 
 
APPENDIX. 223 
 
 Patent of Massachusetts, east and south-east on Plym- 
 outh Patent, south on the Ocean, and on the west and 
 North-west, inhabited by Indians called Narrogunneucks, 
 alias Narragansetts ; the whole tract extending about 
 twenty and five English miles unto the Pequot river and 
 country. And whereas divers well aifected and indus- 
 trious English inhabitants of the towns of Providence, 
 Portsmouth and Newport, in the tract aforesaid, have ad- 
 ventured to make a nearer neighborhood and society to and 
 with that great body of the Narragansetts, which may in 
 time, by the blessing of God upon their endeavors, lay a 
 surer foundation of happiness to all America ; and have 
 also purchased, and are purchasing of and amongst the said 
 natives, some other places, which may be convenient both 
 for plantation, and also for the building of ships, supply 
 of pipe-staves and other merchandize. And whereas, the 
 said English have represented their desires to the said 
 Earl and Commissioners, to have their hopeful beginning 
 approved and confirmed by granting unto them a free 
 charter of civil incorporation and government, that they 
 may order and govern their Plantations in such manner 
 as to maintain justice and peace, both amongst themselves 
 and towards all men, with whom they shall have to do. 
 
 In due consideration of the premises, the said Robert, 
 Earl of Warwick, Governor in chief and Lord High Ad- 
 miral of the said Plantations, and the greater number of 
 the said Commissioners, whose names and seals are here 
 under written and subjoined, out of a desire to encourage 
 the good beginnings of the said Plantations, do, by the 
 authority of the aforesaid ordinance of Lords and Com- 
 mons, give, grant and confirm unto the aforesaid inhabi- 
 
224 APPENDIX. 
 
 tants of tlic towns of Providence, Portsmouth and New- 
 port, a free and absolute Charter of Civil Incorporation to 
 be known by the name of Incorporation of Providence 
 Plantations, in the Narragansctt Bay in New-England ; 
 together with full power and authority to govern and rule 
 themselves and such others as shall hereafter inhabit with- 
 in any part of the said tract of land, by such a form of 
 civil government as by voluntary consent of all or the 
 greatest part of them, shall be found most serviceable in 
 their estates and condition ; and to that end, to make and 
 ordain such civil laws and constitutions, and to inflict 
 such punishments upon transgressors, and for execution 
 thereof so to place and displace officers of justice, as they 
 or the greatest part of them, shall by free consent agree 
 unto. 
 
 Provided, nevertheless ; that the said laws, constitutions 
 and punishments, for the civil government of the said 
 plantation, be conformable to the laws of England, so far 
 as the nature and constitution of that place will admit ,* 
 and always reserving to the said Earl and Commissioners, 
 and their successors, power and authority so to dispose the 
 General Government of that, as it stands in reference to 
 the rest of the plantations in America, as they shall com- 
 missionate from time to time, most conducing to the 
 general good of the said Plantation, the honor of his 
 Majesty, and the service of this State. 
 
 And the said Earl and Commissioners do further au- 
 thorize the aforesaid inhabitants, and for the better transact- 
 ing of their public affairs, to make and use a public seal, 
 as the known seal of Providence Plantations, in the Nar- 
 ragansctt Bay in New-England. 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 225 
 
 In testimony whereof, the said Robert, Earl of Warwick, 
 and Commissioners, have hereunto set their hands and 
 seals, the seventeenth day of March, in the nineteenth 
 year of the reign of our Sovereign Lord, King Charles, 
 and in the year of our Lord God, 1643. 
 
 PEMBROKE, 
 
 SAY AND SEAL, 
 
 PHILIP WHARTON, 
 
 ARTHUR HASELRIGE, 
 
 COR. HOLLAND, 
 
 H. VANE, 
 
 SAM. VASSAL, 
 
 JOHN ROLLE, 
 
 MILES CORBET, 
 
 S.J 
 S.J 
 S.J 
 S.J 
 S.J 
 L. S.J 
 L. S.j 
 L. S.J 
 L. S.J 
 
 Rhode-Island, ss. 
 
 The aforegoing Charter or Patent is a true copy of the 
 original entered and compared, April 10th, 1721. 
 
 Per RICHARD WARD, Recorder. 
 
 [Colony Records.J 
 
 All the printed copie.s of the first Charter which 
 the editor has seen, differ in several forms of ex- 
 pression, from the one on the Colony Records, in 
 the office of the Secretary of State, from which the 
 above copy is taken. This is one special reason for 
 its publication here, although it has been introduced 
 into the two preceding volumes of the Collections 
 of the Rhode-Island Historical Society. Tlie editor 
 Would here correct a slight error whicli has dropped 
 29 
 
226 APPENDIX. 
 
 from the pen of Mr. Savage, in his admirable 
 edition of Winthrop, vol. 2, p. 193. He says, speak- 
 ing of the first Charter, " Callender erroneously 
 gives the date 17th of March." The reader will 
 perceive, by a reference to the above copy, that 
 Callender is correct. The copies generally have 
 the date 14th of March. 
 
 No. XV.— [p. 98.] 
 
 Mr. Williams landed at Boston, September 17, 
 1644.* He brought with him the following letter 
 from several noblemen and other members of the 
 British Parliament, addressed " To the Right Wor- 
 shipful the Governor and Assistants, and the rest of 
 our w^orthy friends in the plantation of Massachu- 
 setts Bay, in New-England." 
 
 " Our much honored Friends : 
 
 Taking notice, some of us of long time, of Mr. Roger 
 Williams his good affections and conscience, and of his 
 sufferings by our common enemies and oppressors of God's 
 people the prelates, as also of his great industry and travail 
 in his printed Indian labors in your parts,! (the like where- 
 
 * See Savage's Winthrop, vol. 2, p. 193. 
 
 t His Key to the Indian language here alluded to, was published in 
 London, 1643. The first volume of the Collections of the Rhode-Island 
 Historical Society contains an edition of this work. 
 
APPENDIX. 227 
 
 of we have not seen extant from any part of America, ) and 
 in which respect it hath pleased both Houses of ParHa- 
 ment to grant unto him, and friends with him, a free and 
 absohite Charter of civil government for those parts of his 
 abode ; and withal sorrowfully resenting, that amongst 
 good men (our friends) driven to the ends of the world, 
 exercised with the trials of a wilderness, and who mu- 
 tually give good testimony, each of the other, (as we ob- 
 serve you do of him, and he abundantly of you,) there 
 should be such a distance ; we thought it fit, upon divers 
 considerations, to profess our great desires of both your 
 utmost endeavors of nearer closing and of ready expressing 
 those good affections, (which we perceive you. bear to 
 each other) in effectual performance of all friendly offices. 
 The rather because of those bad neighbors you are likely 
 to find in Virginia, and the unfriendly visits from the west 
 of England and of Ireland : That howsoever it may please 
 the Most High to shake our foundations, yet the report of 
 your peaceable and prosperous plantations may be some 
 refreshment to 
 
 Your true and faithful friends, 
 
 NORTHUMBERLAND, P. WHARTON, 
 
 ROB. HARLEY, THOS. BARRINGTON, 
 
 WM. MASHAM, OL. ST. .JOHN, 
 
 JOHN GURDON, ISAAC PENNINGTON, 
 
 COR. HOLLAND, GIL. PYKERING, 
 
 J. BLAKISTON, MILES CORBET." 
 
228 APPENDIX. 
 
 No. XVI.— [p. 98.] 
 
 Laics of Rhode- Island J 1647. 
 
 The first election under the Charter from tiie 
 Earl of Warwick, cfec, was held at Portsmouth, 
 May 19th, 1647. The General Assembly then 
 erected an institution of civil government, and es- 
 tablished a code of laws, which is introduced with 
 the following Avords. 
 
 " For the Province of Providence, 
 " Forasmuch as we have received from our Noble 
 Lords and Honored Governors, and that by virtue of an 
 Ordinance of the Parhament of England, a free and ab- 
 solute Charter of civil incorporation, &c. We do jointly 
 agree to incorporate ourselves, and so to remain a body 
 politic by the authority thereof. And therefore do de- 
 clare to own ourselves and one another to be members of 
 the same body, and to have right to the freedom and 
 privileges thereof, by subscribing our names to these 
 words following, viz. 
 
 " We whose names are here underwritten, do engage 
 ourselves, to the utmost of our estates and strength, to 
 maintain the authority, and to enjoy the liberty granted 
 to us by our Charter, in the extent of it according to the 
 letter, and to maintain each other, by the same authority, 
 in his lawful right and liberty. 
 
 And now sitli our Charter gives us power to govern 
 ourselves, and such other as come among us, and by such 
 
APPENDIX. 229 
 
 a form of civil government as by the voluntary consent, 
 &c., shall be found most suitable to our estate and con- 
 dition. It is agreeed by this present Assembly, thus in- 
 corporate, and by this present act declared, that the form 
 of government established in Providence Plantations is 
 DEMOCRATICAL,* that is to say, a government held 
 by the free and voluntary consent of all, or the greater 
 part of the free inhabitants. 
 
 " And now to the end that we may give each to other 
 (notwithstanding our different consciences touching the 
 truth as it is in Jesus, whereof upon the point we all make 
 mention) as good and hopeful assurance as we are able, 
 touching each man's peaceable and quiet enjoyment of 
 his lawful right and liberty, we do agree unto, and by 
 the authority abovesaid enact, establish and confirm these 
 orders following." 
 
 Among others, 
 
 " That no person in this Colony shall be taken or im- 
 prisoned, or be disseised of his lands or liberties, or be 
 exiled or any otherwise molested or destroyed, but by the 
 lawful judgment of his peers, or by some known law, and 
 according to the letter of it, ratified and confirmed by the 
 major part of the General Assembly, lawfully met, and 
 orderly managed." 
 
 This excellent code concludes with these memo- 
 rable words. 
 
 " These are the laws that concern all men, and these 
 
 ' This word is recorded in large cajiitals. 
 
230 APPENDIX, 
 
 are the penalties for the transgressions thereof, which, by 
 common consent, are ratified and estabhshed throughout 
 the whole Colony. And otherwise than thus, what is 
 herein forbidden, all men may walk as their consciences 
 persuade them, every one in the name of his God. And 
 
 LET THE SAINTS OF THE MoST HiGH WALK IN THIS CoLONY 
 WITHOUT MOLESTATION, IN THE NAME OF JeHOVAH THEIR 
 
 God, for ever and ever." — Colony Records. 
 
 All emiiiet American historian* justly observes, 
 
 " The annals of Rhode-Island, if written in the spirit of 
 philosophy, would exhibit the forms of society under a 
 peculiar aspect. Had the territory of the State corres- 
 ponded to the importance and singularity of the principles 
 of its early existence, the world would have been filled 
 with wonder at the phenomena of its early history." 
 
 No. XVII.— [p. 99.] 
 
 Letter from O. Cro7nwell to Rliode-Tsland^ wlicn Dr. 
 
 John Clai^ke loas agent of tlie Colony, in 
 
 England. 
 
 To our trusty and well beloved the President, Assist- 
 ants, and Inhabitants of Rhode-Island, together with the 
 
 * See Bancroft's History of the United States, vol. 1, p. 380; a work 
 distinguisliedfor research, skilful and luminous arrangement, and graph- 
 ical description. 
 
APPENDIX. 231 
 
 rest of the Providence Plantations, in the Narragansett 
 
 bay in New-England. 
 
 Gentlemen, 
 
 Your agent here hath represented unto us, some particu- 
 lars concerning your government, which you judge neces- 
 sary to be settled by us here. But by reason of the other 
 great and weighty affairs of this Commonwealth, we have 
 been necessitated to defer the consideration of them to a 
 further opportunity ; for the mean time we were willing 
 to let you know, that you are to proceed in your govern- 
 ment according to the tenor of your Charter, formerly 
 granted on that behalf; taking care of the peace and 
 safety of those plantations, that neither through any in- 
 testine commotions, or foreign invasions, there do arise 
 any detriment, or dishonor to this Commonwealth, or 
 yourselves, as far as you, by your care and diligence, can 
 prevent. And as for the things which are before us, they 
 shall, as soon as the other occasions will permit, receive a 
 just and fitting determination. And so we bid you fare- 
 well, and rest 
 
 Your very loving friend 
 
 OLIVER P. 
 
 29 March, 1655. [Colony Records.] 
 
 No. XVIII. 
 
 From the General Assembly to the Commissioners 
 
 of the United Colonies. 
 Honored Gentlemen, 
 
 There hath been presented to our view, by our honored 
 
232 APPENDIX. 
 
 President, a letter bearing date September 25th last, sub- 
 scribed by the Honored Gentlemen Commissioners of the 
 United Colonies, concerning a company of people (lately 
 arrived in these parts of the world) commonly known by 
 the name of (Quakers ; who are generally conceived per- 
 nicious, either intentionally, or at leastwise in effect, even 
 to the corrupting of good manners, and disturbing the 
 common peace and societies of the places where they arise 
 or resort unto, &c. 
 
 Now whereas freedom of different consciences, to be 
 protected from inforcements, was the principal ground of 
 our Charter, both with respect to our humble suit for it, 
 as also to the true intent of the honorable and renowned 
 Parliament of England in granting of the same unto us ; 
 which freedom we still prize as the greatest happiness that 
 men can possess in this world ; therefore we shall, for 
 the preservation of our civil peace and order, the more 
 seriously take notice that those people, and any other 
 that are here, or shall come amongst us, be impartially 
 required, and to our utmost constrained, to perform all 
 duties requisite towards the maintaining the right of 
 his Highness, and the government of that most renowed 
 Commonwealth of England, in this Colony; which is most 
 happily included under the same dominions, and we so 
 graciously taken into protection thereof. And in case they 
 the said people called Quakers which are here, or shall 
 arise or come among us, do refuse to submit to the doing 
 all duties aforesaid, as training, watching, and such other 
 engagements as are upon members of civil societies, for 
 the preservation of the same in justice and peace ; then 
 we determine, yea and we resolve (however) to take and 
 
APPENDIX. 233 
 
 make use of the first opportunity to inform our agent re- 
 siding in England, that he may humbly present the mat- 
 ter (as touching the considerations premised, concerning 
 the aforenamed people called Quakers) unto the supreme 
 authority of England, humbly craving their advice and 
 order, how to carry ourselves in any further respect to- 
 wards those people ( *) that therewithal there may be 
 no damage, or infringement of that chief principle in our 
 Charter, concerning freedom of consciences. And we 
 also are so much the more encouraged to make our ad- 
 dresses unto the Lord Protector his Highness and govern- 
 ment aforesaid, for that we understand there are, or have 
 been, many of the aforesaid people suffered to live in 
 England, yea, even in the heart of the nation. And thus 
 with our truly thankful acknowledgments of the honor- 
 able care of the honored gentlemen Commissioners of the 
 United Colonies, for the peace and welfare of the whole 
 country, as is expressed in their most friendly letter, we 
 shall at present take leave and rest, 
 
 Yours most affectionately, desirous of your honor and 
 welfare. 
 
 JOHN SANFORD, Clerk of the Assembly. 
 Portsmouth, March 13th, 1657-58. 
 
 From the General Assembly of the Colony of Providence 
 Plantations. 
 
 To the much honored John Endicot, Gov. of the Massa- 
 chusetts. To be also imparted to the Hond. Coms. of 
 the United Colonies at their next meeting, These. 
 
 [Colony Records.] 
 
 ' 01)litoratc(l 
 
 30 
 
234 APPENDIX. 
 
 No. XIX.— [p. 99.] 
 
 Letter of Commissioners to Jolm Clarke. 
 
 Worthy Sir and trusty friend, Mr. Clarke. 
 
 We have found not only your ability and diligence, but 
 also your love and care to be such concerning the welfare 
 and prosperity of this Colony, since you have been in- 
 trusted with the more public affairs thereof, surpassing 
 that no small benefit, which formerly we had of your 
 presence here at home, that we in all straits and incum- 
 brances are emboldened to repair to you, for your further 
 and continued counsel, care and help, finding that your 
 solid and Christian demeanor hath gotten no small interest 
 in the hearts of our superiors, those noble and worthy 
 senators with whom you have had to do on our behalf, 
 as it hath constantly appeared in your addresses made 
 unto them, which we have by good and comfortable proof 
 found, having plentiful experience thereof. 
 
 The last year we have laden you with much employ- 
 ment, which we were then put upon by reason of some 
 too refractory among ourselves, wherein we appealed unto 
 you for your advice, for the more public manifestation of 
 it with respect to our superiors. But our intelhgence it 
 seems fell short in that great loss of the ship, which is 
 conceived here to be cast away. We have now a new 
 occasion, given by an old spirit, with respect to the Col- 
 onies about us, who seem to be oflended with us, because 
 of a sort of people called by the name of Quakers, who 
 are come amongst us, and have raised up divers who 
 seem at present to be of their spirit, whereat the Colonies 
 about us seem to be offended with us, being the said peo- 
 
APPENDIX. 235 
 
 pie have their hbcrty amongst us, as entertained into our 
 houses, or into any of our assemblies. And for the present, 
 we have found no just cause to charge them with the 
 breach of the civil peace, only they are constantly going 
 forth amongst them about us, and vex and trouble them 
 in point of their religion and spiritual state, though they 
 return with many a foul scar in their bodies for the same. 
 And the offences our neighbors take against us, is be- 
 cause we take not some course against the said people, 
 either to expel them from among us, or take such courses 
 against them as themselves do, who are in fear lest their 
 religion should be corrupted by them. Concerning which 
 displeasure that they seem to take, it was expressed to us 
 in a solemn letter, written by the Commissioners of the 
 United Colonies at their sitting, as though they would 
 bring us in to act according to their scantling, or else 
 take some course to do us greater displeasure. A copy of 
 which letter we have herewith sent unto you, wherein 
 you may perceive how they express themselves. As also 
 we have herewith sent our present answer unto them to 
 give you what light we may in this matter. There is 
 one clause in their letter which plainly implies a threat, 
 though covertly expressed, as their manner is, which we 
 gather to be this, that as themselves (as we conceive) 
 have been much awed, in point of their continued subjec- 
 tion to the State of England, lest, in case they should 
 decline, England might prohibit all trade with them, both 
 in point of exportation and importation of any com- 
 modities, which were an host sufficiently prevalent to 
 subdue New-England, as not being able to subsist ; even 
 so they seem secretly to threaten us, by cutting us off 
 from all commerce and trade with them, and thereby to 
 
236 APPENDIX. 
 
 disable us of any comfortable subsistence, being that the 
 concourse of shipping, and so of all kind of commodities, 
 is universally conversant amongst themselves ; as also 
 knowing that ourselves are not in a capacity to send out 
 shipping of ourselves, which is in great measure occasioned 
 by their oppressing of us, as yourself well knows ; as in 
 many other respects, so in this for one, that we cannot 
 have any thing from them for the supply of our neces- 
 sities, but in effect they malcc the prices, both of our com- 
 modities and their own also, because we have not En- 
 glish coin, but only that which passeth among these bar- 
 barians, and such commodities as are raised by the labor 
 of our hands, as corn, cattle, tobacco and the like, to 
 make payment in, which they will have at their own rate, 
 or else not deal with us, whereby (though they gain ex- 
 traordinarily by us) yet for the safeguard of their religion 
 may seem to neglect themselves in that respect, for what 
 will not men do for their God. 
 
 Sir, this is our earnest and present request unto you in 
 this matter, that as you may perceive in our answer to 
 the United Colonies, that we fly, as to our refuge in all 
 civil respects, to his Highness and honorable Council, as 
 not being subject to any others in matters of our civil 
 State, so may it please you to have an eye and ear open 
 in case our adversaries should seek to undermine us in 
 our privileges granted unto us, and to plead our case in 
 such sort as we may not be compelled to exercise any 
 civil power over men's consciences, so long as human or- 
 ders, in point of civility, are not corrupted and violated, 
 which our neighbors about us do frequently practice, 
 whereof many of us have large experience, and do judge 
 it to be no less than a point of absolute cruelty. 
 
APPENDIX. 237 
 
 Sir, the humble respects and acknowledgments of this 
 Court and Colony, with our continued and unwearied de- 
 sires and wishes after the comfortable, honorable and 
 prosperous proceedings of his highness and honorable 
 Council, in all their so weighty aflairs, departs not out of 
 our hearts, night or day, which we could humbly wish 
 (if it might not be too much boldness) were presented. 
 
 Sir, we have not been unmindful of your great care 
 and kindness of those our worthy friends and gentlemen 
 ill that supply of powder and shot, and being a barrel of 
 furs was returned in that ship, whereof Mr. Garrat had 
 the command, wherein was betwixt twenty and thirty 
 pounds worth of goods shipped, the Colony hath taken 
 order for the recruiting of that loss, which we cannot 
 possibly get ia readiness to send by this ship, but our in- 
 tent is, God willing, to send by the next opportunity. 
 And so with our hearty love and respects to yourself, we 
 take our leave. 
 
 Subscribed, 
 
 JOHN SANFORD, Clerk of the Assembly. 
 From a Court of Commissioners held in Warwick, this 
 
 present November the 5th, 1658. 
 
 [Colony Records.] 
 
 The pci-seciition of the Quakers comniciiccd iii 
 1656, and continued till September, 16G1, when an 
 order was received from King Charles II. requiring 
 tliat neither capital nor corporal punishment sliouki 
 be inflicted on the Quakers, but that olTenders 
 .should be sent to England. For an account of 
 
238 APPENDIX. 
 
 these persecutions and of the acts passed against 
 the Quakers, see Neal's History of New-England, 
 vol. 1, 311. Hutchinson, vol. 1, 197. Hazard, 
 vol. 1, 630-632. Bancroft, vol. 1, 451-458. See 
 also the Quaker accounts, by Besse, Gould, and 
 Sewell. 
 
 The letter of the Commissioners to John Clarke, 
 and the preceding document, reflect great credit 
 upon the early settlers of Rhode-Island, and show 
 how far they were in advance of the other Colonies 
 and of the age in which they lived. The principles 
 of religious freedom, which they clearly and con- 
 sistently maintained, are now the rule of action 
 adopted by all Christian sects. 
 
 Many of the most respectable persons in the 
 Colony embraced the sentiments of the Society of 
 Friends, among whom was Governor Coddington, 
 who died a member of that denomination. Their 
 Yearly Meeting, until his death, in 1678, was held 
 at his house. The first meeting house of the 
 Friends was erected at Newport, in the year 1700. 
 The Yearly Meeting for New-England was then 
 established at that place where it has ever since 
 been held. 
 
APPENDIX. 239 
 
 No. XX.— [p. 99.] 
 
 Commission to John Clarke, when in England as 
 Agent f 07' Rhode-Island. 
 
 Whereas we the Colony of Providence Plantations, in 
 New-England, having a free Charter of incorporation 
 given and granted unto us, in the name of King and 
 Parliament of England, &c., bearing date An. Dom. one 
 thousand six hundred forty-three, by virtue of which 
 Charter this Colony hath been distinguished from the 
 other Colonies in New-England, and have ever since, and 
 at this time, maintained government and order in the 
 same Colony by administering judgment and justice, ac- 
 cording to the rules in our said Charter prescribed : And 
 further, whereas there have been sundry obstructions 
 emerging, whereby this Colony have been put to trouble 
 and charge for the preservation and keeping inviolate 
 those privileges and immunities, to us granted in the fore- 
 said free Charter, which said obstructions arise from the 
 claims and encroachments of neighbors about us to and 
 upon some parts of the tract of land, mentioned in our 
 Charter to be within the bounds of this Colony. 
 
 These are therefore to declare and make manifest unto 
 all that may have occasion to peruse and consider of these 
 presents, that this present and principal Court of this 
 Colony, sitting and transacting in the name of his most 
 gracious and royal Majesty Charles the second by the 
 grace of God the most mighty and potent King of En- 
 gland, Scotland, France and Ireland, and all the dominions 
 and territories thereunto belongmg, &c. Do by these 
 presents make, ordain and constitute, desire, authorize 
 
240 APPENDIX. 
 
 and appoint, our trusty and well beloved friend, Mr. John 
 Clarke, physician, one of the members of this Colony, late 
 inhabitant of Rhode-Island, in the same Colony, and now 
 residing in Westminster, our undoubted agent and at- 
 torney, to all intents and purposes, lawfully tending unto 
 the preservation of all and singular the privileges, liberties, 
 boundaries and immunities of this Colony, as according un- 
 to the true intent and meaning of all contained in our said 
 Charter, against all unlawful usurpations, intrusions and 
 claims, of any person or persons, on any pretences, or by 
 any combination whatsoever, not doubting but the same 
 gracious hand of Providence, which moved the most po- 
 tent and royal power abovesaid to give and grant us the 
 abovesaid free Charter, will also still continue to preserve 
 us, in our just rights and privileges, by the gracious favor 
 of the power and royal Majesty abovesaid, whereunto we 
 acknowledge all humble submission and loyal subjec- 
 tion, &c. 
 
 Given in the twelfth year of the reign of our Sovereign 
 Lord, Charles the second. King of England, Scotland, 
 France and Ireland, &c., at the General Court holden 
 for the colony of Providence Plantations, at Warwick^ 
 the ISth day of October An: Dom. IGGO. 
 
 To our trusty and well beloved friend and agent, Mr. 
 John Clarke of Rhode-Island, Physician, now residing 
 in London or Westminster. 
 
 Ordered to be subscribed by the General Recorder, with 
 the seal of the Colony annexed. 
 
 [Colony Records.] 
 
APPENDIX. 241 
 
 No. XXI.— [p. 100.] 
 
 The Charter granted by King Charles II., July 8, 
 
 1663. 
 
 Charles the Second, by the grace of God, King of En- 
 gland, Scotland, France and Ireland, Defender of the 
 Faith, &c., to all to whom these presents shall come, 
 greeting: Whereas, we have been informed, by the hum- 
 ble petition of our trusty and well beloved subject, John 
 Clarke, on the behalf of Benjamin Arnold, William Bren- 
 ton, William Coddington, Nicholas Easton, William Boul- 
 ston, John Porter, John Smith, Samuel Gorton, John 
 Weeks, Roger Williams, Thomas Olney, Gregory Dexter, 
 John Coggeshall, Joseph Clarke, Randall Holden, John 
 Greene, John Roome. Samuel Wildbore, William Field, 
 James Barker, Richard Tew, Thomas Harris, and William 
 Dyre, and the rest of the purchasers and free inhabitants 
 of our Island called Rhode-Island, and the rest of the 
 Colony of Providence Plantations, in the Narragansctt Bay, 
 in New-England, in America, that they, pursuing, with 
 peaceable and loyal minds, their sober, serious and re- 
 ligious intentions, of godly edifying themselves, and one 
 another, in the holy Christian faith and worship, as they 
 were persuaded ; together with the gaining over and con- 
 version of the poor ignorant Indian natives, in those parts 
 of America, to the sincere profession and obedience of the 
 same faith and worship, did, not only by the consent and 
 good encouragement of our royal progenitors, transport 
 themselves out of this kingdom of England into America ; 
 but also, since their arrival there, after their first settle- 
 ment amongst other our subjects in those parts, for the 
 
 31 
 
242 APPENDIX. 
 
 avoiding of discord, and those many evils which were 
 likely to ensue upon some of those our subjects not being 
 able to bear, in these remote parts, their different appre- 
 hensions in religions concernments, and in pursuance of 
 the aforesaid ends, did once again leave their desirable 
 stations and habitations, and with excessive labor and 
 travel, hazard and charge, did transplant themselves into 
 the midst of the Indian natives, who, as we are informed, 
 are the most potent princes and people of all that country; 
 where, by the good Providence of God, from whom the 
 Plantations have taken their name, upon their labor and 
 industry, they have not only been preserved to admiration, 
 but have increased and prospered, and are seized and pos- 
 sessed, by purchase and consent of the said natives, to 
 their full content, of such lands, islands, rivers, harbors 
 and roads, as are very convenient, both for plantations, 
 and also for building of ships, supply of pipe-staves, and 
 other merchandise ; and which lie very commodious, in 
 many respects, for commerce, and to accommodate our 
 southern plantations, and may much advance the trade of 
 this our realm, and greatly enlarge the territories thereof; 
 they having, by near neighborhood to, and friendly society 
 with, the great body of the -Xarragansett Indians, given 
 them encouragement, of their own accord, to subject 
 themselves, their people and lands, unto us; whereby, as 
 is hoped, there may, in time, by the blessing of God upon 
 their endeavors, be laid a sure foundation of happiness to 
 all America: And whereas, in their humble address, they 
 have freely declared, that it is much on their hearts (if 
 they may be permitted) to hold forth a lively experiment, 
 that a most flourishing civil state may stand and best be 
 maintained, and that among our English subjects, with a 
 
APPENDIX. 243 
 
 full liberty in religious concernments ; and that true piety, 
 rightly grounded upon gospel principles, will give the 
 best and greatest security to sovereignty, and will lay in 
 the hearts of men the strongest obligations to true loyalty: 
 Now know ye, that we, being willing to encourage the 
 hopeful undertaking of our said loyal and loving subjects, 
 and to secure them in the free exercise and enjoyment of 
 all their civil and religions rights, appertaining to them, 
 as our loviug subjects; and to preserve nnto them that 
 liberty, in the true Christian faith and worship of God, 
 which they have sought with so much travel, and Avith 
 peaceable minds, and loyal subjection to our royal pro- 
 genitors and ourselves, to enjoy ; and because some of 
 the people and inhabitants of the same Colony cannot, in 
 their private opinions, conform to the public exercise of 
 religion, according to the liturgy, forms and ceremonies 
 of the Church of England, or take or subscribe the oaths 
 and articles made and established in that behalf; and for 
 that the same, by reason of the remote distances of those 
 places, will (as we hope) be no breach of the unity and 
 uniformity established in this nation : Have therefore 
 thought fit, and do hereby publish, grant, ordain and de- 
 clare, That our royal will and pleasure is, that no person 
 within the said Colony, at any time hereafter, shall be any 
 wise molested, punished, disquieted, or called in question, 
 for any differences in opinion in matters of religion, and 
 do not actually disturb the civil peace of our said Colony ; 
 but that all and every person and persons may, from time 
 to time, and at all times hereafter, freely and fully have 
 and enjoy his and their own judgments and consciences, 
 in matters of religious concernments, throughout the tract 
 of land hereafter mentioned, they behaving themselves 
 
244 APPENDIX. 
 
 peaceably and quietly, and not using this liberty to li- 
 centiousness and profaneness, nor to the civil injury or 
 outward disturbance of others ; any law, statute, or clause 
 therein contained, or to be contained, usage or custom of 
 this realm, to the contrary hereof, in any wise, notwith- 
 standing. And that they may be in the better capacity 
 to defend themselves, in their just rights and liberties, 
 against all the enemies of the Christian faith, and others, 
 in all respects, wc have further thought fit, and at the 
 humble petition of the persons aforesaid are graciously 
 pleased to declare, That they shall have and enjoy the 
 benefit of our late act of indemnity and free pardon, as 
 the rest of our subjects in other our dominions and terri- 
 tories have ; and to create and make them a body politic 
 or corporate, with the powers and privileges hereinafter 
 mentioned. And accordingly our will and pleasure is, 
 and of our especial grace, certain knowledge, and mere 
 motion, we have ordained, constituted and declared, and 
 by these presents, for us, our heirs and successors, do or- 
 dain, constitute and declare. That they, the said William 
 Brenton, William Coddington, Nicholas Easton, Benedict 
 Arnold, William Boulston, John Porter, Samuel Gorton, 
 John Smith, John Weeks, Roger Williams, Thomas Olney, 
 Gregory Dexter, John Coggeshall, Joseph Clarke, Ran- 
 dall Holden, John Greene, John Roome, William Dyre, 
 Samuel Wildbore, Richard Tew, William Field, Thomas 
 Harris, James Barker, Rainsborrow, Wil- 
 liams, and John Nickson, and all such others as now are, 
 or hereafter shall be, admitted and made free of the com- 
 pany and society of our Colony of Providence Plantations, 
 in the Narragansctt Bay, in New-England, shall be, from 
 time to time, and forever hereafter, a body corporate and 
 
APPENDIX. 245 
 
 politic, ill fact and name, by the name of Tlie Governor 
 and Company of the English Colony of Rliode-Island 
 and Providence Plantations, in New-England, in Ameri- 
 ca ; and that, by the same name, they and their successors 
 shall and may have perpetual succession, and shall and 
 may be persons able and capable, in the law, to sue and 
 be sued, to plead and be impleaded, to answer and be 
 answered unto, to defend and to be defended, in all and sin- 
 gular suits, causes, quarrels, matters, actions and things, 
 of what kind or nature soever ,■ and also to have, take, 
 possess, acquire and purchase, lands, tenements or here- 
 ditaments, or any goods or chattels, and the same to lease, 
 grant, demise, aliene, bargain, sell and dispose of, at their 
 own will and pleasure, as other our liege people, of this 
 our realm of England, or any corporation or body politic 
 within the same, may lawfully do. And further, that 
 they the said Governor and Company, and their succes- 
 sors, shall and may, forever hereafter, have a common 
 seal, to serve and use for all matters, causes, things and 
 affairs, whatsoever, of them and their successors ; and 
 the same seal to alter, change, break, and make new, from 
 time to time, at their will and pleasure, as they shall think 
 fit. And further, we will and ordain, and by these 
 presents, for us, our heirs and successors, do declare and 
 appoint, that, for the better ordering and managing of the 
 affairs and business of the said Company, and their suc- 
 cessors, there shall be one Governor, one Deputy-Gov- 
 ernor, and ten Assistants, to be, from time to time, con- 
 stituted, elected and chosen, out of the freemen of the 
 said Company, for the time being, in such manner and 
 form as is hereafter in these presents expressed ; which 
 said oflicers shall a})j)ly themselves to take care for the 
 
246 APPENDIX. 
 
 best disposing and ordering of the general business and 
 affairs of and concerning the lands and hereditaments 
 hereinafter mentioned to be granted, and the plantation 
 thereof, and the government of the people there. And, 
 for the better execution of our royal pleasure herein, Ave 
 do, for us, our heirs and successors, assign, name, con- 
 stitute and appoint the aforesaid Benedict Arnold to be 
 the first and present Governor of the said Company, and 
 the said William Brenton to be the Deputy-Governor, and 
 the said William Boulston, John Porter, Roger Williams, 
 Thomas Olney, John Smith, John Greene, John Cogges- 
 hall, James Barker, William Field, and Joseph Clarke, 
 to be the ten present Assistants of the said Company, to 
 continue in the said several offices, respectively, until the 
 first Wednesday which shall be in the month of May 
 now next coming. And further, we will, and by these 
 presents, for us, our heirs and successors, do ordain and 
 grant, that the Governor of the said Company, for the 
 time being, or, in his absence, by occasion of sickness, or 
 otherwise, by his leave and permission, the Deputy-Gov- 
 ernor, for the time being, shall and may, from time to 
 time, upon all occasions, give order for the assembling of 
 the said Company, and calling them together, to consult 
 and advise of the business and affairs of the said Company. 
 And that forever hereafter, twice in every year, that is to 
 say, on every first Wednesday in the month of May, and 
 on every last Wednesday in October, or oftcner, in case 
 it shall be requisite, the Assistants, and such of the free- 
 men of the said Company, not exceeding six persons for 
 Newport, four persons for each of the respective towns of 
 Providence, Portsmouth and Warwick, and two persons 
 for each other place, town or city, who shall be, from time 
 
APPENDIX. 247 
 
 to time, thereunto elected or deputed by the major part 
 of the freemen of the respective towns or places for which 
 they shall be so elected or deputed, shall have a general 
 meeting or assembly, then and there to consult, advise 
 and determine, in and about the affairs and business of the 
 said Company and Plantations. And further, we do, of 
 our especial grace, certain knowledge, and mere motion, 
 give and grant unto the said Governor and Company of 
 the English Colony of Rhode-Island and Providence 
 Plantations, in New-England, in America, and their suc- 
 cessors, that the Governor, or, in his absence, or by his 
 permission, the Deputy-Governor of the said Company, 
 for the time being, the Assistants, and such of the free- 
 men of the said Company as shall be so as aforesaid elected 
 or deputed, or so many of them as shall be present at such 
 meeting or assembly, as aforesaid, shall be called the 
 General Assembly ; and that they, or the greatest part of 
 them then present, whereof the Governor or Deputy-Gov- 
 ernor, and six of the Assistants, at least to be seven, shall 
 have, and have hereby given and granted unto them, full 
 power and authority, from time to time, and at all times 
 hereafter, to appoint, alter and change, such days, times 
 and places of meeting and General Assembly, as they 
 shall think fit ; and to choose, nominate and appoint, such 
 and so many other persons as they shall think fit, and 
 shall be Avilling to accept the same, to be free of the said 
 Company and body politic, and them into the same to 
 admit ; and to elect and constitute such offices and officers, 
 and to grant such needful commissions, as they shall think 
 fit and requisite, for the ordering, managing and despatch- 
 ing of the affairs of the said Governor and Company, and 
 their successors; and, from time to time, to make, ordain, 
 
248 APPENDIX. 
 
 constitute or repeal, such laws, statutes, orders and ordi- 
 nances, forms and ceremonies of government and magis- 
 tracy, as to them shall seem meet, for the good and wel- 
 fare of the said Company, and for the government and 
 ordering of the lands and hereditaments, hereinafter men- 
 tioned to be granted, and of the people that do, or at any 
 time hereafter shall, inhabit or be within the same ; so as 
 such laws, ordinances and constitutions, so made, be not 
 contrary and repugnant unto, but, as near as may be, 
 • agreeable to the laws of this our realm of England, con- 
 sidering the nature and constitution of the place and peo- 
 ple there ; and also to appoint, order and direct, erect and 
 settle, such places and courts of jurisdiction, for the hear- 
 ing and determining of all actions, cases, matters and 
 things, happening within the said Colony and Plantation, 
 and which shall be in dispute, and depending there, as 
 they shall think fit ; and also to distinguish and set forth 
 the several names and titles, duties, powers and limits, of 
 each court, office and officer, superior and inferior ; and 
 also to contrive and appoint such forms of oaths and at- 
 testations, not repugnant, but, as near as may be, agreeable, 
 as aforesaid, to the laws and statutes of this our realm, as 
 are convenient and requisite, with respect to the due ad- 
 ministration of justice, and due execution and discharge 
 of all offices and places of trust by the persons that shall 
 be therein concerned ; and also to regulate and order the 
 way and manner of all elections to offices and places of 
 trust, and to prescribe, limit and distinguish the numbers 
 and bounds of all places, towns or cities, within the limits 
 and bounds hereinafter mentioned, and not herein par- 
 ticularly named, who have, or shall have, the power of 
 electing and sending of freemen to the said General As- 
 
APPENDIX'. 249 
 
 sembly ; and also to order, direct and authorize the im- 
 posing of lawful and reasonable fines, mulcts, imprison- 
 ments, and executing other punishments, pecuniary and 
 corporal, upon offenders and delinquents, according to the 
 course of other corporations within this our kingdom of 
 England ; and again to alter, revoke, annul or pardon, 
 under their common seal, or otherwise, such fines, mulcts, 
 imprisonments, sentences, judgments and condemnations, 
 as shall be thought fit ; and to direct, rule, order and dis- 
 pose of, all other matters and things, and particularly that 
 which relates to the making of purchases of the native 
 Indians, as to them shall seem meet ; whereby our said 
 people and inhabitants, in the said Plantations, may be so 
 religiously, peaceably and civilly governed, as that, by 
 their good life and orderly conversation, they may win 
 and invite the native Indians of the country to the knowl- 
 edge and obedience of the only true God, and Saviour of 
 mankind ; willing, commanding and requiring, and by 
 these presents, for us, our heirs and successors, ordaining 
 and appointing, that all such laws, statutes, orders and or- 
 dinances, instructions, impositions and directions, as shall 
 be so made by the Governor, Deputy-Governor, Assistants 
 and freemen, or such number of them as aforesaid, and 
 published in writing, under their common seal, shall be 
 carefully and duly observed, kept, performed and put in 
 execution, according to the true intent and meaning of 
 the same. And these our letters patent, or the duplicate 
 or exemplification thereof, shall be to all and every such 
 officers, superior and inferior, from time to time, for the 
 putting of the same orders, laws, statutes, ordinances, in- 
 structions and directions, in due execution, against us, 
 our heirs and successors, a sufficient warrant and dis- 
 
250 APPENDIX. 
 
 charge. And further, our will and pleasure is, and we 
 do hereby, for us, our heirs and successors, establish and 
 ordain, that yearly, once in the year, forever hereafter, 
 namely, the aforesaid Wednesday in May, and at the 
 town of Newport, or elsewhere, if urgent occasion do re- 
 quire, the Governor, Deputy-Governor and Assistants of 
 the said Company, and other officers of the said Company, 
 or such of them as the General Assembly shall think fit, 
 shall be, in the said General Court or Assembly to be 
 held from that day or time, newly chosen for the year en- 
 suing, by such greater part of the said Company, for the 
 time being, as shall be then and there present ; and if it 
 shall happen that the present Governor, Deputy-Governor 
 and Assistants, by these presents appointed, or any such 
 as shall hereafter be newly chosen into their rooms, or 
 any of them, or any other the officers of the said Com- 
 pany, shall die or be removed from his or their several 
 offices or places, before the said general day of election, 
 (whom we do hereby declare, for any misdemeanor or de- 
 fault, to be removable by the Governor, Assistants and 
 Company, or such greater part of them, in any of the said 
 public courts, to be assembled as aforesaid,) that then, and 
 in every such case, it shall and may be lawful to and for 
 the said Governor, Deputy-Governor, Assistants and Com- 
 pany aforesaid, or such greater part of them, so to be as- 
 sembled as is aforesaid, in any their assemblies, to pro- 
 ceed to a new election of one or more of their Company, 
 in the room or place, rooms or places, of such officer or 
 officers, so dying or removed, according to their discretions; 
 and immediately upon and after such election or elections 
 made of such Governor, Deputy-Governor, Assistant or 
 Assistants, or any other officer of the said Company, in 
 
APPENDIX. 251 
 
 manner and form aforesaid, the authority, oiRce and power, 
 before given to the former Governor, Deputy-Governor, 
 and other officer and officers, so removed, in whose stead 
 and place new shall be chosen, shall, as to him and them, 
 and every of them, respectively, cease and determine : 
 Provided always, and our will and pleasure is, that as 
 well such as are by these presents appointed to be the 
 present Governor, Deputy-Governor and Assistants, of the 
 said Company, as those that shall succeed them, and all 
 other officers to be appointed and chosen as aforesaid, 
 shall, before the undertaking the execution of the said 
 offices and places respectively, give their solemn engage- 
 ment, by oath, or otherwise, for the due and faithful per- 
 formance of their duties in their several offices and places, 
 before such person or persons as are by these presents 
 hereafter appointed to take and receive the same, that is 
 to say : the said Benedict Arnold, who is hereinbefore 
 nominated and appointed the present Governor of the said 
 Company, shall give the aforesaid engagement before 
 William Brenton, or any two of the said Assistants of the 
 said Company ; unto whom we do by these presents give 
 full power and authority to require and receive the same ; 
 and the said William Brenton, who is hereby before 
 nominated and appointed the present Deputy-Governor of 
 the said Company, shall give the aforesaid engagement 
 before the said Benedict Arnold, or any two of the As- 
 sistants of the said Company ; unto whom we do by these 
 presents give full power and authority to require and re- 
 ceive the same ; and the said William Boulston, John 
 Porter, Roger Williams, Thomas Olney, John Smith, 
 John Greene, John Coggeshall, James Barker, William 
 Field, and Joseph Clarke, who are hereinbefore nominated 
 
252 APPENDIX. 
 
 and appoinlcd the present Assistants ot" the said Company, 
 shall give the said engagement to their officers and places 
 respectively belonging, before the said Benedict Arnold 
 and William Bronton, or one of them; to whom respec- 
 tively we do hereby give full power and authority to re- 
 quire, administer or receive the same : and further, our 
 will and pleasure is, that all and every other future Gov- 
 ernor or Deputy-Governor, to be elected and chosen by 
 virtue of these presents, shall give the said engagement 
 before two or more of the said Assistants of the said Com- 
 pany for the time being ; unto whom we do by these 
 presents give full power and autliority to require, admin- 
 ister or receive the same ; and the said Assistants, and 
 every of them, and all and every other officer or officers 
 to be hereafter elected and chosen by virtue of these 
 presents, from time to time, shall give the like engage- 
 ments, to their offices and places respectively belonging, 
 before the Governor or Deputy-Governor for the time be- 
 ing ; unto which said Governor, or Deputy-Governor, we 
 do by these presents give full power and authority to re- 
 quire, administer or receive the same accordingly. And 
 we do likewise, for us, our heirs and successors, give and 
 grant unto the said Governor and Company, and their 
 successors, by these presents, that, for the more peaceable 
 and orderly government of the said Plantations, it shall 
 and may be lawful for the Governor, I^eputy-Governor, 
 Assistants, and all other officers and ministers of the said 
 Company, in the administration of justice, and exercise 
 of government, in the said Plantations, to use, exercise, 
 and put in execution, such methods, rules, orders and di- 
 rections, not being contrary or repugnant to the laws and 
 statutes of this our realm, as have been heretofore given, 
 
APPENDIX. 253 
 
 used and accustomed, in such cases respectively, to be 
 put in practice, until at tlie next, or some other General 
 Assembly, special provision shall be made and ordained in 
 the cases aforesaid. And we do further, for us, our heirs 
 and successors, give and grant unto the said Governor 
 and Company, and their successors, by these presents, 
 that it shall and may be lawful to and for the said Gov- 
 ernor, or in his absence, the Deputy-Governor, and major 
 part of the said Assistants, for the time being, at any time 
 when the said General Assembly is not sitting, to nomi- 
 nate, appoint and constitute, such and so many com- 
 manders, governors and military officers, as to them shall 
 seem requisite, for the leading, conducting and training 
 up the irdiabitants of the said Plantations in martial affairs, 
 and for the defence and safeguard of the said Plantations; 
 and that it shall and may be lawful to and for all and 
 every such commander, governor and military officer, that 
 shall be so as aforesaid, or by the Governor, or, in his ab- 
 sence, the Deputy-Governor, and six of the said Assistants, 
 and major part of the freemen of the said Company present 
 at any General Assemblies, nominated, appointed and con- 
 stituted, according to the tenor of his and their respective 
 commissions and directions, to assemble, exercise in arms, 
 martial array, and put in warlike posture, the inhabitants 
 of the said Colony, for their special defence and safety ; 
 and to lead and conduct the said inhabitants, and to en- 
 counter, expulse, expel and resist, by force of arms, as 
 well by sea as by land, and also to kill, slay and destroy, 
 by all fitting ways, enterprises and means whatsoever, all 
 and every such person or persons as shall, at any time 
 hereafter, attempt or enterprise the destruction, invasion, 
 detriment or annoyance of the said inhabitants or Planta- 
 
254 APPENDIX. 
 
 tions ; and to use and exercise the law martial in such 
 cases only as occasion shall necessarily require ; and to 
 take or surprise, by all ways and means whatsoever, all 
 and every such person and persons, with their ship or 
 ships, armor, ammunition, or other goods of such persons 
 as shall, in hostile manner, invade or attempt the defeat- 
 ing of the said Plantation, or the hurt of the said Com- 
 pany and inhabitants ; and, upon just causes, to invade 
 and destroy the native Indians, or other enemies of the 
 said Colony. Nevertheless, our will and pleasure is, and 
 we do hereby declare to the rest of our Colonies in New- 
 England, that it shall not be lawful for this our Colony 
 of Rhode-Island and Providence Plantations, in America, 
 in New-England, to invade the natives nihabiting within 
 the bounds and limits of their said Colonies, without the 
 knowledge and consent of the said other Colonics. And 
 it is hereby declared, that it shall not be lawful to or for 
 the rest of the Colonies to invade or molest the native In- 
 dians, or any other inhabitants, inhabiting within the 
 bounds and limits hereafter mentioned, (they having sub- 
 jected themselves unto us, and being by us taken into 
 our special protection,) without the knowledge and con- 
 sent of the Governor and Company of our Colony of 
 Rhode-Island and Providence Plantations. Also our will 
 and pleasure is, and we do hereby declare unto all Christian 
 Kings, Princes and States, that if any person, which shall 
 hereafter be of the said Company or Plantation, or any 
 other, by appointment of the said Governor and Company 
 for the time being, shall, at any time or times hereafter, 
 rob or spoil, by sea or land, or do any hurt or unlawful 
 hostility to any of the subjects of us, our heirs or succes- 
 sors, or any of the subjects of any Prince or State, being 
 
APPENDIX. 255 
 
 then in league with us, our heirs or successors, upon com- 
 plaint of such injury done to any such Prince or State, or 
 their subjects, we, our heirs and successors, will make 
 open proclamation within any parts of our realm of En- 
 gland, fit for that purpose, that the person or persons com- 
 mitting any such robbery or spoil shall, within the time 
 limited by such proclamation, make full restitution or 
 satisfaction of all such injuries, done or committed, so as 
 the said Prince, or others so complaining, may be fully 
 satisfied and contented ; and, if the said person or persons 
 who shall commit any such robbery or spoil, shall not 
 make satisfaction, accordingly, within such time, so to be 
 limited, that then we, our heirs and successors, will put 
 such person or persons out of our allegiance and protection," 
 and that then it shall and may be lawful and free for all 
 Princes or others, to prosecute, with hostility, such of- 
 fenders, and every of them, their and every of their pro- 
 curers, aiders, abettors and counsellors, in that behalf: 
 Provided also, and our express will and pleasure is, and 
 we do, by these presents, for us, our heirs and successors, 
 ordain and appoint, that these presents shall not, in any 
 manner, hinder any of our loving subjects, whatsoever, 
 from using and exercising the trade of fishing upon the 
 coast of New-England, in America ; but that they, and 
 every or any of them, shall have full and free power and 
 liberty to continue and use the trade of fishing upon the 
 said coast, in any of the seas thereunto adjoining, or any 
 arms of the seas, or salt water, rivers and creeks, where 
 they have been accustomed to fish ; and to build and set 
 upon the waste land, belonging to the said Colony and 
 Plantations, such wharves, stages and work-houses, as 
 shall be necessary for the salting, drying and keeping of 
 
256 APPENDIX. 
 
 their fish, to be taken or gotten upon that coast. And 
 further, for the encouragement of the inhabitants of our 
 said Colony of Providence Plantations to set upon the 
 business of taking whales, it shall be lawful for them, or 
 any of them, hax^ng struck whale, dubertus, or other 
 great fish, it or them to pursue unto any part of that coast, 
 and into any bay, river, cove, creek or shore, belonging 
 thereto, and it or them, upon the said coast, or in the said 
 bay, river, cove, creek or shore, belonging thereto, to kill 
 and order for the best advantage, without molestation, 
 they making no wilful waste or spoil ; any thing in these 
 presents contained, or any other matter or thing, to the 
 contrary notwithstanding. And further also, we are gra- 
 ciously pleased, and do hereby declare, that if any of the 
 inhabitants of our said Colony do set upon the planting of 
 vineyards (the soil and climate both seeming naturally to 
 concur to the production of wines) or be industrious in 
 the discovery of fishing banks, in or about the said Colony, 
 we will, from time to time, give and allow all due and 
 fitting encouragement therein, as to others in cases of like 
 nature. And further, of our more ample grace, certain 
 knowledge, and mere motion, we have given and granted, 
 and by these presents, for us, our heirs and successors, do 
 give and grant unto the said Governor and Company of 
 the English Colony of Rhode-Island and Providence 
 Plantations, in the Narragansett Bay, in New-England, in 
 America, and to every inhabitant there, and to every 
 person and persons trading thither, and to every snch 
 person or persons as are or shall be free of the said Colony, 
 full power and authority, from time to time, and at all 
 times hereafter, to take, ship, transport and carry away, 
 out of any of our realms and dominions, for and towards 
 
APPENDIX. 257 
 
 the plantation and defence of the said Colony, such and 
 so many of our loving subjects and strangers as shall or 
 will willingly accompany them in and to their said Colony 
 and Plantation ; except such person or persons as are or 
 shall be therein restrained by us, our heirs and successors, 
 or any law or statute of this realm : and also to ship and 
 transport all and all manner of goods, chattels, merchan- 
 dises, and other things whatsoever, that are or shall be 
 useful or necessary for the said Plantations, and defence 
 thereof, and usually transported, and not prohibited by 
 any law or statute of this our realm ; yielding and paying 
 unto us, our heirs and successors, such the duties, cus- 
 toms and subsidies, as are or ought to be paid or payable 
 for the same. And further, our will and pleasure is, 
 and we do, for us, our heirs and successors, ordain, de- 
 clare and grant, unto the said Governor and Company, 
 and their successors, that all and every the subjects of us, 
 our heirs and successors, which are already planted and 
 settled within our said Colony of Providence Plantations, 
 or which shall hereafter go to inhabit within the said 
 Colony, and all and every of their children, which have 
 been born there, or which shall happen hereafter to be 
 born there, or on the sea, going thither, or returning from 
 thence, shall have and enjoy all liberties and immunities 
 of free and natural subjects within any the dominions of 
 us, our heirs or successors, to all intents, constructions and 
 purposes, whatsoever, as if they, and every of them, were 
 born within the realm of England, And further, know 
 ye, that we, of our more abundant grace, certain knowl- 
 edge and mere motion, have given, granted and confirmed, 
 and, by these presents, for us, our heirs and successors, 
 do give, grant and confirm, unto the said Governor and 
 
 33 
 
258 APPENDIX. 
 
 Company, and their successors, all that part of our do- 
 minions in New-England, in America, containing the Na- 
 hantick and Nanhyganset, alias Narragansett Bay, and 
 countries and parts adjacent, bounded on the west, or 
 westerly, to the middle or channel of a river there, com- 
 monly called and known by the name of Pawcatuck, alias 
 Pawcawtuck river, and so along the said river, as the 
 greater or middle stream thereof reachcth or lies up into 
 the north country, northward, unto the head thereof, and 
 from thence, by a strait line drawn due north, until it 
 meets with the south line of the Massachusetts Colony ; 
 and on the north, or northerly, by the aforesaid south or 
 southerly line of the Massachusetts Colony or Plantation, 
 and extending towards the east, or eastwardly, three En- 
 glish miles to the east and north-east of the most eastern 
 and north-eastern parts of the aforesaid Narragansett Bay, 
 as the said bay lyeth or cxtendeth itself from the ocean 
 on the south, or southwardly, unto the mouth of the river 
 which runneth towards the town of Providence, and from 
 thence along the eastwardly side or bank of the said river 
 (higher called by the name of Seacunck river) up to the 
 falls called Patuckett falls, being the most westwardly 
 line of Plymouth Colony, and so from the said falls, in a 
 strait line, due north, until it meet with the aforesaid line 
 of the Massachusetts Colony ; and bounded on the south 
 by the ocean : and, in particular, the lands belonging to 
 the towns of Providence, Pawtuxet, Warwick, Misquam- 
 macock, alias Pawcatuck, and the rest upon the main land 
 in the tract aforesaid, together with Rhode-Island, Block- 
 Island, and all the rest of the islands and banks in the Nar- 
 ragansett Bay, and bordering upon the coast of the tract 
 aforesaid, (Fisher's Island only excepted,) together with 
 
APPENDIX. 259 
 
 all firm lands, soils, grounds, havens, ports, rivers, waters, 
 fishings, mines royal, and all other mines, minerals, 
 precious stones, quarries, woods, wood-grounds, rocks, 
 slates, and all and singular other commodities, jurisdictions, 
 royalties, privileges, franchises, preheminences and here- 
 ditaments, whatsoever, within the said tract, bounds, lands 
 and islands, aforesaid, or to them or any of them belong- 
 ing, or in any wise appertaining : to have and to hold the 
 same, unto the said Governor and Company, and their 
 successors, forever, upon trust, for the use and benefit of 
 themselves and their associates, freemen of the said 
 Colony, their heirs and assigns, to be holden of us, our 
 heirs and successors, as of the Manor of East-Greenwich, 
 in our county of Kent, in free and common soccage, and 
 not in capite, nor by knight service ; yielding and paying 
 therefor, to us, our heirs and successors, only the fifth 
 part of all the ore of gold and silver, which, from time to 
 time, and at all times hereafter, shall be there gotten, had, 
 or obtained, in lieu and satisfaction of all services, duties, 
 fines, forfeitures, made or to be made, claims and demands 
 whatsoever, to be to us, our heirs or successors, therefor 
 or thereout rendered, made, or paid, any grant, or clause 
 in a late grant, to the Governor and Company of Con- 
 necticut Colony, in America, to the contrary thereof in 
 any wise notwithstanding ; the aforesaid Pawcatuck river 
 having been yielded, after much debate, for the fixed and 
 certain bounds between these our said Colonies, by the 
 agents thereof; who have also agreed, that the said Paw- 
 catuck river shall be also called alias Norrogansctt or Nar- 
 rogansctt river ; and, to prevent future disputes, that 
 otherwise might arise thereby, forever hereafter shall be 
 construed, deemed and taken to be the Narrogansett river 
 
260 APPENDIX. 
 
 in our late grant to Connecticut Colony mentioned as the 
 easterly bounds of that Colony. And further, our will 
 and pleasure is, that in all matters of public controversy, 
 which may fall out between our Colony of Providence 
 Plantations, and the rest of our Colonies in New-England, 
 it shall and may be lawful to and for the Governor and 
 Company of the said Colony of Providence Plantations, to 
 make their appeals therein to us, our heirs and successors, 
 for redress in such cases, within this our realm of En- 
 gland : and that it shall be lawful to and for the inhabi- 
 tants of the said Colony of Providence Plantations, with- 
 out let or molestation, to pass and repass, with freedom, 
 into and through the rest of the English Colonies, upon 
 their lawful and civil occasions, and to converse, and hold 
 commerce and trade, with such of the inhabitants of our 
 other English Colonies as shall be willing to admit them 
 thereunto, they behaving themselves peaceably among 
 them ; any act, clause, or sentence, in any of the said 
 Colonies provided, or that shall be provided, to the con- 
 trary in any wise notwithstanding. And lastly, we do, 
 for us, our heirs and successors, ordain and grant unto the 
 said Governor and Company, and their successors, by 
 these presents, that these our letters patent shall be firm, 
 good, effectual, and available in all things in the law, to all 
 intents, constructions and purposes whatsoever, according 
 to our true intent and meaning hereinbefore declared ; and 
 shall be construed, reputed and adjudged in all cases most 
 favorably on the behalf, and for the best benefit and be- 
 hoof, of the said Governor and Company, and their suc- 
 cessors ; although express mention of the true yearly 
 value or certainty of the premises, or any of them, or of 
 any other gifts or grants by us, or by any of our progeni- 
 
APPENDIX. 261 
 
 tors or predecessors, heretofore made to the said Governor 
 and Company of the Enghsh Colony of Rhode-Island and 
 Providence Plantations, in the Narragansett Bay, New- 
 England, in America, in these presents is not made, or 
 any statute, act, ordinance, provision, proclamation or re- 
 striction, heretofore had, made, enacted, ordained or pro- 
 vided, or any other matter, cause or thing whatsoever, to 
 the contrary thereof in any wise notwithstanding. In 
 witness whereof, we have caused these our letters to be 
 made patent. Witness ourself at Westminster, the eighth 
 day of July, in the fifteenth year of our reign. 
 
 , By the King : HOWARD. 
 
 The above Charter has been copied from the 
 Laws of the State of Rhode-Island^ published in 
 1822, under the supermtendence of the Hon. Henry 
 Bowen, Secretary of the State, and compared with 
 the original. Some of the copies, in other publi- 
 cations, are incorrect. A persuasion that compara- 
 tively few of our citizens possess an accurate copy 
 of this document, which is distinguished for its en- 
 larged and enlightened principles of civil and re- 
 ligious freedom, and which continues still to be the 
 fundamental law of the State, has induced its in- 
 sertion in this volume. 
 
 The Charter was obtained at an auspicious mo- 
 ment, when Charles II., having recently ascended 
 the throne, was not disposed to deny favors to any 
 of his subjects. By this Charter all the powers of 
 
262 APPENDIX. 
 
 government were conferred upon the Colony, the 
 King not havmg reserved to himself the right of 
 revising its proceedings. At no other period, 
 probably, could such extensive privileges have 
 been obtained. 
 
 No. XXII. 
 
 Decision of Carr, ttc, relative to JJIisrmamacock. 
 
 We, by the power given us by his Majesty's commis- 
 sion, having heard the complaints of some of his Majesty's 
 subjects, purchasers of certain lands called Misquamacock, 
 lying on the eastern side of Pawcatuck river, and having 
 likewise heard all the pretences of those by whom they 
 have suffered great oppressions, and considering the 
 grounds from whence these differences and injuries have 
 proceeded, and endeavoring to prevent the like for the 
 future, do declare, that no colony hath any just right to 
 dispose of any lands, conquered from the natives, unless 
 both the cause of that conquest be just, and the lands lie 
 within those bounds which the King by his charter hath 
 given it, nor to exercise any authority beyond those 
 bounds ; which we desire all his Majesty's subjects to 
 take notice offer the future, lest they incur his Majesty's 
 displeasure, and sutler a deserved punishment. We like- 
 wise declare, that all those gifts or grants of any lands, 
 lying on the eastern side of Pawcatuck river, and a north 
 line drawn to the Massachusetts, from the midst of the 
 ford near to Thomas Shaw's house, and in the King's 
 
APPENDIX. ^bJ 
 
 Province, made by his Majesty's Colony of the Massachu- 
 setts, to any person whatsoever, or by that usurped au- 
 thority called the United Colonies, to be void. And we 
 hereby command all such as are therein concerned to re- 
 move themselves and their goods from the said lands, be- 
 fore the nine and twentieth day of September next. In 
 the mean time, neither hindering the Pequot Indians from 
 planting there this summer, nor those of the King's 
 Province, who are the purchasers, from improving the 
 same, as they will answer the contrary. Given under 
 our hands and seals, at Warwick, April 4th. 1665. 
 
 ROBERT CARR, [L. S.] 
 
 GEORGE CARTWRIGHT, [L. S.] 
 
 SAMUEL MAVERICK, [L. S.] 
 
 [Colony Records.] 
 
 No. XXIII. 
 
 Commission from Can\ <fec., 1665. 
 
 Whereas, by the authority given us by his sacred 
 Majesty, our dread Sovereign, to provide for the peace 
 and safety of all his Colonies here in America, and in a 
 more especial manner for tliat part of it called the Nar- 
 ragansett country, and by his Majesty commanded now to 
 be called the King's Province: We did, by commission 
 under our hands and seals, dated at Petaqumskocte March 
 the twentieth 1664, appoint, authorize, and in his Majesty's 
 name require, Benedict Arnold, William Brenton, Escphres, 
 John Coggeshall, James Barker, Joseph Clarke, WilHam 
 Field, Thomas Olney, Roger Williams, William BaulstoU; 
 
264 APPENDIX. 
 
 John Sanford, Randall Ilowldon, Walter Todd, John 
 Porter and John Greene, Gntlcmen, to exercise the power 
 and authority of Justices of the peace or magistrates, 
 throughout the whole compass of this his Majesty's 
 Province, and to do whatsoever they think best for the 
 peace and safety of the said Province, and as near as they 
 can to the English laws, till his Majesty's pleasure be 
 farther known therein ; and in matters of greater conse- 
 quence, any seven of them, whereof the Governor or 
 Deputy Governor shall be one, shall be a Court to deter- 
 mine any business: Our intent and meaning was and is, 
 that the said commission should be no longer in force, 
 than until the 3d. of May next, and that then and thence- 
 forward, the Governor and Deputy Governor, and all the 
 Assistants for the time being of his Majesty's Colony of 
 Rhode-Island &c. shall be Justices of the peace. And 
 therefore by the power given us from his Majesty, we 
 order and appoint the Governor and Deputy Governor, 
 and all the Assistants of the said Colony, for the time 
 being, to be and to exercise the authority of Justices of 
 the peace in this the King's Province, and to do whatever 
 they think best for the peace and safety of the said Prov- 
 ince, and as near as they can to the English laws, till his 
 Majesty's pleasure be farther known therein ; and in 
 matters of greater consequence, any seven of them, where- 
 of the Governor or Deputy Governor shall be one, shall 
 be a Court to determine any business. Given under our 
 hands and seals, at Warwick, April Sth, 16G5. 
 
 ROBERT CARR, [L. S.] 
 
 GEORGE CARTWRIGHT, [L. S.] 
 
 SAMUEL MAVERICK, [L. S.] 
 
 [Colony Records.] 
 
APPENDIX. 265 
 
 \o. XXIV.— [p. 120.] 
 
 Episcopal C/mrc/i. 
 
 The followiiicf iiccount of the establishment ol' 
 the Episcopal Church in Rhode-Island is taken 
 from an historical account of the '' Society for the 
 propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts, by 
 David Humphries, D. D., Secretary to the Sosiety, 
 London, 1730." 
 
 "In September 1702, the Church-wardens of Rhode- 
 Island, wrote to the Society, 'That they cannot forbear 
 expressing their great joy in being under the patronage of 
 so honorable a Corporation, through whose pious en- 
 deavors, with God's assistance, the Church of England 
 hath so fair a prospect of flourishing in those remote parts 
 of the world, and among the rest of her small branches, 
 theirs also in Rhode-Island : That though it is not four 
 years since they began to assemble themselves together 
 to worship God after the manner of the Church of En- 
 gland, yet have they built them a church, finished all 
 on the outside, and the inside is pewed well, though not 
 beautiful ; and whatsoever favors the Society shall be- 
 stow upon them towards the promoting of their Church, 
 shall be received with the humblest gratitude, and 
 seconded with the utmost of their abilities.' p. 61, 62. 
 
 " The Society resolved to send a Missionary hither, 
 both on account of their being the first, and also a nume- 
 rous people, settled on a flourishing Island. The Rev, 
 Mr. Honyman was appointed in 1704. He discharged 
 
 34 
 
266 APPENDIX. 
 
 the duties of his mission with great dihgence. p. 318, 319. 
 He represented also very earnestly to the Society, the 
 want of a Missionary at a town called Providence, about 
 thirty miles from Newport, a place very considerable for 
 the number of its inhabitants. The Society appointed 
 in the next year (1723) the Rev. Mr. Pigot Missionary 
 there. Besides the faithful discharge of his duty at his 
 own station, Mr. Honyman hath been farther instru- 
 mental in gathering several congregations at Naragansett, 
 Tiverton, Freetown, and at the above mentioned place, 
 Providence, p. 320, 321. 
 
 " The people of Naragansett county (North-Kingston) 
 made application to the Bishop of London, about the year 
 1707, for a Missionary, and built a church soon after by 
 the voluntary contributions of its inhabitants. In the 
 year 1717, the Society appointed the Rev. Mr. Guy to 
 that place ; he arrived there soon after, and entered upon 
 his mission with much zeal. He removed to South- 
 Carolina, in 1719. The Rev. Mr. M'cSparran was ap- 
 pointed Missionary there in 1720. p. 324, 326. 
 
 '■' The chief inhabitants of Bristol, in the year 1720, 
 wrote very earnest letters to the Bishop of London and to 
 the Society, for a Minister of the Church of England, 
 and promised to build a church. The Rev. Mr. Orrem 
 was sent Missionary here in 1722. Mr. Orrem gained the 
 esteem and affection of the people very much, and pro- 
 ceeded in his mission with success." p. 331, 332. 
 
APPENDIX. 2(37 
 
 No. XXV.— [p. 126.] 
 
 Philip^s Jfar. 
 
 On the 29th of March, 1676, a large body of In- 
 dians attacked Providence and burned more than 
 thirty houses in the north part of the town, in one 
 of which were the tow n records. They were saved 
 by being thrown into the Mooshausick ; from thence 
 they were afterwards taken, though much injured, 
 and sent to Newport for safe keeping, where they 
 remained during the remainder of the war. 
 
 Philip's War kisted more than a year, and was 
 the most distressing period that New-England had 
 ever seen, and threatened the total extirpation of 
 her colonies. About six liundrcd men, the flower 
 of her strength, fell in battle or were butchered by 
 the savages. In Massachusetts, Plymouth and 
 Rhode-Island, twelve or thirteen towns were utterly 
 destroyed. About six hundred dwelling houses 
 were burned ; a heavy debt was contracted, and a 
 vast amount of property destroyed. There were 
 few families who did not lose some beloved relative 
 in this calamitous war, and a general gloom spread 
 through the country. 
 
268 APPENDIX. 
 
 No. XXVI. 
 
 A list of the Presidents of the Colony of Rkode- 
 Island and Providence Plantatmis, under ilic 
 first Patent; and of the Governors^ under the 
 second Charter , collected from the State Pecords. 
 
 Presidents under the first Patent. 
 
 1647 John Coggeshcall, to 1648 
 
 1648 Jeremiah Clarke, to 1649 
 
 1649 John Smith, to 1650 
 
 1650 Nicholas Easton, to 1652 
 In the year 1651, William Coddington went to 
 
 England, and procured from the Council of State, 
 a commission, dated April 3, 1651, constituting 
 him Governor for life of Rhode-Island, Canonicut, 
 cfec, with which he returned about the 1st of Au- 
 gust, of that year. This produced much uneasiness 
 in the Colony. All the inhabitants on the main, 
 refused to submit to Coddington's government. 
 The Colony appointed Roger Williams and John 
 Clarke to proceed to England, to procure the 
 repeal of Coddington's commission. After much 
 opposition, they effected this in 1652. Mr. Will- 
 iams returned, and at a General Election, held 
 at Warwick, on the 12th of September, 1654, was 
 chosen President of the Colony. Dr. Clarke con- 
 tinued in England as the Colony's agent, till he ob- 
 tained the Charter granted by Charles II. in 1663. 
 1654 Roger Williams, to 1657 
 
 1657 Benedict Arnold, to 1660 
 
APPExNDlX. 2G9 
 
 1G60 William Brenton, to 1662 
 
 1662 Benedict Arnold, to 1663 
 
 Governors under tlie second Charter. 
 
 1663 Benedict Arnold, to 1666 
 1666 William Brenton, to 1669 
 1669 Benedict Arnold, to 1672 
 1672 Nicholas Easton, to 1674 
 1674 William Coddington, to 1676 
 
 1676 Walter Clarke, to 1677 
 
 1677 Benedict Arnold, to 1679 
 
 1679 John Cranston, to 1680 
 
 1680 Peleg Sanford, to 1683 
 1683 William Coddington, to 1685 
 
 1685 Henry Bull, to 1686 
 
 1686 Walter Clarke 
 
 1686 The Charter superseded by Sir Ednmnd 
 Andross, but restored in 
 
 1689 Henry Bull, to 1690 
 
 1690 John Easton, to 1695 
 
 1695 Caleb Carr, to 1696 
 
 1696 Walter Clarke, to 1698 
 1698 Samuel Cranston, to 1727 
 1727 Joseph Jenckes, to 1732 
 1732 William Wanton, to 1734 
 1734 John Wanton, to 1741 
 1741 Richard Ward, to 1743 
 1743 William Greene, to 1745 
 
 1745 Gideon Wanton, to 1746 
 
 1746 William Greene, to 1747 
 
270 APPENDIX. 
 
 1747 Gideon Wanton, to 1748 
 
 1748 William Greene, to 1755 
 1755 Stephen Hopkins, to 1757 
 
 1757 William Greene, to 1758 
 
 1758 Stephen Hopkins, to 1762 
 
 1762 Samuel Ward, to 1763 
 
 1763 Stephen Hopkins, to 1765 
 1765 Samuel Ward, to 1767 
 
 1767 Stephen Hopkins, to 1768 
 
 1768 Josias Lyndon, to 1769 
 
 1769 Joseph Wanton, to 1775 
 1775 Nicholas Cooke, to 1778 
 1778 William Greene, to 1786 
 1786 John Collins, to 1789 
 1789 Arthur Fenner, to 1805 
 
 1805 Henry Smith, acting Governor to 1806 
 
 1806 Isaac Wilbour, lieutenant Governor to 1807 
 
 1807 James Fenner, to 1811 
 1811 William Jones, to 1817 
 1817 Nehemiah R. Knight, to 1821 
 1821 William C. Gibbs, to 1824 
 1824 James Fenner, to 1831 
 1831 Lemuel H. Arnold, to 1833 
 1833 John Brown Francis. 
 
 R D 1 0. 8 
 
OFFICERS 
 
 OF 
 
 Elected July 19, 1837. 
 
 JOHN ROWLAND, 
 
 President. 
 
 CHRISTOPHER G. CHAMPLIN, 
 
 First Vice-President. 
 
 ROMEO ELTON, 
 
 Second Vice-President. 
 
 THOMAS H. WEBB, 
 
 Secretary. 
 
 THOMAS W. DORR, 
 
 Treasurer. 
 
 WILLIAM R. STAPLES, 
 
 Librarian and Cabinet Keeper of the Northern District. 
 
 BENJAMIN B. HOWLAND, 
 Librarian and Cabinet Keeper of the Southern District. 
 
 TRUSTEES. 
 
 DAVID BENEDICT, 
 STEPHEN BRANCH, 
 THOMAS H. WEBB, 
 THOMAS F. CARPENTER, 
 ALBERT G. GREENE, 
 JOHN CARTER BROWN, 
 ROBERT JOHNSTON, 
 WILLIAM G. GODDARD, 
 JOHN PITMAN, 
 RICHARD J. ARNOLD, 
 JOSEPH L. TILLINGPIAST, 
 EDWARD B. HALL. 
 
 COMMITTEE OF PUBLICATION, 
 
 Elected by the Trustees, 1837. 
 ROMEO ELTON, 
 ALBERT G. GREENE, 
 WILLIAM G. GODDARD. 
 
CIRCULAR 
 
 OK 
 
 The Society would call the attention of members and correspondents^ 
 to the following subjects : 
 
 1. Topographical Sketches of towns and villages, including an ac- 
 count of their soil, agriculture, manufactures, commerce, natural cu- 
 riosities and statistics. 
 
 3. Sketches of the history of the settlement and rise of such towns 
 and villages; and of the introduction and progress of commerce, manu- 
 factures, and the arts, in them. 
 
 3. Biograpliical Notices of original settlers, revolutionary patriots, and 
 other distinguished men who have resided in this State. 
 
 4. Original letters and documents, and papers illustrating any of these 
 subjects ; particularly those which shew the private habits, manners or 
 pursuits of our ancestors, or are connected with the general history of 
 this State. 
 
 5. Sermons, orations, occasional discourses and addresses, books, 
 pamphlets, almanacs and newspapers, printed in this State ; and manu- 
 scripts, especially those written by persons born or residing in this State. 
 
 6. Accounts of the Indian tribes which formerly inhabited any part of 
 this State, their numbers and condition when first visited by the whites, 
 their general character and peculiar customs and manners, their wars 
 and treaties, and their original grants to our ancestors. 
 
 7. The Indian names of the towns, rivers, islands, bays, and other re- 
 markable places within this State, and the traditional import of those 
 names. 
 
 8. Besides these, the Society will receive donations of any other 
 books, pamphlets, manuscripts and printed documents. 
 
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