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HOW THEY DIFFER. 
 
 "Economy in the public expense, that labor may be lightly burdened." "A 
 jealous care of the right of election by the people." "The arraignment of all 
 abuses at the bar of public opinion." — Jefferson. 
 
 Let us test the present administration of public affairs by these 
 time-honored maxims of Jefferson". 
 
 Frauds and corruptions of the deepest die were proved against 
 the present Administration, by the reports of committees of Con- 
 gress, at the session before the last. We deem it now a patriotic 
 duty to show the people of Virginia that the same administration 
 has been since, and is now, going on in the same course from 
 bad to worse; and more, that in the canvass for the Presidency 
 now in progress, it seeks to continue the reign of corruption in 
 the same hands. Breckinridge and Lane are Buchanan's can- 
 didates for the Pr^fcwdency and Vice- Presidency. He harangues 
 in their favor from the steps of the White House. His Secretary 
 of the Treasury (Cobb) has taken the stump for them personally, 
 and it is said others of the Administration will soon follow his 
 example. All his office-holders are required and pledged to sup- 
 port them. The President's organ at Washington, and all his 
 affiliated press throughout the country are diong the same thing. 
 Never, in short, was so open and unblushing an attempt made 
 by any President to elect his successor, and to perpetuate 
 power in the corrupt party which now afflicts and disgraces the 
 country. 
 
 Buchanan's professions before he was elected presi- 
 dent. 
 
 Wheatland, February 23, 1852. 
 "Gentlemen: * * * * On what issue, then, can we go be- 
 fore the country and confidently calcula'e upon the support of 
 
the American people at the approaching Presidential election? 
 I answer unhesitatingly that we must fall back, as you suggest, 
 upon ***** a rigid economy in public expenditures. 
 
 ''These expenditures have now reached the enormous sunt of 
 FIFTY MILLIONS of dollars per annum, and, unless arrested in 
 their advance-by the strong arm of the Democracy of the coun- 
 try, may, in the course of a few years, reach oxe hundred 
 MILLIONS. The appropriation of money to accomplish great na- 
 tional objects sanctioned by the Constitution, ought to be on a 
 scale commensurate with our power and resources as a ]iation ; 
 but its expenditures ought to be conducted under the guidance 
 of enlightened economy and strict responsibility. / am con- 
 vinced that our ea-penses ought to he considerably reduced below 
 the present standard, not only without detriment, but widi posi- 
 tive advantage both to the government and the people. 
 
 ####### 
 
 * Ja:mes Buchanan." 
 
 jNIr. Buchanan has lived to be President, and has lived to 
 fulfil his own prophecy. 
 
 That the people may see with what rapid strides the expendi- 
 tures have approximated the enormous sum of one hundred 
 millions per annum under his administration, we append the 
 amounts for the last years of the two precednig terms, and the 
 first two of his : 
 
 1852— Fillmore $36,552,080 37 
 
 ] 856— Pierce 60,172,401 64 
 
 1857-Buchanan 64,778,828 85 
 
 1858- Buchanan 83,856,727 00 
 
 For the two fiscal years since 1858, we have no reliable data 
 upoii which to estimate the expenditures. The statements from 
 the Treasury seem intended to obscure and mystify, rather than 
 explain the truth. But these gener-al facts are conceded and un- 
 deniable — that with the immense ''revenues at the command of 
 the Government, a national debt has been created; that the 
 public service has languished and suffered in so much, that one 
 Department of it (the Post Office) broke down, until Congress 
 came to its relief — and that twenty millions yearly of deficiency 
 in the revenue has only been covered by the issue and re-issue 
 of Treasury Notes. 
 
OPIXIOXS OF BUCHAXAX S OWN SUPPORTERS, AS TO HIS ADMINIS- 
 TRATION. 
 
 Ill a speech in the House of Representatives^ Hon. A. H. 
 Stephens, of Georgia, said: 
 
 ^^ When he first entered Congress in 1843, the expenses of 
 the Government were only ^30,000,000 per annum. The coun- 
 try had gone through the expensive Mexican war, loith sixty- 
 three thousand soldiers in the field, for thirty- three miUions, and 
 now, in time of peace, the estimates were seventy-three miUions. 
 Many expenditures were wholly unnecessary, and ref(:)rm was 
 indispensably needed. He believed forty millions an abundance 
 for the national expense.'''' 
 
 Hon. Andrew Johnson, Senator from Tennessee — also good 
 Democratic authority — referring to the same subject, said in a 
 recent speech in the Senate : 
 
 '^ It is in the power of Congress to prevent these enormous ex- 
 penditures; and if we do not interpose, we are responsible for 
 them. This Government, sixty-nine years of. age, scarcely out 
 of its swaddling-clothes, is making more corrupt uses of money 
 in proportion to the amount collected from the people, as I hon- 
 estl)^ believe, than any other government now on the habitable 
 globe.'''' 
 
 Gen. Shields, one of the Democratic Senators from Minnesota, 
 in the course of a debate in the Senate, also took occasion to 
 say: 
 
 ''I think it is not saying to much to declare that this country 
 has gone faster and further, in ten years, in extravagance, than 
 most other countries have done in centuries.'''' 
 
 The Hon. M. R. H. Garnett, of Virginia, in a recent speech, 
 said: 
 
 '^Can any gentleman pretend that it is fair, that it is just, 
 that it is legitimate, that the expenses of this Government, in 
 time of profound peace, should have doubled in six yearsl Look 
 through the list of items, and you will find that the expendi- 
 tures have doubled in almost every item. Is there no place to 
 apply the knife? The Committee of Ways and Means tells you, 
 that they cannot control these expenditures ; then I say that the 
 only way to control them is the same way that you would control 
 any other extravagant person ; that iS; by stinting them in money. ' ' 
 
 A* 
 
And all tliis under Democratic rule; a Democratic President; 
 a Democratic Cabinet; a Democratic Congress, and Democratic 
 officials in all the administrative departments. 
 
 From the Washington States of March 7th, 1859, edited by- 
 Roger A. Pryor, then in the interests of Douglas, but now a 
 member of Congress, and a flaming Breckinridge and Lane 
 stumper, and, of course, a supporter of this present achuinistra- 
 tion, we make the following extracts about that great subject of 
 public plunder — the Public Printing: 
 
 "The Public Printing Plunderers. — The fact that for 
 the last five years the American people have been subjected to 
 an annual exaction of nearly a million of dollars, on account of 
 the Public Printing, is a circumstance which will not escape 
 comment, eve7i in this age of corrupt and extravagant expen- 
 diture. 
 
 "^ It is a striking instance of the perversion of Federal au- 
 thority, that in addition to its many other illegitimate occupa- 
 tions, the central Government has engaged so largely in the 
 incompatible business of a publishing concern. 
 
 ''It is a signal attestation of the decay of official virtue, that 
 the appropriations for this unwarrantable purpose have been 
 squandered iJi bribes and bounties to the very officials who were 
 appointed to protect the public interests. 
 
 '•'It is a deplorable mark of the progressive deterioration of 
 political morals, that tJie exposure of peculation of the inost atro- 
 cious character rarely provokes more than a gentle expostulation 
 from the men in authority, 
 
 " With the view of inviting public attention to the abuses 
 which abound in almost every branch of Federal Administra- 
 tion, we reproduced, a few days ago, the report wherein a com- 
 mittee of the House exhibited the fraudulent practices of the 
 Printing Department. It is a document of the very gravest 
 interest. 
 
 "A certain A. G. Seaman was Superintendent of Public 
 Printing from December, 1853, to December, 1857. During a 
 part of the same period a certain Cornelius Wendell held the 
 
office of Public Printer. A more congenial couple never ex- 
 isted, even in fiction. 
 
 * # # * # # # 
 
 ^'Notwithstanding the cleverness of these two consummate 
 rascals J and their studious endeavor to 'cover up their tracks,' 
 the committee convict them of receiving bribes and bounties — the 
 former to the amount of ^39,000, and the latter to the amount 
 of |;30,000. Of course, these figures do not represent the full 
 extent of Seaman and Wendell's operations. In the main, their 
 practices were such as to elude detection; and whenever they 
 ventured into the light, they were careful to assume an almost 
 impenetrable disguise. Still, enough is ascertained to show 
 that both Seaman and Wendell have plundered the treasury upon 
 system, and have incurred exposure to the penalty of imprison • 
 ment in the Penitentiary. 
 
 ''In the examination of the accounts for engraving and litho- 
 graphing, the committee find that the books of various parties 
 did not correspond with the certificates issued. 
 
 ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ 
 
 "In one case the dilference was equivalent to $10,000, and in 
 another to $6,736 76. 
 
 "By an arrangement with Seaman, Wendell, the Public 
 Printer, was emploj^ed as the special agent for all the paper con- 
 tractors — he being the very person who should complain of an 
 inferior article. In this way, the editor of tie 'organ' realized 
 the snug sum of $12,000. 
 
 * # # # # . # # 
 
 "The testimony shows that large quantities of paper, inferior 
 to the samples by at least a difference of thirty-three per cent., 
 were accepted from favored contractors; that thousands of docu- 
 ments were receipted for as printed and bound that were never 
 delivered; that thousands of voluminous documents were paid 
 for as printed which were not printed; and that thousands of 
 the most valuable publications have disappeared without any 
 account. 
 
 "These are astounding developments; but they are of apiece 
 with the prevalent practices in the federal capital. FROM THE 
 
6 
 
 BY-WAYS AND HIGH-WAYS OF THE GOVERNMENT, 
 THE ROTTENNESS OF CORRUPTION SENDS FORTH 
 AN INSUFFERABLE STENCH. W/nj are the people so pa- 
 tient'^ Why slumbers the indignation of the Democracy'^ See 
 they nothing discreditable in the fact that the 'organ'' of the 
 Adininistration is under the ostensible control of a detected 
 swindler'^ Have they no word of surprise when they discover 
 that tJie President retains Cornelius Wendell as Ids confidential 
 ^ organ,'' after the public and official exposure of Cornelius 
 Wendell's corrupt practices as a functionary of government? 
 Coi'nelius Wendell is still Public Printer, not in 7iame but in 
 fact; is there no popular protest against the connivance of Con- 
 gress in his employment sirice the discovery of his frauds and 
 jieculations'^ Others maybe indifferent to such an ignominy; 
 but, for ourselves, we intend to lash the malefactor till the party 
 is purged of bis infectious presence, and the treasury is pro- 
 tected against his piratical operations." 
 
 These statements of Mr. Pry or are fully sustained by the 
 formal report of a committee of Congress, "to investigate the 
 accounts of the Superintendent of Public Printing," laid on 
 the table, February 2Sth, 1859, and ordered to be printed. The . 
 conclusions and recommendations of the committee are thus 
 stated: 
 
 '^Independent of any criminal interest, this conduct, and the 
 relations thus established, were undoubtedly wrong. Mr. Sea- 
 man was the officer of the government, whose duty it Avas to 
 inspect, and if necessary, reject the paper furnished, while Mr. 
 Wendell was the Public Printer, who used the paper, who knew 
 the quality of the article, and Avho was the only person likely to 
 complain of its quality. The Superintendent was a large and 
 constant borrower from the contractors, and thus far lost his in- 
 dependence; while the Public Printer became the hired agent of 
 the contractors, and positively interested in the receipt of their 
 paper, no matter how indifferent its quality. 
 
 "Your committee find that Mr. Seaman received from the en- 
 gravers, lithographers, and paper contractors examined during 
 the investigation, in the way of loans, chiefly, but a portion in 
 money direct, about the gross sum of $30,000. 
 
 " Your committee find; as heretofore stated, that Mr. Wendell 
 
received from the paper contractors about $12,000, The evi- 
 dence shows that he also received from engravers and htho- 
 grapliers, during Mr. Seaman's superintendence, about $27,000; 
 making the gross sum paid to him, as far as ascertained, about 
 $39,00^0. 
 
 '^ In addition to these sums, there are two payments unex- 
 plained, the sum of $4,391 92; the one cent rt pound which 
 was contracted to be paid, and was paid to some one, or arranged 
 in some way; and the sum of $1,201, which was deducted 
 from the accounts of Messrs. Rice, Kendall iSc Co., by Mr. 
 Megargee. 
 
 '^ From the facts found, your committee feel constrained to 
 submit the iollowing resolutions for the consideration of tiie 
 House: 
 
 "Resolved, That A. G. Seaman, late Superintendent of Pub- 
 lic Printing, has been guilty of improper and illegal practices in. 
 the discharge of his official duty, and in violation of the provi- 
 sions of the act approved the 26th day of August, 1852, creating 
 the office of Superintendent, and defining the duties tbereof. 
 
 '^Resolved, That the testimony in this case be certified by the 
 Clerk of the House of Representatives, and se}ii to i/ie District 
 Attorney for the District of Columbia.'''' 
 
 Yet who has heard of the conviction, or trial, of these minions 
 of Executive corruption? and why are they not expiating their 
 crimes in the Penitentiary? 
 
 A ie\Y days before the adjournment of the same Congress, the 
 following debate took place in the Senate, which is copied from 
 its proceedings: 
 
 "Mr. Wilson amended by cutting down most of the miscella- 
 neous items, as advertising, mail bags, wrapping paper, and post 
 office blanks, making a total saving of over $80,000. in refe- 
 rence to the blanks, he said he knew a case where Mr. Rice, 
 editor of the Pennsylvanian, had a contract for printing blanks 
 for $40,000, which cost him just $5,000, the profit being divided, 
 fifty per cent, to the Washington Union, five per cent, to Mr. 
 Appleton, Secretary of State, and three per cent, to a paper pub- 
 lished in the interest of a member of Congress. 
 
 ''Mr, Mason said if the facts were so, it is due to the Senate 
 
and to the country for the Senator to lay his information before 
 them. 
 
 <'Mr. Wilson reiterated the statement, and said that Mr. Rice 
 himself had said so, and, moreover, that the arrangement was 
 icith the cognizance of the President of the United States. 
 
 <'Mr. Cameron said the matter was so notorious that every- 
 body, except, perhaps, the Senator from Virginia, must know all 
 about it. Mr. Rice was, until recently, a creature of the Presi- 
 dent, but they had a quarrel, and he went about blabbling all 
 about it. 
 
 <'Mr. Mason — Did Mr. Rice tell the Senator so? 
 
 ''Mr. Cameron — The way to get this information is to appoint 
 a committee of investigation, or sue me for slander, and that will 
 bring the evidence. / am responsible for all I say, here or else- 
 where. Just bring here Billy Rice and the President. They 
 know all about it, and 1 think my colleague knows something 
 about it too." 
 
 Neither Billy Rice nor the President, has been brought 
 before a committee, nor has any slander suit been brought 
 against Cameron, so it has not been distinctly ascertained how 
 the profits of the job were divided between Rice and the Secre- 
 tary of State, but the main fact of the contract with Rice and 
 the President's complicity in the affair, are made apparent by 
 the reports at the last session of Congress, of the committees 
 of Investigation into Executive abuses. The general fact is 
 thereby clearly established that enormous profits, far exceeding 
 the value of any public service rendered, were made by political 
 pets and tools of the Administration, with its knowledge and 
 connivance to be expended, and actually expended, in carrying 
 favorite measures through Congress— in corrupting the ballot- 
 box, and carrying popular elections to suit the President. Be- 
 fore, however, proceeding to these interesting developments, let 
 us take advantage of the President's own opinions of such 
 doings as they now convict him of In his celebrated Du 
 Quesne letter, written on the 22d of November, 1858, he thus 
 expressed himself. 
 
 ''I shall assume the privilege of advancing years, in referring 
 to another growing and dangerous evil. In the last age, al- 
 though our fathers, like ourselves, were divided into political 
 
9 
 
 parties, which often had severe conflicts with each other, yet 
 we never heard imiil a recent period of the cmploijinetit of money 
 to carry elections. Should this practice increase until the vo- 
 ters, and their representatives in the State and National legisla- 
 tures shall become infected, the fountain of free Government 
 will then be poisoned at its source, and we must end, as history- 
 proves ina military desdotism; a Democratic republic, all agree, 
 cannot long survive unless sustained by public virtue. When 
 this is corrupted, and the people become venal, there is a canker 
 at the root of the tree of liberty, which must cause it to wither 
 and die." 
 
 Will it be believed that but a few weeks before this letter was 
 written, large sums out of the profits of the public printing were 
 used, with the author's implied consent, for the purpose of con- 
 trolling the Congressional elections in Pennsylvania and New 
 York, and that under his express direction, the same means 
 were systematically used to subsidize the press? What the 
 rate of profit was, may be judged by the fact that, as appears 
 by the report of the committee of the House of Representa- 
 tives, on Public Expenditures, [Report No. 249, March 26, 
 1S60,] -the cost of the Public Printing for the thirty-third 
 Congress, was $1,780,259 79 — (ov the thirty-fourth Congress, 
 $1,108,139, and for the thirty-fifth Congress, $574,236 33; 
 making an aggregate of $3,462,655 12, exclusive of the print- 
 ing for the Kxecutive Departments. From the evidence ad- 
 duced before them, say the conmiittee, ^'they are clearly of 
 opinion that the prices now paid on the press- work should be 
 reduced in the aggregate at least sixty-Jive per cent.'''' What a 
 margin of profits is thus shown, to be applied to the purposes of 
 corruption! Cornelius Wendell, editor and proprietor of the 
 Washington organ of the President, seems to have been his fa- 
 vorite instrument in these practices. The '■'■Union'''' was the 
 President's Washington organ. '■'■The Pennsylvanian,^^ edited 
 by Rice, was his home organ, and "The Argus,^' edited by 
 Seaverns, and then by .Baker, who married the President's 
 niece, and who figures hereafter, was of the same kidney. 
 The Executive Printing, of which the Post Office Blanks 
 are a profitable part, is under the control of the Adminis- 
 tration. ^'Question by the committee to Wendell. From 
 
10 
 
 1856, who exercised control over the giving out of the Post 
 Ofllce Blanks printing?" "Answer. The President and Post- 
 master General, through the Post-master General; in Decem- 
 ber succeeding Mr. Buchanan's coming" into power, he gave 
 it to Mr. Rice, for a time." ''Question. Did you sub-con- 
 tract it from Mr. Rice?" "Answer. Yes, sir, that was the 
 understanding that I should continue to do the work as heretofore, 
 and have the control of it, Rice receiving, 1 think, forty-three 
 cents in the dollar.'''' "Question. Was there any understand- 
 ing when this work was given to Rice, that any newspaper was 
 to be supported out of it?" "Answer. It was understood that 
 it was for the support of tlte Pcnnsylvanian; such was the 
 understanding." "Question. The understanding between 
 whom?" "Answer. The understanding between the Presi- 
 dent and the Post- master General." "Question by Mr. Hind- 
 man. How did you know that?" "Answer. From conver- 
 sations I held with them. I insisted upon having more of the 
 profits of the printing -to support The Union, as it was one of 
 those rather unprofitable pecuniary organs, and Mr. Rice was 
 very clamorous to have a share for The Pcnnsylvanian, and we 
 finally settled on forty-three cents in the dollar. I had made a 
 contract with Mr. Crowell, who did the work for me for forty- 
 five or fifty cents in the dollar. He did it a portion of the time 
 for forty-five cents, and a portion of the time for fifty cents. I 
 had also tlie Executive Printing, but the profits on that were 
 not so great, and the expenses of The U/tionhe'\ng very large,' 
 1 insisted that I should have all the profits of the Post Ofiice 
 Blank Printing. I could not keep it, however." In another 
 part of his examination, this witness says: "When I trans- 
 ferred the organ to Bowman, it was called " The Union,^'' and 
 he named it '■'■The Constitution.'''' It was stipulated that I 
 should pay from the proceeds of the printing of the Post Ofiice 
 Blanks, ,^20,000 per annum, until the ensuing session of Con- 
 gress, when it was supposed he would be elected Senate Printer. 
 My stipulation was, to contiime with Bowman so long as the 
 Executive work, or work claimed under the head of Executive 
 work, and coming from the Executive Departments, which was 
 then given me, should be left in my hands." Again he says: 
 " The profits of that printing (Post Ofiice Blanks) were left at 
 
11 
 
 the disposal of the President, and wider his direction Rice's per 
 centage was reduced, and Mr. Seaverns of The Philadelphia 
 Argus, had, for a session, a portion." " Question. What por- 
 tion?" "Answer. I think I paid him between five and six 
 thousand dollars." Think of that! The work done by Cro- 
 well for forty-five cents in the dollar, on which, of course, he 
 made a profit, and fifty five cents in the dollar of public money, 
 gotten tor no service whatever; and squandered in political cor- 
 ruption. 
 
 This man Wendell speaks of another sop he got from the Pre- 
 sident for services presendy explained — The Executive Binding. 
 This patronage was in the hands of the Executive departments, 
 all the work was concentrated in the hands of serviceable sub- 
 alterns — men who had no practical knowledge of the business 
 they pretended to perform, and thus kept out practical men from 
 employment, that properly belonged to them. The act of Con- 
 gress, (June 12th, 1858,) provided as a remedy for this corrupt 
 monopoly," that all the ruling and binding for the several 
 Executive Departments should be executed hj practical and com- 
 petent book-binderS) to be appointed by the Head of Depart- 
 ment. Wendell was neither practical, competent, nor honest. 
 In fact, practically, he knew nothing of the business. But he 
 did not the less suit the President. This business was kept in 
 his hands after the passage of the law, in defiance of its terms, 
 although practical workmen offered to perform it at thirty-three 
 per cent, less than Wendell was receiving for it, and one ot 
 them (Pettybone, proved to be capable and trustworthy,) off'ered 
 to pay into the Treasury of the United States, for its use, 
 $10,000, provided the Department of the Interior would give 
 the applicant the binding of that one Department alone, from 
 September 1st, 1859, to the 14th of March, 1861. Tbis offer 
 was refused, with the express concurrence of the President, as 
 appears by a document signed by himself. The witness applied 
 for this work to Secretaries Thompson, Cobb, Yancey, Floyd 
 and Post-master Brown, in turn, all without effect. To Thomp- 
 son he said, "I am a practical book-binder, have an establish- 
 ment, and have been in the city twenty years," and "the law 
 requires that practical men should have the work, and that Mr. 
 Wendell was not a book-binder." Thompson replied, "that 
 
12 
 
 they had made a decision, and all the work had gone to Wen- 
 dell," '' That Mr. Wendell had made the application as a book- 
 binder, and npon that application they had given him the work." 
 He then said "suppose a man was carrying on a tannery for 
 twenty years, would he not be a tanner/" ''^I replied, no; he 
 wonld not necessarily, but tannery and book-binding are diffe- 
 rent; yon might carry on a tannery for twenty years, and then 
 not be able to tan a skin of leather yourself. I then drew a par- 
 rallel in this way: suppose you appointed a man a clerk, and 
 gave him a desk, and you then found that he could not write, but 
 employed a proxy to write for him — would you continue him 
 in place?" He said, '' JVo, but the tlimg iras decided, and that 
 was the end of it.'''' Then witness went to Post-master General 
 Brown, who met him with the same favorite illustration of the 
 tanner, which must have been concerted between them. Then 
 to the President, before whom he set all the facts of the case, 
 and repeated his ofter, who told him ''The Cabinet had had 
 this matter under consideration, and he did not wish to inter- 
 fere." Witness asked if he could have the opinion of the At- 
 torney General upon the Law? The President — "Address me 
 a connnunication in writing, giving your views, and I u-ill refer 
 it to the Attorney General for his opionion — is that what you 
 want?" "Yes, sir." "You shall have it." The promise to 
 refer the communication to the Attorney General was redeemed 
 by the President in a characteristic maimer. He endorsed on it, 
 "referred to the Attorney General, though the President does 
 not intend to interfere with the decision or action of the different 
 heads of department in the selection of a book-binder, the law 
 having expressly conferred this power on them. J. B." Af- 
 terwards he tells the witness, who again applied to him: — "Sir, 
 if I have my way, I shall send this work to Philadelphia;" [to 
 Dan Rice, perhaps,] "Philadelphia is my city. There is a gen- 
 tleman there who is well posted, and strongly recommended to 
 me, I would give it to him." This M'-as repeated several times. 
 After that, the President promises to speak to Secretary Thomp- 
 son about the matter, and he did. But says Thompson, "He 
 did not request me to give you any work." Finally, the wit- 
 ness tells the President that a line from him would induce 
 Thompson to give him some of the work. The President said: 
 
13 
 
 ^"^Yes, sir, a line from me would not only give you a portion of 
 the work, but the whole of the work, if I choose to give you 
 that line, but 1 do not choose to give it.'''' 
 
 Of course a Quid pro quo was to be given by Wendell, and 
 that was to apply these corrupt gains, in engineering the Presi- 
 dent's measures through Congress, and carrying the Elections for 
 him. 
 
 CARRYIXG THE ELECTIONS WITH THE PUBLIC MONEY, 
 
 In the Autumn of 1S58, a great effort was made to carry the 
 election in Pennsylvania and New York, for the administration, 
 and to support its Lecompton policy. Before proceeding with 
 the more recent developments of Executive corruption connected 
 with these elections, let us recall to recollection some facts al- 
 ready pubhshed by this Committee, for the information of the 
 people. 
 
 From the minority report of the Special Committee on Naval 
 Cjntracts, made to the House, on the 24th, February, 1859, we 
 gather the following facts: 
 
 ''Congress, in June last, authorized Secretary Toucey of the 
 Navy to advertise for proposals for furnishing the machinery of 
 the seven new steam sloops of war, with a view of obtaining 
 the lowest offers and the most responsible bidders . From the 
 report we are enabled to make up the following table: 
 
 BIDS OFFERED. I BIDS ACCEPTED. 
 
 Novelty Works $ 98,500 ! Woodruff & Beach. ..$125,000 
 
 Novelty Works 97,000 i Murphy vfc Co 130,000 
 
 Novelty Works 98,000 Merrick & Sons 102,000 
 
 Allaire' Works 97,000 ! Boston Loco. Works. 104,000 
 
 Murray & Hazlehurst, 100,000 j Morgan Works 120,000 
 
 $490,5001 ,^581, 000 
 
 " In these five of the seven contracts, there was a difference 
 of 890,500 between the rejected offers of well-known establish- 
 ments and those which were accepted; and, if the other two 
 were awarded after the same fashion, the entire loss to the coun- 
 try was $;126,700, or over eighteen thousand dollars on each 
 vessel! The rejected bids were from the most eminent machine 
 works in the Union." 
 
 By the foregoing it will be seen that the Novelty Works of 
 New York, and the Reading Forge Company — among the best 
 
14 
 
 and most responsible in tlie country, proposed to execute the 
 work for $98,000, whilst the oifer of Merrick & Sons was for 
 .$102,000, and by the terms of the law the Secretary of the Navy 
 had no alternative, but to give the contract to the lowest respon- 
 sible bidder, which no doubt would have been done, but for the 
 following most remarkable correspondence, which, as a justifi- 
 cation or excuse at least, for the gross misconduct of the Secre- 
 tary, was laid before the committee of investigation: 
 
 Col. W. C. Patterson, of Philadelphia, to the President. 
 
 "Philadelphia, Sept. 13, ISoS. 
 
 " Dear Sir,— 1 venture to suggest to you the importance of 
 awarding the contracts for the machinery of the sloop, now 
 building at the Navy Yard at this time, and if it can be done 
 without prejudice to the public service, to Merrick & Sons. 
 Theirs is the only establishment in the First District which em- 
 ploys a large number of mechanics; at this time, 390; when in 
 full work, 450. 
 
 ''The managing partners (Mr. M. Sr., being absent, in bad 
 health,) are full of energy, straining every nerve to keep their 
 force during this depression, and, in so far as I know, the only 
 old Whigs of any influence in that District who are in favor of 
 the reelection of Colonel Florence. 
 
 ''I know, from former experience, the value of that influence, 
 and feel persuaded that it is the interest of the Democratic party, 
 to nicrease it. 
 
 ''The First District will, I hope, be carried in any event, but 
 with that shop at work, full handed, two weeks prior to the elec- 
 tion, the result would, I think, be placed beyond all doubt. 
 With much respect, 
 
 The President. W. C. Patterson." 
 
 Tills letter was sent to the Secretary of the Navy by the Pre- 
 sident with this endorsement: 
 
 "September 15, 1858. 
 
 "The enclosed letter from Colonel Patterson, of Philadelphia, 
 is submitted to the attention of the Secretary of the Navy. 
 
 J. B." 
 
 And the Secretary, obedient to the M'ill of his superior, yielded 
 his ready assent, and complied with the intimation thus thrown 
 out. 
 
15 
 
 Let lis turn now to the more recent developments made by 
 the Committee of Investigation, of the House of Representa- 
 tives, under the resokitions of that House of the 5th of March, 
 1860, to inquire whether the President or any other officer of 
 the Government, has by money, patronage, or other improper 
 means sought to influence the action of Congress, for or against 
 the pa'ssage of any law appertaining to the rights of any State 
 or Territory — abuses in the Post Offices and Navy Yards — and 
 as the President speaks in his letter of the 25th of November, 
 1858, to the Pittsburg Centenary celebration (already quoted) 
 of '^ the employment of money to carry elections," to inquire 
 also, how much money was used in Pennsylvania or other 
 States, by whose authorit)^, and from what source the money 
 was derived. The report was laid on the table June 16th, 1860, 
 and ordered to be printed. To avoid all cavil, the statements will 
 be made, not from the report of the majority or the minority, but 
 from the testimony of witnesses. • 
 
 His favorite Wendell deposes: — ^'^ Question. When you had 
 interviews with the President previous to the election in Penn- 
 sylvania in 1858, did you not freely talk with him in regard to 
 the use of money to carry certain districts?" '^Answer. I 
 talked with him freely as to the use of money in elections; I do 
 not remember as to any specific districts; I talked about the ex- 
 penses of elections, generally, the large amounts used. Yes, 
 sir." The witness then states that these conversations hap- 
 pened "pretty much every day, I should presume. I do not 
 remember any particular day of the week. " " Question. Was 
 it not your habit, previous to the election, t<^ spend the Sabbath 
 day with hira, conversing freely upon political matters, and par- 
 ticularly with regard to the use of money to carry on elections?" 
 "Answer. I cannot say it was a usual habit, I saw him on 
 Sundays, I could not say how many." "Question. I am re- 
 ferring to immediately preceding the elections." "Answer. 
 Yes, sir; I may have seen him on one or two Sabbaths immedi- 
 ately preceding the fall election of 1858." "Question. On 
 those occasions had you conversations with him on that sub- 
 ject?" "Answer. Conversations on politics?" "Question. 
 In connection with money matters?" "Answer. The ex- 
 penses of the elections would usually come up during the con- 
 
16 
 
 versations." "Question. Did Mr. Buchanan object to carry- 
 ing elections or helping to carry tliem in that way?" "Answer. 
 JNevcr to me." 
 
 Again: — "Question. Did you not tell him" (tlie President) 
 "that you Avere compelled to use large amounts of money?" 
 "Answer. I cannot say I told him I was compelled.''^ "Ques- 
 tion. That you were using large amounts of money?" ""An- 
 swer. He was cognizant of the fact, that I contributed largely 
 to elections." "Question. You had conversations with him, 
 upon that subject?" -^^ Answer. It was the subject of con- 
 versation at different times, the amount that I contributed." 
 "Question. What was the character of the several letters from 
 Pennsylvania that he read you portions of, during one of the 
 intervie\vs you had with him, about carrying certain districts? 
 How was it to be done?" "Answer. I think the most of them 
 wanted material aid; they made suggestions as to aid required in 
 different districts generally, and the political affairs of their 
 several districts." Again: — "Question. Do you recollect 
 whether in answer or reply, you did send off money?" "An- 
 swer. If my memory serves me, I returned to Philadelphia that 
 evening, or the next evening with munitions. I think I re- 
 turned that evening. I had returned home the evening before, 
 and had looked after my business during the day, and went 
 back the same evening. I was backwards and forwards, pretty 
 actively engaged in preaching the good doctrine.''^ "Ques- 
 tion. By ^ww?^^7^ons,' you mean money, do you?" "Answer. 
 Yes, sir." "Question. And you left the evening of the con- 
 versation with tlijB President?" "Answer. Yes, sir." "By 
 Mr. Winslow. You do not wish it to be supposed that the 
 President firrnished any of the money?" "Answer. No, sir, 
 not a red. He did not bleed as I thought he ought to do. ' ' The 
 witness then states that no promise of patronage was made him, 
 "'if he would bleed freely; for Mie' (the President) had nothing 
 to give in our line. I was then doing all the work; I think I 
 was doing every thing the Executive had the control of at the 
 time. I was making money pretty rapidly, and spending it 
 about as fast." 
 
 Again, as to the amount of these expenses and how applied: 
 "Question. Have you any knowledge of what amount you 
 
17 
 
 have contributed annually, or for the time you have been en- 
 gaged in donig government work?" ''Answer. Daring the 
 past four years 1 have, perhaps, contributed over one hundred 
 thousand dollars to what might be considered party purposes?" 
 ''Question. In what States was that money generally made 
 use of?" "Answer. Well, the larger part of it in Pennsylva- 
 nia, I think." "Question. That is, more than half the 
 amount?" "Answer. I could not say that." "Question. 
 To what other States than Pennsylvania have you contributed 
 to aid the party?" "Answer, I have contributed for parly 
 purposes in New York, New Jersey, Connecticut, Ohio, and 
 Maine, I think. There may be others, but they do not occur 
 to my mind now," "Question. Have all your contributions 
 been in northern States?" "Answer. Yes, sir. I do not re- 
 member spending a dollar politically in Southern States, I have 
 tendered contributions there, but they allowed that they did not 
 use money as we did in the free States." "Question. You 
 allege, then, that Pennsylvania has got half or more than half 
 of the M^hole amount?" "Answer, I could not say that; I 
 think not quite half?" " Question. But much more than any 
 other State?" "Answer, O, much more, by far. We thought 
 Pennsylvania more important in 1S56 than any other State, and 
 we were desirous in 1&58 of securing the State." " Question. 
 Can you tell what amount you spent in the first district. Col. 
 Florence's district, during the time you were doing Govern- 
 ment work?" "Answer. I could not tell exactly, my judg- 
 ment is, that it was rising 83,000." 
 
 [The reader will, if he pleases, here turn back to Patterson's 
 letter to the President, quoted above, showing the anxiety of the 
 President to elect Florence, and the means he adopted to do it] 
 
 After stating that he paid large amounts of money to Severns 
 of the Argus, part to sustain the paper, part to be expended in 
 the District, the witness is asked:— "Who was it that made 
 the arrangement by which he was to get that money?" "An- 
 swer. Well, sir, my knowledge has been that it was through 
 the President; I was doing all the printing here, and Mr, Rice, 
 of the Pennsylvanian, claimed a portion of it, and then Mr, 
 Severns did, and through friends, Mr, Bigler, Colonel Florence, 
 and other friends, it was arranged that they should have such a 
 
 B 
 
18 
 
 per centage of the work; that I should pay them so much. The 
 reason given was that the patronage of the city was lost, owing 
 to the triumph of the opposition, and the papers must be sus- 
 tained in some way, and, therefore, they must have a portion of 
 this work. I paid during the year, 1 think, to Mr. Rice, be- 
 tween §11,000 and $12,000; and to Mr. Severns, including 
 what I suppose was used for electioneering purposes, about 
 87,000." "Question. Two thousand dollars of which, yoii 
 say, was for electioneering purposes?" "Answer. I have it on 
 my memory that it was about that; I speak now of 185S; T have 
 said that that district has cost me $3,000, directly or indirectly, 
 these past four ^'■ears." "Question. By whom was the ar- 
 rangement made to take care of these papers?" "Answer. It 
 was done by authority of the President." "Question. Had 
 you any conversation with the President himself upon the sub- 
 ject?" "Answer. I had, several times; I was opposed to be- 
 ing thus levied on; I i/ioug/ii I re as liberal enough to spend all 
 the money 1 could make out of the work, and 1 did not care to 
 pay for papers; I never approved of it; it was through the in- 
 stigation of partizan friends from Pennsylvania that the arrange- 
 ment was finally made, by which I was to pay such a per 
 centage to Mr. Rice, which per centage was afterwards reduced 
 in order that Mr. Severns might have some; but the amount, 
 never was definitely settled; there .Avas a continual struggle to 
 get more, and I was continually resisting it; the contest waged 
 a 3^ear I think," "Question. You mentioned that you might 
 have paid Mr. Florence some money for his district in settling 
 these matters; that was for Mr. Severns, was it?" "Answer. 
 Yes, sir; Mr. Florence was a great friend and advocate of Mr. 
 Severns, as were Mr. Bigler and Mr. Baker for Mr. Rice; each 
 was desirous, I presume, to keep up his own special organ." 
 By Mr. Olin: — "Question. Who was this Baker that you 
 speak of?" "Answer. Collector of the port of Philadelphia; 
 he was very importunate for more; like Oliver Twist, he was 
 always crying for more." 
 
 Witness goes on to state in extcnso the other districts in Penn- 
 sylvania, to which he applied money in 185S — Landy's, Philip's, 
 Dimmick's, Scranton's, Reilly's, as to the latter of which he 
 says, "He thinks he gave one Bull, a clerk in one of the De- 
 
19 
 
 partments at Washington some money; ^^I remember his calling 
 upon me with a leave of absence to go up there electioneering, as 
 he said, and I gave him some money, and I think authorized liim 
 to draw on me, or tell some one in the District to draw on me." 
 The manner in which this money was lavished, will appear 
 by the witness's answer to the question, if he had the drafts or 
 accounts on which it was paid?" '^Answer. I doubt whether 
 I have them; I would state, to show the impossibility of distin- 
 guishing, that I would draw a check for a given amount of 
 money and take it with me when I went to Philadelphia, or 1 
 would draw my check in Philadelphia and swap checks with 
 some friend in Philadelphia who would give me the money for 
 my draft on my banker here; and I would divide the money up 
 and give it out to different parties; I would, perhaps, make a bet 
 of $500, and give from $500 to $1,000 in different districts. 
 But this was all mixei up so" that I really could not tell exactly 
 how it was all done, as I did not keep a minute of the details, 
 although my books will show the entire amount I spent for party 
 purposes. For instance, there would be an entry of a check 
 for ^$5,000 political,' but I could not remember who got all that 
 money, although I might remember $1,000 or .$2,000 of it." 
 
 As regards Foster's district, (in Pennsylvania,) he is asked, 
 "Did you have any conversation with him (the President) upon 
 the subject of what, if any, money should be used in that dis- 
 trict?" and answers, " If my memory serves me I did. I had 
 a conversation with him, and if my memor)'- serves me, I told 
 him that it would be useless to do any thing in that district; 
 that we were beaten before we commenced there." 
 
 When corruption like this existed at the head of the Govern- 
 ment, the profligate practices of the subordinate departments 
 may be readily conceived. Space is not allowed for details, but 
 the evidence before the committee demonstrates that the whole 
 Administration in all its ramifications has been turned into an 
 immense electioneering machine; first, to elect Mr. Buchanan, 
 and to sustain him afterwards. Large sums of money have been 
 levied on the employees of Government, on pain of dismissal, 
 to be spent in electioneering. "The lists of the clerks in the 
 Public Offices were made out, their names in one column, their 
 salaries in another, and the per centages levied, in another 
 
 B* 
 
20 • 
 
 roliimn." Numbers of men Avere taken into the public em- 
 plojaiient, at the Custom Houses, just before the elections, given 
 leave of absence, and sent to influence these elections, and after 
 the elections, they signed the pay-rolls as if they had been ac- 
 tually employed, and were then discharged, (this was particu- 
 larly the case in New York, where the Government made earnest 
 etforts to defeat Mr. Haskin, for Congress, who had deserted 
 the President on his Lecompton policy.) Persons Avere assigned 
 desks in the Public Ofiices as Clerks, and drew pay regularly 
 for services never rendered, and which were performed by 
 others, while they were absent and engaged in influencing the 
 elections.. A strong case in point is that of Mr. Brown, who 
 was appointed to the duty of the ''cancellation of transporta- 
 tion and exportation bonds" in the New York Custom House. 
 Bruce, clerk of the Warehouse Bureau, says a desk was as- 
 signed to Brown. "If my memory servQ^ me right, he said he 
 would be there a day or two, but I never saw him again in our 
 office; he did not occupy any desk, nor perform any duty in the 
 division over which I supposed I had charge, while I was 
 there." "A clerk in the oflice was assigned to take that desk, 
 and I believe he still occupies it." During this time, Brown 
 was to be found employed in the Election Committee room, or 
 on the stump, making speeches against Haskin, until he went 
 to Washington to edit the " Constitution,^^ the Government 
 organ, receiving pay from the Government all the time. 
 
 MONEY EMPLOYED TO CARRY THE PRESIDENT'S MEASURES THROUGH COXGRESS.— 
 THE LECOMPTON AND ENGLISH BILLS, &C. 
 
 Here again, we must resort to the refreshing developments be- 
 fore the committee, made by the President's familiar spirit, Mr. • 
 Wendell. He disclaims having paid money personally to mem- 
 bers of Congress, or that money was furnished by the Govern- 
 ment to carry this Bill; but he is asked, " Where did this money 
 come from; was it your own money, or was it furnished by some 
 body else?" "Answer. It could be considered my own money. 
 Sometimes I had the money lying in bank to my own credit, 
 sometimes I borrowed it of a friend." " duestion. Have you 
 any knowledge how much money you disbursed on that occa- 
 sion to carry that measure?" "Answer. I would respectfully 
 submit whether that is a proper question. If I had disbursed 
 
21 
 
 money to any members of Congress, I presume the question 
 would be a proper one. But if I saw fit to employ gentlemen 
 outside to aid in carrying it,. I woufd respectfully suggest 
 whether it is proper for the committee to inquire into my money 
 affairs." ''Question. I ^vill put the question in another way. 
 Was it not your habit to operate upon members of Congress 
 through third parties?" "Answer. I have done so, or tried to 
 do so." "Question. Did you not try to do so on that occa- 
 sion?" "Answer. I did." "Question. Did you not, in 
 paying money to outsiders, pay it for a specific purpose, or for 
 the votes or support of particular persons?" "Answer. I may 
 have paid outsiders to aid in procuring votes for particular mea- 
 sures." "Question. For that particular measure — the Le- 
 compton bill 1 am speaking of?" "Answer. Yes, sir; I paid 
 some money to outsiders to aid in canying the Lecompton bill." 
 "Question. Do you recollect whether, in drawing checks for 
 that purpose, you put in the names of the parties themselves, or 
 did you put in fictitious names?" "Answer. I have pro- 
 bably done it both ways; drawn them directly to the parties 
 sometimes; sometimes 'for political purposes;' 'pay to politics 
 $1,000;' 'pay to Kansas;' 'pay to bearer;' I have done it in 
 different ways. Sometimes a man would want a check -drawn 
 one way and sometimes another." "Question (to witness.) 
 Did you not, on the 8th of April, ISoS, give Mr. Bean a check 
 for $5,000?" "Answer. I remember giving him a check for 
 85,000, or $5,000 in money, but the date I have forgotten." 
 "Question. Was that money for himself or another? What 
 purpose had you in view in giving him that .$5,000?" "An- 
 swer. I was informed that by enlisting Bean he could be of 
 great service in the passage of the bill. Who informed me I 
 have forgotten; but it must have been some one in whose 
 opinion I had entire confidence, or I should not have broached 
 the subject to him. I did broach it, and, if my memory serves 
 me. he did agree to use all his influence for a consideration, 
 which consideration I paid him." "Question, Did you not 
 propose to give him $20,000 to accomplish certain objects?" 
 "Answer. I do not think I did, I do not remember of doing 
 so. I remember giving him .$5,000, but the conversation I held 
 with him I cannot call to mind, 1 was engaged day and 'night 
 
22 
 
 in that business at that time, and took a very active part in it." 
 "Question. Was not the money that you gave to Mr. Bean, 
 or proposed to give him, for a specific purpose — that is, to get 
 the Azotes of certain individuals for Lecompton?" "Answer. 
 1 think I understood tliat Bean had some influence with the 
 Ohio members, some of whom were supposed to be a httle 
 doubtful on the subject. If I recollect aright, he was the owner 
 of a paper, or had control of some papers in Ohio, in districts of 
 which the representatives were considered doubtful, and it was 
 thought that he might influence them, from his position as editor 
 of a paper, and, therefore, it was deemed essential to secure his 
 services; but who gave me that hint I do not remember. I may 
 have talked largely about money with him, my acquaintance 
 with him was very slight, however." By Mr. Robinson: — 
 " Question. Did he represent to you that he had influence with 
 any member?" "Answer. I cannot remember that he did. 
 The details of the conversation have escaped my memory en- 
 tirely. The main purpose was that he should use all his in- 
 fluence with the Oliio members, and that I should pay him for 
 his services." By the Chairman: — " Question. Did Mr. Bean 
 not tell you distincth' that that money was to go to certain mem- 
 bers?" "Answer. 1 do not remember that he did." "Ques- 
 tion. In giving him that $5,000 did you expect that he was to 
 keep it, or to pay it, or a portion of it, over to other parties?" 
 "Answer. Well, I might have had an idea that he was to divide 
 it around; but I would simply suggest, with all deference, that 
 my thoughts and ideas would not be evidence." "Question. 
 Did you not on that occasion specify a certain individual Avhose 
 vote was to be had for that $5,000?" "Answer. I might have 
 done so, but it does not occur to my mind now." " Question, 
 did you not specify certain votes that were to be paid for by the 
 §20,000?" "Answer. I cannot remember that I did." — 
 "Question. Were there any other parties from Ohio, besides 
 Mr. Bean — go betweens — to secure the votes of certain Ohio 
 members?" "Answer. Well, I cannot say that there was; I 
 was in conversation daily and hourly, as I have before observed, 
 Avith members and with outsiders on the subject. There Avere 
 scA^eral members from Ohio Avhose A'otes Avere considered doubt- 
 ful, ahd it was desirable to have them think as the party did, if 
 
23 
 
 possible.''^ Witness says his bank account during these opera- 
 tions amounted to $929,000, in about two years! His expenses 
 about the Lecompton Bill, were over $30,000! through three 
 agents, Bean, Hay and Walker. His accounts and his checks 
 were before the committee. His checks, accounts, &c., seem 
 to have been designedly kept in an unintelligible condition. 
 Part of his examination is as follows: "Question. Here, again, 
 on the 15th of June, are two other checks payable to numbers — 
 No. 397, 81,000; No. 39S, $600. What were they for?" "An- 
 swer. Really I cannot call to mind. They might have been 
 the numbers of the checks, and the checks made payable to the 
 numbers. Sometimes when I did not want it to go on the book 
 who got the money, T had the checks drawn in that way." 
 "Question. Was it the design in drawing the checks in this 
 way, or omitting to make them payable to some person or their 
 order, that it should not be known to whom the money was 
 paid?" "Answer. It might have been, in some cases. Pro- 
 bably I used money that I did not want anybody to know about; 
 most likely wanted to forget it myself." "Question. What 
 was your reason for that?" "Answer. Well; I do not know 
 of any. 1 would say to my book-keeper — draw a check to John 
 Jones, or to Peter Smith, or to somebody's order, just as the 
 case might be. I might be using money that I would be willing 
 to forget mj^self five minutes afterwards." 
 
 The inquiry arises, how was all this money raised? Witness 
 says, he borrowed from the banks, and difi'erent individuals, 
 until "he ran the town dry," and then he would go North and 
 borrow. Of the Hon. H. M. Philips, of Philadelphia, he says 
 he borrowed largely, and "He has the honor to owe him $10,000 
 nou\'''' Can it be believed that all this was a gratuitous expen- 
 diture of his private means? He says he had frequent inter- 
 views with the President, pending the Lecompton English Bill; 
 that he was receiving a large amount of money from the Gov- 
 ernment Avork — he was "enjoying at the time all the patron- 
 age of Government in his business, he thijiks, or nearly all — 
 there was no pledge or promise, that any more should be given 
 him., for he had it all then.'''' "Question. Were you not in- 
 duced to believe in interviews with the President, during the 
 Lecompton measure, that you would be remunerated, taken care 
 
24 
 
 of in some way, for your services?" ^'Answer. No, sir, not 
 from any assertion of his." ''(Question. From the tenor of 
 the conversations?" '^Answer. I had the idea that if I stood 
 by the party, and aided it all I could, he would stand by me." 
 
 Bean (a clerk in the House of Representatives when this 
 measure was passed) was examined. He admits the receipt of 
 the 15,000*, for services to be rendered in passing the bill, but 
 denies that he bestowed any part of it on members of Congress. 
 He says Wendell proposed to employ $20,600, through him, in 
 th^ same way, saying "a. bushel of gold is no object in this 
 matter." "He said that, when he was urging this proposition 
 upon me, I understood him by that to mean, that if I even 
 wanted more, 1 could have it." 
 
 Great efforts were made by a friend of the Administration on 
 the committee to disconnect the President with these transac- 
 tions, but the true character of his connection with them is ex- 
 plained by one of Wendell's answers, as to his expectation of 
 being rewarded, which he was asked to explain distinctly: — 
 "Answer. I do not know as I can do so more than I have. 
 There was a deep sohcitude evinced to have the bill passed. In 
 the conversations that I held, the subject was tlioroiighly dis- 
 cussed; and every measure that it was supposed could have any 
 effect upon it, upon the procuring of votes, was considered. 
 Although there was no direct positive understanding about it, 
 no one said, "Wendell, you spend a thousand or ten thousand 
 dollars and we will reimburse you" — nothing of that kind, yet 
 the impression conveyed to my mind was that the measure was 
 one in which the administration was very much interested, and 
 if I assisted in its passage I would be considered." 
 
 Frauds of the most disgusting character, in almost every 
 branch of the public service are disclosed by the investigations 
 of the committee. Take the following as an example in regard to 
 the United States Custom House at Philadelphia, and the office 
 of District Attorney of the United States in the same place, a 
 case cited because of the President's immediate connection with 
 it. Joseph B. Baker, was collector of customs in that city. 
 George G. Baker, is his brother, and 'married the Presidents 
 niece. James C. Vandyke was for much of the same time Dis- 
 trict Attorney for the United States in the same district. It is 
 
25 
 
 stated by Secretary Cobb, in answer to a letter of inquiry by 
 the committee, (March 24th, 1860,) that this George W. Baker, 
 '''was appointed a clerk, at a salary of $1,200 per annum, on 
 the 15th of November, 1S58, vice John Goodyear, promoted; 
 and tliat he has continued to, and does now, occupy that posi- 
 tion, at the same rate of salary." And Baker himself, being 
 before the committee, deposed that he regularly drew his salary, 
 and made affidavit, that the services of his office were rendered. 
 Yet he did nothing in his office, and he himself was all the time 
 engaged in editing the Pennsylva?iian, the President's home 
 organ, in Pentisi/lvania, rchich we have seen, teas also supported 
 by the profits of printing the Post Office Blanks, a patronage 
 procured for it through Wendell, by the President. That he 
 performed no duty in his office, the witness admitted; that he 
 was engaged; while holding it, in editing the Pcnnsylvanian, 
 was proved by Vandyke, and, indeed, was not controverted. 
 But Baker excuses himself, because he was detailed for other 
 duties, such services as confidential clerk to his brother, the 
 collector, though he says '^he was not, I believe, entitled to the 
 services of a clerk," and he, (the collector,) "wrote to the De- 
 partment, asking permission to appoint me to the vacant office, 
 with power to detail me for the purpose he desired.''^ His duties, 
 he says, "consisted principally as a sort of law adviser." "He 
 went out of the city to hunt up testimony in New York, in re- 
 gard to cases, and attended to cases in Court," and assisted his 
 brother in his correspondence. But Vandyke, the attorney, be- 
 ing asked what services Baker had rendered, as to htigation, 
 answers, " as a professional man, none." "Mr. Baker; never to 
 my knowledge, rendered any service in any matter in court," 
 and he says that in a single case, Baker collected some testimony 
 out of doors for him, for Avho.se service $50 would have been a 
 fair compensation. Theophilus Fiske, editor of the Argus, 
 for some time held the place of second clerk, under the naval 
 store keeper, but rendered no services. Charles Curnings also 
 succeeded him in the same office, rendered no service, and 
 Charles Clement, who succeeded him was equally useful. In 
 the mean time the collector makes it understood to all his em- 
 ployees, as regards Forney's opposition to the President, "and 
 the propriety of Mr. Buchanan's Lecompton doctrines," that 
 
26 
 
 the rresideiit is 'Agoing to make a test of it." ^'Yes," says 
 the collector to one of them, "we all entertained these views, 
 that Forney was correct, but the President has settled upon 
 another view of the case, and as Government officeis we are all 
 bound to support the President ^ In the mean time Vandyke 
 had quarrelled with the collector for this tyrannous abuse of his 
 official power; and he reminds the President in a letter of March 
 16, 1860, (shortly preceding his own removal from office,) that, 
 ''My relations with the collector, as I have frequently in- 
 formed you, in conversation and by letter, are the result of my 
 unwillingness to approve the conduct of the collector in his ty- 
 rannical abuse of the patronage of the federal government, with 
 a view to control the wishes of the people in their primary local 
 elections. This, in conformity with your own just views, as 
 expressed in times past, when in lS39-'40, lS43-'44, and 
 lb47-'48, it was supposed the same power was used to prevent 
 your political advancement, I have always disapproved and dis- 
 countenanced to the extent of my ability. The banding to- 
 gether by a collector of customs of the entire force of subordinate 
 federal officers, the necessities of many of whom may compel 
 them to yield their own convictions to his threats of removal, 
 and the controlling of the political preferences of other persons 
 under promises of appointment, are infringements of the rights 
 of the people, a violation of the democratic spirit of our institu- 
 tions, and at all times dangerous to the purity and perpetuity of 
 an elective government. And in ju^ification of my course, I 
 have to say, in a spirit of the utmost kindness and good feeling 
 to yourself personally, that no desire for office nor fear of re- 
 moval could induce me so far to forget my self-respect or forego 
 my rights as a citizen as to yield even a silent acquiescence in 
 the conduct of the gentleman who in this respect has so grossly 
 abused the federal patronage in this State." 
 
 He had previously deposed to the committee thus: — "Ques- 
 tion. Do you know of any effort made on the part of federal 
 officers to control State politics? If so, state in detail all the par- 
 ticulars?" "Answer. In my opinion there has been in the city 
 of Philadelphia a general combination among all the federal offi- 
 cers, with very few exceptions, to control the internal party 
 politics of the city." "Question. Anything to do with the 
 
politics of the State outside of the city?" ^'Answer. I think 
 that that influence has been attempted by the federal officers to be 
 extended beyond Pliiladelphia. ***** I have myself on all 
 such occasions refused to follow the lead of otlier federal othce 
 holders in Philadelphia, principally controlled by the collector of 
 the port, and have acted more with those outside of the federal 
 offices than with those in. This had created a bad feeling be- 
 tween the President and myself. I refused to submit to that 
 dictation^ and shall continue to refuse. 
 
 " Question. Do you know, of your own knowledge, whether 
 the interference of the collector, or any other federal officer in 
 Philadelphia, with their employees for political purposes, was 
 with the knowledge of the President — interference for the pur- 
 poses of controlling their conduct in reference to elections?" 
 '^Answer. I have complained to the President about it, and my 
 opinion is, that other persons acting with me have done the 
 same." ''(Question. Did you resist those efforts of Collector 
 Baker and other federal officers ; and if so, were you threatened 
 with removal from office unless you yielded to this combina- 
 tion?" ''Answer. I have always resisted these efforts, from 
 1S39 up to the present time, whenever they have been attempted 
 ii\ the party. The President never threatened me with removal ; 
 bufi have been informed by the mutual friends of the collector, 
 and other federal officers and myself, that they had been making 
 efforts for the last two years to have me removed, and that' the 
 President would do so unless I modified my hostility to the col- 
 lector. I have disregarded such threats." "Question. Had 
 your resistance, in your judgment, anything to do with your 
 removal?" ''Answer. In my judgment it is the cause of my 
 removal." 
 
 The President hugged to his bosom his serviceable collector, 
 and let his consciencious attorney go adrift. Very shortly after 
 this evidence was given, the formal dismissal of the attorney 
 followed. The President tries, in his letters to Vandyke, to put 
 his dismissal upon the inimical relations between him and the 
 collector, which he professed to regard as prejudicial to the public 
 service. But the attorney (March 16th, 1S60,) reminds him 
 "that such a change (meaning his own removal) is not con- 
 trolled by these considerations is fairly inferable from the fact, 
 
. 28 
 
 that the personal and pohtical relations that at present exist be- 
 tween the collector of the port and myself are precisely the same 
 as they were at the time of my appointment, when at your per- 
 sonal 'solicitation I accepted the office,' and are the same as 
 they had been with the full knowledge of the Administration 
 for nearly cue year previous to that appointment." He adds a^i 
 additional cause of his opposition to the collector, was " his pay- 
 ing to persons professedly employed in tlie revenue service, 
 large salaries out of the public treasury, ^Adlen it is said such 
 persons notoriously do not discharge the duties of their appoint- 
 ments, but either devote their time to other business callings, 
 or one engaged in the discharge of other public duties, properly 
 compensated at a lower rate of salary. ' ' 
 
 ''I have also to state that about October, 1859, I frankly in- 
 formed you that if my course in all matters of party issues, 
 though hostile to the dictation of the collector of the port, was 
 not approved by you, I could no longer continue in office. You 
 at that time informed me that there was nothing which had 
 ■occurred to lessen your confidence, or to cause you to desire a 
 change, but, on the contrary, that your wish was, I would con- 
 tinue in my position, at the same time expressing a desire that I 
 should be on friendly personal and political relations with the 
 collector which I said was impossible. It is also for this reason 
 that the cause now given for my removal is to me the more un- 
 accountable, for since then nothing has occun-ed to change my 
 official relations with the officers at Philadelphia, except it be 
 that arising from m)?- official notice of the report'of the improper 
 payment of salaries by the collector to which I have alluded, 
 and in regard to which I have expressed my opinion that upon 
 information properly laid no District Attorney could refuse to en- 
 tertain a prosecution." 
 
 After the dismissal of Vandyke, the President writes him a 
 sort of deprecatory and apologetic letter, reiterating the same 
 reason for turning him out, that he was at feud with the collec- 
 tor, to which Vandyke, after repeating that these relations with 
 the collector had at no time been permitted by himself to stand 
 in the way of that official intercourse, which the public inte- 
 rests required, he concludes the correspondence as follows, and 
 
29 
 
 we recommend what he says as '-profitable for doctrine" to all 
 Presidents and office-holders, as well as people: 
 
 ''Your conversations Avith me, as well as your letters tome 
 on this subject, have invariably referred to the subject in its 
 political aspects, and as affecting the management of internal 
 party politics, in which I have always considered every citizen 
 fully competent to judge of his own course without the assist- 
 ance of a collector of customs. This was especially the case in 
 our last conversation to which you have referred, and in which 
 you will no doubt, upon reflection, remember official duties and 
 relations were not mentioned. Your only request of me at that 
 time was that I would not interfere with the collector in his 
 management of the then approaching campaign to elect delegates 
 to our State convention, called for the purpose of nominating a 
 Governor and sending delegates to the Chorlcston national con- 
 vention. And the only occasion in \vhich I ever had any inter- 
 course with any other member of the administration touching 
 this matter was in 1858, when the Attorney General in conver- 
 sation informed me that in his opinion the good of the party 
 required union and concert of action among all the federal 
 officers. This conversation referred only to unity in the man- 
 agement of internal party politics, and had special reference to 
 the judicial nominating convention. The tenor of his conver- 
 sation was to secure a complete combination iamong the federal 
 officers of a character that did not receive my approval, for I 
 have always regarded such combinations as in conflict with the 
 doctrine of State rights as interpreted by the Democratic party, 
 and have believed that to unite in them would be derogatory to 
 every feeling of self-respect. 
 
 I regret that the duty I owe to myself and to those friends 
 with whom 1 have acted requires me to say this much, and I do 
 it with no other desire than to place myself correctly before you 
 and them. 
 
 Witli the assurance that I reciprocate your impressions of per- 
 sonal good feeling, I am, sir, your friend, very respectfully, 
 
 JAMES C. VANDYKE." 
 
 His excellency James Buchaxan, President. 
 
 AVhat wonder that the President should shrink from these 
 exposures and aim to shield himself, under some fancied consti- 
 
30 
 
 tutional exemption from scrutiny, by the representatives of the 
 people in Congress. 
 
 People of Virginia, the serious question now put to you, is, 
 do you wish to continue this profligate and corrupting dynasty 
 of office holders in power? Shall the President and those under 
 him elect his successor, and thus keep the present official horde 
 of corruptionists in office? That such is the object, and such 
 the means now in progress, is clear in a thousand ways. Take 
 for a sample the oflicial circular with which we shall close this 
 document, which we earnestly pray you to read, learn and in- 
 wardly digest. A subscription paper, headed by Hon. Jacob 
 Thompson, Secretary of the Interior, for ^500, has been passed 
 around among the Clerks in Washington, all of whom are ex- 
 pected to contribute voluntarily or go out of office, and the cen- 
 tral committees in the States are bleeding the Post-masters and 
 other officials, in this fashion: 
 
 Columbus, Ohio, July 21, ISGO. 
 
 My Dear Sir: — A movement, as you are aware, has been in- 
 augurated here in favor of Breckinridge and Lane. The vital 
 principles of our national Democratic party are at stake in the 
 coming contest. You know that a political canvass cannot be 
 successfully carried on without funds. Great numbers of docu- 
 ments miist be circulated, and a great variety of expenses in- 
 cuiTed which will readily suggest themselves to the reason of 
 all. 
 
 The central committee, under the direction of the meeting 
 which appointed it, have had the duty imposed upon it of re- 
 Qjiinding you that all who are occupying official position are ex- 
 pected to contribute to the expenses of the campaign. It is 
 hoped, therefore, that you will respond promptly to this notice, 
 and that you will not regard the sum of fifty dollars too much 
 for you to advance. 
 
 Please direct your remittance to Thomas Sparrow, of this 
 city, Treasurer. 
 
 JOHN DAWSON, 
 Chairman of State Executive Committee. 
 
 William A. Neil, Secretary. 
 
 S25 
 
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