LIZ ==^ ^ > pH8J Life of Millaed Fillmore. "Hereditary rank," says Washington Irving, "maybe an illusion; but hereditary virtue gives a patent of innate nobleness beyond all the blazonry of the Herald's College." We can trace the ancestors of Millard Fillmore back for six generations ; and, as children of the soil, pioneers of toil, and defenders of their country, they present one lineal characteristic — sterUng, patriotic tiktdk. Such an heirloom is more glorious than a kingly crown. Let us, in homely phrase, mingle with the ancestors of a President of this mighty Union. It ifl the romance of truth. CHAPTER 1. JOHN FILLMORE THE FISHERMAN. " If you will go to the seas, John," said the think you that your mother has already been sorely smitten. Remember your father's suffer- ings and his cruel fate." " Mother ! I will never grieve you," answered the young man. " If it be that you like not I widow Fillmore, as she kissed her son's fair, open j should venture the West India voyage, then, if it brow, " my blessing must go with you. But, be- i be your will, let me sail with Mark Haskell, skip- R. M. DE WITT (late De Witt & Davenport), Publisher, 160 & 162 Nassau St., N. Y. Price per dozen, ,38 cents ; per hundred, $2 50 ; and by the thousand, $20. W..H. TiK .IV, prnter nnd St«reotyp«r. Geo. W. Alexjjideb, Ba ^?i^ AW \\ LIFE OF MILLARD FILLMORE. \ ^ _ 'per of'the Dolphin, wh\) goes-bijt to the Fishing ( Jkn.k8.^»>,>SureTy Irun Jio risk of harm in so short a vo^gpjldcar niotlier." " Bless you, son John, I know well that you would not grieve me ; and I will not deny you this trip to the Fishing Banks, the more that I see your young heart is set upon it. Go, then, my boy — and remember, in whatever position you may find yourself, that you are the sou of John Fillmore, a biave mariner and a good man." With Ji fervent prayer and parting embrace, the widow of John Filliinare, mariner, whose husband had died in a French prison-ship, resigned her first-born to his youthful impulses, and saw him sail from the shores of Cape Ann, with the proud feeling that he never could dishonor the name or memory of his father. It was a novel position for young John Fill- more, to find himself treading the deck of the staunch sloop Dolphin, and to hear, in his lonely watch at night, the dark waves retreating from her prow, as .she sped toward Newfoundland. But John remembered his motlier, as he took his "trick at the tiller," and forgot not his Heavenly Father, when he knelt at night and read by the binnacle lamp, that last gift of affection — a well- worn Bible. He was first at every call of duty, and soon gained the favor of his captain, as well as the esteem of his associates. About this time — that is to say, at the close of the year 1723 — there was a noted pirate infesting the coasts of New England and the other prov- inces, a man dai'ing and unscrupulous, who was called John Phillips. This adventurer, scouring the seas between Jamaica and Newioundland, had rendered his name a terror to peaceful mariners, whose vessels he plundered on all occasions, hesi- tating not to add murder to his other crimes, ■whenever it appeared necessary to safety. The exploits of the noted freebooter had fur- nished a subject of frequent conversation on board the sloop Dolphin, but little did her hardy crew expect to behold, as they did one fine morning, the ship of the pirate bearing rapidly down upon their course. By lier black colors at the gaff", and the number of men upon decks, the corsair was easily recognized, and the discharge of a stern- swivel from her quarter soon summoned the fish- ing vessel to lay to, and await the crowded boat which presently put off from the enemy. John Fillmore stood by the sloop's helm, the skipper and the rest of her crew, mostly youths, awaiting silently the pirate's demands. Resist- ance, of course, was not to be thought of; for there were no means of defence against such over- powering numbers, anly, than 'list with a murdering pirate." "We'll stand by you, my brave boy," cried Cap- tain Haskell and the Dolphin's crew, John Fill» more shook their hands and said : LIFE OF MILLAED FILLMORE. "Put not your lives in peril, but let me stand by mvself. If I die — remember my — poor mo- ther !'" At this, young Fillmore's heart will-nigh failed. The thought of his only parent almost unmanned lim. But the next instant he dashed the sudden tear from his cheek, and prepared to confront the redoubtable Captain Phillips himself, who had stepped upon the deck, and now thundered out — " Where is that bold stripling who disputes the command of John Phillips •"' " If John Phillips bids mc do wrong against the laws of God and my country, then do I fear not to dispute his command," answered Fillmore. " Ho, ho ! young cock ! — you have been taught to crow well. Nevertheless, go with John Phil- Ups you must — dead or alive." " bead be it, then," said Fillmore, grasping his only weapon, an old cutlass, and preparing for a brave resistance, while the crowd of pirates held l)ack a moment, in wonder at the spirit of the yomig man. Captain Haskell and the fishers step- ped forward to range themselves beside their young companion, but he shook his head, and waved them backward. "No, friends! The fight is too unequal, and one life is enough to sacrifice." The pirate captain regarded the bold bearing of young Fillmore with growing interest. He knew, of course, that a single rush of his men would suf- fice to overpower all defence, but he felt, likewise, that the youth would dispute to the last, and that probably more than one would fall among his own followers. " Come, come," he said, coaxingly, " I like not to spill the blood of a brave boy like you. Go with me, and you shall be well treated, and leave my ship whenever you like, if the life of a rover suits you not." " I wish to make no bargain for ray soul," said Fillmore. " Tush, man ! neither your soul nor body will be the worse for a short cruise in a free ship. Bear a hand, youngster, and heed well how you force matters to extremities." " I am prepared to defend my liberty," replied the young man, in a calm voice. " Then," cried the pirate captain, with an oath, " your blood and the blood of all your comrades be on your head. Not a man of all of ye but shall walk the plank in five minutes." John Fillmore, for the first time, changed color, bold and determined as he was. He feared not for himself, for he had made up his mind to die rather than surrender. But, as he looked around upon the faces of his fellow-fishermen, young men like himself, and upon the brave skipper HaskeU, who had been so ready to protect him, he remembered that all of these had friends and relatives at home, whose hearts would be broken to learn of their cruel fate. He felt that he could no longer act for hiuiself only. " Well, youngster, are you disposed to go back with me?" demanded Captain Piiiilips, who divined what thoughts were passing in the youth's mind. " If I agree to your wish, shall the Dolphin and her crew go free and unharmed'?" " That I promise," returned the pirate. " And to show you that I like your spirit, you shall not be asked to sign articles, nor to enroll your name in my ship's books. I want bold fellows such as you are, but I want them without compulsion ; and if you Uke not the voyage, comrade, you shall go in two months where you will. Are you satisfied with that ?" Fillmore paused a moment ere he answered. Ho looked at the piratical band, and then on his fel- low-fishermen. He shuddered at the thought of sailing with a pirate, but he knew the alternative of a refusal, and with a violent efibrt he cried, " I will go with you!" Captain Phillips smiled with grim satisfaction, and said, " that's spoken like the brave lad you are. Bear away, man, and get ready for a two months' trip with a bold rover, if you like not a longer service." In half an hour more, John Fillmore trod the pirate's deck, and saw the sloop Dolphm growing less in the distance, as he sailed in an opposite course from the Banks of Newfoundland. CHAPTER II. JOHK FILLMORE THE HELMSMAN, The new view of nautical life which our young hero obtained on board the pirate bark, was not one calculated to increase his love for the career of a sailor. The reckless and profane character of the crew, the indifference, and often exultation, with which they recounted scenes of violence and rapine, speedily inspired John Fillmore with pro- found detestation of their lawless avocation. In the first few weeks, though the buccaneer over- hauled and ransacked many small craft, few prizes of any value were captured, and the disappoint- ment which foUowed every failure in booty served to bring out the manifestations of avarice and an- ger in Capt. Phillips and his wicked followers, exhi- biting the imchecked passion and license of a free- booter's life in their natural deformity. During this period several prisoners were taken, two or three of whom were induced to sign the piratical articles and become part of the corsair's crew. John Fillmore had been from the first assigned to the helm, a post of great hardship and respon- sibility, but one which gave him ample opportu- nity for reflection upon his strange situation. He remembered the promise of PhiUips to re- lease him after a faithful service of two months, and endeavored to perform, as well as possible, the duties of his position ; but, much to his cha- grin, he found, after eight weeks had passed, and he reminded the pirate captain of his stipulation, that the men who break the laws of their country keep no private faith. The buccaneer chief re- fused to listen to him, alleging that but few cap- tures had been made, and he could not now go from his course; but he renewed his promise to set him at hberty without fail, if he would only remain a faithful helmsman three months longer. John Fillmore expostulated, but he was now ill the power of Phillips, and argument on his si Ic \v;is useless. To be sure, he was still exempt LIFK OF MILLARD FILLMORE. from signing articles, but the prospect of a longer sojourn with his uncongenial associates filled him with disgust. Nevertheless, he submitted cheer- fully, and resumed his labors, endeavoring to ac- quit himself with credit, until the three months should pass away. He mingled seldom with the crew, and they, on their part, found little satisfac- tion in the society of one who plainly evinced his dislike of their avocation and habits. At the holm he remained, steering the ship through storm and calm, till the end of the tilth month from his capture gave him the right to demand once more of Captain Phillips, that, according to promise, he should be set ashore. The pirate had been unsuccessful of late, and was in no good humor. lie flew into a vio- lent passion, and gave vent to volleys of oaths, as he ordered Fillmore to return to his duty, plainly giving him to understand, that he never had intended to keep his prondse. The young man answered nothing, but from that moment, he resolved to escape whenever he could, and by whatever nieans should ofl'er. Another month, another, and another, rolled on, and Fillmore remained a prisoner with the pirates, doing his duty, it is true, but associating no more than was absolutely necessary with any of the crev,'. The captain distrusted him continu- ally, and took every method to increase the hard- ships of his condition, and often with threats and imprecations he would approach him, and declare tliat he would yet force him to be a pirate. John Fillmore only smiled and shook his head at the malice of his captain, but in his mind he was meditating a method of es.'ape at last. One thing John Fillmore had already deter- mined in his mind, and more th;in once carried into etfect; and that was to prevent the capture of a prize, whenever possible to do so by false steering of the ship. Several merchant vessels had already escaped the pirate's pursuit, through adroit mismanagement on the young sailor's part, till Captain Phillips began at length to suspect his unwilling helmsman ; and one day, when in chase of a French galleon, he abruptly aj)[u-oached Fill- more, and attacked him furiously with a drawn sword. The young man strove to defend himself, but it was not till his head covering had been knocked away, and several cuts made upon his forehead, that he escaped from the blind assault of the angry buccaneer. John Fillmore that mo- ment meditated to take speedy action for his liberty, and to gain it, or perish in the attempt. The French galleon was captured, and proved to be richly laden with silks, India goods, and liquors of rare excellence. The latter articles were particularly welcome to the pirates, as their Store was nearly exhausted, and after setiing tire to the [)luiulered merchantnum, and placing her crew and passengers in irons, they resolved to celebrate their good fortune by a gr.-.ud larousal. Fillmore heard their determinntion expressed, and saw that the moment for his own action was at hand. The night approached, and with it the orgies of the pirate band. Diviiling their portions of such treasures as had been taken, and stoiing the bulky merchandise iu the hold, where likewise were secured the French prisoners and a few ne- groes — the outlaws met with their captain in the large cabin, and there gave themselves up to wild excitement. Fillmore marked their proceedings with anxiety, watching from his post at the helm, and listening with beating heart to the increasing wildness of the drunken feast. As the night wore away, one after another of the pirate? would ascend to the quarter, and approach him with some threatening imprecation, and more than once Phillips staggered to the helm, with a wine bottle in his hand, bidding him " drink to the life of a jovial pirate." Hours passed on, and still the debauch continued ; but at length, intoxica- tion overcame some, others sunk to sleep, and at midnight silence reigned in the corsair ship. This was the hour and the moment that John Fillmore had long hoped for. Hastily lashing the helm, he stole softly to the companion-way. wliere two of the sailors, after staggering violently a few moments before, had fallen ajjparently in a lethargic slumber. He touched them lightly on the shoulder, and they at once arose and followed him to tlie helm. " Are they all dead drunk ?" asked John Fill- more. " I doubt that all are drunk," answered the man addressed. " The captain sleeps soundly, but you know he wakes at the footstep of a cat." " But he drank heavily ?' " For that matter, so did we all," replied the sailor. " But, Jack and I are sobei^ enough for the work we are to do." " Let us, then, set about it at once," said Fill- more. " Go you, Harry, and liberate the French- men and blacks, while Jack and myself gi.t to- gether the weapons." The conspirators at once proceeded to the work in hand, and in a few moments they had released the lately captured prisoners, and armed a few with axes and liandspikcs, which they had before secreted. John Fillmore, with the two sailors, were the first who entered the cabin of carousal, and there, by the dim sconces, they attacked the intoxicated pirates, who, half sense- less as they were, had yet the advantage of pos- sessing swords and firearms. Phillips was the first to recover his faculties, and make bold resist- ance, but John Fillmore had resolved that his enemy should not escape, and though the conflict was a fierce one, the buccaneer soon fell beneath the stalwart arm of the young fisherman. The majority of the pirates were killed or disabled and the morning sun saw their vessel, the scene of many a ciime, in possession of Fillmore and his companions, shaping her coarse, with a favor- ing brec/e, for the harbor of Boston ; while the pirates who had survived the struggle, were closely confined with the chains that had bound their recent prisoners. John Fillmore had served a nine months' ap- prenticeship, but was at length free. He deliver- ed the pirate vessel to the authorities, and Lieu- tenant-Governor Drunnnond, acknowledging the valor and hardihood of the young mariner, de- creed to him, as tokens of his exploit, "the gun, silver-belted sword, silver shoe and knee-buckles, ■"T" LIFE OF MILLARD FILLMORE. 5 a curious tobacfo-box, and two gold rings that the pirate, Captain Phillips, used to wear." And while the surviving pirates, so daringly captured, were hung in chains on the gibbet at Bird Island, John Fillmore returned to his native home, and once more embraced his mother, her returned sailor-boy. He had, indeed, not dishon- ored the " name of John Fillmore, the brave mariner and honest man." CHAPTER III. NATHANIEL FILLMORE, THE MINUTE MAN. When " the Stark of Bennington " mustered his raw recruits — from tlie plough and workshop — and swore that the setting sun should see him victorious over his country's invaders, or that " Molly Stark should be a widow," he spoke the determination of an entire nation, tliat had arisen in defence of liberty, and pledged their "lives, their fortunes, and their sacred honors," to sup- port the Declaration of their Independence. The brave yeomanry of the North clasped hands with the sons of the South upon the sacredness of that compact, and together they battled, together poured forth their blood, upon a hundred well- fought fields, in attest;Uion of their combined in- terests, and in order? to achieve a Union of States which should constitute a mighty nation, and become a refuge and home of the oppressed in all the future. Such noVjility of purpose — such patriotism — animated the men of New Engl.ind, as tliey did all other true Americans — in '* the times that tried men's souls " — such was the spirit of every gal- lant troop which, on the eventful battle-day, marched through the Vermont woods to join their comrades at Bennington. There, on the yet wild borders of the land, dwelt one Nathaniel Fillmore, son of the brave sailor whose exploits have been feebly sketched in the last chapter. There, cultivating the soil, felling the forest tree, pioneering tlie march of empire, he passed liis youthful days ; and there, when the cry of an enfranchised nation arose, he grasped the patriot's sword, and summoned his neighbors — the young men of Bennington, to march with Stark to victory. With a band hastily equipped the sailor's son met, at their rendez- vous at the outskirts of the town, and there they took leave of wives and children. A family prayer— a quick chipping of hands — and then, with muskets shouldered, they 'followed the drum to battle. Such were the b.ief partings between loved ones in the stormy *lays of the Revolution; when the patriot Whig, holding him.self as a " minute man" at his country's call, would cast down the hammer or leave the plough, to array himself hastily with musket and cartridge-box, and hurry away to join in some sudden conflict. Too often, alas, the convulsive embrace which he gave to his family, was the last Uving token of affection that they were to receive at his hands. Too often the next pillow which his brave head pressed, was the cold clod of a blood-stained battle-field. But while the fathers fought the mothers toiled' and hoped. And now, long after the last Conti- nental had disappeared in the distance, their wives, and sisters, and daughters, and sweethearts, of Bennington, remained in silent devotion, iheir hearts dwelling upon the forms of their dear ones, their lips moving in prayers to God, that he would, in his mercy, o'erwatch the good cause • and sustain its adherents. Thus, while the hours passed slowly on, the women whose kindred were at Bennington, mingled their tears and supplica- tions together. Suddeidy the distant noise of firing announced the beginning of battle. From afar off the vol- leys of musketry were heard in rapid discharge, and the shrill trumpet and echoing drnnis sounded in the intervals of conflict. Great clouds of smoke arose upon the horizon's edge, gradually deepen- ing and widening, until they rested hke a yellow curtain far up in the heavens. All knew, then, that Stark and his soldiers were fighting the bat- tle of Bennington. It was a wonderful faith which sustained those weeping women, while they listened to the sound and beheld the signs of that struggle, wherein their dearest affections were centred. Tliey en- couraged one another with words of hope, and strengthened their confidence with mutual pray- ers. But, as the day wore on, ai'.d the battle con- tinued, their hearts were sorely tried with vary- ing emotions. All the while, a band of children, who had been lifted in their fathers' arms, and kissed with all the fervor of affection, by the parting troops, were gambolling in front of the house, and per- sonating mimic soldiers upon the green sward. Children whose names have since become historic, played that day before the eyes of their sonowing mothers, and mocked with their infant glee ths sounds that came from Bennington. But no name was destined to be enrolled liiglier in the annals of a free country, than that borne by a lad of six years, who stood at his mother's knee, and prat- tled of his father, brave Lieutenant Nathaniel Fillmore — the son of that John Fillmore, who, when a fisherboy, overcame the pirate Phillips. "Do not cry, dear mother !" murmured the child, as he and his playmates clustered around the circle of tearful women, "father will not stay long jiway." " Ah, my boys — do you not fear that your fa- thers may be killed '?" "No, indeed, dear mother," answered the young American, his eyes flashing with native spirit, " we know cntr fathers are more than a match for the Rec/ulars any day." Stark ! brave Stark ! with the sires of such children, and the husbands of such wives at your back, it is no wonder you conquered at Ben- nington. It is no maivel that Nathaniel Fillmore, when he returned from the battle-field, and lifted in his arm the boy who was destined to be llio father of one more powerful than a monarch, — • a President of the United Suite? — it is uo marreJ LIFE OF MILLAKD FILLMOKE. that he should exclaim, " We have conquered, and we shall conquer ! Our cause is just, and must prevail!" CHAPTER IV. NATHANIKL FILLMORE THE PIONEER. Sixty years ago, the great beehive of western New York was a wilderness. Where now the rushing locomotive dashes through prosperous vil- lages, and populous cities, winds among valleys smiling with harvest abundance, and leaps over rivers that turn a thousand mill-wheels: then dense forests stretched in almost unbroken soli- tude, and naught disturbed the loneliness of na- ture save the crash of some falling oak, hewed by the woodman's axe, or the tinkle of kine-bells in t];e uufenced military lands, where hardy back- woodsmen reared their log-huts and opened the path of civilized life. Nathaniel Fillmore, the sailor's grandson — the child who, with his weeping mother, listened to the thunders of Bennington, where his father was fighting in the cause of liberty ; — had emi- grated from Vermont, and taken up land in the then unsettled region of Cayuga county. With his jouiig Massachusetts wife, a woman whose nature combined all the graces of refined Ufe with the endurance and fortitude necessary to a wilderness life, he began the arduous work of reclaiming an independent home from the rough bosom of , nature. The labors of settlement in a new country — the hardships and privations incident to pioneer life, are calculated to bring out all the best qualities of manhood ; and in his sphere Nathaniel Fill- more exhibited the possession of them in an emi- nent degree. Industry and perseverance were constituents of his character, that assisted him materially in the subjugation of his wild domain, and he had likewise that quahty of stern integ- rity which has been always a peculiar family trait .of the Fillmores. But above all other aids to his enterprise, he enjoyed the companionship and consolation of the devoted woman who had left her father's home to be his help-meet in weal and in woe. Phoebe Millard, which was the maiden name of his wife, was the daughter of Dr. Abia- thar Millard, of Pittsfield, in the " old Bay State " — that mother of virtuous women and enterpris- ing men — and when she gave her hand as a bride, but sixteen summers had passed over her youthful head. Young, however, as she was, her character was already developed in all the nobler qualities of womanhood — her intellect was clear and discriminating, and her disposition gentle and affectionate. She came to her husbanil's side to be a blessing in his path — to pass her life in the accomplishment of good deeds — and to walk peaceably at last through the flower-crowned por- tal of a quiet tomb— leaving behind the halo of a Christian lady's work. She has long since de- parted, but " her children rise up and call her blessed." With such a companion, NaWianiel Fillmore en- tered joyfully upon the pioneer's life. He cleared a homestead from its wilderness surroundings, and, amid hardships and toils, endeavored to achieve an independent position as a farmer. While "engaged in these rough encounters of early industry, his young wife became the mother of MiLLAUD Fillmore, shortly after which event, in consequence of reverses and loss of his pro- perty through a defective title, he removed from the place of his first location, and in 1802 settled in tlie town of Sempronius (now Niles), in the county of Cayuga, where his young son Millard, passed his infancy and early youth. .CHAPTER V. MILLARD FILLMORE THE FARM-BOY. From the pursuits of agriculture sprung many of the greatest men who, in past ages, have worked out the history of the world. Heroes and statesmen, philosophers and poets, sons of science, martyrs to religion, reformers, law-givers, have arisen in the majority of instances from that humble, but in all times honorable sphere, where man draws nearest to his mother earth, and learns his first lessons of development by regard- ing the manifold operations of progressive nature — from the acorn to the oak — from the seed hid- den beneath the soil to the full glories of harvest. Millard Fillmore's boyish days were unmarked by any varied incidents beyond the routine of peaceful industry, but he early manifested trait« which have since been moulded into his manly character! Among these were his love of study, and unremitting application to whatever work was allotted to him. In infency he was far from robust, a fact which retarded in some degree hia natural mental quickness ; but as exercise began to fortify his constitution, and labor developed and concentrated his energies, so the desire for improvement "grew with his growth and strength- ened with his strength." Tlie new country where he dwelt offered few of those facilities for education which are now at every man's door. The com- mon school did not at that period crown every village eminence, nor did a district library bring the experience of history, science and genius, into every child's reach ; but of such means of instruc- tion as he could command, Millard Fillmore made good use ; and the rudiments of knowledge that were then instilled into his mind, were at least the foundation Whigs through the treachery of the Abolitionists nii.l foreign Catholics, who combined, the fir.st to defeat llie eoulhern Clay, the second in hatred of the Protestaiit Frelinghuysen. Great was the reliance placed upon the Empire State.— disgraceful the hypocrisy whirh betrayed her at the hour of tiial. As it is now, so it was then, w" enemies of American principles and the sectional fanatics stood side by side, and by their instrumentality Henry Clay lost the state of New York— Polk was elected— the Mexican war entailed —and a thousand distractions recklessly risked by those whose motto is "rule or ruin." It has been denied by men who are now arrayed under the banner of sectionalism, that the defeat of Mr. Clay was attributable to the causes above stated. But the opinion of some of our best citizens attested the truth of the allegation. Hon. Chief Justice Am- brose Spencer, writing to Mr. Clay, said — " The abo- lition vote lost you the election ; the foreign vote also destroyed your election. God only knows to what we are destined. One sentiment seems to pre- vail universally, that the naturalization laws must be altered ; that they must be repealed, and the door forever shut on the admission of foreigners to citi- zenship, or that they undergo a long probation." Philip Hone, of New York, wrote, "nine-tenths of our respectable citizens voted for Clay and Freling- huysen — the merchants, the professional men, the mechanics and workingmen — all such as live by their skill and the labor of their honest hands— who have wives whom they cherish, and children whom they strive to educate and make good citizens— men who go to church on Sundays, respect the laws, and love their country — but, alas ! the numerical strength lies not in those classes. Foreigners who have ' no lot nor inheritance ' in the matter, have robbed us of our birthright, the ' sceptre has departed from Israel.' Ireland has re-conquered the country which England lost." John H. Westwood, of Baltimore, wrote, " It was foreign influence, aided by the Irish and Dutch vote, that caused our defeat. * * But, notwithstanding the ingratitude of the German and Irish voters, if the Abolitionists of New York had done their duty, all would have been well? Mr. Frelinghuysen, wrote from New York, to Henry Clay, '^ The foreign vote was tremendous, more than three thousand, it is confidently said, were naturalized since the first of October. It is an alarm- ing fact, that this foreign vote has decided the great questions of American policy, and counteracted a nation's gratitude." Thus was it in 1844. And so is it now, when in 1S56 the leaders of an unhappy faction pursue the same atrocious system of political tactics, and endea- vor to cast the weight of foreigners into the political scale, in order to break down the Union, and divide the country on a geographical issue. Well, indeed, might Millard Fillmore say in writing to Clay in '44. " A cloud of gloom hangs over the future. May God save the country." Let us trust that this patriotic prayer will be answered at the coming election — and that he who uttered it will be chosen as the instrument, under Providence, of accomplishing the freedom of our country from foreign influence, and the deliverance of the Union from plots and conspiracies of sectional fanatics. CHAPTER VIII. MILLARD FILLMORK THE STATESMAN. In 1847, Mr. Fillmore was elected to the impor- timt office of Comptroller of the State of New tm I < ifmmmmi^'i*' mmmmm^—m -n i-wgaa LIFP: of MILLARD FILLMORE. n York. The varied and arduous duties of this position were discharged by him in a manner that won the approbation of all parties. His experience in financial details, gained as Chairman of the Committee of Ways and Means in Congress ; his arithmetical talents, and the faculty, which he has always possessed in an eminent degree, of pene- trating to the core of the most involved questions, and laying them open to public view, peculiarly fitted him to discharge the functions of an officer on whose wise management depends so much of the State's prosperity. In his report, which has been often quoted for its comprehensive views of fiscal policy, Mr. Fillmore exhibited a consummate knowledge of the governing laws of trade and commerce, in connection with currency; and the soundness of judgment and simplicity of deduction which characterized his estimate of the most in- tricate questions, fully sustained the high reputa- tation for statesmanship which he had won in for- mer positions of trust and honor. In 1848, when the Whig National Convention at Philadelphia placed in nomination the hero of Buena Vista, Millard Fillmore was selected as the people's choice for the second office in their gift. He had not sought the distinction, and indeed had opposed the first overtures made by his friends to allow the use of his name in the Convention ; but he could not but feel proud and grateful for the honor which had been conferred upon him. He accepted the nomination in a brief but expressive letter, and on the November following, with Zach- ary Taylor, received one hundred and sixty-three electoral votes against one hundred and twenty- one given bv the States to Cass and Butler. On the 6th of March, 1849, Millard Fillmore took his seat as presiding officer of the United States Senate, and in the exercise of this high position in connection with his station of Vice- President of the Union, he displayed such dig- nity and firmness, combined with his natural urbanity as won the admiration of all who com- posed at that time the higher branch of Congress. On the 9th day of July, 1850, a little more than one year from his inauguratioft, Zachary Taylor was called from the dignities of an earthly ruler to the immortal glories which are the recompense of good men in that world where the Ruler of all dwells eternally ; and on the 10th of July, the day following, Millard Fillmore, in presence of the Senate and Ho>isr of Representatives assembled, took the oath of office and entered upon his duties as President of the United States. The occasion was one of great solemnity, and after the conclu- sion of the ceremony a brief message from the new President was read by Chief Justice Cranch, in which the following impressive sentence oc- curred : — " I appeal to you to aid me under the very trying circumstances which surround, in the discharge of the duties from whicli, however, much I may be Oppressed by them, I durst not shrink ; and I rely upon Ilim who holds in his hands the destinies of nations, to endow me with the re- quisite strength for the task, and to avert from our country the evils apprehended from the heavy calamity whicli has befallen us." It was in such a spirit that Millard Fillmore en- tered upon the duties of that great station whicli is second in dignity to none in the worlds — which' was inaugurated and sanctified by the " Father of our Country' — and which should never be filled by any citizen who has not the love of our Union first within his heart, who has not been proved worthy of the exaltation, and who has not the confidence of all portions of this mighty nation. No one will deny that Mr. Fillmore possesses all these quaUfications — no one can dispute his merit, his services, his single-hearted devotion to " the Union." The first annual message transmitted to Congress by the new President was a State paper truly worthy of its author. It combines perspicuity, brevity, and straightforward purpose, to a degree seldom witnessed in documents of that kind. It is prudent, logical, and patriotic, and develops the statesman in all its recommendations. On the doctrine (about this period promulgated by radical leaders) which asserted the right of national interference in behalf of European repub-, licans, Mr. Fillmore remarks as follows : — "Among the acknowledged rights of nations is that which each possesses of establishing that form of government which it may deem most conducive to the happiness and prosperity of its own citizens ; of changing that form as circumstances may require, and of changing its internal affairs according to its own will. The people of the United States claim this right for themselves, and they readily concede it to others. Hence it becomes an imperutive duty not to^ interfere in the government or internal policy of other nations ; and although we may sympathize with the unfortunate or oppressed everywhere, in their strug- gles for freedom, our principles forbid us from taking part in such foreign contests. We make no wars to promote or to prevent accessions to thrones ; to maintain any theory of a balance of power ; or to suppress the actual government which an;, ;untry chooses to establish for itself. We instigate .. > revo- lutions, nor suffer any hostile military expeditions to be fitted out in the United States, to invade the terri- tory or provinces of a friendly nation. The great law of morality ought to have a national as well as a personal and individual application." For the enunciation of sentiments such as the above, Mr. Fillmore was then, and is now, opposed by two classes of the population — the first com- posed of that unquiet and radically-democratio element which embraces the Irish agitators, and German free-thinking socialists, who regard this country — not as a new home and adopted father- land — but as a secure stopping-place /or d se(tson, where they can conspire safely, and foment disorder that may ultimately involve the American Repub- lic in a war against " despotism " in the abstract, or in other words against all the monarchies of the old world combined. This class is in every country a dangerous one, and it was to its leaders that Louis Kossuth addressed his incendiary har- angues and secret circulars. That it possesses poli- tical influence is unhappily true, as was proved by the result of the movement which elected Frank- lin Pierce. That foreign and dangerous inMiicnce, stimulated by Kossuth, was thrown, in l^i'I, for the Democratic candidate. In obedience to the instructions of the Hungarian leader, the radi- cal Germans — the men who now are worked upon by Ilecker, Struve, and other foreign.republicaiis — 13 LIFE OF MILLAKD FILLMORE. cast thcif weight in the scale against Gen. Scott. " Vou are stronfj enough,^^ said the insidious Kos- suth, in his speeches to "German citizens" — ^'■yoxc are strong enough to effect the election of that candidate for the presidency w}tx> gives the most attention to the European caune. * * * No tree, mj German friends, falls with the first stroke ; it is, therefore necessary that, inasmuch as you are citizrnJi and can command your votes, you support the candidate who will pursue the external policy in oca sense." This is the doctrine pro- mulgated and acted upon by the foreign radicals, who aim to convert the entire machinery of this government, and the power of our institu- tions, into an instrumentality for the subversion of European dynasties, and the erection of Euro- pean republics, to which they may hereafter return as to their fatherland. Well, indeed, may the American patriot of tliis day, revert to those fare- well word.-! of Wasliington — " Against the insid- ious wiles of foreign influence (I conjure you to believe me, fellow-eitizens ! ) the jealousy of a free people ought to be conMantly awake ; since hi.s- tory and experience prove that foreign influence is one of the most baneful foes of republican go- vernment.'" The other class of the community to which allu- sion hii.i been made, as opposing Millard Fillmore, on account of his views in relation to the Ameri- can duty of non-intervention, is made up of ad- venturers, men of bankrupt fortunes, or desperate in their circumstances, who, backed by speculators, continue to manufacture a spurious sympathy for the "oppressed" inhabitants of any country which may offer a field for ultimate spoils. These men profess to interpret the " Monroe doctrine " (sound policy, M properly interpreted) as an endorsement of every phase of filibustering, and are ready at any time to defy law, and appeal to popular passion for the support of their mistaken theories. This clas.s is now arrayed, as before, with the socialist Germans and Irish agitators, in opposition to all such wise and peaceful measures as must necessa- rily be incorporated by the administration of Mil- lard Fillmore. Nor was the policy which the President marked out for himself, with regard to domestic relations, characterized l>y less wisdom than that which gov- erned his action* in reference to our affairs abroad. At the period of his accession to the chief magis- tracy, our internal political questions were greatly involved^ The proposition to admit California as a free Stat# was then agitating CongrervS, with con- flictiug opinions. At the same time the Territory of New Mexico and the State of Texas were threat- ened with civil war, arising out of their boundary dispute-. Throughout the Southern States sec- trlonal feeling ran high, and " Southern Rights Con- veutJons" were called in several States, with the avowed object of secession, in case of failure on the p?rt of Congress to comply with their de- mands. [n this crisis, a strong, stable, calm, and pa;;i- otic pilot was needed at the national helm. That pilot was found in Millard Fillmore. Scarcely had he taken upon himself the great duties and responsibilities of his high position, than he at once proceeded to act vigorously. He ordered a strong military force to proceed to New Mexico, for the purpose of checking the first overt disturb* ance between the conflicting claimants of bound- ary lines. He called upon Congress, in urgent terms, to examine into the state of affairs which was creating so much jealousy and strife through- out the land. He invited distinguished gentlemen from north, south, east and west to places in his Cabinet, and commenced at once the task of me- diation and conciliation. The following were Mr. Fillmore's selection as Cabinet officers ; Daniel Webster, of Massachusetts, Secretary of State. TaoMAS CoKwiN, of Ohio, Secretdry of the Trei-one k;mdredihs per cent., while the average amount for which the five per cent, stocks of this State have sold is ninet.y-two eighty-six one hundredths per Ciint., ov r>i(U!ty-two do'lars and eighty-:4ix one-hundr^iichs fyr ?yijrv humlrcd dollars of stock. This shows that a six per cent., stock, such as is now required, would doubtless have sold at par, and the bill-holder would have received dollar for dollar for the circulation. " Should the country remain at peace, it cannot be doubted that the stocks of the United States will be a safe and adequate security. The Comptroller would therefore recommend that the law be so changed as to exclude bonds and mortgages from all free banks which shall hereafter commence bu.siness, and to prevent the talving of any more from those now in operation, and to require that ten per cent, per annum, of those now held as security be with- drawn, and their places supplied by stocks of this State, or of the United States. K this recommenda- tion be adopted, at the end of ten years the whole security will be equal to a six per cent, stock of this State or of the United States, which it is presumed will be ample security for the redemption of all bills in circulation. " Could this system of banking be generall3' adopt- ed in the several States, it can hardly be doubted it would prove highly beneficial. It would create a demand for their own State stocks. The interest paid upon them would be paid to their own citizens. Every man who held a bank note, secured by such stock, would have a direct interest in maintaining inviolate the credit of the State. The blasting cry of repudiation would never aiiaiu be heard, aud the plighted faith of the State would be as sacred aa national honor; and lastly, it would give them a sound and uniform currency. " If, then, in addition to this, Congress would authorize such notes as were secured by stocks of the United States to be received for public dues to the national treasury, this would give to such notes a universal credit, co-extensive with the United States, and leave nothing further to be desired in the shape of a national paper currency. This would avoid all objection to a national bank, by obviating all neces- sity for one, for the purpose of furnishing a national currency. The national government might be made amply secure. The law might provide that all bills secured by United States stock should be registered aud countersigned in the treasury department, as the notes circulated by the banks in this State are regis- tered aud countersigned in this office. This would enable every collector, postmaster, or other receiver of public moneys, to know that they were receivable for public dues. " The stock of the United States by which their redemption was secured, might be so transferred to the State officer holding the same, that it could not be sold or transferred by him without the a.ssent of the secretary of the treasury, and in case of the failure of the bank to redeem its notes, it might be optional with the secretary of the treasury to ex- change the notes held by the government for an equal amount of United States stock held for their redemption, or let it be sold and receive the govern- ment's share of the dividends. In this way the national government would always be secure against loss. ■ "But this suggestion is foreign from the chief object of this report, and is merely thrown ont to invite attention to the subject. But in con- clusion, the Comptroller has no hesitation in re- commending that the free bank system be modified in the particulars above suggested, and that it be then adopted in preference to the safety fund system, as the hanking system of this State. " It cannot be supposed that banking under this system will be as profitable as it has been under the safety fund system. It is therefore desirable that every facility should be given to capitalists who engage in it that can be granted consistent with the i-t.curity of the public, and that no unreasonable or unjust system of taxation should be adopted which LIFE OF MILLAKD JhlLLMuKK. discriminates invidiously against them ; but persons engaged in banking should be taxed like all other •itizens." HIS VIEWS ON THE PBOTECTIOy OF INDPSTRY. Speech in Congress, June 9th, 1842 : " Although this is the view which I am disposed to take of this bill, and although I am willing to listen to any amendments to add to or to diminish the duty on any article, with a view of increasing the revenue, yet I have no disguise of my own sentiments on the subject of protecting our own industry. I am free to admit that I am not one of those who either feel or profess to feel indifferent to our own interests. I prefer my own country to all others, and my opinion is that we must take care of ourselves ; and while I would not embarrass trade between this and any foreign country by any illiberal restrictions, yet, if by legislation or negotiation, an advantage is to be given to one over the other, I prefer my own country to all the world besides. I admit that duties may be so levied, ostensibly for revenue, yet designedly for protection, as to amount to prohibition, and conse- quently to the total loss of revenue. I am for no such protection as that. I have no disguise of my opinions on this subject. I believe that if all the re- strictive systems were done away with, here and in every other country, and we could confidently rely on continued peace, that would be the most pros- perous and happy state. The people of every coun- try would then produce that which their habits, skill, climate, soil, or situation enabled them to produce to the greatest advantage ; each would then sell where he could obtain the" most, and buy where he could purchase cheapest ; and thus we should see a trade as free among the nations of the world as we now witness among the several States of this Union. But, however beautiful this may be in theory, I loojk for no such political millennium as this. Wars will oc- cur until man changes his nature ; and duties will be Imposed upon our products in other countries, Bntil man shall cease to be selfish, or kings can find a more convenient mode of raising revenue than by imposts. " These, then, form the true justification for laying duties in a way to protect our own industry against that of foreign nations. First : A reasonable appre- hension of war, for no nation can always hope to be at peace. If, therefore, there is any article that is indispensably necessary for the subsistence of a na- tion, and the nation can produce it, that nation is not independent if it do not. If it is necessary, the pro- duction should be encouraged by high duties on the imported article. This should be done, not for the benefit of persons who may engage in the manufac- ture or cultivation of the desired article, but for the benefit of the whole community : what though each pays a little higher for the article, in time of peace, than he otherwise would, yet he is fully compensated for this in time of war. He then has this necessary, of which he would be wholly deprived had be not provided for it by a little self-sacrifice. We all act upon this principle individually; and why should we not as a nation? We accumulate in time of plenty for a day of famine and distress. Every man pays, from year to year, a small sum to insure his house against fire, submitting wiUingly to this annual tax. that, when the day of misfortune comes (if come it shall), the overwhelming calamity of havin? all des- troyed may be mitigated by receiving back from the insurer a partial compensation for the loss. It is upon the same principle that we maintain an army and a navy in time of peace, and pour out millions annually for their support; not because v,e want them then, but because it is reasonable 1. api rehend that war may come, and then Ihej will he wanted; and it is a matter of economy to provide and discip- line them in time of peace, to mvtigate the evils of war when it does come. The same reason requires us to encourage the production of any indispensable article of subsistence. I shall not stop now to in- quire what these articles are. Every one can judge for himself. But that there are many such, no one can doubt. "But, secondly, there is yet another case where I hold that we are not only justified, but required to encourage and protect our own industry ; and I re- gret to say that this is a case which, for obvious rea- sons, always has, and I fear always will exist : it is where foreign natious, by their own legislation, ex- clude our products from their markets. We, as a whole, are an agricultural nation, occupying one of the broadest and most fertile tracts of country in the world. The South produces sugar, cotton, rice, and tobacco ; and the North and West produce beef, pork, and breadstuffs. It appears by the last census that we have 3,717,756 persons engaged in agricul- ture, and only 791,545 in manufactures and trades, being nearly five to one emploj"ed in agriculture. Our lands are cheap and our soils productive ; but if other nations prohibit the introduction of our agri- cultural products to their markets by high duties, what is our remedy ? We want their manufactures ; we offer them our breadstuffs in exchange ; but they refuse td" receive them: what shall we do? I say, meet restriction by restriction. Impose duties on their manufactures, and thereby encourage a portion of our own people now raising wheat and corn to rot in their granaries, to engage in manufactures, thus lessening the amount of agricultural products by con- verting a part of your producers into consumers, thereby creating a home market for your agricultural products, and thus raising their price. Is not thi.** just? Great Britain has no right to complain that we meet restriction by restriction. We offer her our flour, pork and beef, for her iron, clothes and other manufactures. She refuses our products, and draws upon our specie, crippling our banks, deranging our currency, and paralyzing our industry. We must protect ourselves, create and preserve a market for our own products, until she will consent to meet us on equal terms ; and this, not by way of retaliation, but in self-defense. " But it may be said that this protection is given for the purpose of benefiting those engaged in manu- factures. I am wholly opposed to legislating for one part of the community at the expense of another. All are equally entitled to our protection ; and if duties are so levied as to protect any particular manu- facture, it must be because the nation has an interest in encouraging it, and not for the benefit of those en- gaged in it. It is all idle to think of benefiting any particular class by protection. This can only be done by giving a monopoly to a few individuals. No monopoly can be created by laying duties. If the duties raise the price so high as to tempt persons to engage in the manufacture, every one is at liberty to do so ; and the consequence usually is, that so many engage that they soon compete with each other ; and, instead of being profitable to them- selves, they cheapen the article to the consumer, while the manufacturer makes little or nothing. I say, therefore, again, that it is all idle to talk of pro- tection for the benefit of particular classes. It should never be given but for the benefit of the comnmnity; and. if designed for any other object, an over-ruling hiw of trade (as I have shown) will inevitably defeat that design. ••Butlmake a distinction between the encourage- ment and protection of manufacturers. It is one thing for the government to encourage its citizens to aban- don their ordinary pursuits and engage in a particu- lar branch of industry; and a very different thing whether the government is bound to protect that in- dustry by laws similar to those by which it enconr- ^9M*MqiM[ LIFK OF MILLAKD FILLMOKE. 25 »-^^ifg|fi|P Millard PUlmort the Wool Carder. — " Here young Fillmore applied himself aasiducusly to learning hU trade and advancing the interests of his employer." — Page 1. aged ita citizens to embark in it. In tho first case, there is no obligation on the part of the goTernment. Its act is entirely voluntary and spontaneous. It may or may not encourage the production or manufacture of a particular article, as it shall judge best for the whole community. Before attempting it. the govern- ment should weigh well the advantages and disadvan- tages which are likely to result to the whole, and not to the particular class which may be tempted to en- gage. If a particular branch of industry is so im- portant in its bearings upon the public wants, on account of its providing in time of peace for some necessary article in time of war, then, as the strongest advocates of free trade themselves admit, the govern- ment may and should legislate with a view to encour- age its establishment; and so, likewise, if it be ne- cessary to provide a home market for our products in consequence of the prohibitory duties levied upon them by foreign countries. But all these are ques- tions to be decided according to the circumstances of each particular case ; and (as I said) the decision should be made with a view to the benefit of all, and not of a few, or of any particular class or section of the country. But when the government has decided that it is best to give the encouragement, and the citi/.en has been induced by our legislation to abandon his former pursuits, and to invest his capital and ap- ply his skill and labor to the production of the article thus encouraged by government, then a new question arises — for another party has become interested — and that is, whether we will, by our subsequent legis- lation, withdraw onr protection froxa the citizen whom we have thus encouraged to embark his all in a par- ticular branch of business for the good of the public, and overwhelm him with ruin by our unsteady, not to say perfidious, legislation. I can consent to no such thing. It seems to me to be manifestly unjast. Our act in the first instance is free and voluntary. We may give the encouragement or not : but, having given it, the public faith is, to a certain extent, pledged. Those who have accepted our invitation, and embarked in these new pursuits, have done so under the implied promise on our part that the en- couragement thus given should not be treacherously withdrawn, and that we would not tear down what we had encouraged them to build up. This I con- ceive to be a just, clear, and broad distinction be- tween encouragement beforehand and protection after- ward. The former is voluntary, depending wholly upon considerations of public policy and expediency, 26 LIFE OF MILLAKD FILLMORE. the latter is a matter of good faith to those who have trusted to the national honor. " These are my views on the subject of encouraging and protecting home industry by legislation ; not that I deem them of any impurtance to the bill under consideration — for I regard this as a revenue bill, and to be passed and justitied ou that ground. I do not deny that the effect will be to encourage and protect homo manufactures, and thereby create a home mar- ket for our agricultural products — and others, as well as myself, may vote for it more willingly on this ac- count ; yet all this is a mere incident of raising reve- nue by imposing duties on goods Imported. It de- pends not on design or intent : it results as a necessary and inevitable conseipience. We cannot avoid it if we would. If we impose a duty of one dollar on every yard of cloth imported, the duty is laid, not to increase the value, and thereby protect the home manufacture, but to supply the wants of the trea- sury ; yet, as a consequence, it encourages and protects the home manufacturer ; and we caunot avoid it. No human foresight can prevent it; no ingenuity can avoid it; and, indeed, no design can aid ii. Intention has nothintr to do with the matter." HIS VIEWS ON OCR FILIBUSTERS. Message to Congress, 1852. '" No individuals have a right to hazard the peace of the country, or to violate its laws, upon vague no- tions of altering or reforming governments in other States. This principle is not only reasonable in itself, and in accordance witli public law, but is engrafted into the codes of other nations as well as our own. But while such are the sentiments of this govern- ment, it may be added that every independent nation must be presumed to be able to defend its possessions against unauthorized individuals banded together to attack them. The government of the United States, at all times since its establishment, has abstained, and has sought to restrain the citizens of the country from entering into controversies between other pow- ers, and to observe all the duties of neutrality. At an early period of the government, in the adminis- tration of Washington, several laws were passed for this purpose. The main provi.^ions of these laws were reeuaci,ea by the act of April, 181S, by which, amongst other things, it was declared that, if any person shall, vv-ithin the territoiy or jurisdiction of the United States, begin, or set on foot, or provide or prepare the means for any military' expedition or enterprise, to be carried on from thence against the territory or dominion of any foreign prince or State, or of aiiy colony, district or people, with whom the United States are at peace, every person so otfending shall be deemed guilty of a high misdemeanor, and shall be fined, not exceeding three thousand dollars, and imprisoned not more than three years; and this law has been executed and enforced, to the full ex- tent of the power of the government, from that day to this. " In proclaiming and adhering to the doctrine of neutrality and non-intervention, the United States have not followed the lead of other civilized nations; they have taken the lead themselves, and have been followed by others. This was admitted by one of the most eminent of modern British statesmen, who said in Parliament, while a minister of the crown, that, 'if he wished for a system of neutrality, he should take tliat laid down by America in the days of Wash- ington and the secretaryship of Jefferson,' and we nee. in fact, that the act of Congress of 1818 was fol- lowed, the succeeding year, by an act of the Parlia- ment ot Kngland. substantially the same in its gene- ral provisions. Up to that time there had been no similar law in England, e.xcept certain highly penal statutes passed in the reign of George II., prohibit- ing English subjects from enlisting in foreign service, the avowed object of which statutes was, that foreign armies, raised for the purpose of restoring the house of Stuart to the throne, should not be strengthened by recruits from England herself. " All must see that difficulties may arise in carry- ing the laws referred to into execution in a country now having three or four thousand miles of sea-coast, with an iutinite number of ports and harbors, and small inlets, from some of w hich unlawful expeditions may suddenly set forth, without the knowledge of government, against the possessions of Ibreign States. " Friendly relations with all, but entangling alli- ances with none, has long been a maxim with us. Our true mission is not to propagate our opinions, or impose upon other countries our form of govern- ment, by artifice or force : but to teach by example, and show by our success, moderation and justice, the blessings of self-government, and the advantages of free institutions. Let every people choose for itself, and make and alter its political institutions to suit its own condition and convenience. But while we avow and maintain this neutral pohcy ourselves, we are anxious to see the same forbearance on the part of other nations, whose forms of government are dif- ferent from our own. The deep interest which we feel in the spread of liberal principles and the estab- lishment of free governments, and the sympathy witli which we witness every struggle against oppression, forbid that we .should be indifierent to a case in which the strong arm of a foreign power is invoked to stifle public sentiment and repress the spirit of freedom in any country." HIS VIEWS ON NATIONALITY. Letter to a friend in Philadelphia, January 2d, 1855. " I return you many thanks for your information on the subject of politics. I am always happy to hear what is going forward ; but, indejieudently of tlie fact that I feel myself withdrawn from the political arena, I have been too much depressed in sjiirit to take an active part in the late elections. J contented myself with giving a silent vote for Mr. Ullman for governor. " While, however, I am an inactive observer of public events, I am by no me;nis an indiflierent one ; and I may .say to you, in the frankness of private friendship, I have for a long time looked with dread and apprehension at the corrupting inlluence which the contest for the foreign vote is exciting upon our elections. This seems to result from its being banded together, and subject to the control of a few inter- ested and selfish leaders. Hence, it has been a sub- ject of bargain and sale, and each of the great politi- cal parties of the country have been bidding to ob- tain it ; and, as usual in all such contests, the party which is most corrupt is most successful. Tlie con- sequence is, that it is fast demoralizing the whole country ; corrupting the ver\- fountains of pohtical power, and converting the ballot-box — tliat great palladium of our liberty — into an unmeaning mock- ery, wliere the rights of native-born citizens are voted aAvay by those who blindly follow their mer- cenary and selfish leaders. The evidence of this is found not merely in the shameless chaffering for the foreign vote at every election, but in the large dis- proportion of offices which are now held by f()reign- ers, at home and abroad, as compared with our native citizens. Where is the true-hearted American whose cheek does nr)t tingle with shame and niortiti- cntion. to see our highest and most coveted foreign missions filled by men of foreign birth, to the exclu- sion of native born? Such appointments are a humiliating confession to the crowned head?, of "mnaiwvna .1—1 LIFE OF MLLLAED FILLMORK. 27 Barope, that a republican soil does not produce sufficient talent to represent a republican nation at a monarchical court. I confess that it seems to me, with all due respect to others, that, as a general rule, our country should be governed by American-born citizens. Let us give to the oppressed of every country an asylum and a home in our happy land": give to all the benefits of equal laws and equal pro- lectioa : but let us at the same time cherish as the apple of our eye the great principles of constitutional liberty, which few who have not had the good for- tune to be reared in a free country know how to appreciate, and still less how topreserve. •' Washington, in that inestimable legacy which he left to his country — his Farewell Address — has wisely warned us to beware of foreign influence as the most baneful foe of a republican government. He saw it, to be sure, in a different light from that in which it now presents itself; but he knew that it would approach in alJ forms, and hence he cautioned ns against the insidious wiles of its influence. Therefore, as well for our own sakes, to whom this invaluable inheritance of self-government has been left by our forefathers, as for the sake of the unborn millions who are to inherit this land — foreign and native — let us taks warning of the father of his country, and do what we can to preserve our institutions from cor- ruption, and our country from dishonor ; but let this be done by the people themselves in their sovereign capacity, by miking a proper discrimination in the Belection of officers, and not by depriving any indi- vidual, native or foreigu-born, of any constitutional or legal right to which he is now entitled. "These are my sentiments in brief ; and although I have sometimes almost despaired of my country, when I have witnessed the rapid strides of corruntion, yet 1 think I perceive a gleam of hope in the future, and I now feel confldentthat, when the great mass of inceliigence in this enlightened country is once fully aroused, and the danger manifested, it will fearlessly apply the remedy, and bring back the government to the pure days of Washington's administration. Finally, let us adopt the old Roman motto, ' Never despair of the republic' Let us do our duty, and trust in that Providence which has so signally watch- ed over and preserved us, for the result." Here, by the testimony of Mr. Fillmore's speeches, letters and messages, promulgated years ago, is presented an irresistible argument in favor of his omiueut fitness for the Executive office, in the great crisis of our national affairs which is at hand. The whole life of the man — as citizen, as legislator, as president — displays a symmetric plat- form of the soundest principle. His record is unstained ; the integrity of his motives have never been questioned. His wisdom, discrimination, far-seeing policy, and strength of purpose, are apparent to all unprejudiced minds. There is no statesman now living who combines in his charac- ter so much of the truly great in all that pertains to patriotism — no one whose acts in every position have been more positively productive of good to our common country. It is by his acts that he is to be judged. It is for his past life that the people trust in his future. After the defeat of General Scott, in 1832, and the election of Franklin Pierce to the chief raajestracy Millard Fill'more returned to Buffalo, where, surrounded by the friends of his youth, and followed by the plandits of a grateful country, he hoped to enjoy the repose which he so much aeeded. It was here that the great blow which deprived nim of the society and endearing affection of that beloved daughter who had so long filled her mother's place in his heart, came to disturb the tranquillity to which he had looked forward. In the summer of 1854, he lost this beloved child, who was suddenly called away, to the reward of the thousand virtues which had crowned her beautiful character. In her life and her death she embellished the fiime of her distin- guished father by the graces of a devoted daugh- ter and Christian maiden. Recovering from the first effects of his sore bereavement, Mr. Fillmore sought by change of scene and foreign travel, to ameliorate the sorrow which bowed his spirit. He departed for Europe, and for two years occupied his time in visiting various courts and countries of the old world, closely inspecting their different forms of govern- ment, and comparing them with that of his native land — his progress, from city to city, wherever he was met by Americans or became acquainted with distinguished foreigners, his manly bearing and freedom from all ostentation, became the theme of public remark. He neglected no oppor- tunity, at once to uphold by his own demeanor, the character of our Republic, and, by study and observation, to gain such knowledge of all the workings of social and political systems abroad as add to his store of political wisdom, and enlarge his views as a statesman and American citizen. Certainly, no man has had better opportunities of judgment, abroad and at home — no one has availed himself of every advantage in expense — more than our distinguished ex-president ; and there is no Statesman at the present day who will bring to the executive office more valuable quali- fications in every respect for the proper adminis- tration of our national affairs. The letter which announced the choice of Millard Fillmore as the nominee by the American Convention, found him still in Europe. It was aj follows : LETTER OF THE COMMITTEE. " Philadelphia, February 26, 1855. ''Sir: The National Convention of the American party, which has just closed its session in this city, has unanimously chosen yon as the candidate for the Presidency of the United States, in the election to be held in November next. It has associated with you Andrew Jackson Donelson, Esq., of Tennessee!^ as candidate for the Vice Presidency. " The Convention has charged the undersigned with the agreeable duty of communicating the pro- ceedings to you, and of asking your acceptance of a nomination which will receive not only the cordial support of the great National party in whose name it is made, but the approbation, also, of large num- bers of other enlightened friends of the Constitution and the Union, who will rejoice in the opportunity to testify their grateful appreciation of your faithful service in the past, and their confidence in your experience and integrity for the guidance of the future. ' ' The undersigned take advantage of this occasion to tender to you the expression of their own gratifi- cation in the proceedings of the Convention, and to assure you of the high consideration in which they are Yours, Ac, " Alexander H. H. Stuart, Andrew Stewart, Ebastus Brooks, E. B. Bartlett, Wm. J. Eambs, Ephraim Marsh — Committee. '• To the Hon. Millard Fillmore." 28 LITE OF MILLAKD FILLMORE. Mr. Fillmore's letter of acceptanee, dated from Paris, was received by the committee at an early day, and was characterized by all that eloquence and pure Americanism which have ever distin- guished him. The following is the Platform of the American Party, to which Mr. Fillmore so cordially sub- scribed. It commences, as it should, with a de- claration of conlidence in Him who is the arbiter of all States, and the disposer of human events. THE AMERICAN PLATFORM. 1st. An humble acknowledgment to the Supreme Being who rules the Universe for His protecting care, vouchsafed to our fatliers in their successful lievolu tionary struggle, and hithgrto manifested to us, their descendants, in the preservation of the liberties, the indepeiideace, and the union of these States. 2J. The perpjtuatioa of the Federal Union, as the pallddiiun of our civil and religious liberties, and the only sure bulwark of Americaa Independence. 3 J. Jimericans must rule America, and, to this end, na^iuc-borti citizens should be selected for all State, Federal and municipal offices or government employ- ment, in preference to naturalized citizens; never- theless, 4th. Persons born of American parents residing temporarily abroad, should be entitled to all the rights of native-born citizens; but 5th. No person should be selected for pohtical sta- tion (whether of native or foreign birth), who recog- nizes any allegiance or obligation of any description to any foreign prince, potentate or power, or who refuses to recognize the Federal and State constitu- tions (each within its sphere) as paramount to all other laws as rules of political action. 6th. The un(iualitied recognition and mainten- ance of the reserved rights of the several States, and the cultivation of harmony and fraternal good will, between the citizens of the several States, and to this end, non interference by Congress with questions appertaining solely to the individual States, and non- intervention by each State with the aUiiirs of auy other State. 7th. The recognition of the native-born and na- turalized citizens of the United States, permanently residing in auy Territory thereof, to frame their con- Btitutitin and laws, ami to regulate their domestic and social att'airs in their own mode, subject only to the provisions of the Federal Constitution, with the right of admission into the Union whenever they have their requisite population for one Representa- tive in Congress. Provided alwai/s. That none but those who are citizens thereof, and State, under the Constitution and laws thereof, and who have a fixed resilience in any such Territory, ought to participate in the formation of the Constitution, or in the en- actment of laws for said Territory or State. 8th. An enforcement of the principle that no State or Territory can admit others than native-born citi- zens to the right of suffrage, or of holding political office, unless such person shall have been naturaUzed according to the laws of the United States. 9th. A change in the laws of naturalization, mak- ing a continued residence of twenty-one years, of all not heretofore provided for, an indispensable re- quisite for citizenship hereafter, and excluding all paupers and persons convicted of crime fiom land- ing upon our shores : but no interference with the r^'sti'J rijhts of foreigners. loth. Opposition to any union between Church and State : no interference with religious faith or worship, and no test oaths for office, except those inilicated in th > ith section of this platform. lltli. Free and thorough investigation into any and all alleged abuses of public functionaries, and a strict economy in public expenditures. 12th. The maintenance and enforcement of all laws until said laws shall be repealed or shall be de- clared null and void by competent judicial authority. 13th. Opposition to the reckless and unwise policy of the present administration in the general man- agement of our national affairs, and more especially as shown in removing "Americans" (by designa- tion) and conservatives in principle, from office, and placing foreigners and ultraists in their places ; as shown in a truckling subserviency to the stronger, and an insolent and cowardly bravado towards the weaker powers; as shown in re-opening sectional agitation, by the repeal of the Missouri Compro- mise ; as shown in granting to unnaturalized foreign- ers the right to suffrage in Kansas and Nebraska ; as shown in it.s vacilliiiiiig course on the Kansas »nd Ne- braska question ; as shown in the removal of Judgt^ Bhon- SON fioin the Collectorship of New York upon false and untenable grounds; as shown in the corrujilions which per- vade some of the departinenis of the govirnnif nt ; as sliown in disgracing meritorious naval ufficers through pre- judice or caprice ; and as sliown in the blundering mis- management of our foreign relations. 14th. Therefore, to remedy existing evils, and prevent the disastrous consequences otherwise resuuing therefrom, we would build up the " American party " upon the princi- ples herein before stated, eschewing all sectional questions and uniting upon those purely national, and admitLiug into said party all American citizens (referred to in the 3d, 4lh and 5ih sections,) who openly avow the principles and opinions heretofore expressed, and who will subscribe their names to this platform. Provided, nevertheless that a niajoi ity of these members present at any meeting of a local Council where an api)licant applies for membership iu the American party may, for any reason by them deemed suflicient, deny admission to such applicant. 15. A free and open discussion of all political principles embraced in our platform. Mr. Fillmore returned to his native country in the Atlantic, arriving at New York on the evening of Sunday, June 29th, 1850. The a.ssurance that he was at length here, and that he accepted the nomination, was the signal for the commencement of a popidar ovation. The people rose to welcome him ; and from his reception at New York till his arrival at BuHldo, his progress was truly a tri- umphal one — a spontaneous greeting of his coun- trymen. At Now York, in response to the remarks of Alderman Briggs, the Chairman of the Municipal Reception Committee, the lirst speech of the American candidate, at once quieted all doubts as to the position which he occupied. It was an unstudied expi'cssion of his sentiments, and we would refer tho.se who wish to peruse it to page 2 of our Campaign Document, entitled, " Fillmore on the Great Questions of the Day." Mr. Fillmore's enthusiastic reception in New York ; his various speeches, made at different points on his route from New York to Buffalo, together with the addresses made to him by the leading men of the country, have all been pub- lished in our other " Campaign Documents," and to them we would refer our readers for full par- ticulars of matters which our lack of space pre- cludes our publishing here. Millard Fillmore is now before the people — who know him — who trust him — who love him. Need we fear for the result? Can we tloulU that the friends of the Union — of the Constitution — of our common Country — have already re.solved upon their choice ? " In God is ouk Tbust." ««aM>MiMi "sr SKETCH OF THE LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON DONELSON. -This sword I bequeath to n>y weU-belored nephew, Andkew J. Don.i.son, as a memento of the high re.ard affection and esteem wh.ch I bear him, as a high-minded, honest, and honorable man."-A«BB.w Jackson Andrew Jacksox Donelson, the candidate of the American Party for the Vice Presidency of the United States was born on the 25th of August, ISOO, the same year with Millard Fillmore, and" is conse- qnently now fifty-sis years of age. His father was the brother-in-law of Andrew Jackson, and the most intimate friend of that distinguished man. When the subject of our sketch was yet an infant, he was deprived of his father, who died in 1805, leav- ing his child to the parental care of General Jack- son, who accepted the trust of his parent, and charged himself with the early education of his young name-sake. The tirst years of the boy's life were j passed in the General's household. He pursued his youthful studies at the Nashville College, till he had arrived at an age qualifying him to enter as a cadet at West Point. The system of instruction at our National Military Academy is one well calculated to discipline and mature the intellect, as well as to strengthen the physical power. Young Donelson, while a member of the Institution, proved himself entirely worthy of the affection and confidence of his uncle, the General His application was, indeed, so close, and his course of study so thorough, that he was allowed by the War Department to pass his examination at the ter- 29 50 SKETCH OF THE LIFE OF ANDRBW JACKSON DONIXSOM. mination of three years, instead of four, as is cus- tomary ; and he graduated in 1819 — standing second on the list of the class which graduated with him. He received the rank of lieutenant in the Corps of EQ,2lneers, and was subsequently appointed aid- d" ■amp to General Jackson, then on service in Til. new territory of Florida, just purchased from Spain. The routine of Lieut. Donelson'g military and scientific life was varied by intercourse with Gen- «ral Jackson's family and associates ; and from this intercourse the young soldier gleaned early lessons of political wisdom which have been of eminent eervice to him in subsequent life. He remained in the military family of his uncle mitil 1822, when he resigned his position, in order tPqualify himself for the practice of the law. The studies necessary to qualify him for admission to the bar were pursued by Mr. Donelson in Lexing- ton, Ky., where he attended the lectures ofthe Tran- sylvania University. He was licensed, and com- menced practice in 1823. But, before he engaged extensively in the practice of the law. he entered again into the family of Gen. Jackson, in order to assist in the great popular movement which had placed the General in norauiation for the Presidency. This movement failing, in 1824 Mr. Donelson settled upon tUe plantation where he now lives, adjoining the Hermitage, in ord r that he might be near the General and contribute by his pen and counsels to the vindication of his character and fame. The elections in ]S28 having terminated in favor of Gen. Jackson, Mr. Donelson was nvited to take the post of private secretary, which he accepted, and continued to hold throughout the administration of that great man ; Mrs. Donelson being with him, and performing what are called the honors of the AVhite House. After the election of Mr. Van Buren, who was anxious to give Mr. Donelson a high official position near him, he returned with Gen. Jackson to private life, and continued until 1844 to assist him in the managen*.nt of his corres- pondence, which was still onernus. In 1844, the Texas question being then the great issue between Mr. Polk and Mr. Clay, Mr. Donelson took an active part in that discus- sion, and was finally the negotiator who brouglit that State into our Union. Mr. Tyler, then President of the United States, sent a messenger to Gen. Jackson, stating the diffi- culties which were likely to defeat the efforts of the friends of that measure, and urging him to induce Mr. Donelson to undertake the negotiaiion. Mr. Donelson was then in Mis- sissippi. On his return to Tennessee, finding that Gen. Jackson had pledged himself to the administration for his acceptance of the mission, he at once undertook it, and the records of Tesas and the United States showed that he discharged the duties most aibly and satisfactorily. When the venerable Jackson was summoned from the life which he had jiassed in the service of his country. Major Donelson was called upon to mourn a loss greater than that of a father. He had from ear- liest infancy been accustomed to the society, and en- couraged by the affection of his noble uncle, and under the teachings and influence of "the Hermit- age," his charactei; had been moulded in the stern school of patriotic duty. In his manhood he listened to the counsels of Jackson, as he had in childhood received them — counsels which taught him the value of our national Union — the necessity of harmony be- tween North and South — the beauty and comeliness of a single-hearted devotion to the wlwle country, in contradiction and rebuke of merely local attach- ments. In his last will and testament, General Jackson spoke of Major Donelson in the affectionate manner which had always marked their relations; and, in bequeathing to his nephew the valuable token of ■ esteem which lio had received from his own beloved State, the " old hero " made use of the foil-owing uiemorable words : "I bequoalii lo m\ well beloved nephew, Andrew J. »)i nel.soii, son of Saiim.l Donelson, deceased, the elegant sword presented to me by the State or Tennessee, with thli injunction, that he fail not to use it when necessary in sup- port and protection of our glorious Union, and for the pro- tection of the constitutional rights of our beloved country, should they be assailed by foreign or domestic traitors. This bequest is made as a memento of my high regard, affec- tion and esteem which I bear to him as a high-minded, honest and honorable man," After the death of Jackson, Major Donelson re- mained at his home, near the Hermitage, pursuing the peaceful studies in which he delighted, until the accession of Mr. Polk to the Presidency, when he was offered, and accepted the mission to the Court ot- Berlin, in Prussia, and likewise to the great central power of Germany, then convened. Here he re- mained, reflecting much credit upon his native country, by his able course amidst the entangling politics of that period, until he was recalled at the close of 1849 by General Taylor. But Major Donelson was soon called upon for further action in his own countrj'. Indeed, he had scarcely reached his home in Tennessee, in 1860, when he became enlisted in the effort to secure the settlement of the question then agitating the country and growing out of the acquisition of Territory from Mexico. He attended the famous Southern Conven- tion at Nashville, as a Union man, alleging that if propositions to break up the confederacy were brought forward by that body, they ought to be exposed and denounced to the countrj'. His decided course as a friend of the Compromise of 1850, in- duc-ed the leaders of the Democratic party who con- curred with him in opinion, to invite him to take charge of the Washington Union, in the columns of which paper he urged with great force and abiUty the principles endorsed in the Compromise, as tie basis of the action of the Democratic party in respect to the subject of slavery. Finding, however, that the ultraists north and south could not be brought to recognize an organ which was in the hands of one who had consistently opposed the doctrine of nullifi- cation and secession, Mr. Donelson retired from his position soon after the period of Mr. Pierce's elec- tion. He no longer acted with the present adminis- tration, but, on the contrary, entered warmly into the organization of the American party. It has been said by the opponents, both of Mili.ard Fillmore and Andrew Jack.son Donelson, that they were at one period arrayed in opposition to each other ; and that, in the columns of the Union, the latter severely criticised many of the acta of Mr. Fillmore's administration. It is, of course, no mat- ter of surprise, where two candidates, with ante- cedents so pure in all respects — with political reoords so clear from stain — are put forth by a great party, that attempts should be made to manufacture some objections without legitimate basis. Indeed, no fact of the campaign is more gratifj-ing than that which is apparent to all unprejudiced observers — the supe- riority of character and qualifications in the Ameri- can nominees, and the utter impossibility for their opponents to allege and prove aught against their private, personal, or political worth— aught that militates against their entire fitness for the responsi- ble stations to which to which they are to be ele- vated. But, in reference to the charge regarding Major Donelson's opposition at one time to Mr. Fill- more, it is admirably disposed of in the following passages from a letter written by the former to the Convention of Americans at Georgia, who had ad- dressed him. He says : " But it is not perhaps proper for me to enter into a dis- cussion of [he cause which has constituted us, without reference to our antecedents as Whigs or Democrats, a new party. I refer to them only in connection with the patrio- tic declaration of principles made by the convention at Macon, in order that you may see liow complete is my con- SKETCH OF THE LIFE OF ANDREW JACKSON DONKLSON. 31 cnrrence with them, and how great Is my appreci;ition of ihe honor you have conferred upon me by an association of my name with that of Mr. Fillmore in the noble effort to check the excesses of party spirit, and effect a reformation as important aa that of 1793 and ISOO. I once liid great injustice to this eminent patriot and statesman, by holdiug him responsible for what I considered an attempt lo merge the Wliig party of the North into a sectional opposition to the rights of Ihe Soutii ; hut when I xdw hiin vine supt-rior to such loiai pre^aOiiieSy iiticf prefer ihe iiitei'i-xtti of the vhoif cauiUry to that of the nection in which he tiappened to he born, J made (ill anifuils in my poicer to offer, and (leclartd puhlicly long btjbi'e I knew of the e-ei^ttnce of the American piirt>/, that he ought to he called again hy the united v^icf of the American People to the Chair of the Chief JIagitstracy." The truth of the entire matter is, that the oppo-' nents of the American party mistook its character, they think that its members cling to their Whig and Democratic antecedents, and flatter themselves that jealousies and prejudices will grow out of the appa- rently incongruous political elements of which the great national organization is composed. But they do not know, as Americans do, that all past party predilections are ignored by the true Union National Americans — that the " dead past buries its dead " — and that the Present and the Future of our country occupy the attention of the banded lovers of their native land. It is this feature of the American Party which coiistitutes its strength— that it welcomes to its ranks all good citizens who will support its plat- form — and questions not their past political history — 80 that they be true, honest men, devoted to the union of these States, and resolved to sustain its insti- tutions against encroachments abroad, or treacherous dissensions at home. The following correspondence, containing the announcement of Andrew Jackson Donelson's nomi- nation as a candidate for the Vice-presidency, by the Order of United Americans and his acceptance of the same, presents the latest expression of his opinions on the great principles of the American Party. Mr. Donelson's views are sound and able throughout : New York, July lUh, 18.16. Sir — At a Convention of the Kxecutive Ciminiitttes of the several Chapters of the " Order of United Ameri- cans " in this State, convened in this city, on the 21st inst., by order of the Grand Executive Committee to consider what action, if any, should be taken by the Order as such, in the political questions of the day. It was declared that a crisis had arrived demanding the political action of this O'der, and the Convention unanim- ously resolved to adopt the nominatiiin of Millard Fillmore of New York, as their candidate for President of the United States, and that they also adopt the nommation of Andrew Jackson Donelson of Tennessee, as their candidate for Vice President of the United states. The undersisned were instincted to communicate official notice of this fact to the candidates so nominated. In thus advising you of the action of the Convention, we take the liberty to refer briefly to the principles of the organization we so represent. The Order of United Americans claims to be the oldest of all the American organizations, and from whom, under dif- ferent names, and with other collateral objects have origi- nated the various associations of the country devoted to the American poliry The Older of United Americans, while demanding that the political interests of the country shall be cont: o led by the Americans, would declare a steadlast adherence to that feaiure of our institutions which secures to every Tiian prottclion in his rtligious and civil rights; they disclaim all partisan association; maintaining equal hos- tility to the political demagogues of our own land and to the influences of those of a foreign birth ; they hold in sacred reverence the maxims and teachings of Washington against sectioi.al controversies, and adliere with patriotic devotion to the Constitution and the Union of the Slates. These principles they have promulgated and maintained in all their jiolitical action, they believe them important to the welfare of our country, the successful establish lent of which, as the fundnmeiital rules of our Government, they believe essential for its tranquillity, and a continued pro- gress in the development of all its greatness. With assurances of personal respect we have the honor to subscribe ourselves, your fcllow-eitizens. Simeon Baldwin, Erastus Brooks, William Avery, Charles Kisli, C. \V. Woodward, J. C. Hulse, Samuel Hall, 0. I/. Norihrnp, J. H. Briggs. Fred'U H. Butler, J. C. Heline, F. C. Wagner, Cominitteei To Hon. A. J. Donelson, NashTille, Tenn. Tulip Grove, near Nashville, ) Aujuxlilh, 185(5. ( Sir — I have had the honor to receive your letter of the 26th ultimo, enclosing to me one from the Committee of a Convention of the several Chapters of the Order of United Americans of New York, infonning me of my nomination by that body to the office of Vice-President sf the United States. For this mark of high confidence and respect, I beg you to accept and convey to the Convention this exjiression ol my sincere thanks. Should the sentiments which have prompted this action be in accord with those of the people when deciiling the grave questions involved in tlie approaching election, they will place me in a position of great responsibility — one that I. cannot but contemplate with feelings ot diffidence anil dis- trust — arising from a cmsciousness that my bes; exertiona may fail to meet ''he expectations of the country. In such a crisis as the present, however, it would be a want of patriotism to shrink from the position which has tieen as- signed to me by those who are co-laborers in the efforts to bring back our government to the spiiere prescribed for it by its founders. We are in the midst of dangers produced by an abandon- ment of the old landmarks, set up hy the early siatesiiien of the Republic, and we have no hope of escaping from these dangers but in a return to first principles — discard- ing all th'Se influences which have produced g' ogiapliical* parties, and reconstructing those which teach us lliat our civil and religious liberties are inseparably connected with the preservation of our Constitution and Union. I was brought n^, sir, in what has been termed the Jack- son school of politics; and it was there tliMt I learneil to look above parties when they ceased to make the good ol their country their paramount object. The leading acts ol Gen. Jacksim'slife, those which endeared him so much to the public, were ]>rescribed by uo party tactics or mere pirty platforms. His defence of New Orleans, his iiioclamatoii in ISo2, and other prominent acts of hi* adminislratiun, were o! this character. He felt when adopting those mea sures that he was consulting the good of his country, imii he appealed for support to ttie calm and sober judgmeiil o; the people, not as divided by party lines, but as brottie' -■ united by the same common interssts, and ani'iialed hy ihe same motive to preserve their free institutions from what- ever dangers might threaten them from foreign or domestic causes. It is in this sense that I understand your patriotic Con- vention now comes forward to repress the spiiit of section- alism and save the country, itut a party, from the dangers which aJe brought upon it by a depirlure fi- im the max- ims left us l>y Washington and his ciinpatriofs. Whatever may have been your opinions on questions of a minor character, in tlie ordin.iry adiinnistralion ol the grvernineiit, you feel that a crisis like that which united Jickson, Clay, and V.'elisfer, in ]'".32, exists, and that law- abiding and good citizens, without reference to former party differences, should rally to^tilier in defence of Uieir common country against the ultrnisniB of the d;iy. You feel that there is nntliing in the term, M'hig or Democrat, correctly underslO'd, lo jirevent eitlier Ironi acting Willi us as Americans, when iheie is an uiidi>giiised effort to destroy the bonds of our sacred union, by fonuing political geogra- phical lines, and by permitting a false c^nceptum of the real purposes of parly to producK exceirsei which are im- HP. SKETCH OF THE LIFE OF ANDKEW JACKSON DONEI.SOr*. pairing the force of the laws, undermining the public virtue and weakening those guards against foreign influence which are so essential to our real independence as an Ame- rican people. Entertaining such views, sir, I need not assure you how highly I value the honor you have conferred upon me by associatiiifc my name wilh the tried patriot and statesman, Millard Fillmore, in an attempt to give them effect in the administration of the Federal Governmeut. I am, very respectfully. Your obedient servant, A.J. DOXELSON. SiMKON Baldwin, Esq., Chairman of the Committee of the Order of United Americans of the City of New York. CONCLUSION. Fellow Citizens— friends of Union and the Consti- tution — lovers of j'our country and opposers of sectionalism on every side, and in every form— the Candidates of the American Conservative Union Party are before you. Their antecedents arc known ta you. They are honest, capable, experienced — and they are National Americans ! With you we leave them. AMERICAN CAMPAIGIi DOCUMENTS. FREMONT A CATHOLIC. All the Facts and Evidence are here presented in a pamphlet of IG octavo pages. Price by the thousand $10; by the hundred $1 50; and 25 cents per dozen. THS ILLUSTRATED LIFE OF MILLARD FILLMORE, eontainiuf? 32 octavo pages and Six fine Illustrations. Price, by the thousand $2U; by the hundred $2 5U; and 37i cents per dozen. This is tho most correct and reliable Life issued. THE FILLMORE AND DONELSON SONGSTER. Price Gi cents ; per hundred $4 ; per thousand .$30. Tliis is the only authorized and copyriglit edition, containing Dugakne's Songs. THE ARRIVAL, RECEPTION AND SPEECHES OF MILLARD FILLMORE, from New York to Buffalo. This edition contains his corrected Speeches. By the thousand $10; by the hundred $1 5U; and 25 cents i)er dozen. THE ESCAPED NUN ; cr, Disclosures of Convent Life, and the Confessions of a Sister of Charity. Giving a more minute detail of their inner hfe, and a bolder revelation of the mysteries and secrets of Nunneries, than have ever before been submitted to the American public. Elegantly bound in cloth. Price $1. AWFUL DISCLOSURES OF MARIA MONK, of the Hotel Dieu Nunnery of Montreal. Containing, also, many incidents never before i>ul;lishe