E 457 .8 .C66 Copy 1 Liacoln yy ^ c c <0 CjC f% -s-^^ g ^^ #; illi: ;ence in the time of our fathers would never have accepted this constitu- tion from a con\'iction of its benefits. One party, fresh from the memory of British injustice, were for construing away all constraint on their actions ; the other, more thoughtful, and fearful of the caprices of the multitude, insisted on approxi- mating to the conservatism of monarchy. Washington, calmer and clearer than either, admonished them of both extremes, strenuously administering the government in a spirit of moder- ation and harmony that permanently secured us the beautiful system under which we have lived and prospered. The ad- ministration of John Adams involved no more important question than the necessity of relieving the nation of a Chief who had no faith in popular government. lie was merely an eloquent, defiant electoral accident, a sort of intellectual isth- mus between the harmonious grandeur of Washington and the great popular leadership of Thomas Jefferson. The pres- idency of Mr. Jetferson originated that democratic policy which for fifty years powerfully influenced the nation, and settled on a more comprehensive basis the influence of the people in public affairs — the grave of Federalism and the nursery of a new political organization, which, under different names, has preserved its distinctive national disorganizing fea- tures, ever since. AVho now had the keener vision, Hamilton or Jefferson ? In that storm of contending statesmansliip, which almost shook the great chief from his chair, was it not Hamilton who prophesied that the Federal Government had most to fear from the encroachments of the States, and was it not Jefferson who, in his dread of central power, encouraged under the captivating and popular terms of " States Rights," " Federal Usurpation," all those little local laxitudes whose continuous buzz has so impeded for fifty years the music of the Union, and at last, through ambition and cunning, and 12 the slow but sure unloosening of national ties by the in- tellectual training of the Southern young American in this plausible but perilous political school, brought us to this doubly perilous brink. Our real destiny, both political and geographical, begins with this administration. To it we are indebted for all that portion of our possessions included in the States of Louisiana, Arkansas, Kansas, and the Territories of Nebraska and Washington. It laid the basis of our future statesmanship, and with it many of our subsequent trials and dangers. James Madison succeeded to the legacy of English difficulties bequeathed to him by the preceding rule. Though a statesman of profound talents and amiable virtues, no man was ever more abused for timidity and inconsistency. One of the principal framers of the Constitution, he felt too deeply the responsibility that authorship involved not to act cautiously in any matter affecting its security. The issues presented during his administration — war with England and the asser- tion of our freedom on the sea as well as on the land — were of a nature rather to unite than divide the nation. It was in his time that the famous Hartford Convention met — the body to which Southern Secessionists proudly pointed as a proof that the Northern States had contemplated resorting to seces- si(jn as Avell as themselves. Unfortunately for the argument, the Convention, which peaceably assembled, as peaceably dis- solved, without resolving to raise even a linger against their best friend. If the North ever talk rebellion, they talk on till they talk themselves back to a more dutiful allegiance. In the administration of James Monroe, which is called by histo- rians the era of good feeling, occurs the iirst warning of that terrible rending which slavery had in store f jr us. Yet the storm of the Missouri Compromise was quelled by a healthier public feeling than felled us. The succeeding President, John Quincy Adams, seated in the trough of the sea, between the wave of the Missouri difficulty and the billow of Nullification, moves on an easy swell to peace and oblivion. Then we come to the iron days of our inflexible Jacksc»n, a soldier by feeling and profession, and no fiercer war on his hands than to limit the Indian in a swamp, silence France with a demand for in- 13 demnity, South Carolina with a threat, and the great Bank with a veto. The succeeding regime is but an elongation of this master influence, memorable for the secession of gold and silver from the currency, and a war of words over the burning Caroline as it plunged down the awful abyss of Niagara. With the advent of Tylerism, comes the second installment of Abra- ham Lincoln's future trials, in the annexation of Texas ; then the election of Polk, with the sweeping dowai of the great and good men of both political parties ; the war with Mexico ; the coming in of golden lands, and the going out of the golden leaders who had kept up the health, the vigor and the integrity of the national sentiment. Later still, the Fillmore Administra- tion advances with the Compromise of 1850 — the last briefly successful struggle against the progressing arrogants of the slave power, when the dying giants of our land threw the weight of their names and nerves into the death struggle for peace and justice, expiring at the very threshold of their labors and leaving a helpless nation to drift on towards blinding darkness and blood. With the Pierce Administration arrives the era of little men and great conspirators, of harmony disturbed and com- pacts broken, of fresh graves opened and jewels robbed from our illustrious dead. In this administration the Republican party was born — in this administration was cut the timber from that Black Forest which was to kindle our recent unholy conflagration ; and tlius these master mischief-makers pile high the burden under M-liich the later Lincoln is to stagger. Soon the banner-blunderer, Buchanan, breaks on the lowering sky ; around him gather all the ghastly gamesters for empire, who read their doom in the threatening minorities soon to rise to chastising majorities against their sacreligious plottings. Here was woven the cotton shroud in which we have laid the dead South of the past — here was born in the Convention and vote of 1860 that pillar of fire for our night, that Abra- ham Lincoln whom this day we mourn and bless. This son of the prairie has found a high mountain range on which to 14 rest Ills great and good deeds. "We all remember the contest of 1860. In that crash of parties conscientious citizens hardly knew under which fragment to retreat with their bewildered opinions ; whether to go rail-splitting at Chicago or hair- splitting at Charleston ; whether to suffer respectable extinction with Bell and Everett, or to be frantically organized under the Southern Cross with Breckinridge and Lane. The storm rose, the sun darkened, the eai*th reeled ; on those heaving waves walked the trembling fortmies of Amer- ica, demanding to be reassured by the exercise of a warmer fellowship and a more comprehensive patriotism. The Repub- lican convention, too full of fear for favoritism, drops the giant of the Empire State and applies a more soothing seda- tive to the nervous commonwealth. Abraham Lincoln, though untried, was also uncursed ; though unknown, for that very reason he could not be unpopular. And now who is this man they have caught up in a despairing tempest and lashed fast to this unsteady wheel ? One indifferent Congressional term, one unsuccessful Senatorial contest are all the political capital he can drop into that anxious ballot-box. Yet they knew the stout character looming behind that lean reputation. They knew how much power a citizen may exhibit without the official exercise of power. How the open life of the press, the stump, and the tribune keep our American citizenship in constant communication with the men and the statesmanship of the times. LIow the active sympatliies of the observing in- tellectual man broaden and deepen the range of his vision, and silently accumulate for him a fund of civil helpfulness always valuable and always liable to be called upon in great political emergencies. Born in Kentucky, a Southern State, reared in Illinois, a Northern State, he possessed just that graft which quickening with neither extreme would rule both in harmony. The sympathy of the South in feeling, the energy of the North in action, a pure life, a tested intellect, a varied experience identified with a new and growing community, who had earned by numbere, by patience, by population and power, a Presidential candidate ; proved in general fidelity to party principles, yet unskilled in all partisan tactics and all vulgar 15 partisan scliemings ; with none of those weaknesses so common to the most extraordinary men, without Webster's convivial excess, or Cicero's vanity, or Bacon's love of money, this spot- less spirit rides the tempest, grinding no ax, but rebellion, to powder, and exhibiting no weakness but the lack of instant power to accomplish it. Where in the long line of our admin- istrators will you find more real dignity of character witli less assumption of it? Wliile other Presidents economize their strength with official reserve and occasional seclusion from those incessant personal inter\^ews which wear out the Presidential energies quite as much as more prominent exertion, Mr. Lincoln's sweep of good nature blew down all the fences around his position, and so left him out in common where the whole herd felt at liberty to browse. He M^as the first President who had time to see and hear every one. In civil war he has been civil to all. Blood never heated his blood. Place never made him forget his place. Thoughtful, studious, abstemious, industrious, the man of the people. Elected for all, with an ear for all, at home always in, his hand always out, ten chances to one if you or I go to the White House with a new invention to cradle wheat, a telegram from Gen. Grant's last battle does not surprise him with the instrument in his hand testing its merits in front of the White House. Tliis is the democracy of manners linked to the democracy of principles. Sympathy for man which place cannot displace, and which springs only from the noblest natm-es, tested by the trials of the loftiest station. The war has produced nothing more remarkable than the growtli of this character on the cause and the age. Our ear- lier Chiefs received the Presidency as the crowning official consummation of the people's gratitude for great and decisive seiwices in their behalf. The later Presidents, from Polk to Buchanan, were men of moderate ability and of indifierent usefulness. Lucky creatures of availability, for party favors they performed a party's behests, imparting nothing to high station, but a warning against the principle that placed them there. Abraham Lincoln, born of the same prhiciple of availability, the nominee and the elect of a mere party, the sins of that party to embarrass his administration of the cares 16 and troubles of the country, an unknown man grappling with and groping through unknown dangers, many trembled for the vote they had given when they saw the huge black cloud charged with that extraordinary thunder lowering down on that seemingly ordinary creation of partisan manoeuvreing. Some believed at first that the people had elected a joke to administer a calamity ; that we had merely called on an awk- ward undertaker to lay out the cold remains of American liberty, so gracelessly did he seem to shuffle up to the temple of fame. Every man who found the President diifering with his little way of settling our troubles, was sure we must go to ruin with such an ignorant pilot. Steadily and surely this perplexed chief toiled on through this mountain of misrepre- sentation ; ever the result of capacity not yet proved, of plans not yet matured, of results not yet concluded, and a country still to be saved. How often, on winter nights. Heaven's borealian light has been mistaken for some distant barn-yard conflagration ; how long, on our winter nights, we were in doubt whether om- light upon a hill w^as but a rubbish blaze, to go out with the blast, or the sun that was to pierce the cloud and light us to redemption. Never had great power been wielded with such utter absence of egotism and self-sufficienc}^ Almost every administration has been a paraphrase of mon- arcliical reserve in its communication and intercourse with the people. Now, in a moment of the greatest peril, when trouble provoked and provided for the power of a despot, Abkaham Lincoln used authority with the sympathy of a friend, con- fronting crime in an odd and artless way, that pursued it with the restlessness of a fiend and punished it with the gentleness of a father. With what concise and plaintive music in his an- nual messages and occasional addresses he chants the misereres of our struggle, a model of new and sympathizing eloquence in statesmanship. How anxiously and readily he turns to any source, how- ever irresponsible, for any clue, however insignificant, that may lead to peace. How earnestly, at Niagara Falls, he plunges into the foaming question with " whomsoever it may concern," as to the terms upon which he will snatch them from 17 the boiling abrgs. How eagerly lie explores the bindings of the James and Appomattox for the lost jewel, taking the risk of seeming nndigniiied rather than nnyieldino-. Willingly he holds the giiilty hand in his grasp if there is the slightest hope the dove may perch there. Thns, step by ste]), year by year, through trial, throngh contumely, ridicule, hati'ed, the scorn of a foreign and the target of a domestic foe, mi.-a})pre- hended even by friends, slowly, hopefully, certaiidy at last — the people see and the Morld acknowledges the great, good, peerless man that the convention of 1860 unM-ittiiigly stum- bled upon. The calumniator is silenced, the battle is linished, the smoke lifts, and there stands our giant friend on the far height of our triumph, holding in one hand a captured South, and in the other the redeemed bondmen. The grandest painting in all history, because proclaiming the grandest aim of all human eli'ort, to batfle crime, ^\hicli God abhors, and save freedom, which all men love. Those who threw shells at this life now go trembling with flowers to his grave, calling on this departed spirit, this abused saviour, this Illinois ape, this tyrant, this hyena, to plead, with that avenging "judgment," for this mercy their last great crime robbed, them of Who will say that the man who achieved these great results had not greatness in its best sense ? The moral greatness of fortitude and purity of character, the mental greatness of Avisdom to see farther, and ehxpience to express better the duties and the relations of the hour, than any citizen, officially or otherwise, which cotemporary America could furnish. Does nut this simplicity, this strengtli, this persevering earnestness, this hopeful, joyous, single-hearted- ness, this moral humility, this mental independence, this elo- quence, too busy with the heart and the salvation of the hour to be subtle, ornate or elaborate, this cordial familiar miracle of work and humor, of faith and fear, of anxiety and energy, this eccentric dispenser of a most eccentric era, who "\\ill say that, with all his errors, his defects of insight and culture, this man was not miraculously meant to meet the precise exigen- cies of our calamity ? Who will say that these high, broad American characteristics are not just the needs, with ;i little 18 more official experience, wliicli make up tlie great comprehen- Bive American necessities of our peculiar statesmanship 'I AbRx1iia]vi Lincoln came into tlie world during tlie early part of this century. The compeer of iS^apoleon in power, he is also his cotemporary in birth. Though the same waters washed the jurisdiction of botli, when born, how vast was the ditference in their stations. Louis Napoleon was the favorite nephew of the mightiest con(pieror of all ages. Born under the blaze of that eagle eye — announced to the world with glad salvos of artillery — rocked in the golden cradle of the lux- urious Tuilleries, lie knew nothing of the rude helplessness that struggled on the far frontier of unsettled America, amid rustic huts and howling wiklernesscs and Indian war whoops, whose cradle, if he had any, was rocked by the piercing blast that swept through the unslieltered domicile of an impover- ished home. Behold now that daAvning light beginning only with aninuil instincts and physical elements to aid its develop- ment. No gentle culture, no intellectual atmosphere, no chiv- alrous and traditional relinement to melt and mould its higlier sentiment and deeper cravings. All those rules by which great men are systematically trained, by which Cicero and Fenelon, Fox and Burke, and our Webster, and even Clay, were unf >lded and encouraged to advancing maturity, were denied him. Behold this granite will piercing these granite obstacles, through whose chinks gleam after gleam of helpful light is streaming until the stone crumbles, a broader flood de- scends, and the whole man, by self-culture and self-discipline, is lifted above the flatboat, above the rough right hand, into the higher brain, the loftier reach of legal knowledge, politi- cal power, and general usefulness. Slowly, step by step, he nears the far-olf prince, whose birth is so hopelessly above his own. The one becomes a needy adventurer, an exile ; the other is still an obscure attorney, but a man of local influence, who in dignity and self-respect would esteem himself equal to a seedy prince. Again they diverge far apart — convulsions shake the chronic storm-ridden home of the prince ; the out- law becomes France's necessity. The Bourbon's airy diadem vanishes — at his touch the uncle's imperial brilliant sparkles 19 on the dull brow that brooded for years over Its loss. Tlic prince is the great Emperor of France, and a law to Europe's crowned imbecility. The ol)scnre attorney grows apace. He has become the people's representative. Fortune, too, l>egins to light upon his lofty patience. By times the god descends, and the people in their princely capacity, passing by all the great lights who thought themselves born and reared, and who talked and twisted into all shapes, and bent their ears low and often to hear the sweet majestic sound that should call tliem to the Presidency, the people passing them all by, this humble, honest, direct, genuine man is dropped into that chair where Washington sat, and for wliicli Webster siglied. And now these rulers born at the extremes of society, in France and America, face each other as peers. The one lifted by cunning, by nerve, and the help of a great name, to wear through blood the imperial purple of a tickle people. The other with the nobler arts of a noble nature, by wise service, by the advocacy of liberal sentiments, l)y aljstinence from all sordid devices, comes up from the depths of the popular class to sway a vast empire, the equal of kings, with power and resources greater than France or England. Administering in peace the equal of several European kingdoms, and chastising with war a territ()ry commensurate with half a continent. It may be that a severe criticism would exact a more familiar intercourse with govern- mental action, a deeper and more comprehensive reach of intellectual culture in the administration of important politi- cal interests ; but when we consider the sagacity with whicli our great political and military struggle has been conducted, the easy grace with which intelligence by degrees counteracted inexperience, the vast amount of talent summoned to its assist- ance, the overflowing resources and the varied inqilements now awkwardly, now eifectively, adjusting themselves to meet and master the monster wrong ; the perfect simplicity, integ- rity and single-heartedness with which our lamented Presi- dent's intercourse with the people has been signalized ; how healthy his moral and personal tone has acted on the contest ; with what perfect confidence his faith inspired our confidence; how familiarly and fatherly he has come down from tlie stilted 20 formality of austere officiality to take our trouWes by tlie liand ; chucking tliem under the chin, and telling them to be of good clieer ; mollifying the dangerous with a]:)propriate and proper- turned touches of the humorous, using anecdotes as antidotes to keep human nature bland and cheerful under the constant pres- sure of the dreadful. This light-lieartedness was not the levity of a frivolous inditference to grave duties, but a buoyancy born of a sanguine and genial enthusiasm, confiding in the success of the true and the good, and looking hopefully and gladly to pleasant results, through a consciousness of meaning and acting always f )r tlie interest of all. Xo one sutfered more intensely in these hours of doul)t and gloom, when a triumph of the foe, on a battle field or at the ballot l)ox, seemed to throw a momentary despair over the results of tlie contest. Here was a quiet citizen, faithful to every civil emergency, whose pure and persevering life, gifted with a terse and peculiar eloquence, disposed hiui to advocate his political doctrines with quaint and emphatic earnestness ; this fresh and fearless man is suddenly called from an average routine of useful and responsil)le duties, to administer the complex machinery of the highest and most difficult trust of modern times. AVho will ever forget that awful fall of 1860, when, amid the golden l>eauty of autumnal foliage, and the still more golden splendor of national peace and national power, we harvested the dark N^ovember ballot. It fell, the last calm flow of a nation's will through bloodless channels. It fell, that ghastly Presidential sufirage, amid the secret shudderings of a forel)oding, yet still laithful, hopeful and peaceful Commonwealth. Bad men had promised to break up a good government if this good man succeeded to it. They had consented, voluntarily, to sit down and play the game, and when the Lixcoln ace turned up, attenq)ted, like reckless blacklegs, to overthrow the table, and in the confusion snatch the stakes and enjoy the plunder. Whence comes the philosophy of this dark suicide ? Surely first in egotism. A people who hold another race in absolute subjection soon exaggerate their self-importance and believe all races their inferior. Because they could flog one people -at 21 will, tliey tlionglit tliej liad only to tie tlie ISTortli up by tlie lieels and bring it to any terms. Xortheni Democrats could liave no feeling of patriotism for tlieir section when such august allies demanded submission. The next cause of tlieir ruin was ignorance. AVliere was tlieir arithmetic when South Carolina seceded ? Who told them that one was greater than two ; that the vast resources of the Xortli would tremble before a Palmetto leaf; that the mud-sills could drive a bargain, but not an enemy ; 1:lie shop-keeping crew might charge prices, but not batteries or bayonets ? Had they forgotten or never read Eevolutionary History ? Was not the deep love of country drank in with our mother's milk, now tenaciously upheld with the red flow of our ready blood ? Would the children of Warren and Putnam, of Schuyler and Greene, see this heritage swept away by the Davises and Lees of a more dastardly age ? Let those who are so proud of a separate South rememlier who gave them a South to be proud of. Who, when Marion was vanquished and Sumter and Lincoln swept from the contest, sent down our Greene and our hardy Xorthern help to lift tlieir chain and restore their freedom and their fellow- ship with States, never lur an hour knowing a country or a home distinct from the stronger and more protecting North. Thus they drifted on this frantic fraternity, with no light but phrensy and whisky, to their dark doom. Public opinion was confused and bewildered by the sense- less howl of State Sovereignty from this State bought for $17,500 by a company of English merchants. Look at the grievances alleged by the declaration of the South Carolina Convention. The Xorth had all the ships and commerce, that was the crime of competition committed by their hard hands and honest labor. The Xorth forced upon them a high tariff, and yet it was this South Carolina that insisted on a high tariff on cotton when we imported instead of exported that bel- ligerent little fabric. The South had to help pay the $200,000 a year for fishing bounties to our seamen who sailed with their cot- ton and defended it on the high seas, while the Xorth was ])ay- iiiithet and every feeling of hatred and calumny, who had taught their slaves to ridicule him, their children to loathe and lisp the alphabet of never-ending sc()rn and bitter- ness, he saw this South sta2;gering and dvim; under his incessant Llows, lifting its faintlnf;: head to deny and to regret a death Avhieh might nncomtVirtablv precipitate them from the chastisement of principle to the chastisement of revenge. To all these merits of energy, patience, probity, sagacity, eloquence, and aptitude for organization and execution, which distinguished the great emancipator, must now he added the melancholy merit of national martyrdom. As in his life his achievements render his rule the most important and conspic- uous Presidential career since AVashington's, so in his death he stands alone as the first public character violently swept from the sphere of its usefulness ; a great guardian stricken down from the side of a great truth, just as it was passing from the perils of war to the exigencies of peace. AVill not emancipa- tion — this infant, born in the hail of blood-blinding war — will it not miss that relaxed hand, that stilled voice, as the or})han totters through opposing ranks to rank and power ( Abraham Lincoln fell on the very day the old flag came down on Sumter; when we stood on that ruin which was yet more the ruin of the South ; but not till his soul had gone up with the flag; not until the pertinacity of the North had waved a mended principle over a l)roken fortress. And now, with this loved one vanished, this Union saved, this sad Southern people prostrate, this peace ])erclied on every surly battlement of rebellion, Avill the South pass thus sullenly from the eminence of defiance to the extreme of apathy and indif- ference ^ AYliy is it that in all these conquered districts we hear so much of the people's love of the Union, and no attempt to work up this Union feeling into State organization and na- tional co-operation ? All ready to cringe to power, to forswear the past, ready to take rations, take oaths, take office, take anything to save property and avoid the last ditch. AVhere is all that manhood which braved death, defied the world, and staked everything for Jefi". ( That rebelled, robbed, lied, slaugh- tered, hung, and burned for the right to Ijreak up, and ^\i]l do nothing to make up, that involves reason, thought, loyalty, and earnest political brotherhood. Come back, oh deluded and defeated South. Con^e back 28 In feeling as yon are already back by compulsion. Those who won you with tlieir superior sword would hold you by the equal charter. For blows and curses, for hard names and light lingers, for ruin diverted from abroad and baffled at home, for all but the leadership in your hellish crimes, we offer just laws, equal rights, and a common share in tliat loving government only made more immortal by warding off the death-bloAV you would have dealt it. With all the desolatit ui of your fields and homes, you have lost nothing permanently but a traitorous crew and a poisonous creed ; nothing which industry will not repair and patriotism secure. Remembei*, slavery was never in danger until you lost your senses ; remember, too, tliat it never can be restored until we lose ours. The same talent and energy employed in the arts of peace that you have exhibited in war, the same toil with your white hands, the same endurance of fatigue and hardships, of hunger and danger, through desperate encounters and dreary marches which made you the slaves of slavery, by ]3eaceful free labor, will restore you to a nobler and more abundant j^rosperity than was ever wrung from the toil of others. You can hire the negro's freedom cheaper than you can buy his servitude. The interest on his slave value will almost pay his free wages, while his own interest in the rights of men will increase the energy with which he develops your wealth. Free labor alone has conquered you. It in\^tes emigration, it develoj^s and then accumulates resources too vastly and too quickly for slavery to compete with. The negro, as slave, failed to keep off" war or to keep up war for your advantage, now try if the negro as freeman, may not prolong peace and so insure harmony, unity, and a less sensi- tive fV>rni of progress and prosperity. Will you forget that you must arouse, organize, and recover your lost civil status ? As war has thrashed out of you the beaten and demolished theory that a State may defy and destroy a nation, why not heartily and permanently shape the State law and conform every local obligation and every moral and political sentiment to the spirit of national duty ; co-operating in cheerful concur- rence with the great Federal amendment, so that never directly 29 or 1)}- implication shall any clause be so doubtful in tlie cousti- tution as to tempt the traitor or wean the patriot from fealty to the supreme law of the Union, and thus divert misery and ruin from yourself and your children to the latest generation. AYill not this Southern people call conventions, appoint elections, send delegates back voluntarily to that Congress they voluntarily spurned, and thus, in the good American way, by argument, by peaceful investigation and hopeful reference to representative and judicial adjudication, submit their rights and wants, under a returning submission and sense of duty, to those who in their better days decided wisely and well for us all; or else, in stul)bornness and anger, remain under this military post-garrison form of pupilage, or go forth wanderers to people some more S()Utliern solitude ; or, like the Arab or the gipsy, intrude on luckier races branded with tlie marks of unrespected martyrdom. Laws, habits, language, feeling, kin- red, make us one people. Love and trade, as well as moun- tains and rivers, matrimony, as well as geograpliy, have made us one people. You cannot form two nations of a com- munity with a Yankee aunt and grandmotiier hanging up rer- erently in every Southern parlor, with a Southern sister or grandfather piously packed aAvay in every Xorthern home. Is the Southern pride wounded by defeat ? The very exer- tions that have been vanquished have made them famous, aud by the industry of the effort prepared them for that free lab<:»r which they could not avoid. If they have lost their slaves they have gained themselves — gained knowledge, gained self- reliance, and a surer and cpiicker development. Admitting that tlie whole value of the slaves was one thousand millions of dollars, which they have lost, yet it is not one-half the sum the JN'orth has had to pay to nuiintain the Government. Are they desolate and impoverished i Kot more so than any des- perate speculator who eml)arks his all in some such wild-cat bank and fails. If they ?/v7/ invest in damnation, they must expect their profits to be hell. If the negro proves himself worthy of free labor it will ensure to Southern ambition more political power by enlarging the Southern constituency ; it will make Southern lands more valuable by increasing their })ro- 30 ductiveiiess ; and with the generous tender of Northern cap- ital, this Southern coniniunity must rapidly recover from its depletion. And now, soldiers ! sons of our Xorth ! saviours of oar na- tion ! your days of danger and strife are drawing to a close. jS^o heroes of the world tread more enviable heights of fame. Your bayonets have been gleaming spires over that holy church of libcrt}' in which your fathers and your brothers worshipped. Through all your marches you have never forgotten that you were citizens as well as soldiers; that you were moving at no unrighteous conqueror's beck. Amid all the storm of battle, on picket, through the drill, or by the camp lire, the spirit of your Government was simply calling upon you to perfect yoin- ice — no raid capture the resolution to obey it. The glory of your deeds will remain with you through life ; it will influence your character and insure you respect. The sight of that old flag when it flits between your cares and your dreams and waves over some civil duty abandoned on holidays or festivals, you ^\ill think h(»\v you iVdlowed it as it sti'eamed on fields of fire. How the nation reeled or righted as you shrunk from or Ijreasted the guilty lines that confronted it. And as your eyes gleam with exultation over the dangers you escaped, and the rights you snatched from the traitors' grasp, you will mingle your glad refrain with loved memories of that great and good chief who first called you into service, equipped you for battle, and with a father's care and a mon- arch's power, followed you with cheering words through every contest, until the bullet that spared you laid low his life, fresh from the freedom of one race and the safety of another. ^ 3 > ^ D> > 3^ > >> » :» J*' — ' ■>;) ' 3> »1> 3>j> -^ ":»>"> 3>1> ~^:: ' -3^ > i> 3t> >:> 3:> > 2> z» 3::> >::> 3^z)6> 3:> 3?: — '^ ~~ 3 >/ ■3£: 3X 333 ' 3^ ^ . 03 > 33 >. .:>3 >^ ■:>o "■ ?»> ":> 3. - 3> ^^33 i>» 33 :^T6> T>3 :"!>i> 3> 3>> ^3> 2X> 13^ ^?s> ,:33 3ag> :3> ::x*> 3> 3>3 3^ 3>3 13:^ :3a»3 3^ >^3l> .333l >:> x>^^ S»3 :>3»z>> '^Sko 3i>:3> J^:> 3 :» 3 > ■,^> o ^:3> i> > ::; ^> 3":3> j*> >> 3 '3j 33 3 3 :> :> D>-> 3 3> 1 3 :^ ^> 3> 3 _:x> ^» -^^ -> -33 .!»:' 3j> ^ 3> :^> -5) > 3^ Z>. ic. ;^ '^-^ 3 3 3 3 3 .3 -:y333 3)^ 3> > T?^i->3 > '^>3 3 3- 3 v.) > 3 :3'>5> > ^ X>.23 3 3 -^^ ' J> 3 3 Y> i^jfc:> >j> ?3 :3 3 :3 3 ■:>> n 33 : 33 : ■:->3 ~ 3>> 35> ^^ 3^3 3>3 3>3 3.:>3 3>3 33 > 33:'3 3'> 3» 33.3 3>3 3^ J >-• 33Z> ?> 33 'Z> !> 3>r^ r? 3 > 1 3 3 :; - > 3> 3> ^ ■ z>y » z. \3) >^ 3^]fc >: :3> :» 30 c ^:33 »■ :>zi* '3: ^^33 33 Z>Zlk ^3: 33 33 3Z> 3: 33 33 :>z: 3> 3> 3> 5 3) 33 3> T 3> 33 33 S 3> ^33 33 :z: 3> 33 3>1 3> ^.> 2>^ 3 Z>--3 X» T 3 ^>:3» 3>'3 3 ,3^3 :&: 3 _::> 3:& 3>z 3:^:33 > 3. ^>33 3> ^ 3 Z:S».>3Z>. 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