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AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
1^^^ 
 
 THE M ACM ILL AN COMPANY 
 
 NEW YORK • BOSTON • CHICAGO • DALLAS 
 ATLANTA • SAN FRANCISCO 
 
 MACiMILLAN & CO., Limited 
 
 LONDON • BOMBAY • CALCITTTA 
 MELBOURNE 
 
 THE ^L\CMILLAN CO. OF CANADA, Ltd. 
 
 TORONTO 
 
George Washington 
 
AMERICAN HISTORY 
 
 For Use in Secondary Schools 
 
 BY 
 
 ROSCOE LEWIS ASHLEY 
 
 AUTHOR OF "THE AMERICAN FEDERAL STATE, 
 "AMERICAN GOVERNMENT," ETC. 
 
 REVISED EDITION 
 
 THE MACMILLAN COMPANY 
 
 LONDON : MACMILLAN & CO., Ltd. 
 I9I4 
 
 All rights resewed 
 
.ASZ 
 
 Copyright, 1907, 
 By the M ACM ill an COMPANY. 
 
 Copyright, 1914, 
 By the MACMILLAN COMPANY. 
 
 Set up and electrotyped. Published June, 1907 Reprinted 
 September, 1907; November. 1908; October, 1909; May, 
 October, 1910; July, 1911; January, August, 1912. 
 
 Revised Edition, May, 1914. 
 
 NoriDooli 53rfss 
 
 J. S. Cushin<r Co. — Berwick & Smith Co. 
 
 Norwood, Mass.. U.S.A. 
 
 JUN II 1914 
 
-^33 
 
 PREFACE 
 
 In this volume the author has treated the topics and 
 suggested the methods that he has found most satisfactory 
 with his own classes. As the development of the nation 
 has been the main theme, many subjects often treated in 
 high school texts have been discarded as non-essential. 
 Many others not connected closely with our national 
 development have been of sufficient interest or importance 
 to 1 ceive attention in separate chapters. In order to 
 make as clear as possible the general course of American 
 development and to explain the character of the principal 
 movement within each short period of the nation's life, 
 the subjects have been grouped under topical heads. The 
 author has hoped to indicate by this means the relation 
 of each historical change to the movement of the times 
 and the relation of this smaller movement to the larger 
 phases of our development which are given in the chapters. 
 
 The author regrets that in the preparation of this book 
 he has not been able to consult the later volumes of The 
 American Nation and cannot give references to these 
 volumes. He washes to express to Messrs. Harper and 
 Brothers his appreciation for the opportunity to examine 
 proofs of two of these volumes, and to Messrs. Houghton, 
 Mifflin & Company for the use of two maps from Winsor's 
 Narrative and Critical Jlistory of Anierica. He takes 
 pleasure in acknowledging the many helpful suggestions 
 and criticisms offered by President Kendric C. Babcock 
 of the University of Arizona, Mr. Haven W. Edwards of 
 the Redlands High School, and Miss Anna V. McNair 
 of the Pasadena High School. 
 
 Pasadena, California, 
 April, 1907. 
 
 V.2- 
 
PREFACE FOR REVISED EDITION 
 
 In this revision no attempt has been made to consider 
 any events except those of the last quarter century. A 
 consecutive account is given of the most important events 
 of the twentieth century, and full recognition is given to 
 important recent movements, political, economic, and 
 social. 
 
 Pasadena, California, 
 February, 1914. 
 
SUGGESTIONS 
 
 On account of the limited time at the disposal of high 
 school pupils, the marginal references have been selected 
 with care. Most of them will be found in the average 
 public library, and a fair proportion in the ordinary high 
 school library. Many of the groups of marginal refer- 
 ences can be used for topics to supplement the lists given 
 at the ends of the chapters. 
 
 The following lists of books will probably be found most 
 useful in connection with this text. As duplicates are 
 always more useful for class use than even a large number 
 of titles, a large high school library would probably con- 
 tain a much larger number of books from the first and 
 second lists than from the third. 
 
 I. A SMALL LIBRARY 
 
 One or more copies of each of the following: — • 
 Cambridge Modern History, Vol. VIL 
 CoMAN, Industrial History of the United States. 
 
 MacDonald, Select Documents of United States History {\']'](i-\%(i\)^ 
 Burgess, Middle Period. 
 Dodge, Bird^s Eye View of the Civil War. 
 
 Hart (ed.), American History told by Contetnporaj'ies, Vol. IV. 
 American History Leaflets, Nos. 4, 5, 23, 30. 
 
 II. A MEDIUM-SIZED LIBRARY 
 
 Selected from the books given above and the following: — 
 Epochs of American History, 3 volumes. 
 Channing and Hart, Giiide to Ajnerican History. 
 MacDonai.d, Select Charters Illustrative of American History. 
 MacDonald, Select Statutes of United States History. 
 The American Nation : — 
 
 Bourne, Spain in America. 
 
 Andrews, Colonial Self- G over nvient. 
 
viii Snirarestions 
 
 <ii> 
 
 Howard, Preliminaries of the Revolution. 
 
 Van Tyne, The American Revolution'. 
 
 McLaughlin, Confederation and the Constitution. 
 
 Turner, Rise of the New West. 
 
 Hart, Abolition and Slavery. 
 Chan N IN G, History of the United States, Vol. I. 
 Parkman, Struggle for a Continent. 
 FiSKE, Critical Period of American History, 
 Ashley, American Federal State. 
 Hart, Actual Government. 
 
 Hart (ed.), American History told by Contemporaries, 4 volumes. 
 American History Leaflets. 
 Old South Leaflets. 
 
 Dewey, Financial History of the United States. 
 Foster, A Century of American Diplomacy. 
 Johnston, American Political History, 2 volumes. 
 Burgess, Middle Period. 
 
 Burgess, Civil IVar and the Constitution, Vol. I. 
 Stan wood. History of the Presidency. 
 Andrews, The United States in our Ou>n Time. 
 Larned (ed.). History for Ready Reference, Vol. VI. 
 Elson, History of the United States. 
 
 HI. A LARGE LIBRARY 
 
 Selected from the books given above and the following : — 
 
 WiNSOR, Narrative and Critical History of America, 8 volumes. 
 * The American N^ation, rest of the 27 volumes. 
 ♦Fiske, 13 volumes on American history. 
 ♦Semple, American History and its Cctgraphic Conditions. 
 
 Brigham, Geographic Lnflucnccs in American History. 
 
 Ogg, Opening of the Mississippi. 
 
 EGGLEsroN, Beginners of a Nation. 
 
 Frothingham, Rise of the Republic. 
 
 Lodge, Short Fli story of the English Colonies. 
 
 Doyle, English Colonies, 5 volumes. 
 
 Johnston (Woodburn) (eds.), American Eloquence, 4 volumes. 
 
 Roosevelt, Winning of the West, 4 volumes. 
 •Taussig, Tariff History of the United States. 
 
 ScHOULER, History of the United States (17S3-1S65), 6 volumes. 
 ♦McMaster, History of the People of the United States (17S3-1S60) 
 7 volumes published. 
 
 White, Money and Banking. 
 ♦Rhodes, /Li story of the United States since the Compromise of /Sjo, 
 7 volumes. 
 
Sjiggcstions ix 
 
 American Statestnen Series; especially volumes on Franklin, * Wash- 
 ington, *Hamilton, *Webster, *Clay, *Calhoun, Lincoln, 
 lienton, Chase, Seward, and Blaine. 
 
 American Commonwealth Series; especially volumes on Virginia, 
 Maryland, Connecticut, Missouri, Indiana, Kentucky, Texas, 
 Louisiana, and Kansas. 
 
 Larned, History for Ready Reference, 6 volumes. 
 •'Sparks, Expansion of the United States. 
 
 Blaine, Twenty Years of Congress. 
 
 Cox, Three Decades of Federal Legislation. 
 
 Burgess, Civil War and the Constitution, Vol. II. 
 
 Johnson, War of Secession. 
 
 Wood-Edmunds, Civil War in the United States. 
 
 Battles and Leaders of the Civil War, 4 volumes. 
 
 Burgess, Recotistruction and the Constittition. 
 
 Foster, American Diplomacy in the Orient. 
 
 Johnson, American Raihvay Transportation. 
 
 Those starred in this list should be included in list II if possible. 
 
CONTENTS 
 
 PART I 
 
 THE COLONIAL PERIOD (1492-1763) 
 
 CHAPTER I 
 
 CONDITIONS AFFECTING COLONIZATION IN 
 AMERICA. 1-23 
 
 ION PAGB 
 
 Introduction I 
 
 Geographical Conditions : 
 
 Geography and American colonization .... 2 
 
 Climate and rainfall « 3 
 
 Natural resources 5 
 
 Geographical divisions of the United States ... 7 
 
 Influence of geography on English colonization . . 8 
 
 Geographical advantages of the P^rench colonies . . lO 
 
 The North American Indian : 
 
 The Indian tribes .... 
 Life and character of the Indians 
 General relations of Indians and Whites 
 Help given to the English by the Indians 
 Results of Indian v^^ars 
 
 Europe during the Fifteenth Century: 
 
 13. Connection between the history of Europe and America . 17 
 
 14. Political Europe after 1450 18 
 
 15. Trade with the East before 1475 '9 
 
 16. Search for new sea routes to India 20 
 
 17. Summary 21 
 
 CHAPTER II 
 
 THE FIRST CENTURY (1492-1600). 24-39 
 
 The Discovery of a New World : 
 
 1 8. Preparation of Columbus ..... c . 24 
 
 19. Columbus's first voyage o 25 
 
 xi 
 
xii Contents 
 
 SECTION PAGE 
 
 20. The Pope's division of the earth o- . , . ,26 
 
 21. Later voyages of Columbus 27 
 
 22. The Cabots 28 
 
 23. Vespucius and the naming of America .... 29 
 
 24. The Pacific Ocean ........ 30 
 
 Explorations in the United States (15 13-1543) : 
 
 25. Florida (1 5 1 3-1 5 36) o 30 
 
 26. The Southwest (1539-1543) 31 
 
 27. De Soto » 32 
 
 28. Verrazano and Cartier 32 
 
 The Close of the Sixteenth Century : 
 
 29. The situation in Europe ....... 33 
 
 30. The French in Florida (i 562-1 565) 34 
 
 31. The English in the New World (i 562-1 583) ... 35 
 
 32. The Ralegh colonies (1584- 1590) 36 
 
 33. The results of the first century 37 
 
 CHAPTER III 
 EARLY ENGLISH COLONIZATION (1600-1660). 40-62 
 
 Virginia (1606-1625) : 
 
 34. The charter of 1606 40 
 
 35. The settlement at Jamestown ...... 41 
 
 36. The influence of tobacco culture . . . . .42 
 
 37. The first Virginia assembly (1619) 43 
 
 38. Virginia becomes a royal province (1624) . ... 43 
 
 New England before 1628 : 
 
 39. The Plymouth Company and the Council for New England 44 
 
 40. The English Puritans 46 
 
 41. The Puritans and the English monarchs . . . ' . 47 
 
 42. The Pilgrim migrations ....... 48 
 
 43. Early history of New Plymouth ...... 48 
 
 Beginnings of Massachusetts Bay (i 628-1 636): 
 
 44. The Massachusetts Bay Company ..... 49 
 
 45. King Charles and the Puritans ...... 50 
 
 46. Character of the Massachusetts Bay colony . . .51 
 
 47. Political problems and dangers 52 
 
 48. Religious difficulties 53 
 
 Expansion in New England ( 1 635-1645) : 
 
 49. Providence plantations and Rhode Island „ . . 54 
 
 50. The Connecticut Valley , . . . , , =55 
 
Contents xiii 
 
 SECTION PAGE 
 
 51. New Haven 56 
 
 52. Northern New England 57 
 
 53. The New England confederation (1643) . • » • 57 
 
 Maryland : 
 
 54. The charter of Maryland (1632) 59 
 
 55. The proprietor and the freeman 60 
 
 56. Religious toleration ........ 60 
 
 57. Summary 61 
 
 CHAPTER IV 
 
 LATER ENGLISH COLONIZATION (1660-1700). 63-85 
 
 58. Commercial situation of England about 1660 
 
 59. England and the Colonies (i 660-1 685) 
 
 New York (i 609-1685) : 
 
 60. The founding of New Netherland 
 
 61. The province of New Netherland 
 
 62. New Netherland and its neighbors . 
 
 63. Conquest of New Netherland (1664) 
 
 64. The English in New York (1664-1685) . 
 
 The Quaker Colonies : 
 
 65. New Jersey and the Quakers 
 
 66. Penn and his colony 
 
 67. The government of Pennsylvania 
 
 68. Boundaries of Pennsylvania ... 
 
 The South after the Restoration (i 660-1 730) : 
 Misgovernment in Virginia (i 660-1 676) . 
 Bacon's rebellion (1676) .... 
 The Carolina charters (1663-1665) . 
 Proprietary government in Carolina (i 667-1 729) 
 
 New England (1655-1685) : 
 
 Problems of New England ( 1 655-1 675) . 
 
 King Philip's war (1675-1676) .... 
 
 Massachusetts and the Crown (i 675-1 684) 
 
 The Great Revolution (1685-1700) : 
 
 The Dominion of New England .... 
 
 The revolution of 1689 in England and New England 
 Revolutionary movements in the Middle and Southern 
 Colonies ...... 
 
 Results of the revolution in America 
 
 The colonies in 1700 .... 
 
 63 
 64 
 
 65 
 
 65 
 67 
 67 
 68 
 
 69 
 
 70 
 
 71 
 72 
 
 73 
 74 
 75 
 75 
 
 76 
 
 77 
 78 
 
 79 
 80 
 
 82 
 83 
 84 
 
XIV 
 
 Conttnts 
 
 CHAPTER V 
 
 SECl 
 
 Si. 
 
 RIVALRY OF FRENCH AND ENGLISH (1689-1763) 
 So- 103 
 
 ION 
 
 Introduction ....... 
 
 S2. 
 S4. 
 
 85. 
 So. 
 S7. 
 SS. 
 
 S9. 
 
 90 
 
 91 
 92, 
 
 93 
 94 
 95 
 
 French Exploration and Settlement : 
 Fountling of New France 
 Exploration of the West ... 
 Louisiana (i 099-1 720) . 
 
 French and English Colonies (16S9-1754) 
 The Treaty of Utrecht ( 1 7 1 3) 
 
 Georgia 
 
 The English colonists and their governors 
 Government of the French colonies 
 Preparation for the final conflict 
 
 Expulsion of the French (i 754-1 76 : 
 The struggle for the upper Ohio valley . 
 The situation in America and in Europe 
 The first period of the war (1754-1757) . 
 The second period of the war (175S-1760) 
 The Peace of Paris (1763) 
 
 Summarv 
 
 PAGE 
 
 86 
 
 86 
 88 
 89 
 
 S9 
 91 
 92 
 
 "?}> 
 94 
 
 95 
 95 
 91 
 9S 
 99 
 
 lOI 
 
 CHAPTER Yi 
 
 COLONIAL CONDiriOXS (.1750). 104-126 
 
 Population and Society : 
 
 96. Number of the people 
 
 97. Classes of society . 
 
 98. Indented servants . 
 
 99. Slavery . 
 100. Colonial life . 
 
 Occupations : 
 loi. Agriculture 
 
 102. Commerce and shipping 
 
 103. Industry and labor . 
 
 104. Colonial currency . 
 
 105. The professions 
 
 Miscellaneous Conditions: 
 
 106. Colonial churches . 
 
 107. Superstition . 
 
 104 
 
 105 
 106 
 106 
 108 
 
 14 
 
 115 
 116 
 
Contents 
 
 XV 
 
 SECTION PAGE 
 
 io8. Clime . c o • ^^7 
 
 109. Education . 1 18 
 
 no. Newspapers 120 
 
 111. Travel .......... 121 
 
 112. Colonial government . . . . . . .122 
 
 113. Colonial law 123 
 
 PART II 
 THE FORMATION OF A UNION (1763-1789) 
 
 114. 
 
 115. 
 116. 
 117. 
 118. 
 119. 
 120. 
 121. 
 122. 
 
 123. 
 
 124. 
 125. 
 126. 
 127. 
 128. 
 129. 
 130. 
 
 131- 
 132. 
 
 134. 
 
 135- 
 136. 
 
 CHAPTER VII 
 
 THE BEGINNINGS OF REVOLUTION (1763-1775) 
 127-153 
 Colonial self-government and English control before 
 
 1763 
 
 The Old Colonial Policy of England : 
 General methods of colonial control 
 England's interference with colonial government 
 England's control through colonial officials 
 Control of colonial legislation .... 
 Early acts of trade ( 1 660-1 696) 
 Later Restrictive Legislation (1696-1760) 
 General effect of the commercial system . 
 The writs of assistance ..... 
 
 The New British Colonial Policy (i 763-1 767) : 
 The conditions in 1763 .... 
 George III and his ministers (i 760-1 782) 
 The establishment of a colonial army (1763) 
 The Sugar Act of 1 764 . 
 The Stamp Act 
 
 Reception of the Stamp Act . 
 The Stamp Act congress . 
 The repeal of the Stamp Act . 
 English and American ideas of representation . 
 The Townshend Acts (1767) .... 
 
 Disorder and Organized Opposition (i 767-1 775) : 
 The reception of the Townshend Acts 
 Growing disorder ( 1 768-1 770) 
 The committees of correspondence (i 772-1773) 
 The tea tax ....... 
 
 127 
 
 128 
 128 
 129 
 130 
 
 131 
 132 
 
 134 
 
 135 
 136 
 137 
 138 
 139 
 140 
 141 
 142 
 
 143 
 144 
 
 145 
 146 
 147 
 147 
 
XVI 
 
 Contents 
 
 SECTION PAGB 
 
 137. The repressive acts (1774) 148 
 
 138. The First Continental Congress (1774) .... 149 
 
 139. The inevitableness of war 150 
 
 140. Summary I^i 
 
 CHAPTER VIII 
 
 141 
 
 142, 
 
 143' 
 
 144, 
 
 145 
 146, 
 147 
 
 148 
 149 
 150 
 
 151 
 
 152, 
 
 153 
 
 154. 
 155. 
 156. 
 
 157- 
 158. 
 
 159. 
 160. 
 161. 
 162. 
 163. 
 164. 
 
 165. 
 166. 
 167. 
 168. 
 
 THE REVOLUTIONARY WAR (1775-1783). 154-188 
 
 Revolt and Independence : 
 
 Events around Boston (1775) . 
 
 The W2S on the northern border (1775-1776) 
 
 Change in the theater of war (1776) 
 
 The Second Continental Congress (i 775-1 776) 
 
 The movement toward independence 
 
 The character of the Declaration 
 
 The first state governments 
 
 Conditions Affecting American Success: 
 
 The theater of war 
 
 British military organization and policy . 
 The American army .... 
 
 The loyalists 
 
 The finances of the revolution . 
 Continental currency .... 
 
 The Campaigns of 1776 and 1777: 
 
 The movement against New York (1776) 
 
 The Trenton-Princeton campaign . 
 
 The plan of campaign (1777), Philadelphia 
 
 Burgoyne's advance (1777) 
 
 The surrender of Burgoyne (1777) . • 
 
 Changed Conditions (i 778-1 779) : 
 
 French aid before 1778 .... 
 
 The French alliance (1778) 
 
 Attempted conciliation by the British (1778) 
 
 Intrigue and neglect (1778) 
 
 The naval war (1776- 1782) . 
 
 The war in the North and West (i 778-1 779) 
 
 The Close of the War (i 780-1 781) : 
 
 British success in the South (1780) . 
 The treason of Arnold (1780) 
 Campaigns in the South (1780-1781) 
 Yorktown (1781) 
 
Contents 
 
 xvii 
 
 The Treaty of Peace (1782-1783) : 
 
 169. Conditions affecting the Treaty of Peace . 
 
 170. Claims and negotiations (1782) 
 
 171. Provisions of the Treaty of Peace (1783) 
 
 172. Summary 
 
 183 
 184 
 185 
 i86 
 
 173. 
 174. 
 
 175- 
 
 176. 
 
 177. 
 178. 
 179. 
 180. 
 181. 
 182. 
 183. 
 1 84. 
 
 185. 
 186. 
 187. 
 188. 
 189. 
 
 190. 
 191. 
 192. 
 193- 
 194. 
 195- 
 196. 
 
 197- 
 198. 
 199. 
 
 CHAPTER IX 
 
 CREATION OF A GENERAL GOVERNMENT (1781- 
 1789) . 189-217 
 
 The Articles of Confederation ; 
 Formation of the Confederation 
 Provisions of the Articles of Confederation 
 
 The league of states 
 
 The amendment of the Articles of Confederation 
 
 The Critical Period (1781-1787) : 
 
 Critical conditions ...... 
 
 The old soldiers 
 
 Land claims of the states .... 
 Land cessions (i 781-1802) .... 
 Ordinances for the government of western territory 
 The West and foreign affairs .... 
 Relations with Great Britain .... 
 Internal disorder 
 
 Formation of the Constitution (i 787-1 788) : 
 The Annapolis conference 
 The Connecticut compromise . 
 Later history of the convention 
 Feeling of the people .... 
 Ratification of the Constitution by the states 
 
 Character of the Constitution : 
 
 Dispute over the nature of the Constitution 
 The nation and the states .... 
 Congress ........ 
 
 The president 
 
 The courts 
 
 Amendment of the Constitution 
 The sources of the Constitution 
 
 The Organization of the New Government (1789) 
 
 The presidency 
 
 Beginnings of the new congress 
 
 The executive departments .... 
 
 189 
 189 
 190 
 191 
 
 192 
 
 192 
 
 193 
 
 194 
 
 195 
 196 
 197 
 iqS 
 
 200 
 201 
 202 
 203 
 204 
 
 204 
 205 
 206 
 206 
 207 
 207 
 208 
 
 209 
 210 
 212, 
 
xviii Contents 
 
 SECTION PAGB 
 
 200. The national judiciary . . . . , . .214 
 
 201. Summary 214 
 
 CHAPTER X 
 
 THE CLOSE OF THE XVHI CENTURY. 218-230 
 
 Social Conditions : 
 
 202. The people 218 
 
 203. The frontier 219 
 
 204. The admission of new states 220 
 
 205. The movement toward emancipation . . . .221 
 
 206. The cotton gin and slavery ...... 222 
 
 Political and Religious Changes : 
 
 207. Voters and officeholders 223 
 
 208. Tendencies toward democracy 223 
 
 209. Religious freedom 224 
 
 Economic Conditions : 
 
 210. Commerce ....,.,<,. 225 
 
 211. Industry » . . 226 
 
 212. Currency .......... 227 
 
 213. Improved means of communication 228 
 
 PART III 
 DEVELOPMENT OF THE NATION (1789-1843) 
 
 CHAPTER XI 
 FOREIGN AND DOMESTIC PROBLEMS (1789-1811). 231-268 
 
 214. Problems confronting the new government (1789) . 231 
 
 Financial Policy and Political Parties (i 790-1 793) 
 
 215. The national debt 233 
 
 216. Assumption of state debts 234 
 
 217. New national taxes 235 
 
 218. The United States bank 236 
 
 219. The formation of political parties 237 
 
 Foreign Affairs (i 793-1 798) : 
 
 220. Difficulties with France (1793) 238 
 
 221. Grievances against England (1794) . . , . 239 
 
 222. Jay's treaty (1794) » 240 
 
 223. The close of Washington's administration . . . 242 
 
Co fit CI Us 
 
 XIX 
 
 SECTION 
 
 224. Trouble with France (i 796-1800) 
 
 225. 
 226. 
 227. 
 228. 
 229. 
 230. 
 
 231. 
 232. 
 233. 
 234. 
 
 235. 
 236. 
 237. 
 238. 
 239. 
 240. 
 241. 
 242. 
 
 Federalists and Republicans ( 1 798-1 802) : 
 The Alien and Sedition laws (1798) 
 The Kentucky and Virginia resolutions (i 798-1 799) 
 
 The election of 1800 
 
 Jefferson and his party ...... 
 
 Reversal of Federalist practices .... 
 
 The national courts 
 
 Western Problems ( 1 800-1 806): 
 
 Disputes over the lower Mississippi River 
 
 The purchase of Louisiana 
 
 Extent and importance of Louisiana 
 
 The Burr conspiracy (1805- 1806) . . . . 
 
 Commercial Warfare ( 1 805-1 81 1): 
 
 European war and American commerce before 1806 
 The impressment of American seamen 
 Orders and decrees (1806-1807) 
 The Embargo (1807) 
 Indirect results of the Embargo 
 The Non-Intercourse Act (1809) 
 The Macon bill No. 2 (1810) . 
 Summary .... 
 
 PAGE 
 
 244 
 245 
 246 
 
 247 
 
 249 
 
 • 250 
 
 252 
 
 255 
 256 
 
 257 
 259 
 260 
 260 
 262 
 263 
 264 
 265 
 
 CHAPTER XII 
 
 A NEW NATIONAL SPIRIT (1811-1824). 269-294 
 
 The Second War of Independence : 
 
 243. Events leading to war (1811-1812) 
 
 244. Declaration of war (1812) 
 
 245. War in the North (1812-1813) 
 
 246. The war on the ocean (1812-1814) 
 
 247. The last year of the war . 
 
 248. TheTreaty of Ghent (1814) . 
 
 Changed Conditions after the War of 181 2 
 
 249. The new nationality 
 
 250. Our altered international standing . 
 
 251. Downfall of the Federalist party 
 
 252. The tariff of 1816 . ^. . . 
 
 253. The second national bank 
 
 254. The Supreme Court 
 
 255. The development of the West . 
 
 269 
 269 
 270 
 
 272 
 
 273 
 274 
 
 275 
 276 
 
 277 
 278 
 279 
 280 
 281 
 
XX Contents 
 
 SECTION PAGE 
 
 256. Internal improvements 282 
 
 257. Importance of the westward movement .... 283 
 
 Slavery and Foreign Affairs ( 1 819-1 824) : 
 
 258. The Missouri Bill (1818-1819) 284 
 
 259. The Missouri problem 285 
 
 260. The Missouri Compromises (1820-1821) . . . 286 
 
 261. Florida c ... 288 
 
 262. The Monroe Doctrine (1823) ...... 289 
 
 263. Summary 291 
 
 CHAPTER XIII 
 
 NATIONAL DEMOCRACY (1824-1843). 295-316 
 
 The Triumph of Democracy (i 824-1 829) : 
 
 264. The presidential election of 1824 . . o . . 295 
 
 265. New political parties . . . , . . . 297 
 
 266. The election of Jackson (1828) . , » . . 298 
 
 267. The importance of Jackson's election .... 298 
 
 268. New political methods 300 
 
 269. The spoils system . 301 
 
 National Sovereignty verstis State Sovereignty (1826- 
 
 1833): 
 
 270. Controversies over Indian lands 302 
 
 271. The Webster-Hayne debate (1830) . « . . 303 
 
 272. Changes in the tariff ( 1 824-1 832) . . . o . 304 
 
 273. The South and the tariff . 305 
 
 274. Nulliticalion and the compromise tariff . . . 306 
 
 Finance and Politics (i 829-1 843) : 
 
 275. First attack on the United States bank .... 307 
 
 276. Overthrow of the bank 308 
 
 277. Government revenues and the panic of 1837 • • • 3^° 
 
 278. Administration of Van Buren (1837-1841) . . . 311 
 
 279. The election of Harrison (1840) 311 
 
 280. Tyler and Whigs (1841-1842) 313 
 
 281. Summary 314 
 
 CHAPTER XIV 
 
 A HALF CENTURY OF CHANGES. 317-338 
 
 Transportation and Business (1S15-1860) : 
 
 282. The steamboat 317 
 
 283. The era of canals ........ 318 
 
Contents 
 
 XXI 
 
 SECTION PAGE 
 
 284. Railways . 319 
 
 285. Significance of improved means of transportation . . 320 
 
 286. The telegraph and other inventions . . <, . 322 
 
 287. Industrial changes after 1810 ...... 323 
 
 288. The era of "free trade" (1846-1857) . . . .324 
 
 Political and Social Changes: 
 
 289. Opening of the government lands 325 
 
 290. Development of Democracy 326 
 
 291. Changes in the states 328 
 
 292. Social legislation ........ 329 
 
 293. Newspapers and education 329 
 
 294. American cities ....•••. 33I 
 
 Free and Slave States : 
 
 295. Growth of the United States 331 
 
 296. Foreign immigration 333 
 
 297. The admission of new states ...... 334 
 
 298. Early abolitionists 335 
 
 299. Abolition and petition (1835- 1840) .... 336 
 
 PART IV 
 
 THE STRUGGLE OVER SLAVERY (1843-1877) 
 
 CHAPTER XV 
 
 SLAVERY IN THE TERRITORIES (1843-1857). 339-365 
 
 Introduction ........ 339 
 
 300. 
 
 Territorial Expansion ( 1 843-1 848) : 
 
 301. Texas before 1843 .... 
 
 302. The annexation of Texas (1843-1845) 
 
 303. Oregon territory to 1846 . 
 
 304. War with Mexico (1846-1847) 
 
 305. Conquest of California. Peace 
 
 Slavery in New Territory (1848- 1 85 3) : 
 
 306. The Wilmot proviso 
 
 307. Oregon Territory ; election of 1848 
 
 308. California 
 
 309. The elements of a compromise (1850) 
 
 310. Discussion of the compromise . 
 
 311. Completion of the compromise of 1850 
 
 341 
 341 
 343 
 344 
 346 
 
 347 
 348 
 349 
 350 
 351 
 352 
 
xxu 
 
 Contents 
 
 SECTION 
 
 312. The fugitive slave law .... 
 
 313. Attempts to gain more slave territory , 
 
 Slavery in Old Territory (1S54-1857) : 
 
 314. The Kansas-Nebraska bill (1854) . 
 
 315. Passage of the Kansas-Nebraska Act (1854) 
 
 316. Reorganization of political parties . 
 
 317. The struggle for Kansas (i 855-1 861) 
 
 318. The case of Dred Scott (1857) 
 
 319. Summary 
 
 PAGE 
 
 353 
 354 
 
 355 
 356 
 358 
 359 
 360 
 ^61 
 
 CHAPTER XVI 
 
 DISUNION AND CIVIL WAR (1857-1861). 366-398 
 
 320. 
 321. 
 322. 
 323- 
 324. 
 325- 
 
 326. 
 
 327- 
 328. 
 
 329- 
 330. 
 331. 
 
 332. 
 333- 
 334- 
 
 335- 
 
 337- 
 338. 
 339. 
 340. 
 341- 
 342. 
 343. 
 
 Approaching a Crisis (185 7-1 860) : 
 The situation in 1857 
 Political factions and parties . 
 The Lincoln-Douglas debates (1858) 
 Union and slavery .... 
 Influence of John Brown's raid (1859) 
 The election of i860 
 
 The Secession Movement (1860-1861) : 
 
 Secession in South Carolina (December, i860) 
 Attempted conciliation (December- January) . 
 The Confederate States of America 
 Close of Buchanan's term 
 Fundamental causes of secession 
 Slavery and state sovereignty versus 
 
 Lincoln; "The Three Months' 
 Lincoln's policy 
 Sumter . 
 Preparation for war 
 The border states 
 Bull Run . 
 
 War 
 
 Conditions Affecting Union Success : 
 Resources of North and South 
 The southern armies 
 The northern armies 
 The navies; the blockade 
 Foreign relations (1861-1865) . 
 Bonds and a national banking system 
 Greenbacks and taxes 
 
 nationality 
 
 366 
 
 367 
 368 
 
 369 
 370 
 371 
 
 373 
 374 
 375 
 377 
 378 
 379 
 
 380 
 381 
 382 
 
 383 
 384 
 
 386 
 
 387 
 387 
 389 
 390 
 391 
 392 
 
Contents 
 
 XXlll 
 
 SECTION 
 
 344. Southern finances and government 
 
 345. Critical situation at the North . 
 
 346. Summary .... 
 
 PAGE 
 
 393 
 394 
 395 
 
 CHAPTER XVII 
 
 PROSECUTION OF THE WAR (1862-1865). 399-430 
 
 Spring and Summer of 1862 : 
 
 Theater of war in the West .... 
 Grant's campaign in the West (to February, 1862) 
 Completion of the Western Tennessee campaign 
 
 New Orleans (1S62) 
 
 The theater of war in Virginia .... 
 
 Monitor and Merrimac 
 
 McClellan's peninsular campaign 
 
 The Middle Period of the War (August, 1862-June, 1863) : 
 
 The fall of 1862 
 
 Events leading to emancipation .... 
 
 Emancipation ........ 
 
 Chancellorsville; Lee's second invasion . 
 
 Union Advance (July, 1863- July, 1864): 
 
 Gettysburg 
 
 Vicksburg 
 
 Operations around Chattanooga (1863) . 
 
 Naval operations (1864) 
 
 The advance on Atlanta (1864) .... 
 Grant in Virginia (May-July, 1864) 
 
 The Close of the War (July, 1864-April, 1865) : 
 The Shenandoah valley; Hood in Tennessee 
 Sherman in Georgia and the Carolinas 
 The end of the war .... 
 The people and Lincoln's government 
 
 Summary of the campaigns 
 
 Conclusion .... 
 
 399 
 401 
 
 403 
 404 
 
 405 
 407 
 407 
 
 410 
 411 
 412 
 414 
 
 415 
 416 
 418 
 419 
 
 421 
 422 
 
 423 
 424 
 424 
 426 
 427 
 428 
 
 CHAPTER XVIII 
 
 POLITICAL RECONSTRUCTION (1865-1877) 
 431-452 
 
 370. Lincoln, Johnson, and Reconstruction 
 
 Reconstruction (i 865-1 870) : 
 
 371. The problem of reconstruction . . . . 
 
 431 
 432 
 
XXIV 
 
 i ontoits 
 
 SECTION 
 
 37-- 
 373- 
 374. 
 375- 
 
 37 
 
 ro. 
 
 377- 
 37S. 
 379. 
 3S0. 
 3S1. 
 3S2. 
 
 3S4. 
 385- 
 3S6. 
 
 3S7. 
 
 Status of seceding states .... 
 Restoration under Johnson (1S65).. 
 Freedmen legislation .... 
 Civil rights bill and amondmont XIV (1S66) 
 Military reconstruction (1S67-1S70) 
 
 Incidents of the Reconstruction Period (1S67-1 
 The impeachment of Johnson . 
 Carpetbag government in the South 
 City government and corruption 
 The administrations of Grant (1S69-1S77) 
 National political scandals 
 The disputed election of 1S76 . 
 
 National Changes (1S61-1S77) : 
 National development 
 Changes in the written Constitution 
 Changes in the unwritten constitution 
 The national government 
 New national industrial conditions . 
 
 77) 
 
 433 
 434 
 436 
 437 
 43S 
 
 439 
 441 
 442 
 443 
 444 
 445 
 
 447 
 44S 
 
 449 
 449 
 450 
 
 PART V 
 
 THE NEW NATION (1865-1907) 
 
 CHAPTER XIX 
 
 INTERNAL DEVELOPMENT (1S65-1SS6). 453-473 
 
 38S. Changes following the war 453 
 
 Financial and Industrial Readjustment (^1865-1879) : 
 
 3S9. Bonds and taxes after the war 454 
 
 390. The greenbacks 455 
 
 391. Laws relating to silver 456 
 
 392. Business after the war 457 
 
 393. Agriculture and the West ...... 45S 
 
 Transportation Problems (1S65-1SS7) : 
 
 394. Development of the West by means of the railways . 460 
 
 395. Railway abuses 461 
 
 396. The granger movement and railway legislation . . 462 
 
 397. The interstate commerce commission (1SS7) . o . 463 
 
 Political Changes and Reforms (1S77-1SS6) : 
 
 39S. Gartield and Arthur . . . . ^ . . 4^4 
 
Contents xxv 
 
 SECTION 
 
 399. The election of Cleveland (1884) . 
 
 400. The spi)ils system and reform . 
 
 401. Progress of civil service reform since 1883 
 
 402. Reform of elections .... 
 
 403. Changes affecting the presidency 
 
 404. Summary 
 
 465 
 467 
 468 
 469 
 470 
 471 
 
 CHAPTER XX 
 
 THE END OF AN ERA (1886-1897). 405-422 
 
 SECTION PAGE 
 
 The Tariff: 
 
 405. Proposed reform of the tariff ( 1 882-1 888) . . . 474 
 
 406. The election of 1888 475 
 
 407. The McKinley tariff (1890) ....,,, 476 
 
 408. The Gorman- Wilson tariff ; the income tax (1894) . 477 
 
 409. Recent tariffs „ . . . 478 
 
 The Silver Controversy (1893—1897) : 
 
 410. The Sherman silver act (1890) and the treasury . . 478 
 
 411. The free silver movement in the West „ . „ , 480 
 
 412. ^ Election of 1896 ........ 481 
 
 413. Republican policies . . , . . o . 482 
 
 Foreign Affairs (1865-1895) : 
 
 414. Disputes with England . , . . . . . 483 
 
 415. Samoa ...,,.... 485 
 
 416. Hawaii ....,,,,.. 486 
 
 417. Pan-American Congresses ..,.., 487 
 
 418. The Monroe Doctrine and Mexico after the Civil War . 488 
 
 419. The dispute over the boundary of Venezuela (1895) • 4^^ 
 
 420. The settlement of the Venezuela controversy . . 489 
 
 421. The Monroe Doctrine since 1895 49*^ 
 
 422. Summary 491 
 
 CHAPTER XXI 
 
 EXPANSION (1898-1902). 423-448 
 
 423. Fundamental changes in the United States after 1897 • 493 
 
 The Spanish-American War : 
 
 424. Our relations with Cuba before 1895 .... 494 
 
 425. The United States and Cuban Insurrection (1895-1896) 495 
 
 426. Dangers to American interests in Cuba (1897-1898) . 496 
 
XXVI 
 
 Contents 
 
 SECTION 
 
 427. The spring of 1898 
 
 428. The beginning of war .... 
 
 429. War on the Atlantic .... 
 
 430. War finance 
 
 431. Army administration and reform 
 
 The Care of Wider American Interests : 
 
 432. The problem of the Pacific . . . 
 
 433. The treaty of Paris (1898-1S99) 
 
 434. Philippine insurrection and election of 1900 
 
 435. The development of a colonial policy 
 
 436. The Philippines since 1900 
 
 437. Alaska 
 
 438. Attempts to secure an Isthmian Canal before 
 
 439. Securing a satisfactory route for the canal 
 
 440. Construction of the canal 
 
 441. Importance of the canal 
 
 The United States as a World Power : 
 
 442. The United States as a world power 
 
 443. American influence on world peace 
 
 444. Relations with Cuba since 1898 
 
 445. Relations with Mexico 
 
 446. Relations with China 
 
 447. Relations with Japan 
 
 448. Summary .... 
 
 902 
 
 PAGE 
 
 497 
 498 
 500 
 502 
 503 
 
 504 
 505 
 506 
 
 507 
 508 
 
 509 
 510 
 
 512 
 514 
 
 515 
 516 
 
 517 
 519 
 520 
 522 
 
 CHAPTER XXII 
 
 RECENT CHANGES (1901-1914). 449-466 
 
 The Roosevelt Policies (i 901-1909) : 
 
 449. McKinley and Roosevelt 526 
 
 450. Roosevelt's " first term " . . . . . • • 5^7 
 
 451. Foreign affairs under Roosevelt 5^8 
 
 452. Internal policies of Roosevelt's " second term " . . 528 
 
 453. Panic. Election of 1908 53° 
 
 The Rule of the People (1906-1913) : 
 
 454. The war against political misrule 53° 
 
 455. The insurgent movement 53^ 
 
 456. Reform of political party methods 532 
 
 457. The initiative, the referendum, and the recall . . 533 
 
Contents 
 
 xxvii 
 
 SECTION PAGE 
 
 The Movement toward Economic Reform (1909-1914) : 
 
 458. The beginning of the Taft administration . . . 534 
 
 459. Reform legislation 537 
 
 460. The election of 191 2 538 
 
 461. Constitutional changes 540 
 
 462. The beginning of the Wilson administration . . . 541 
 
 463. The Payne-Aldrich tariff 542 
 
 464. Democratic tariff measures 544 
 
 465. Other financial reform measures ..... 545 
 
 466. Summary 547 
 
 CHAPTER XXIII 
 
 PROGRESS AND PROBLEMS. 467-486 
 
 Commerce and Industry : 
 
 467. Industrial progress since 1880 
 
 468. Anti-trust legislation in the states . 
 
 469. The Sherman anti-trust law of 1890 
 
 470. Recent anti-trust activity 
 
 471. Railway rate regulation . 
 
 472. Commerce and shipping . 
 
 Business and Labor : 
 
 473. Prosperity and panics since 1865 
 
 474. Labor unions and strikes (1877-1894) 
 
 475. Recent labor problems . 
 
 476. Labor legislation .... 
 
 Political and Social Changes : 
 
 477. Population and race problems 
 
 478. Foreign immigration 
 
 479. Growth of cities 
 
 480. City problems 
 
 481. Legal rights of women . 
 
 482. The distribution of wealth 
 
 483. The past and the future . 
 
 The Nation and its Government — A Comparison : 
 
 484. Changes of a century and a third . 
 
 485. Characteristics of American political development 
 
 486. The people, the nation, and the government . 
 
 552 
 554 
 555 
 556 
 
 558 
 559 
 560 
 562 
 
 563 
 564 
 566 
 
 569 
 571 
 573 
 574 
 
 575 
 576 
 577 
 
xxviii Contents 
 
 APPENDIX 
 
 PAGE 
 
 The Declaration of Independenxe i 
 
 The Constitution of the United States . . . . vii 
 
 TABLE 
 
 I. The Presidents xxv 
 
 II. Presidential Elections xxv 
 
 III. Congress since 1865 ....... xxvi 
 
 IV. Chief Justices of the Supreme Court c , . xxvii 
 V. The States xxvii 
 
 VI. The Territories o , . xxviii 
 
 VII. The Sections (1790-1860) xxviii 
 
 INDEX 00. xxix 
 
ILLUSTRATIONS 
 
 George Washington ... .... Frontispiece 
 
 PAGB 
 
 Indians. ByMacNeil. . o 12 
 
 Columbus . . . „ . . o . . . 25 
 
 Caravel of Columbus . . , 26 
 
 Sir Walter Ralegh ..,.,,... 36 
 
 Captain John Smith . .0 ...... 41 
 
 A Puritan. By St. Gaudens 51 
 
 Roger Williams .......... 54 
 
 New York in the XVII Century (New Amsterdam) ... 66 
 
 William Penn . . » 70 
 
 Pine tree shilling 77 
 
 Champlain 87 
 
 William Pitt 99 
 
 Fireplace in a colonial kitchen. From Mrs. Earle's " Home Life 
 
 in Colonial Days " 108 
 
 A colonial hall. Yxotsx Mrs. Earle's "Home Lite in Colonial 
 
 Days" 109 
 
 A colonial church 115 
 
 Pillory 117 
 
 Page from an old school book 118 
 
 Harvard College . . , 119 
 
 Conestoga wagon . <. . . . . . . .121 
 
 James Otis 135 
 
 George III 136 
 
 Patrick Henry 140 
 
 The first United States flag 159 
 
 A Continental bill ..,,„,... 166 
 Benjamin Franklin . . . , . . . . .174 
 Nathanael Greene . . „ , „ . . . .181 
 
 Marquis de LaFayette . <, . o . . . . 182 
 
 Robert Morris . . . . , 19I 
 
 James Madison o . . . • 200 
 
 James Wilson ........... 202 
 
 George Washington. By Savage . , o . . .211 
 
 Alexander Hamilton ...00.... 213 
 
 An eighteenth century coach . . . . o . . 228 
 
 John Jay 24I 
 
 xxix 
 
XXX 
 
 Illustrations 
 
 John AJanis ..... 
 
 'Ihomas Jotferson .... 
 
 Alboit Gallatin 
 
 John Marshall 
 
 The Capitol at Washington . 
 James Monroe ..... 
 John Quincy AJams .... 
 Andrew Jackson ..... 
 Martin Van Buren .... 
 A log cabin of 1S40 .... 
 Railway train in an early Jay i^Tho DeWitt 
 Samuel F. B. Morse an>l his instrument 
 Howe's original sewing machine . 
 William Lloyd Garrison ... 
 
 James K. Polk 
 
 Calhoun, Webster, and (.'lay. By Brady 
 Stephen A. Douglas .... 
 
 Charles Sumner 
 
 William II. Seward .... 
 The rail candidate (cartoon of iSw) . 
 
 Jefferson Davis 
 
 Abraham Lincoln (the famous Brady photo: 
 Joseph E. Johnston .... 
 Salmon P. Chase ..... 
 
 Ulysses S. Grant 
 
 Robert E. Lee 
 
 George B. McClellan .... 
 Antietam bridge ..... 
 Emancipation proclauialion (last page) 
 Thomas J. Jackson .... 
 Gettysburg Battlefield (^tVom Little Round T 
 William T. Sherman . 
 Libhy Prison .... 
 Andrew Johnson .... 
 Thaddeus Stevens . . . . , 
 The Supreme Court (.luring the Reconstruc 
 Edwin M. Stanton .... 
 "Who stole the people's money? " ^^Xast 
 Samuel J. Tilden .... 
 
 Rutherford B. Hayes .... 
 John Sherman ..... 
 James A. Ciartield . . . ^ 
 
 Chester A. Arthur .... 
 
 James G. Blaine . . , , . 
 
 graph) 
 
 Clinton en 
 
 op) 
 
 tion peruH 
 
 d rin 
 
 gine 
 
IlliistratioHS 
 
 XXXI 
 
 900) 
 
 Grover Cleveland .... 
 
 Ik'njamin Harrison .... 
 
 Inauj^uration of Clcvclaiul (1893) 
 William J. Ikyan .... 
 
 William McKinley .... 
 
 Richard Olney ..... 
 
 'I'iie A/ainf cntcriiij^' Havana harbor . 
 Cartoon : " \^c careful "... 
 William 'P. Sampson .... 
 
 The Ort'gon ..... 
 
 (leorge Dewey ..... 
 
 Siirning the peace protocol at Washington 
 Elihu Root ...... 
 
 A Repul)lican appeal to voters (cartoon of 
 ("ulebra Cut, Panama, before 1902 
 John Hay ...... 
 
 'Pheodore Roosevelt .... 
 
 Water power at Niagara Palls 
 
 William H. 'Paft 
 
 Sui)reme Court in 1910 
 
 Woodrow Wilson .... 
 
 President Wilson reading his lirst message to Congress 
 
 Lower New York, sky line, 1914 
 
 'i'homas A. Edison ..... 
 
 Main Building, Centennial P'xposilion, 1876 
 
 Court of Honor, Chicago, 1893 . 
 
 (jrand Basin, St. l.ouis, 1904 
 
 General View, San Francisco, 191 5 
 
 566- 
 
 4O7 
 475 
 479 
 481 
 
 483 
 489 
 496 
 
 497 
 498 
 
 499 
 500 
 
 501 
 503 
 506 
 512 
 520 
 526 
 529 
 535 
 536 
 540 
 543 
 ■567 
 568 
 568 
 
 569 
 570 
 
 571 
 
MAPS AND DIAGRAMS 
 
 Relief Map of the United States. By Howell . . opposite 
 Isothermal Lines (United States and Europe) . 
 
 Average Rainfall in the United States 
 
 Navigable Rivers and Portages of the United States . 
 Location of the Principal Indian Families and Tribes . 
 
 Europe a.d. 1490 
 
 Trade Routes from Europe to the East . . , . 
 Toscanelli's Map of the Occident . . » . „ 
 
 Line of Demarcation (1494) 
 
 America (1515) (Schoener). Simplified from Winsor's "Narrative 
 
 and Critical History of America." .... 
 
 America (1541) (Mercator). Simplified from Winsor's "America 
 Exploration and Settlements before 1600 .... 
 
 Land Grants under Charter of 1606 
 
 Eastern North America (1621). From Dutch map in O'Callaghan 
 
 collection 
 
 New England Settlements 
 
 Boundaries of Pennsylvania 
 
 North Atlantic Coast (1650-1695) . . (^Colored^ opposite 
 Treaty of Utrecht ; Territorial Changes (171 3) (^Colored) " 
 Scene of the French and Indian War (1754-1759) 
 Treaty of Paris ; Territorial Changes (1763) (^Colored) opposite 
 Density of Population in English Colonies (1750) 
 
 Boundaries of Quebec (1774) 
 
 Boston and Vicinity (1775) . . « . . . 
 
 Vicinity of New York (1776) 
 
 Revolution in the North (i 775-1 780) . , . . 
 
 Campaigns of 1777 in northern New York . 
 
 Revolution in the South (i 778-1 781) .... 
 
 Boundaries of the United States (i 779-1 783) 
 Western Land Claims . 
 Density of Population (1800) 
 Election of 1800 
 The United States (1800) . 
 Louisiana (1803) 
 Exports and Imports of the United States (1789-1811) 
 
 xxxiii 
 
 {Colored) opposite 
 ( Colored) " 
 
 {Colored) opposite 
 
 4 
 
 5 
 II 
 
 12 
 
 18 
 20 
 24 
 27 
 
 29 
 
 29 
 
 2>1 
 40 
 
 45 
 
 58 
 13 
 82 
 90 
 
 97 
 100 
 104 
 149 
 
 154 
 167 
 170 
 172 
 180 
 185 
 185 
 218 
 246 
 252 
 
 255 
 258 
 
xxxiv Maps and Diagrams 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Scene of War in the North (1812-1814) 271 
 
 British Campaign against Washington (1814) .... 272 
 
 New Orleans and Vicinity . . . . ■ . . . . 274 
 
 Territory affected by Missouri Comjironiise (1820) . . . 287 
 
 Election of 1824 295 
 
 The United States (1825) .... {Colored) opposite 297 
 
 Disputed Boundary of Maine 314 
 
 Railroad Construction from 1830 to i860. From Coman's " Indus- 
 trial History of the Unitetl States" . {Colored) opposite 320 
 
 Adoption of Manhood Suffrage 327 
 
 Density of Population (1850) 332 
 
 Election of 1844 342 
 
 Boundaries of Texas 344 
 
 Scene of the Mexican War 345 
 
 The United States (1850) .... {Colored) opposite 349 
 Territory affected by the Compromise of 1850 . . . .352 
 
 Territory affected by the Kansas-Nebraska Act (1854) . . 357 
 
 Expansion of the Slave Territory (1844-1857), two maps . . 362 
 
 Election of i860 373 
 
 The United States (1861), showing fust and second secessions of 
 
 slave states {Colored) opposite 376 
 
 Railways and Rivers of the South (186 1 ) 400 
 
 Routes of Invading Armies (1862-1865) ..... 401 
 
 Western Kentucky and Tennessee (1862) 403 
 
 Theater of War in Virginia 406 
 
 The York-James Peninsula (1862) 408 
 
 Gettysburg Battlefield (1S63) 416 
 
 Country around Vicksburg (1863) . . . » . .417 
 
 Country around Chattanooga (1863) ...... 418 
 
 Restriction of Confederate Territory (1861-1865) 
 
 {Colored) opposite 428 
 
 The United States (1875) .... {Colored) « 445 
 
 Election of 1876 o . 446 
 
 Development of United States (1S70-1905) .... 458 
 
 Decrease in Railway Rates ( 1 867-1900) . . . „ . 462 
 
 Election of 1896 o . . . 484 
 
 The Hawaiian Islands 486 
 
 Operations around Santiago de Cuba (1898) .... 500 
 Territorial Growth of the United States (double page) 
 
 {Colored) behveen 508 and 509 
 
 Route of the Panama Canal 513 
 
 Profile of the Panama Canal 513 
 
 Railways of the United States . . . {Colored) opposite 556 
 
 Election of 1912 . „ 539 
 
Maps and Diagrams xxxv 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Wages and Prices, 1840-1913, in Gold ..... 561 
 
 The United States (1914) . . . . {Colored^ opposite 564 
 
 Immigration (i 864-191 3) 565 
 
 Total and Urban Population (i 790-1910) . . . , . 566 
 
 Density of Population (1900) . » „ ., - . . 567 
 
■s^ 
 
 ~%^-. 
 
 K 
 
 V^'" 
 
 t; 
 
 ^ 
 
 
 
 .•V^k\'^ 
 
 r:^t:f^?^iK^t€W^ 
 
 «^' ;^^: -, fev 
 
 
 
PART I 
 THE COLONIAL PERIOD (1492-1763) 
 
 CHAPTER I 
 
 CONDITIONS AFFECTING COLONIZATION IN 
 AMERICA 
 
 I . Introduction. — Not many years ago the common What is 
 opinion about history was expressed in the words, ''happy ^^^^o^'y'' 
 is that people who have no history." To persons holding 
 such a view, history was a record of wars and intrigues, of 
 cruelty, misfortune, and destruction. This opinion of his- 
 tory, common enough a generation ago, is held by few to-day, 
 for we are beginning to realize that history is less a narrative 
 of events than a record of progress — that it should not 
 record the horrors of a nation's life but its achievements. It 
 is hardly necessary to state that this must be quite as much a 
 study of the means used to produce certain results, of the 
 conditions which made possible and necessary certain 
 achievements, as a description of the results themselves; 
 for, after all, the purpose of studying history is not to learn 
 facts, but to understand the causes and results of the great 
 movements in the life of a people. 
 
 This task is one of great interest and importance, but it choice of 
 presents many difficulties. We cannot, in a short time and ^op'^s in 
 within a brief text, examine very much of the material to be j^j^^^^ 
 found on this broad subject. We must therefore decide 
 what phase or phases of history should receive special con- 
 sideration, and then seek to concentrate our attention on those 
 topics which mark most clearly the path we wish to follow. 
 Since we cannot study all the phases of American develop- 
 ment, we shall devote ourselves particularly to the develop- 
 
America ft History 
 
 ment of the American nation — a subject that is political 
 rather than social — and seek to discover how the American 
 nation became what it is to-day. Many militan- events \\*ill 
 be examined in the course of this study, for our wars have 
 greatly influenced our national development. Commercial 
 activities and social Ufe wiU be considered to some extent, 
 because without some knowledge of them we cannot under- 
 stand certain changes in our countn,-. 
 Two things to In connecuon with each subject studied we should note 
 be noted. ^^^^q things : (i) what are the facts regarding the topic under 
 
 consideration? (2) how is this event connected with other 
 events we have studied ? The nrst involves not only an act 
 of memory but discrimination between the details that are 
 more important and those that are insignihcant; the second 
 compels us to use the knowledge that we have gained in 
 reasoning out the causes and results of the different move- 
 ments. 
 Three condi- Before taking up in a systematic way the record of -\meri- 
 tions affecting can development, we must consider first three things that 
 have influenced our progress greatly, especially during our 
 early years. One of these is the geography of the United 
 States, which has influenced our history from the beginning 
 and is now a factor of the first importance in determining 
 the character of our life and occupations. The second deals 
 with the original inhabitants, the Indians, whose influence 
 during colonial times was ver}' great, and the third witli the 
 situation in Europe at the time the continent was discovered. 
 
 American 
 history. 
 
 Four important 
 
 geographical 
 
 influences. 
 
 Winsor (ed.), 
 IV. s-xv. 
 
 Geographical Coxditioxs 
 
 2. Geography and American Colonization. — In aU ages 
 the geography of ditt'erent countries has exerted a ver}- 
 great influence on their history. In the development of 
 the United States we can study the influence of physical 
 conditions as, step by step, the territor}* was explored and 
 opened to settlement. The effect of topography, soil, and 
 chmate can be measured, because we have fairly full and 
 exact information of ever}* early attempt to gain a foothold 
 
Geographical Conditions 3 
 
 on this continent. During the colonial period, the geograph- 
 ical characteristics which affected our history most were 
 four in number: (i) The accessibility of the new continent. Accessibility, 
 Its position with reference to Europe, the character of its 
 coast line, the extent of its water systems, and the navigabil- 
 ity of its rivers aided exploration and settlement. (2) The 
 possibility of a food supply. As no colony could continue Food supply, 
 to exist if dependent on Europe or on other colonies for its 
 food, it was necessary that grains and vegetables should 
 be raised easily within the colony. Climate, rainfall, the 
 character of the soil, and many other physiographical con- 
 ditions affected this problem. (3) Its defensibility. The Defensibility. 
 dangers to which a colony was exposed and the ease with 
 which it might be defended were matters of the first impor- 
 tance. If located in the heart of the country, scattered settle- 
 ments were out of the question. The neighborhood of un- 
 friendly European colonies was also to be avoided, and 
 especial care was necessary to prevent the destruction of a 
 colony through disease caused by extreme heat or cold or 
 by the fevers all too common in the low marshy coastal 
 belt. (4) Its general resources. Permanency depended on General 
 the development of certain industries, which would not only 'resources. 
 help the colonists to sustain Hfe, but would produce articles 
 which they could exchange for the necessaries that must be 
 procured in Europe. The precious metals of Mexico and 
 South America, the sugar and tobacco of Cuba, and the 
 furs of New France explain the success of Spanish and 
 French colonies. Topography and occupations account to 
 a large extent also for the character of a colony. The com- 
 pact little hamlets of New England could never have been 
 developed in the broad fertile valleys of the South any 
 more than the system of French trading posts could have been 
 established in the narrow valleys of Massachusetts. After 
 considering some of these physical conditions and the geo- 
 graphical divisions of the United States, we shall note briefly 
 how English and French colonization was affected by them. 
 3. Climate and Rainfall. — The cHmate of the United 
 
America ft History 
 
 Temperature 
 of the coast 
 and interior. 
 
 Winsor fed.), 
 America, 
 IV, ii, vi. 
 
 Farrand, 
 Basis of 
 Amer. History, 
 17-21. 
 
 States, while on the whole temperate, presents many varia- 
 tions. Two things that had a very great influence on our 
 early history should be noted carefully, (i) The tempera- 
 ture of the Atlantic slope and of the Mississippi basin is 
 much lower than that of Europe in the same latitude, be- 
 cause the warm waters of the Gulf Stream wash the shores 
 of western Europe. (2) The winters in the northern half of 
 the United States are very severe, especially in the interior 
 which possesses to a marked degree the characteristics of a 
 continental climate. The earliest American colonies were 
 
 Isothermal Lines 
 
 established below the latitude of Rome and the extreme 
 cold was thus avoided, but most of the English colonists of 
 the seventeenth century settled farther north and found 
 themselves face to face with all the hardships and privations 
 that a long winter would be likely to cause. In several 
 cases the intense suffering led to the complete abandonment 
 of the settlement. This very struggle for existence, however, 
 seems to have benefited those who were courageous enough 
 to attempt or hardy enough to endure the life north of the 
 fortieth parallel. 
 
Geographical Conditions 
 
 The rainfall throughout the eastern half of the United Variations 
 States is sufficiently abundant to insure good crops without '" rainfall. 
 being so excessive as to prevent cultivation. It is heaviest 
 on the Gulf slope, but almost as great along the Atlantic united states 
 border. West of the Mississippi River the rainfall is less I, 15-20. 
 abundant and beyond the one hundred and fifth meridian 
 is too light for the production of most crops. How^ever, the 
 great semi-arid plains of the West form one of the finest 
 grazing regions in the world. 
 
 Average Rainfall 
 
 4. Natural Resources. — These climatic conditions have Agricultural 
 made it possible for Europeans to live within the United food supplies 
 States. They contributed very largely to the success of the 
 early settlements, because of the ease with which a supply ^^2lrica 
 of food could be raised. Without maize or Indian corn iv, xiii-xv. 
 many of the early colonies would have been complete failures. 
 Being a native product of this continent, maize was found 
 growing wild to some extent. From the Indians who cul- 
 tivated it in a crude way, all early settlers secured supplies 
 
 Shaler, 
 United States, 
 I, 25-27. 
 
America?i History 
 
 Non agricul- 
 tural foods. 
 
 Commercial 
 
 value of nat- 
 ural resources. 
 
 Influence of 
 natural re- 
 sources m re- 
 cent history. 
 
 by purchase or force, and it remained the chief food of the 
 immigrants during the colonial period. This was largely 
 due to the ease with which it was grown in half-cleared 
 forests where wheat could not be raised, and to the abun- 
 dance of the crop. As it is sensitive to the cold, it cannot be 
 raised in the North, much to the loss of the colonists in that 
 part of the continent. The early settlers depended a great 
 deal on the pumpkins and squashes grown with the maize 
 in the clearings. In the Great Lake basin wild rice was one 
 of the chief foods for a large part of the population. 
 
 Besides the agricultural productions on which the colonists 
 depended, they used as food the immense supplies of fish 
 and game. Colonization would have been very difficult, 
 perhaps impossible, in New England and around the St. 
 Lawrence, but for the fisheries, the cod particularly being 
 a source of considerable wealth because exported in large 
 quantities. Frontiersmen found it possible to sustain life 
 on the flesh of the animals killed. 
 
 Far more valuable to the early settlers was the vast trade 
 in peltries which engaged the attention of a large percentage 
 of the population in New France and New Netherland. 
 This fur trade determined the location of almost all of the 
 frontier towns, which were at the beginning little more than 
 trading posts. In the South the greater productivity of the 
 soil and the mildness of the chmate made the question of 
 food supply a less serious one, but the growth of tobacco 
 in Virginia especially and the exportation of rice from the 
 coast plantations aided greatly in the development of colonies 
 in that section. The abundance of excellent timber along 
 the coast furnished material for the construction of homes 
 and stimulated industries hke ship building. Although the 
 dense forests interfered somewhat with agriculture, they 
 were a valuable aid to the colonists in other ways, lumber 
 being one of the chief exports of the English provinces. 
 
 From this fragmentary account we can appreciate perhaps 
 the influence of natural conditions on colonial development. 
 We can understand also how the favorable agricultural 
 
Geographical Conditions 7 
 
 conditions in this country, coupled with its unexcelled Farrand, 
 supply of coal, iron, copper, and other minerals, its numerous Basis of Amer. 
 
 ^ ^^ ^ . -1 1 r 1 History, 15-17. 
 
 rivers and excellent harbors, have made it possible for the winsor(ed.), 
 United States to develop with amazing rapidity since the America, 
 
 , . , . J IV, viii-x. 
 
 colonial period. 
 
 5. Geographical Divisions of the United States. — The General, 
 topography of the United States is very interesting. On the winsor (ed.), 
 east and the west are two great oceans, the narrower America, 
 separating us from those European countries from which ^V- "^-'^• 
 almost all American settlers came. One half of the southern Farrand, 
 border is a great arm of the sea, and nearly one third of the fj^.^" ofAmer. 
 northern boundary is a system of lakes penetrating nearly 
 one half of the distance to the Pacific. Two great systems of 
 mountains divide the country into several distinct geograph- 
 ical divisions. One, the Appalachian, running northeast 
 and southwest, parallel with the Atlantic coast line, is low 
 and comparatively narrow, with passes connecting the East 
 with the West along the Mohawk, in Pennsylvania and at 
 Cumberland Gap.^ The second, the Cordilleran system, 
 averages one thousand miles across and is really a high table 
 land fringed for the most part by high ranges on its eastern 
 and western edges. 
 
 East of the Appalachian system is the Atlantic slope, nar- Atlantic 
 row and consequently rather steep at the north, giving that s'°P^- 
 section short, rapid rivers, with narrow valleys, and often 
 with numerous water falls; broader at the south, so that the united states, 
 country is more nearly level, the valleys therefore wider, 1. 53-58, 61- 
 and the rivers slower and navigable for a longer distance. '^' ^'^'^• 
 Along the coast there are numerous bays and harbors, some 
 of which are particularly fine. On the south Atlantic slope 
 and on the eastern Gulf slope the coast is often marshy for 
 a considerable distance inland. 
 
 Between the great mountain systems lies the magnificent Mississippi 
 Mississippi basin, the river and its tributaries comprising ^^^^"* 
 
 1 The highest peaks are but little over six thousand feet. There are 
 two ranges separated from Pennsylvania and North Carolina by a broad, 
 fertile valley. 
 
8 
 
 Auicrican History 
 
 Shaler, UnifeJ 
 States, I, I02- 
 107, 127-130. 
 
 Great Lake 
 basin. 
 
 Brigham, 
 
 Geog-raphi^ 
 
 Injiuences, 
 
 105-114- 
 Shaler, 
 United States, 
 I, 119-127. 
 
 The Atlantic 
 slope. 
 
 Winsor (ed.), 
 Ar?: erica, 
 IV, xxiii-xxx. 
 
 nine thousand miles of navigable streams more than three 
 feet in depth, draining an area of about a million and a 
 quarter square miles of the finest land on the globe. With a 
 fertile soil and abundant rainfall, except in the West, a climate 
 that is marked by short, hot summers, and in the North by 
 long severe winters, the Mississippi basin is to-day the great- 
 est agricultural region in the world. In colonial times 
 comparatively little use could be made of these characteristics 
 because it was not easily accessible before the days of steam. 
 Mountain ranges shut it off from the Atlantic coast. Falls 
 and rapids in the St. Lawrence basin practically closed that 
 avenue of approach. Access by way of the lower Mississippi 
 was precluded because of the river current and the swamps 
 on either side which made the banks uninhabitable except 
 in places for a long distance from the Gulf. Since the 
 middle of the eighteenth century, however, the ^lississippi 
 valley has been the scene of many of the most important 
 contiicts in our history, and it has furnished the issues for 
 numerous great national contests. 
 
 North of the eastern ^lississippi basin and the Atlantic 
 slope is the basin of the Great Lakes, covering a compara- 
 tively small territory aside from the water area. Since it 
 was closed to the outside world for one half the year, when 
 the St. Lawrence was frozen over, and was inaccessible 
 directly because of the rapids in the St. Lawrence River 
 and Niagara Falls, the upper St. Lawrence basin was prac- 
 tically unoccupied during the colonial period. The lower 
 St. Lawrence basin, which is open to sea-going ships as 
 far as Montreal, was the seat of a thriving colony, supported 
 in large part by the fur trade with the interior. 
 
 6. Influence of Geography on English Colonization. — 
 All of the English colonies proper were confined to the 
 Atlantic slope, which offered many advantages to the settler. 
 It was the most accessible part of the continent, being almost 
 directly across from Europe ^ and offering shelter to the 
 
 ' On account of the prevailing west winds in the north temperate zone 
 and eastward direction of the north Atlantic currents, however, most of the 
 
 I 
 
Geographical Conditions 9 
 
 pioneers because of its many harbors. As far inland as the 
 mountains the sloping character of the country, with the 
 numerous short but navigable rivers, gave easy access to a 
 region which was attractive and usually fertile. In the South 
 the Atlantic slope was much broader than in the North. 
 The valleys of Virginia and the Carolinas are broad and 
 fertile. As the climate favored the growing of tobacco, 
 rice, and cotton which can be raised most profitably on 
 large plantations, a scattered agricultural population was in- 
 evitable. In New England the stony clay soil of the narrow 
 valleys was not well adapted for agriculture, while the 
 abundance of small but sheltered harbors made it desirable 
 for the people to keep near the coast and give their attention 
 to commerce. The middle section, in this as in most other 
 respects, was a mean between the North and the South and 
 partook of the characteristics of each. The magnificent har- 
 bor of New York, at the mouth of the Hudson River and at 
 the eastern extremity of the only low pass from the coast to 
 the West, gave that location advantages over every other, 
 and made it the natural commercial metropolis of the East. 
 
 During the colonial period, however, there was little com- Communica- 
 munication between New York and the interior because the *^o" ^^^'^ ^^^ 
 Iroquois controlled the Mohawk route and the French oc- 
 cupied that part of the Great Lake basin beyond. Farther p^rrand 
 south several passes permitted entrance to the Ohio valley. Basis of Amer. 
 the key to the whole of that basin, the junction of the Al- ^"^^O'. 27-35. 
 legheny and Monongahela, lying but a step beyond the last 
 range of hills. Still farther south the great valley between 
 the parallel ranges of the Appalachian mountains, and the 
 gaps from that valley to the fertile region south of the Ohio 
 River, made emigration to the West possible though not 
 easy. 
 
 The mountains were of special value to the colonies be- The Appaia- 
 cause they could be crossed only with difficulty. They ^^/^"^ "^°""" 
 afforded protection from attack from the interior and allowed 
 
 early voyagers came by way of the Canaries and the West Indies, the trade 
 winds blowing regularly from the east in that latitude. 
 
lO 
 
 American History 
 
 Brigham, 
 
 Geographic 
 
 Influences, 
 
 76-89. 
 
 Semple, Amer. 
 
 Hist, and its 
 
 Geographic 
 
 Conditions, 
 
 36-51- 
 
 The great 
 
 interior basins. 
 
 Winsor (ed.), 
 America, 
 IV, xx-xxiii. 
 
 Hold of the 
 French on the 
 interior. 
 
 Farrand, 
 Basis of Amer. 
 History, 23-27. 
 
 the English colonies to thrive in comparative peace, expand- 
 ing with a natural and healthy growth into the foothills 
 without danger of attack from their European rivals. The 
 strength of the English colonies was to a great extent the 
 result of compactness due partly to their agricultural and 
 commercial pursuits, and in part also to the mountain 
 barrier which confined them to the narrow sea border. 
 
 7. Geographical Advantages of the French Colonies. — 
 The territory occupied by the French presented marked 
 contrast to that of the English. France was fortunate 
 enough to gain possession of the two great basins — those 
 of the St. Lawrence and the Mississippi — which apparently 
 were the gateways to the interior of the continent. Ap- 
 parently, for it was by no means easy, as we have noticed, 
 to pass from the lower St. Lawrence to the four great lakes 
 beyond Niagara Falls, or to ascend the Mississippi as far as 
 either of its important branches. Had the French been in 
 search of homes, they could not easily have established them- 
 selves in the lower St. Lawrence on account of the cold and 
 the sterility of the soil, or have founded extensive colonies in 
 the lower Mississippi valley because of the swampy,malarial 
 condition of the country. Neither could they have pene- 
 trated to the interior by either route readily had they been 
 accompanied by their families and encumbered with house- 
 hold necessities. 
 
 With the French, however, actual colonization was always 
 subordinate to their real work of exploring, trading, and 
 occupying the country. For this task their geographical 
 position was of the highest value. From Montreal, a t«rader, 
 with comparatively little difficulty, might reach the viu^ey 
 of the Ohio, the basin of the upper Great Lakes, the Missis- 
 sippi and its many branches, and the entire system of water- 
 ways northwest of Lake Superior, because short portages 
 over comparatively level spaces connected the waters of the 
 three great interior basins of the continent, which two cen- 
 turies ago formed probably the richest fur-bearing region on 
 the globe. Where the trader might go, the soldier could 
 
Geographical Conditions II 
 
 follow. In time, for both commercial and military reasons, 
 posts were established at the points where important water- 
 ways or paths joined, giving the French control of the region 
 to which these ways penetrated. The skill shown in the 
 selection of these points is apparent from a glance at the map. 
 Notice the position of Montreal, Fort Frontenac, Fort 
 Duquesne, Detroit, Fort St. Marie, Fort St. Joseph, Fort 
 
 BITERS AM) POKTAGES OF THE UNITED STATES 
 
 Heavy single lines show deptL of 3 feet ur more Double lines show portages < 
 
 Chartres, and New Orleans, and we cease to wonder why 
 the French maintained a hold, slight to be sure, on the best 
 part of the North American continent. 
 
 The North American Indian 
 
 8. The Indian Tribes. — A second influence during colo- Numbers, 
 nial times, less important than physiography, but consider- customs, and 
 able nevertheless, was that exerted by the native races. °^^^"^^^ '°"- 
 There were no early settlers that did not come into contact Pan-and, 
 with the red man, to be helped by him or hindered because ^«-f«"-^ of Amer. 
 of his hostility. These savage hunters were especially ^^^^^ ^ 
 numerous along the heavily timbered Atlantic slope, within 
 easy reach of the great supply of fish on the one hand and 
 the animals of the forest on the other. Although they had 
 
12 
 
 American History 
 
 Three great 
 families. 
 
 not reached a high degree of civiHzation, each tribe occupied 
 a fairly definite territory which was rather extended because 
 
 of the need of broad 
 hunting grounds. 
 Within the present Hmits 
 of the United States, 
 they numbered, at the 
 beginning of the seven- 
 teenth century, probably 
 not more than a quarter 
 million. 
 
 Of the families en- 
 countered by the French 
 or English only three 
 were particularly numer- 
 ous or important, (i) 
 Of these the Algonquins 
 occupied much the 
 largest territory, includ- 
 ing most of the seacoast 
 and the larger part of the 
 upper basins of the Mis- 
 sissippi and the Great Lakes. The tribes differed greatly from 
 one another, those of the North and West being, as a rule, 
 fiercer and more no- 
 madic than their kins- 
 men of the southeast, 
 the Dela wares of Penn- 
 sylvania and the Pow- 
 hatans of Virginia, for 
 example. (2) The 
 Iroquois family oc- 
 cupied the basins of 
 Lakes Erie and Ontario 
 and the Mohawk valley, 
 as well as a large dis- 
 trict in the southern 
 
 MacNeil 
 
 [NDIANS 
 
 INDIAN FAMILIES 
 AND TRIBES 
 
 (COLONIAL PERIOD) 
 
The North American hidian 13 
 
 Appalachian region. It included the "Five Nations" of 
 New York whose political organization, the most per- 
 fect of any north of Mexico, enabled them to conquer all 
 their neighbors, either Iroquois or Algonquins, so that they 
 often controlled the territory as far south as the Kenawha 
 and as far west as the Wabash. Of great ability and cour- 
 age unusual even among Indians, the Iroquois have left 
 an impress on our history that is out of all proportion to 
 their number. (3) From the Atlantic to the Mississippi, 
 and from the Tennessee River south to the Gulf of Mexico, 
 dwelt the Muskhogean family, of which the most numerous, 
 ablest, and most civilized tribe was that called Creek. 
 
 9. Life and Character of the Indians. — It is no part of Social 
 our purpose to study the life and occupations of the Indian organization, 
 except to appreciate his attitude toward the whites and un- 
 derstand his influence on the colonization of America by Packman, 
 
 struggle for 
 
 Europeans. Living in villages that were often little more ^ confment, 
 
 than headquarters for hunting expeditions and raids, the 460-464. 
 Indians were not attached to the soil and removed their 
 
 wigwams with ease. They found it difficult to fight success- Farrand, 
 
 .,,,-,-. , , , , Basis 0/ Amer. 
 
 fully with the colonists, not alone because bows and arrows fji^i^ry, 
 were no match for muskets, but because they were seldom 215-218, 
 united. Each tribe had its own village and lived its own life 240-247. 
 under chiefs who recognized no higher authority. This 
 separateness prevented concerted movements, except when 
 some great common danger united the tribes for a brief 
 period. 
 
 The character of the Indians has never been portrayed Stem 
 better than by the master hand of Francis Parkman. He ^^^^^^^s. 
 gives us this picture. "Nature has stamped the Indian 
 with a hard and stern physiognomy. Ambition, revenge, 
 envy, jealousy, are his ruling passions, and his cold tempera- 
 ment is little exposed to those effeminate vices which are the 
 bane of milder races. With him revenge is an overpower- 
 ing instinct; nay, more, it is a point of honor and a duty. 
 His pride sets all language at defiance. He loathes the 
 thought of coercion, and few of his race have ever stooped 
 
14 
 
 American History 
 
 Indian 
 
 trickiness. 
 
 The race and 
 civilization. 
 
 Differences 
 in Indian 
 policy of the 
 Spanish, 
 French, and 
 English. 
 
 to discharge a menial office. A wild love of liberty, an utter 
 intolerance of control, lie at the basis of his character, and 
 fire his whole existence. . . . With him the love of glory 
 kindles into a burning passion, and to allay its cravings, 
 he will dare cold and famine, fire, tempest, torture, and 
 death itself. 
 
 ''These generous traits are overcast by much that is dark, 
 cold, and sinister, by sleepless distrust and rankling jealousy. 
 Treacherous himself, he is always suspicious of treachery 
 in others. Brave as he is, — and few of mankind are braver, 
 — he will vent his passion by a secret stab rather than an 
 open blow. His warfare is full of ambuscade and stratagem." 
 
 ''Some races of men seem molded in wax, soft and melt- 
 ing, at once plastic and feeble. Some races, like some 
 metals, combine the greatest flexibility with the greatest 
 strength. But the Indian is hewn out of a rock. You can 
 rarely change the form without destruction of the substance. 
 Races of inferior energy have possessed the power of expan- 
 sion and assimilation to which he is a stranger, and it is 
 this fixed and rigid quality which has proved his ruin. He 
 will not learn the arts of civilization and he and his forest 
 must perish together." 
 
 10. General Relations of Indians and Whites. — It was 
 perhaps fortunate for the English that the Indian was inca- 
 pable of civilization, for it prevented the mixing of the races. 
 The Frenchmen tried intermarrying with the natives, adapt- 
 ing themselves to the standards of the Indians; but the 
 English, a colonizing race, failing to raise the Indian to a 
 level somewhere near their own, treated them always as in- 
 feriors. It was as impossible for the Englishman to make 
 a boon companion of the Indian as it was for the Spaniard 
 to respect his rights, so that both were obliged to suffer the 
 loss of his help, which the Frenchman enjoyed. Yet in 
 spite of the difference between the attitude of these three 
 European races toward the red men, it was found that as a 
 rule the Indians responded to the treatment they received^ 
 The old saying that an Indian never forsjets and never 
 
The North America^t Indian 15 
 
 forgives is full of meaning in our early history. The Span- 
 iard found to his cost that his cruelty was repaid with 
 usury. He dared not venture into the interior unless his 
 errand was purely one of peace and good wdll toward men, 
 and it was with difficulty that he maintained on the coast a 
 hold whose military character showed how feeble it really 
 was. The English experienced the result of both kindness 
 and folly. Without the friendship of the Indians some 
 settlements must have perished, and without their hatred 
 others would have expanded with much greater rapidity. 
 
 1 1 . Help given to the English by the Indians. — The General help 
 dependence of the whites on the Indians was especially giventoaiiof 
 
 , , . , , ^ ,. , , _. . the settlements 
 
 marked m the early English settlemenis. Time after time, 
 the settlers would have died of hunger but for the food 
 furnished by the natives. The first successful efforts of the 
 colonists to raise a supply for themselves were but imitations 
 of the crude Indian methods of agriculture. The Indians 
 showed them how to plant maize in the half-cleared forests, 
 how to fish through the ice, and how to trap game. They 
 taught them to navigate the streams in birch-bark canoes. 
 Clothing was made from skins after the Indian fashion. 
 Erom the beginning the Indians exchanged valuable furs 
 for trinkets, and the great development of the fur trade, which 
 was a chief source of wealth in more than one American pos- 
 session, was possible because the Indians brought so many 
 pelts to the traders. Exploration of the interior would 
 have been a very much slower process but for the use made 
 of the numerous Indian trails and the help given by the 
 Indian guides who led the way to the easiest portages. 
 
 The Five Nations, or Six Nations as they became in 171 5, Aid given by 
 exerted an exceptional influence on American history, the Six 
 This was due to their location, their character, and their ^'^^^°"^' 
 political organization. Occupying, as they did, the Mohawk 
 valley and the territory south of Lake Ontario, they con- ^^^^-^ ofAmer. 
 trolled the southern route from the St. Lawrence River to History, 
 the Great Lake basin and the Ohio valley, and the best route ^53-i62. 
 from the Atlantic coast into the interior. They became the 
 
i6 
 
 American History 
 
 Failure of 
 uprisings 
 against the 
 colonists. 
 
 Eggleston, 
 in Century, 
 XXVI (18S3). 
 
 697-704. 
 
 Contests in 
 the West after 
 1750- 
 
 persistent enemies of the French, because the French leaders 
 in the St. Lawrence valley found it necessary to ally them- 
 selves with the Indians of their section, who were traditional 
 foes of the Five Nations. This made it easy for the Dutch, 
 and later the English, in New York, to gain and retain the 
 friendship of this powerful confederacy. This friendship 
 was exceedingly valuable to the English, because the Iro- 
 quois prevented the French from gaining possession of the 
 Mohawk and Ontario valleys and from making inroads on 
 the English settlements during the colonial wars. It also 
 gave the English their lirst real claim to the land beyond 
 the mountains, for the Iroquois by treaty transferred to the 
 colonists the rights which they enjoyed as conquerors of the 
 territory a long distance to the south and west. 
 
 12. Results of Indian Wars. — Many of the other Indian 
 tribes played an important part in the history of several 
 colonies, although none of them exerted an influence equal 
 to that of the "Six Nations" on the great struggle of Euro- 
 peans for the possession of the continent. All of the Eng- 
 lish colonies were undoubtedly more compact than they 
 would have been without the danger of Indian attacks. Yet 
 there was never an important contest between the settlers 
 and the natives that was not won by the colonists. In every 
 case the Indians were pushed back from the coast without 
 great loss to the whites, and, in the case of one colony, 
 Connecticut, the only tribe worthy of consideration was 
 practically exterminated during the first five years of the 
 colony. Later Indian uprisings like that of King Philip 
 (§ 74) were just as disastrous to the natives. 
 
 The Indians from the Alleghanies to the Mississippi pre- 
 vented the rapid settlement of that region. From the time 
 when the French surrendered to the English their claim to 
 the Ohio valley and the basin of the Great Lakes (1763), 
 it was necessary to establish boundary lines between the 
 territory belonging to the Indians and that opened to settle- 
 ment. In the terrible war known in history as the conspiracy 
 of Pontiac (1763), during which the frontier suffered terri- 
 
The North American Indian 1 7 
 
 bly from Maryland to Lake Huron, the Indians were united 
 against the immigrants. During Washington's adminis- 
 tration as president, several armies were defeated until 
 General Anthony Wayne won a decisive victory and left the 
 northwest frontier safe once more. The final contests with 
 the Indian tribes came about the time of the second war 
 with Great Britain, when in 1811 General W. H. Harrison 
 quelled the uprising of all the northern Indians under 
 Tecumseh, and in 1814 General Andrew Jackson destroyed 
 the encampment of the Creeks in the South, With the re- 
 moval of the Indians to the Indian Territory soon after 1830 
 and the occupation of Indian lands in the North (§ 271), 
 the red man ceased to influence the history of the eastern 
 United States. The Sioux and Apaches gave considerable 
 trouble in the settlements of the West, but during the nine- 
 teenth century Indian troubles were relatively insignificant. 
 
 Europe during the Fifteenth Century 
 
 13. Connection between the History of Europe and Dependence 
 America. — It is scarcely too much to say that, during the of America on 
 three centuries which followed the discovery of America by 
 Columbus, the history of America was but a phase of Euro- 
 pean history. If we wish to know why Columbus set out on 
 his great voyage into unknown waters, why there was so 
 much interest in exploring America, or why certain nations 
 took part in colonizing movements, we must seek our answer 
 in the history of the old world. The differences between the 
 colonies of England and France, the final success of England 
 in the struggle for possession of eastern North America, even 
 the causes and results of both our wars with England, can 
 be understood only when we know the situation in Europe 
 during those years. It is not our desire to treat in this 
 book the history of Europe during those formative centuries. 
 Attention will be called at the proper places to the European 
 events which exerted a direct influence on the development 
 of this country. In these sections we shall consider briefly 
 the situation in Europe during the fifteenth century, so that 
 c 
 
 Europe before 
 1750. 
 
I8 
 
 American History 
 
 The separate 
 
 nations 
 
 (1450-1490). 
 
 we may appreciate what Europe was like four or five hun- 
 dred years ago, and know why America was discovered and 
 settled in the way that it was. 
 
 14. Political Europe after 1450. — The Europe of the 
 fifteenth century was essentially a modern Europe in its 
 awakening tastes and desires, but a mediaeval Europe in 
 the degree of its progress and development. The intellectual 
 revival which became prominent after 1450, the renewed 
 
 Europe a.d. 1490 
 
 interest in religious matters that followed in its wake, and 
 the attempts to unite the little feudal dukedoms into which 
 Europe was divided before 1400 were epoch-making move- 
 ments that could not be completed in a few years. Ii> 
 the half century preceding the discovery of America, France 
 had succeeded in unifying her different feudal provinces 
 under comparatively powerful kings, and all of the little 
 kingdoms of the Spanish peninsula, except Portugal, had 
 been united under the joint rulers, Ferdinand and Isabella. 
 But Spain was too much absorbed in subduing the nobility 
 
Europe during the Fifteenth Century 19 
 
 and driving the Moors from Granada to devote much at- 
 tention to outside interests, and France was more interested 
 in showy conquest than in solid development. The rest of 
 the European countries were still much as they had been. 
 Little Portugal and the cities of Italy were the most enter- 
 prising and successful states at that time. Germany was 
 divided into so many petty states that she frittered away 
 her power and failed to exercise the influence which her geo- 
 graphical position and natural resources might have given 
 her. England was still a second-rate power even among 
 the undeveloped nations of that day. Her agriculture was 
 crude, her manufactures and commerce undeveloped, and 
 her kingdom rent by the feuds of nobles until the strong 
 rule of the Tudors established a monarchy worthy of the 
 name. In Italy the pope still claimed the right to exercise 
 temporal power, and his spiritual power was as yet recognized 
 throughout western Europe, although soon to be denied by 
 all of the northern nations. 
 
 15. Trade with the East before 1475. — The intellectual Development 
 sluggishness and commercial inactivity which were character- ^^ ^^^^^ ^^^^^ 
 istic of the middle ages were giving place in the fifteenth 
 century to a renewed interest in learning, in industry, and 
 in international commerce. The spirit of enterprise thus ^^^J^^^-^^' 
 aroused expressed itself in no w^ay more emphatically than i, 274-292. 
 by a desire to trade with the East, for the crusades had given 
 the first insight into the wealth that lay beyond Constanti- 
 nople and Jerusalem. Marco Polo and other travelers had 
 brought back such glowing accounts of China and India 
 that even the mysteries which seemed to pervade that distant 
 portion of the globe were no longer sufficient to frighten 
 away the timid travelers and merchants. Venice and 
 Genoa, which had created a merchant marine by building 
 ships to carry soldiers to the Holy Land, built up a trade of 
 considerable proportions during the following centuries. 
 
 Three routes were used most in carrying on with Asia a The three 
 large and flourishing business in spices, silks, precious metals, ^^^^^ routes. 
 and gems. One of these followed the Black and Caspian 
 
20 
 
 American History 
 
 Cheyney, 
 European 
 Background, 
 22-27. 
 
 The route 
 around Africa. 
 
 Fiske, Disc, 
 of Avierica, 
 I, 316-334. 
 
 seas, a second crossed Syria to the Euphrates, and the third 
 used the Nile and the Red Sea, connecting them by caravan. 
 With the capture of Constantinople by the Turks (1453) and 
 the invasions of those fierce warriors into Syria and Egypt 
 a little later, these routes were closed or made too dangerous 
 for traveling, and trade disappeared; but neither the mer- 
 chants w^ho carried these precious articles nor the people 
 of wealth who used them were willing to forego the desir- 
 
 a b 1 e and lucrative 
 commerce with Asia. 
 Effort w^as redoubled 
 to find a new route to 
 India. In this work 
 the navigators trained 
 by Genoa and Venice 
 rendered valuable ser- 
 vice in the employ of 
 other countries, since 
 the location of Venice 
 and Genoa made it 
 impossible for them to compete with the nations bordering 
 on the Atlantic. 
 
 16. Search for New Sea Routes to India. — Two ways 
 seemed possible to the school of navigators of that time: 
 the one around Africa, the other directly west across the 
 Atlantic. Under the rule of the able Prince Henry of Portu- 
 gal, the coast of Africa and the islands to the west had been 
 explored by the Portuguese, the belief being that the Atlantic 
 and Indian oceans joined south of Africa, and that if the 
 southernmost point of the African continent were rounded, 
 India could be reached with little difficulty. This was 
 finally proved to be true, but only after great delays. The 
 Cape of Good Hope was discovered by Bartholomew Diaz 
 as late as 1487, and India was first reached by Vasco da 
 Gama in 1498. 
 
 The route to the West did not attract the same amount 
 of interest or effort because every one dreaded to risk the 
 
 MAIN ROUTES TO THE EAST 
 
Europe during the Fifteenth Century 21 
 
 dangers of the "sea of darkness." Many educated persons Ancient 
 believed that the earth was spherical, but opinions as to its ^"'^ mediaeval 
 
 11 • 1 1 r 1 A 1 • T 1 ' ^ views of the 
 
 Size and the width of the Atlantic were exceedingly varied, sphericity of 
 Most of the views in fact were borrowed from, the ancients, the earth. 
 many of whose writings, after centuries of oblivion, were 
 published during the fifteenth century. As early as the Fiske, Disc. 
 sixth century before Christ, the Pythagoreans believed in the of America, 
 sphericity of the earth. In the fourth century before Christ 058-^81°°' 
 Aristotle had held that the earth was round and expressed 
 the opinion that there was probably only one sea between 
 Spain and India. 7^' century later Eratosthenes computed 
 the circumference of the earth at twenty-five thousand two 
 hundred geographical miles and thought that the distance 
 from Europe west to Asia was so great that there might 
 be one or two continents in this unknown region. The 
 great Roman geographer, Ptolemy, came much nearer the 
 fact, estimating the circumference at twenty thousand four 
 hundred geographical miles. These views of the ancients 
 were known during the middle ages or were republished 
 during the fifteenth century. One of the most remarkable 
 of these new books was a kind of encyclopedia of geographi- 
 cal knowledge which was published in 1409 under the title 
 of Imago Mimdi, and contained many of the Greek and 
 Roman beliefs. A copy of this book was owned and care- 
 fully studied by Christopher Columbus, who accepted the 
 view that the earth was round. But Columbus believed it 
 to be much smaller than it is and thought that the Atlantic 
 Ocean was comparatively narrow. 
 
 17. Summary. — During colonial times three chief Geography, 
 influences on our history were physiography, the Indians, 
 and conditions in Europe. The moderate temperature and 
 adequate rainfall adapted the Atlantic coast and the Missis- 
 sippi basin particularly to the support of life. Cod and corn 
 were used chiefly as food. The abundance of furs in the 
 interior, and of silver in Mexico, and the ease with which 
 tobacco was grown in Virginia, influenced greatly the per- 
 manent settlement in each of those regions. Because of its 
 
22 
 
 American History 
 
 accessibility almost all of the early settlements were made on 
 the Atlantic coast, England gaining control of the slope and 
 establishing compact settlements on the harbors or in the 
 narrow valleys of the North and plantations in the broader 
 valleys of the South. The mountains hindered expansion 
 into the interior, but prevented attacks by other nations or 
 the Indians from behind. As the French desired trade, 
 they gained a slight hold on the Mississippi and St. Lawrence 
 valleys by occupying strategic points. 
 The Indians. The Indians were friendly to most of the early colonists 
 
 and helped them by giving them food and teaching them how 
 to live in a wilderness. Their hostility at a later time was due 
 either to the cruelty of the settlers or to the encroachments of 
 the whites on their hunting grounds. Only one family, the Iro- 
 quois, resisted the advance of the whites successfully. These 
 warriors kept off the French and usually aided the English 
 because the latter did not care to penetrate so far inland. 
 Influence of Until after the Revolutionary War, American history was 
 
 Europe. \\\.\\^ more than a phase of European history. At the time 
 
 America was discovered, Europe was composed of partly 
 united kingdoms like France or Spain or of decentralized 
 feudal states like Germany. The only wealthy countries 
 were those that had engaged in commerce since the crusades. 
 Venice and Genoa were most prominent, but the closing of 
 the eastern trade routes destroyed most of their trade. The 
 future belonged to the nations bordering on the Atlantic, 
 first to Spain and Portugal, which were already aroused to 
 the possibilities of commerce, and later to the -more slowly 
 developing French, English, and Dutch nations. 
 
 TOPIC 
 
 The Iroquois Confederacy : Lamed (ed.), " History for Ready 
 Reference," I, pp. S9-92 ; Fiske, "Discovery of America," I, pp. 66- 
 77, II, pp. 530-531; Lee (ed.), "History of North America," II, 
 
 PP- 143-153- 
 
 STUDIES 
 
 I. Western Europe and American exploration. (Semple, "Ameri- 
 can Histor>' and its Geographic Conditions," pp. 1-18.) 
 
Conditions Affecting Colo7ii::ation 23 
 
 2. Influence of the triangular shape of North America on its ex- 
 ploration. (Cf. Fiske, "Discovery of America," II, Chapter XII.) 
 
 3. Fur trade and fisheries. (Weeden, "New England," I, 
 pp. 129-135.) 
 
 4. The great Appalachian valley. (Semple, "American History 
 and its Geographic Conditions," pp. 54-61.) 
 
 5. The Hudson-Mohawk route. (Brigham, "Geographic In- 
 fluences in American History," pp. 3-26.) 
 
 6. French use of portages. (Semple, "American History and its 
 Geographic Conditions," pp. 27-31.) 
 
 7. Indian policy of French and English, (Parkman, "Struggle 
 for a Continent," pp. 256-264.) 
 
 8. Indian warfare and captives. (Eggleston, Century, XXVI 
 (1883), pp. 704-718.) 
 
 9. Pontiac's conspiracy. (Parkman, " Struggle for a Continent,'* 
 
 PP- 473-513-) 
 
 10. Consolidation of France. (Duruy,"]\'Iodern Times," pp. 8-26.) 
 
 11. Unification of Spain. (Cheyney, "European Background," 
 pp. 81-96.) 
 
 12. Commerce of Venice. (Brown, "Venetian Republic" 
 (Temple Primers), pp. 44-65, 75-81.) 
 
 13. Henry the Navigator. (Cheyney, "European Background,'* 
 pp. 62-69.) 
 
 QUESTIONS 
 
 1. Make an outline showing the character of the soil, tempera- 
 ture, and rainfall of each of the following geographical divisions: 
 lower St. Lawrence, upper St. Lawrence, north Atlantic slope, south 
 Atlantic slope. Gulf region, central Mississippi basin. 
 
 2. Make a (companion) outline for the same divisions showing 
 the accessibility, food supply, defensibility, and resources. 
 
 3. Mention some of the conflicts of national importance that 
 have taken place in the Mississippi valley. What are some of the 
 national issues furnished by the West ? 
 
 4. What was the influence of the Appalachian mountains on the 
 expansion of the English colonies and the struggle for the interior? 
 
 5. Locate Niagara, Duquesne, Detroit, Ste. Marie, Ne\y Orleans. 
 What waterways or trails did they control? What portages made it 
 easy to pass from the basin of the Great Lakes to that of the Missis- 
 sippi ? 
 
 6. Would the task of colonizing America have been easier had 
 there been no native races? 
 
 7. Cite at least eight instances before 1775 when events in Eng- 
 land influenced American history. Trace the influence. Do the 
 same with three events in America that influenced England. 
 
CHAPTER n 
 
 THE FIRST CENTURY (1492-1600) 
 
 English Rulers 
 
 Henry VII (1485-1509) 
 Henry VIII (1509-1547) 
 Edward VI (i547-i553) 
 
 Mary (1553-1558) 
 Elizabeth (1558-1603) 
 
 The Discovery oe a New World 
 
 Columbus 18. Preparation of Columbus. — Christopher Columbus 
 
 in Portugal and ^^^g ^qj.^ near Genoa, before the middle of the fifteenth 
 
 ^^^^'^' century. His parents were poor and he had comparatively 
 
 few early advantages. Before reaching manhood he began 
 
 Channing, 
 United States, 
 I, 14-20. 
 
 TOSCANELLI'S MAP 
 
 (Showing locatioa of the Ameripas ia clotted linesj 
 
 his career as a sailor, spending part of his time when ashore 
 studying navigation or geography and making maps. For 
 several years he resided in Lisbon, the chief center of com- 
 mercial activity in western Europe. While there he wrote 
 to an Italian philosopher, Toscanelli, asking him for infor- 
 mation regarding a direct voyage to India. Toscanelli 
 
 24 
 
1492] TJie Discovery of a New World 
 
 25 
 
 replied, suggesting that Japan could be reached by sailing 
 directly west, and inclosing a map according to which Japan 
 was less than four thousand miles from Spain. Later 
 Columbus asked the king of Portugal to aid him in making 
 this voyage, but the monarch gave him no encouragement. 
 Subsequently Colum- 
 bus entered the service 
 of Spain, endeavoring 
 for several years to 
 get governmental aid 
 for his enterprise. 
 But the times were 
 unpropitious, for 
 Ferdinand and Isa- 
 bella were making a 
 final effort to drive 
 the Moors from the 
 southern part of the 
 peninsula. This was 
 accomplished in 1492, 
 and that same year 
 they made an agree- 
 ment to furnish the vessels for the expedition, to give Colum- 
 bus absolute power as viceroy over the territories discovered, 
 and to allow him one tenth of all the wealth obtained through 
 his explorations. 
 
 19. Columbus's First Voyage. — On August 3, 1492, he 
 set sail from Palos with three caravels, the largest of which 
 was less than one hundred feet in length. After a delay at 
 the Canary Islands, the Httle fleet started out into unknown 
 waters. In midocean they encountered a vast mass df weeds 
 now known as the "Sargasso Sea." Going to the north of 
 this, they proceeded westward, constantly finding indications 
 of land. Great numbers of birds were seen, and as most of 
 these proceeded southwest, Columbus was persuaded to 
 change his course. In the early morning, October 12, land 
 was sighted, and at daybreak Columbus landed on one of 
 
 Columbus 
 
 Bourne, 
 Spam in 
 America, 
 8-19. 
 
 Winsor (ed.), 
 America, 
 II. 1-9 
 
 Crossing 
 the Atlantic. 
 
 Hart, Contem- 
 poraries, I, 
 No. 17, 
 Channing, 
 United States, 
 I, 20-23. 
 
 Bourne, 
 Spain in 
 America, 
 20-23. 
 
26 
 
 American History 
 
 [1492 
 
 Atn. History 
 Leaflets, No. i. 
 
 The return 
 voyage. 
 
 the easternmost of the Bahama Islands. Had he continued 
 west, he would have been borne still farther north by the Gulf 
 Stream and have reached the coast of the United States. 
 
 After visiting several islands of the Bahamas, Columbus 
 coasted along the shores of Cuba and reached San Domingo, 
 where his largest vessel was wrecked and a garrison left. 
 The return voyage was marked by a severe storm which 
 
 Columbian Exposition Model 
 
 A Caravel 
 
 Bourne, 
 Spain in 
 America, 
 23-28. 
 
 Papal bull 
 and treaty of 
 Tordesillas. 
 
 Hart, Contem- 
 poraries, 
 I. No. 18. 
 
 Bourne, 
 Spain in 
 America, 
 29-32. 
 
 separated the vessels, but, after many experiences, both 
 reached Palos on the same day, March 15, 1493. The 
 Spanish monarchs received the discoverer with every mark 
 of esteem and he was treated with almost royal honors. 
 
 20. The Pope's Division of the Earth. — As soon as 
 Columbus returned to Spain, King Ferdinand sent at once 
 to Rome and requested that Pope Alexander VI confirm 
 his title to the lands discovered in the west. The pontiff 
 accordingly issued a decree in which he proclaimed that 
 Spain was entitled to the lands lying west of the meridian 
 which was one hundred leagues west from any of the islands 
 commonly called the Azores or Cape Verde. The right to 
 heathen lands lying east of this 'line was confirmed to Por- 
 tugal, whose claims to territories discovered in Africa had 
 already been recognized by the Holy See. As Portugal was 
 
1496] 
 
 TJie Discovery of a New World 
 
 27 
 
 dissatisfied with this division of the globe, negotiations were 
 begun at once with Spain which ended in the treaty of Tor- 
 desillas, signed June 7, 1494. The Hne of demarcation was 
 to be drawn three hundred and seventy leagues west of the 
 Cape Verde Islands. 
 
 This line did not touch North America, but was not far 
 east of the country discovered by the Cabots in 1497 (§ 22), 
 so that in 1500 the Cortereal brothers explored the coasts 
 of Newfoundland and Labra- 
 dor with the hope that they 
 might be claimed by Portugal. 
 On the .other hand, a large 
 part of South America lay east 
 of the line, and when in 1500 
 a Portuguese, Cabral, on his 
 way to the Cape of Good Hope, 
 accidentally sighted the coast 
 of what is now Brazil, the way 
 w^as open to the establishment 
 of a Portuguese colony in the 
 new world. On the other side 
 of the world Portugal had an 
 undisputed claim to most of the 
 islands, but Spain gained pos- 
 session of the Philippines before it was learned that they 
 were located in Portugal's half of the globe. This papal 
 division was ignored of course by many of the other nations. 
 
 21. Later Voyages of Columbus. — Columbus did not 
 remain long in Spain after his first voyage, because of 
 the danger that Portugal would send out a fleet to seize the 
 lands w^hich he had discovered. The equipment for the 
 second voyage was a marked contrast to that of the first. 
 A large fleet carried nearly fifteen hundred persons, among 
 them many nobles in search of wealth. A number of the 
 West India islands, including Porto Rico and Jamaica, were 
 visited and a Spanish colony established on Hispaniola (San 
 Domingo). 
 
 Fiske, Disc, 
 of America, 
 I, 453-460. 
 
 Influence of the 
 division. 
 
 Bourne, 
 Spain in 
 America, 
 63-66, 73-75. 
 
 Second 
 voyage. 
 
 Larned (ed.). 
 Ready Re/., 
 I, 50-51- 
 
28 
 
 American History 
 
 [1496 
 
 Third 
 voyage. 
 
 Bourne, 
 Spain in 
 America, 
 46-53- 
 
 Fiske, Disc, 
 of America, 
 I. 4SS-503. 
 
 Fourth voyage. 
 
 Fiske, Disc, 
 of America, 
 I. 503-513- 
 
 Voyages, 
 1497-149S. 
 
 Am. History 
 Leaflets, 
 No. 9. 
 
 Charming, 
 I 'nited States, 
 1.33-37- 
 
 Bourne, 
 Spain in 
 America, 
 54-OI- 
 
 Old South 
 Leajiets, 
 No. 37. 
 
 Columbus returned to Spain in 1406 and did not start on 
 his third voyage until two years later. On this expedition he 
 first saw the mainland of South America, near the mouth of 
 the great Orinoco River. Soon after a special envoy was 
 sentlfrom Spain to investigate the charges of misgovernment 
 which had been brought against Columbus as governor, and 
 he was arrested without delay. On his return to Spain in 
 chains, the monarchs disavowed the action of their repre- 
 sentative, but Columbus never regained the authority thus 
 taken from him. 
 
 His fourth and last voyage in 1502 brought him to the coast 
 of Central America, although he still believed he was off the 
 coast of the Indies. His later years were full of bitterness, 
 for he proved to be incompetent for the great task of gov- 
 erning a colony, and being harsh in dealing with natives he 
 made enemies who succeeded in stripping him of his honors. 
 He died in 1506, obscure and neglected, without knowing 
 that he had led the way to a new world, which was 
 separated from Asia by an ocean larger than the Atlantic. 
 
 22. The Cabots were merchants of Bristol, England, at 
 the time news was brought that Columbus had discovered 
 land by sailing west. In 1406 John Cabot obtained from 
 Henrv VII a permit to sail westward. The permit was not 
 used until the next year, and it was June 24, 1497. ^^'^^^i^ the 
 Cabots sighted land in the neighborhood of Newfoundland. 
 Six weeks later they were back in England, where the king 
 made a gift of £:io '' to hym that founde the nevre isle.'' In 
 140S a much larger expedition set out. The coast from Lab- 
 rador to Cape Cod was explored, and many persons believe 
 that the Cabots continued on their southern course until the 
 capes otT North Carolina were reached. No attempt was 
 made to follow up these voyages, John Cabot probably having 
 died and his son Sebastian having entered the service of Spain. 
 But several generations later, when England desired to estab- 
 Hsh'a legal claim to the eastern part of North America, 
 these voyages of discovery were deemed of the first impor- 
 tance. 
 
 I 
 
I54I] 
 
 TJic Discovciy of a Nczv World 
 
 29 
 
 A.tiEKlCA, 1.-.15 
 
 (From Suboiier's Globe) 
 
 23. Vespucius and the Naming of America. — Americus 
 
 Vespucius, or Amerigo Vespucci, like Columbus and tlie 
 
 Cabots, was an Italian. In 1504 
 
 he wrote a letter telling about 
 
 '' Four voyages " that he claimed 
 
 to have made to the new world 
 
 while in the employ of Spain. He 
 
 reported that on the earliest of 
 
 these (in 1497) he had discovered 
 
 South America and that, on his 
 
 later voyages he had explored 
 
 the coast of that region. Many 
 
 modern investigators consider the 
 
 claims of Vespucius ridiculous, but 
 
 it is certain that they were believed by at least some of 
 
 his contemporaries. 
 
 Among these was Martin Waldseemiiller, a professor 
 of geography at the college 
 of Saint-Die in Lorraine. In 
 1507 Waldseemiiller published 
 a pamphlet entitled Cosmogra- 
 pJiie Introdiiclio, in which he 
 suggested that the land in the 
 southwest, which did not cor- 
 respond to any islands on the 
 maps existing before 1492, and 
 which for several years had been 
 known as Mondo Novo, should 
 be called "America." This 
 name became quite common on 
 maps of the time before it was 
 learned that this southern region 
 formed a continent connected 
 with lands discovered by the 
 Cabots and others at the North. 
 
 When this connection was understood, the name America 
 
 was applied naturally to the whole of the new world. 
 
 AMERICA, 1541 
 
 (From Meroator'a Map) 
 
 Voyages of 
 Vespucius. 
 
 Bourne, 
 Spain in 
 America, 
 84-96. 
 
 0/d South 
 Leaflets, 
 Nos. 34, 90. 
 
 First use of 
 name America. 
 
 Bourne, Spain 
 in America, 
 99-103. 
 
 Winsor (ed.).. 
 America, II, 
 145-152. 
 
30 
 
 American History 
 
 [1513 
 
 Discovery of 
 the Pacific, 
 1513- 
 
 Channing, 
 United States, 
 I. 47-51- 
 
 Magellan, voy- 
 age around the 
 globe. 
 
 Channing, 
 United States, 
 I, Sc^54- 
 
 Ponce de Leon 
 (1513-1521). 
 
 Bourne, Spain 
 in America, 
 133-136. 
 Winsor (ed.), 
 America, 
 II, 232-236, 
 
 24. The Pacific Ocean. — Little was known yet about 
 this new world, but in the decade beginning with 15 13 
 geographical knowledge of the uncivilized hemisphere was 
 extended greatly. It was in the year 15 13 that Balboa, an 
 adventurer and a rebel, in search of gold, crossed the Isth- 
 mus of Panama and first beheld the waters of the Pacific, 
 which he called the "South Sea," because the shore line 
 runs east and west at this point. 
 
 Six years later Fernando Magalhaens or Magellan, a 
 Portuguese nobleman in the employ of Spain, started with 
 five vessels to find a southwest passage through South 
 America to the Indies. In this he succeeded, the strait 
 which he discovered now bearing his name. With but two 
 vessels he proceeded north a long distance, then changed 
 his course to the northwest, and finally to the west, in 
 order not to pass the Molucca or Spice Islands, of which he 
 was in search and whose latitude he knew. After weeks on 
 the quiet ocean, which he named the Pacific, he reached what 
 is probably the Island of Guam, and soon after landed on 
 the Philippines. Here Magellan lost his life, April 27, 
 1 52 1. The larger vessel was soon after captured by the 
 Portuguese, but the smaller succeeded in reaching Spain 
 after circumnavigating the globe — certainly one of the 
 most marvelous voyages in history, and one which caused 
 remarkable changes in the geographical ideas of the times. 
 
 Explorations in the United States (1513-1543) 
 
 25. Florida (1513-1536). — For thirty years the Spanish 
 made repeated efforts to explore the southern part of the 
 United States, rumors of gold constantly leading them into 
 the interior. The first to show the way to Florida, a name 
 applied for at least a century to the entire southeastern part 
 of the United States, was Ponce de Leon, who was attracted 
 by the reports of an excellent climate and prospects of wealth. 
 In 1 5 13 he explored both the east and the west coast of the 
 peninsula and in 1521 attempted a settlement which failed 
 because of the hostility of the Indians. 
 
1542] Explorations in the United States 31 
 
 In 1526 a much more pretentious settlement was attempted Ayiion's settle- 
 
 by d'Ayllon. Over five hundred persons, including some "^^"^ (1526). 
 
 slaves, were taken to Chesapeake Bay, but the climate was -w^i^goj. ^^^ ^ 
 
 so unhealthy that they lost their leader and more than one- America, 
 
 half of their men within a year, and the enterprise was ii. 238-241. 
 abandoned. 
 
 The next to search for wealth in Florida was de Narvaez, Narvaez and 
 
 who landed near Tampa Bay in 1528. The last survivors Cabezade 
 
 of this ill-fated expedition were wrecked some months later 
 
 on the coast of Texas, where they were held as prisoners y^J^T^ 
 
 for several years. Under the lead of Cabeza de Vaca, who i, 62-67. 
 
 had been employed as a ''medicine man," four of them Winsor (ed.), 
 
 escaped and crossed the plains and mountains to the Spanish ^^"^^'-^^^y 
 
 . 'i 240-244. 
 
 settlements on the Gulf of California, bringing with them oid South 
 
 rumors of large quantities of gems and precious metals to Leaflets, 
 
 the north of the countries they had traversed and arousing li- ^'o-39- 
 
 renewed interest in the exploration of the interior. 
 
 26. The Southwest (1539-1543). — To ascertain the truth Coronado's ex- 
 
 of the reports that the "Seven Cities of Cibola" were pos- pedition (1540- 
 
 sessed of great wealth. Fray Marcos was sent "to spy out 
 
 the land." He failed to reach the cities, but brought back Hart, Contem- 
 
 stories more wonderful than any that had yet been told. P^^^anes, 
 
 In a short time, Coronado at the head of three hundred ',* ' ^^' 
 
 ' Channing, 
 
 Spaniards, many of them mounted, and nearly a thousand United states, 
 
 Indians, set out for Cibola (1540). The cities proved to be l> 74-84- 
 
 nothing but the unattractive dwellings of Pueblos, but there ^o^''^^. Spain 
 
 • 1 1 1 1 r 1 1 r 1 1 1 ^^ America, 
 
 was said to be a great deal of gold farther north and east. 169-174. 
 
 A force was dispatched to investigate a great canon to the Amer. Hist. 
 
 west, — that of the Colorado, — and Coronado's little army ^^^A^-^. 
 
 . . No 13 
 
 then pushed on across the plateau and plains until Quivera 
 was reached, probably in the present state of Kansas. They 
 found immense herds of bison and trackless wastes, but 
 no gold. In disappointment the Spaniards returned to 
 Mexico. 
 
 Among the many explorers who at this time were inter- coast of Cali- 
 
 ested in the country north of the Spanish settlements was fomia. 
 Cabrillo. Setting out in 1542 with two vessels, he and his 
 
32 
 
 Amcrica?i History 
 
 [1539 
 
 Hittell, Call. 
 
 Explorations in 
 the southeast 
 (1539-1543)- 
 
 Hart, Contem- 
 poraries, 
 I, No. 23. 
 
 Channing, 
 United States, 
 I, 67-72. 
 
 Bourne, Spain 
 in America, 
 162-168. 
 
 Winsor (ed.), 
 America, 
 II, 244-254. 
 
 Verrazano's 
 voyage (1524). 
 
 Bourne, Spain 
 in America, 
 143-145- 
 Winsor (ed.), 
 America, 
 IV, 5-^. 
 
 Cartier's explo- 
 rations and set- 
 tlements 
 (i535-i?4iV 
 
 successor Ferrelo examined the western coast beyond Cape 
 Mendocino with considerable care. Nothing came of this 
 or of the other e.xplorations in the West, and it was a half 
 century before any permanent Spanish missions were estab- 
 lished within the United States, and a still longer time before 
 the region proved attractive to less unselfish settlers. 
 
 27. De Soto. — The last, and in some respects the greatest, 
 of these early Spanish explorers in the United States was 
 Fernando de Soto. Having served under the Pizarros when 
 they conquered the country of the Incas, he was anxious 
 to gain for himself fame and fortune in Florida, as Cortez 
 had done in Mexico and the Pizarros in Peru. With a well- 
 equipped force of nearly six hundred men and many horses, 
 he landed at Tampa Bay during the summer of 1539. The 
 Indians were treated with severity, the chief of each tribe 
 visited being seized and held as hostage until provisions were 
 forthcoming and his country had been crossed. For two 
 years the Spaniards continued their search through the in- 
 hospitable country without discovering traces of the wealth 
 they sought and at length crossed the Mississippi. After 
 further wanderings, broken and discouraged, Soto returned 
 to the river to die (May, 1542). Nowhere had he found gold 
 or signs of gold, and everywhere the Indians were fierce and 
 hostile. Glad to escape from this land of dangers, the sur- 
 \dvors of Soto's party, after several attempts, succeeded in 
 getting out of the Mississippi and reached the Mexican 
 coast settlements. 
 
 28. Verrazano and Cartier. — Although far behind the 
 Spanish in a desire to explore and colonize, the French 
 were not entirely inactive. In 1524 the French sent cut 
 Verrazano, an Italian like many of the other navigators of 
 that day, who visited the eastern coast of North America 
 and explored from the capes of North Carolina to Newfound- 
 land, probably entering New York harbor. 
 
 Ten years later Cartier explored the Gulf of St. Lawrence, 
 returning in 1535 and ascending the river. He penetrated 
 as far as the large island just below the first series of rapids. 
 
1560] Explorations in the United States 33 
 
 To the height on this island he gave the name Mont Real.^ Hart, Contem- 
 
 No attempt was made to found a colony at this time, but in poraries, 
 
 1 540-1 54 1, he and an associate, Roberval, sought to settle on ' °' ^^' 
 the banks of the St. Lawrence. Roberval failed to aid 
 
 Cartier until the latter had abandoned his settlement, and '^i^sor (ed.), 
 
 the French hold on America after this time was represented jy „_-' 
 by a few fishermen's huts on the Atlantic coast. 
 
 The Close of the Sixteenth Century 
 
 29. The Situation in Europe. — During the early part Spain. 
 of the sixteenth century Spain had risen to the position 
 of the first European power. Her king was ruler not only Schwiii, Mod- 
 of the Spanish peninsula, but of the Netherlands, the Sicilies, ^^^ Europe, 
 and a large part of America. As he was in addition emperor 
 of Germany, the rule of Charles V was in consequence one 
 of unusual splendor. The immense riches of Mexico and 
 Peru added greatly to this power of Spain, but could not ' 
 continue to sustain it, for the successor of Charles, Philip II, 
 followed an unwise policy which undermined the sources 
 of national strength. Freedom of thought was crushed 
 by the inquisition, the Netherlands were lost by an unwise 
 religious policy, while the Jews and Moors, the industrial 
 backbone of the nation, were driven from Spain. The 
 decline of Spanish power became evident in the latter 
 half of the sixteenth century, and, after the defeat of the 
 Armada in 1588, was rapid and continuous. 
 
 France was in no position during these years to accom- France, 
 plish much at home or abroad. Torn with the strife between 
 the Catholics and the Huguenots, governed nominally by 
 the worthless sons of Henry II and ruled really by the faction 
 which was temporarily in the ascendant, she followed no Robinson, 
 fixed policy until the accession of the able Henry IV in i t;8o. ^^^^^^"^ ^"" 
 
 rope, 451-458. 
 
 England meanwhile under Elizabeth was quietly develop- England, 
 ing her resources and settling her religious differences. 
 As yet neither an industrial nor 2. commercial nation, and, 
 
 ^ Mount Royal. 
 
34 
 
 America fi History 
 
 [1562 
 
 Robinson, 
 IlV.v/t'r// Eu- 
 rope, 458-463- 
 
 Port Roy;\l 
 (^1562). 
 
 Channing, 
 United States 
 I. 94-96. 
 
 Fort Caroline. 
 Menendt-z, 
 
 Channing. 
 United States, 
 
 Hart, Contem- 
 poraries, 
 I. No. 36. 
 
 Fiske. Disc. 
 0/ America, 
 
 II, ^I2-s2I. 
 
 Bourne, Spain 
 in America, 
 
 176-1S9, 
 
 as an international power, inferior to Spain and France, 
 she gave encouragement to the seamen of the southern coast 
 who engaged in trade with the Spanish colonies, and aided 
 merchants who desired to form an East India company to 
 trade with the far East. Elizabeth in fact permitted Sir 
 Francis Drake and others to capture Spanish merchantmen 
 and treasure ships in time of peace, thus developing that 
 irregular navy which in 15SS harassed and in the end de- 
 stroyed the unwieldy Spanish Armada. With Spain's navy 
 crippled, the Dutch seized upon the greater part of the carry- 
 ing trade of Europe. 
 
 30. The French in Florida (i 562-1 565). — Under the 
 auspices of the great Protestant leader, Gasper de Coligny, 
 two settlements were attempted in the southern part of the 
 United States in the land named Florida and claimed by 
 the Spanish. The tirst of these was made in 1562 by Jean 
 Ribaut at Port Royal, a little north of the Savannah River, 
 but the next year the colonists constructed a ship, abandoned 
 the colony, and reached Europe after a terrible voyage. 
 
 In 15O4 a second settlement was started by Laudonniere 
 on the river of ^lay, now called the St. Johns, where they 
 built a fort named Caroline in honor of their king, Charles 
 IX. Most of the settlers were men of broken fortunes and 
 adventurers. Untrained to labor and desiring only gold, 
 they quarreled with one another and with the Indians, some 
 of them at length turning pirates and betra\ing to the Span- 
 ish the presence of the little colony, ^Meanwhile the settlers 
 prepared to abandon the colony, but before they were ready 
 to sail, two fleets arrived off the coast of Florida : the tirst, 
 French, under Ribaut bringing relief; the second, Spanish, 
 under ^Menendez, threatening destruction. Before Menen- 
 dez, a man of great vigor and earnestness, heard of the 
 French colony, he had been expecting to secure a grant 
 of Florida and colonize that region. When he learned of the 
 Protestant settlement, he appHed to Philip II who helped him 
 fit a great expedition for what they considered a crusade. Find- 
 ing the French fort and tleet too strong to attack, he disem- 
 
15^3] TJic Close of iJic Sixteenth Century 35 
 
 barked his men and constructed a fort which he named St. 
 Augustine (1565). The elements now favored him, for Ri- 
 baut's fleet was scattered and his ships wrecked by a great 
 storm. Menendez immediately marched overland through the 
 swamps, attacked Fort Caroline, which was practically unpro- 
 tected, and put the inhabitants to the sword. Three different 
 parties from Ribaut's fleet who had been wrecked on the coast 
 south of St. Augustine were obliged to throw themselves on 
 Alenendez's mercy. Most of them were foully slain. This 
 ended the settlements of the French in the southern part of 
 North America, for King Charles of France was not fond 
 of the Huguenots and was completely under the domination of 
 Philip, but it did not close the warfare between the French 
 and the Spaniards, for two years later de Gourgues destroyed 
 the Spanish forts in Florida and hanged the defenders. 
 
 31. The English in the New World (1562-1583). — Hawkins and 
 Numerous Englishmen were interested in the new world Drake, 
 because of its commercial possibilities. The earliest of these, 
 Sir John Hawkins, engaged in the slave trade with the Channing, 
 
 Spanish West Indies. On the third of these vovaires his Y"^^'^^^^^^''^ 
 
 ' ^ \, 115-122. 
 
 ships were attacked, treacherously he thought, by Spanish 
 
 officials. With him on this trip was his cousin, Sir Francis 
 
 -rx 1 1 r 1 • • 1 1 1 • i-r i • • <• Fiske, Old J'i>- 
 
 Drake, who trom this time devoted his life to the injury of -^^^ j g 
 Spain. With the consent of Elizabeth, Drake raided the 
 Spanish mainand in 1577 sailed into the Pacific Ocean, where ^^^^ Contem 
 he captured treasure ships on the way from Peru to Panama, pomries. 
 Continuing northward until turned back by the cold, he i.Nos. 29, 30. 
 returned to a harbor near San Francisco bay, where he re- 
 fitted his vessel. The western part of the continent he 
 named New Albion, claiming it for England. Returning to 
 England via the East Indies and Africa, he brought back 
 reports which aroused new interest in finding a northwest 
 passage to the East. 
 
 Frobisher had already (1576) searched for a northwest The northwest 
 passage and Davis made three voyages (1585-1587) for the passage, 
 same purpose. The most earnest advocate of settlement in 
 northern America and of search for a way to Cathay was Sir 
 
36 
 
 American History 
 
 [1584 
 
 Woodward, 
 British Em. 
 pire, 39-49. 
 
 Tlie first coloiiv 
 (1585)- 
 
 Charming. 
 United States, 
 1, 124-128. 
 
 Fiske. Old I »- 
 finia, I. 3c^33. 
 
 The " lost 
 colony " 
 VI587-1590) . 
 
 Fiske. 0/d Vir- 
 ginia, I. 35-39. 
 
 Charming, 
 United States, 
 I. 12S-133. 
 
 Humphrey Gilbert, who tried to form a colony on Newfound- 
 land in 1583. The attempt was abandoned and on the 
 return vovage Gilbert's vessel foundered. 
 
 32. The Ralegh Colonies (1584-1590). — The next year 
 Sir Walter Ralegh dispatched to America Captains Amadas 
 and Barlow, with instructions to investigate and report the 
 possibilities of colonization. So glowing was their report 
 that Queen Elizabeth named the country Virginia in her 
 own honor. The succeeding spring (1585) seven vessels 
 
 set sail carrying over one 
 hundred settlers, whose 
 leader was Ralph Lane. 
 They landed at Roanoke 
 Island, off the coast of what 
 is now North Carolina, but 
 before the ships returned 
 to England the commander 
 of the tleet maltreated the 
 natives, thus alienating tribes 
 whose friendship would have 
 been of the greatest value. 
 As the colonists would not 
 work, and could obtain no 
 food from the now hostile Indians, they gladly took ad- 
 vantage of the arrival of Sir Francis Drake and returned 
 to England. 
 
 Ralegh's devotion to his pet scheme led him to fofm a 
 company which in 15S7 sent out a new expedition carrying 
 women as^ well as men. Their destination was Chesapeake 
 Bay, but they repaired first to Roanoke, where they decided 
 to remain. Governor White of this " City of Ralegh." 
 as the colony was called, returned to England for help later 
 in the summer, but the ships sent out with supplies were 
 used to prey upon Spanish commerce, with disastrous re- 
 sults. Then came the Armada (15SS) which calleci forth 
 the naval strength of England. Another year was frittered 
 away by the men to whom Ralegh, now impoverished, 
 
 Sir Walter Kai t: 
 
i6oo] 
 
 TJie First Century 
 
 37 
 
 assigned his Virginia patent, and when in 1590 assistance 
 arrived, no trace could be found of the "lost colony." Thus 
 inauspiciously did the English begin the colonization of the 
 new world. 
 
 33. The Results of the First Century. — In the century 
 following the discovery of America by Columbus the advance 
 in geographical knowledge had been enormous. The shape 
 of the earth had been proved beyond dispute and its size 
 quite accurately ascertained. There was no longer a sea of 
 darkness, but two immense oceans had been crossed; in the 
 case of the Atlantic, repeatedly. A new continent had been 
 brought to light, of which to be sure little was known except 
 the shore lines. Almost every part of the eastern Atlantic 
 
 Discovery and 
 exploration. 
 
 coast had been explored by Europeans and the western 
 coast nearly as far north as the Oregon River had been ex- 
 amined. The interior of the North American continent had 
 been visited by but two leaders ^ Coronado and Soto — 
 and the heart of the continent was little better known in 
 1600 than a half century earher. Search had been stimu- 
 lated, however, because of a desire to find a water passage 
 
coionizauon. 
 
 38 American History [1492- 
 
 from the Atlantic to the Pacitic which would make it pos- 
 sible to sail from Europe west to Asia without going as far 
 south as the Straits of Magellan. More than any other one 
 cause, this desire led in the following century to the investi- 
 nation of the waterways in the new world. 
 Attempted South of the present limits of the United States, Portugal 
 
 had established a colony and Spain had taken possession of 
 several islands and many Indian countries. Within the 
 United States the repeated attempts to form colonies had 
 led to the establishment of but two permanent settlements — 
 the insigniticant Spanish fortifications at St. Augustine and 
 the little frontier mission at Santa Fe. Considering the 
 amount of money and efltort expended, the results were dis- 
 couraging indeed. In striking contrast to the Hmited ter- 
 ritory occupied by Europeans at the close of the sixteenth 
 century were the sweeping territorial claims of the rival 
 nations. Spain asserted her right to a territory of continental 
 extent. France claimed the northeastern coast and that part 
 of the interior drained by the St. Lawrence River, and Eng- 
 land asserted her right to the eastern part of North America, 
 because of the Cabot discoveries, and to the western coast 
 by virtue of Drake's exploration. 
 
 TOPICS 
 
 Columbus's Efforts to gain Help (1484-1402"^: Adams, 
 "Columbus," pp. 34-73; Fiske, "Discovery of America," I, pp. 3S1- 
 3S5, 305-410. 
 
 The Voyages of the Cabots: AVinsor (ed.\ "America," III, 
 pp. 1-7; Fiske, "Discover}- of America," II, pp. 1-16; Lee (ed.^ 
 "Histon- of North America," I, pp. 297-300. 
 
 Magellan's Voyage around the World: Bourne, "Spain in 
 America," pp. 115-132; Winsor (ed.), "America," II, pp. 501-613; 
 Fiske, "Discovery of America," II, 1S5-205. 
 
 STUDIES 
 
 1. The character of Columbus (^criticisms\ (AVinsor, "Colum- 
 bus." pp. 400-5 1 J. "» 
 
 2. Origin of the name "America." (Fiske, "Discover}- of 
 America," II, pp. 129-155.) 
 
i6oo] TJic First Cent my 39 
 
 3. Cortez in Mexico. (Fiske, "Discovery of America," II, pp. 
 245-293.) 
 
 4. The wanderings of Cabeza de \'aca. (Lummis, "Spanish 
 Pioneers," pp. 101-116.) 
 
 5. Coronado's explorations. (Johnson, "Pioneer Spaniards," 
 pp. 219-253.) 
 
 6. Spain's colonial policy. (Bourne, "Spain in America," pp. 
 202-219.) 
 
 7. Spain's American commercial policy. (Bourne, "Spain in 
 America," pp. 2S2-29S.) 
 
 8. Verrazano's voyage. ("Old South Leaflets," No. 17.) 
 
 9. Religious wars in France. (Duruy, "History of ]SIodern 
 Times," pp. 218-234.) 
 
 10. Destruction of the French colony in Florida (1565). (Park- 
 man, "Struggle for a Continent," pp. 27-54.) 
 
 11. The English in the East (after 1580). (Woodward, "Expan- 
 sion of the British Empire," pp. 69-85.) 
 
 12. Reasons for English colonization in America. (Hart (ed.), 
 "Contemporaries," I, Ncs. 44-46.) 
 
 QUESTIONS 
 
 1. What was the significance of the first voyage of Columbus? 
 
 2. How did the discoveries of Vespucius and Magellan aft'ect the 
 geographical ideas of the times ? 
 
 3. What influences were most powerful in leading the Spanish to 
 colonize? What were the chief characteristics of Spain's colonial 
 policy? Was Spain a successful colonizing nation? 
 
 4. Why did Soto fail, while Cortez and Pizarro succeeded ? Name 
 several reasons why the Spanish failed to get a real foothold in the 
 United States. 
 
 5. How do you account for the comparative inactivity of the 
 French and English during the sixteenth century? 
 
CHAPTER III 
 
 Virginia com- 
 pany and its 
 sub-companies. 
 
 MacDonald, 
 Charters. No. i. 
 
 Channing, 
 United States, 
 I, 157-163. 
 
 EARLY ENGLISH COLONIZATION (1600-1660) 
 English Rulers 
 
 Elizabeth (1558-1603) 
 James I (1603- 1625) 
 
 Charles I (1625-1649) 
 Commonwealth (1649- 1660) 
 
 Virginia (1606-1625) 
 
 34. The Charter of 1606. — During the early years of 
 the seventeenth century several voyages were made to the 
 coast of Virginia by English seamen who brought back 
 glowing reports of the country and its climate. As Ralegh 
 had been imprisoned and his charter 
 annulled by James I, a new com- 
 pany was organized in 1606 for the 
 purpose of making settlements in 
 Virginia. To certain members of 
 this Virginia company, residing in 
 London and usually called the 
 London company, w^as granted the 
 land lying between parallels 34 and 
 38. The territory from 41° north 
 to 45° was granted to members living in Plymouth, the right 
 to occupy the middle strip from 38° to 41° being shared by 
 both sub-companies, provided that neither settled within 
 one hundred miles of the other. The Virginia company 
 was permitted to coin money and to defend its possessions, 
 while its colonists wxre to have all the rights enjoyed by 
 Englishmen.^ 
 
 * There was to be a resident council for the government of each of 
 the two colonies established, and the general direction of the Virginia 
 company's affairs in England was entrusted to a council appointed by 
 the king. 
 
 40 
 
 LAND GRANTS 
 
 UNDER CHARTER 
 OF 1C06 
 
i6o7] 
 
 Virginia 
 
 41 
 
 35. The Settlement at Jamestown. — In December, 
 1606, three vessels fitted out by the London company set 
 sail for the new world with more than one hundred colonists. 
 According to the custom of those days, they went by way 
 of the Canaries and the West Indies and did not enter 
 Chesapeake Bay until April, 1607. As a site for the new 
 settlement, they desired a place not too near the coast which 
 might be fortified easily against the Spaniards, who objected 
 to English settlements on land 
 which they claimed. A low 
 peninsula half buried at high 
 tide was selected, the name of 
 Jamestown being given to the 
 settlement, in honor of the 
 king. Most of the settlers 
 were "gentlemen" unused to 
 hard labor, so that the work of 
 constructing homes and plant- 
 ing crops progressed slowly. 
 With summer came an epi- 
 demic of fever, and within four 
 months half of the colonists 
 had perished. The councilors 
 
 who had been sent over to govern the people proved in- 
 efficient and quarreled with one another. Famine was 
 averted by securing corn from the Indians and by sup- 
 plies sent from England, but the communistic system, ac- 
 cording to which all labored for the common store, did 
 not encourage industry or thrift in a naturally shiftless 
 set of men. 
 
 The real leader of the party was John Smith. Although 
 less than thirty years of age, Smith was a man of varied 
 experiences and of considerable ability. Since coming to 
 Virginia he had made friends with the Indians, and, in an 
 open boat, had explored the shores of the Chesapeake Bay, 
 making a map of the region which was remarkable for its 
 accuracy. When be was elected president of the council. 
 
 Captain John smith 
 
 The first year 
 (1607). 
 
 Eggleston, Be- 
 gi?iners of a 
 Nation, 25-31. 
 
 Channing, 
 Utiited States, 
 I, 163-170. 
 
 Tyler, England 
 in America, 
 41-54- 
 
 Hart, Contem- 
 poraries, 
 I, Nos. 61-63. 
 
 Rule of John 
 Smith. 
 
 Tyler, England 
 in America, 
 SS-60. 
 
42 .Iniiriiiin History [i(>oo 
 
 K^>;lostv>n, /<v lu' iwliucd \\\c lolony to onliM-, \\\m\c [\w nilo (hat those 
 ^i^tHHfts, j,\ 40. ^^1^^^ ^Y\(\ not work should not oat. and pivvcntod starvation 
 h\ siHuring {oo(\ from tho Indians tlirough liis skill antl 
 lu^ldnoss. 
 rh.utiiot itvH). Smith's rule camo to an cml when a now chartor was 
 i^rantod whiih ohanj^od tho nictliod of govornmont and o\- 
 MuPouaKI. tondi\l tho houndarii^s oi \\w tonitorv lontrolloil by tho 
 i. i.i'Urs, London oonipany. Tho now ohartor gavo X'irginia all tho 
 
 knul for two hundrod niilos north and south of Point Comfort 
 "uj^ into tho land, throughout from soa to soa, wost and 
 northwost." l>ooauso i^f tho word "northwost" X'irginia 
 <.\uumtMoial aftorward olaimod tho Torritory in tho intorior of tho oonti- 
 aml social ,^>,,j in^twoon (lu> Ohio RiwM ;uul thoT.riMt l.akos(^vJ OoV 
 
 3(). The Inrtuence of Tobacco Culture. That \irginia 
 survivod its Ovirly dilVuullios was duo in largo i>art to tho 
 oharaotor of its lirst loadors. ospooially to John Smith and 
 Ciovornor Palo. Its roal prosperity, howovor, bogins with 
 tlio oultivation and exportation o{ tohaooo, for which the 
 r\vV., 55-57. soil and olimato o{ the oolony wore partioularly adapted. 
 Sn\all erops of tohaeoo had boon raised by the Indians bo- 
 I'liuuiini;. fore the white settlors oame, but not until Palo had put 
 
 an end to tho oommunisiio system were j^uintations started 
 on which the raising oi tobaooo beeame a regular industry. 
 King James was strongly opposed to the use of the "tilthy 
 weed," but the market for their productions was so good that 
 the planters soon can\e to devote their energies almost ex- 
 clusively to tobacco growing. Settlors of a better class were 
 attractovl to the cv^lony by the possibility of large protlts 
 from a regular occupation, and the banks of the James 
 River and the shores of C'hosapoake Hay wore soon lintnl with 
 tho homes of men engaged in raising tobacco. Later, in- 
 ducements were olTorod to poorer people, who paid for their 
 passage to the new world by several years of service on tho" 
 [plantations. .\ few negroes, thst brought to Jamestown in 
 I (MO in a Hutch man of war. were also en\ployed at the 
 more n\ei\ial tasks. (Vadually, as the plantations became 
 larger and the t'leld workers more nun\erous, the distinction 
 
 
 
1 624] Virginia 43 
 
 between landowners and I.iihIIcss he(ame more inark(;d, 
 llie classes of society hein^ almost as widely sej>arat(;d as in 
 Juigland. 
 
 37. The First Virginia Assembly (1619). Iti llic years I'l'iiinin.iry 
 imm(;diately j>n-(cdiii}^ '^^'9, d)(t alTairs of llie London *'^' "''^• 
 company in I'aij^laiid and of the Virj^inia (olonisls in Americ a 
 did not \fu smoothly. lames I tried to dominah; tin; a.ffa,irs -V''"'"'^;' , 
 {;f the oni|)a,ny l>y diflalinj^ ihc laws that should he ma.de i, ,yj u/j. 
 and the offjcers that should Ije elected.' The memhers of 
 the compa.ny ohjet lerj nalurally, for, by the ( ha.rler of 1612, 'I yN-r, /'.////A///^/ 
 they had acquired the rijdil lo liold meetings in London, '" ^'^'f'^^^^'^. 
 
 . . "^h '60. 
 
 transact general business, and govern the colony in America. 
 As tin; company had not prov(*d a finajicial su( ( ess, the ma- 
 jority of the stock in Hie Lond'ai (oin|>aiiy had (onie into 
 the hands of Puritans who were opposed to arbitrary govern - 
 m(mt in lOngland and ifi America. Since the g<;vernor of 
 Virgir)ia had a.rous(;d the wrath of the settlers by his un- 
 just and tyrannical ruK;, the company, under the lead of 
 Sir Kdwin Sandys, dec ided that representatives of th(; peo[jle 
 siiould meet with a iiew gov(;rnor and his advisers and lielj) 
 th(;m make the laws, T'cjllc^wing his instruc tic;ns, (icjverncjr Mcttfinj? of the 
 Yeardley asked the freemen in each of eleven plantatic^ns, •'^^''-''''^ly- 
 towns, or hundreds to elec t two representatives, and on July ^^''''^' ^'""^''^'^- 
 30, 1619, twenty-two burgesses met with the g(;vernor's j ^-0,65. 
 councilors in the first l(;gislature in America. Two years 
 later the- Loncjon ccjmpany [^asserl an c>rdinancc; j>rc>vicling 
 ff^r a regular gc^vernment in Virginia cc^nsisting cjf a council, 
 ( hcjsen by the lOnglish stockhc;lders, which sii'^uld assist the 
 gc;vernc;r, aiul a. general assembly c cjm|>osc;d u\ the; c cainc ilors 
 ancl of burgesses elec;ted by the freemc;n. In this way the 
 pcjpular government established in 1619 by the ]'>ngli.di 
 Puritans was made; [)ermanent. 
 ^N.. 38. Virginia becomes a Royal Province ('1624). -'J'he Kndofthe 
 ^^uritan element in the Londc>n c;cjmi>any ncA c^uly advocated '''>f"|''f"-'^'n- 
 
 ' "^ ji;i.riy s ruk. 
 
 ' King J am(;.s opposed the politi* ;il discussions at the; mcrctings of 
 th(; London fomi>any and f>hjcrtcd \m the < ritic isnns of the c rown hy 
 rri(;mbers of the company. 
 
44 
 
 American History 
 
 [1606 
 
 Cooke, Vir- 
 ginia, 129-133. 
 
 Hart, Contem- 
 poraries, 
 I, Nos. 66, 67. 
 
 Tyler, England 
 tn America, 
 81-92. 
 
 Plymouth 
 company 
 (1607). 
 
 Tyler, 
 England in 
 America, 
 
 Council for 
 New England 
 (1620). 
 
 MacDonald 
 Charters, '^o.^ 
 
 constitutional government for their Virginia colony, but under 
 their wise guidance hundreds of thrifty settlers were pur- 
 suaded to try their fortunes in the new world. The colony 
 had a new lease of life, its prosperity far exceeding that of 
 any previous time. Its success aroused the enmity of the 
 Indians and in 1622 a terrible massacre occurred, from 
 which Virginia recovered with surprising rapidity. But 
 this uprising furnished the excuse desired by the king and 
 other enemies of the company in England for the over- 
 throw of the company. This was accomplished in 1624 on 
 flimsy pretexts, and Virginia became a royal province. No 
 change was made, however, in the character of its colonial 
 government, as Charles I, who came to the throne in 1625, 
 desired to win the favor of his American subjects, and was 
 wilhng to have assemblies that would provide money for 
 the royal treasurv. 
 
 New England before 1628 
 
 39. The Plymouth Company and the Council for New 
 England. —The settlements in the northern grant made to 
 men of Plymouth in the charter of 1606 had not prospered 
 like those of the South. During that terrible summer of 
 1607 when the fate of Jamestown was yet doubtful, over one 
 hundred colonists landed at the mouth of the Kennebec, 
 but the extreme cold of the winter and the death of Sir John 
 Popham, the chief justice of England and the ruling mem- 
 ber of the Plymouth company, led to the abandonment 
 of the enterprise. 
 
 Nothing further was attempted until in 1620 the company 
 was reorganized ^ and obtained from King James a patent 
 to the land lying between parallels 40° and 48° and extend- 
 ing from sea to sea, with a practical monopoly of the fisheries 
 and fur trade. Various grants of land were made by the 
 company to its members, but few settlements were made, 
 even for purposes of trade, and the credit for establishing 
 
 1 It was now called the Council for New England. 
 
1625] 
 
 New England before 1628 
 
 45 
 
 41 
 
 
 v?»»fc_/ 
 
 n 
 
 f^- y 
 
 
 
 ^- ^ 
 
 
 p-%s.- _. - 
 
 '\- "^^ 
 
 
 
 SjTY^/^r 
 
 
 -4-- -J 
 
46 
 
 A^nerican History 
 
 [1600 
 
 Eggleston, 
 Beginners, 
 103-114. 
 
 the first homes in New England belongs to some Separatists, 
 usually called the Pilgrims, who located at Plymouth. 
 Puritan policy. 40. The English Puritans. — To understand the early 
 history of New England, a knowledge of conditions and 
 events in England under the first two Stuarts is quite as 
 essential as any information regarding the doings of the 
 early settlers, for the colonization of New England was due 
 directly to the contest which took place between the Puritans 
 and the English kings, James I and his son Charles I. The 
 Puritans comprised a large and ever growing class of the 
 English people who beheved that the Anglican church, w^hich 
 had been established by the Tudors in England at the time 
 of the Reformation, retained too many of the old forms of 
 the Roman Catholic church. They desired to purify the 
 church of these "papist" forms and to introduce among the 
 people a higher standard of living. But they stood for more 
 than religious reform. They advocated any scheme or 
 plan that would lead to social or political betterment. : It 
 would be incorrect to imagine that they formed a sect 'with 
 well-defined views, for the word "Puritan" three hundred 
 years ago had a meaning but little more definite than that 
 of "reformer" in our own time. In religious matters alone 
 there was a vast difference between the moderate Puritan 
 who favored a simplification of the church service, but w^ho 
 was nevertheless very much attached to the church, and the 
 radical Puritan who had severed his connection with the 
 established church in England and was known as a "Separat- 
 ist." , Between these two extremes was the liberal Puritan, 
 who desired to remain in the church but wished to introduce 
 radical changes in the church service and to leave the control 
 of all local ecclesiastical affairs, including the selection of a 
 pastor, to the members of the congregation. 
 
 In spite of their desire for reform, the Puritans were 
 often narrow and the importance that they attached to forms 
 is amazing to a person of the twentieth century. Their 
 desire to raise the low moral standard of their time made 
 them go to the other extreme. Their opposition to amuse- 
 
 f 
 
 Three classes 
 of Puritans. 
 
 Puritan 
 narrowness. 
 
i6o8] New England before 1628 47 
 
 ments was so rabid that we are tempted to believe the state- Eggieston, 
 ment that they objected to the cruel sport of bear baiting, ^^<^'^"^^^. 
 less because it gave pain to the bear than because it afforded 
 pleasure to the spectators. And yet, with all the narrow- 
 ness which they so often showed, it may well be doubted 
 whether any other political force has exerted as great an 
 influence on America as that of the Puritans. 
 
 41. The Puritans and the English Monarchs. — During Under 
 the reign of Elizabeth, all of those who did not conform to Elizabeth. 
 the practices of the established church, frequently known as 
 non-conformists, were treated with considerable severity. Tyler, 
 Since the monarch was the head of the church and of the "^ '^" 
 
 America, 
 
 state as well, those who refused to worship as the church 153-155. 
 prescribed were thought to be guilty of disobedience little 
 less dangerous than treason. For this reason there was no 
 religious toleration in England, and those w^ho were unwilling 
 to conform were punished. 
 
 When the throne of England at the death of EKzabeth James I. 
 w^as left to James VI of Scotland, there was a general feeling ^"d the 
 among the Puritans that they might obtain some of the re- 
 ligious reforms that they desired, since the established church 
 of Scotland was controlled by the Puritans. Tames disap- jT^ . 
 
 ■^ J r Beginners, 
 
 pointed the reformers very early in his reign, for in a religious 159-163. 
 conference held at Hampton Court (1604) he showed very 
 clearly that he believed thoroughly in his divine right to rule channing, 
 both church and state. His experience with the Scotch Unifed states 
 church had not been especially pleasant and he took occasion ' ^'^^~^ '^' 
 to oppose the Puritan requests because they would lead to a 
 church system like that of Scotland, ''which agreeth as well Gardiner, - 
 with a monarchy as God with the devil." In conclusion he j^evohitlon. 
 said of the Puritans, "I shall make them, conform them- 
 selves, or I will harry them out of the land." This policy 
 he followed with constantly increasing vigor, for the Puritan 
 element was gaining in strength year by year. One of the 
 earliest results of James's attitude was to drive from England 
 many Separatist congregations v/hich were no longer allowed 
 to hold meetings, open or secret. 
 
48 
 
 Aifitrican History 
 
 [1608 
 
 In Holli^nd 
 (1608-1618). 
 
 Tyler, 
 England in 
 America, 
 i^:;-i6i. 
 
 Hart, Contem- 
 poraries, 
 I, Nos. 97-99. 
 
 Atner. Hist. 
 Leaflets, 
 No. 29. 
 
 Voyage to 
 
 America 
 
 (1620V 
 
 Mayflower 
 compact. 
 
 MacDonald. 
 Charters, 'So. '^. 
 
 Dangers 
 (1620-1623). 
 
 42. The Pilgrim Migrations. — One of these Separatist 
 churches had been organized in Nottinghamshire by William 
 Brewster and John Robinson. Owing to the persecutions 
 of James I, they tied in 160S to Holland, the only country in 
 Europe where religious differences were tolerated. Making 
 Levden their home, with many other refugees, they toiled 
 for vears without being able to earn more than a bare living. 
 As the prospect was no brighter for the future, and their 
 children were influenced by the easy-going Dutch ways, 
 often intermarrying with the Dutch as they grew up, some 
 of them came to the conclusion that their condition might be 
 improved by emigrating to America. The Puritans were 
 now in control of the \'irginia company and from them these 
 Separatists obtained liberal concessions and a grant of land 
 in the northern part of Virginia. Lacking the money needed 
 for so expensive a journey, they entered into an agreement 
 with certain "merchant adventurers" of London by which 
 all of the earnings of the colonists should remain joint prop- 
 erty, and each adventurer who contributed ten pounds 
 should, at the end of seven years, have an equal share with 
 each colonist. After many dilliculties, including the abandon- 
 ment of one of their vessels which proved unseaworthy, the 
 Pilgrims set sail in the Mayjlimrr from Plymouth, Septem- 
 ber 6, 1620. Two months later they came in sight of Cape 
 Cod, and after six weeks of search for a suitable place for a 
 settlement landed December 21 at a harbor which they 
 called Xew Plymouth. 
 
 43. Early History of New Plymouth. — Being far to the 
 north of the territory under the jurisdiction of the Virginia 
 company, the men of the party met in the cabin of the 
 Mayjlaiirr and drew up a compact organizing themselves into 
 a "civill body politick, for our [their] better ordering &: pres- 
 ervation," and promising "all due submission and obedi- 
 ence" to the "just & equall lawes" which they should enact 
 from time to time 
 
 The first winter, although unusually mild for that section, 
 brought terrible hardships and sufl'ering. One half of the 
 
1 691] New England bcfoi^e 1628 49 
 
 colony perished, but the rest kept bravely at their work, Tyler, 
 being aided by a few others who came over from England ^^^£^^<^"din 
 
 ,, ... r • 11 America, 
 
 or Holland, ine Indians of the vicmity were friendly, a 161-167. 
 permanent peace being made with their chief, Massasoit, 
 which lasted until his death forty years later. When the 
 chief of the more distant Narragansetts tried to intimidate 
 them by sending a bundle of arrows tied with a rattlesnake's 
 skin. Governor Bradford returned the skin filled with powder 
 and ball: Soon after the Indian uprising in Virginia (1622), 
 a threatened plot was nipped in the bud by the valiant cap- 
 tain. Miles Standish. By this mixture of diplomacy and 
 force, Plymouth became singularly free from difficulties with 
 the red men. 
 
 Even the honest, hard-working Pilgrims could not make End of 
 a success of communism, and in 1624 an acre was assigned communism, 
 to each person as his separate property. Where previously 
 there had been continual danger of famine, now crops were 
 abundant and a surplus remained for sale. Two years 
 later money was borrowed from leading men of the colony, 
 and the interests of the merchant adventurers were purchased 
 for £1800. 
 
 Plymouth obtained a land grant from the Council of New Government 
 England in 1630 and was allowed to govern itself unmolested. ^^^^"^^ ^^9i- 
 So few were its settlers that until 16^8 there was an annual 
 
 Tyler, 
 
 meeting of all the people of the colony, but after that year p^n^i^nd in 
 the example of Massachusetts was followed and a representa- America, 
 tive assembly was held every year. Plymouth grew slowly, 172-182. 
 and in 1691 was joined to Massachusetts (§ 77). 
 
 Beginnings of Massachusetts Bay (i 628-1 636) 
 
 44. The Massachusetts Bay Company. — North of the Organization 
 colony of New Plymouth, a few pioneers began settlements ^^^ charter, 
 during the years following 1620, making a precarious living 
 usually in connection with the fisheries. One of these, Fiske, AVw 
 composed of several earnest and religious men from Dor- 
 Chester, had prospered for a time, only to be practically 
 abandoned later. But this Dorchester venture had awak- 
 
so 
 
 American History 
 
 [1628 
 
 Eggleston, 
 Beginners, 
 199-209. 
 
 MacDonald, 
 Charters, N o. 
 
 Quarrels 
 over political 
 and religious 
 questions. 
 
 Robinson, 
 Western 
 Europe, 
 478-484. 
 
 Coman and 
 Kendall, 
 England, 
 296-306. 
 
 ened the interest of certain Puritan leaders at home, who 
 beheved that America offered the best opportunity for the 
 estabhshment of churches using the simple form of worship 
 which was their ideal. With this in view they obtained 
 (1628) from the Council for New England a patent to the 
 land lying between boundaries three miles north of the 
 Merrimac River and three miles south of the Charles, and 
 extending from sea to sea. A year later King Charles re- 
 affirmed this land grant in a royal charter which created 
 the corporation known as "the Governor and Company of 
 the Mattachusetts Bay in Newe England," with the right to 
 admit new members and to govern its territory, provided 
 that it did not make laws contrary to those of England. The 
 officers were to consist of a governor, a deputy governor, and 
 eighteen assistants, elected yearly by the members of the 
 corporation. No place was designated for the meetings of 
 these officers or of the "general courts" composed of all 
 stockholders in the company, although all previous charters 
 had such a provision. The omission was due probably to 
 the desire of the incorporators to hold their meetings in 
 either London or Dorchester, but there was nothing in the 
 charter to. prohibit the company from establishing its head- 
 quarters in America. 
 
 45. King Charles and the Puritans. — The desire of the 
 Puritans to have a colony in America was due in large part 
 to friction with the king, Charles I, who had succeeded his 
 father in 1625. Charles was a thorough believer in his 
 divine right to rule England, and was less cautious and 
 more obstinate than his father. The Puritan element now 
 controlled the house of commons and forced the king in the 
 Petition of Right (1628) to grant their political demands, 
 but they were unable to obtain any religious concessions. 
 Charles desired a high church ritual with greater uniformity 
 throughout the realm. The commons insisted that a simpli- 
 fied service should be used. The victory remained with 
 Charles, for he had begun to make changes and dissolved 
 parliament before the commons could do more than protest. 
 
 II 
 
1630] Beginnings of Massachusetts Bay 5 1 
 
 Charles then carried out his plans by enforcing through 
 Archbishop Laud a ritual more elaborate than any used 
 previously in the churches. But Charles's attempt to govern 
 England without parliament (1629-1640) and in opposition 
 to the wishes of a majority of his subjects, his extra-legal 
 
 A Puritan ^*- ^^^^^ens 
 
 levies of ship money (1635), and his attempt finally to force 
 the English prayer book on the Scotch church (1637), al- 
 though apparent evidence of his triumph over the Puritans, 
 were in reality the chief causes of his final overthrow. 
 
 46. Character of the Massachusetts Bay Colony. — When 
 the most prominent members of the Massachusetts Bay 
 
52 
 
 American History 
 
 [1630 
 
 The great 
 migration 
 (1630-1640). 
 
 Hart, Contem- 
 poraries, I, 
 Nos. 105, 106, 
 
 Fiske, New 
 England, loi- 
 104, 137-146. 
 
 Eggleston, 
 Beginners, 
 209-215. 
 
 Charming, 
 United States, 
 I. 325-335- 
 
 The colony 
 acquires tlie 
 company's 
 charter. 
 
 Channing, 
 United States, 
 I. 340-342. 
 
 Contest 
 between the 
 officials and 
 the people. 
 
 Tyler, 
 England in 
 America, 
 201-204. 
 
 Channing, 
 United States, 
 1,342-351. 
 
 Hart, Contem- 
 poraries, 
 I, No. 107. 
 
 company left England in 1629, they decided to take the 
 charter with them, intending to transact all their future 
 business where no agent of the king might interrupt. The 
 leading spirit in this movement was the new governor, John 
 Winthrop, a man of exceptional scholarship and very 
 noble character. Winthrop and about one thousand others 
 embarked for their new home during the year 1630, the first 
 of the eleven years of the ''great Puritan migration," for 
 during the time that Charles attempted to govern England 
 without parliament, nearly twenty thousand men, women, 
 and children were transported to the shores of New England. 
 They did not come for religious freedom but with the idea 
 of establishing churches in which they might worship in the 
 way which they preferred. 
 
 The transfer of the charter, in itself a most remarkable 
 event, was the beginning of political changes even more 
 noteworthy. All church members in the colony were ad- 
 mitted as members of the company. In this way the colony 
 became identified with the company and gained all of the 
 rights that the company had possessed, so that it now had the 
 power, protected by the charter, to govern itself. This 
 change was in fact completed before the king discovered 
 that the charter of the company had been taken from Eng- 
 land. 
 
 47. Political Problems and Dangers. — Some of the leaders 
 of the Massachusetts Bay company wished to make all of 
 the laws and do all of the governing. They persuaded the 
 people to keep them in office without holding elections 
 yearly as the charter directed. The people submitted until 
 the officials began to levy a special tax for a stockade at the 
 most exposed settlement. Then they insisted upon annual 
 elections and the right of every member of the colony to 
 attend the annual meeting and help make the laws. As it 
 was found impossible for the men from distant settlements 
 to leave their homes for this annual meeting, they began 
 in 1634 to send representatives who helped the governor's 
 assistants to make the laws. In 1644 a dispute over a stray 
 
1636] Beginnings of Massachusetts Bay 53 
 
 pig led to the separation of the assistants and the represent- MacDonald, 
 
 atives, thus organizing the first bicameral legislature in Chatters, 
 
 No. 17, 
 America. The democratic faction protested against the 
 
 powers which the officials still exercised by interpreting as 
 
 they pleased the laws which were unwritten. The people 
 
 demanded a bill of rights and a written code. In 1641 the 
 
 officials yielded and passed a very complete and very liberal 
 
 code of laws known as the Massachusetts Body of Liberties. 
 
 The Massachusetts Bay company treated its neighbors Attempt 
 
 so arbitrarily that some of them complained to the king. *° revoke 
 
 King Charles realized that the colony was governing itself 
 
 in opposition to his wishes, so that steps were taken to revoke 
 
 the charter. Preparations were made to defend the colony J ^\' , . 
 
 ^ ■^ England in 
 
 against attack, but the king was too busy carrying out his America, 
 
 policy at home to give the matter his attention. 204-209. 
 
 48. Religious Difficulties. — Quite as serious as the Religious 
 
 threatened attacks made by England were the dangers policy of 
 arising in Massachusetts from religious differences. Mas- 
 sachusetts was a distinctively Puritan commonwealth. 
 
 The church was not only closely connected with the affairs J ^\' . . 
 
 ■^ -^ England in 
 
 of state, it was the foundation on which the political and America, 
 social organization rested. Partly for this reason, partly 210-212. 
 because the Puritans were by nature intense, sincere, but 
 narrow, and partly because every nation of that time except 
 the Dutch loathed the idea of religious toleration, the govern- 
 ment of Massachusetts exercised a very strict supervision of 
 church affairs. Although themselves non-conformists with 
 the established church in England, the Puritan emigrants 
 followed toward the irregulars the policy of James I toward 
 themselves. Those were banished who insisted on worship- 
 ing according to the rites of the Anglican church or in 
 other non-Puritan ways. 
 
 The most famous of these early dissenters was Roger Roger 
 Williams, an able, large-hearted "but eccentric clergyman, ^^^^'^^'^s- 
 He wrote a pamphlet claiming that the king had no right to Fiske, New 
 issue land patents, for all the land belonged to the Indians. England, 
 Williams' crowning offence was the assertion that nomagis- ^^'^ ^^ ' 
 
54 
 
 American History 
 
 [1636 
 
 Tyler, 
 England in 
 America, 
 212-218. 
 
 Channing, 
 United States, 
 1,362-368. 
 
 Anne 
 Hutchinson. 
 
 Fiske, New 
 
 England, 
 
 116-119. 
 
 Eggleston, 
 Beginners, 
 329-339. 
 
 Religious 
 
 policy. 
 
 Channing, 
 United States, 
 I. 393-398. 
 
 Hart, Qyn tem- 
 poraries, 
 I, No. 115. 
 
 trate should exercise any control in religious matters, such 
 as enforcing Sunday laws or requiring an unconverted 
 person to take an oath, which he considered a religious act, 
 but that affairs of state should be separated from those of 
 the church.^ He was tried (1635) and ordered to leave for 
 England, but was permitted to make his way south, where 
 he founded Providence (1636). 
 
 WiUiams had exercised great influence, but had no large 
 personal following, as was the case with Mrs. Anne Hutchin- 
 son whose teachings in 1636 threatened to disrupt Massachu- 
 setts. The entire population of Boston was divided into 
 two hostile parties favorable or unfavorable to Mrs. Hutchin- 
 son. The opponents of Mrs. Hutchinson finally triumphed 
 and that lady with her followers was banished (1637). 
 Some went north to New Hampshire, but the larger number 
 settled on Rhode Island in Narragansett Bay. 
 
 Expansion in New England (1635-1645) 
 
 49. Providence Plantations and Rhode Island. — Settled 
 by persons who had been driven from Massachusetts be- 
 cause of their religious views, 
 Providence and the Rhode Island 
 towns were drawn together by 
 bonds of sympathy, but remained 
 politically separate until in 1644 
 Roger WiUiams obtained from a 
 parliamentary commission a semi- 
 charter by which the towns around 
 Narragansett Bay were united and 
 authorized to govern themselves. 
 The policy of Providence from the 
 beginning and of the united towns 
 after 1644 was one of perfect rehgious liberty. Liberal 
 Puritans were welcomed, but freedom of thought was per- 
 
 ^ When supplying the pulpit at Salem, his extreme views gave 
 offense. He was held responsible when one of his supporters, John 
 Endicott, cut out from the British flag one arm of the cross which 
 
 Roger Williams 
 
1637] Expansion in New England 55 
 
 mitted to Catholics, Jews, Quakers, and atheists as well. 
 Williams insisted that a man should be protected by the 
 government without regard to his religious views. Through 
 his influence Rhode Island became the first community in 
 the modern world where there was perfect religious liberty. 
 Yet the earliest results of this policy were somewhat disas- 
 trous. Not only those with real depth of religious feeling 
 made Rhode. Island their home, but many whose views on all 
 subjects were unusual. 
 
 The colony grew but slowly, making up in the eccentricity charter of 
 of its people what it lacked in numbers. As the first semi- 1663. 
 charter had been issued irregularly and did not define the 
 territorial limits of the colony, Charles II was persuaded in MacDonald, 
 1663 to grant a charter which gave the people complete ^'^^^^^^< 
 powers of self-government, subject to the one limitation 
 that the laws conform as near as might be to the laws of 
 England. Perfect religious freedom was permitted, so that 
 no change was made in the policy of the colony. 
 
 50. The Connecticut Valley. — We have already noticed Settlement, 
 (§ 47) the antagonism existing in Massachusetts between Dutch and 
 those who favored an aristocratic government and those 
 whose ideal was democratic. Although certain concessions 
 were made to the liberals, several of the towns were still Channmg 
 
 T . /- , 1 1.1 1 1 • 1 1 T • T Uttited States^ 
 
 dissatisfied, as they desired to abolish the religious quali- 1^398-404. 
 fications for voting. Another cause of discontent existed 
 in the sterility of the soil, which they had found unsuitable pj^^^ ^.^^ 
 for agriculture. Learning of the fertile Connecticut valley England, 
 in the west, several hundred people set out in 1636. The 123-133. 
 Dutch had already built (1633) within the present limits of 
 Hartford a fort which they did not abandon for several Eggieston, 
 years. The mouth of the river was seized by the English, ^^^^^^^> 
 who erected a fort, from which the Dutch made a half- 
 hearted attempt to drive them. Their real foes were not 
 the Dutch but the Pequod Indians, who ruled the territory 
 
 Endicott declared was a symbol of popery- This act the magistrates 
 felt might be construed in England as an insult, and they forced from 
 Endicott an apology. 
 
56 
 
 Americait History 
 
 [1639 
 
 Constitution 
 of 1639. 
 
 Channing, 
 United States, 
 I, 404-407. 
 
 MacDonald, 
 Charters, 
 No. 14. 
 
 Johnston, 
 Connecticut, 
 59-64. 75-79. 
 
 Connecticut 
 charter (1662), 
 
 MacDonald, 
 Charters, 
 
 No. 24. 
 
 Johnston, 
 
 Connecticut, 
 
 167-173. 
 
 Theocratic 
 character. 
 
 from the Hudson to Narragansett Bay with severity. Diffi- 
 culties arose almost at the start, and were increased by 
 savage actions on both sides. In 1637 the people resolved 
 to put an end to these outrages. One of the Pequod camps 
 west of Narragansett Bay was attacked by less than a hun- 
 dred men under Mason and Underbill. The attack was 
 a complete surprise, the wigwams were set on fire, and several 
 hundred Indians slain. The remaining Pequods were 
 relentlessly hunted out of the country, and for many years 
 there was peace and prosperity. 
 
 As the people of Connecticut w^ere outside the jurisdiction 
 of Massachusetts and unwilling to have that colony extend 
 its authority over them, they met and drew up a set of 
 fundamental laws for their government (1639). The con- 
 stitution which was adopted in 1639 established a govern- 
 ment similar to that of Massachusetts, with a governor, 
 magistrates, and deputies, who looked after common inter- 
 ests. Unlike Massachusetts, Connecticut did not restrict 
 the privilege of voting to those who were church mem- 
 bers, and she left with the towns a much more complete 
 degree of self-government than had been enjoyed in the parent 
 colony. This set of laws, remarkable for its democratic 
 character, is still more remarkable because it is the first 
 written constitution compiled by a people for their own 
 government. 
 
 This very liberal political system was recognized and con- 
 tinued in the charter which Connecticut obtained from 
 Charles II in 1662. The new colony, however, included not 
 only the Connecticut valley settlements, but New Haven as 
 well, and extended from the Pawtucket River to the Pacific. 
 Under this charter, slightly modified when Connecticut 
 became a state in 1776, the people lived until 1818. 
 
 51. New Haven. — Strangely enough the later colony 
 and state of Connecticut was composed of two quite different 
 elements: the Connecticut valley settlements, the most 
 liberal, and the New Haven settlements, the most conserva- 
 tive, of those made by the New England Puritans. The 
 
1643] Expansion in New England 57 
 
 founders of New Haven desired to establish a town ruled Fiske, New 
 
 according to Scripture, which to them meant the Mosaic ^^i"^^^^* 
 
 code. Other towns were founded by their friends, and in 
 
 1643 these were united in much the same way as those of Tyler, Efigland 
 
 Connecticut under the constitution of 1639. In New Haven ^^ ^nenca, 
 
 ^ ^ 260-264. 
 
 only church members might vote, and the general court 
 
 enacted rather searching laws regulating religious and other Channing, 
 
 matters. These were caricatured soon after the Revolu- t ^ "tx 
 
 1, 407— 4II' 
 
 tionary War by a loyalist, Peters, whose book on the ''Blue 
 Laws of Connecticut " was supposed for many years to be 
 historically correct. 
 
 52. Northern New England. — A number of attempts Settlement. 
 
 had been made to colonize the coast north of Massachusetts. R^'^^^o^s with 
 o 1 r 1 1 . 111/-. -1 r -VT Massachusetts. 
 
 Several grants of land were issued by the Council for New 
 
 England, notably that to Mason and Gorges. In 1629 
 these men divided their territory, Mason taking that between il JmerUa '^^ 
 theMerrimac and the Piscataqua, to which he now gave the 266-276, 279- 
 name New Hampshire, and Gorges that from the Piscata- 2^^- 
 qua to the Kennebec, a district known as Maine. Large 
 sums were spent by both, but their settlements were little 
 more than fishing hamlets. At the beginning of the Civil 
 War in England, Massachusetts annexed the New Hamp- 
 shire towns on the ground that her charter of 1629 gave her 
 all territory east as well as west from a point three miles 
 north of the source of the Merrimac River, but the towns 
 were allowed to govern themselves and to send representa- 
 tives to the general court of Massachusetts until in 1679 
 New Hampshire became a royal province. During the 
 Commonwealth Massachusetts extended her jurisdiction 
 over most of the towns in Maine also, and although obliged 
 by a commission from England (1665) to relinquish her 
 control temporarily, she reasserted her authority until 
 Maine was purchased from the Gorges heirs by Massa- 
 chusetts (1678). The territory east of the Kennebec River 
 was granted to several court favorites, but was practically 
 unoccupied because of the opposition of the French. 
 
 53. The New England Confederation (1643). — Between 
 
58 
 
 American History 
 
 [1643 
 
 Origin. 
 
 Fiske, New 
 
 England, 
 
 155-158. 
 
 Government 
 
 Fiske, XrM 
 
 England, 
 
 158-161. 
 
 Channing, 
 United States, 
 1,415-420. 
 
 several of these New England colonies there was a pro- 
 nounced unity of feeling. Though representing different 
 types of Puritan sentiment, the ideals in Massachusetts Bay, 
 New Plymouth, Connecticut, and New Haven were much 
 the same. Some of these colonies had acted together in 
 more than one undertaking, but no formal union had been 
 considered wise, perhaps for the reason that it would have 
 
 made supervision 
 by the royal 
 government so 
 much easier. In 
 1643, ^^ Q.\\''A 
 War in England 
 removed- this ob- 
 stacle and these 
 four little Puri- 
 tan communities 
 united to form 
 
 >-\ V"^» V lYork U TLA a TIC 
 
 HAMPSHIRE •gxetet I OCSAS 
 ^ap« Ann 
 
 elaerwjokf Concorcl***, 3^"' 
 
 / H»dl«yfc ■,,^**'l y* *>\VJVmouth 
 
 
 
 tAKLY COLO.MES 
 A.NU SEITLEBE-NrS 
 
 the New England 
 Confederation, 
 chiefly for the pur- 
 pose of better, de- 
 fense against the 
 Dutch, the French, 
 and the Indians. Maine, a settlement alien in its origin 
 and customs, was not admitted, nor was heretical Rhode 
 Island, which wished to join the league, its lack of stable 
 government being assigned as the excuse for refusal. 
 
 The Confederation carefully avoided interference with the 
 local government of each of its members. Two commis- 
 sioners were selected by each colony for the transaction of 
 league matters. Any six of these had power to determine 
 questions of peace or war, deciding how many men each 
 colony was able to contribute for purposes of defense. 
 Intercolonial disputes were to be settled by the commissioners. 
 A sort of intercolonial citizenship was established and ser- 
 vants or criminals escaping from one colony to another 
 
 J 
 
1632] Maryland 59 
 
 were to be surrendered. The authority of the commissioners MacDonald, 
 was more apparent than real, but the Confederation was of ^'^^^^^^' 
 great value in deaUng with both the Dutch and the Indians. 
 The injustice done to Massachusetts, which was larger than 
 the other three together, and the desire of that colony to 
 manage the affairs of the Confederation, caused its decline, 
 but it remained in existence until 1684. 
 
 Maryland 
 
 54. The Charter of Maryland (1632). — While the A proprietary 
 Puritan emigration to New England was taking place, a <^oio"y- 
 colony of a new type was being founded in the region north 
 of Virginia. The land was granted and the power to govern 
 the colony assigned to a proprietory who controlled the affairs 
 of the colony in accordance with a charter given to him by 
 the king. This proprietary form of government, although 
 modified in many ways, was the one used after this time in 
 the establishment of new English colonies in America. 
 
 The founding of Maryland w^as due to the personal am- Calvert and his 
 bition of George Calvert, Lord Baltimore, an enterprising charter. 
 Catholic nobleman who had long enjoyed royal favor. He 
 was anxious to estabhsh in the new world a place of refuge MacDonald, 
 for Cathojies and to build up for his family a semi-feudal ^^^^^^' 
 estate. Before his conversion to the faith of Rome, he had 
 started a settlement on Newfoundland, which was soon ^. , ,,, , ^^. 
 
 ' Fiske, Old Vir- 
 
 abandoned. He next tried Virginia, but the governors of gmia, i, 255- 
 the colony would have none of him. He then obtained 256, 261-274. 
 from the king a charter which gave him title to the land from 
 the Potomac to the fortieth parallel and from Delaware Bay Eggieston, 
 to the meridian passing through the head waters of the Po- ^^'^^^^^^ 
 tomac. Over this domain he was to exercise almost regal 
 powers, sending to the king two arrows yearly as a recogni- 
 tion of royal suzerainty. He was free from taxation by the 
 authorities at home, which were not allowed to interfere in 
 other ways with his government. With the consent of the 
 freemen, he might make the laws, which should not be 
 contrary to those of England. 
 
6o 
 
 American History 
 
 [1635 
 
 Contest over 
 the right to pro- 
 pose laws. 
 
 Channing, 
 United States, 
 1,265-267. 
 
 Browne, 
 Maryland, 
 35-37. 41-47. 
 
 Religious 
 classes. 
 Law of 1649. 
 
 MacDonald, 
 Charters, 
 No. 21. 
 
 Eggleston, 
 Beginners, 
 242, 250-257, 
 
 55. The Proprietor and the Freeman. — Interest in the 
 early history of Maryland centers around two things, the re- 
 ligious conditions and the development of democratic in- 
 stitutions. George Calvert died before the charter was 
 granted and his work was undertaken by his eldest son, 
 Cecil, who remained in England and exercised his functions 
 as proprietor through a resident governor. Being at such 
 a distance, he was unable to meet with the freemen for the 
 purpose of making laws, and the earliest laws which he 
 proposed for the colony were rejected by the first assembly 
 of freemen (1635), who claimed that they had the right to 
 propose laws. This claim was not accepted by the proprietor, 
 who in turn rejected the laws suggested by the freemen. 
 Matters remained in this chaotic state for four years, each 
 side refusing to yield, but in 1639 Baltimore gave his consent 
 to a very full and cumbersome code of laws enacted by the 
 assembly, at the same time instructing his governor to 
 claim the power of veto only. Calvert could well afford this 
 concession, because his authority over the colony was very 
 great, and the legislature was composed of councilors 
 selected by himself as well as the freemen who represented 
 the people or were summoned to the assembly by the pro- 
 prietor. The later history of the colony is largely concerned 
 with the attempt on the part of the freemen and of the pro- 
 prietor to extend their legislative intluence at the expense of 
 the other. 
 
 \ 56. Religious Toleration. — From the first the majority 
 of the settlers in Maryland were Puritans, the proportion 
 increasing with great rapidity during the closing years of 
 the Civil War in England, especially when Virginia in 164S 
 drove many Puritans from its borders. As the proprietor 
 could not establish Catholicism as a state religion, and would 
 not permit an established church of any other faith, there 
 had been little interference on account of religious beliefs 
 during the early history of Maryland. Foreseeing that the 
 Catholic majority in the legislature could not be maintained 
 on account of the Puritan immigration, Baltimore proposed 
 
i66o] Maryland 6 1 
 
 to the freemen a law giving religious toleration, and at the 
 same time sent over a Protestant governor. The legislature 
 rejected Baltimore's law because it denied to the proprietary 
 the right of initiation, but the next year (1649) passed a 
 somewhat similar law. This famous "Toleration Act" pro- 
 vided the death penalty for those who blasphemed or denied 
 any person of the Trinity, but declared "that noe person or 
 persons . . . professing to beleive in Jesus Christ, shall 
 from henceforth bee any waies troubled. Molested or dis- 
 countenanced for or in respect of his or her religion." 
 
 57. Summary. — After a half century of successful Extent and 
 colonization we fmd the English in possession of the Atlantic character ol 
 coast from the Kennebec nearly to the Hudson, and from the settlements 
 northern part of Chesapeake Bay to Cape Fear River. (1660). 
 The intervening territory was occupied by the Dutch, who 
 had lately conquered the tiny Swedish settlement on the 
 Delaware. To the south, though separated by an extensive 
 wilderness, were the Spanish, while but little closer neighbors 
 on the north were the French. In 1660 the English settlers 
 lived in eight distinct colonies, two of which, Massachusetts 
 and Virginia, included more than one half of the total 
 population. The emigration to the American provinces of 
 England had been almost exclusively from the mother 
 country, most of the settlers coming between the years 161 9 
 and 1640, although a large number of cavaliers sought 
 Virginia when the fortunes of Charles I declined. As the 
 majority of these settlers were hard-working, courageous 
 men and women whom the dangers of the forest could not 
 daunt nor the hardships of the frontier discourage, the future 
 of the colonies was assured. With increasing prosperity 
 and continued expansion, the Dutch settlements would of 
 necessity have become less endurable, and the first oppor- 
 tunity was therefore embraced to conquer them. 
 
 TOPICS 
 
 I. Virginia UNDER THE Commonwealth : Fiske, "Old Virginia," 
 II, pp. 1-18: Doyle, "English Colonies," I, pp. 212-229; Bancroft, 
 " United States." 
 
62 American History 
 
 2. The Puritans: Ellis, in Winsor, "America," III, pp. 219-244; 
 Palfrey, "New England," I, pp. 101-132; Osgood, in Political 
 Science Quarterly, VI (1891), pp. 1-28, 201-231; Borgeaud, "De- 
 mocracy in America." 
 
 3. Pilgrim Migrations: Fiske, "New England," pp. 71-82; 
 Eggleston, "Beginners of a Nation," pp. 165-177; Channing, "United 
 States," I, pp. 293-307. 
 
 STUDIES 
 
 1. Agricultural difficulties and problems in early Virginia. (Bruce, 
 "Economic Historj' of Virginia," I, pp. 189-226.) 
 
 2. Smith in Virginia. ("American Histor}' Leaflets," No. 27 ) 
 
 3. Virginia under Charles I. (Cooke, "Virginia," pp. 41-157.) 
 
 4. First weeks at Plymouth. (Bradford, " Plymouth Plantation.") 
 
 5. Earlv emigrants. (Hart (ed.), "Contemporaries," I, Nos. 55- 
 
 58.) 
 
 6. "Winthrop's account of Massachusetts. (" American History 
 Leaflets," No. 31.) 
 
 7. Earliest New England code of laws. ("American History 
 Leaflets," No. 25.) 
 
 8. Pequod War. (Doyle, "English Colonies," I, pp. 160-178.) 
 
 9. Roger Williams and his work, (Eggleston, "Beginners of a 
 Nation," pp. 266-306.) 
 
 10. General character of the English colonies. (Mace, "Method 
 in History," pp. 86-104.) 
 
 11. Charter land grants. (" American History Leaflets," No. 14.) 
 
 QUESTIONS 
 
 1. What was the significance of the settlement at Jamestown 
 (1607)? of that at Plymouth (1620)? of that at Salem (1628)? 
 
 2. Compare the Virginia charters of 1606. 1609, and 1612 as to 
 territor}' and government. 
 
 3. ^^^lat influence did tobacco have upon (a) the growth of \'ir- 
 ginia, (&) the social classes, (c) the establishment of the county systems 
 of government, {d) the relations of Virginia to England (§ 36) ? 
 
 4. Did the Puritans believe in religious toleration? How did the 
 Puritan spirit show itself in the dealings of ^Massachusetts with Roger 
 Williams and with England? Was their course justified? . 
 
 5. In the contest between the aristocrats and the liberals in Mas- 
 sachusetts between 1630 and 1641, which gained the greater ^^c- 
 tories in determining the character (a) of the government, (6) of the 
 sufi"rage, (c) of the code of laws ? 
 
 6. Define the term "charter." Give the distinction between a 
 charter and a constitution. In what respects was the constitution of 
 Connecticut different from the Massachusetts charter of 1629? 
 
CHAPTER IV 
 
 LATER ENGLISH COLONIZATION (1660-1700) 
 
 English Rulers 
 
 Charles II (1660-1685) William III (1689-1702) 
 
 James II (1685-1688) and Mary (1689-1694) 
 
 58. Commercial Situation of England about 1660. — The English 
 
 colonia 
 comme 
 policy. 
 
 year 1660, during which the Stuarts were restored to their colonial and 
 position as kings of England, marks the beginning of a new 
 
 Andrews, 
 
 epoch from the standpoint of the colonies. This was due 
 
 to a large extent to the interest taken by the able advisers 
 
 of Charles II, Clarendon and Shaftesbury, in the expansion coi. Seif-Gov't. 
 
 of the British domains, and the desire of those statesmen 5-13- 
 
 to bring the existing English colonies into closer and more 
 
 satisfactory relations with the mother country. It was 
 
 due in part also to the anxiety of England to compete with 
 
 Holland, which had become the first commercial nation of 
 
 Europe.^ Cromwell had sought to injure Dutch commercial v 
 
 supremacy by securing a law (165 1) which compelled all 
 
 English merchants to import and export goods in English 
 
 ships only. This had led to a war with Holland in which 
 
 the advantage remained with the English. 
 
 This policy of British trade in British ships only was re- Early naviga- 
 affirmed by the new Stuart government after the Restoration ^^°" ^^'^• 
 by the passage of the very important navigation act of 1660. 
 Not only were England and the English possessions to allow rTT^f-c •/ 
 only English or colonial vessels entrance to their ports, but 13-21. 
 certain articles produced in the colonies, including sugar 
 
 ^ The Dutch had not only gained extensive possessions in America, 
 with the control of most of the East India trade, but in 1650 they 
 controlled nine tenths of the carrying trade of England and practically 
 a monopoly of that of continental nations. 
 
 63 
 
64 
 
 AiNtruan llistoiy 
 
 y\(^(^ 
 
 ami l(>l»;ii lo, ami known as "(Muinu'iaU'il" I'oods, wcic lo Ik* 
 shipped lt» I'.iij'.laiul only. A lew years lalei llic (ojonics 
 were r('(|uirc(l lo piir( liase all ^oods Iroiu Isnpjand diicil, 
 llius K>^''"K '''^' I'.ntdish nieriljanls a nu)no|)ol\' in scllini^ 
 I'liipo'.c aiul lo Mu-ni. 'I'lu- nndonhlcd jiniposc ot" lliesc ails of hade 
 irMiliM.i ilir ^^,,^j. j^^ (ii-slroy (lie iDnunene ol llie Dutch as lar as possible, 
 NavlKutlon '.111- I 
 
 .^^.,.. bill Ihey were made on the llu^ory then \\\ toniinon use Ihal 
 
 (()h)nies should aid die niodier loiuiliy l)\ ruinishiu}"; a 
 market lor her surplus produits and hy helping the home 
 fountrv to build up her industries. 'I'he ministers of Charles 
 II probabb desired lo heal tlu' (olonies laiily, for (oloiiial 
 vessels were considered Mnt^lish ships and the (olonies 
 (>fttM\ obtained spiuial coimnercial pri\ ilej',es. I'or example, 
 Xin-jnia IoIkhco li.id a numopolv of the Ivnidish maikti, 
 as tobacco growinj; was prohibiti'd in I'.ngland and the im- 
 » r)ortatit)n of tobacco from ft>rei!j;n (ountrits was forbidden. 
 KcoinnnUfttionjiy 50- Kngljuul and the Colonies (1660-1685). Dur- 
 oi i>oU)nit«s. ;^n<^ the (|uarttM- century following; the Utstoration, ecHisid 
 eral)le pro^nss was n\ade in improvinj:; the colonial system 
 of l'!n!'Jaiul. In i()()o iheic wia-e onl\- three re;!;ulail\' 
 (»r^ani/.etl l''.nu;lish colonics on the Atlantic" coast. One of 
 these, \'iru;inia, was ui\der the direct control of the crown; 
 a second, Mar\land, was j'.ovcMiu^d by a propiieloi- whose 
 relations to Mnj^land were detuKnl in a charier; the third, 
 Massachusetts, was a self ujovtM-ninij; charter mlony whic h 
 had in n\ore than (Mie wa\ refused to ai know led!!;c> ihc* su- 
 premacy of the l!nj;lish i^o\-ernn\ent. There wcM"e in addition 
 settlenuMits in Maine, New IMyn)outh, on Rhodc^ Islaiul, and 
 at rro\iili>nce, in ( \>nnei ticul, and on the shores ol l-oni; 
 Island Sound.' Soon afua' the l\c>stoia(ion, chartcMS wear 
 granted (KX^.') to Connecticut, which now includcHl New 
 llaven. and (i(U\0 t»< l\lu>de Island includinj; l*ro\ idcaic c\ 
 Attempts wcri" madi- .dsi> to brin!\ Massachusetts into sub- 
 missicM^ cMulin;', in the re\c>cation of her charter of i()jc) 
 in the \cMr i(>S.}.'- 
 
 ' New Uampshiir w.is iiu liulfcl in Aln^sjuhusclts fu>m »(>|i ii> 
 it'79- ' ^i"*' §§ 73. 7.S- 
 
iC'^^Sl Later J:n^disk Coloniy.ation 6$ 
 
 Interest v/as shown in a>lonial cxiJun^Ujn when Clan^ndon, Vo^iwUnu, of 
 Shaftesbury, and s^^me ass^Kiates prepare^! Uj settle the region '^"''^ '^j^nia*. 
 s^juth of Virginiii C1663). In 1664 jealousy of the Dutch 
 and desire to join the colonies of the North with those of the 
 South lerl if) the conquest of New Netherknd. Six years 
 later the enterprising fluds^jn Bay o-^mpany was organized, 
 and s<'xjn after /680 the only unoctjUf^ie^-J section of the r;oast 
 north of the Savannah River was granted to William Penn. ( 
 All of these changes were favorable U) the increase^! authority 
 of the home government, for these new colonies were directly 
 controlle<'l by members of the Stuart famiJy or by court ' 
 favorites. 
 
 60. The Founding of New Wetherland. — The Dutch Hudson, 
 claim to the country between New J-.figJand and Maryland '^^^'^ ^"'^** 
 was based on the explorations of Henry Huds<^>n, follower] by ^'^"'P''*""^- 
 the subsequent occupation of the region by Dutch tra/lers 
 
 and by settlers sent out from Holland. ifuds^>n was an ^'^""'n«' 
 
 "^ United States, 
 
 Enghshman m the employ of the Dutch Fast India ajmpany. j^ 43<j-440. 
 
 While in search of a passage to the Pacific (1609) he sailed 
 
 up the river which now l>ears his name until fresh water Hart, Omtem- 
 
 showed that it was not a channel (x^nnecting two oceans. P'^^^^^^^f 
 
 He won the friendship of the Indians and within a few years '\ V'^^^J, 
 > ■> 151, 153, 154, 
 
 a ^/>nsiderable fur tra/ie was establishc/i with the Indians by 
 the thrifty Dutch, but no attempt was made to settle the 
 a^untry until in 1621 the Dutch West India cfjmpany was 
 create^]. By the charter of this fx^mpany the government of 
 the territory around the Delaware and Huds<^m rivers, as 
 well as the fur tra<^Je of that section, was pla<:ed entirely in 
 its hands. But the a>mpany Ux>k no interest in aAonization, 
 preferring trj devote its entire attention trj the establishment 
 of trading j-x/sts and the development of the fur tra4e. 
 
 61. The Province of Wew lietherland. — In 1629 the Thepatroon 
 West India a>mpany a^lopte^l a new pr>licy and promised ^y*^"*- 
 that any f>ersr^n who should send fifty adults to their American 
 fx^ssessions should have lands fronting on either the Hudson 
 
66 
 
 American History 
 
 [1629 
 
 or the Delaware, sixteen miles on one bank or eight miles 
 on both and extending into the interior. This liberal do- 
 main the patroon, as he was called, was to rule as a feudal 
 lord, with power to make laws and hold court for the trial 
 of offenses. All corn was to be ground at his mill and no 
 one should hunt or fish on his domain without his consent. 
 This feudal system appealed to many wealthier members of 
 the company and large landed estates were established along 
 the Hudson. Of these the most extensive was that of the 
 
 Channing, 
 United States, 
 1, 450-472. 
 
 New Amsterdam 
 
 Van Rensselaers, in which the custom of paying feudal rents 
 persisted until the tenants rebelled about 1840 and gained 
 the right to purchase their lands. 
 
 Governors were sent out by the company to administer 
 its affairs, which they did in a quite unsatisfactory manner. 
 The early governors found it difficult to maintain the au- 
 thority of the company against the patroons, who were 
 practically independent within the limits of their patroon-. 
 ships. The people of the principal city. New Amsterdam, 
 and in the rest of the colony protested also against the arbi- 
 
1664] New York 6y 
 
 trary rule of the governors, and demanded a share in the 
 government. The last and the ablest of the Dutch gov- 
 ernors, Stuyvesant, was forced to give New Amsterdam a 
 more liberal government with nine men to advise him, but 
 he made more prom.J5es than reforms, and to the last the 
 rule of the Dutch was narrow and arbitrary. 
 
 62. New Netherland and its Neighbors. — The location Relations with 
 of New Netherland between jealous and comparatively ^^^ Indians, 
 powerful English colonies and its proximity to the most 
 powerful Indian tribe on the continent, the Iroquois, made Channing, 
 its position one of no little difficultv. The Dutch avoided ^^'^'^ s^a^.s, 
 conflict with the Iroquois by preserving the friendship es- 
 tablished with those Indians by Hudson. This afforded 
 them protection from attack and benefited their trade in fur. 
 Unwise treatment of the Indians near Manhattan Island, 
 however, led to a disastrous war, in which most of the 
 settlements near New Amsterdam were destroyed (1641- 
 
 1643)- 
 
 On the south the Dutch came into collision with the Conquest of 
 Swedes, who had made a few settlements on the shores of ^'^^ Sweden 
 Delaware Bay. The Dutch claimed the land and warned 
 the Swedes to leave, but no action was taken before 1648, 
 partly because of the governors' indifference and partly i/^-^^^^^/'aUs 
 because Sweden had aided Holland during the Thirty Years' i, 475-477. 
 War which closed that year. After the Peace of Westphalia 
 made all the nations guarantee the independence of Holland, 
 the new governor, Stuyvesant, proceeded against the Swedes 
 and in 1655 New Sweden was brought under Dutch rule. 
 
 63. Conquest of New Netherland (1664). — By the Eng- English mo- 
 lish the Dutch had been considered intruders from the be- ^"'^^ ^"^ ^^^'^ 
 ginning, because England laid claim to the entire coast on 
 the basis of the Cabot voyages. Aside from the feeling against 
 Holland that sprano; from commercial rivalrv, England A^^i'^ws, 
 
 1 . 1 . ^, ^ , ' , Col. Self-Govt, 
 
 desired to seize the Dutch possessions for several reasons. 74-78. 
 Dutch occupation of the region between the thriving prov- 
 inces in New England and in the South was not pleasing to 
 her, their extensive fur trade was an object of envy, and the 
 
68 
 
 American History 
 
 [1650 
 
 Hart, Contem- 
 poraries, 
 I, No. 155. 
 
 Fiske, 
 Dutch and 
 Quaker Cols. 
 I, 248-269. 
 
 Conquest and 
 reconquest. 
 
 Andrews, 
 
 Col. Self- Gov't, 
 
 78-82, 89. 
 
 Fiske, 
 Dutch and 
 Quaker Cols., 
 I, 277-292. 
 
 The people 
 and their 
 government. 
 
 Andrews, 
 
 Col. Self- Govt, 
 
 82-100. 
 
 Dutch gave offense by helping the colonies to evade, the 
 navigation acts. Before 1650 the Dutch had been driven 
 from the valley of the Connecticut by the settlers near Hart- 
 ford (§ 50), and several English settlements on Long Island 
 had restricted their territory in that direction. When war 
 broke out between England and Holland during the Com- 
 monwealth, steps were taken toward conquering New 
 Netherland, but peace was declared before the expedition 
 was ready. 
 
 A few years later, the English government decided to 
 take the initiative against Holland by seizing her North 
 American possessions. All of the territory from the Dela- 
 ware to the Connecticut, and from the Kennebec to the St. 
 Croix, was granted by the king to his brother James, the 
 Duke of York. A fleet was dispatched to New Netherland 
 under the command of four commissioners, who were also 
 to bring Massachusetts to terms (§ 73). New Amsterdam 
 surrendered at once because the citizens refused to fight, 
 much to the disgust of the wrathy governor, Stuyvesant, 
 and the rest of New Netherland surrendered without delay. 
 Several years later, during another war between England 
 and Holland, New Netherland was recaptured by the 
 Dutch, but after a brief period was returned to the English 
 by the Treaty of Westminster (1675). 
 
 64. The English in New York ( 1 664-1 685). — A large 
 percentage of the inhabitants of New Netherland in 1664 
 were English, so that the transition from Dutch to English 
 rule was not difficult. A great many laws in force in New 
 England were introduced, but most of the Dutch practices 
 also were recognized. The local government was reor- 
 ganized so as to give the people a shghtly greater share in its 
 work, but the Duke of York would not allow an assembly 
 to be called. Many of the English settlers demanded a 
 representative government, the Puritans on Long Island 
 being particularly insistent, but no action was taken until 
 1684. In that year the first assembly of the colony distin- 
 guished itself by passing a charter of franchises and liberties 
 
i68o] New York 69 
 
 which provided for religious toleration, allowed all free- 
 holders to vote, and permitted no taxation without the con- 
 sent of the people's representatives. This charter was 
 ratified by the Duke of York, but was rejected by him later 
 when, on the death of Charles II, he became king of England 
 with the title of James II. In the year 1684 also Governor 
 Dongan negotiated with the Iroquois a treaty which gained 
 for the English the friendship and help of those able war- 
 riors in the long contest with the French which began soon 
 after. 
 
 The Quaker Colonies 
 
 65. New Jersey and the Quakers. — Before the conquest The two 
 
 of New Netherland, the Duke of York granted the territory Jerseys, 
 between the Hudson and the Delaware to two of his favorites, 
 
 Sir George Carteret and Sir John Berkeley. They were liberal Andrews, 
 
 to the colonists, and the inhabitants, many of whom were ^'^^' ^^^f-^*^^ 
 
 . lOI-III. 
 
 immigrants from New England, enjoyed a large degree of 
 religious and political freedom, but they quarreled with the 
 proprietors over the making of laws and the payment of 
 land rents, and in 1674 Berkeley sold his share of New 
 Jersey, the western half, to a Quaker who was probably 
 acting for many others of his sect. 
 
 The society of Friends, or Quakers, had been organized in The Quakers. 
 England by George Fox just before the middle of the West jersey. 
 seventeenth century. The Quakers believed that a person 
 should be guided chiefly by his conscience and not by the Andrews, 
 dictates of church or writings. For others as well as them- ^'^^- ^^^^f- Gov't, 
 selves they claimed the right of worshiping in the way they 
 pleased, so that they were always in favor of religious tolera- 
 tion. They advocated the doctrine of the fellowship of ^^^^^ Quaker 
 man and carried their belief in equality so far that they re- Cois., 11, 109- 
 fused to remove their hats even in the presence of the king. ^^3. 140-147- 
 Desiring to found in the new world a colony in which they 
 might carry their principles into effect, the Quakers made 
 settlements on the east bank of the Delaware and established 
 an extremely liberal government which they were never able 
 
70 
 
 American History 
 
 [1680 
 
 Pennsylvania 
 charter (1681). 
 
 MacDonald, 
 Charters, 
 No. 38. 
 
 Andrews, 
 Col. Self- Gov't, 
 165-169, 175- 
 177- 
 
 Fiske, Dutch 
 and Quaker 
 Cols., II, 114- 
 118, 147-153- 
 
 Growth and 
 inhabitants. 
 
 to put into practice effectively. The success of the Quakers 
 in gaining first West Jersey and later control of East Jersey 
 was due principally to the interest and ability of William 
 Penn. 
 
 66. Perm and His Colony. — Because Penn found it im- 
 possible to carry out his ideas regarding society and govern- 
 ment in New Jersey, he asked the king for a grant of land 
 west of the Delaware River. As he was a man of high rank, 
 
 the son of an admiral 
 to whom Charles II 
 was indebted in several 
 ways, and a friend of 
 James, Duke of York, 
 he had no difficulty in 
 obtaining from the 
 king a charter which 
 gave him a large terri- 
 tory beyond the Dela- 
 ware and made him 
 proprietor of that 
 region with the right 
 to govern it, provided 
 that all laws should 
 be made with the con- 
 sent of the freemen 
 and sent to England 
 for approval. Parliament, however, had the right to levy 
 taxes within the colony and the proprietor was obliged to 
 appoint an agent through whom the English government 
 might exercise some control over the affairs of the province. 
 It will be seen that the home government had profited by 
 the rather bitter experience it had had with those colonies 
 that refused to recognize its authority over them. 
 
 Not only were Penn's religious views advanced, but he had 
 long held political ideas which were extreme in the opinion of 
 men of that time. His colony during its early years showed 
 in marked degree the impress of his personality, and under 
 
 William Penn 
 
701] 
 
 The Quaker Colo7iies 
 
 71 
 
 his wise and able guidance, grew as no other had done. 
 At the end of four years it contained eight thousand inhab- 
 itants, and Philadelphia had become the third city on the 
 continent. English Quakers came in large numbers, but 
 there were numerous Englishmen of different denomina- 
 tions, and many Swedes, Hollanders, Germans, Frenchmen, 
 and Scotchmen. Most of these were attracted by the well- 
 known liberal ideas of Penn and his promise of religious 
 freedom and political rights. 
 
 67. The Government of Pennsylvania. — Penn did not 
 disappoint his colonists, for as early as 1682 he issued a 
 Frame of Government by which he shared with the people 
 the powers of government granted to him as proprietor. At 
 the same time he announced laws which assured a larger 
 number of individual rights than were enjoyed then in any 
 other colony in America. At first the government was com- 
 posed of a governor and of two large unwieldy houses called 
 the council and the assembly, both of which were elected by 
 the freemen. All laws were proposed by the governor and 
 council, the assembly having no authority except to ratify 
 or reject bills under consideration. 
 
 This cumbersome legislature did not work well, and in 
 1701 Penn gave the colony a new ''Charter of Privileges." 
 This reaffirmed religious liberty to all who believed in 
 God, and declared that any one who believed in Jesus Christ 
 as the Savior of the world was qualified to hold office. The 
 charter provided that laws should be made by an assembly, 
 and left the local government in the hands of the people. 
 The charter might be amended by the governor and six 
 sevenths of the assembly. Under it, until 1776, Pennsyl- 
 vania and Delaware had separate legislatures, although 
 ruled by the same governor. 
 
 In his dealings with the Indians, Penn was just and fair. 
 His famous treaty of 1682 under the '*'Penn elm" was said 
 by Voltaire to be ''the only treaty between savages and 
 Christians that was never sworn to and that was never 
 broken." Like Roger Williams and many other early 
 
 Andrews, 
 Col. Self -Gov't, 
 189-191, and 
 Greene, Pro- 
 vincial Amer- 
 ica, 23c^234. 
 
 Fiske, Dutch 
 and Quaker 
 Cols., II, 153- 
 158, 320-329. 
 
 Early govern- 
 ment. 
 
 MacDonald, 
 
 Charters, 
 
 Nos. 40, 41, 44. 
 
 Andrews, 
 
 Col. St If- Gov't, 
 
 182-184, 191- 
 
 194. 
 
 Winsor (ed.), 
 
 America, 
 
 III, 483-489. 
 
 Chaiter of 
 Privileges 
 (1701). 
 
 Macdonald, 
 Charters, 
 No. 46. 
 
 Fiske, 
 
 Quaker Cols. 
 II, 309-311. 
 
 Penn and the 
 Indians. 
 
 Hart, Contem- 
 poraries, 
 I, No. 162. 
 
72 
 
 America7i History 
 
 [1681 
 
 Fiske, 
 
 Quaker Cols., 
 II, 158-166. 
 
 Colonial 
 
 boundary 
 
 disputes. 
 
 Greene, Pro- 
 vincial Amer- 
 ica, 190-192. 
 
 Penn's grant. 
 
 Andrews 
 
 Col. Self- Govt., 
 171-175- 
 
 Hinsdale, 
 Old A'Ort/nuest, 
 98-104, 108- 
 
 IIO. 
 
 settlers his aim was to pay the red men a reasonable sum 
 for the lands occupied. 
 
 68. Boundaries of Pennsylvania. — The exact boundaries 
 of the land granted to Penn in his charter were long in 
 dispute because his territory conflicted with that already 
 granted to several of the other colonies. Pennsylvania 
 was not alone in this heritage of boundary disputes because 
 grants overlapped ; but, as the latest of the northern colonies, 
 her boundary difficulties affected more provinces than those 
 of almost any other colony and may be Considered in some 
 degree typical of the boundary wars waged by most of the 
 seventeenth-century pioneers. It would naturally be sup- 
 posed that as late as 1681 the geography of the Delaware 
 and Susquehanna regions would be known accurately, 
 but such was not the case. Penn's grant was to extend 
 5° west from the Delaware River and 3° north and south 
 along that river.^ Penn, having acquired Delaware in 1682 
 and having several settlements in Pennsylvania south of the 
 fortieth parallel and desiring a port on Chesapeake Bay, 
 argued that the ''beginning" of the fortieth parallel, which, 
 according to the charter, was the southern boundary of 
 Pennsylvania, must have meant the southern boundary of 
 the zone which was the fortieth from the equator, that is, 
 parallel 39. .This claim he could not estabHsh, as the 
 northern boundary of Maryland was 40° also, and it was not 
 until 1760 that the English government decided the con- 
 troversy by locating the dividing line between the two 
 colonies at 39° 42'. The boundary was surveyed by two 
 skilled mathematicians, Mason and Dixon, from whom 
 
 * Its southern boundary was a semicircular line drawn from twelve 
 miles north and west of New Castle " unto the beginning of the fortieth 
 degree of northern latitude and then by a straight line westward." The 
 northern boundary was the beginning of the three and fortieth degree of 
 northern latitude. As the fortieth parallel had been given as the northern 
 boundary of Maryland (§ 54), the expression, the "beginning" of the 
 fortieth degree probably meant the same as the fortieth parallel of Balti- 
 more's grant, but as a matter of fact, the fortieth parallel is much more 
 than twelve miles north of New Castle, so that it would be impossible to 
 survey such a line a5 Penn's southern limit called for. 
 
1760] 
 
 The Quaker Colonies 
 
 73 
 
 it has since been known as "Mason and Dixon's Line," 
 a name applied later to the boundary between the slave and 
 the free states. 
 
 On the north there was doubt about whether the boundary 
 was the forty-third or the forty-second parallel. New York, 
 wishing to retain as much territory as possible and unwiUing 
 to grant Pennsylvania any jurisdiction over the six Iroquois 
 nations, contended with success for the lower boundary. 
 When this bound- 
 ary was decided 
 upon finally, there 
 was no longer any 
 conflict with Mas- 
 sachusetts, which 
 did not claim land 
 south of 42°. The 
 dispute with Con- 
 necticut under her 
 sea-to-sea charter 
 involved an at- 
 tempt on the part 
 of Connecticut to 
 settle the northern 
 part of Pennsyl- 
 vania, especially Wyoming valley, but the whole territory 
 was assigned to Pennsylvania by the Congress of the 
 Confederation soon after the Revolutionary War. 
 
 ^\ / \ t Vi \ \S W \ I { ,r 
 
 a -z./ n I I n N \ k 1 in ) ' i 
 
 1 un . ,1 , / .- 
 
 , i^ __ I nlary selected bet_N ^_>j^ '_L ( rj t 
 
 ' -I ' /Disfn^d^f I I t t Vl , / ( I '' 
 
 1== j^j i> F \ > S 1 I C^ i \ ^ \ 
 
 Jl^^,^^ ^Ll^'__ ^/">,^'^ 40= 
 
 \ i 1; «. I N I 
 
 7 /i; i^v 
 
 I501XDAUY DISPUTES OF PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 Northern 
 boundary dis- 
 putes. 
 
 Hinsdale, 
 0/d Northwest^ 
 I 10- I 19. 
 
 [ The South after the Restoration (i 660-1 730) 
 
 69. Misgovernment in Virginia (i 660-1 676). — For 
 
 several years during the Commonwealth the people of Vir- 
 ginia attempted in an irregular way to govern themselves, 
 but with the restoration of Charles II the old order was re- 
 ( established. During the years following the Restoration, 
 j Sir William Berkeley was governor of Virginia. Of a 
 ( despotic temper, he used his office to the personal advan- 
 j tage of himself and his royal master, appointing worthless 
 
 Political griev- 
 ances. 
 
 Andrews, 
 Col. Self- Gov't, 
 207-214. 
 
74 
 
 American History 
 
 [1660 
 
 Doyle, 
 Eng. Cols., 
 I, 230-245. 
 
 Economic 
 grievances. 
 
 Fiske, Old Vir- 
 ^/>«'a,II,46-54. 
 
 Bacon and 
 Berkeley. 
 
 Larned (ed.), 
 Ready Re/., 
 V, 3632-3634. 
 
 Andrews, 
 
 Col. Self-Crovt, 
 
 215-226. 
 
 nobles to positions of importance and profit. To main- 
 tain better his hold on the government, he kept in office the 
 strongly royalist legislature elected during the excitement 
 following the return of Charles II. For three years no elec- 
 tion occurred in Virginia, the appointive system now being 
 used exclusively for local offices. Meanwhile the electoral 
 law was changed so as to exclude all but freeholders, a select 
 class in a colony of plantations. Corruption and misrule 
 held sway in both colonial and local affairs. 
 
 The discontent due to these grievances was aggravated 
 by the navigation act of 1660 which forbade the exportation 
 of tobacco to any country but England (§ 58). Prices fell 
 and hard times prevailed. As though this were not enough, 
 Charles, in 1673, rented Virginia for thirty-one years to two 
 of his favorites, Arlington and Culpepper. They received 
 the right to make grants of land, had the absolute control 
 of the important local offices, and appointed all pastors. 
 Fortunately most of these privileges were surrendered in 
 return for a duty on tobacco, showing that the patentees 
 were chiefly interested in the revenue to be obtained from 
 the colony. 
 
 70. Bacon's Rebellion (1676). — The discontent of the 
 Virginians was brought to a head by Indian massacres on 
 the frontier. Governor Berkeley had erected forts for the 
 protection of the outlying settlements and refused to send 
 troops or grant commissions to raise troops. Thereupon 
 Nathaniel Bacon, a young and headstrong but able planter 
 whose overseer had been murdered, gathered a force, and, 
 defying Berkeley's orders, marched into the Indian country. 
 The colony was now in great disorder and demanded a new 
 election of burgesses. This was held. Bacon being among 
 those chosen. The new legislature repealed the restrictive 
 suffrage law and enacted other laws granting greater civil 
 and political liberty. Bacon and Berkeley made their 
 peace, which was broken soon, as neither had confidence in 
 the other. During the civil strife that ensued, Jamestown 
 was burned and Bacon died, the rebellion collapsing with 
 
1676] TJie SoiitJi after the Restoration 75 
 
 his death. Berkeley, again supreme, hanged the leaders of 
 the rebellion and secured the repeal of many liberal laws 
 which had been passed in 1676.^ Unfortunately the rebel- 
 lion deprived the colony of a very Hberal charter which lacked 
 only the king's signature at the beginning of the disturbance. 
 
 71. The Carolina Charters (1663-1665). — The interest Provisions 
 taken in colonial matters during the years following the of the two 
 Restoration is shown clearly in the early history of Carolina. 
 Several of the most prominent courtiers, including Claren- 
 
 1 r>i r 1 1 ■ 1 r /->i 1 • ^ /I MacDonald, 
 
 don and Shaftesbury, obtamed from Charles m 1603 a charters, 
 charter which made them proprietors of the land lying south Nos. 26, 32. 
 of Virginia and extending from sea to sea. Over this vast 
 domain the absolute power of the proprietors was limited Andrews, 
 only by the provision that the laws should be made with the Coi. Seif-Gov't, 
 consent of the freemen represented in an assembly and ^30-138. 
 that " the faith, allegiance and sovereign domain " due to 
 the crown should not be impaired. Perhaps the most notable 
 clause of the charter was the one permitting the proprietors 
 to grant perfect religious freedom to such of the loyal settlers 
 as they desired — a clause of which we are glad to say 
 advantage was taken. Two years later the limits of the 
 colony were extended still further south and one half de- 
 gree farther north, making the boundary between Virginia 
 and the new colony of Carolina practically the same as the 
 present southern boundary of Virginia. 
 
 72. Proprietary Government in Carolina (166 7- 1 72 9). — Locke's 
 For the government of their Carolina province very elaborate fundamental 
 
 ,. T. 1 1 ^ . . ,, 1 r .1 Constitutions 
 
 Fundamental Constitutions were drawn tor the pro- /j^^^^^ 
 prietors by the philosopher, John Locke. This cumber- 
 some document provided for a feudal system in which the j^^^^j^o^ald 
 chief landowners were the proprietors and nobles whom charters, 
 they appointed. No land was to be sold after forty years, so No. 33. 
 as to make this mediaeval system permanent. The govern- 
 ment was to be in the hands of the proprietors and nobles, 
 
 I 1 King Charles II is reported to have said of Berkeley: "That old fool 
 
 ] has hanged more men in that naked country than I have done for the 
 I murder of my father." 
 
76 
 
 American History 
 
 [1655 
 
 Andrews, 
 
 Col. Self- Gov't, 
 
 139-141. 
 
 Fiske, Old 
 I'ir^inia, 
 II, 272-276, 
 
 Social and 
 political 
 changes 
 (1670-1729). 
 
 Winsor (ed.), 
 America, 
 ¥.311-316, 
 322-327. 
 
 although there was to be a parliament for members of which 
 all freeholders owning estates of fifty acres might vote. A 
 degree of religious liberty was permitted to churches of 
 at least seven members, though not to separate individuals. 
 It is needless to say that these constitutions never went into 
 effect. The proprietors waited until the development of 
 the colonies should warrant their use, but that time never 
 came. 
 
 The growth of Carolina was by no means rapid and few 
 settlements were added in northern Carolina to those exist- 
 ing when the proprietors received their patent. In southern 
 CaroHna Charleston was founded in 1672 and a few other 
 towns begun by the English. A large percentage of the 
 inhabitants were Scotch highlanders and French Hugue- 
 nots drawn thither by the promise of religious freedom. 
 Political liberty also was enjoyed to an unusual degree, for 
 the people exerted a great influence in local government 
 and their representatives chose part of the council or upper 
 house of the legislature. The time came when the voters 
 believed that the proprietors were selecting more than their 
 share of the councilors. A rebellion followed (17 19), with 
 an overwhelming victory for the people, who selected a 
 governor and asked the king to accept South Carolina as a 
 royal province, which he did. Ten years later all rights 
 of the 'proprietors were extinguished by purchase. 
 
 Quakers in 
 
 Massachusetts 
 
 (1655-1660). 
 
 Hart, Contem- 
 poraries, 
 I,Nos. 140-142. 
 
 Doyle, 
 Eng. Cols., 
 Ill, 100-114. 
 
 New England (1655-1685) 
 
 73. Problems of New England (1655-1675). — During 
 the later years of the Commonwealth the Puritan colonies 
 had considerable trouble with the Quakers, who were 
 driven out from England by harsh measures. Severe laws 
 were made by the colonies in the New England Confederacy, 
 particularly against those who returned after being sent 
 away. Massachusetts in 1658 made it a capital offense for 
 any Quaker to return to the colony. This law was op- 
 posed by a large part of the population and when it was 
 enforced by putting to death three Quakers, the protests 
 
1675] New England after the Resto7'ation 
 
 77 
 
 were so loud that the law was changed. In fact after 1660 
 the colony was much more liberal in its treatment of non- 
 Puritans than it had been before. 
 
 Soon after Charles II came to the throne in 1660, he united 
 the colonies of Connecticut and New Haven by giving a 
 charter to the former, as Xew Haven had incurred the royal 
 displeasure by harVjoring judges who had condemned to 
 death Charles I. Rhode Island and Providence also re- 
 ceived a charter in 1663. 
 
 A number of complaints had been made against Massa- 
 chusetts at this time, because she had been domineering in 
 her treatment of her weaker neighbors and on account of 
 her independent spirit. Under the 
 Commonwealth, e.g. she had coined 
 ''pine tree shillings," thus exercising 
 a sovereign power, and in 1661 she 
 had issued a declaration of rights. 
 Nevertheless the charter of Massa- 
 chusetts was confirmed by Charles 
 in 1662, on condition that the 
 colony acknowledge the supremacy 
 of England and grant to members of the Anglican church 
 freedom of worship and the right to vote on the same 
 terms as Puritans. In form Massachusetts complied with 
 these requests which affected so deeply her religious and 
 political policy, but no change was made in her relations 
 with England, and, as her ministers alone registered those 
 eligible to vote, members of the church of England did not 
 often enjoy a share in the government. In 1664 the com- 
 missioners who had charge of the expedition against Xew 
 Xetherland (§ 63) were instructed to investigate affairs in 
 X'ew England also. These men complained that Massa- 
 chusetts was not fulfilling the conditions imposed by the 
 king in 1662, but the home government was too much in- 
 terested in other matters to correct her refractor}' colony 
 until ten years later. 
 
 74. King Philip's War (1675-1676;. — The constant en- 
 
 PiNE Tree Shilling 
 
 New charters. 
 
 MacDonald, 
 Charters, 
 Nos. 24-27. 
 
 Massachusetts 
 and the king 
 (1660-1664J. 
 
 Andrews, 
 Col. Self- Gov't. 
 47-48, 7072. 
 
78 
 
 American History 
 
 [1675 
 
 Events and 
 results. 
 
 Andrews, 
 
 Col. Self- Gov't, 
 
 252-256. 
 
 Hart, Contem- 
 poraries, 
 I, Nos. 133,134. 
 
 Lamed (ed.), 
 Ready Ref., 
 Ill, 2310-2313. 
 
 Complaints 
 
 against 
 
 Massachusetts. 
 
 Andrews, 
 
 Col. Self- Govt, 
 
 2^6-262. 
 
 croachments of the English settlers on the lands of the In- 
 dians made collision inevitable. Under the lead of Philip, 
 chief of the Wampanoags, these Indians agreed with other 
 tribes to exterminate the whites. The first blow was 
 struck in June, 1675, ^^ Swansea in Plymouth, near the 
 Rhode Island border. Other towns wxre burned and the 
 inhabitants were slain, the war parties retiring before help 
 could come from other settlements. After six months of 
 this horrible border warfare a thousand men were sent against 
 the stronghold of the Narragansetts, which was captured 
 after severe loss and completely destroyed. From this time 
 the warfare increased in bitterness on the one side and bar- 
 barity on the other until in August, 1676, Philip was killed 
 and the last Indian braves were hunted from their retreats. 
 Many of the luckless survivors of this struggle, including 
 women and children, were sent to the West Indies to be sold 
 into slavery. By this pitiless course all danger from the 
 red men was removed, but the colonies were left in an ex- 
 hausted condition. Alany of the towns had been entirely 
 destroyed, hundreds of men had been killed, crops had been 
 burned so that famine was narrowly averted, and trade had 
 almost ceased. 
 
 75. Massachusetts and the Crown (1675-1684). — Mat- 
 ters had now reached a crisis in the Bay colony. The in- 
 difference of Massachusetts to the demands of the English 
 government and her arrogance in her treatment of those 
 with whom she had dealings, especially in New Hamp- 
 shire and ]Maine, culminated in a series of complaints so 
 serious that definite action was taken against Massachu- 
 setts. Among the more serious charges were: (i) her dis- 
 regard of the rights of the ^lason and Gorges heirs along the 
 coast to the north; (2) the failure to give political and re- 
 ligious rights to non-Puritans in accordance with the requests 
 of the king (1662) ; (3) the evasion of the acts of trade which 
 forbade commerce with nations other than England; and 
 (4) the general independent attitude of the colonists shown 
 in their separate coinage of money, their refusal to allow 
 
1685] New E7igla7id after tJie Restoration 79 
 
 appeals from colonial courts to those of the king, and their 
 neglect to send to England an agent through whom the 
 colony might be controlled. 
 
 The case of Xew Hampshire was settled by making the Revocation of 
 colony a royal pro™ce. ^lassachusetts tried to end that *^^ charter 
 of Maine by purchasing the rights of the Gorges heirs, but 
 as this was done without the knowledge or consent of King 
 Charles, it aroused still greater feeling against Massachusetts. ^^^ seir-Goz't 
 During this period the business of the English government 262-265. 
 in the colony was intrusted to Edward Randolph, an honest 
 but exceedingly narrow man and a partisan of Massa- 
 chusetts' enemies, who used his authority in such a way as 
 to widen the breach between the mother country and the 
 none too conciliatory Puritan leaders. Although Massa- 
 chusetts, taking alarm at last, agreed to yield on every ques- 
 tion, the king was in no mood for half measures and in 1684 
 the charter of the colony was annulled. At this time Charles 
 had come ver}- largely under the influence of Louis XIV of 
 France, and was showing himself a monarch fond of abso- 
 lute government. Not only^did he deprive Massachusetts of 
 her charter, with good reason it must be admitted, but he 
 proceeded also against the charters of London and other 
 English cities, and before his death prepared to annul the 
 charters of the inoffensive colonies of Rhode Island and 
 Connecticut. 
 
 The Great Revolution ri6B5-i7oo) 
 
 76. The Dominion of New England. — Before 1685 many Consolidation 
 Enghsh merchants and ofi&cials had favored the consoli- of the northern 
 dation of the northern colonies under a single governor 
 who could then govern them more perfectly in the interests 
 of England. The death of Charles II in 168; left the exe- ^'^/r\^;^ ., 
 
 ^ _ -J Col. ^ei/'Govt, 
 
 cution of this plan to James II who was more opposed to 265-272. 
 
 popular government than his brother had been. Under 
 
 the name of the Dominion of Xew England, James united Fiske, 
 
 all the colonies from Acadia to the Delaware, naming Sir ^'-^ England, 
 
 Edmund Andros as governor. The difficulty caused by ^"^^- 
 
8o 
 
 American Histo7y 
 
 [1685 
 
 Doyle, 
 Eng. Cols., 
 Ill, 234-236, 
 242- 249. 
 
 Government 
 of the 
 Dominion. 
 
 Doyle, 
 Eng. Cols., 
 Ill, 234-239. 
 
 Changes 
 affecting 
 church and 
 society. 
 
 Doyle, 
 Eng. Cols., 
 Ill, 239-243. 
 
 the existence of charters in Rhode Island and Connecticut 
 was solved by demanding the surrender of those documents. 
 Rhode Island agreed to submit and Connecticut did not hold 
 out, although she failed to part with her charter, tradition 
 asserting that when Andros sought to obtain it, the charter 
 was spirited away and hidden in the ''charter oak." 
 
 Full and arbitrary instructions were issued to Andros 
 by the king. The governor, w^ho was a soldier rather than 
 a politician, obeyed the letter of his instructions, carrying 
 out the wishes of James with such care and so little tact that 
 the period of his rule is often referred to as "the tyranny of 
 Andros." During his term no popular assembly was called 
 nor was any town allowed to hold town meetings except once 
 a year. Laws were made and taxes levied by the governor 
 and councilors appointed by Andros, being executed by 
 agents of the governor. There were no courts except those 
 held by judges whom the governor selected. No papers 
 or books were printed unless they first received the approval 
 of James's representatives. 
 
 This arbitrary government was of course offensive to 
 people who were sticklers for their political rights, but it 
 caused even less opposition to the new administration than 
 certain acts which affected religious prejudices and the 
 rights of property. Preference was given now to the An- 
 glican church and services were held according to the rites 
 of the church of England in the Old South meeting house. 
 Marriages could be celebrated only by an Anglican clergy- 
 man, and as there was but one in the colony all persons who 
 wished to marry must journey to Boston, a trip as tedious 
 as the service itself was distasteful. Many who held lands 
 with titles in dispute were obliged to prove their rights at 
 great cost, the impression being general that no one's land 
 was safe from attack. Under these circumstances there was 
 little wonder that in Massachusetts at least the caldron of 
 revolution was on the point of boiling over. 
 
 77. The Revolution of 1689 in England and New Eng- 
 land. — This happened when new^s was brought in April, 
 
results in 
 England. 
 
 1 691] TJie Great Revolution 8 1 
 
 1689, that William of Orange had landed in England and Causes and 
 that James had fled from the kingdom. During the three 
 years of his reign James had incurred the displeasure and 
 aroused the opposition of class after class of the population. 
 His claim that he might suspend any law he pleased, coupled ^^J^^nd 
 with his attempt to control the courts for his own benefit, his 500-514. 
 open help to Catholics, and his utter disregard for the civil 
 rights which the people had wrested from his father and 
 brother, united the nation against him. So long as the 
 people expected that at his death the crown would pass to 
 his daughter, Mary, and her husband, his nephew, William 
 of Orange, they remained passive, but when a prince was 
 born who would probably be brought up a Catholic, a num- 
 ber of leaders invited William to come to England and help 
 them preserve their liberties. W^ith the flight of James and 
 the selection by the people's representatives of William and 
 Mary as the rulers of England, the long contest between 
 parliament and the king ended in the complete supremacy 
 of the former. The principal results of the revolution were 
 embodied in the Bill of Rights (1689) and in several supple- 
 mentary acts. They assured the frequent meetings of par- 
 liament, and control by that body of taxation, the army, and 
 other important subjects; they guaranteed freedom of the 
 press and religious toleration for all Protestants; and they 
 prevented the king from setting aside laws or removing ] 
 judges at his pleasure. j 
 
 When news of James's flight reached Massachusetts, Reestablish- 
 the frigate in the harbor and all fortifications about Boston "^^"^ °^ 
 were seized, Andros and other officials were imprisoned, and government in 
 a temporary government similar to that under the old New England, 
 charter was established. There was no bloodshed, but the 
 overthrow of the government of Andros was complete. MacDonald, 
 Rhode Island and Connecticut resumed the use of their ^'^^''^^^^> 
 charters, which they had never surrendered, but Massa- 
 chusetts did not have a regularly organized government 
 until in 1691 a new charter of a semi-popular type was 
 issued by William and Mary. To Massachusetts Bay Colony 
 
 No. 42. 
 
82 
 
 American History 
 
 [1 691 
 
 Hart, Contem- 
 poraries, 
 I, No. 136. 
 
 Fiske, 
 
 New England, 
 
 Leisler's 
 Rebellion, 
 
 Andrews, 
 
 CoL Self- Gov't, 
 
 283-287. 
 
 Hart, Contem- 
 
 poraries, 
 I, No. 157. 
 
 Results in 
 Maryland. 
 
 Andrews, 
 
 Col. Self- Gov't, 
 
 79-283. 
 
 Browne, 
 
 Maryland, 
 
 147-156. 
 
 were added Plymouth and the islands south of Plymouth, 
 as well as the English provinces beginning with Maine 
 eastward to Acadia, which was included. The people were 
 allowed to resume the government of their towns by town 
 meetings and were also permitted to elect an assembly, the 
 assembly in turn choosing the governor's council. The 
 governor, the lieutenant governor, and the secretary were 
 appointed by the crown, as in New York and Virginia. 
 Under this quite liberal charter Massachusetts was governed 
 until her separation from Great Britain (1776). 
 
 78. Revolutionary Movements in the Middle and South- 
 em Colonies. — In New York (tlie lower part of the Do- 
 minion of New England) Andros's lieutenant, Nicholson, 
 attempted to maintain his authority after news had been 
 received that James had been driven from England, and 
 that Andros was a prisoner at Boston. Taking advan- 
 tage of this, the opponents of Nicholson, led by a merchant, 
 Jacob Leisler, gained possession of the province. The new 
 monarchs were proclaimed, an assembly was called, and for 
 nearly two years the laws were administered by Leisler, 
 whose authority was not recognized officially. When a 
 governor was finally sent over, Leisler, now cordially hated 
 by a large part of the population, yielded of necessity. He 
 was tried on the charge of treason and condemned, being put 
 to death when his successor, while intoxicated, was induced 
 to sign his death warrant. This urv^se and unjust "judicial 
 murder" involved the colony in serious internal dissensions. 
 *' Leisler's Rebellion," however, had shown the strength of 
 the popular party and from that time New York enjoyed a 
 fair degree of self-government. 
 
 Maryland failed to proclaim the new monarchs because 
 the messenger whom Baltimore had sent with instructions 
 to recognize the new government died before reaching the 
 colony. The anti-Catholic party took advantage of this 
 neglect, captured the officials who favored Baltimore, and 
 claimed the province for William and Mary. The monarchs 
 decided to keep the government of Maryland in their own 
 
/FivErrwTioNa-^^ ii.i>. 7 1 ^ 
 
 Albany /.? ^ ^Jferr.m^c B. 
 
 
 I ^\ ;0 (M A8 8.<; 
 
 ■ oil ™V]^^& 
 
 ■ V ^ J "-i? is j 
 
 &u4. •■ ■ — 
 
 rf " 1 , , 
 
 Charter Colonies \ I 
 Proprietary Colonies | | 
 
 
 
 iJoyai Colonies. 
 
 t'o° 1688 
 
 A^ l>iT "^ NORTH 
 
 ^^"'^-Ivi ^ ^ ATLANTIC 
 <i COAST 
 
 ^ (1650-1695) 
 
 \ 75° Longitude West IromOreeDwieh jp" 1695 
 
lyoo] The Great Revolution 83 
 
 hands, although they did not interfere with the revenues or Doyle, 
 land rights of Baltimore, but it was a quarter century be- ^^^- ^^^^'* 
 fore another and Protestant Lord Baltimore regained politi- 
 cal control of the colony. 
 
 79. Results of the Revolution in America. — It will be Reestabiish- 
 noted that the changes in America following the Revolu- "^^"^ °f ^^P^- 
 ticn of 1689 were of the first magnitude. It will be noted governments 
 also that they were not the results simply of the revolutionary 
 movement in England, but of several minor revolutions in 
 this country, which were due to causes exclusively American, provincial 
 although the expulsion of James furnished the occasion for America, 
 the overthrow of arbitrary rule in the colonies. Through- ■^7-24- 
 out the Dominion of New England the arbitrary govern-- 
 ment established by James was replaced by constitutional 
 government. Connecticut and Rhode Island resumed the 
 use of their old charters. Massachusetts secured less com- 
 plete self-government than she had enjoyed before 1684, 
 but in New York there was a great advance over the system 
 in use at all former times. A second result of considerable 
 importance was the failure of the scheme for the consolida- 
 tion of the colonies. Union, even under the later kings, 
 would have been injurious, for the colonies owed a very 
 large amount of their experience in self-government and 
 their numerous political privileges to their separateness. 
 
 In some ways the reign of William III was not Colonial 
 especially favorable to colonial liberty. The king expressly P°'^^y °^ 
 and emphatically denied to the colonies the rights which ^^^^^ ^^g^^ 
 the Bill of Rights guaranteed throughout the length and 
 breadth of England. Religious toleration of all except q^^^^^ 
 Catholics was extended to the colonies, but if any colo- provincial 
 nies enjoyed freedom of the press and the privilege of the America, 
 writ of habeas corpus, it was because the charters of the ^°~^ '"^ 
 colonies made it impossible for the monarch to control their 
 policy in those matters. The increase of the power of par- 
 liament due to the Revolution led to the reenactmcnt of the 
 old laws of trade and the passage of several laws prohibiting 
 colonial manufactures (§ 120). During this period also 
 
84 
 
 American History 
 
 [1700 
 
 Territorial 
 
 changes 
 
 (1660-1700). 
 
 Colonial 
 policy- 
 after 1660. 
 
 the English government perfected means for controlHng the 
 colonies by establishing a permanent ''Board of Trade and 
 Plantations" (1696), whose members were popularly called 
 *'the Lords of Trade." This board gradually took charge 
 of almost all matters referring to the colonies, including 
 the right to decide all matters which had been adjudged in 
 the highest court of any colony, if either party wished to 
 appeal from the decision of the colonial court. 
 
 80. The Colonies in 1700. — It may be well to con- 
 sider for a moment the changes in the extent of English 
 territory and in the relation of the colonies to the mother 
 country that had taken place in the last four decades of the 
 seventeenth century. At the time of the Restoration there 
 had been two well-defined groups of colonies, the New 
 England group, extending as far north as the Kennebec, and 
 the southern colonies, with their frontier settlements a short 
 distance south of the James. By the conquest of New Neth- 
 erland, England came into possession of the intervening 
 territory and by settlements in Carolina had extended the 
 frontier almost to the Savannah River. Although the 
 settlers had continued to push into the interior, the frontier 
 line was but little farther from the coast in 1700 than in 
 1660. Immigration from England had been fairly exten- 
 sive and the population of the colonies, estimated at 60,000 
 in 1660, had become 250,000 in 1700. 
 
 Before 1660 England had no colonial policy. Since the 
 Restoration it had organized the colonies, brought many of 
 them directly under the royal authority, and had created 
 a board which had charge of all colonial affairs. It had 
 passed numerous acts of trade which regulated the com- 
 merce of the colonies, primarily in the interests of England, 
 but not always to the disadvantage of the colonies. 
 
 TOPICS 
 
 I. The Beginning of Pennsylvania: Fiske, "Dutch and 
 Quaker Colonies," II, pp. 147-167; Bancroft, "United States," 
 I> 552-573; Winsor (ed.), "America," III, pp. 476-495. 
 
1700] Later English Cp Ionization 85 
 
 2. Boundary Difficulties OF Pennsylvania : Hinsdale, " Old 
 Northwest," 98-119; Fisher, "Making of Pennsylvania," pp. 318- 
 
 354. 
 
 3. Bacon's Rebellion: Fiske, "Old Virginia," pp. 45-107; 
 Doyle, "English Colonies," I, pp. 230-257; Cooke, "Virginia," 
 pp. 216-297. 
 
 4. King Philip's War: Bancroft, "United States," I, 382-394; 
 Fiske, "New England," pp. 211-241; Doyle, "English Colonies,'^ 
 III, pp. 153-189. 
 
 5. Massachusetts and the Crown, during Reign of Charles 
 II: Bancroft, " United States," I, 367-381,395-406; Doyle, "Col- 
 onies," III, pp. 130-152, 190-208, 214-226; Palfrey, "New Eng- 
 land," II, pp. 28-36, 56-63; 71-80, 210-260. 
 
 STUDIES 
 
 1. Early navigation acts. (Winsor (ed.), "America," VI, pp. 5-10.) 
 
 2. The patroon system. (MacDonald, "Charters," No. 9.) 
 
 3. Wars of England and Holland. (Griffis, Motley's "Dutch 
 Republic," pp. 832-847.) 
 
 4. Evolution of New York. (Janvier, *'In Old New York.") 
 
 5. Early history of Wall Street. (Goodwin et al. (eds.), "History 
 of New York," I, pp. 77-118.) 
 
 6. Character of William Penn. 
 
 7. Overthrow of proprietary government in South Carolina. 
 Doyle, " English Colonies," I, 376-380. 
 
 8. Puritans and Anglicans after the revolution of 1689. (Greene, 
 "Provincial America," pp. 83-105.) 
 
 QUESTIONS 
 
 1. What degree of self-government had the people of New Nether- 
 land gained under Dutch rule? What were the lasting results of 
 Dutch occupation? Compare the situation in New Netherland in 
 1663 with that in the South African Republic in 1898. 
 
 2. Compare fully the powers of Penn as proprietor with those 
 of Baltimore. In what respects was Pennsylvania at an early date 
 more like the states of to-day than any of the other colonies? 
 
 3. What were the real causes of Bacon's rebellion ? What were the 
 results and the real significance of this movement ? 
 
 4. On what grounds might a colonial charter be amended? be 
 revoked? Should Massachusetts have been allowed to retain her 
 charter after 1664? Compare the complaints after 1660 with those 
 after 1676. Were the latter more serious? 
 
 5. Compare the period 1618-1640 with that from 1660 to 1682 as 
 to (a) interest in colonization, (b) causes of colonization, (c) number of 
 colonies established, and {d) total settled area at close of the period. 
 
Wars between 
 France and 
 England. 
 
 Seelye, 
 Expansion 
 of England, 
 Chapter II. 
 
 V CHAPTER V 
 RIVALRY OF FRENCH AND ENGLISH (1689-1763) | 
 
 French Kings 
 
 Henry IV (1589-1610) 
 Louis XIII (1610-1643) 
 Louis XIV (1643-1715) 
 Louis XV (1715-1774) 
 
 English Rulers 
 
 William III (1689-1702) 
 Anne (1702-1714) 
 
 George I (1714-1727) 
 George II (172 7-1 760) 
 George III (i 760-1820) 
 
 81. Introduction. — The year 1689 is notable for the 
 changes which it wrought in the internal development of 
 England and the English colonies, but is almost as impor- 
 tant in the intercolonial history of America, because it marks 
 the beginning of a long conflict between the provinces of 
 England and France in the new world. During the years 
 from 1689 to 1750 the European wars in which these two 
 countries engaged were accompanied naturally by military 
 engagements in the colonies, although these were of minor 
 y significance. About 1750 began the real contest between 
 the two powers for the control of the continent — a struggle 
 short and really one-sided, which ended in the complete 
 supremacy of the English and the expulsion of the French 
 from North America. In this chapter we shall consider not 
 only the more important events in the intercolonial wars 
 and study the progress of both French and English colonies 
 after 1689, but shall take up briefly also the earlier history 
 of the interesting ventures of the French in America. 
 
 France under 
 Henry IV. 
 
 French Exploration and Settlement 
 
 82. Founding of New France. — With the accession of 
 Henry IV (1589), there came a new era of prosperity in 
 France. Deadly civil and religious wars ceased, commerce 
 
 86 
 
i6o8] French Exploration and Settlement 
 
 87 
 
 revived, and industry received nev\^ impetus. Interest in 
 colonization kept pace with the development in other direc- 
 tions, and several settlements were attempted in Acadia. 
 One of these under the lead of De Monts was established at 
 Port Royal (1604) and proved successful temporarily. 
 
 Among the companions of De Monts was a young man of 
 great energy and foresight, who believed that the St. Law- 
 rence basin offered a better location for trading, exploration, 
 and permanent settlement. This man, Samuel de Cham- 
 plain, founded Quebec in 1608 and soon perceived that his 
 only hope of holding 
 
 Adams, 
 French Nation^ 
 177-188. 
 
 Champlain in 
 the St. Law- 
 rence valley 
 (1608-1635). 
 
 Champlain 
 
 the country and gain- 
 ing the interior was to 
 make friends with the 
 Indians of the St. Law- 
 rence valley. But the 
 Algonquins living on 
 the St. Lawrence and 
 the Ottawa rivers, to- 
 gether with the Huron 
 Indians to the west, had 
 for many years waged 
 almost incessant war 
 with the Five Nations of the Long House in central New York. 
 The allies of Champlain persuaded him therefore to join 
 them in expeditions against the Iroquois. The first of these 
 in 1609 brought him to the shores of the lake now called by 
 his name, where a single well-aimed shot from his arquebus 
 put to flight the Mohawks who opposed him and brought 
 upon the French the enmity of the most powerful Indian 
 confederacy in North America. A few weeks after this 
 momentous battle, Henry Hudson entertained some Mo- 
 hawks at a point near the present city of Albany, only a little 
 over one hundred miles away, and gained the goodwill of 
 the Iroquois. Although he was responsible for this disas- 
 trous hostility of the Iroquois to the French, Champlain 
 deserves all the credit for the success of New France, for he 
 
 Hart, Contem- 
 poraries, 
 I, No. 39. 
 
 Thwaites, 
 France in 
 America, 16-22. 
 
 Park man, 
 Struggle for 
 a Continent, 
 88-106, 
 120-124. 
 
8S 
 
 American History 
 
 [1629 
 
 Classes that 
 extended 
 French sway. 
 
 Parkman, 
 SfrUj^£'/e for 
 a Continent, 
 
 130-134. 
 180-185. 
 
 Early ex- 
 plorers. 
 La Salle. 
 
 Fiske, Disc 
 of America, 
 
 n, 53-58- 
 
 Hart, Contem- 
 poraries, 
 
 I, No. 43. 
 
 took part in numerous exploring expeditions and kept the 
 sickly little hamlet alive through his unflagging zeal and 
 unwearied eft'orts. In 1629, however, Quebec was captured 
 by the English with the help of some French Huguenots, 
 and it was returned to France at the close of the war only 
 through the influence of Richelieu, who had recently inter- 
 ested himself in France's American possessions. In 1635 
 Champlain died and so little did New France prosper that 
 a half century after Quebec was founded there were only 
 about two thousand persons in the colony. 
 
 83. Exploration of the West. — The work of extending 
 French influence in the West was carried on by three differ- 
 ent classes: (i) the Jesuit missionaries who, before the 
 middle of the seventeenth century, had established missions 
 as far south as the Iroquois country, and as far west as Sault 
 Ste. Marie; (2) the fur traders who found they could make 
 greater profits by visiting the more distant tribes; and (3) the 
 explorers who desired to extend the political sway of France 
 rather than her religious or commercial interests. 
 
 The earliest of western explorers, Nicollet, launched 
 his canoe on a tributary of the Mississippi about 1640, but 
 it was not until 1673 that Marquette and Joliet explored 
 that river, which they descended as far as the Arkansas. 
 The work of these men was completed by the greatest 
 American explorer, Robert Cavelier, Sieur de La Salle, who 
 proposed to gain possession of the whole interior and main- 
 tain this hold by means of a chain of forts situated at strategic 
 points. In spite of almosjt overwhelming odds and amid the 
 greatest diflSculties, he clung to his single purpose of making 
 New France the strongest colony in America. His explora- 
 tions began in 1669 with a trip via Lake Erie to the Ohio 
 River. Ten years later he sought to explore the Mississippi 
 to its mouth. After two futile expeditions filled with diffi- 
 culties, his third expedition met with success and on April 9, 
 16S2, La Salle planted the standard of France where the 
 Mississippi River pours its vast volume into the Gulf of 
 Mexico and claimed the whole territory drained by it for 
 
1720] Frejich Exploration and Settlement 89 
 
 Louis XIV. He next proceeded to France, told the king 
 his plans, and asked permission to settle at the mouth of the 
 Mississippi, to build a chain of forts from this point to the 
 colony of Canada, and to drive out the Spaniards who claimed 
 the country. An expedition was fitted out, but by accident 
 came to Texas. Here La Salle was shot in 1687 by one of 
 his own men. 
 
 84. Louisiana (1699-1720). — La Salle's plan was not Early 
 abandoned, although nothing further was done until after settlement. 
 the first intercolonial war. In 1699 a settlement was made 
 
 at Biloxi, but it was abandoned, the colonists moving to ^^'"*' <^^'^^^'^- 
 
 ' ' ° poraries, II, 
 
 Mobile in 1701. Both the English and the Spanish pro- j^i^g ^^^^ ^^^ 
 
 tested against this occupancy of the gulf region, the former 
 
 on the ground that this land was covered by previous grants 
 
 made by English kings, the latter because of her discoveries France in 
 
 and explorations and her settlements in Florida and on the A?>terua, 
 
 Mexican coast. The Spaniards had in fact occupied the '^'^~ 
 
 best harbor on the coast, that of Pensacola, as early as 1606, 
 
 Ogg, Missis- 
 
 in the hope of preventing further French attempts at coloni- ^^pp}^ 169-204. 
 zation. Louisiana did not grow rapidly, but in 17 18 New 
 Orleans was founded and forts were placed at commanding Parkman, 
 points on the Mississippi and Red rivers, so that all other ^ai/ Century, 
 nations were effectively excluded from the Mississippi basin. ' ^ ~^^^' 
 About this time attention was called to the Louisiana set- 
 tlements by the speculations in the stock of the French 
 Mississippi company under the manipulations of the Scotch- 
 man, John Law. The bursting of the ''Mississippi Bubble" 
 did much in the end to injure the colony. 
 
 French and English Colonies (i 689-1 754) 
 
 85. The Treaty of Utrecht (1713)- — Before the French Beginning of 
 had gained a foothold at the mouth of the Mississippi, the ^^^^ hundred 
 
 , . ^^ _, , . n . . 1 years' war 
 
 colony of New trance became engaged m two conflicts with (1689-1697). 
 the English on the Atlantic coast. These wars were of Euro- 
 pean origin, caused by differences between France and Eng- 
 land. The first followed the Revolution of 1689 and the 
 attempt made by Louis XIV to regain the throne of England 
 
90 American History [1689 
 
 for James II. For the French, the contest in America was 
 ably conducted by the most capable of a long line of able 
 governors, the Count of Frontenac. At the close of the 
 war the French retained the territory draining into the 
 Hudson Bay and all lands occupied by them at the begin- 
 ning of the conflict.^ 
 War of the But five years elapsed before the ambitions of France 
 
 Spanish Sue- again involved that country in a European conflict,^ when 
 (1702-1713). Louis XIV sought to place upon the throne of Spain his 
 grandson, Philip of Anjou, to whom the late Spanish king 
 had left his scepter. The coalition against France was 
 remarkably successful during the long war that followed, 
 and in America the English colonists gained possession of 
 territory in Acadia, Newfoundland, and farther north. 
 Treaty of The war was brought to a close in 17 13 by the Treaty of 
 
 Utrecht (1713). Utrecht. England was able to make peace on very favor- 
 able terms because of her successes everywhere. She 
 MacDonald, allowed Philip to retain his position, but only on condition 
 j^Q ' that the two thrones of France and Spain should never be 
 
 united. While France was permitted to keep Canada and 
 Louisiana, England gained possession of the entire area 
 draining into Hudson Bay, the whole of Newfoundland, 
 -J and Acadia according to its most ancient limits. This last 
 provision was to be a bone of contention for fifty years, as 
 France wished to restrict England to the peninsula called 
 Nova Scotia and England claimed Cape Breton Island and 
 the mainland to the north and west as far as the St. Lawrence 
 and the Penobscot. According to the treaty the French 
 were allowed to catch fish off Newfoundland, with the privi- 
 lege of drying their fish on parts of the island, the earliest 
 attempt to regulate by treaty the rights of different nations 
 in the fisheries.^ 
 
 ^ ^ The Treaty of Ryswick (1697) brought to a close this war, known in 
 
 ^ colonial history as King William's War. 
 
 2 In the colonies this war was called Queen Anne's War, in Europe it 
 was known as the War of the Spanish Succession. 
 
 ^ The treaty stated also that France should never molest the Five 
 Nations "subject to the dominion of Great Britain." France of course 
 
1 75°] Frcjich and EiiglisJi after i68g 91 
 
 86. Georgia. — The thirty years between the Treaty of Peaceful 
 Utrecht and the third war between England and France was g'""wth 
 a period of expansion and development for both parties. ^ '^'^ ' 
 With both it was a time of preparation for the conflict 
 which was to determine the possession of the continent, but 
 the preparation of the French, carefully planned as it was, 
 proved to be less perfect than the growth of the sturdy 
 English colonies which were less conscious of the impending 
 crisis and apparently did nothing to make ready for it. 
 The two historical events of the period which particularly 
 deserve attention were the settlement of Georgia and the 
 conflicts between the governors and the assemblies in a 
 majority of the colonies. 
 
 Georgia was founded by James Edward Oglethorpe and Georgia 
 several associates who desired to establish a colony in which (^731-1752). 
 debtors might get a new start. They obtained from the 
 king a charter to land from the Savannah to the Altamaha ^^'"^- ^c"^^f"- 
 
 1 1 poraries, II, 
 
 rivers and westward to the Pacific. 1 his was to be governed j^^^ 39-44. 
 I by a council in which the people had no choice. The in- 
 ] habitants, except Roman Catholics, were to have religious q^^^^^ p^^_ 
 \ freedom and all were to enjoy the rights of Englishmen, vincial Amer- 
 \ The trustees of the colony sought to prevent the growth of i'^'^* 249-269. 
 j large plantations by forbidding negro slavery and restricting 
 I the amount of land held by one person. They expected 
 I to make great fortunes by producing raw silk and wines. 
 ; Almost without exception, their plans came to naught. 
 j The settlers proved to be inefficient, save for a few bands 
 I that were not sent over by the trustees. Slaves were hired 
 I from the people of Carolina and later regular slavery was 
 I introduced, and the agricultural schemes of the founders 
 ( entailed such losses that they were abandoned. The colony 
 j prospered after a fashion, but was so much exposed to Span- 
 I ish attacks and so greatly handicapped by its start that it 
 » did not develop at all rapidly. 
 
 claimed that while these Indians might be subjects of England, the terri- 
 tory of the Iroquois and of their tributary tribes was still free. England, 
 however, claimed territorial as well as personal dominion. 
 
92 
 
 A VI trial II History 
 
 [1700 
 
 The colonies 
 under the first 
 Hanoverians. 
 
 Victories of the 
 assemblies 
 over the gov- 
 ernors. 
 
 Thwaites. 
 The Colonies, 
 \^ 123-126. 
 
 Greene, Pro- 
 vincial Amer- 
 ica, 194-200. 
 
 87. The English Colonists and their Governors. — ^lean- 
 while the older English colonies were growing more rapidly 
 than at any previous time. Large numbers of immigrants, 
 most of them of other nationalities than English, flocked 
 to America. These new settlers, with the more adventurous 
 of the native-born inhabitants, pressed into the interior. 
 Commerce and industry were expanding with considerable 
 rapidity, notwithstanding the laws which were made by 
 the English government to control these occupations, for 
 these laws were not enforced.* Under the first two Han- 
 overians the colonial governments were allowed by the 
 authorities in England to do much as they pleased, and they 
 pleased to run their own affairs. The principal obstacle 
 in the way of their complete management of American affairs 
 they found in the governors who were sent over to look 
 after the interests of the crown, in the royal colonies, or of 
 the proprietors, in the proprietary colonies. These gov- 
 ernors were intrusted with powers so important that they 
 often controlled the situation theoretically. But custom 
 frequently prevented them from exercising these powers 
 fully. There were often important men or interests to be 
 consulted and a new governor was obliged to use his powers 
 with caution. If, as was often the case, he was a pleasure- 
 loving court favorite, he followed the line of least resistance, 
 and yielded to the assembly (the lower house of the legis- 
 lature, which was alwa\'s elected by the people) most of its 
 demands as the price of peace. By using this method, 
 which was sneeringly called a process of ''bargain and sale," 
 the assemblies in most of the colonies paid the governors' 
 salaries and allowed them to perform their duties unham- 
 pered only when the governors in turn kept their hands 
 off the business of the assemblies. These contests between 
 the governors and the assemblies were the most marked 
 characteristic of English colonial history during the first 
 half of the eighteenth century. The almost unvarying 
 success of the assembhes left the colonies to a large extent 
 
 See § lii. 
 
I750] 
 
 French and English after i68g 
 
 93 
 
 self-governing and did much to give the colonial leaders 
 confidence in their ability to protect themselves from inter- 
 ference on the part of the home government or its repre- 
 sentatives. 
 
 88. Government of the French Colonies. — The French 
 colonies were governed very differently. No representative 
 of the people had a share in making the laws. The king 
 appointed directly all of the chief colonial officials. There 
 was a governor who had control of military affairs, who 
 executed the laws, w^ho, in fact, had more influence than 
 any one else in making the laws. These governors held 
 office as a rule for a longer time than the governors in the 
 English colonies and exercised powers that were immeas- 
 urably greater. But every governor had at his elbow an 
 official called an ^^intendant,''^ who was appointed by the 
 king to spy upon the governor and report to the king what 
 the governor did. Naturally he acted as a check on that 
 official, but this dual system resulted in constant misunder- 
 standings and bickerings. The real legislative head of the 
 French colonies was a superior council appointed by the king. 
 This council made laws, established courts, and formed a 
 final court of appeal. 
 
 Such an absolute government of council, governor, and 
 intendant made it possible for the French colonies to con- 
 centrate all their strength in carrying on war and seizing 
 territory, much to their advantage. But the French rule 
 was not fitted to develop strong, populous, self-reliant 
 colonies. The government established a paternalism which 
 sought to aid the colonies, but which succeeded only in 
 weakening them. Commercial monopolies interfered with 
 individual enterprise, immigration was restricted by the 
 ardor of the Jesuit priests who kept out Protestant settlers, 
 while feudal estates and privileges placed barriers in the 
 way of social progress. For the protection of the fine terri- 
 torial domain that she had secured, France at the middle 
 of the eighteenth century could muster only eighty thousand 
 inhabitants, while the rival British possessions boasted 
 
 Organization 
 of the govern 
 ment. 
 
 Park man, 
 
 Struggle for a 
 
 Continent, 
 
 169-173. 
 
 Thwaites, 
 France in 
 America, 
 128-135. 
 
 Results of the 
 French colo- 
 nial policy. 
 
 Par km an, 
 Struggle for 
 Continent, 
 314-318. 
 
 Thwaites, 
 France in 
 America, 
 132-142. 
 
94 
 
 American History 
 
 [1744 
 
 War of the 
 Austrian Suc- 
 cession 
 (1744-1748). 
 
 Fiske, Nezv 
 France and 
 Xeiv England, 
 249-256. 
 
 French forts in 
 the West. 
 
 Parkman, 
 Struggle for a 
 Continent, 156- 
 264, 297-300. 
 
 Parkman, 
 Half Century, 
 I. 63-77- 
 
 nearly a million and a quarter. Little wonder that the court 
 of that pleasure-loving monarch, Louis XV, with its short- 
 sighted, blundering policy in Europe, Asia, and America, 
 w^as unable to retain its hold in America ! 
 
 89. Preparation for the Final Conflict. — Great Britain 
 and Spain had been at war for several years before the war 
 of the Austrian succession, which involved nearly every 
 country of Europe, spread to America in 1744. Only one 
 important military event distinguished this third inter- 
 colonial war. The great fortress of Louisburg on Cape 
 Breton Island, which commanded the entrance to the St. 
 Lawrence and threatened the English colonies of Newfound- 
 land and Acadia, was reduced by William Pepperell and a 
 force of New England farmers and fishermen almost unaided 
 by the British navy. Much to the indignation of the colo- 
 nists, this advantage was lost by the treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle 
 (1748), since Louisburg was returned to the French in ex- 
 change for Dutch fortresses that they gave up. 
 
 As this treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle was considered by all 
 parties a mere truce — a temporary lull in the storm — each 
 side was busy making preparations for the real struggle to 
 follow. France had already made considerable progress 
 in the occupation of the West, having gained control of the 
 principal avenues of communication by establishing forts 
 at strategic points like Frontenac, Detroit, Sault Ste. ^larie, 
 and Chartres before 1720. When the English sought to 
 secure a large share of the fur trade by building a trading 
 post at Oswego in 1722, the French tried by establishing 
 forts at Crown Point and Niagara to gain control of Lake 
 Champlain and to recover the trade they had lost on Lake 
 Ontario. At the close of the third intercolonial war, the 
 French governor of Canada strengthened the chain of forts 
 from ^lontreal to New Orleans, and in order to gain the 
 goodwill of the western Indians by impressing them \\'ith 
 the power of the French, he buried leaden plates inscribed 
 with the arms of France and the claim that France was the 
 sole owner of the country west of the mountains. 
 
1754] Expulsion of the French 95 
 
 Expulsion of the French (i 754-1 763) 
 
 90. The Struggle for the Upper Ohio Valley. — In 1753 French forts 
 
 the French extended their system of forts to the valley of ^""^ Virginia 
 
 . land grants, 
 
 the Allegheny River, with the intention of keeping the 
 
 Hart, Contem- 
 poraries, II, 
 
 English from the upper Ohio region. The English had 
 already secured from the Iroquois a claim to this territory, 
 but the first real interest in the country beyond the moun- Nos. 123-124 
 tains was developed in Virginia, which claimed that section 
 as a part of the land grant in her charter of 1609 (§ 35). 
 Grants of the land had been made to companies by Vir- 
 ginia before 1750, and, when the French began building forts 
 south of Lake Erie, Deputy Governor Dinwiddle of Vir- 
 ginia sent George Washington, then a stalwart youth of 
 twenty-one, to warn the French that they were trespassers. 
 
 Acting on Washington's report, a force was dispatched Collision be- 
 the next spring (1754), to occupy the rocky promontory tween the 
 at the junction of the Allegheny and the Monongahela Washington 
 Rivers, which was the real "gateway of the West." Before 
 their arrival the French descended the Allegheny in force, Parkman, 
 drove away the traders who had a post at that point, and struggle for a 
 built a strong fort that they called Duquesne. A scouting 
 party from this fort was sent to watch the movements of 
 the vanguard of the Virginia detachment under Washington Fiske, New 
 and was attacked by him, all of the Frenchmen being killed ^^^ England 
 or captured. Of course this was an act of war, but both 269-276. 
 France and England desired to maintain peace as long as 
 
 ^ .^ , . , , 1 Thwaites, 
 
 possible, and it was two years before war was declared, prance in 
 although waged during the interval in America and India. America, 
 After the first skirmish Washington was obliged to faU ^57-i68. 
 back, but later was himself captured with all of his troops 
 by a French force much larger than his own. 
 
 91. The Situation in America and in Europe. — That an Complications 
 actual battle between armed forces of the two countries of European 
 did not lead at once to a break in their friendly relations ^ 
 was due to the state of European politics. The treaty of 
 Aix-la-Chapelle had seated Maria Theresa firmly upon the 
 
 Continent, 
 333-337- 
 
96 
 
 American History 
 
 [1754 
 
 Hassall, Bal- 
 ance of Power, 
 224-240. 
 
 Comparison of 
 the combatants 
 in America. 
 
 Parkman, 
 Struggle for a 
 Continent, 
 314-328. 
 
 Avenues of 
 English attack. 
 
 throne of Austria, after nearly a decade of fighting. So 
 anxious was the whole of Europe for a respite, that not even 
 the struggles between France and England in India, which 
 had continued after war ceased in Europe, proved sufficient 
 cause for an open renewal of hostilities. But when affairs 
 reached a crisis in India; when Austria and France united 
 for the dismemberment of Prussia, with whom England was 
 in sympathy; when French and English vessels were scour- 
 ing the seas for the merchantmen of the other; and when 
 a half-dozen armies were actually fighting for America, 
 the facts could no longer be ignored, and war was declared 
 (1756). This ''Seven Years' War," as it is called in Euro- 
 pean history, exerted a greater influence on the destinies 
 of both France and England than almost any other war in 
 their history. The phase of it in which we are most inter- 
 ested, the contest in America, best known as the "Old French 
 and Indian War," decided the future of half a continent. 
 
 For the first time both England and France were almost 
 as much interested in the war outside of Europe as in the 
 war on the continent, and each gave to her colonies all 
 the forces that she could spare. In America the resources 
 of the contestants were far from equal. The popula- 
 tion of the English colonies was nearly fifteen times as large 
 as that of the French provinces. On the other hand there 
 were two highly centralized French provinces, in which a 
 semi-military government could bring every able-bodied 
 man into the field at short notice, and fourteen disconnected 
 British colonies more or less jealous of one another, and 
 practically without experience in acting together. Nothing 
 but a great common danger could make the English colonies 
 forget their differences, and the distrust shown by the as- 
 semblies toward their governors made them unwilling to 
 vote men and supplies for an army which might be directed 
 by the governors. 
 
 As the strength of the French was greatly disproportionate 
 to the territory that they held, it was natural for them to 
 await the attack of the EngHsh. The English in the mean- 
 
1754] 
 
 Expiilsioji of the French 
 
 97 
 
 time prepared for invasion along four principal avenues^ 
 First, they followed the seacoast and the St. Lawrence, 
 using Boston and Halifax as the bases of operations. Then 
 came the Champlain route, and the one through the Mo- 
 hawk valley and Lake Ontario. Last of all was that lead- 
 ing straight to the ground especially in dispute by way of 
 Fort Duquesne. 
 
 
 VIROINIA 
 
 80^ 
 
 SCENE OF THE 
 LAST FRENCH WAR 
 
 63° BOhMAY.N.Y. 64° 
 
 92. The First Period of the War (1754-1757). — In order 
 to secure the cooperation of the Indians west from Lake 
 Champlain, the French had made repeated efforts to gain 
 the friendship of the various tribes. So great was their 
 success that even the Six Nations,^ which had remained 
 neutral during the third intercolonial war, were brought 
 under French influence. To counteract this impending 
 danger, a congress was called to meet at Albany, New York 
 (1754), for the purpose of renewing treaties with the Iro- 
 quois. The Six Nations were persuaded easily not to cast 
 in their lot with the French in the conflict that had 
 begun already, but the congress proceeded to adopt a re- 
 markable plan of military union for the colonies, which had 
 
 ^ The Tuscaroras had joined the Five Nations in 1715. 
 H 
 
 The Iroquois 
 
 and the Al- 
 bany Congress 
 (1754). 
 
 Hart, Contem- 
 poraries, 
 II, No. 125. 
 
 Thwaites, 
 France in 
 America, 
 168-172. 
 
98 
 
 Auicricaji History 
 
 [1754 
 
 Lamed (ed.), 
 Ready Re/., 
 V, 3 175-3178. 
 
 French 
 
 victories 
 (1755-1757). 
 
 Hart, Contem- 
 poraries, II, 
 Nos. 126-127. 
 
 Parkman, 
 
 Struggle for 
 a Contifienf, 
 343-355- 
 
 Campaigns 
 of 1758. 
 
 been proposed by Benjamin Franklin of Pennsylvania. 
 It contemplated a president general appointed by the 
 English king, who was to be commander in chief of the 
 colonial army, and an assembly which was to have charge 
 of all tinancial matters. This plan was disapproved in 
 England as too democratic, and in the colonies because it 
 centered too much power in the hands of a royal represent- 
 ative. 
 
 The first real campaign of the war was that of Braddock, 
 who attempted with a force of provincials and regulars to 
 capture Fort Duquesne (1755). His overwhelming defeat 
 was all the more humiliating because of the numerical in- 
 feriority of the French and Indians. The same year oc- 
 curred the expulsion of the Acadians, a cruel act, justified 
 on the ground of political and military necessity. While 
 the English commanders remained inactive the next two 
 years or wasted their time in vain demonstrations against 
 the great fortress of Louisburg, the French general, ^[ont- 
 calm, gained absolute control of Lakes Ontario and Cham- 
 plain. The first period of the war had revealed the utter 
 incapacity of most of the English commanders, while an 
 almost uninterrupted series of French victories had extended 
 still further the limits of the vast territory claimed by 
 France. 
 
 93. The Second Period of the War (i 758-1 760) . — When 
 William Pitt became prime minister of England (1757) 
 the tide turned. He immediately formed plans for the active 
 prosecution of the war by sending to America a still larger 
 number of troops, by arousing the colonists to active co- 
 operation with the regular army, and by appointing compe- 
 tent commanders. An expedition was fitted out to follow 
 each route. Louisburg, Frontenac, and Fort Duquesne 
 fell into the hands of the English, the first after a siege that 
 was severe though short. The French line would have 
 been cut up even more had it not been for the remoteness 
 of Niagara and the presence of a skillful leader, Marquis 
 de Montcalm, atTiconderoga. With his departure to defend 
 
1763] 
 
 Expulsion of the French 
 
 99 
 
 Quebec the next season (1759), Lake Champlain too became 
 English. 
 
 The great expedition of the year, and in fact of the war, Capture of 
 was that against the city of Quebec. Occupying command- Quebec (1759). 
 ing heights that were directly approachable from one side 
 only, with mighty fortifications against which artillery 
 thundered in vain, de- 
 fended by a large army 
 under the command of 
 the ablest French gen- 
 eral, Quebec seemed 
 impregnable. For the 
 capture of the city a 
 fleet and an army were 
 dispatched early in 
 1759 under James 
 Wolfe, whose diseased 
 frame housed an in- 
 domitable spirit. After 
 months of fruitless 
 siege Wolfe was able 
 to lead one half of his 
 army by night to the 
 plains of Abraham on 
 the unprotected side 
 
 of the city. Montcalm gave battle, in which both command- 
 ers were killed, and a few days later the city surrendered. 
 This glorious victory left to the French only Montreal, which 
 was captured the next year, and the territory in the West. 
 It really settled the fate of the French empire on the conti- 
 nent of North America. John Fiske beheved that "the 
 triumph of Wolfe marks the greatest turning point as yet 
 discernible in modern history," 
 
 94. The Peace of Paris (1763). — For nearly three 
 years after war ceased in America, the two countries con- 
 tinued the great conflict elsewhere. During this interval 
 Spain formed an alliance with France and assisted her in 
 
 William Pitt 
 
 Fiske, New 
 France and 
 New England^ 
 349-359. 
 
 The situation 
 in 1762. 
 
lOO 
 
 American History 
 
 [1689 
 
 Provisions 
 of the Treaty 
 of Paris (1763). 
 
 MacDonald, 
 Charters, 
 No. 54. 
 
 Thwaites, 
 France in 
 America, 
 266-279. 
 
 Territory- 
 west of the 
 Alleghany 
 mountains. 
 
 MacDonald, 
 Charters, 
 No. 55. 
 
 the contest. But England continued to gain victories. 
 She became mistress of the important island of Guadaloupe, 
 as well as most of the other French possessions in the West 
 Indies. Havana and part of Florida had fallen into her 
 hands. As she had been the acknowledged ruler of India 
 after the battle of Plassey (1757), she was not to be satis- 
 fied with the territory for which she had fought, not even 
 when Canada was included. The war had proved a colo- 
 nial death struggle, from which France emerged with 
 scarcely a trace of the magnificent possessions she had 
 claimed at the beginning. 
 
 In the Treaty of Paris (1763) all of the claims of France 
 to the territory east of the Mississippi, except the little island 
 on which New Orleans stands, were transferred to England.^ 
 Only two little islets south of Newfoundland were kept for 
 fishing stations, and they were never to be fortified. Eng- 
 land's territory was rounded out by the exchange of Havana 
 for the Spanish Floridas. Spain had already been com- 
 pensated for her losses when France gave her the isle of 
 Orleans and all Louisiana west of the Mississippi River. 
 
 Many of the Indian tribes of the West protested against the 
 transfer of their territory to English rule and united under 
 Pontiac in one of the greatest Indian uprisings in history. 
 Attacks were made on all the western forts and settlements 
 from the Virginia frontier to the Great Lakes. As the colo- 
 nial assemblies neglected or refused to furnish troops, 
 regulars were sent to relieve the besieged garrisons, but the 
 insurrection was not broken completely until 1765. Mean- 
 while, in order to appease the western Indians, George III 
 issued a proclamation (1763) reserving the lands beyond 
 the Alleghanies for the Indians and prohibiting the colo- 
 nies from making grants of lands or settlements in that 
 region. 
 
 * France was allowed to retain either Guadaloupe or Canada. While 
 Canada was poor and had been a source of continual expense, Guadaloupe 
 was rich and had given substantial aid to the French treasury. So the 
 chance of future dominion was sacrificed to present gain. 
 
1763] Rivalry of FrcjicJi, and English loi 
 
 95. Summary.- — The French were not good colonizers Growth of 
 and were hampered by the paternal attitude of their home ^'"^"^^ ^"^ 
 government. Three colonies were founded in North America : colonies. 
 Acadia south of the St. Lawrence, New France or Canada 
 
 in the St. Lawrence basin, and Louisiana in the lower Mis- c 
 
 sissippi basin. French explorers, traders, and priests 
 penetrated the interior, but France planted no colonies 
 inland. She maintained a hold on the interior, however, 
 by connecting Canada with Louisiana by a chain of forts 
 at strategic points. Her great rival meanwhile was neg- 
 lecting the eleven colonies which had been planted on the 
 Atlantic coast during the seventeenth century. But the 
 colonies prospered, large numbers of immigrants being 
 received from Ireland, Scotland, France, and Germany 
 as well as England. Their gain during the three quarters 
 of a century following the revolution of 1688 was not only 
 in population, commerce, and wealth, but in culture, self- 
 reliance, and a greater desire for self-government. 
 
 With the expulsion of James II from England in 1689 Intercolonial 
 began the second "hundred years' war" between France ^^^^ (1689- 
 and Great Britain. The first four conflicts in this series, 
 lasting until 1763, involved the colonies of these nations in 
 America, and were accompanied by all the horrors of border 
 Indian warfare. The first substantial gain was secured in 
 the Treaty of Utrecht (17 13) by which England gained 
 control of all Newfoundland, the territory drained into 
 Hudson Bay, and Acadia with its ancient limits. The 
 last war, begun in 1754, was a contest at the beginning for 
 the control of the upper Ohio valley, but, when Pitt became 
 prime minister in England, it became a struggle for supremacy 
 in America which ended in the capture of Louisburg, Que- 
 bec, and all other important French strongholds. At the 
 close of the war France transferred her territory west of 
 the Mississippi to her ally, Spain, and surrendered to the 
 English Canada and the eastern Mississippi basin. Eng- 
 land rounded out her possessions by acquiring from Spain 
 both Floridas. 
 
102 */ Ay I erica n History [1689 
 
 TOPICS 
 
 1. Champlain: Fiske, "New England and New France," 
 pp. 39-42, 58-71, 80-93; Parkman, "Struggle for a Continent," 
 pp. 83-124; Winsor (ed.), "America," V, pp. 103-130. 
 
 2. Capture of Quebec (i 759) : Thwaites, " France in America," 
 pp. 239-254; Sloane, "French War and Revolution," pp. 78-98; 
 Parkman, "Struggle for a Continent," pp. 382-446. 
 
 STUDIES 
 
 1. France under Henry IV. (Wakeman, " iVscendency of France," 
 pp. 14-38-) 
 
 2. French search for a western passage. (Parkman, "Struggle 
 for a Continent," pp. 107-113.) 
 
 3. Iroquois and the French. 
 
 4. Character of La Salle. (Parkman, "Struggle for a Continent," 
 pp. 220-222.) 
 
 5. Early Indian attacks during the second intercolonial war. 
 (Drake, " Border Wars of New England," 153-186.) 
 
 6. Acadia after 1 713. (Parkman, "Montcalm and Wolfe," I, go- 
 127.) 
 
 7. How the people controlled their governors. (Fisher, "True 
 American Revolution," pp. 21-32.) 
 
 8. England and France in the eighteenth century. (Parkman, 
 "Struggle for a Continent," pp. 301-313.) 
 
 9. Early colonial plans of union. (" American History Leaflets," 
 No. 14.) 
 
 10. The contest over India. (Woodward, "Expansion of the 
 British Empire," pp. 196-205.) 
 
 11. Montcalm. (Parkman, "^lontcalm and Wolfe," I, pp. 356- 
 380.) 
 
 QUESTIONS 
 
 1. Show how political changes in France influenced the course of 
 events in the French colonies. Was the colonial policy of fVance 
 wise? (Consider political, commercial, and religious regulations.) 
 
 2. Make an outline on the French in America, giving (a) method 
 used to gain possession of the countn.', (&) three classes that extended 
 French sway, (c) extent of French possessions (1650, 1710, 1755), 
 {d) causes of French success, {e) causes of French failure. 
 
 3. Make a table showing the chief events during the three periods, 
 1600-1660, 1660-1700, 1700-1763, under the following heads: Eng- 
 land, New England, middle colonies, southern colonies, the French 
 and English, events of continental Europe. (Keep events of the same 
 date on same horizontal line.) 
 
 I 
 
1763] Rivalry of French and English 103 
 
 4. Compare the land claims of the two countries to the Ohio 
 valley (1754)- What had each done to explore or occupy that region 
 before that date. 
 
 5. To what extent did the colonial wars create a spirit of unity 
 among the colonies? Name several reasons why Franklin's plan of 
 unity met wuth disapproval. 
 
 6. Was the expulsion of the Acadians necessary? Give reasons 
 for your answer. Could it have been accomplished in a different way ? 
 
 7. Why might Fiske have believed that "the triumph of Wolfe 
 marks the greatest turning point as yet discernible in modern his- 
 tory" ? 
 
CHAPTER VI 
 
 Population of 
 the sections. 
 
 Race elements 
 of the 
 population. 
 
 Thwaites, 
 Colonies, 
 97, 180-181, 
 220-222. 
 
 Greene, 
 Provincial 
 America, 
 228-236. 
 
 Lodge, 
 
 Eng. Colonies, 
 66, 227-229, 
 406-409. 
 
 COLONIAL CONDITIONS (1750) 
 Population and Society 
 
 96. Number of the People. — At the middle of the eigh- 
 teenth century tlie population of the thirteen colonies that 
 afterward united to form the United States was probably 
 
 less than a million and a 
 
 
 quarter, distributed fairly 
 evenly between the three 
 sections, New England, the 
 Middle colonies, and the 
 South. The most populous 
 of all the colonies was Vir- 
 ginia, with ^lassachusetts 
 and Pennsylvania occupy- 
 ing second and third places. 
 With the exception of about 
 three hundred thousand ne- 
 groes all of the inhabitants 
 were white, but perhaps not 
 more than three fourths of 
 these were of English de- 
 scent. The New England 
 colonies were settled almost 
 exclusively by English Puri- 
 tans and Virginia had few 
 white inhabitants in the 
 eastern part who were not English. A large percentage 
 were of that sturdy yeoman stock which has been the 
 backbone of the English race for several centuries. A 
 few came from the higher social ranks but some were the 
 dregs of English society. Among the non~English peoples, 
 
 104 
 
 Density of Population 
 (1750) 
 
1750] Population and Society 1 05 
 
 the Scotch-Irish predominated, large numbers of that in- 
 tense and intelligent race having emigrated from the north 
 of Ireland during the first half of the eighteenth century. 
 Most of these Scotch-Irish settled in the interior, along the 
 foothills of Pennsylvania and the Carolinas particularly. 
 Aside from the English Puritans, this race has furnished the 
 largest number and most influential of our public men. 
 Many Huguenot families emigrated to America after the 
 revocation of the Edict of Nantes in 1685. A larger pro- 
 portion of these desirable citizens settled in South Caro- 
 lina than in any other colony. In the middle colonies there 
 was a larger number of foreigners than elsewhere, for not 
 only were the Scotch and French numerous in that section, 
 but there were also the original Dutch and Swedish settlers, 
 besides a great number of German settlers who are known 
 best as ''Pennsylvania Dutch." Probably one quarter of 
 all the colonists were of nationalities other than English. 
 
 97. Classes of Society. — In all the colonies there was social classes 
 a marked distinction between the social classes, least pro- 
 nounced in Pennsylvania and New England, most notice- xhwaites 
 able in South Carolina. In the North, the aristocracy was Colonies, 
 one based to a great extent on family, but men often attained ^'^^ 42, 93- 
 social standing by exceptional learning or unusual business 
 success. In the South, family and the possession of landed Lodge, 
 estates counted for most. The middle class of independent _ l^i-Zi 
 farmers or merchants was largest in New England, for in 445-448. 
 that section there were few dependents and practically no 
 slaves. In Pennsylvania also the middle class was very 
 numerous, although there was the greatest difference be- 
 tween the prosperous farmer of the eastern valleys and the 
 rough ignorant frontiersman of the interior. In most of 
 the other colonies the middle class was comparatively small. 
 
 As a rule these people of the colonies were rough, kind- Character 
 hearted, industrious, and frugal. Their manners were often of the people, 
 crude, and their ideas on social and political subjects un- 
 developed, but their courage was never open to question, Wilson, 
 and their love of liberty unquenchable. Although they ^^'^i"^^'"' 
 
io6 
 
 American History 
 
 [1750 
 
 Two kinds 
 of indented 
 servants. 
 
 Andrews, 
 
 Col.Self-Gov't, 
 
 290-293. 
 
 Lodge, 
 
 Erig. Colonies, 
 
 69-71, 125-126. 
 
 Eggleston, 
 in Century, 
 XXVIII 
 (1884), 853- 
 856. 
 
 Treatment 
 of indented 
 servants. 
 
 Eggleston, 
 in Century, 
 XXVIII 
 
 (1884). 856- 
 858. 
 
 Blacks in the 
 Xoith and the 
 South. 
 
 drank overmuch and often engaged in pastimes that do 
 not appeal to a more highly organized people, they rarely 
 had distorted views of right and wrong. 
 
 98. Indented Servants. — There existed in all of the 
 English provinces a class of white servants who were bound 
 to their masters for a term of years. Of these there were 
 two distinct kinds — one consisting of convicts who wxre 
 sent to America to serve their sentences, and the other 
 "indented" servants who bound themselves to work for 
 a period of five years, usually, in payment of their passage 
 to the new world. Many of those belonging to the second 
 class were worthy, hardworking, but unfortunate individuals 
 who secured farms of their own after the expiration of their 
 terms of service, and became valuable citizens. The ma- 
 jority of the ''indented" servants, however, were indolent 
 and shiftless, so that an immense number of ne'er-do-wells 
 were imposed on the colonies, especially from New York 
 to North Carolina. Still more burdensome were the re- 
 leased convicts whose lawlessness and viciousness w^re a 
 menace to the peace and order of the colonies. 
 
 During the terms of service these servants were con- 
 trolled absolutely and often treated harshly by their masters. 
 Attempts to escape were punished severely, and added to 
 the time of servitude. In some colonies a second attempt 
 was punishable by branding on the cheek and a third at- 
 tempt by death if desired by the master. Frequently the 
 condition of these servants was much better than might be 
 expected, comparing favorably with that of farm hands in 
 England. Sometimes convicts who were political exiles 
 occupied clerical or business positions of importance. 
 
 99. Slavery. — African slavery existed in New Nether- 
 land and in the South almost from the beginning. It never 
 attained prominence in New England, for the occupations 
 of the people and later a growing sentiment against human 
 bondage prevented its development. The few slaves, as 
 in most of the other northern colonies, were house servants 
 who were treated usually with a great deal of consideration. 
 
1750J Population and Society 107 
 
 From Pennsylvania south, the blacks were, of course, very Coman, indus^ 
 
 much more numerous, in Virginia nearly equaling the whites ^^'^^ Hist., 
 
 in number, and in South Carolina forming about three ^^ 
 
 fifths of the population. All of the menial domestic duties 
 
 were performed by slaves, but in Maryland and Virginia 
 
 most of the blacks were employed as field hands on the large 
 
 tobacco plantations, while in the extreme South the work 
 
 in the rice fields was done by bands of fierce, ignorant slaves, 
 
 under cruel overseers. 
 
 During the seventeenth century white servants were pre- Laws regard- 
 
 ferred to African slaves, in almost all of the colonies, and the ^"^ slaves. 
 
 I laws regarding slaves were comparatively lenient. Later, 
 
 \ with the development of slavery and attempted insurrections, Eggleston, in 
 
 ' laws of great severity were passed. Slaves were not allowed xxviTi 
 
 I to leave their plantations without permission and might be (1884), 861- 
 
 ' put to death if they attempted to escape or injured their ^^5- 
 
 masters. Meetings of slaves were forbidden and their 
 
 f quarters were searched frequently for hidden arms. Inter- Lodge, 
 
 I marriage between whites and blacks was forbidden under , '^f " ^ °^''^^' 
 I » 67-69. 
 
 very heavy penalties. Many legal obstacles were placed 
 ( in the way of emancipation. These laws were not enforced 
 ' in Maryland and Virginia, for most of the blacks in those 
 I colonies were native born, living their entire lives on a single 
 I plantation, and consequently known personally to the mas- 
 j ter and mistress. As a rule they were well fed, well clothed, 
 and treated humanely. 
 
 In the South, on the contrary, there was little difference Enforcement 
 between the letter and the spirit of the law. Many of the of slave laws in 
 I blacks were barbarous Africans, trapped by slave dealers go^^j^ 
 and brought to America by Spanish or New England slave 
 ] traders. On the rice or indigo plantations little attempt i^odge, 
 was made to civilize them. Slaves were cheap and their Eng. Colonies, 
 labor so profitable that it was more economical to work them ^^^-^^S- 
 hard and buy new slaves when they were worn out than to 
 spare them. Small wonder was it that the badly treated 
 blacks hated their masters and overseers and were kept 
 in subjection by an iron rule. 
 
io8 
 
 American Histoiy 
 
 [1750 
 
 The cities. 
 
 Eggleston, in 
 Century, XXIX 
 (1885), 873- 
 881. 
 
 100. Colonial Life. — Although nearly all of the people 
 lived within one hundred miles of the seacoast, there were 
 only four places that deserved to be called cities — Boston, 
 Philadelphia, New York, and Charleston — and compara- 
 tively few large towns, Boston and New York were the 
 centers of a thriving commerce. In Charleston lived most 
 of the planters of South Carolina who found life unendur- 
 
 A Colonial Kitchen 
 
 Lodge, 
 
 Eng. Colonies, 
 103, 237-240, 
 258-262, 333- 
 337. 451-461. 
 
 able on the hot, swampy plantations. These cities and some 
 of the towns were compact little burgs, not overciean, with 
 narrow winding streets — except Philadelphia — numerous 
 small shops, and well-built houses usually of brick and stone. 
 Few of the inhabitants were wealthy, but the majority were 
 in fair circumstances. Few of the streets were patrolled 
 or lighted at night, there was no uniform water supply or 
 proper sanitation. Most of the houses had several bal- 
 conies, and were backed if not surrounded by attractive 
 gardens. Some of them were comfortably furnished with 
 chairs, tables, and draperies purchased abroad. 
 
175°] 
 
 Population and Society 
 
 109 
 
 In the country the log cabins which had been the rule 
 everywhere in the early days were to be found only on the 
 frontier or in the poorer districts. With the advent of the 
 sawmill, they had been replaced by frame houses of several 
 rooms which were rude structures tied together with wooden 
 
 pms, 
 
 for iron was scarce. 
 
 The doors were hung on leather 
 
 Life in the 
 country, 
 
 Earle, Home 
 Life in Colo- 
 nial Days, 
 4-16, 22-27, 
 52-75- 
 
 hinges and fortunate indeed wafe the farmer who substituted 
 glass brought from England for the oiled paper which was 
 
 A Colonial Hall 
 
 almost universal outside of the towns. In most of the farm- 
 houses the spacious kitchen was the most attractive room. 
 At one end was a great fireplace with large pots and kettles 
 suspended from a horizontal rod — for stoves were prac- 
 tically unknown in 1750. There was a large dining-table 
 and a few rude chairs or benches. Around the glowing 
 fire the family gathered at night, and the kitchen was fre- 
 quently the scene of jolly neighborhood gatherings. The 
 loneliness of country life was relieved by occasional house 
 raisings and by frequent quilting bees and corn huskings. 
 In a few districts in rural New England, along the Hud- 
 son, and from the Delaware to the Carolina border, the 
 country homes of the landed gentry were very fine examples 
 
 Lodge, Eng. 
 Colonies, 76-82, 
 2.\Z-2.^'2, 329- 
 331, 448-451. 
 
 Country 
 homes of the 
 gentry. 
 
no 
 
 American History 
 
 [1750 
 
 Difficulties in 
 preparing the 
 land. 
 
 Winsor (ed.), 
 America, IV, 
 Intro. 
 
 Agricultural 
 products and 
 exports. 
 
 Co man, Indus- 
 trial Hist., 
 47-60. 
 
 Eggleston, 
 in Century, 
 XXVII (1884), 
 435-442. 
 
 of the beautiful type of architecture which we call colonial. 
 These were seen at their best on the broad tobacco planta- 
 tions of Virginia. There the spacious "halls," ever open 
 to visitors, with the numerous barns and other farm build- 
 ings and rows of slave cabins, formed miniature colonies 
 in themselves. 
 
 Occupations 
 
 loi. Agriculture. — Most of the colonists depended on 
 agriculture for their support. At first each colony sought 
 to raise simply the necessaries of life — a supply of 
 food which would keep them from starving. Conditions 
 were not especially favorable for agriculture at the begin- 
 ning, because of the dense forests. The task of clearing 
 the land was so arduous that the early settlers contented 
 themselves with the Indian method of girdling the trees 
 so that they .died. Corn and pumpkins were then planted 
 among the lifeless trunks. In New England, further diffi- 
 culties were added by the stones with which the prehistoric 
 glaciers had sown the land. The fight with the wilder- 
 ness was long and intense. 
 
 In the northern colonies all of the farms were small, 
 as the narrow valleys precluded cultivation on a large scale. 
 Great care was necessary to insure even moderate crops, 
 except in the valley of the Connecticut. There were very 
 few communities in New England that raised articles for 
 export. In the middle section a surplus supply of wheat 
 was grown, so that wheat and flour were shipped to the West 
 Indies and Europe. In Maryland and Virginia agriculture 
 absorbed the entire attention of the people. This was due 
 to the profitableness of the tobacco industry, for at different 
 times the planters neglected food supplies in their mad 
 desire to gain wealth by raising tobacco to be sold abroad. 
 It was necessary to make laws compelling every planter to 
 devote a certain area to corn. Even with this restraint, 
 the over-production of tobacco caused a great decline in 
 the price. After the passage of the Navigation Act, which 
 
1750] Occupations in 
 
 forbade the sending of tobacco to other countries than Eng- 
 land, the price became still lower, but the raising of tobacco 
 remained the chief source of wealth in those colonies until 
 the revolution. South Carolina made a specialty of rice 
 during the eighteenth century, and indigo was produced in 
 large quantities after 1745. Some cotton also was grown 
 in the low lands along the coast. 
 
 102. Commerce and Shipping. — The colonies were de- Restrictions on 
 pendent on England for many manufactured articles. At ^0^0"'^^ *'^<^^- 
 the beginning it was impossible to produce these things 
 in America, and after 1660 the home government aimed to Coman. indus- 
 prohibit manufacturing in the colonies, at the same time „„_3o 
 compelling the colonists to purchase everything they needed 
 from England rather than from her continental rivals. 
 Since the commercial laws of England were not enforced 
 strictly, the colonies enjoyed a large though legally forbidden 
 trade with the West Indian possessions of France and Spain 
 and with Holland, France, and other European countries.^ 
 
 From the northern ports a comparatively large trade was General 
 carried on, especially with England and the British West exports and 
 Indies. It is estimated that salted cod and mackerel 
 worth ;£2 50,000 were exported annually from New England. 
 Large quantities of lumber and dried fish were sent to the ^^-^i ^,^^ 
 West Indies every year, where they were exchanged for 75.77, 
 molasses, from which was distilled rum that was in turn 
 exported. Nevertheless, the imports of New England 
 were four times as great as its exports. In Virginia and 
 North Carolina, owing to the lack of towns and harbors, 
 \ the skippers of the small sailing vessels ascended the numer- 
 ous rivers of those colonies, exchanging their fine cloths 
 and other articles at each plantation for the products of 
 the country. 
 
 A large part of the shipping was in the hands of New ship building 
 Englanders, since the colonists were allowed by the navi- ^"^ shipping. 
 gation acts to trade on the same terms as native-born Eng- 
 lishmen. Shipbuilding had become an important indus- 
 
 ^ On the laws of trade, see §§ 119-121. 
 
112 
 
 American History 
 
 [1750 
 
 Wright, Indus- 
 trial Evolution 
 
 0/ U.S.,2.'&-^2. 
 
 Piracy. 
 
 Hart, Contem- 
 poraries, 
 II, No. 85. 
 
 Colonial 
 manufactures. 
 
 Coman, Indus- 
 trial Hist., 
 62, 72. 
 
 try in the northern colonies, as lumber was cheap, and the 
 vessels built in the New England shipyards were superior 
 to those constructed in Europe. The 'fisheries formed a 
 training school of the best kind for a race of hardy, daring 
 sailors who gained a reputation in later naval wars. Prob- 
 ably one half of the population in New England depended 
 on the sea for a living. 
 
 Commerce in colonial times was attended by dangers 
 that no longer exist. There was always risk of capture 
 by privateers of unfriendly nations. Pirates were numerous, 
 successful, and often unpunished. At one time North 
 Carolina harbored a great many, at another New York 
 and Newport gained an unpleasant reputation for giving 
 them aid. The government sought to suppress piracy, 
 sending out privateers to capture them. Among those 
 commissioned to destroy pirate ships was the notorious 
 Captain Kidd, who turned pirate as soon as he was out of 
 sight of land, but afterward suffered death for his crimes. 
 In spite of harsh measures, regular commerce was not free 
 from perils of this nature until comparatively late in the 
 eighteenth century, and many passengers and crews were 
 obliged to "walk the plank." 
 
 103. Industry and Labor. — The colonies were in no 
 true sense manufacturing communities. A new country 
 is not well adapted for those industries which require a 
 large supply of raw materials and an abundance of labor. 
 Because of the lack of laborers and the higher wages paid in 
 America, it was cheaper to ship the raw materials to Eng- 
 land and purchase the finished products from the mother 
 country. Yet there was a large amount of manufacturing 
 done in the colonies on a small scale. Practically all of 
 the household furniture was made at home. Almost 
 every family had its spinning wheel and hand loom. Few 
 of the colonists used anything but the coarse ''linen" made 
 from the hemp and flax that they prepared, or dressed in 
 anything but homespun woolen clothes, but the wealthier 
 farmers or merchants imported their broadcloth and their 
 
1750J Occupations 113 
 
 hats. The building of ships was undoubtedly the fore- 
 most industry of the colonies, three hundred and eighty- 
 nine being constructed in a single year.^ Many of these were 
 built for English owners, or were sold abroad later with 
 their cargoes. 
 
 Although the hours of labor were very long, and the wages Condition of 
 paid, two or three shillings a day for skilled labor, seem ^^^°^- 
 ridiculously small, the laborer in the colonies was undoubt- 
 edly better paid and better treated than in any part of Wright, Indus- 
 Europe. The agricultural laborer was free to sell his labor ^^^_^^^ " ^""'' 
 to the one who would pay the most for it, instead of being 
 tied to a certain farm, as in most countries across the At- 
 lantic. The man who wished to learn a trade served a 
 ' shorter apprenticeship, and was freer in every way than a 
 I fellow workman in England. There were numerous at- 
 ' tempts during colonial times to regulate the price of wages 
 or of commodities, in the interest usually of those wealthier 
 f classes which controlled the government, but these proved 
 I ineffective. 
 
 104. Colonial Currency. — Most of the colonial business Commodities 
 \ consisted simply in the exchange of one commodity for an- ^^ money. 
 ' other. Corn, sheep, and cattle were the ordinary media 
 j of exchange in several colonies, the value of a sheep in shil- 
 I lings often being designated by law. This enabled debtors 
 I to pay their creditors in the poorest animals they owned. 
 In Virginia and Maryland, tobacco was used as currency, 
 J articles being purchased and wages paid in tobacco. 
 
 As the people bought abroad more than they were able to Colonial coins, 
 sell it was impossible to secure or retain any large quantity 
 of gold or silver. Most of the silver coins in circulation were Dewey, Finan- 
 dollars or smaller coins bearing a Spanish stamp, which ciai Hist, of 
 had been obtained in trade with the West Indies. Almost * '' ^ ~^^* 
 every colony placed a different valuation on the Spanish 
 \ dollar. In one colony it was considered worth five Eng- 
 j lish shillings, in another six, in another eight. This natu- 
 I rally added confusion to the existing monetary difficulties. 
 
 V ^ 1769, the only year for which full statistics are available. 
 
114 
 
 A nicrican History 
 
 [1750 
 
 Paper money. 
 
 Co man, Indus- 
 trial Hist., 
 83-86. 
 
 Hart, Contem- 
 poraries, 
 II.Nos. 88, 89. 
 
 Medicine, 
 teaching, and 
 the laws. 
 
 Greene, Pro- 
 vincial Amer- 
 ica, 317-319- 
 
 Lodge, 
 
 Eng. Colonies, 
 
 232, 236-237. 
 
 The ministry. 
 
 Massachusetts was the first colony to attempt a solution 
 of the currency problem by issuing paper money, but other 
 colonies were not slow to follow this apparently easy method 
 of paying private and public debts.^ New York and Penn- 
 sylvania were more careful than the other colonies to pro 
 vide a safe system of redeeming this paper, thus escaping 
 the evils of depreciation and business depression that fol- 
 lowed in the other colonies. In several colonies so-called 
 "banks" were allowed to issue paper money, with results 
 disastrous to all but the promoters of the scheme. A large 
 part of the paper money in circulation became worth less 
 than fifteen per cent of its face value. Interference with 
 business was so great that at length parliament forbade 
 (1751) the issue of paper money in New England and 
 (1763) extended the prohibition to all of the colonies. 
 
 105. The Professions. — Very few persons were trained 
 carefully for professional work. There w^re in 1750 but 
 four colleges, most of which had been founded with an idea 
 of fitting men for the ministry, but there were no theological 
 seminaries or other professional schools. Consequently 
 few physicians were to be found in the colonies, and of these 
 the majority were men of little learning and less skill. Medi- 
 cine as practiced was neither an art nor a science. Most 
 of the teachers were either clergymen who gave part of their 
 attention to private classes or incompetent individuals who 
 had failed of success in other occupations. Although few 
 men devoted their attention exclusively to the law, most 
 educated men in the colonies were versed in the law and 
 were prepared to argue cases if necessary. Pennsylvania 
 alone furnished many able lawyers for other colonies, and 
 the saying "as smart as a Philadelphia lawyer" became 
 almost a proverb. 
 
 As more care was taken in preparing clergymen for their 
 work than with the other professions, the Congregational 
 colonial minister was the best educated, and probably the 
 
 ^ Before 1750, all ol 
 issued bills of credit. 
 
 the colonies except Virginia and Georgia had 
 
I750] 
 
 Occupations 
 
 115 
 
 ablest man In his community. Looked up to for his char- Lodge, 
 acter and learning, his influence enabled him to direct ^^^- (Colonies, 
 public opinion and settle private controversies. Many of '^^3-425- 
 the men appointed to livings in the Anglican church in 
 America as in England were ignorant and corrupt, although 
 the pastors of most independent churches and of regular 
 parishes were men of high moral character. 
 
 Miscellaneous Conditions 
 
 106. Colonial Churches. — In most of the colonies there Puritan 
 was a church supported at public expense, the union of churches. 
 
 A Colonial Church 
 
 church and state being common. In the New England 
 colonies, except Rhode Island, the Congregational church 
 had been established by law, all other denominations being 
 excluded so far as possible from erecting buildings or even 
 holding services. The Sabbath was observed very rigidly. 
 I No one traveled except to church, cooking was avoided, and 
 the day given over to religious worship. Attendance at 
 
 Lodge, 
 
 Eng. Colonies, 
 
 425-434- 
 
ii6 
 
 American History 
 
 [1750 
 
 Anglicans 
 and dissenters. 
 
 Andrews, 
 
 Col. Self- Govt, 
 
 304-311- 
 
 Eggleston, 
 
 in Century, 
 
 XXVI (1883), 
 
 107- 1 16. 
 
 Superstition 
 in custom 
 and law. 
 
 Lodge, 
 
 Eng. Colonies, 
 
 253-254. 
 434-436. 
 
 church service was compulsory, absence being punished 
 by fine or the stocks. The services were always long and 
 sometimes tedious, the hourglass being turned once during 
 the ''long" prayer, and usually twice during the sermon. 
 The straight-backed uncushioned seats did not make it 
 easier for the attendants to listen to the long, dry arguments 
 or fierce declamation on future punishment, especially in 
 winter when the meeting houses were unheated and even | 
 footstoves were considered effeminate. Puritan austerity 
 could scarcely devise harsher means of mortifying the flesh, 
 or better tests for self-control and endurance. 
 
 South of New England the Anglican church had been 
 established by law except in Pennsylvania, but church 
 attendance was irregular and very little attempt was made 
 to prevent dissenters from holding services of their own, 
 although Catholics had churches in Pennsylvania only. 
 In South Carolina, western Virginia, and Pennsylvania, 
 the Presbyterians were numerous, while Rhode Island was 
 controlled by the Baptists. In Rhode Island and Pennsyl- 
 vania alone was there anything like real religious liberty. 
 
 107. Superstition. — Superstition was much more com- 
 mon in the seventeenth century than it is at present. This 
 was due not simply to the greater ignorance of that day, but 
 particularly to the survival of beliefs in signs and in the exist- 
 ence of evil spirits, witches, the evil eye, and other evidences 
 of Satan's control of mortals. These beliefs were much 
 less common in England than on the continent, and less 
 common here than in England, although the non-English 
 immigrants were very superstitious.^ This superstition not 
 only influenced the habits of the people, but also affected 
 their laws. 
 
 Only once did superstitious fear lead to a wholesale pun- 
 ishment of witches. This was in the terrible witchcraft 
 
 ' There are a few isolated instances of witches being put to death in the 
 colonies before i6q2 and after the witchcraft episode. In England and 
 on the continent hundreds of thousands of witches were condemned to 
 death, five hundred being burned in a single year in the city of Geneva. 
 
1750] 
 
 Miscellaneous Conditions 
 
 117 
 
 delusion at Salem, Massachusetts, in 1692. The epidemic 
 started when a number of ''afflicted children," under the 
 morbid training of some ignorant colored servants, accused 
 eccentric people in the village of having bewitched them. 
 A special court was organized for the trial of these cases, 
 and persons were condemned on absurd testimony by con- 
 servative judges like Samuel Sewell. Excitement ran so 
 high that many people accused their enemies of witchcraft, 
 and no one could condemn the so-called trials without 
 danger of being 
 considered a 
 witch. ^ After 
 several women of 
 unusual standing 
 and virtue had 
 been accused, the 
 eyes of the people 
 were opened; not, 
 however, until a 
 number of per- 
 sons had been 
 put to death. 
 
 108. Crime. — 
 The death penalty 
 was used much 
 more commonly 
 in colonial times 
 than at present.^ In one colony, Pennsylvania, an attempt 
 was made at the beginning to abolish it except for mur- 
 der, but so great a departure from the customs of the 
 times was abandoned after a few years. In Massa- 
 
 PlLLORY 
 
 The Salem 
 
 witchcraft 
 
 delusion. 
 
 Greene, 
 
 Provincial 
 
 America, 
 
 25-29. 
 
 Fiske, 
 
 New France 
 and New 
 England. 
 
 Methods of 
 
 punishing 
 
 offenders. 
 
 1 A common way of deciding whether a woman was a witch was to 
 cast her into the water. If she failed to sink, she was proved to be a witch. 
 
 2 In England during the seventeenth century over one hundred crimes 
 were punishable by death, the number increasing instead of diminishing 
 during the eighteenth century. Frequently juries would acquit a man 
 where the evidence showed him guilty, because they were unwilling to 
 punish him by death for a minor offense. 
 
Ii8 American history [^750 
 
 chusetts, as we noticed (§ 73), Quakers who had been 
 banished, but insisted on returning, were hanged. Yet 
 executions were not common in colonial times, although 
 so many offenses were punishable by death. In fact, 
 in all well-settled communities, crime was by no means 
 general. On many frontiers, and in a few older sections, 
 there was considerable lawlessness. Imprisonment was 
 
 Man and Horsel Mad Bull 
 
 A Horse drinking. Boy in danger. 
 
 Children should be careful not to 
 provoke a bull, or get over into the 
 field where one is. Alas ! for that lit- 
 tle boy that is running with all his 
 might : see hi& hat flying behind him, 
 and the mad bull close at his heels. 
 
 Page from an Old School Book 
 
 used comparatively little as a punishment and the prisons 
 were few in number and of a low order. In a conspicuous 
 place in each town stood the whipping post, at which run- 
 away slaves and criminals were lashed upon bare backs, and 
 the stocks and pillory, in which offenders were locked for 
 from one to four hours, the pain of their cramped position 
 being augmented by the jeers of the spectators and the mud 
 thrown by rowdies. Ducking stools were used occasionally 
 for scolding wives even in the eighteenth century. 
 Grammar lOQ. Education. — Outside of New England there was 
 
 schools. practically no public education, but east of the Hudson 
 
 almost every town boasted a grammar school and practi- 
 
I750] 
 
 Miscellaneoits Conditions 
 
 119 
 
 cally every county had a Latin school which prepared stu- 
 dents for college. To the Puritans, ability to read the Bible 
 was a necessary part of the preparation for life. Except in 
 parts of Rhode Island and on the Maine frontier no illiterate 
 persons could be found in New England at the middle of 
 the eighteenth century. The middle colonies paid com- 
 paratively little attention to education, although there were 
 
 "..-..-v-raM*-^; 
 
 First Harvard Hall Governor's Coach First Stoughton Massachusetts Hall 
 
 Harvard College 
 
 a few excellent private schools in New York, Philadelphia, 
 and a few other large towns. South of Mason and Dixon's 
 line education was systematically neglected. The oft- 
 quoted comment of Governor Berkeley, in which he thanked 
 God that there were no free schools or printing presses 
 in Virginia, expressed the sentiment of the ruling class. 
 Tutors were employed by some of the wealthier planters, 
 and a few sons of prominent families in Virginia and South 
 Carolina were sent to England for a college education. 
 
 The most famous and the most influential of the early 
 colleges was that established at Cambridge in 1636, and 
 named after John Harvard; William and Mary college 
 
 Colonial 
 colleges. 
 
and the 
 government 
 
 Wright, Indus- 
 trial Evolution, 
 
 120 American History [1750 
 
 Greene, was founded in Virginia, just before the close of the seven- 
 
 Provinaai teenth ccnturv, and Yale College at New Haven in 1701. 
 304-311.' About the middle of the eighteenth century renewed mter- 
 
 est in higher education led to the establishment of three 
 colleges in the middle colonies: Kings (afterward Colum- 
 bia) in New York, Princeton in New Jersey, and the Uni- 
 versity of Pennsylvania at Philadelphia. The latter, through 
 the influence of Benjamin Franklin, developed rapidly, 
 gaining a reputation for its standing and for the number 
 of its courses and students within a few years. 
 Newspapers 1 10. Newspapers. — New England established its pri- 
 
 macy in literary enterprise and attainments as in other lines, 
 although it must be admitted that there was very little 
 printing and less literature in the colonies before 1750. No 
 newspaper was published in this country prior to 1704, 
 63-69. when the Boston Xcn's Letter was started. At the middle 
 
 of the century there were less than a dozen newspapers 
 printed in all of the colonies, none being published daily. 
 The attitude of the government toward the printers was by 
 no means fa\orable. No books or pamphlets could be 
 printed without a special license. When an attempt was 
 made in Boston (i6qo) to start a newspaper called Public 
 Occurrences, it was suppressed. 
 The Zenger Real freedom of the press was not recognized until after 
 
 case (1736). ^|-jp famous Zenger case had been decided in New York in 
 1736. Zenger was the publisher of the New York Weekly 
 Hart, Contem- Journal. In a controversy between the governor of the 
 /cn/z^.f, colonv, Cosbv, and the president of the colonial council, 
 
 II, No. 72. - - ^ ' 
 
 Zenger supported the president, \'an Dom, and was in con- 
 sequence imprisoned and tried for libel. His lawyer, 
 Andrew Hamilton of Philadelphia, argued that Zenger 
 had published only facts and claimed that his client had the 
 right to state the truth so long as it was not done maliciously. 
 Influenced by his reasoning and eloquence, the jury found 
 Zenger not guilty. This verdict had a wholesome influence 
 not alone in New York, but throughout the colonies, in free- 
 ing the press from the tyranny of the government. 
 
1750] 
 
 Miscellaneous Conditiojis 
 
 121 
 
 III. Travel. — As most of the settlements were near the 
 seacoast or on rivers, it was possible at first to travel from 
 town to town or from plantation to plantation by water. 
 Birch bark or ''dugout" canoes were used on the rivers, 
 sailing vessels on the ocean. As the colonies developed, 
 travel by land became unavoidable. Until roads were 
 constructed, Indian trails and bridle paths served the settlers, 
 most of whom were obliged to journey on foot. Later the 
 highways were improved, and horses were more numerous. 
 
 Travel in an 
 early day. 
 
 Earle, 
 Home Life, 
 325-332- 
 
 Hart, Co7itent' 
 poraries, 
 II, No. 80. 
 
 
 CoNESTOGA Wagon 
 
 so that comparatively few of the planters or their families 
 ever traveled except by boat or on horseback. Roads were 
 still few, however, and bridges almost unknown, the nu- 
 merous rivers being forded at convenient points. Settlers 
 in the North rode to church, usually with their wives on a 
 pillion, or cushion, behind them. 
 
 The eighteenth century saw considerable improvement in 
 the colonial highways and in the methods of travel. Roads 
 connected all of the towns of importance but were few and 
 poor in colonies with few villages. The use of two-wheeled 
 chaises had replaced horseback riding to quite an extent in 
 the North, although they were less common in Maryland, 
 Virginia, and the Carolinas. Coaches were kept by most of 
 the wealthy families, who put on considerable style with 
 
 Roads, 
 coaches, and 
 wagons, 
 eighteenth 
 century. 
 
 Eggleston, 
 in Century, 
 XXX (1885), 
 387-389. 
 
122 
 
 American History 
 
 [1750 
 
 Earle, 
 Ho77te Life, 
 335-344. 
 
 Irregular 
 stage lines. 
 
 Mail service. 
 
 Earle, 
 Home Life, 
 332-335- 
 
 Democratic 
 character 
 of the local 
 government. 
 
 Hart, Forma- 
 tion of Union, 
 6 6. 
 
 Lee (ed.), 
 A'^. America, 
 VI, 66-72. 
 
 their liveried coachmen and outriders. The roads were primi- 
 tive, however, and comparatively little used for the transpor- I 
 tation of merchandise. Most articles were carried on pack- [ 
 horses, but in Pennsylvania commodious farm wagons, known 
 as Conestoga wagons, were coming into extensive use. 
 
 Before 1750 there were no regular stage coaches in the 
 colonies. Stages were run between certain towns regularly 
 in the summer, and at irregular intervals throughout the 
 year, connecting the larger cities. A journey by stage from 
 Boston to New York took a week and was an exceedingly 
 uncomfortable trip. From three in the morning until nine 
 at night the lumbering vehicle jolted its passengers over the 
 rough roads, leaving them a few hours' fitful slumber in the 
 none too comfortable beds of the wayside taverns. The 
 smaller streams were forded, the larger crossed by ferry, 
 sometimes in detachments. When the stage stuck in the 
 mud, the passengers were obliged to alight and put their 
 shoulders to the wheel. 
 
 There was no mail service worthy of the name before 1750. 
 The mails were irregular, costly, and unsatisfactory. When 
 a postrider had enough letters to justify a trip, he set out, 
 carrying numerous parcels on his own account.^ The mail 
 was left at some public house to be hauled over by every 
 comer until claimed and paid for by the person to whom 
 it was addressed. 
 
 112. Colonial Government. — The governments of the 
 American colonies were notable as being far more demo- 
 cratic than any others then in existence. This was true 
 especially of the local governments in the northern and 
 middle colonies. In New England every town was governed 
 by a town meeting composed of all voters in that town, and 
 by officials chosen by popular election in those town meetings. 
 In New York most of the town officials were chosen by the 
 people, although much of the work of governing was done 
 by county officials appointed by the governor. Pennsyl- 
 vania chose her own county officials. In Virginia and the 
 
 ^ Only letters could be sent by government post. 
 
 i 
 
Ashley, 
 Am, Gov't, 
 
 1750] Miscellaneous Conditio fts 123 
 
 South there were no officials for districts smaller than the 
 county and these officers were selected by the governor, so 
 that the people had little share directly in their local govern- 
 ment. 
 
 In every colony there was an assembly chosen by the Central 
 voters. This assembly, together with a " council," made government of 
 the laws subject to the approval of the governor. It also 
 controlled almost exclusively the raising of money by taxa- 
 tion. The council was selected by the governor in all but 
 three colonies,^ and as the governor was himself chosen by §§ 112-115. 
 the people in only two colonies, there was in theory very 
 little popular colonial government, although in fact the Lee (ed.), 
 people's influence over the governor was very great. ^ In yj ' _^^ ' 
 two colonies the governors were selected by the proprietors, 
 in two they were elected by the people, and for the others 
 were appointed by the king. Courts of justice existed 
 in every colony, but no judge of colonial times was chosen 
 directly by the people, even in the two little democracies 
 of Connecticut and Rhode Island. 
 
 The suffrage laws of the colonies, although narrow from Suffrage laws. 
 our point of view, were exceedingly liberal when compared Hart, Contem- 
 with those of foreign countries. Every landowner with poraries, 
 property of a certain value in the North, or of a certain size 
 in the South, was allowed to vote. It is true this excluded 
 about ninety-five per cent of the population, but many who 
 could not vote on colonial affairs were allowed to take part 
 in local government. 
 
 113. Colonial Law. — Although the laws varied con- English' 
 siderably from colony to colony, there was a uniformity J=°"^"^°^ 
 that is remarkable considering the differences between the America, 
 people and the occupations of the various sections. All 
 of the colonies had transplanted the English system of 
 common law with such modifications as the peculiar 
 conditions in each colony required. Many of the laws 
 made by the colonial legislatures were merely reenact- 
 ments of English statutes. In fact, the laws were few 
 
 ^ See Connecticut, Rhode Island, and Massachusetts. ^ See § 87. 
 
124 
 
 American History 
 
 [1750 
 
 Land laws 
 of the 
 colonies. 
 
 Conian, Jndus- 
 trial Hist., 
 32-38. 
 
 Eggleston, 
 in Century, 
 XXVIII 
 
 (1884). 
 84S-852. 
 
 Inheritance 
 laws. 
 
 in comparison with the volume of state legislation at 
 the present time. 
 
 The system of land laws in use in America illustrates how 
 the English system was modified to meet colonial needs. 
 Land was considered the property of the king, the name 
 real estate, or royal estate, emphasizing this fact. The 
 king made. grants of land to companies and individuals, so 
 that in America the legislature of the charter colonies or 
 the proprietor of the proprietary colonies had the right to 
 regrant land, and in the royal colonies the governor, as the 
 direct representative of the king, had the right. Grants 
 were made to individuals with a lavishness that amounted 
 to recklessness, for land was plentiful and cost the grantor 
 little or nothing. Not only were large estates numerous, 
 but the number of small landowners was very great, as 
 most heads of families owned their own farms. Because 
 so many people owned land, and because speculation in 
 land was common even in colonial times, the slow and cum- 
 bersome English system of transferring land was altered 
 so that it was easy to sell or buy real estate. 
 
 The American inheritance laws were borrowed from 
 England except in the Puritan and Quaker colonies. Else- 
 where the estates or farms descended to the eldest son, 
 because primogeniture was recognized in New York and 
 the South. In New England, Pennsylvania, Delaware, 
 and New Jersey a double share went to the eldest son, but 
 the other children, including the daughters, had an equal 
 share in the property of the father when he died without 
 
 making a will. 
 
 TOPICS 
 
 Colonial Manxtfactures : Coman, "Industrial Histon- of the 
 United States," pp. 62-72; Wright, "Industrial Evolution of the 
 United States," pp. 23-60, 80-103 ; Beer, " Commercial Policy of 
 England toward the American Colonies," 66-go. 
 
 Colonial Paper Money: Dewey, "Financial Histon- of the 
 United States," pp. 21-30; White, "Money and Banking," 103- 
 114; Sumner, "History of American Currency," 14-43; Bullock, 
 "Monetary History of the United States," I, Chapter IV. 
 
i7so] Colojtial Conditiofis 125 
 
 STUDIES 
 
 1. Conditions in Germany that led to emigration to America. 
 (Bittinger, "Germans in Colonial Times," pp. 11-24.) 
 
 2. German redemptioncrs. (Bittinger, "Germans in Colonial 
 Times," pp. 215-229.) 
 
 3. Maryland society in the seventeenth century. (Browne, 
 "Maryland," pp. 157-183.) 
 
 4. Life in Vi'-ginia two centuries ago. (Fiske, "Old Virginia," 
 II, pp. 174-269.) 
 
 5. Conditions in the English colonies (1688). (Andrews, "Co- 
 lonial Self-Government," pp. 293-304.) 
 
 6. The true Captain Kidd. (Champlain, in Harper's Magazine, 
 106 (1902), pp. 27-36.) 
 
 7. Meat and drink in colonial times. (Earle, "Home Life in 
 Colonial Days," pp. 142-165.) 
 
 8. Dress of the colonists. (Earle, " Home Life in Colonial Days," 
 pp. 281-299; Eggleston, in Century, XXIX (1885), pp. 882-892.) 
 
 9. The colonial theater. (Eggleston, in Ceritury, XXX (1885), 
 pp. 403-407.) 
 
 10. Church and meeting house before the Revolution. (Eggles^ 
 ton in Century, XXXIII (1887), pp. 901-912.) 
 
 11. Sunday in the colonies. (Earle, "Home Life in Colonial 
 Days," pp. 364-387.) 
 
 12. American prose (i 701-1764). (Trent, "American Litera- 
 ture," pp. 98-130.) 
 
 13. The colonial governor. (Hart (cd.), "Contemporaries," Nos. 
 54-60.) 
 
 14. Local government in the southern colonies. (Fiske, "Civil 
 Government," pp. 71-78.) 
 
 15. Middle colonies in colonial times. (Lee (ed.), "North 
 America," VI, pp. 29-39.) 
 
 QUESTIONS 
 
 1. Show how physical conditions, climate, and rainfall affected 
 slavery in the North, in Virginia, and in South Carolina. What 
 advantage did the South derive from slavery ? 
 
 2. To what extent were the colonies alike in 1750 ? Why did they 
 remain isolated ? What was the result of their separateness on their 
 dealings with Great Britain? 
 
 3. What are the chief differences between the houses, food, dress, 
 and manner of living in 1750 and to-day ? Name several conveniences 
 that are now considered necessaries which were unknown in 1750. 
 
 4. Explain why England and the colonies each took the course 
 
126 Ain erica 71 History [1750 
 
 they did in reference to paper money? Was paper money necessar}- ? 
 What influence did it have on the opening of new lands, commerce, 
 on business in general ? 
 
 5. Note the important changes, political, legal, social, and indus- 
 trial, that have taken place in America in the last century and a half. 
 
 6. In what respect had the colonists more or less political liberty 
 than the English? Why did the local governments of the colonies 
 influence our later history more than the central colonial governments ? 
 
Lecky, 
 
 Am. Revolution, 
 
 PART II 
 
 THE FORMATION OF A UNION 
 
 (i 763-1 789) 
 
 CHAPTER VII 
 
 THE BEGINNINGS OF REVOLUTION (1763-1775) 
 
 English King 
 
 George III (i 760-1820) 
 
 114. Colonial Self -Government and English Control be- Leniency of 
 I fore 1763. —The Seven Years' War, which added to Great English con- 
 i Britain immense possessions in America and gained for her 
 I the control of India, may be said to mark the real beginning 
 \ of the British empire and of a new colonial policy. Previ- 
 ously, the American colonies had been governed accord- 38-42 
 ing to no uniform rule, but in the most diverse ways. As 
 they had been founded at different times and under differ- 
 ent conditions, each had developed a government more or 
 less different from that of its neighbors, and had political 
 traditions to which it was greatly attached. Owing to 
 the condition of affairs before 1763, the colonies had been 
 left much to their own devices, and the poHtical changes 
 under the Stuarts and the early Hanoverians had accord- 
 1 ingly been favorable to colonial self-government. Prac- 
 tically all the contests between the governors and assemblies 
 (§ 87) had resulted in victories for the latter, and the colo- 
 nists had come to look upon Great Britain as the power 
 j which protected them from foreign nations, which passed 
 laws for the regulation of external commerce, and which, in 
 some cases, selected their administrative officials. 
 
 127 
 
 I 
 I 
 
128 American History 
 
 The Old Colonial Policy of England 
 
 [1763 
 
 Four possible 
 methods of 
 control. 
 
 Board of Trade 
 and colonial 
 secretary. 
 
 Lamed (ed.), 
 Ready Re/., 
 V. 3172. 
 
 Control of 
 charters. 
 
 Hart, Contem- 
 poraries, 
 II, No. 48. 
 
 115. General Methods of Colonial Control. — There were 
 four ways in which the king or parliament might control 
 the colonies: (I) by changing the internal government of 
 any province; (II) by exercising a general oversight of 
 legislation and the administration of laws within a colony; 
 
 (III) by the regulation of colonial trade and industry; and 
 
 (IV) by levying internal taxes. Not all of these means had 
 been used by Great Britain previous to 1763, and in fact in- 
 ternal taxation had never been considered seriously. The 
 few regulations that did exist were of a very mild description, 
 and were enforced laxly. 
 
 As it was necessary to have some set of English officials 
 who should give especial attention to American affairs, 
 a board of commissioners was selected from among the 
 king's private councillors.^ This Bpard of Trade was 
 required to correspond with the colonies so as to keep in 
 touch with them and informed about colonial affairs, to 
 hear appeals and complaints, and to set aside laws that were 
 repugnant to the laws of England or distasteful to the crown. 
 In addition there was a British secretary of foreign affairs, 
 who devoted a large part of his attention to colonial matters. 
 Most of the colonies also maintained in London agents who 
 looked after their respective interests. 
 
 In order to learn the extent of the supervision exercised 
 by England, especially through the Board of Trade, let us 
 examine a little more in detail the regulations belonging 
 under the first three heads enumerated above. 
 
 1 16. England's Interference with Colonial Government. — 
 (I) To a certain extent the king was able to control most 
 of his American provinces through the right to alter their 
 governments. In 1763 seven of the colonies were under 
 the direct supervision of the crown, i.e. were royal colonies, 
 whereas only six retained their seventeenth-century char- 
 
 ^ The board was created in 1696, see § 79. 
 
^7^3] The Old Colonial Policy of England 129 
 
 ters,^ These charters were forfeitable to the crown if violated 
 by the colonies, but could not be revoked except upon clear 
 proof that the colonies had failed to keep their charter agree- 
 ments with the king. Indeed, to modify an article of a 
 charter which would interfere with a colonial right was to 
 exercise a power that had been unused since the days of 
 Andros and James II, and one that no wise monarch would 
 lightly undertake. 
 
 The alteration of the government in a royal colony was a Control in 
 different matter. New instructions were issued to each ^°^^^ colonies, 
 governor and the installation of a new governor would seem 
 to be a favorable opportunity for strengthening the king's ^^''^> Contem- 
 authority in America. On the contrary, the appointment n 'Nos^'^q k- 
 of a governor was almost invariably the signal for a renewed 
 effort to increase legislative power at the expense of the 
 executive. Fully occupied with their efforts to maintain 
 their influence at home, the ministers of the first two Georges 
 gave their governors but a half-hearted support and allowed 
 the assemblies to encroach on the powers of the royal 
 representatives, until in practically all of the colonies a 
 serious attempt to curtail popular privileges had become a 
 dangerous experiment. 
 
 117. England's Control through Colonial Officials. — Control 
 (II) Colonial administration and legislation could be con- through execu- 
 troUed in part through the power of the crown to select for 
 most of the colonies the governors who in turn might appoint 
 the members of their councils, the judges, the county sheriffs, jj^rariel 11 
 and many other officials. These governors not only selected Nos. 51, 65, 66 
 [ persons for most of the appointive positions, but commanded 
 the military forces of the colony, had charge of public lands, 
 and pardoned offenders. The legislatures were convened and 
 adjourned at their wish, and all bills passed by those bodies 
 failed unless approved by the governors. Many of the 
 governors and a few others were bankrupt English nobles, 
 but the majority of the officials appointed by the governors 
 
 ^ Not counting the continental colonies conquered from the French and 
 Spanish, or the insular colonies. 
 
 K 
 
 I 
 
I30 
 
 American History 
 
 [1763 
 
 Colonial 
 
 judges. 
 
 Howard, 
 Preliinijiaries 
 of Revolution, 
 85-87. 
 
 The " Parson's 
 Cause" (1763). 
 
 Howard, Revo- 
 lution, 90-101. 
 
 Tyler, Henry, 
 32-49. 
 
 belonged to the aristocracy of the colonies. Loyalty to the 
 king and a unity of interest made these officeholders a class 
 of no mean importance in upholding within the colonies 
 the authority of the English government. The influence 
 of these officials was at all times considerable because of the 
 great power conferred upon them, although the assemblies 
 frequently hampered their work by refusing to vote money 
 for their salaries. 
 
 The judges, like the other appointed officials, were de- 
 pendent on the assemblies for their salaries, but, as the 
 judges were selected for life, and not during good behavior, 
 as in England, this dependence was more apparent than real. 
 To remove the judges entirely from the control of the people, 
 the crown decreed in 1761 that they should be paid out of 
 the king's land revenue. These instructions were resisted 
 by the legislature of New York and disregarded by the gov- 
 ernor of New Jersey. In both of these colonies a spirited 
 contest ensued, 
 
 118. Control of Colonial Legislation. — Although the 
 people's representatives might manage the governor and his 
 appointees, their laws might be set aside by the Board of 
 Trade on the ground that they were unwise or contrary to 
 the laws of England. A prominent instance of this use of 
 the veto power is furnished in connection with the pay of the 
 Virginia clergy. According to the law of that colony the 
 clergymen were paid in tobacco, but, in 1755 and again in 
 1758, tobacco being very scarce, the Virginia legislature 
 gave the people permission to discharge all debts pay- 
 able in tobacco at the rate of two pence of currency for each 
 pound. This made it possible for a person to pay his debts 
 at a small percentage of their real amount. The parishes 
 accordingly took advantage of the law in paying their pas- 
 tors. On complaints of the clergymen, the Board of Trade 
 set aside the law of 1758 and announced that thereafter no 
 law which repealed or altered an existing colonial law should 
 go into effect until actually approved by the Board — a 
 process that would take months at least and often two or 
 
i66o] The Old Colonial Policy of Englajid 131 
 
 three years. The clergy at once began suit for the extra 
 pay due them. One case was argued (1763) for the people 
 by a hitherto unknown lawyer, Patrick Henry. In an 
 eloquent appeal, Henry pressed the claim that the king, 
 ''by annulling or disallowing acts of so salutory a nature, 
 from being the father of his people, degenerated into a 
 tyrant, and forfeits all rights to his subjects' obedience." 
 Persuaded by his eloquence, the jury fixed the amount of 
 the damages at one penny. This was one of the first con- 
 spicuous denials of the right of England to control colonial 
 legislation through the power of vetoing bills. 
 
 Laws passed by the colonial legislatures might also be Parliamentary 
 annulled because they were superseded by an order issued ^^^s regarding 
 by the Board of Trade or by a law enacted in parliament ^^^^^ money. 
 for the benefit of the colonies. For example, in 1751, par- 
 liament prohibited the issuance of paper money in the four pjlanciai Hist 
 New England colonies, and in 1763 extended this prohibi- § n. 
 tion to all of the colonies. Before those dates the people had 
 insisted on the need of a cheap currency, and when the 
 governors, in accordance with instructions from the Board 
 of Trade, vetoed the paper money bills passed by the legis- 
 latures, the assemblies retaliated by refusing to vote money 
 for necessary expenditures, thus forcing the governors to 
 sign the bills. The parliamentary law prevented the issuance 
 of more paper money, but was a source of considerable 
 irritation to the colonists. 
 
 119. Early Acts of Trade (1660-1696). — (III) Although Law of 1660. 
 there had been laws relating to American trade before the 
 Restoration (1660), the system of restrictions on colonial MacDonaid, 
 commerce really dates from the accession of Charles II. It Charters, 
 was the purpose of this system to develop English trade and °^' ^^' ^^' 
 industry, and indirectly to aid those occupations of the 
 colonies which did not interfere with similar interests in Howard, /P^z-^- 
 England. The first of these navigation acts, that of 1660, 
 restricted colonial importations and exportations to ships 
 built in Great Britain or the colonies, two thirds of whose 
 crews were English subjects. This was in many ways an 
 
Winsor (ed.), 
 America, 
 VI. 5-8. 
 
 Laws of 1663 
 and 1672. 
 
 MacDonald, 
 Charters, 
 Nos. 28, 34. 
 
 Andrews, 
 Col. Self- Gov't, 
 19-21. 
 
 General char- 
 acter. 
 
 Howard, Revo- 
 lution, 57-61. 
 
 132 
 
 American History 
 
 [1660 
 
 advantage to the people of America, because it stimulated 
 ship-building to such an extent that eventually more vessels 
 were built in the northern colonies than in England. The f 
 law of 1660 also gave a list of articles which could be ex- 
 ported from the colonies to England alone, the most impor- 
 tant of these ''enumerated articles" being tobacco. Although 
 American tobacco enjoyed a practical monopoly of the Eng- 
 lish markets after 1663, as the growth of tobacco in the Brit- 
 ish Isles was prohibited and very heavy duties were levied on 
 foreign tobaccos, this liriiitation of its market greatly re- 
 duced the price in Virginia and was injurious to that colony. 
 
 The law of 1663 was a much less reasonable act, passed 
 for the benefit of English exporters. The colonies were no 
 longer allowed to import goods direct from the continental 
 European countries, even in English vessels. All products 
 of these nations needed in America must first pass through 
 the hands of English merchants, who shipped them to the 
 colonies after adding their own profits to the original cost. 
 The British government soon found that these acts of trade 
 were being evaded by the shipment of enumerated articles to 
 colonies in which they could not be produced, and exporta- 
 tion from ports of the latter direct to continental Europe, 
 from which goods were invariably brought back. In 1672, 
 therefore, a law was passed by parliament forbidding free 
 trade between the colonies in the enumerated articles by 
 levying duties on intercolonial trade at the place of export. 
 
 120. Later Restrictive Legislation (1696-1760). — After 
 the Revolution of 1689 had settled the dispute between the 
 Stuarts and parliament, more attention was given to colonial 
 affairs. Few important alterations were made in the navi- 
 gation acts, but the list of enumerated articles was lengthened 
 and colonial manufacturing was in several instances pro- 
 hibited for the benefit of British merchants or manufacturers. 
 In order to make this policy seem less one-sided, bounties 
 were offered for certain articles which England used but 
 did not produce in sufficient quantities. 
 
 One of the most important of the additions to the enu- 
 
 
1763J TJie Old Colonial Policy of England 133 
 
 merated articles was that of rice. Before the colonists had Rice as an 
 been obliged to ship all of their rice to England, the rice of enumerated 
 South Carolina had control of the European market, but the 
 extra freight required upon reshipment from England de- 
 stroyed the profit and practically ruined the rice planta- 
 tions of the South. After thirty years the law was repealed 
 partially so as to allow the exportation of rice to countries 
 south of Cape Finisterre. 
 
 Restrictions on colonial manufactures were not numer- Restrictions on 
 ous because manufacturing never reached an advanced "^^"^^actures. 
 state in the colonies, but those that existed were unjust Lamed (ed,), 
 and oppressive. To protect the wool growers and weavers ^^'^^y ^^f-* 
 of England, the exportation of colonial manufactures of 
 wool to England or to other colonies was forbidden. For ^^^^^^ /«^«> 
 the benefit of English hat makers, no hats could be shipped 65-72. 
 from the colonies. None but the crudest forms of iron might 
 
 Lee fed.) 
 
 be produced in America, although the colonists were en- ^ Atne'rica, 
 
 couraged to send large quantities of bar iron to the mother ¥1,83-88. 
 country. 
 
 One of the most offensive acts of trade was passed for the Molasses Act 
 
 benefit of the planters in the English West Indies, and (^733)- 
 
 required that the continental colonies should import no ]yj^^,j)Qjj jj 
 
 molasses from French or Spanish possessions unless they charters, 
 
 paid almost prohibitive duties. As New England used large No- 5o- 
 quantities of molasses, principally in the manufacture of 
 rum, it was unwilling to give the increased prices that the °'^^' /^ 
 
 Jamaica planters were able to ask for their molasses, and 82-83. 
 systematically brought from the French and Spanish islands 
 large quantities on which it paid no duties. 
 
 121. General Effect of the Commercial System. — Disadvantages 
 
 Unpleasant as this system of restrictions certainly was to the ^"^ advantages 
 . . ^ . -^ . to colonists. 
 
 colonists, it was much less arbitrary and oppressive than 
 
 similar colonial regulations made by France and Spain for 
 
 their American possessions. At that time colonies were Am. Revolution, 
 
 expected to aid the mother country in disposing of her sur- 42-46. 
 
 plus products and in developing her resources or industries. 
 
 Although the acts of parliament were often selfish and 
 
134 
 
 American History 
 
 [1761 
 
 Larned (ed.), 
 Ready Re/., 
 V. 3180-3181. 
 
 Smuggling. 
 
 Coman, Ivdus- 
 trial Hist., 82. 
 
 Otis's plea 
 against the 
 writs. 
 
 Amer. Hist. 
 Leaflets, 
 No. 33. 
 
 unjust, they did not prevent the development of the English 
 provinces except along certain lines. Probably one half 
 of the carrying trade between Great Britain and America 
 was in colonial vessels. Most of the productions of the North 
 could be exported to any part of the world, and the ships 
 never returned empty. A profitable commerce was per- 
 mitted with the French West Indies. Bounties were paid 
 for masts, naval stores, indigo, and a few other articles sent 
 to England. Duties at English ports of entry were often 
 reduced for the benefit of American productions, and, in 
 some cases, as that of tobacco, the colonists enjoyed a 
 monopoly of the home market. 
 
 Of greater real significance than the favorable provisions 
 of these laws of trade was the lax way in which they were 
 administered. At first there were no custom houses, but 
 even after these were established, the laws were not enforced. 
 In spite of the provisions that the customs officials should 
 be appointed by the governors or king, that they should not be 
 dependent on the colonial assemblies for their salaries, and 
 that revenue cases should be tried in special admiralty 
 courts, the collectors of customs permitted the most open 
 violation of the acts. The smugglers were sometimes per- 
 mitted to land dutiable goods upon payment to the customs 
 officials of an insignificant sum. During the administra- 
 tions of Walpole and Newcastle in England, covering most 
 of the reigns of George I and George II, there had been 
 almost no interference with American commerce, and the 
 expansion of colonial trade had been very great. Never- 
 theless the abuses of the system were often serious, and 
 could not be overlooked entirely by the successors of New- 
 castle. 
 
 122. The Writs of Assistance. — It was especially neces- 
 sary to prevent smuggling because the people of New Eng- 
 land had been persistently furnishing supplies to the French 
 in Canada during the Seven Years' War. The prime min- 
 ister, William Pitt, ordered the customs officials to stop 
 this practice, but they found it impossible with the means at 
 
1763] The Old Colonial Policy of England 135 
 
 their command. The collectors of revenue at Boston 
 therefore applied (1761) to the Superior Court of Massachu- 
 setts to grant them ''writs of assistance" — general search 
 warrants which did not name the accused person nor de- 
 scribe the goods to be seized. A protest made by the mer- 
 chants of Boston against the issuance of these writs was 
 argued for them by James Otis, who resigned his position 
 as advocate general of the colony for that purpose. Otis 
 not only claimed that the 
 writs violated those rights 
 to which the colonists were 
 entitled "by the British 
 constitution, as well as by 
 the laws of nature, and their 
 own provincial charters," 
 but went so far as to deny 
 that parliament had any 
 right to pass an act of trade 
 which levied a tax on the 
 colonies. This argument 
 created a profound im- 
 pression. John Adams 
 declared that it " breathed 
 into this nation the breath 
 of life." The court, however, held that the writs were 
 not unconstitutional, but in order to remove possible doubt 
 parliament in 1767 legalized the issuance of writs of 
 assistance. 
 
 The New British Colonial Policy (i 763-1 767) 
 
 123. The Conditions in 1763. — As already stated, the 
 close of the war with France and the transfer of Canada was 
 the beginning of a new era. The enlargement of the British 
 ♦empire made the adoption of a new imperial policy inevi- 
 Itable, and this policy would almost of necessity include some 
 (means of reforming the irregularities in the older American 
 colonies and the removal of the grossest abuses of colonial 
 
 James Otis 
 
 Tudor, Otis, 
 52-88. 
 
 Howard Revo- 
 lutiojt, 70-83. 
 
 Cambridge 
 Mod. Hist., 
 VII, 177-181 
 
 Imperial policy 
 and opposition. 
 
 Lecky, 
 
 Am , Revolution, 
 
 1-12. 
 
136 
 
 American Histojy 
 
 [1763 
 
 Lee (ed.), 
 N. America, 
 VI, 3-8. 
 
 George III and 
 the " King's 
 Friends." 
 
 Howard, Revo- 
 lution, 25-32. 
 
 
 ^^^ 
 ^ 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 W ^'i^t\ 
 
 k A 
 
 fS? 
 
 #^ 
 
 
 r ^^w 
 
 -,r.^'i 
 
 PA 
 
 
 1 ^K 
 
 4 
 
 
 r ^R 
 
 z/^'V i^ 
 
 
 
 ■■^ 
 
 T^\''U 
 
 f \ 
 
 
 ^ aS 
 
 
 'lSL 
 
 H^^jP 
 
 
 
 i 
 
 ^Hn^»F 
 
 «aM| 
 
 1^^^^ 
 
 1 
 
 administration. But however opportune colonial reform 
 might be from this point of view, it was eminently unwise 
 from two others, (i) It could not be carried into effect with- 
 out arousing opposition in the colonies, as we can perceive 
 easily from the preceding sections. The right of the Eng- 
 lish government to use writs of assistance had been ques- 
 tioned by Otis 
 as early as 1761 
 and Henry only 
 voiced the wish of 
 large numbers of 
 colonists when he 
 claimed that no 
 colonial law could 
 be set aside by 
 the imperial au- 
 thorities. (2) As 
 the chief danger 
 to the colonies — 
 the presence of 
 the French in 
 Canada — had 
 been removed by 
 the war, colonial 
 opposition w a s 
 George III likely to develop 
 
 into a serious breach with the mother country. Discerning 
 statesmen, especially among the French, did not hesitate 
 to predict that the acquisition of Canada by Britain would 
 mean the loss of her older colonies. 
 
 124. George III and his Ministers (1760-1782). — The 
 character of the new king, George III, was favorable alike 
 to a new policy and its unsuccessful administration. He 
 was upright, sincere, and earnest, but without tact, narrow, 
 and exceedingly obstinate. Coming to the throne (1760) 
 with the determination that he should be the real ruler of 
 Great Britain, he found it necessary to remove from power 
 
1763] The New British Colonial Policy 137 
 
 the Whig aristocracy which had gained the ascendency Fiske, Am. 
 during the reigns of his predecessors. To do this he gath- ^^^^^^«^''^«. 
 ered a party of adherents who were known as the "King's 
 friends " and who were sufficiently servile to do his bidding. 
 During the first decade of his reign, party lines were almost 
 destroyed by this policy of the king. In consequence, at 
 a time when "great wisdom, moderation, and tact were 
 needed if healthy relations were to be established between 
 England and her colonies, unfortunately these qualities were 
 conspicuously absent from English councils."^ 
 
 In England from 1765 to 1783, a small minority were Contest over 
 striving continually to prevent the king and his friends supremacy of 
 from reestablishing the supremacy of the crown over par- 
 ' liament. At first they seemed to fail, for the ministry and 
 I parliament were the tools of the king. Their final success 
 ! was due, in large measure, to the failure of the king and his 
 i friends to carry through their colonial policy in America. 
 *i 125. The Establishment of a Colonial Army (1763). — Plans for estab- 
 ' In 1763 the affairs of England were in charge of a cabinet I'^hmgan 
 
 whose chief was George Grenville, an industrious statesman 
 \ and a careful financier, withal a firm believer in the suprem- 
 ' acy of the empire. In accordance with plans formulated 
 by the brilliant Charles Townshend and others of the king's vi, 15-17. 
 friends as early as 1762, he first induced parliament to 
 establish twenty regiments, with a total of ten thousand men, 
 in America for the purpose of protecting the colonies from 
 any possible uprising of the French or the Indians and of 
 looking after imperial interests in the new world. The ex- 
 pense of this undertaking was at this time to be paid from 
 the British treasury, with the understanding that it should 
 be borne later in part by the colonies themselves. 
 
 England had increased her debt during the war from Needofregu- 
 £70,000,000 to ;^i4o,ooo,ooo and was heavily burdened ^^^"^"^y- 
 (with taxes to pay the running expenses of the government 
 and the interest on the debt. It seemed only just therefore ^gyoiution ' 
 that the colonies should pay at least a share of the cost of 57-59. 
 
 ^ Lecky (Woodburn, ed.), American Revolution, p. 104. 
 
 army. 
 
 Winsor (ed.), 
 America, 
 
138 
 
 America u History 
 
 [1763 
 
 American 
 dread of an 
 army. 
 
 Purpose, pro- 
 visions, 
 enforcement. 
 
 MaoDonald, 
 Charti-rs, 
 No. 56. 
 
 Coman, Indus- 
 trial Hist., 
 90-92. 
 
 Howard, Ret-o- 
 liition, 102-120. 
 
 this army. To the ministry, an army appeared necessary 
 as no dependence could be placed on the colonial militia 
 except within a colony actually threatened with danger. 
 This opinion was probably correct, for during the con- 
 spiracy of Pontiac (1763), when the whole western frontier 
 was threatened, only a few colonies could be induced to 
 furnish troops. 
 
 But the Americans, having voted money and men without 
 stint during the war, opposed a military establishment for 
 two reasons. They wished to avoid the expense, and they 
 hated the thought of an English army in America. They 
 believed that the militia could be called out at a moment's 
 notice and served every purpose. An army was in their 
 opinion much less necessary for their protection than before 
 the late war, when raids by the French and Indians were 
 constantly to be dreaded. In short the army itself, although 
 located in the recently acquired provinces, was offensive 
 as a possible means of repressing colonial liberty, and colo- 
 nial distrust was intensified by the methods used for its 
 payment. 
 
 126. The Sugar Act of 1764. — Grenville intended to pay 
 part of the expenses of this army by the more rigid enforce- 
 ment of the laws of trade (§§ 119, 120), and later by a tax on 
 the colonies. After investigating the subject of customs 
 administration in America, he learned that the custom houses 
 cost five times as much as the total revenue from duties. 
 Accordingly he arranged first that all naval vessels of Great 
 Britain should aid the customs officials in enforcing the un- 
 popular navigation acts. Later he secured the passage of 
 a new Sugar Act which reduced the duties on molasses 
 imported from non-English colonies to three pence per 
 gallon and on sugar to two and one half shillings per hun- 
 dred pounds, hoping thus to discourage smuggling and 
 secure large revenues. To counteract the opposition to this 
 measure, a practical monopoly of the whale fisheries was 
 given to American seamen, and bounties were oft'ered for 
 the cultivation of flax and hemp. The enforcement of the 
 
1765] TJie New British Colonial Policy 139 
 
 act would have interfered greatly with the trade in fish which 
 New England carried on with the West Indies, would have 
 reduced the supply of specie which the shippers always 
 brought back with them, and would have increased the price 
 of liquors distilled from molasses so that the rum industry of 
 the northern colonies would have suffered greatly. The 
 opposition that was aroused in New England by these threat- 
 ened dangers may be imagined easily. 
 
 127. The Stamp Act. — Grenville relied much more on a Proposal and 
 
 ' stamp tax for the necessary revenue. In 1764 he proposed protest. 
 a tax similar to one then in use in England, giving the colo- 
 
 . nies until the next session of parliament to suggest a better Lecky, Am. 
 
 ^ . . 1 Tx 11-1 • 1 1 Revolution, 
 
 means of raismg the money. He was not left long m doubt ^ 
 I as to the feelings of the colonists. Neither king nor parlia- 
 I ment had previous to this time attempted to levy an internal Ho^^rd R v 
 I colonial tax for any purpose, and the colonies claimed that lution, 121-135 
 
 one of the fundamental rights of Englishmen, to which 
 I they were entitled, was the exclusive right of the people's 
 I representatives to raise revenue through taxation. In one 
 I colony, Pennsylvania, the charter gave parliament the power 
 \ of taxation, but this had never been exercised. Walpole 
 
 had been wise enough to reject a proposal that he tax the 
 I colonies. He is reported to have said, "I have old England 
 I set against me by this measure, and do you think I will have 
 j new England, too?" But Grenville, more financier than 
 ' statesman, was blind to the consequences of taxing America. 
 i Protests came in from several of the colonial assemblies, but 
 
 this he expected. The colonial agents in London met the 
 j prime minister, and Benjamin Franklin requested him to 
 
 make requisitions of the colonies for the sums needed. 
 
 *'Can you agree," asked Grenville, "on the proportions 
 
 each colony should raise?" As the agents were unable 
 
 to give a satisfactory reply, Grenville clung to his original 
 
 plan. 
 The Stamp Act for the purpose of ''defraying the expenses Provisions. 
 
 of defending, protecting, and securing" the colonies was 
 
 passed by parliament practically without opposition in March, 
 
I40 
 
 American Histoiy 
 
 [1765 
 
 MacDonald, 
 Chcirters, 
 No. 57. 
 
 Howard, Rez'O- 
 lution, 135-139. 
 
 Quartering Act 
 (1705)- 
 
 MacDonald 
 Chartc-;s, 
 No. 58. 
 
 Hart, Contem- 
 poraries, 
 n. No. 13Q. 
 
 Lecky, Am. 
 Resolution, 
 79-S4. 
 
 Howard, Revo- 
 lution, 149-154. 
 
 1765.^ It required that all pamphlets, newspapers, deeds, 
 wills, licenses, court papers, and many other legal docu- 
 ments should be printed or made out on stamped paper, sold 
 by distributers appointed for the purpose. All cases arising 
 under the act were to be tried in the admiralty courts with- 
 out juries. 
 
 A month later parliament passed the Quartering Act, 
 which supplemented the Stamp Act as a measure for meeting 
 
 military expenses, by 
 compelling the colo- 
 nists to supply the 
 troops with quarters, 
 and with bedding, 
 cooking utensils, fire, 
 candles, vinegar, salt, 
 and beer. 
 
 128. Reception of 
 the Stamp Act. — As 
 the Stamp Act did 
 not go into effect until 
 November i, there 
 was at first compar- 
 atively Httle excite- 
 ment. Late in ^lay, however, Patrick Henry, who had 
 won considerable local fame in the ''Parsons Cause" 
 (§ iiS), introduced in the Virginia legislature several 
 resolutions asserting that the general assembly, subject 
 to the veto of the crown, had the exclusive right of tax- 
 ation. These resolutions were adopted after a heated 
 debate. Other assemblies voiced their opposition, but 
 quiet reigned for two months, until the names of the stamp 
 distributers were announced. Then the storm broke. 
 Mob violence compelled most of the distributers to resign. 
 In Boston the people destroyed the homes of Oliver, sec- 
 retary of the province and distributer in chief, Hutchinson, 
 the lieutenant governor, and of several others. Whenever 
 
 * The vote in the House of Commons was 205 to 49. 
 
 Patkick Henkv 
 
1765] TJic Nciv Brit is Ji Colonial Policy 141 
 
 ships arrived with stamps and stamped paper, these were 
 seized or destroyed. In all of the northern colonies the 
 younger element organized for active resistance under the 
 name of the ''Sons of Liberty," with the motto, "Liberty, 
 Property, and no Stamps." When the first of November 
 came there were neither stamps nor officials for their distri- 
 bution in any colony. Newspapers, which were supposed 
 to bear stamps, appeared with a death's head in the place 
 left for stamps. Business was at a standstill. Even the 
 governors and the courts soon realized that the law was a 
 dead letter, and accordingly official documents were drawn 
 up by government employees on ordinary paper, as no 
 stamped paper could be obtained. 
 
 129. The Stamp Act Congress. — ^leanwhile the colonies Declaration of 
 I had been protesting against the Stamp Act in a much ^'2^^^- 
 • more dignified and lawful way. Early in June the Massa- 
 chusetts legislature had asked the other colonies to meet MacDonaid, 
 I in Congress and consider the best means of solving their -^^ ' 
 I difficulties. On October 7, 1765, delegates from nine colonies 
 \ held sessions in New York and adopted a Declaration of „ , „ 
 
 I ^ Howard, Reva- 
 
 \ Rights which denounced the Stamp Act as illegal. After lution, 145-149, 
 ! asserting their allegiance to the king and ''all due subor- 154-157- 
 dination to that august body, the parliament of Great Brit- 
 ain," they claimed for themselves the rights of Englishmen, Frothingham, 
 including the one "that no taxes be imposed on them but a^'^ J^' 
 with their own consent, given personally, or by their repre- 
 sentatives." They asserted further "that the people of 
 
 , . , r , . , , . Lamed (ed.) 
 
 these colonies are not, and, from their local circumstances, j^^ady Re/., 
 cannot, be represented in the house of commons in Great V, 3190-3191. 
 Britain. That the only representatives of the people of 
 these colonies are persons chosen therein by themselves, 
 and that no taxes ever have been, or can be constitutionally 
 imposed on them, but by their respective legislatures." 
 They claimed also right of trial by jury and protested against 
 j the injustice of the acts of trade. Several days later the 
 j Congress approved potions to the king and to the houses 
 of parliament. 
 
142 
 
 American History 
 
 [1765 
 
 Reasons for 
 repeal. 
 
 Debate on 
 repeal. 
 
 Hart, Contem- 
 poraries, II, 
 Nos. 142-144. 
 
 Howard, Revo- 
 lution, 158-173. 
 
 Lecky, Am. 
 Revolution, 
 84-94. 
 
 Declaratory 
 act (1766). 
 
 130. The Repeal of the Stamp Act. — The colonies fur- 
 ther expressed their objections to the Stamp Act by refusing 
 to order goods from England or pay their debts to Enghsh 
 merchants, on the ground that the Stamp Act had inter- 
 fered seriously with business. When parliament assembled 
 in December, 1765, therefore, very great pressure was brought 
 to bear on that body. The protests of the colonies were 
 presented, the absolute impossibility of enforcing the act 
 was emphasized, and the requests of the British merchants 
 for its repeal were considered. 
 
 During the summer of 1765, the ministry of Grenville had 
 been superseded by an opposition cabinet under Rock- 
 ingham.^ The majority of this cabinet favored repeal, but 
 hesitated to weaken British authority in America by granting 
 the colonial claims. They finally advocated repeal. When 
 the question came up in parliament, the late prime minister, 
 Grenville, argued strongly that if the colonists objected to 
 internal taxation because they w^ere not represented in par- 
 liament, they would soon refuse to pay external taxes in the 
 form of navigation duties. Later they would deny the 
 right of parliament to make any laws whatever for them. 
 If England yields now, he said, she will never be able to 
 regain her authority in America. The colonial position was 
 upheld by Pitt, who had already asserted the right of the 
 colonies to tax themselves. "I rejoice," he said, "that 
 America has resisted." For several weeks the debates con- 
 tinued, and during this time Franklin was examined in 
 the house of commons concerning the state of affairs in 
 America. His answ^ers probably had a very decisive in- 
 fluence because they showed the impossibility of enforcing 
 a stamp act. 
 
 When the Stamp Act was repealed in March, 1766, par- 
 liament passed the Declaratory Act which asserted that 
 the colonies are "subordinate unto, and dependent upon 
 the imperial crown and parliament of Great Britain, and 
 
 ^ The Stamp Act had nothing whatever to do with this change of 
 ministries. 
 
1766] The New British Colonial Policy 143 
 
 that the King's majesty, by and with the advice and consent MacDonaid, 
 of the lords spiritual and temporal, and commons of Great ^^^!^^' 
 Britain, in parliament assembled, had, hath, and of right 
 ought to have, full power and authority to make laws and 
 statutes of sufficient force and validity to bind the colonies 
 and people of America, subjects of the crown of Great 
 Britain, in all cases whatsoever." 
 
 131. English and American Ideas of Representation. — Representation 
 During the discussions on the Stamp Act in America and ^^^ suffrage m 
 England, the differences between the English and American 
 ideas of representation were brought out with considerable 
 clearness. It will be well to examine the question because 
 the Americans claimed that they were being taxed without 
 representation, while the English denied that the Stamp 
 Act provided ''taxation without representation." At this 
 time the house of commons w^as composed of over five 
 hundred members from England and Wales, less than one 
 hundred of whom were elected by the counties, the remainder 
 being chosen from boroughs. These boroughs had gained 
 centuries before the right to elect members and at least one 
 half were at this time unimportant.^ For this reason a large 
 proportion of those composing the house of commons were 
 appointed practically by a few hundred persons of wealth 
 and influence. Most of the others were chosen by a very 
 limited number of voters, for the franchise in the boroughs 
 was very restricted, and in the counties, none but landowners 
 — at this time a very select class — enjoyed the elective 
 franchise. Moreover the new towns of the North were totally 
 unrepresented. 
 
 According to the English view, every member of par- Virtual repre- 
 liament represented the entire empire, the colonies as well 
 as the British Isles. During the debate on repeal, this 
 
 ^ Several attempts were made soon after to abolish the rotten boroughs 
 and reform the representation in parliament, but even in 1832, when the 
 great Reform Bill was under discussion, the suggestion that representation 
 should be territorial and according to population was scorned as an 
 "American idea." 
 
 sentation. 
 
144 
 
 American History 
 
 [1766 
 
 Lecky, A7n. 
 Revolution, 
 75-79. 
 
 Territorial 
 representation 
 in America. 
 
 Provisions. 
 
 Macdonald, 
 Charters, 
 Nos. 61-64, 
 
 view was stated by Mansfield, the able chief justice. There 
 can be no doubt "that the inhabitants of the colonies are as 
 much represented in parliament as the greatest part of the 
 people of England are represented, among nine millions 
 of whom there are eight who have no votes in electing mem- 
 bers of parliament." He claimed that there was no differ- 
 ence between "virtual and actual representation," and that 
 any attempt to make such distinction would alter the British 
 constitution. 
 
 The American idea of representation was entirely differ- 
 ent. The colonial assemblies were composed of represent- 
 atives from towns, in the North, or counties, in the South. 
 No territory was thought to be represented unless it actually 
 elected and sent to the assemblies members chosen by popu- 
 lar vote. The franchise — although limited to landowners 
 and very restricted according to our present notions — I was 
 much more liberal than that of England because in America 
 most of the heads of families owned land. 
 
 132. The Townshend Acts, 1767. — For nearly a year 
 the relations between England and the colonies were almost 
 cordial. Then a new series of measures for colonial 
 control were introduced by Charles Townshend, an ardent 
 advocate of imperial supremacy and the ruling member 
 of the new ministry to which that of Rockingham had given 
 place, (i) The first of these laws provided for duties on 
 glass, lead, painters' colors, paper, and tea. Townshend 
 hoped, by avoiding any form of internal taxation, to gain a 
 revenue without arousing colonial opposition.^ (2) All 
 revenue raised under this customs law was to be used for the 
 purpose of paying the governors and judges in the colonies 
 in order that they might be independent of the assemblies. 
 In a day, therefore, the colonies lost a right for which many 
 
 ^ This act was connected with one reducing the land tax in England 
 from four shillings to three shillings a pound. Merchants exporting tea 
 to America were allowed for five years a drawback of the shilling a pound 
 paid at English ports of entry, so that tea was sold cheaper in America 
 than in England. 
 
'^l^'j'^ The New BritisJi Colonial Policy 145 
 
 of them had contended a half century (§ 87). (3) For the 
 proper enforcement of this act, writs of assistance were 
 legaHzed. (4) A board of commissioners was appointed to 
 supervise the administration of all navigation acts. (5) About 
 the same time the assembly of New York was forbidden 
 to make any laws until that province complied with the terms 
 of the quartering act of 1765 (§ 127), which it hitherto had 
 refused to do. 
 
 In the fall of 1767 Townshend died, but the ministry Cabinet 
 
 maintained his policy, and the cabinet changes that took changes 
 
 (1767-1782) 
 place were favorable to the full maintenance of imperial au- 
 thority. In 1770 Lord North, an amiable and peace-loving 
 man, but a willing tool of the king, became prime minister, a 
 position which he held until the close of the Revolutionary 
 War (1782). 
 
 During the years from 1763 to 1767 a new colonial system Summary of 
 had been created. This was not so much the result of a ^^^ "^^ ^°'°' 
 definite fixed policy as the outgrowth of the spasmodic at- 
 tempts on the part of the English ministers to make the 
 colonies pay a part of the expenses incurred for their pro- 
 tection, with a general intent to strengthen British authority 
 in America. Marked by an .invasion of the rights which the 
 colonists held most dear, this new colonial system must be 
 considered most unwise. Possibly any attempt to reform 
 the abuses of colonial administration would have ended as 
 disastrously, but certainly care should have been taken to 
 avoid antagonizing the colonies by selecting the least ob- 
 jectionable instead of the most offensive measures. 
 
 Disorder and Organized Opposition (i 767-1 775) 
 
 133. The Reception of the Townshend Acts. — As might Change of 
 easily have been foreseen, the Townshend Acts were not ^°l°^^^^ ^i^^^- 
 acceptable to the colonists. The old distinction between 
 external and internal taxation was now ignored ; the col- ^^^J^^ is^-iV 
 onists supported the view that all taxation for the benefit of 
 England was unjust and unconstitutional. In most of the 
 
146 
 
 American History 
 
 [1767 
 
 Circular letter 
 of Massachu- 
 setts. 
 
 MacDonald, 
 Charters, 
 No. 65. 
 
 Fiske, 
 
 Am. Rez'olu- 
 
 fion, 1 , 47-50. 
 
 Frothingham, 
 
 Republic, 
 
 211-231. 
 
 Boston *' Mas- 
 sacre" (1770). 
 
 Lecky, Am. 
 Rc"-o!ufion, 
 iiS, 126-131. 
 
 Howard, Rez-o- 
 I lit ion, 193- 1 9S, 
 202-205. 
 
 Fiske, Am. Rn'- 
 ('/«.''/i'«, 1,51-52, 
 57-59, 66-72. 
 
 Non-importa- 
 tion agreement 
 (1769). 
 
 Howard, Revo- 
 lution, 19S-201. 
 
 colonies organizations were suggested for the non-importa- 
 tion of British manufactures. 
 
 The Massachusetts assembly, which was now for a number 
 of years under the influence of that adroit leader, Samuel 
 Adams, issued in February, 1768, a circular letter to the 
 colonies, asking their cooperation in protesting against the 
 Townshend acts, and sent a petition to the king and ad- 
 dresses to the people of Great Britain. The circular letter 
 was so ofl'ensive to the British government that all of the 
 governors were instructed to prevent their assemblies from 
 giving it consideration and Massachusetts was ordered to 
 rescind it. By a vote of ninety-two to seventeen the house 
 of representatives in Massachusetts refused to rescind, and 
 was immediately dissolved, as were the assemblies in several 
 other colonies 
 
 134. Growing Disorder (i 768-1 770). — For the purpose 
 of enforcing the Townshend Acts and other navigation laws 
 in Massachusetts, troops were now sent to Boston. Before 
 their arrival, the customs officials seized (176S) the sloop 
 Liberty whose officers were accused of smuggling. The 
 vessel was rescued by a mob and two additional regiments 
 were ordered to Boston. Disputes arose regarding the 
 quartering of these troops. In March, 1770, the citizens 
 and some soldiers came to blows in the streets of Boston. 
 The soldiers at length fired upon the citizens, killing five 
 and wounding six others. A meeting was called at once, 
 and at the request of Samuel Adams, Governor Hutchinson 
 removed all the regiments to a fort in the harbor. Several 
 of the soldiers were tried in a local court, being defended 
 by John Adams and Josiah Quincy. All were acquitted 
 but two. 
 
 The result of this trial is the more noteworthy because 
 of the furore produced in 1769, after the Liberty affair, 
 by the attempt of the British government to revive an old 
 law of Henry WU, according to which crimes committed 
 outside of the realm should be tried in England. When 
 tlie house of commons favored this, the Mru;inia bur2;esses 
 
^773] Disorder and Organized Opposition 147 
 
 protested against it and persuaded the leojislatures in several Coman, Indus- 
 other colonies to do the same. The non-importation agree- 
 ments were renewed in several colonies and this boycott „ . . , 
 
 •' tTotningnam, 
 
 exerted a considerable influence on the repeal of the Town- Republic, 
 
 shend revenue act (1770). 231-241. 
 
 135. The Committees of Correspondence (1772- 1 773). — Goj/^^aifair 
 For two or three years comparative quiet reigned in America.^ (1772). 
 
 In 1772, however, a British revenue cutter, the Gas pee ^ 
 
 whose commander had been enforcmg the navigation laws devolution, 
 
 in Narragansett Bay with far more zeal than judgment, 136-138. 
 
 ran aground near Providence. The citizens of that town 
 
 immediately seized and burned the ship. Enraged by this 
 
 act the British government appointed a commission to 
 
 investigate the Gaspee affair. According to a law passed 
 
 early in 1772, any person who destroyed imperial property 
 
 was guilty of treason. Under this law the offenders if 
 
 captured were to be taken to England for trial. 
 
 In Massachusetts, Samuel Adams had already organized Town and 
 a number of town committees of correspondence which were colonial com- 
 
 1 . !• 1 • • r • • A 1 • mittees. 
 
 keeping alive the spirit of opposition. As soon as the in- 
 structions of the Gaspee commission became known, the ^ ^dams 
 Virginia house of burgesses adopted resolutions proposed 196-206. 
 by Thomas Jefferson, for the appointment of colonial com- Y\ske, 
 mittees of correspondence. Rhode Island, Connecticut, Am. Revoiu- 
 New Hampshire, Massachusetts, and South Carolina re- ^'^'^' ^" ^^~^^^• 
 sponded by appointing similar committees, the beginning Frothmgham, 
 
 ,., .1 i-ii*i Republic, 
 
 of an intercolonial organization that was of the highest 265-290. 
 value in the perfection of a colonial union. 
 
 136. The Tea Tax. — Influenced by the petitions of History 
 English merchants whose business had suffered from the 
 non-importation agreements of 1767 and 1769, and by the 
 lack of revenue produced by the Townshend act, parlia- 
 
 ^ This was not true of North Carolina. Some frontiersmen called 
 "regulators," who believed that justice had been denied to them, refused 
 to pay taxes and attempted to gain their asserted rights by force of arms. 
 They were finally defeated by Governor Tryon in the battle of the Ala- 
 mance (1774). 
 
 (1770- 1773). 
 
148 
 
 American History 
 
 [1773 
 
 Howard, Revo- 
 lution, 266-269. 
 
 Cambridge 
 Mod. Hist., 
 
 VII, 157-159- 
 
 Boston Tea 
 Party (1773)- 
 
 Hart, Contetn- 
 poraries, 
 II, No. 152. 
 
 Frothingham, 
 
 Republic, 
 
 303-312. 
 
 Old South 
 Leaflets, 
 No. 68. 
 
 Punishment of 
 Massachusetts. 
 
 MacDonald, 
 Charters, 
 Nos. 68-71. 
 
 Howard, Rez'o- 
 lution, 272-279. 
 
 Lecky, Am. 
 Rez'olution, 
 164-170. 
 
 ment had in 1770 repealed all of the duties except that on 
 tea. This was maintained for the purpose of asserting the 
 right of parliament to tax the colonies, but it was valueless 
 as a source of revenue, because the colonists either refrained 
 from drinking tea or smuggled it from Holland. In 1773 
 the East India company, being in financial straits, asked 
 parliament for permission to send tea ditect to America, 
 paying the colonial tax of three pence per pound only, and 
 being reHeved of the one shilling tax at EngHsh ports of 
 entry. When this was granted, tea was immediately shipped 
 to Boston, New York, Philadelphia, and Charleston. 
 
 At Boston meetings were held to prevent the landing of 
 the tea, and when the ships arrived, a number of patriots 
 were placed on guard over the vessels. As the ships re- 
 mained in the harbor and it was the intention to land the 
 tea December 17, on the preceding evening a band of about 
 fifty men dressed as Indians boarded both ships and threw 
 the tea into the water. There was no tumult and no at- 
 tempt to prevent this action. At Philadelphia, and later at 
 New York, the vessels were sent back to England at once. 
 The tea was landed at Charleston, only to be sold after the 
 outbreak of war for the benefit of the patriots. 
 
 137. The Repressive Acts (i774)- — The rejoicing in 
 America and the indignation in England on account of the 
 Boston Tea Party were ahke universal. On both sides of 
 the water the people were becoming more united. Within 
 a few months several measures were passed by parliament 
 for the purpose of punishing Massachusetts, but with the 
 result of uniting the colonies much more firmly, (i) The 
 first of these was the Boston Port Bill which closed Boston 
 harbor to commerce and made Marblehead the port of en- 
 try for the colony. (2) The most important of these acts 
 was that altering the charter of Massachusetts. The coun- 
 cil was in future to be chosen by the crown, and all local 
 executive or judicial officers were to be selected by the 
 governor or the highest judges. Sheriffs, themselves 
 appointees of the governor, were to choose jurymen, and no 
 
1774] Disorder a?id Organi::ed Opposition 
 
 149 
 
 town meetings were to be held without the consent of the 
 governor, except for the annual election of town officers. 
 (3) All persons in government employ who were charged 
 with murder were to be tried in another colony or in Great 
 Britain. (4) Troops were quartered on the inhabitants of 
 Boston. (5) By the new Quebec Act the boundaries of that 
 province were extended to the Mississippi, on the west, and 
 the Ohio on the south, and the allegiance of its inhabitants 
 was strengthened by 
 reviving the old 
 French civil law and 
 granting new privi- 
 leges to the Catholic 
 church. 
 
 138. The First Con- 
 tinental Congress 
 (1774). — This coer- 
 cion of Massachusetts 
 had been attempted in the belief that severe measures 
 were needed and that the opposition to British authority 
 was confined almost solely to that province. The falseness 
 of this impression w^as soon evident. Sympathy and 
 offers of help came to Boston from all quarters. Delegates 
 for a continental Congress were chosen by the assemblies 
 or committees of correspondence in all of the thirteen 
 colonies except Georgia. On September 5, 1774, the 
 Congress met at Philadelphia with fifty-three delegates 
 present, among them the ablest of the American leaders.^ 
 
 The Congress adopted a Declaration of Rights asserting 
 that as the colonies are not, and cannot be, represented in 
 parliament, ''they are entitled to a free and exclusive power 
 of legislation in their several provincial legislatures, where 
 their right of representation can alone be preserved, in all 
 
 Meeting. 
 
 Howard, Revo- 
 lution, 280-287. 
 
 Wilson, 
 
 A7n. People, II, 
 
 193-199. 
 
 Work. 
 
 MacDonald, 
 Charters, 
 No. 72. 
 
 ' ^ These included John and Samuel Adams of Massachusetts, Roger 
 Sherman of Connecticut, John Jay of New York, George Washington, 
 Patrick Henry, Peyton Randolph, and Richard Henry Lee of Virginia, 
 and John Rutledge of South Carolina. 
 
so 
 
 American History 
 
 [1774 
 
 Hart, Contem- 
 poraries, II, 
 No. 153. 
 
 Howard, Revo- 
 lution, 287-294. 
 
 American 
 Association. 
 
 MacDonald, 
 Charters, 
 No. 73. 
 
 Hart, Contem- 
 poraries, II, 
 No. 154. 
 
 Concluding 
 work. 
 
 Continued 
 policy of coer- 
 cion. 
 
 North's plan of 
 conciliation. 
 
 cases of taxation and internal polity, subject alone to the 
 negative of their sovereign, in such manner as has been 
 heretofore used and accustomed." The Congress con- 
 ceded, however, the right of parliament to regulate external 
 trade if no duties were levied. 
 
 A little later the members of the Congress organized an 
 ''American Association," to carry out non-importation agree- 
 ments. A committee was to be selected for each town which 
 should supervise the action of all citizens and organize 
 resistance to British domination. The union of the colonies 
 was accomplished at last. 
 
 Having drawn up a petition to the king and addresses 
 to the colonists, to the Canadians, and to the people of Great 
 Britain, the Congress made provision for another Congress 
 to meet in May, 1775, and adjourned. 
 
 139. The Inevitableness of War. — News of the opposi- 
 tion to the acts of parliament and warlike preparations in 
 New England created a profound impression in Great 
 Britain. With the exception of the small body of Whigs 
 who had consistently supported the colonial position, the, 
 country was overwhelmingly in favor of punishing the 
 refractory spirit among ''our subjects in America." George 
 III probably voiced the popular belief in his w^ords, "I 
 have not the smallest douDt, when once vigorous measures 
 appear to be the only means left of bringing the Americans 
 to a due submission to the mother country, that the colonies 
 will submit." Parliament refused to consider the petitions 
 of Congress to the king, repeatedly voted down concessive 
 measures proposed by the Whigs, shut New England off 
 from the fisheries, which had been an important source of 
 revenue to the people, prohibited the New England colonies, 
 and afterward most of the others, from trading with Great 
 Britain or her other colonies, declared Massachusetts in 
 rebellion, and voted six thousand additional men for sup- 
 pressing this rebellion. 
 
 Parliament was persuaded with difficulty to indorse Lord 
 North's suggestions for conciliation. By the prime minister's 
 
 i 
 
1775] Disorder and OrgaJiized Opposition 151 
 
 plan, England agreed to forego the taxation of America Lecky, Ajh 
 
 Revolution, 
 198-200. 
 
 Republic, 
 411-413. 
 
 war. 
 
 Republic, 
 413-419. 
 
 except by commercial duties, so long as each colony con- 
 tributed a fixed amount satisfactory to parliament for the 
 support of the army and colonial officials. At the same time, Frothingham, 
 North informally suggested to Franklin that the English 
 government might be willing to repeal the tea tax and the 
 Boston Port Bill, but not the Massachusetts Government Act. 
 
 Lord North's plan met with no favor in America, and his Preparation for 
 suggestions drew immediately the reply from Franklin :" The 
 people of Massachusetts must suffer all the hazards and 
 mischiefs of war, rather than admit the alterations of their Frothingham, 
 charter and laws by parliament." Massachusetts had 
 already held a provincial congress, which was a revolutionary 
 body because it was not chosen according to the new govern- American 
 ment act, and had made careful preparations for defense by Eloquence, 
 organizing the militia and gathering munitions of war. A ' ^ ~^^' 
 few of the other colonies as well made ready for hostilities, 
 f and it was generally believed that war was inevitable, though Winsor (ed.), 
 little had been said on the subject, when, in March, 1775, yj j' J22 
 Patrick Henry startled the people of the colonies by his 
 public declaration, ''We must fight ! I repeat it, sir, we must 
 fight ! An appeal to arms, and to the God of hosts, is all 
 that is left us." 
 
 140. Summary. — Before 1763 the English government Contrast be- 
 had done verv little toward controlling her colonies in Amer- *^^'^^" *,^^ ^'.'^ 
 
 colonial policy 
 
 ica. A few officials were appointed to represent Great and the new. 
 Britain in the colonies. In many instances colonial laws 
 had been set aside and parliament had made special laws 
 regulating the trade or industry of the American provinces, 
 but this supervision or control did not interfere seriously with 
 government by the people in most of the colonies. After 
 1763 the English statesmen desired to regulate American 
 affairs by compelling the colonists to pay part of the expense 
 incurred for their defense. First by the Sugar Act (1764) 
 
 ithey aroused New England by interfering with business in 
 that section. Then the Stamp Act brought all of the older 
 colonies into direct opposition to the English government. 
 
152 American History 
 
 Repeal of this act was followed by a milder method of taxa- 
 tion, by which the friends of the king sought to gain a more 
 perfect control of American affairs. 
 The crisis Both the English and the colonists had gone too far now 
 
 precipitated. ^^ withdraw easily. When the people of Boston protested 
 against the attempt to enforce imperial control through the 
 sale of tea, and the English government sought to punish 
 the city of Boston and the colony of Massachusetts, the union 
 of the colonies was assured. Unwise counsels overruled 
 conciliatory plans, and feeling both in England and Amer- 
 ica became so bitter that a clash was avoidable only through 
 the complete surrender of one side. 
 
 TOPICS 
 
 1. Character and Policy of George III: Hart, "Contempo- 
 raries," II, No. 130; Fiske, "American Revolution," I, pp. 38-45; 
 Lecky, "England in the Eighteenth Centun'," III, pp. 11-25; 
 Trevelyan, "American Revolution," I, pp. 30-33, 85-go. 
 
 2. The Repressive Acts of 1774: MacDonald, "Charters," 
 Nos. 68-71 ; Frothingham, "Rise of the Republic," pp. 317-327, 344- 
 358; Trevelyan, "American Revolution," I, pp. 175-203. 
 
 STFDIES 
 
 1. Union before 1750. (Frothingham, "Rise of the Republic," 
 pp. 109-120.) 
 
 2. Otis's speech on the writs of assistance. (Johnston (Wood- 
 burn) eds. "American Eloquence," I, pp. 11-17.) 
 
 3. Chatham's speech on Taxation of America. ("British Ora- 
 tions," I, pp. 98-119.) 
 
 4. Mansfield's speech on Taxation and Representation. (" British 
 Orations," I, pp. 150-171.) 
 
 5. Franklin's examination before the house of commons (1766). 
 (Earned, "Histon,' for Ready Reference," V, pp. 3 192-3201.) 
 
 6. Dickinson's Farmers Letters. (Tyler, "Literary History of 
 American Revolution," I, pp. 234-239.) 
 
 7. The West during the period of 1767 to 1775. (Howard, 
 "Preliminaries of the Revolution," pp. 222-241.) 
 
 8. The North Carolina regulators. 
 
 9. Lord Dunmore's War. (Roosevelt, "Winning oi the West," 
 I, Chapters VHI and IX.) 
 
The Beginnings of Revolution {1763-1775) 153 
 
 QUESTIONS 
 
 1. What was the European idea of a colony? (Thwaites, 
 "Colonies," §§ 18-22). Compare with the Greek and the Roman 
 ideas. Compare the English rule with Spanish rule (Moses, " Spanish 
 Rule" pp. 17-26). 
 
 2. What were the chief political features of the old colonial sys- 
 tem, in royal colonies? in other colonies? To what extent were the 
 colonies actually governed by England through the different means 
 enumerated in §§ 115-118 ? 
 
 3. What were the principal commercial features of the old colonial 
 system? Was the system theoretically unjust? Was it oppressive 
 in practice ? 
 
 4. Why was a new colonial" system adopted during the period 
 1 763-1 767 ? How was the Sugar Act of 1 764 different from the earlier 
 laws of trade, in its purpose and in the methods proposed for its en- 
 forcement ? 
 
 5. Had the colonies a legal right to exemption from taxation by 
 parliament ? Explain your answer and state as fully as possible the 
 American claim. 
 
 6. What provisions of the Townshend Acts violated American 
 principles of government, and in what ways ? 
 
 7. Did the English government have sufficient cause for passing 
 the repressive acts of 1774? Which was the most offensive of the 
 acts ? Why ? Why did they influence the action of the other colonies 
 if they applied only to Massachusetts ? 
 
 8. Compare the congresses of 1765, 1774, and 1775 as to reasons 
 for which they were called, number of colonies represented, method 
 of choosing delegates (see Howard, "Revolution," pp. 154, 282), 
 degree of unity shown, work of the congress, and influence on per- 
 manent union. Make table. 
 
 9. What is a revolution? Show the difference between a social 
 revolution and a political revolution? (Ashley, "American Federal 
 State," § 36.) Is it true that a "revolution is a successful rebellion" ? 
 
 ID. What was the fundamental cause of the revolution ? Name the 
 successive changes in British policy which led directly to separation 
 from England, showing how each change marks an advance on the 
 policy in force previously. 
 
Lexington and 
 Concord. 
 
 Fiske, Am. 
 Revolution, 
 I, 1 17-127. 
 
 Lodge, 
 Story 0/ Rev., 
 
 I. 25-52. 
 
 Hart, Contem- 
 poraries, 
 
 II, No. 191. 
 
 Bunker Hill. 
 
 CHAPTER VIII 
 
 THE REVOLUTIONARY WAR (1775-1783) 
 Revolt and Independence 
 
 141. Events around Boston (1775). — In the spring of 
 1775 General Gage, governor of Massachusetts, determined 
 to capture the military stores which had been gathered at 
 various points near Boston by the companies of militia, 
 "minute men" as they were called. Early on the morn- 
 ing of April 19, eight hundred men were dispatched secretly 
 
 to Concord, sixteen miles from 
 Boston. But the Americans 
 were on the alert and Paul 
 Revere aroused the "minute 
 men," about seventy of whom 
 met the British vanguard at 
 Lexington. Upon this com- 
 pany the regulars fired, kill- 
 ing seven — the first blood- 
 shed of the war. Marching on 
 to Concord the British seized the town and the bridge, at which 
 a skirmish was fought, but most of the stores were removed, 
 and finally the soldiers were obliged to retreat before the 
 ever increasing number of militiamen. Although reen- 
 forced at Lexington, their retreat was humiliating and dis- 
 astrous, as the "minute men" fired at them from behind 
 every tree and fence. Within a short time, a force of fif- 
 teen hundred Americans had gathered around Boston. 
 
 In order to protect Boston more adequately, General 
 Gage decided to fortify the hills on Charlestown peninsula 
 which commanded both the city and the harbor. Before 
 this could be done, Colonel Prescott, with six cannon 
 
 154 
 
Am. Revolu- 
 tion, 202-205, 
 
 1775] Revolt mtd Independeyice 155 
 
 and a force of about fifteen hundred, seized Breed's Lecky, 
 Hill on the night of June 16, 1775, and threw up earth- 
 works. At daybreak the war vessels in the harbor began 
 bombardment, and General Gage, ignoring the possibilities 
 of cutting off the American retreat, ordered Howe to make devolution 
 a front attack with three thousand soldiers. When the i, 136-146. 
 British charged up the sides of the hill, the militiamen 
 reserved their fire, their supply of ammunition being lim- Carrington, 
 ited. A first time and a second the British line withdrew Battles, 
 from the withering fire, but the Americans' ammunition was ^°^~"5- 
 already giving out, and the third assault was successful. 
 Fortunately the militiamen were able to withdraw in fair 
 order though with considerable loss across Charlestown 
 "neck." The British force lost over a thousand men, killed 
 and wounded, and General Howe, who was soon after made 
 commander in chief for America, ever after displayed 
 
 1 particular fondness for flank attacks. The moral effect of 
 this English victory w^as undoubtedly with the American side, 
 for it showed the ability of raw troops to meet a much larger 
 number of regulars, and was correspondingly encouraging to 
 
 \ the colonists and disheartening to the British. 
 
 142. The War on the Northern Border (i 775-1 776). — Ticonderoga 
 As soon as the news of Concord and Lexington reached the 
 Green Mountain Boys" in Vermont, they attacked and 
 easily captured the important forts of Ticonderoga and 1,129-132 
 Crown Point on Lake Champlain (May 10, 1775). 
 
 Later in the summer an invasion of Canada was planned, invasion of 
 One expedition under Richard Montgomery proceeded up Canada. 
 Lake Champlain, captured Montreal, and united before 
 Quebec with a division under Benedict Arnold, which had Fiske, Am. 
 forced its way, after almost inconceivable hardships, through 
 the woods of Maine. An attack upon Quebec in a snow- 
 jstorm, December 31, 1775, resulted in the death of Mont- 
 'j^omery and consequent confusion and defeat. The failure 
 f the expedition against Canada, much as success might V, 3228-3229. 
 ave encouraged the colonists, was not an unmixed misfor- 
 une. With their imperfect military organization and lack 
 
 Fiske, Am. 
 Revolution, 
 
 Revolution, 
 I, 165-169 
 
 Larned (ed.), 
 Ready Re/., 
 
156 
 
 A^nerican History 
 
 [1775 
 
 Siege of 
 Boston. 
 
 Van Tyne, 
 Revolution, 
 42-49. 
 
 Lecky, Am. 
 Revolution, 
 226-234. 
 
 Old South 
 Leaflets, "i^o.Zb, 
 
 Capture of 
 Boston. 
 
 Lodge, 
 Story of Rev., 
 I, 110-117. 
 
 Carrington, 
 
 Battles, 
 
 147-154- 
 
 War in the 
 South (1776), 
 
 of munitions of war the Americans were illy prepared to 
 assume the offensive and could not afford to separate their 
 forces. With the coming of summer, moreover, the energetic 
 governor of Canada, Carleton, made a determined effort to 
 gain control of Lake Champlain and recapture Ticonderoga 
 and Crown Point. His plans were foiled by Arnold, who 
 with skill and foresight as remarkable as his resources were 
 limited, collected a fleet and delayed Carleton so. that the 
 doughty governor, victorious in a naval battle and yet 
 baffled, was obliged to withdraw to Canada without captur- 
 ing the forts. 
 
 143. Change in the Theater of War (1776). — ^The sum- 
 mer and autumn of 1775 passed without any movement on 
 the part of the British army in Boston which was now 
 commanded by Howe. Washington, who had been ap- 
 pointed commander in chief through the influence of John 
 Adams, maintained his lines about the city, although the 
 terms of enlistment for his soldiers expired. He himself 
 commented on the inactivity of the British. ^'It is not in 
 the page of history, perhaps, to furnish a case like ours: 
 to maintain a post within musket-shot of the enemy for six 
 months together without powder, and at the same time to 
 disband an army and recruit another within that distance, of 
 twenty odd English regiments." But at length he was 
 able to assume the offensive. 
 
 During the winter of 177 5- 1776 many of the cannon cap- 
 tured at Ticonderoga were dragged over the snow to Boston. 
 With these in his possession, Washington fortified Dorches- 
 ter Heights, about two miles south of the city. Owing to a 
 storm, Howe was unable to attack. Not daring to remain 
 in Boston, he now evacuated that city, carrying his ten 
 thousand soldiers and marines besides many loyalists to 
 Nova Scotia. 
 
 Part of this army, greatly reenforced, made an attack 
 on New York during the middle of the summer (§ 154). 
 Another part under Clinton, joining with a fleet from 
 Ireland, sailed against Charleston^ South Carolina. In view 
 
1776] Revolt atid Independence 157 
 
 of the large number of loyalists in the southern colonies, Lodge, 
 
 this seemed to be a wise move. Yet it failed. The fleet ^t'^n' of Rev., 
 
 was much injured, and effectually repulsed by the batteries ^ ■ „ 
 
 of Charleston harbor, June (1776), and after several weeks Battled, 
 
 of inaction the British abandoned attacks upon the South 185-190. 
 until late in the w^ar. 
 
 144. The Second Continental Congress (i 775-1 776). — Acts of Con- 
 On the day that Ticonderoga was captured (May 10, 1775) ^"^^^^ (^775)- 
 the members of the second Continental Congress met in 
 Philadelphia. As hostilities had begun already, the Con- ^J^^J^^f^'* 
 gress did not devote itself to discussions only, as had its 205-209. 
 predecessors, but proceeded to act. Without great delay it 
 organized a continental army, borrowed money, issued bills Hart, Contem- 
 
 of credit, and drew up a second petition to the king. When P^ranes, 
 
 . , . ^ , , 1 , . , II, No. 185. 
 
 news was received m October, 1775, that the kmg's answer 
 
 to their petitions was a proclamation declaring them rebels 
 
 .,. ^ , ^ . ^ , „. . » . Frothingham, 
 
 and providmg for the suppression of rebellion m America, Republic, /\,:>&- 
 Congress moved with much less caution. A navy was 437.450-451- 
 authorized and privateers fitted out, a committee was se- 
 lected to correspond with other nations, the ports along the 
 Atlantic were thrown open to the commerce of the world, 
 \ reversing the policy of the navigation acts, and preparations 
 were made for declaring the United States independent of 
 Great Britain. 
 
 During the six years that elapsed before the completion Authority of 
 of a confederation, the Continental Congress was the only Congress, 
 central government existing in America. It was com- 
 posed of delegates elected at first by assemblies, conventions, 
 or committees of correspondence, but after 1776 by the state 
 legislatures. At no time did it possess any legal authority 
 for the exercise of the powers of sovereignty which it actually 
 used. Such rights as it had were derived from the in- 
 structions given by the states to their delegates, the unques- 
 tioned need of a central government, and the hearty approval 
 of, and public acquiescence in, the acts of Congress. 
 
 145. The Movement toward Independence. — The major- Preliminary 
 ity of the members of Congress were unwilling to consider ^^^p^- 
 
158 
 
 American History 
 
 [1776 
 
 Hart, Cofitem- 
 poraries, 
 II. No. 186. 
 
 Van Tyne, 
 
 Revolution, 
 50-71- 
 
 Lodge, 
 Story of Rev., 
 I, 146-155. 
 
 Resolutions for 
 independence. 
 
 Van Tyne, 
 Revolution, 
 71-78. 
 
 Fiske, Am. 
 Revolution, 
 I, 183-192. 
 
 Frothingham, 
 
 Republic, 
 
 513-532. 
 
 the question of independence from Great Britain, for the 
 people of the United States dreaded separation. Memorials 
 came from several patriotic organizations before the close 
 of 1775, but they received scant attention until the king 
 proclaimed the Americans to be rebels and news was re- 
 ceived that several thousand Hessians had been hired to 
 reduce the colonies to submission. Early in January, 1776, 
 there appeared a pamphlet entitled Common Sense, written 
 by an English immigrant, Thomas Paine, and emphasizing 
 the necessity and the benefits of independence. At this 
 time the sentiment in favor of separation was pronounced 
 only in New England, while the middle states and the 
 South looked with abhorrence on such an action. Gradu- 
 ally a change took place in the feelings of the people. They 
 had gone too far to draw back. The king stubbornly refused 
 concessions, and there was no alternative but complete sub- 
 mission or independence. Congress recognized this sooner 
 than most of the people, and on May 10, 1776, urged the 
 colonies to form state governments, adding five days later 
 as justification for this step a resolution that the British 
 government had withdrawn its protection and that the people 
 must look to themselves. 
 
 When this resolution became known, the legislatures of 
 all but one of the colonies instructed their delegates to 
 vote for a declaration of independence. Meanwhile, on 
 June 7, Richard Henry Lee introduced his famous resolu- 
 tions ''that these united colonies are, and of right ought to 
 be, free and independent states, that they are absolved 
 from all allegiance to the British Crown, and that all political 
 connection between them and the state of Great Britain is, 
 and ought to be, totally dissolved," and ''that a plan of con- 
 federation be prepared and transmitted to the respective 
 colonies for their consideration and approbation." A com- 
 mittee of five, composed of Thomas Jefferson, John Adams, 
 Benjamin Franklin, Roger Sherman, and Robert R. Living- 
 ston, was appointed to draw up a declaration and a commit- 
 tee was chosen, June 12, to prepare articles of confederation. 
 
I-IO. 
 
 1776] Revolt and Independence 159 
 
 The report of the committee on independence, written Declaration of 
 principally by Jefferson, was debated in Congress for two ^"dependence, 
 days, altered in some of its details, and finally adopted by ^^" J^"^' 
 Congress, July 4, 1776. The committee on confederation 79-86. 
 reported July 12, but no legal union was formed until long 
 after (§ 173). 
 
 146. The Character of the Declaration. — Independence its principles 
 of Great Britain had been asserted because the colonies and statements. 
 believed that they had a right to govern themselves in their 
 own way, and the mother country had not permitted them MC^^nA^ 
 to do this. We can perhaps see most clearly why our fore- Am. Review, 
 fathers took this stand if we examine certain parts of the ^^3 (1896), 
 Declaration. The second paragraph, 
 
 ^ .^ . BETSY Ross's 
 
 for example, gives some of their views \^ ^.?^»s:v™Sl^ ''^'^^ 
 upon government. ''We hold these 
 truths to be self-evident, that all men 
 are created equal, that they are en- 
 dowed by their Creator with certain 
 unalienable rights, that among these are 
 
 life, libert}', and the pursuit of happiness. .^ n o r^ 
 ' '^' ^ ; ^^ First U. S. Flag 
 
 That to secure these rights, governments 
 
 are instituted among men, deriving their just powers from Cf. Channing 
 
 the consent of the governed. That/ whenever any form ^^^ ^^^^• 
 
 ■, . , Guide, \ 137. 
 
 of government becomes destructive of these ends,yt is 
 the right of the people to alter or to abolish it, and to 
 institute new government, laying its foundation on such prin- 
 ciples and organizing its powers in such form as to them shall 
 seem most likely to effect their safety and happiness."/ 
 After enumerating a long list of acts of George III which 
 had aimed to overthrow these rights, the signers "in the 
 name and by authority of the good people of these colonies, 
 solemnly publish and declare, that these united colonies, 
 are, and of right ought to be, free and independent states, 
 that they are absolved from all allegiance to the British 
 'Grown, and that all political connection between them and 
 the state of Great Britain is, and ought to be, totally dis- 
 solved; and that, as free and independent states, they have 
 
i6o 
 
 American History 
 
 [1776 
 
 Disorder of the 
 state govern- 
 ments (1775). 
 
 Hart, Union, 
 k 39- 
 
 Frothingham, 
 
 Republic, 
 
 491-496. 
 
 Congressional 
 resolution of 
 May 10, 1776. 
 
 Frothingham, 
 
 Republic, 
 496-499. 
 
 Van Tyne, 
 RevoLition, 
 136-142, 
 
 Composition. 
 
 Van Tyne, 
 
 Revolution, 
 142-152. 
 
 full power to levy war, conclude peace, contract alliances, 
 establish commerce, and to do all other acts and things 
 which independent states may of right do." 
 
 147. The First State Governments. — While the colonies 
 collectively were declaring their independence of Great 
 Britain, the colonial governments were being replaced by 
 separate state governments. As the war spread, the royal 
 governors and their assistants and the judges frequently 
 found it wise to leave the country. This left only a part 
 of a government in several of the colonies, in some of which 
 the assemblies asked Congress what they should do. In 
 July, 1775, ^lassachusetts had been advised to use her old 
 charter and to disregard the governor. In the following 
 November, New Hampshire had been urged to call a con- 
 vention representing the whole people in order to frame a 
 state constitution, which she did gladly. 
 
 On May 10, 1776, Congress took a great step forward which 
 marked a new era in the history of independence, union, 
 and constitutional development. It recommended that each 
 colony "adopt such a government as shall in the opinion of 
 the representatives of the people best conduce to the happi- 
 ness and safety of their constituents in particular and of 
 America in general." This suggestion was quickly fol- 
 lowed by Mrginia, which in convention adopted a constitu- 
 tion embodying not only a plan for the state government, 
 but also a bill of rights. Connecticut and Rhode Island 
 merely continued their charters, which were to all intents and 
 purposes republican constitutions, while most of the other 
 states called conventions for the purpose, but only ]\Iassa- 
 chusetts submitted the constitution framed by her conven- 
 tion to the people for ratification. 
 
 These governments were similar in form to those of the 
 colonies, but now both houses of the legislature were chosen 
 by the people and the governors were elected by the legis- 
 latures, except in New England and New York, where they 
 were chosen by popular vote. The powers of the legislatures 
 were increased greatly at the expense of the executive, the 
 
1776] Conditions affecting Amei'ican Success 161 
 
 governors being deprived of the veto, for example, in almost 
 all of the revolutionary governments. 
 
 Conditions affecting American Success 
 
 148. The Theater of War. — Whatever may have been General, 
 the purpose of the patriot leaders before 1776, there was 
 now no doubt that the struggle was one which would admit of 
 no compromise. Let us consider therefore the conditions 
 that were favorable or unfavorable to the American cause. 
 
 The thirteen colonies that revolted against British rule Natural diffi- 
 extended along the Atlantic coast over a thousand miles ^uities m con. 
 and inland usually two or three hundred. This was in 
 some respects an advantage to the British, because they at 
 all times controlled the ocean and by seizing one or two 
 seaports might transport their armies to any part of the coast 
 they pleased. But the hold on a few seaport towns was in 
 itself of very little importance to the English government. 
 Unless the English generals could gain control and retain 
 possession of the interior, their attempt to subdue the 
 colonies would fail. Movements on land from one colony 
 to another were prevented by the numerous rivers which 
 flowed at right angles to the coast Hne. Moreover, any in- 
 vasion of the interior was disastrous, because the American 
 armies could withdraw easily to the frontier, being aug- 
 mented by the militia which was always most patriotic in 
 the inland counties. The British, unable to maintain direct 
 water communication from the ocean to their armies, found 
 it practically impossible to maintain an advanced position 
 for any length of time. 
 
 In one quarter only did circumstances seem to be in their Control of 
 favor. The island of Manhattan with its magnificent har- ^^^ Hudson, 
 bor could not be defended by the Americans, and was seized 
 therefore and held by the British, who might proceed up the 
 Hudson to Albany. On the north they controlled Montreal 
 and the outlet of Lake Champlain as well as Lake Ontario. 
 But even here the almost unbroken wilderness between the 
 head of Lake Champlain and the Hudson River and be- 
 
l62 
 
 American History 
 
 [1776 
 
 Possible 
 policies. 
 
 British 
 
 and Hessian 
 
 troops. 
 
 Lecky, Am. 
 Revolution, 
 240-244. 
 
 Van Tyne, 
 
 Revolution, 
 96-101. 
 
 British leaders. 
 
 Native leaders. 
 
 tween Lake Ontario and the Mohawk valley was an ally 
 of incalculable benefit to the patriots. 
 
 149. British Military Organization and Policy. — To 
 
 insure success the British needed either to exclude the 
 colonies from communication with the outside world 
 until they were willing to make terms, or to gain con- 
 trol of the territory as far inland as the mountains. 
 The first, which might have been accomplished by an 
 effective blockade, they did not attempt, probably on 
 account of the numerous harbors. The second required 
 a large army skillfully led, and the second was the policy 
 followed. 
 
 Supported at all times by a large fleet, which remained 
 inactive, the British army in America numbered, during the 
 first half of the war, about forty thousand, and during the 
 second half, about twenty-five thousand men. Most of 
 these were experienced soldiers, but many of them were not 
 English. Finding it difficult to enlist the necessary soldiers 
 at home, George III hired from the dukes of the small 
 German states, especially Hesse Cassel, about eighteen 
 thousand veterans. The employment of these ''Hessians" 
 undoubtedly intensified the feeling of the colonists, not alone 
 because the king was willing to use those so-called mercenaries 
 for their subjugation, but on account of the many outrages 
 perpetrated by the Hessian troops. 
 
 The soldiers of the British army on all occasions proved 
 their courage, but wxre unfortunate in their leaders. Ap- 
 pointed from a certain class of the nobility without ref- 
 erence to military fitness, the English generals and other 
 officers, with notable exceptions, exhibited an incapacity 
 for their duties that is appalling and is perhaps the chief 
 cause of the complete failure of the English plan of sub- 
 jection. 
 
 150. The American Army. — Our military leaders repre- 
 sented the two extremes of superior ability and extreme 
 incapacity. They were appointed by Congress and were 
 often selected for reasons other than proved ability. For- 
 
1776] Conditions affecting American Success 163 
 
 tunately George Washington was chosen as commander Fiske, Am. 
 in chief. Hampered as he was by the unwillingness of ^^^^'^^^'^«. 
 Congress to give him full direction of affairs, and constantly 148-152. 
 handicapped by the lack of trained soldiers, he was without 
 question chiefly responsible for the final establishment of 
 American independence. Although at the time of his ap- 
 pointment he had seen comparatively little fighting, this 
 Virginia planter proved himself an able general and a skill- 
 ful strategist — much more than a match for any of his 
 English antagonists. He could strike hard when his chance 
 came, but he could also wait, and a w^aiting policy w^as usually 
 his only hope of success, because of the superiority of the 
 British in numbers and discipline. Moreover, his foresight, 
 generosity, and broadmindedness united the factions at 
 home — foes more dangerous than the foreign armies. 
 Among his assistants Nathanael Greene is accorded the 
 highest place, although many others, like Benedict Arnold 
 and Daniel Morgan, exhibited, within a more limited radius, 
 conspicuous ability. 
 
 Many of the highest offices in the army were bestowed Foreign 
 upon foreigners who had not resided long in America or ^^^^'^^• 
 had come here after the beginning of war. Some of these 
 men, like LaFayette, Steuben, and Kosciusko, were heartily 
 and unselfishly in sympathy with the revolution; others, 
 like Conway and Charles Lee, w^ere adventurers who im- 
 posed upon Congress and interfered with American chances 
 of success. 
 
 One of the chief difficulties encountered by the Americans American 
 was their inability to maintain a permanent army. At the soldiers. 
 beginning, enlistm.ents were for a term of one year or less. 
 As the troops were poorly fed and clothed, paid in depre- Hart. Co«/^;«- 
 
 • ■ 1 n r ^ • ^ ^ pOravieS, II, 
 
 ciated currency or not at all, most farmers objected to leav- j^^^ 170-174 
 ing their crops during the summer campaigns when the grain 
 would suffer greatly. Later in the v/ar soldiers of the "con- 
 tinental line" enlisted for three years. Although few in 
 number they formed the nucleus of a regular fighting 
 force. They were the only well-trained American soldiers. 
 
164 
 
 American Histoiy 
 
 [1776 
 
 Numbers 
 and elements. 
 
 Winsor (ed.), 
 America, 
 VII, 185-192. 
 
 Loyalists 
 and patriots. 
 
 Hart, Contem- 
 poraries, II, 
 Nos. 166-169. 
 
 Van Tyne, 
 Revolution, 
 265-278. 
 
 Because of the short terms of the others, it was often im- 
 possible to obtain men enough to oppose the advance of 
 the enemy, although in times of great danger many joined 
 the army for a few days or weeks. Except at these intervals 
 the number of American soldiers in the field was smaller 
 than that of the British. 
 
 151. The Loyalists. — As we noticed in a previous sec- 
 tion (§ 145), a large part of the population agreed to a dec- 
 laration of independence from the mother country with great 
 reluctance. Another part was never convinced of the 
 wisdom of the step and remained throughout the war loyal 
 to Great Britain. Many of these loyalists simply refrained 
 from taking sides, but many others were active in their 
 opposition to the patriot party. Few of them were found 
 in New England and Virginia, but in the other states they 
 probably included one half of the population, being especially 
 numerous and virulent in New York, Georgia, and the 
 Carolinas. The inhabitants of the large towns, the office- 
 holders, the clergy in the Anglican church, the members 
 of the professions, most of the merchants, and owners of 
 large estates usually cast in their lot with the loyalists rather 
 than with the patriots. 
 
 The persecution of the loyalists began before the outbreak 
 of war, an effort being made by the use of tar and feathers 
 and by similar outrages to intimidate the wavering, and 
 make open espousal of the English cause unpopular. After 
 the establishment of the state governments, the more promi- 
 nent loyalists were deprived not only of political and civil 
 rights but often of their estates as well. Where they were 
 sufficiently numerous the loyalists retaliated with spirit, 
 outdoing the patriots in brutality. In South Carolina 
 and in some other states a partisan warfare of extreme 
 bitterness was kept up even after the close of the war. In 
 these fierce contests hundreds of persons Were killed, the in- 
 nocent and defenseless suffering quite as frequently as the 
 guilty. 
 
 152. The Finances of th^ Revolution, — The difficulties 
 
1776] Conditions affecting American Success 165 
 
 of achieving independence were financial rather than mili- The problem, 
 tary. The lack of an established central government with 
 well-recognized means of raising money for the payment of Dewey, /-^//a//.- 
 war expenditures caused continued anxiety to the American '^'^^ ^"^•• 
 leaders. Without a certain minimum of congressional ^'^' 
 revenue the prosecution of the war was impossible. But 
 how was this to be obtained ? The states were of course 
 unwilling that Congress should exercise the right of taxa- 
 tion, for after 1777 Congress enjoyed almost as little confi- 
 dence as parliament had done before the war. Few would 
 lend to Congress because it had no definite sources of in- 
 come, no legal status, no international standing, and there- 
 fore no credit. Nothing was left but for Congress to issue 
 paper money on the credit of the United States and to ask 
 the states for annual contributions with which to pay its 
 most pressing needs. As the states were getting deeply into 
 debt on account of their own war expenses, these requisitions 
 were usually ignored. Paper money was in consequence 
 the chief reliance of Congress. 
 
 During the most trying years of the war. Congress opened Loans, 
 loan offices through which the people loaned to the govern- 
 
 >s T-, . . • 11 T-« Dewey, Finan- 
 
 ment over $10,000,000. Foreign nations, especially r ranee, ciai Hist., 
 
 helped us some, but most of the foreign loans were made §§ 19, 20. 
 after the victory at Yorktown, so that they were not of direct 
 value in conducting the campaign. 
 
 153- Continental Currency. — When Congress began Issues and 
 
 printing paper money in June, 1775, it was expected that ^P^eciaion. 
 
 after a few issues the presses would be stopped. But on Lecky, Am. 
 
 account of the difficulties of raising a revenue from other Revolution, 
 
 sources, the issues grew constantly larger. By 1779 the ^ 7-292. 
 
 face value of the bills printed amounted to nearly $250,000,- -^^^^^ Finan- 
 
 000, although they had been worth to the treasury less than cmi Hist., 
 
 one fifth of that amount in cash. Congress had provided §^ ^5. 16. 
 
 jfor the payment of the bills by pledging the credit of the ^^^^^ 
 
 (United States and apportioning to each state the share Money, 
 
 it should redeem, but on account of repeated issues and "5-126. 
 little other revenue, depreciation was inevitable. Congress 
 
1 66 
 
 A m erica n History 
 
 [1776 
 
 sought to prevent this by fixing the prices which should be 
 paid for commodities, naturally without effect. Before the 
 last year of lighting a hundred dollars in continental currency 
 would purchase less than one dollar in silver. A little later 
 continental bills were used jokingly for papering rooms 
 and for suits of clothing. It is not strange that toward the 
 close of the war valueless articles were said to be "not 
 worth a continental." 
 
 A COiXriNEiNrAL Bill 
 
 Justification. 
 
 Dewey, Finan- 
 cial Hist., 
 k 17. 
 
 White, 
 Jifoney, 
 126-129. 
 
 An attempt was made to justify the issuance of paper 
 money on the ground that it was a form of tax which could 
 be escaped by no one who did business. But it imposed a 
 most unfair burden on those least able to bear it, and was 
 not only a most unjust tax, but a serious injury to business 
 enterprise. If justified at all, it must be as a military 
 necessity, for the states refused to pay the requisitions 
 made on them by Congress, and that body should not be 
 blamed for using the only practicable means it had for con- 
 tinuing the war. 
 
1776] 
 
 The Campaigns of iyy6 and lyjy 
 
 167 
 
 -fMtWashlSo^i 
 
 The Campaigns of 1776 and 1777 
 
 154. The Movement against New York (1776). — The 
 eighteen months following the declaration of American inde- 
 pendence witnessed the most active campaigns of the entire 
 war. The British government had already resolved to 
 make an attack upon the middle colonies with a large army, 
 seize New York, gain possession of the Hudson and Lake 
 Champlain, thereby 
 cutting off New Eng- 
 land from the other 
 states, and subduing 
 the middle states, which 
 they considered an easy 
 task because of the 
 large number of loy- 
 ahsts. 
 
 Late in June, 1776, 
 General Howe landed 
 at Staten Island and 
 was soon joined by 
 his brother, Admiral 
 Howe, with a fleet and 
 reenforcements. To the British army of over thirty thou- 
 sand regulars Washington was able to oppose a force 
 but two thirds as large, few of whom were well armed 
 or experienced. His was indeed a most difHcult task. 
 Public sentiment demanded that he should not abandon 
 New York without a contest, although it was absolutely 
 indefensible against the larger force and fleet, w^hich could 
 cut him off easily from retreat. Moreover he was obliged 
 to fortify and hold Brooklyn Heights, which commanded 
 the city but was exposed to a combined land and water 
 attack. For nearly two months the British allowed him 
 to strengthen his position. Howe then landed twenty 
 thousand men at the southern end of Long Island, and by 
 concerted movements overpowered the eight thousand men 
 
 Plan of 
 campaign. 
 
 VICIMTY OF NEW YOKK 
 
 (1776) 
 
 Campaign on 
 Long Island. 
 
 Van Tyne, 
 
 Revolution, 
 102-108. 
 
 Fiske, Am, 
 Revolution, 
 I, 204-212. 
 
 Lodge, 
 Story of Rev. 
 I, 184-195. 
 
1 68 
 
 American History 
 
 [1776 
 
 Retreat from 
 New York. 
 
 Van Tyne, 
 Revolution, 
 H8-128. 
 
 American 
 difificulties 
 (Dec, 1776). 
 
 Fiske, Am. 
 Revolution, 
 I, 227-229. 
 
 Capture 
 of Trenton 
 (1776). 
 
 Lodge, 
 
 Story of Rev. 
 I, 207-215. 
 
 left by Washington, captured General Sullivan with one 
 thousand men, and drove the remainder back to the 
 East River. From this position Washington was fortunate 
 enough to extricate his men before the fleet cut off his 
 retreat. 
 
 By two other flank movements Howe compelled Washing- 
 ton to abandon first New York and later Harlem Heights. 
 Then the American army was withdrawn to White Plains, 
 where an indecisive battle took place. When Howe cap- 
 tured the two forts, Washington and Lee, on opposite 
 sides of the Hudson, Washington retreated skillfully 
 through New Jersey, destroying bridges as he went. Seiz- 
 ing all the boats on the Delaware, he placed that river be- 
 tween himself and the enemy, and blocked their advance to 
 Philadelphia. 
 
 155. The Trenton-Princeton Campaign. — The Ameri- 
 can cause seemed now almost hopeless. In spite of Ar- 
 nold's brave defense of Lake Champlain (§ 142), Carleton 
 had gained control as far south as Ticonderoga. New- 
 port had been captured by the British fleet in Decem- 
 ber, 1776. The army under Washington, having several 
 times barely escaped destruction, had been driven from 
 New York and New Jersey. Large numbers had taken, 
 the oath of allegiance to Great Britain and apparently 
 the backbone of the revolution had been broken effectu- 
 ally. 
 
 As the terms of enlistment for most of his soldiers would 
 expire the first of January, Washington decided to assume 
 the offensive — apparently a most foolhardy attempt. But 
 as usual the British were their own worst enemies and had 
 left their vanguard scattered at a half-dozen posts. The 
 advance at Trenton was held by Colonel Rahl and a body 
 of Hessians. On Christmas eve Washington crossed the 
 Delaware, and attacked this force in the midst of their 
 festivities. With the loss of two men killed and two wounded 
 he captured over a thousand prisoners, only two hundred 
 escaping. 
 
 ? 
 I 
 1 
 
^ni'\ The Campaigns of lyjd and lyyy 169 
 
 The effect of this victory was instantaneous. The sol- Washington in 
 diers reenlisted. Hundreds of militiamen joined Washing- New Jersey 
 ton, and the people of New Jersey, aroused by the brutality ^'^'^'^^^' 
 of the British and Hessian soldiers, again gladly espoused 
 the American cause. Meanwhile Washington, who had R^yohuu>n 
 withdrawn to Pennsylvania, returned to Trenton, disputing 131-135. 
 the advance of Lord Cornwallis and his greatly superior 
 force. As the Americans occupied a fairly strong position Lodge, 
 and as night was at hand, Cornwallis postponed his attack story of Rev,, 
 until morning, only to find that Washington had slipped ^^7-227. 
 away in the night, leaving his campfires burning. Wash- 
 ington had in fact marched around Cornwallis's main army 
 and had attacked three regiments stationed at Princeton, 
 routing them without great difficulty. He then retired 
 to the foothills in the northern part of New Jersey, com- 
 pelling Cornwallis to abandon the western part of the state. 
 In the face of defeat Washington had outmaneuvered a 
 force several times as large as his own and regained most 
 of the ground he had lost. Frederick the Great, one of the 
 highest military authorities in Europe, is said to have called 
 this the greatest campaign of the century. 
 
 156. The Plan of Campaign, 1777 ; Philadelphia. — In Plan to 
 1777 the English government, still believing that the opposi- separate 
 tion outside of New England was half hearted, determined 
 to put an end to the war by gaining control of the Hudson 
 and separating New England entirely from the southern ^^oiuUon 
 and middle states. For this purpose Sir John Burgoyne 157-159. 
 was selected to lead the northern army down Lake Cham- 
 plain to Albany, cooperating with Howe, who was to ascend Fiske, Am. 
 the river and make the separation of New England com- Revolution, 
 plete. This plan had been outlined the previous year ^ °~^ " 
 and did not meet with the full approval of Howe. By 
 some inexcusable carelessness, the instructions to Howe 
 were mislaid in a pigeonhole by the English colonial secre- 
 tary. Lord Germain, and did not reach New York until 
 August 16. Long before that date Howe had left New 
 York, intending to capture Philadelphia, the ''rebel capital." 
 
I/O 
 
 American History 
 
 [1777 
 
 Capture of 
 Philadelphia. 
 
 Accordingly he failed to cooperate with Burgoyne, and the 
 latter was unable to carry out his plans. 
 
 Washington supposed that Howe's destination would be 
 Philadelphia, but held himself in readiness to move to any 
 point threatened. Howe appeared first off Delaware Bay, 
 but did not ascend that river on account of the forts erected 
 
 ETFta.-ffT.av^/ •p""'<J«'pW(^''') \ ^ REVOLUTION 
 
 IN THE 
 
 NORTH 
 
 Battletields X 
 
 Sie;e3 ® 
 
 BOnMAY ENS,C0.,N.1 
 
 Lodge, 
 
 Story of Rev., 
 I, 280-302. 
 
 below Philadelphia. Late in August he landed at the head 
 of Chesapeake Bay. At Brandywine Creek his way was 
 blocked by Washington, who had sent some of his best 
 troops to the north. A flank attack made by Howe across 
 the fords above Washington's main body was successful 
 on account of the overwhelming superiority of the British 
 in numbers and discipline The way now lay open to Phila- 
 
1777] ^fie Campaigns of iyy6 a7id 7777 171 
 
 delphia, which gave Howe a cordial welcome. But Wash- 
 ington was not content, and on October 4 attacked the British 
 army, now stationed at Germantown, but without success. 
 Howe captured the forts below the city, although they were 
 defended with great skill. The British then gave themselves 
 up to the enjoyment of winter festivities, while Washington 
 went into winter quarters at Valley Forge only a short 
 distance up the Schuylkill River. 
 
 157. Burgoyne's Advance (1777). — Early in the summer Advance to 
 Burgoyne had left Canada with about ten thousand English ^^^^ Hudson, 
 regulars, Hessians, Canadian militia, and Indians. His 
 advance down Lake Champlain was undisputed until he Lodge, 
 reached Ticonderoga. By seizing some commanding heights ^ ^^^ ^^ ^^^'' 
 \ that were left undefended he compelled the abandonment 
 I of that fortress without serious fighting, the garrison join- 
 
 Fiskc AfH 
 
 ' ing another detachment under General Schuyler. Real- Revo'iution, 
 1 izing that his opportunity lay in the comparatively unsettled i, 268-275. 
 • region between Lake Champlain and the Hudson River, 
 ' Schuyler withdrew slowly, felling trees across the roads or 
 
 converting them into swamps, destroying bridges, making 
 1^ the way impassable to an army encumbered with baggage 
 i' and artillery. He accomplished his purpose admirably, 
 
 for Burgoyne spent fifty days covering seventy-five miles. 
 
 The American army meanwhile was strengthened daily 
 I by arrivals from New England and the Hudson valley. 
 
 I Having reached the Hudson and being short of provisions, Bennington. 
 i Burgoyne sent Colonel Baum with six hundred Hessians 
 
 ] into what is now Vermont. To the support of this division Fiske, Am. 
 
 \ he dispatched another four days later. The first was met ^'''^'>^"^'^''' 
 . . I, 280-285. 
 
 near Benmngton, August 16, by John Stark and a body of 
 
 1] New Hampshire farmers. Stark attacked the Hessian camp, 
 
 jj capturing practically the entire force. Barely was this 
 
 engagement finished when the second detachment arrived. • 
 
 hThis was beaten off after hard fighting. Burgoyne had 
 
 II gained nothing and had lost a thousand men. 
 
 ( At this time Colonel St. Leger, who had advanced from Defeat of 
 Lake Ontario in order to move down the Mohawk valley ^^- ^^s^*" 
 
 
172 
 
 Americaji History 
 
 1^77 \ 
 
 Lodge, 
 Story of Rev. 
 I, 236-242. 
 
 and cooperate with Burgoyne, was besieging Fort Stanwix 
 near the western end of the valley. Herkimer, with some 
 Dutch settlers, attempted to raise the siege, but was ambushed 
 and driven back ; but when news came that Arnold was 
 approaching with another force, the siege was raised, and 
 St. Leger retreated. In this way, Burgoyne was left to 
 meet the constantly increasing American army without 
 hope of support from any quarter. 
 
 Battles of 158. The Surrender of Burgoyne (i777). — The com- 
 
 Bemis Heights, ^laud of the American army which faced Burgoyne had 
 been transferred from Schuyler to General Horatio Gates, 
 who was more popular among the New England soldiers. 
 Gates was not an experienced commander, and took very 
 little part in directing the campaign. He drew up his army 
 at Bemis Heights directly in the line of the British advance. 
 In this neighborhood two engagements were fought. The 
 first, on September 19, was indecisive, but in reality an 
 American victory, as the British advance was practicall}' 
 checked. As the news of this battle brought still larger 
 numbers of farmers to the American ranks, and as Burgoyne's 
 communications were threatened by the American com- 
 
 Winsor (ed.) 
 America, VI. 
 
 Fiske, Am. 
 Revolution, 
 I. 325-334- 
 
Fiske, Atn. 
 Revolution. 
 
 ^777 \ TJie Campaigns of iyy6 and lyyy 173 
 
 mands in his rear, he undoubtedly would have retreated 
 but for the news that Clinton was ascending the Hudson 
 with aid. On October 7 an attempt to reconnoiter brought 
 on another battle. Arnold, although deprived of his com- 
 mand, and Morgan, broke the British line and made Bur- 
 goyne's position untenable. 
 
 He attempted to withdraw, but was surrounded by the The surrender 
 American forces, which outnumbered him three to one. ^^ Saratoga. 
 Finally October 16, at Saratoga, he agreed to surrender his 
 army, now diminished to 5791 soldiers and camp attendants. 
 These wxre to be sent back to England on condition that I, 335-344. 
 they should not serve again in America, but Congress kept 
 them as prisoners of war, because the claim was made that 
 the British had broken the Saratoga Convention. Thus the 
 general who had boasted that he would never retreat yielded 
 the last of his army of veterans to a temporary force of mili- 
 tia and farmers called together by the attempted invasion, 
 and directed by an inefficient commander. This was really 
 the turning point of the war, for the victory at Saratoga 
 had momentous consequences in America and Europe. 
 
 Changed Conditions (i 778-1 779) 
 
 159. French Aid before 1778. — The most important French hatred 
 result of Burgoyne's surrender was the open alliance of the °^ England. 
 French and Americans. France, keenly alive to the dis- 
 graceful defeats of the last war with England, was anxious Lecky, Am. 
 to improve the first opportunity of injuring her old enemy, ^.q^-^x ' 
 Turgot, the comptroller general, realizing the financial 
 condition of the country, advised King Louis to hold aloof van Tvne 
 from interference, but a more active party under the lead Revolution, 
 of Vergennes, minister of foreign affairs, urged that help 203-217. 
 should be given to the United States secretly. This was 
 done as early as 1776, but American interests were not „^™^ „^ '^' 
 
 •' . . Ready Re/., 
 
 managed well until the appointment of Benjamin Franklin v, 3241-3244. 
 to the court of France. 
 
 Franklin is one of the most extraordinary men of our en- 
 tire history. Of unaffected manner and a most practical 
 
174 
 
 American History 
 
 [1778 
 
 Benjamin 
 Franklin. 
 
 Appleton, 
 Cyclopedia 
 of Am. Biog. 
 
 Terms of the 
 
 alliance. 
 
 mind, he was an astute philosopher and a far-sighted states- 
 man. His contributions to the cause of education and science 
 entitle him to a high position among the leaders in those 
 branches, and as a diplomat he is unexcelled among Ameri- 
 cans. Beginning life as a journeyman printer in Boston, 
 he had run away to Philadelphia, established a paper of his 
 own, founded the University of Pennsylvania, and brought 
 the administration of the municipal government in his 
 
 adopted city to a high 
 
 state of efficiency, y 
 He had gained a » 
 world-wide reputa- , 
 tion for his discov- ' 
 eries of electricity, 
 had been assistant 
 postmaster- general 
 for the colonies, and 
 during the trying 
 period immediately 
 preceding the war 
 had rendered invalu- 
 able service to the 
 colonies as a colonial 
 agent in London. No 
 one had done more 
 than he to promote 
 colonial union, and 
 when the Declaration of Independence was drawn up, he 
 was one of those selected for the task. His appointment 
 to France was wise beyond expectation, for no one could 
 have foreseen that his services to America in the next six 
 years would be the most valuable of his remarkable career. 
 i6o. The French Alliance (1778). — Franklin was very 
 popular in France, and would probably have secured an 
 alliance because of the bitterness toward England. After 
 Saratoga, however, his task was extremely easy, and on 
 February 6, 1778, a treaty of alliance was signed by which 
 
 Benjamin Franklin 
 
1778] Changed Conditions 175 
 
 France agreed to aid the United States in order to maintain Van Tyne, 
 her "liberty, sovereignty, and independence, absolute and ^^^'^'^^"^^'^"> 
 unlimited." France renounced all possessions on the main- 
 land of America, but was to retain any islands in the West 
 Indies captured from Great Britain. The aUies were not to 
 make peace or "lay down their arms until the independence 
 of the United States shall have been formally or tacitly 
 assured by the treaty or treaties that shall terminate the war." 
 On the same day a commercial treaty was signed. 
 
 The French Alliance and the subsequent war between Results of the 
 France and England had a threefold influence on the ^^''^"'^^• 
 contest in America, (i) It brought us substantial help in the 
 form of a fleet and reQ;ular bodies of troops. (2) It also ^ecky, Atn. 
 
 ^ 1 V / Revolution, 
 
 compelled the British to withdraw from the United States 398-399. 
 a large number of troops. This crippled the English and 
 made extensive operations difficult, so that the fighting was 
 thereafter more desultory, except in the South during 1780 
 and 1781. (3) As there were no invading armies to oppose 
 and no possibility of driving the British from the few sea- 
 ports that they held, the Americans took less interest in the 
 war, and depended more on their French allies. 
 
 161. Attempted Conciliation by the British (1778). — An- Terms pro- 
 other result of Saratoga was the attempt made by the Brit- P°^^^ ^^' ^"^^ 
 ish government to end the war by conceding all American 
 demands except that of independence. In 1776 Admiral 
 Howe had been instructed to offer pardon to all who would Revolution 
 return to their allegiance, but he had failed through un- 227-233. 
 willingness to recognize Congress as an American govern- 
 ment. The full effect of Burgoyne's defeat may be apparent 
 if we notice the offers which were made by Lord North 
 in February, 1778, a few days after the treaty with France 
 was signed, but before England knew of the alliance. The 
 tea act and the Massachusetts government act were repealed, 
 and the right of parliamentary taxation renounced except 
 for duties on commerce, the revenue of which was to be 
 expended by each colony for itself. The peace commis- 
 sioners were to have power to treat with Congress, grant 
 
176 
 
 American History 
 
 [1778 
 
 Rejection of 
 peace. 
 
 The Conway 
 cabal. 
 
 Fiske, Atn. 
 Revolution, 
 11,32-46. 
 
 Inefficiency of 
 Congress. 
 
 Fiske, Am. 
 Revolution, 
 II, 26-32. 
 
 Larned (ed.), 
 Ready Re/., 
 V, 3261-3263. 
 
 Hart, Contem- 
 poraries, 
 II, 190, 198. 
 
 pardons, and suspend all colonial laws passed by parlia- 
 ment after 1763. In short, England agreed to return to the 
 old colonial system if her former American possessions would 
 resume their colonial relations. 
 
 These efforts came to naught. Had the same offers been 
 made even two years earlier they would have been accepted 
 gladly, but now independence alone was satisfactory to the 
 United States. Congress rejected all offers made by the 
 commissioners, who returned to England, after announcing 
 that thenceforth a war of destruction would be waged. 
 
 162. Intrigue and Neglect (1778). — A third, though 
 much less important, result of Saratoga was the attempt to 
 remove Washington from his position as commander in 
 chief. The repeated defeats which he had sustained during 
 the fall of 1777 contrasted strangely with the victory in the 
 North, and, to persons unacquainted with the facts, seemed 
 proof that Gates was the greater general. In November, 
 1777, a war board had been appointed with Gates at the 
 head. An Irish adventurer, named Conway, who had seen 
 some service in France, and whose promotion Washington 
 had opposed, thought this a favorable moment to intrigue 
 against the commander in chief. With Gates and a few 
 others he sought to gain control of Congress; but the plot 
 was exposed, Conway resigned from the army. Gates was 
 detailed to the forts on the Hudson, and Washington en- 
 joyed even greater confidence than before. 
 
 Congress meanwhile found itself incapable of meeting 
 the situation. Paper money was almost worthless, and there 
 was no proper organization to care for the army. The 
 soldiers were not only unpaid, but unprovided with clothes 
 and food. The suffering at Valley Forge during the winter 
 of 1778 was extreme and inexcusable. Many of the men 
 wxnt barefoot in the snow, but, in spite of obstacles, under 
 the supervision of Steuben, a small force of regulars was 
 being trained that was to form the nucleus of the army 
 during the uninteresting campaigns that followed. 
 
 163. The Naval War (1776-1782). — At the beginning 
 
1778] Changed Conditions 1/7 
 
 of the war the United States had no fleet and little attempt Lack of a navy, 
 was made to create one. There being no fleet to oppose, 
 comparatively few English men-of-war were sent to America, poraUes 
 although Admiral Howe and others advocated a strict 11, No. 194. 
 blockade of our coasts as the best and quickest means of 
 bringing the colonies to submission. 
 
 Numerous privateers were fitted out to prey upon Eng- Victories of 
 lish commerce, an undertaking that was considered perfectly ^^"^ Jones, 
 proper, and was highly profitable. Several American 
 captains inflicted great damage on the shipping of the British ^'^^^' '^"^■ 
 Channel and the North Sea. Among these was Paul Jones, u^ 120-130'. 
 who in the Bon Homme Richard (1779) engaged in a fierce 
 and bloody contest with the Serapis, conquering his antag- 
 onist but losing his own vessel. 
 
 After 1778 the war on the ocean assumed a different Naval war after 
 character on account of the French. Possessed of a power- '^'^'^^' 
 ful navy, she joined to this the navy of Spain, making an 
 alliance with that nation for the purpose of expelling the ^'^^^^' ^^' 
 
 -r-ii'ir r^•^ i- t -r-.-'iTi * Revolution, 
 
 English from Gibraltar, and invading the British Isles. A jj 130-162. 
 year later England declared war against Holland, because 
 that country had indirectly given sympathy and aid to the 
 United States. The war against these three continental 
 countries England carried on principally through a naval 
 contest aimed at their colonies in the West Indies. 
 
 164. The War in the North and West (i 778-1 779). — Withdrawal 
 While at Philadelphia, Howe was superseded by Sir Henry fy°"^^ Phiia- 
 Clinton. As his army was reduced to provide troops for 
 the West Indies, and as the possession of the ''capital" was 
 of no value, he withdrew in June, 1778, to New York. At 
 Monmouth courthouse, he was attacked by Washington. I, 316-324. 
 The American van, led by General Charles Lee, an Eng- 
 lishman who had been highly honored by Congress, retreated 
 at the beginning of the battle, and, but for the personal efforts 
 of Washington, the army- would have been badly disorgan 
 ^ized. As it was, the chance of victory had been lost and 
 Clinton reached New York in safety. A little later an 
 elaborate attempt to capture Newport ended in a fiasco. 
 
 delphia. 
 
 Lodge, 
 
 Story of Rev. ^ 
 
178 
 
 American History 
 
 [1779 
 
 Minor events. 
 
 Fiske, Am. 
 Revolution, II, 
 85-90, 109-115. 
 
 Lamed (ed.), 
 Ready Re/., 
 V, 3258-3260. 
 
 Clark's con- 
 quest of the 
 Northwest. 
 
 Van Tyne, 
 
 Revolution, 
 280-284. 
 
 Ogg, x\/issis- 
 stppi, 354-367- 
 
 Lodge, 
 Story of Rev., 
 II, 7-28. 
 
 During these years occurred the revolting massacres at 
 Wyoming and Cherry valleys, perpetrated by Indians and 
 loyalists. Clinton began also a series of raids along the 
 coast, burning and destroying the seaports. Brilliant and 
 successful but comparatively valueless assaults were made 
 by General Wayne and INIajor Lee on Stony Point and 
 Paulus Hook. 
 
 The region directly west of Virginia and North Carolina 
 and bevond the mountains had been settled gradually by ^ 
 pioneers led by Boone and Robertson. These had success- ' 
 fully repelled Indian attacks made upon them in the first \ 
 half of the war, but they did not assume the offensive until • 
 1778. In that year George Rogers Clark, with the sanction \ 
 and aid of Virginia officials, descended the Ohio, surprised • 
 and captured Fort Kaskaskia near the Mississippi, and 
 marched overland to Vincennes. Hamilton, the British 
 commander in the West, with headquarters at Detroit, had 
 already attached the Indians to the English cause. He 
 again gained Vincennes, but Clark, after a heroic march in 
 melting snow, recaptured the fort (February, 1779), broke 
 up the Indian confederacy, and established American rule 
 over the entire Ohio vallev. 
 
 Capture of 
 Charleston 
 (1780). 
 
 Van Tyne, 
 
 Revolution, 
 293-299. 
 
 Winsor (ed.), 
 America, 
 VI, 469-475. 
 
 Lodge, 
 Story of Rev., 
 II, 29-42. 
 
 The Close of the War (i 780-1 781) 
 
 165. British Success in the South (1780). — ^ During the 
 year 1778 Savannah had been captured by the British and 
 the strongly loyalist state of Georgia had been overrun. 
 Clinton now decided that the chief hope of success lay in 
 following up the British victories in the South. Taking 
 most of the men at his disposal, he advanced from Savan- 
 nah to Charleston, to which the American commander, 
 Lincoln, retreated, foolishly attempting to defend the town. 
 In May, 1780, Charleston surrendered with its army of 
 about five thousand, a blow that was especially serious 
 because there was no other organized American force in 
 the southern states. Clinton at once occupied the strate- 
 gic points in the interior and threatened confiscation of 
 
1780] TJic Close of tJic War 179 
 
 property to all who did not take the oath of allegiance. He 
 then left Cornwallis with about half of his army to hold the 
 country. A violent contest broke out between the patriots 
 and the loyalists, as the latter were now strong enough to 
 retaliate. The American guerrilla commanders, Sumter 
 and Marion, kept up their annoying attacks, but the British 
 had good reason to feel that Georgia and South Carolina 
 had been completely subdued. 
 
 A new southern army was being collected by de Kalb, Camden. 
 who had some of Washington's continental soldiers and 
 was joined by militia from North Carolina and Virginia. Winsor (ed.), 
 The command of this force was intrusted to Gates, the J''^''^^'^' 
 
 VI, 475-478. 
 
 inefficient, although Washington wished to have Greene 
 
 chosen for the position. Gates moved against Camden, Y\?,'ke Am 
 
 where he was met by Cornwallis (August 15, 1780). Each Revolution, 
 
 general had attempted to surprise the other by an early ^^' ^^5-i93- 
 
 morning attack. The continentals stood their ground, 
 
 but the militia fled at the first fire, and the battle ended in ^^ ^^' „ 
 
 ' story of Rev., 
 
 the complete rout of the patriot army. The prospects of n^ 49-55. 
 the Americans were indeed dim, and this time is called quite 
 appropriately ^'the darkest hour of the Revolution." 
 
 166. The Treason of Arnold (1780). — A disaster greater Arnolds careei 
 than the capture of Lincoln or the defeat of Gates was ^"*^ failure. 
 narrowly averted a month after Camden. Had Benedict 
 Arnold's plan to betray West Point succeeded, even Wash- ^^^^ Ref 
 ington might not have been able to save the North from the v, 3272-3273. 
 fate that threatened the South. West Point w^as the best 
 fortified and much the most important of the forts constructed Lecky, Am. 
 by Washington to hold the Hudson. It had a garrison ^^'^^^«^^'^«. 
 of three thousand men, and had been commanded by Ar- 
 nold since July, 1780. Arnold was a brave, energetic, and 
 efficient officer, but of overbearing manner, extravagant 
 ways, and an unfortunate tendency to make enemies. He 
 earned the cordial dislike of most persons with whom he 
 associated, and had, perhaps for this reason, been promoted 
 very tardily by Congress. In 1778 as commander at Phila- 
 delphia, he had indulged in a number of sharp practices 
 
i8o 
 
 American History 
 
 [1780 
 
 which led to an investigation, and finally a court-martial, 
 in both of which he was acquitted. He had already made 
 overtures to Clinton before applying for the position at 
 West Point. Command was given to him gladly by Wash- 
 ington, w^ho believed him ill treated. The plot to betray 
 the fortress came to light, as is well known, through the 
 capture of Major Andre, Clinton's aid. Arnold fled and 
 
 THE 
 REVOLUTION 
 
 IX THE 
 
 SOUTH 
 
 Si^es ® 
 
 Qreene'B route. Jan.-Sept. 1781 
 
 Cornirallifl'a route, Jan.-Sept. 1781 
 
 Kings Moun- 
 tain (1780). 
 
 Carrington, 
 Battles, 520- 
 522. 
 
 was afterward employed by Clinton in attacking and burn- 
 ing sea-coast towns. Andre was tried as a spy, convicted, 
 and hanged. 
 
 167. Campaigns in the South (i 780-1 781). — The 
 tide of British success was now at its flood, but Corn- 
 wallis was destined to lose two divisions in the Carolina 
 foothills during the six months following Gates's defeat. 
 The first of these was a body of loyalists and regulars 
 under a skillful partisan leader, Major Ferguson. Penetrat- 
 ing too far into the uplands, he was surrounded at Kings 
 
i78i] 
 
 The Close of tJie War 
 
 i8i 
 
 Mountain by several bands of patriots, who captured the 
 British force. 
 
 Nathanael Greene was now placed in command of the 
 southern army, part of which under General Morgan was 
 widely separated from his own force. Thinking to destroy 
 each section separately Cornwallis sent Colonel Tarleton 
 against Morgan, who was at the Cowpens near Kings Moun- 
 tain. By skillful flank movements and sharp fighting 
 Morgan surrounded Tarleton and captured or destroyed 
 over three fourths of his men 
 (January 17, 1781). Corn- 
 wallis was rapidly losing the 
 army that he needed for the 
 occupation of the South. 
 
 Morgan did not remain at 
 the Cowpens, but marched 
 north rapidly in order to join 
 Greene. Cornwallis followed 
 with all speed, aiming to strike 
 before they united. He even 
 destroyed his heavy baggage, 
 but, as the rivers were swollen 
 
 with the winter rains, and as Greene had boats, which 
 he lacked, he gave up the chase at the river Dan. 
 Greene, having secured reenforcements in Virginia, offered 
 him battle at Guilford Court House. Cornwallis's men, 
 although greatly outnumbered, fought with great courage 
 and remained in possession of the field. But their losses 
 were so heavy that the British -general could not hold this 
 advanced position. Unwilling to retreat to South Carolina, 
 he withdrew to Wilmington, North Carolina, from which he 
 marched into Virginia, expecting Greene to follow. 
 
 Greene, however, resolved to regain control of South 
 Carolina. At Hobkirk's Hill, just outside of Camden, he 
 fought an indecisive battle (April 25, 1781) with the force 
 left by Cornwallis, but compelled the abandonment of that 
 important center by cutting his opponent's communications. 
 
 Nathanael Greene 
 
 The Cowpens 
 (1781). 
 
 Fiske, Am. 
 Revolution, 
 11,252-255. 
 
 Maneuvering 
 in North Caro- 
 lina. 
 
 Fiske, Am. 
 Revolution, 
 II, 256-261. 
 
 Winsor (ed.), 
 America, 
 VI, 482-487. 
 
 Reconquest 
 of South 
 Carolina. 
 
 Fiske, Am. 
 Revolution, 
 II, 261-268. 
 
82 
 
 Ajficn'can Histc 
 
 O' 
 
 [17S1 
 
 Winsor (ed.), 
 
 VI.4S7-494. 
 
 Cornwallis 
 in Virginia. 
 
 Lecky, Am. 
 
 Kfzvlution, 
 44S-451. 
 
 Fiske, An:. 
 
 R<ri\-<iUtion, 
 II.26S-272. 
 
 Surrender of 
 Cornwallis. 
 
 Lecky, Am. 
 R^i.\iliitic>n, 
 451-456. 
 
 Fiske, Am. 
 R<r^-c>liitii>n, 
 II, 2-:!-2S6. 
 
 Larned (ed.), 
 Ke.uiv A\-/.. 
 
 V. 3277-3279- 
 
 Mahan. 
 luAufftcf of 
 Sea Pcxver, 
 3S7-392. 
 
 In September he engaged the British in another battle at 
 Eutaw Springs, much nearer Charleston. Again he could 
 claim no victory, but the British as usual found it neces- 
 sary to withdraw. 
 
 168. Yorktown (1781). — Meanwhile Cornwallis had 
 reached Virginia, where he found himself opposed by a much 
 inferior force under LaFayette. After endeavoring in vain 
 to bring on an engagement, since he found the people ac- 
 tively hostile, he withdrew to the seacoast in order to be 
 
 ready to cooperate with 
 Clinton. Cornwallis's position 
 on York peninsula was de- 
 fended quite easily from land 
 attacks, and seemed a safe 
 one because the English had 
 never been prevented from 
 moving their armies by water 
 whenever they pleased. 
 
 But the British commanders 
 failed to take into considera- 
 tion the French tleet under 
 de Grasse which had been in 
 the ^Vest Indies, but now 
 sailed for Chesapeake Bay. ^Vashington so deceived 
 Clinton that he expected an attack on Xew Y'ork by the 
 combined French and American armies, cooperating with 
 the French tleet. Too late Clinton discovered that most 
 of Washington's army was well on its way to Mrginia. 
 A fleet was sent to aid Cornwallis, but was met near the 
 entrance to Chesapeake Bay and compelled to retire 
 after a short naval engagement. Retreat from York- 
 town was shut oft" now on all sides. Daily the Ameri- 
 can lines on the peninsula were brought nearer the forti- 
 fications of the enemy, and, on October 14, the British 
 outworks were taken by assault. October 17 Cornwallis 
 surrendered, and two days later his army of over seven 
 thousand men marched out while the the band played 
 the old English tune, "The World turned Upside Down." 
 
 L.XF.WF.TTE 
 
1782] TJie Treaty of Peace 183 
 
 The Treaty of Peace (i 782-1783) 
 
 169. Conditions affecting the Treaty of Peace. — The Problems of 
 
 victory at Yorktown made further prosecution of the war England. 
 impossible. Lord North, who, as prime minister, had 
 
 carried on the war since 1778 at^ainst his own personal wishes, ^^" '^y"^* 
 
 . . Revolution, 
 
 resigned, and Rockingham formed a new mmistry on con- 309-316, 319- 
 dition that the independence of America should be acknowl- 320, 328. 
 edged. His cabinet was confronted with a very difficult 
 task. England was at war with four countries, the United 
 States, France, Spain, and Holland. In almost every 
 quarter her enemies had been successful, most of all in 
 America. England's sole hope of success lay in persuading 
 either France or the United States to make a separate treaty,^ 
 as she would then be in a better position to dictate to the 
 others. For this separate treaty the ministry labored un- 
 ceasingly. 
 
 For the United States the negotiations were conducted American 
 by three of her ablest statesmen, Benjamin Franklin, John ^°"^'^'^^^°"; 
 
 •' ' •" ' *' ers and their 
 
 Jay, and John Adams. They were bound by the French instructions, 
 treaty not to conclude peace with Great Britain without the 
 consent of France, and were seriously hampered by the Morse, 
 instructions of Congress to do nothing without the "knowl- J'^^^^ Adams, 
 edge and concurrence" of the French king "and ultimately 
 to govern yourselves by their [the French ministers'] advice 
 and opinion." As France had agreed in the treaty with 
 Spain (1779) to continue the war until Gibraltar should be 
 captured, and to share the American fisheries with Spain 
 alone if Newfoundland were reduced, these instructions were 
 in the interest of France and not of the United States. Fur- 
 thermore there is no doubt that the French government 
 
 * Even with the separate treaty, success could be attained by England 
 only with a united ministry, yet the negotiation of the treaties with the 
 continental nations was intrusted to the foreign secretary, Charles Fox, 
 and of that with the United States to his political and personal enemy, 
 the colonial secretary. Lord Shelburne. To complicate matters still 
 further, Rockingham died in July, 1782, and his place was taken by Shel- 
 burne, who did not enjoy the full confidence of his associates. 
 
 160-165. 
 
IS4 
 
 American History 
 
 [17S2 
 
 American 
 claims. 
 
 English 
 claims. 
 
 Negotiation 
 
 ot the prelimi- 
 nary treaty. 
 
 Lecky, Am. 
 
 Rexxnuticn, 
 
 466-471. 
 477-482. 
 
 Lamed (ed.). 
 Ready Ref., 
 V. 3232-3357. 
 
 Lodge, 
 Si.^ry o/Rez'., 
 II. 206-216. 
 
 McLaughlin. 
 
 C<omfederati<^Ky 
 
 11-28. 
 
 desired to have the United States weak enough to be de- 
 pendent on France for continued aid.^ 
 
 170. Claims and Negotiations (1782). — The claims se- 
 riously presented by the American commissioners were 
 four in number: (i) complete recognition of American inde- 
 pendence; (2) the Mississippi River as a western boundary, 
 and on the north the Great Lakes or a line through Lake 
 Nipissing to the source of the Mississippi; (3) the right to 
 fish off Newfoundland; and (4) the navigation of the Mis- 
 sissippi River. 
 
 The English, on the other hand, wished to have the 
 Alleghanies as the western boundary of the United States, 
 and did not care to share the fisheries with the Americans. 
 They insisteti that there could be no peace until the United 
 States agreed to pay all debts due to British merchants 
 in 1775, and to compensate the loyalists for losses sus- 
 tained during the war. They intended to acknowledge 
 American independence, but held the acknowledgment in 
 reserve with the hop« of trading it for \-aluable concessions. 
 
 With remarkable skill and good fortune, Franklin opened 
 the negotiations for peace by persuading the English secre- 
 tary, Lord Shelbume, to select as England's representative, 
 Richard Oswald, an unsuspicious, open-minded man, 
 easily intiuenced by the great philosopher. Through Os- 
 wald he succeeded in obtaining recognition of almost all 
 the American claims before the arrival of Jay from ^Madrid 
 in July, 17S2. On account of his experience in Spain, Jay 
 had grown distrustful of all Europeans, and declared that 
 he would not proceed until the independence of the United 
 States was accepted as the basis of the treaty rather than as 
 one of its provisions. Shelbume expressed his willingness 
 to do this, on condition that we make a separate treaty. 
 When Franklin asked Jay if he would break his instructions 
 to follow the advice of the French ministers, Jay repUed, 
 ''as readily as I break this pipe," throwing the fragments 
 
 * France also wi<;hed to have the American boundaries limited to the 
 Alleghanies. See map opposite p. 1S5. 
 
1783] The Treaty of Peace 185 
 
 into the fire. With the aid of Adams, who became the 
 champion of the American fisheries, negotiations now pro- 
 ceeded, and a preliminary treaty was signed November 30, 
 1782, without the knowledge of the French. This was, 
 however, to become operative only when accepted by par- 
 liament and when the French and the English agreed upon 
 terms of peace. Although rejected by parliament, on 
 September 3, 1783, a new treaty almost identical with that 
 of 1782 was signed at Paris. 
 
 171. Provisions of the Treaty of Peace (1783). — In Boundaries. 
 the opening section of the treaty. Great Britain acknowledged 
 the independence of the United States. The boundaries winsor {^.d 1 
 agreed upon were as follows: on the north from the mouth America, 
 of the St. Croix to the source of that river, north to the high- ^^^' ^71-180. 
 lands that separated the rivers flowing into the St. Lawrence 
 from those flowing into the Atlantic Ocean, along those 
 
 i highlands to the Connecticut River, parallel 45 to the St. 
 
 I Lawrence, the middle of the St. Lawrence and the Great 
 Lakes to the Lake of, the Woods, and thence to the source 
 
 j of the Mississippi,^ on the west, the Mississippi River to 
 
 iJ parallel 31, and on the south parallel 31 to the Chattahoochie 
 
 I River, and along the present north boundary of Florida to 
 
 I I the Atlantic Ocean. 
 
 1 The people of the United States were to have the right other 
 I] to fish off Newfoundland. Creditors were to be paid hona provisions. 
 |( pde debts in sterling money. Congress was to recommend 
 
 to the state legislatures restitution of all estates, rights, and p^^JiL-^' 
 i"l properties to loyalists, and the treaty declared that there 471-474. 
 y should be no further persecution of that class. The British 
 i armies were to be withdrawn at once from all posts in the 
 ' United States, no negroes being taken with them. Finally, 
 
 the navigation of the Mississippi was declared to be free to 
 j subjects of both countries. The greatest victory of the 
 \ Revolution had been won, not by armies in America, but by 
 ' statesmen in Europe. 
 
 ^ "A due west course to the river Mississippi." It was supposed at that 
 time that the source of the Mississippi was north of the latitude of the Lake 
 of the Woods. Later it was discovered that it was almost directly south. 
 
1 86 
 
 American History 
 
 [1775- 
 
 Problems of 
 union and in- 
 dependence. 
 
 First period 
 of the war 
 
 Second period 
 of the war 
 (1778-1783). 
 
 172. Summary. — The war between the colonies and 
 Great Britain made independence inevitable during the 
 second year of the conflict. Although the colonies were 
 united from the beginning, the union was represented until 
 1 78 1 solely by Congress, w^hich exercised less, authority 
 year by year. With a large percentage of the people loyal 
 to Great Britain, the political leaders were obliged not onlyl 
 to form a national government but to organize state govern-' 
 ments, create an army on limited financial resources, secure 
 recognition of the United States abroad, and finally make 
 peace on favorable terms. 
 
 During the first year of the war all battles were confined 
 to New England or the northern border. When in the sum- 
 mer of 1776 the theater of action was transferred to the 
 middle states, the English armies began a serious struggle 
 for the control of the Hudson, and incidentally the Delaw^are. 
 Gaining a foothold on New York, which was maintained to 
 the end of the war, the British occupied New Jersey until 
 repulsed by Washington, and sought in 1777 to gain control 
 of the Hudson and of Philadelphia. 
 
 With the failure of these plans and the French alliance, 
 the English generals began active campaigns in the South. 
 Although attended by success at first, they lost gradually 
 all the southern colonies that they had occupied until, after 
 Yorktown, they held only Charleston and Savannah. When 
 peace was made, everything seemed to favor the American 
 commissioners, who gained extensive territories in the 
 West, besides the concession of almost all other demands 
 except those relating to commerce with Great Britain. 
 
 TOPICS 
 
 1. The Loyalists: Winsor (ed.), "America," VII, pp. 185- 
 214; Van Tyne, "Loyalists in the Revolution;" Flick, "Loyalisin| 
 in New York." 
 
 2. Burgoyne's Campaign (1777):' Fiske, "American Revolu-| 
 tion," I, pp. 262-343; Lodge, "Story of the Revolution," I, pp. 228- 
 278; Carrington, "Battles of the Revolution," pp. 303-354. 
 
1783] The Revolutionary War 187 
 
 3, The Treaty of Paris (i 782-1 783) : Winsor (ed.), " America," 
 VII, pp. 89-165; Lee (ed.) (Veditz and James), "North America,'* 
 VI, pp. 423-442; Bigelow, "Franklin," Part III, Chapters III-V; 
 Pellew, "John Jay," pp. 144-228. 
 
 STUDIES 
 
 1. Loyalists at the beginning of the Revolution. (Howard, 
 "Preliminaries of the Revolution," pp. 313-326.) 
 
 2. Struggle for Lake Champlain (1776). (A. T. Mahan in Scrih- 
 ners, XXIII (1898), pp. 147-160.) 
 
 3. New York and the independence movement. (Van Tyne, 
 "Revolution," pp. 88-95.) 
 
 4. Battle of Long Island. (Carrington, "Battles of the Revolu- 
 tion," 199-219.) 
 
 5. Finances of the War. (Lee (ed.) (Veditz and James), "North 
 America," VI, pp. 443-456.) 
 
 6. The genius of Franklin. (W.MacDonald in Atlantic Monthly, 
 Vol. 96 (1905), pp. 450-462.) 
 
 7. Arnold's career (i 778-1 781). (Fiske, " American Revolution," 
 II, pp. 206-239.) 
 
 8. Battle of Kings Mountain. (Lodge, "Story of the Revolu- 
 tion," II, 56-66.) 
 
 9. French influence over Congress. (Pellew, " Life of John Jay," 
 124-127, 150-165.) 
 
 10. Jay's suspicions of France. (Pellew, "Life of John Jay," 
 pp. 179-200.) 
 
 11. The military ability of Washington. (Ford, "True George 
 Washington," pp. 274-292.) 
 
 12. Meaning of the Revolution. (Lodge, "Story of the Revolu- 
 tion," II, pp. 224-248.) 
 
 QUESTIONS 
 
 1. Why did the Americans desire to gain possession of Canada? 
 What plans were suggested to that end ? Why was the failure of the 
 expedition of 1775 not an "unmixed misfortune"? 
 
 2. Were the Americans fighting the battles of English freedom? 
 Was independence inevitable ? How far had the desire for separation 
 spread by April, 1775? by July, 1776? What effect did the Declara- 
 tion have on parties in the United States ? on our standing abroad ? 
 
 3. Make a study of the Declaration. What do you think of the 
 bases of the argument in § 2 ? of the argument itself? Point out what 
 reasons were illegal in English law ; which were contrary to colonial 
 practices before 1763? Did the Declaration make the states inde- 
 pendent individually, or collectively? 
 
1 88 A))icncan Histofy 
 
 4. What was the importance of the first state governments ia) 
 in our constitutional history? {b) in reference to independence? 
 Wh>- were the legislatures predominant during the quarter centur>' 
 following 1776? 
 
 5. What does the proportion of the loyalists show as to the feeling 
 of the colonists regardmg the war ? What rights had the Tories ? 
 Was the policy of the states toward the loyalists after 1781 wise? 
 
 6. Name the different sources of congressional revenue during the 
 war. \Miy did not Congress levy duties on imports ? \Miat diffi- 
 culties did it encounter in borrowing ? Discuss the wisdom of issuing 
 continental ciu-renc\-. 
 
 7. What causes produced the French alliance ? \Miat obligations 
 were imposed on each side by the alliance ? What was the difference 
 in the conduct of the war, feeling of the people, and theater of action 
 before the alliance and after ? 
 
 8. Of what value to the British was the control of the Carolinas 
 and Georgia ? What territory was controlled by the British, :March 
 I, 1 781? November i of the same year? 
 
 9. Compare the reasonableness of the British and American claims. 
 Compare the claims with the provisions of the treaty. How do you 
 account for American success ? 
 
 10. Give in outline a histor>- of the international changes of 
 territor}- from 165^ to 17S4. 
 
CHAPTER IX 
 
 CREATION OF A GENERAL GOVERNMENT 
 
 (1781-1789) 
 
 Articles of Confederation 
 
 173. Formation of the Confederation. — In June, 1776, proposal 
 
 when the movement for independence was well under way, i" Congress. 
 Congress appointed a committee of one from each state to 
 
 draft articles of union. The first report of this committee Revolution, 
 
 was made by the chairman, John Dickinson, on July 12, 183-186, 
 
 1776, but the question of completing a confederation was ^^ ~^°^* 
 
 treated with indifference by most of the delegates, and it ^^^^^^ j^^^^ 
 
 was not until November, 1777, that Congress agreed upon Leaflets, '^o.t.q 
 Articles of Confederation. 
 
 These articles were to go into effect when ratified by all Ratification 
 
 of the states, but three and a half years elapsed before the by the states, 
 last of the states gave her consent. During this interval 
 
 *^ ^ Curtis, 
 
 the old Congress, with its powers undefined, and its author- consfl Hist., 
 
 ity growing less year by year, cared as best it could for the 1,86-97. 
 
 interests of the United States. By February, 1779, however, 
 
 only Maryland had neglected to sign, and for two years the 
 
 little commonwealth refused until Virginia promised that 
 
 her claims to the land northwest of the Ohio River (§ 180) 
 
 should be surrendered to the central government. 
 
 I 174. Provisions of the Articles of Confederation. — The Composition 
 
 j government of the United States under the Articles consisted ^"^ powers 
 
 of Congress, 
 of a Congress composed of not less than two nor more than 
 
 seven delegates from each state. There was no separate y^^^^ Critical 
 < executive or judiciary. Congress had the right to make Period, 93-98. 
 1 treaties, and in fact took charge of all foreign affairs, but 
 t it had no authority whatever to enforce any article of a 
 
 treaty which a state refused to respect. Congress was per- 
 
 1 189 
 
 I 
 
 r 
 
190 
 
 A in eric an History 
 
 [1781 
 
 MacDonald, 
 Documents, 
 No, 2, Arts. V, 
 VII-X. 
 
 State and 
 interstate 
 regulations. 
 
 Nature of the 
 Confederation, 
 Fiske, Critical 
 Period, 98-101. 
 Curtis, 
 Const' I Hist., 
 I, 98-103. 
 
 Hart, Contem- 
 poraries, III, 
 Nos. 39-41. 
 
 Importance of 
 the Confed- 
 eration, 
 
 mitted to declare war and make peace, to construct a navy, 
 to organize an army, to borrow and issue money, and to 
 make requisitions on the states for sums sufficient to pay 
 all current expenses. When a vote was taken, each state 
 had one vote, and the support of nine states was required 
 for all measures of importance. Congress was also the court 
 of final resort in interstate disputes. 
 
 The attempt was made by the framers of the Articles to 
 render these powers effective by prohibiting to the states 
 the sending of ambassadors, the making of treaties, the lay- 
 ing of duties which violated any treaty of the United States, 
 and the making of war. One especially valuable article 
 provided for the establishment of an interstate citizenship, 
 making it possible for a citizen of one state to become a 
 citizen of another by a bona fide residence in the latter. 
 
 175. The League of States formed under the Articles 
 of Confederation was in no sense a nation. The states wxre 
 as yet unwilling to establish a true central government or 
 give Congress the powers necessary to secure an international 
 standing and to gain respect at home. The union was crude 
 and unsatisfactory. As has been well said, the Confederation 
 seemed to have been designed to accomplish a minimum 
 of result with a maximum of effort. 
 
 Jealousy of any government which exercised its rule 
 beyond the limits of any one state led the states to assert 
 their separate sovereignty and independence. In every 
 way the union was sacrificed to the states, because of their 
 deep-seated dread of a government that was not local. 
 Yet when we consider the situation, the intense spirit of 
 localism, the narrowness that marked many of the political 
 actions of the people, the fear of oppression through union 
 which was constantly present during colonial times, and 
 the inexperience in forming a legal union of the states, we 
 cease to wonder that the Confederation was so imperfect. 
 Indeed, if we compare the Congress of the Confederation 
 with the Second Continental Congress, considering that the 
 latter was exercising war powers without any direct legal 
 
1783] 
 
 Articles of Coiife deration 
 
 191 
 
 authority, — powers that in time of peace might disappear 
 entirely, — we can realize perhaps that the Confederation 
 was a more perfect union than the one existing in 1776. 
 
 176. The Amendment of the Articles of Confederation. — 
 No amendment of the Articles was to become a part of that 
 document until ratified by all of the states. For this reason 
 the imperfections which were inevitable in any first gov- 
 ernment, and especially marked in the Confederation, could 
 
 not be eradicated easily. The 
 
 Confederation was in consequence 
 short-lived. 
 
 Since no government can long 
 maintain its authority on an in- 
 sufficient revenue, the most serious 
 need of amendment was notice- 
 able in connection with the 
 finances. Congress had exhausted 
 its paper money early in the war 
 (§ 153). It was not allowed to 
 levy taxes, and was able to borrow 
 very little abroad (§ 152). Prac- 
 tically therefore its sole resource was the requisitions made 
 on the states. As these were paid with increasing reluctance 
 and in decreasing proportions. Congress tried twice to 
 amend the Articles. On February 3, 1781, it asked that 
 Congress be allowed to collect a five per cent ad valorem 
 duty on imports to be used exclusively for the interest 
 and principal of the public debt. To this all consented 
 except Rhode Island. The second proposed amendment, 
 accepted by Congress April 30, 1783, provided for a duty 
 for twenty five years of five or more per cent on seven 
 enumerated articles, to be applied to the interest only 
 of the public debt. It took four years to gain consent 
 of twelve states, and the thirteenth. New York, finally 
 refused to ratify the amendment. 
 
 If it was impossible to obtain a legal change in the Articles 
 when the need was so great, we can see that the Articles 
 
 Robert Morris 
 
 The process of 
 amendment. 
 
 Financial 
 amendments. 
 
 Dewey, Finan- 
 cial His^., 
 ^^ 21, 22. 
 
 Curtis, 
 Consfl Hi^t, 
 I, 157-167. 
 
 A7ner. Hist. 
 Leaflets, 
 No. 28. 
 
192 
 
 American History 
 
 [1781 
 
 Temporary 
 character of 
 the Articles. 
 
 were unsuitable for a permanent constitution, and would 
 of necessity be replaced by a more satisfactory document 
 in the course of a few years. 
 
 Dangers and 
 problems. 
 
 McLaughlin, 
 Confederation, 
 39-46, 55-60. 
 
 Fiske, Critical 
 Period, 
 142-147, 189. 
 
 Complaints of 
 the soldiers. 
 
 Fiske, 
 
 Critical Period, 
 105-114. 
 
 McLaughlin, 
 
 Confederation, 
 
 59-68. 
 
 The Critical Period (i 781-1787) 
 
 177. Critical Conditions. — The period following the 
 establishment of the Confederation has very properly been 
 named "the critical period of American history." The 
 union produced by the struggle for independence was to be 
 tested by the much more trying problems of peace. Jeal- 
 ous of one another, yet not daring to separate; burdened 
 by debts, with resources greatly impaired by the war, the 
 states were forced to make good their claim that they were 
 capable of the self-government they desired — a task that 
 was especially difficult because the revolt against British 
 domination had developed a spirit of protest against author- 
 ity of every kind. Still more serious were the refusal of the 
 states to subordinate their interests to those of the Union and 
 the difficulties of cooperation among the states. Foreign 
 powers refused to treat with a people who formed "one 
 nation to-day and thirteen to-morrow." The vast terri- 
 tory beyond the Alleghanies, in which the claims of the 
 states overlapped, was a perpetual menace to continued 
 harmony. Trade between the states was in a most chaotic 
 condition, since each regulated its commerce to its own 
 advantage. With good reason might European statesmen 
 believe that the new republic would be dissolved within 
 a few years. 
 
 178. The Old Soldiers. — Not the least of the dangers 
 feared by the people at the close of the war was the conti- 
 nental army. To us these fears seem almost without foun- 
 dation, but there w^as a chance that in the disordered con- 
 dition of affairs, the army, which was the only well-organized 
 body in America, might seize the reins of power. The sol- 
 diers felt that they had been treated badly and were dis- 
 satisfied on account of the failure of Congress to pay them 
 promptly. In 1781 two regiments had revolted because 
 
lySi] The Critical Period 193 
 
 they thought Congress had broken faith with them, and 
 Congress was driven from Philadelphia in June, 1783, by 
 a company of half-drunk and mutinous soldiers. To this 
 was added the popular distrust caused by the Newburgh 
 address — an anonymous appeal to the officers of the army 
 to seek redress for neglect and wrongs. Although this came 
 to nothing, on account of the tact and wisdom of Washing- 
 ton, it increased the dread of military interference. 
 
 The army was disbanded in June, 1783, the soldiers being Society of the 
 paid in paper money. Before separating, the officers or- Cincinnati, 
 ganized a society called the order of the Cincinnati, very un- { r nt m 
 wisely providing that at the death of any member his place poraries, 
 should be taken by his eldest son. So great was the indig- ii, No. 218. 
 nation manifested everywhere at this attempt to establish 
 a so-called aristocracy that the objectionable feature was /j^^^-^^ „. 
 soon dropped. In point of fact the organization does not 119. 
 seem to have exerted a very marked influence over the 
 politics of the succeeding years. 
 
 179. Land Claims of the States. — During the period of Claims based 
 the Confederation the West exerted a constant influence °" charters. 
 on the policy of the United States. Although by the Proc- p.^j^^ 
 lamation of 1763 (§ 94) settlements had been prohibited Critical Period, 
 west of the mountains, and by the Quebec Act (1774) (§ 137) 189-191. 
 the territory northwest of the Ohio River had been granted 
 to the province of Quebec, no less than seven states laid oid Northwest 
 claim to western lands.^ By virtue of "sea to sea" char- 188-196. 
 ] ters, four of these, Massachusetts, Connecticut, North Caro- 
 lina, and South Carolina, claimed the western belts included Donaldson, 
 j between their northern and southern boundaries prolonged 
 I to the Mississippi. Virginia asserted her title not only to 
 the lands west of her but north of the Ohio as well, because 
 
 I her charter of 1609 included the phrase " from sea to sea, 
 west and northwest. ^^ 
 I New York claimed the territory between the Ohio and the New York's 
 j Great Lakes, because the Iroquois, who kept in subjection claim. 
 
 ^ The map opposite p. 185 indicates these claims more definitely 
 and accurately. 
 
194 
 
 American History 
 
 \ 
 
 [1781 
 
 Validity of the 
 claims. 
 
 Attitude of 
 Maryland. 
 
 Atner. Hist. 
 Leaflets, No. 
 22, 1-8. 
 
 Fiske, 
 
 Critical Period, 
 191-193. 
 
 Donaldson, 
 Public Domain, 
 60-63. 
 
 Hinsdale, 
 Old Northwest, 
 197-217. 
 
 Cessions by the 
 states. 
 
 the Indians of that region, had by treaty conferred upon 
 New York their claims to its jurisdiction. Georgia asserted 
 her right to the Southwest because in 1764 royal instructions 
 had extended her jurisdiction over this region. 
 
 The validity of these claims was questioned with good 
 reason by the states that held no western lands. Not only 
 had the charters been granted in ignorance of the geography 
 of America, but with a single exception, that of Connecticut, 
 these charter grants had been revoked. Moreover, Great 
 Britain, by the Quebec Act (1774), had shown that none of 
 the older colonies could claim jurisdiction of any western 
 lands in the North. 
 
 180. Land Cessions (1781-1802). — As early as 1778 
 Maryland protested against the recognition of these claims, 
 which she deemed extravagant and unjust. New Jersey 
 and Delaware, when joining the Confederation, expressed 
 the hope that the large states would be willing to curtail 
 their western boundaries, but Maryland waited for the states, 
 especially Virginia, to give up their claims before she signed 
 the Articles. She felt that her future was jeopardized by 
 her neighbor's ability to sell cheap lands and thereby re- 
 duce Maryland's population, which would be drawn off 
 by the low taxes of Virginia or to the fertile valleys of the 
 West. She took the broad, patriotic view that the western 
 lands " if wrested from the common enemy by the blood 
 and treasure of the thirteen states, should be considered as 
 a common property, subject to be parcelled out by Congress 
 into free, convenient, and independent governments." 
 To meet the objections of Maryland, and to remove the very 
 serious dangers arising from interstate strife over conflict- 
 ing claims. Congress, on September 6, 1780, urged the states 
 to transfer their western land claims to the United States. 
 When assurances w^ere given that this would be done, Mary- 
 land joined the Confederation, March i, 1781. 
 
 That same day New York ceded her western lands to the 
 United States, and three years later Virginia gave up all 
 claim to territory northwest of the Ohio except for certain 
 
1787] The Critical Period 195 
 
 military lands along the Ohio River. In 1785 Massachusetts Amer. Hist. 
 
 yielded her claims to lands beyond the present western boun- ^^«A^^. 
 dary of New York, and the next year the Connecticut cession ""' ^^' ^~^^' 
 
 was completed, a strip along Lake Erie, known in history ^^^^.^' ^''''^''^'^^ 
 
 as the ''Connecticut Reserve," being retained by the state 193-196. 
 
 until 1800. South Carolina (1787) gave up her claim to a ... 
 
 1,1 , . ., ^ ' / / o r King, Ohio, 
 
 belt about thirteen miles wide, and in 1790 North Carolina 167-172. 
 
 yielded to the United States the jurisdiction of what is now Hinsdale old 
 
 Tennessee, most of the lands having already been granted Northwest. 
 
 to private parties. Not until 1802 did Georgia formally 218-246. 
 
 cede the last of her western lands, the delay being caused Donaldson, 
 
 by disputes over certain ''Yazoo claims," lands irregularly P"f^'><' Domain, 
 
 ^ granted by the Georgia legislature. ^~ 
 
 \ 181. Ordinances for the Government of Western Ter- Ordinance of 
 
 jritory. — Long before these cessions were completed. Con- ^784- 
 
 jgress adopted, April 2^, 1784, resolutions proposed by ^iske, 
 
 Thomas Jefferson for the government of all the western ^'''f'^^^''-'''^' 
 1 . 196-199. 
 
 territory ceded or to be ceded by the various states. Small _ , 
 
 ... . 1 r , , / . , McLaughlin, 
 
 I States were to be formed and admitted to the Union as soon Confederation, 
 
 las their population equaled that of the least populous among 114-117. 
 
 ithe original states. They were to have republican govern- Amer. Hist. 
 
 jments and were to remain forever a part of the United States.^ Leaflets, No. 32. 
 
 ri No attempt was made to put this plan into operation, Ordinance of 
 
 jand the real territorial system of the United States dates ^787. 
 
 jfrom the much more famous Ordinance of 1787. In that Fiske, 
 
 "^document are contained the principles of territorial govern- Critical Period, 
 
 ent which the United States has used with slight modifica- ^°3-207. 
 
 
 ions from that day to this. The territory was to be governed McLaughlin, 
 
 temporarily in one or two districts by a governor, a secretary. Confederation, 
 
 knd judges selected by Congress, but when each district "^-^^2. . 
 
 I 
 
 1 * These resolutions followed in the main the suggestions made by a 
 Ihommittee of which Thomas Jefferson was the leading member. Although 
 the resolutions applied to all western territory, it was quite evident that 
 only that in the Northwest was contemplated seriously, since names were 
 Suggested for states in that region alone. These names were finally 
 |)mitted from the resolutions, as was also a clause prohibiting slavery in 
 Ul the western territory after 1800, this antislavery clause being favored 
 j)y only six out of the ten states represented in Congress. 
 
196 
 
 American History 
 
 [1787 
 
 MacDonald, 
 Documents, 
 No. 4. 
 
 Slavery in the 
 Southwest. 
 
 Donaldson, 
 Public Domain, 
 161-163. 
 
 Settlement of 
 the West. 
 
 Fiske, 
 
 Critical Period, 
 199-202. 
 
 McLaughlin, 
 
 Confederation, 
 
 128-137. 
 
 Navigation of 
 the Mississippi. 
 
 Fiske, 
 
 Critical Period, 
 207-211. 
 
 contained five thousand free male adults, there should be a 
 representative assembly. Not less than three nor more than 
 five states were to be formed from the territory, as soon as 
 each contained not less than sixty thousand free inhabitants. 
 None of these states were to be separated from the Union, 
 perfect religious liberty was guaranteed, and civil rights were 
 assured the inhabitants. Most interesting of all, there was 
 to be "neither slavery nor involuntary servitude in the said 
 territory, otherwise than in the punishment of crimes, 
 whereof the party shall have been duly convicted" — a 
 phrase that was to become famous in American history. 
 By this article and one which provided for a land system 
 much simpler than that of colonial times, the Ordinance of 
 1787 exerted an inestimable influence on the later develop- 
 ment of the Northwest and of the nation. 
 
 Jefferson was unable to extend his liberal antislavery 
 ideas to the territory southwest of the Ohio, for, when Con- 
 gress accepted the cession of North Carolina (1790), it 
 agreed that ''no regulations made, or to be made, by Con- 
 gress shall tend to emancipate slaves." Except in this 
 particular, the Ordinance of 1787 w^as extended to the public 
 domain in the South. 
 
 182. The West and Foreign Affairs. — In the years 
 following Yorktown there had been a great exodus through 
 the passes of the Alleghanies into the fertile valleys of eastern 
 Kentucky and Tennessee. These hardy pioneers had a 
 thinly veiled contempt for the inefficient Congress, and when, 
 in 1784, North Carolina offered to cede Tennessee to the 
 United States, the settlers took the law into their own hands 
 and organized the state of Franklin. North Carolina there- 
 upon withdrew her offer, and after two years of fighting 
 reestablished her control in eastern Tennessee. 
 
 The same spirit that opposed government by a Congress 
 which could give no protection led those westerners to resent 
 interference by Spain with the free navigation of the Missis- 
 sippi. Spain was displeased with the extension of United 
 States territory to the Mississippi, and had just cause for 
 
1784] The Critical Period 197 
 
 complaint in the restriction of the West Florida boundary McLaughlin, 
 
 to the thirty-first degree.^ Spain now closed the entrance to confederation, 
 
 91-101. 
 the Mississippi, and seized the stock of an American trader 
 
 who had descended the river as far as Natchez. The story 
 of his loss aroused the rough and ready pioneers, who ^^^.^li ^ 
 sought to retaliate. Their anger was inflamed still more when ill. No. 45. 
 they learned that John Jay, the secretary for foreign affairs, 
 had agreed that the Mississippi should be closed for twenty- 
 five years in return for a commercial treaty with Spain 
 which would open to our ships a profitable trade with the 
 West Indies. The South heartily espoused the cause of the 
 West against the commercial North, and the treaty was never 
 completed. 
 
 183. Relations with Great Britain were strained during Failure to ob- 
 the Confederation because of commercial difficulties and the ^^"^^^ treaties, 
 failure on both sides to carry out the treaty of peace. The 
 English army had carried off many negro slaves and refused 'I'" 7,/J 
 I to surrender the forts south of the Great Lakes, as British vil, 307-308. 
 fur traders were unwilling to give up the lucrative trade of 
 I that region. On the other hand several states passed laws Fiske, 
 ^ which prevented British creditors from collecting debts CnhcalPenod 
 incurred before the war. A larger number took especial 
 I delight in persecuting the loyalists who remained in the 
 I United States or sought to return. Many loyalists were ^^evolution, 
 I disfranchised. Estates which had been left untouched in 256-268. 
 I the war were confiscated, and damages were sought for the 
 'j property of patriots which had been in the possession of Uan, Contem- 
 'ithe enemy in New York and other places. In South Caro- ■^^^^^^^^' g ' 
 ijlina loyalists were compelled to emigrate, and many w^ho 
 
 1 ^ In the preliminary treaty of peace (1782), Great Britain and the 
 JUnited States agreed in a secret article that if Great Britain retained West 
 jFlorida, the northern boundary of the province should be the parallel passing 
 'through the mouth of the Yazoo River as theretofore ; but if it was trans- 
 'ferred to Spain, the boundary should be parallel 31. At that time this in- 
 jtermediate territory was controlled absolutely by Spain. When the secret 
 article became known, Spain was greatly incensed; but in 1795 she agreed 
 to the thirty-first degree as the boundary between the United States and 
 [Florida. 
 
igS 
 
 A)/irrii-(JN History 
 
 [•7«4 
 
 Attonipt to 
 soouif ;i com- 
 nuM-cial troatv. 
 
 M.Hi. Hist., 
 VII. 3(X)-3io. 
 
 MoLauqhlin, 
 ( \'nft\if ration, 
 102-107. 
 
 Fiske. 
 
 Oitu\tn\-rioJ, 
 
 13S-144. 
 
 H.irt. Cont<-m- 
 111. Nos. 50-53. 
 
 Paper money, 
 rrewtt :•. 
 Woeilt-n 
 (,1786). 
 
 L\imbrid^e 
 .\fod Hist., 
 VII. 312-313. 
 Fiske, 
 
 Critical Period, 
 162-165. 
 16S-177. 
 
 ivfusoil wcMV kilKnl. Probably one luiiulrcd thousaiul per- 
 sons loft tho country for I'Jigland or the Britisli colonies 
 during the war and the years succeeding. As these refu- 
 gees were unable to secure coni|)ensation from the state 
 legislatures for their losses, the British government appro- 
 ]M-iateil a large sum of money for them, besides giving them 
 helj) in other ways. 
 
 These violations of treaty c)bligations and acts of violence 
 not only caused ill feeling, but stixxl in the way of a com- 
 mercial treaty with Great Britain which we desired greatly. 
 In making the treaty of peace in 178:;, no commercial agree- 
 ments were made by the two nations. In consecpience 
 I'-ngland prohibited trade with the British West Indies 
 excejit in l-'nglish ships and alsv) restricted a large part of the 
 commerce with the British Isles to English ships. This 
 pi^licy she would not change because her minister claimed 
 that we could make no concessions of value tc^ them. Beft^re 
 177(1 we had protested against the British navigation acts 
 because they prevented our colonial trade with foreign coun- 
 tries; after that date we objected to them because they 
 interfered with traile between the United States and British 
 dependencies. Many Americans desired by retaliation to 
 force Great Britain into granting us trade advantages, but 
 this was impossible, for Congress had no power to place 
 restrictions on Knglish commerce that would be uniform 
 throughout the United States, and several of the states 
 sought to attack English trade by levying duties on goods 
 brought from Great Britain. 
 
 184. Internal Disorder. — Although times were fairly 
 prosperous in spite of state jealousy and foreign difficulties, 
 most of the cash had been exported to pay for goods bought 
 abroad. There had been so much speculation following 
 the close of the war that debts were heavy and discon- 
 tent rife. For relief the debtors demanded issuance of 
 large sums of paper money. This was granted in seven 
 states. Of necessity the currency depreciated, and aggra- 
 vated the evils. In Rhode Island the legislature passed an 
 
17^7] '^h.e Critical Period irjg 
 
 act forcing men to take the almost worthless paper. A McF.Hughiin, 
 butcher named Wecden refuserl to do this and appealed ^-""A^^''^^^'^^. 
 to the courts, v/hich declared the force act unconstitutional 
 (1786). Amid great excitement, at a special session, the 
 legislature removed the obnoxious judges. This was the 
 first conspicuous case in which a court declared null and 
 void an act of a legislature. 
 
 In Massachusetts the hard-money party [jrevailcfl, but Shays's 
 the advocates of a paper currency attacked the lawyers ^<''^"'^^^'->^- 
 and closed the courts that had been instrumental in collect- „ . ,. , 
 
 Hart, Conlem- 
 
 ing debts. Led by Daniel Shays, formerly a captain in the porane^, 
 American army, the rioters gained possession of \\V;rcester n^.-^'^-sS. 
 and towns to the west. At length, being short of arms and „ , 
 
 ^ ' ^ .McLaughlin, 
 
 ammunition, they attacked the arsenal at Springfield, con/ederaiion, 
 They were finally defeated by the militia under General 154-i'v- 
 Lincoln (1787). 
 
 Meanwhile, the states were becoming more and more in- interstate 
 censed with one another on account of commercial difficulties. "'^*^" relations. 
 Those that had seaports took unfair advantage of their neigh- 
 bors, levying unjust and unnecessary duties. New Jersey 
 was compared to a cask tapped at both ends. Connecticut 144-147. 
 was on bad terms with both Massachusetts and New York. 
 Some of the states imposed special restrictions on foreign 
 commerce, some invited foreign trade by removing all 
 duties. Affairs were in a chaotic condition and becoming 
 worse. 
 
 All of this disorder convinced people who had hitherto x\ef;dofa 
 been indifferent that the authority of the state governments ^^""''"^ ""'^'"• 
 must be upheld in enforcing the law, and that a stronger ^^^^^ contenv- 
 central government was absolutely necessary. The country poranes, 
 was in a prosperous condition on the whole; the people were ^^'' ^^^'^- 54. 
 becoming more united and realizing their dependence on ^^' ^^' ^^' 
 one another, the churches were taking steps toward perfect- 
 ing national organizations, but a new government was re- 
 quired for the United States, and many believed that the 
 Articles of Confederation should not be allowed to stand 
 in the way. 
 
 Fiske, 
 Critical Period. 
 
200 
 
 American History 
 
 [1786 ! 
 
 Meeting of the 
 conference. 
 
 Fiske, 
 
 Critical Period, 
 213-218. 
 
 McLaughlin, 
 
 Confederation, 
 
 172-183. 
 
 Spring of 
 1787. 
 
 Fiske, 
 
 Critical Period, 
 220-222. 
 
 Curtis, 
 Const' I Hist. 
 I, 175-185. 
 
 Formation of the Constitution (i 787-1 788) 
 
 185. The Annapolis Conference. — As nothing could 
 be done under the existing Confederation toward remedy- 
 ing these defects, an earnest attempt was now made, under 
 the lead of Alexander Hamilton and James Madison, to 
 obtain new articles of union. Their opportunity arrived 
 when in 1786 Virginia and Maryland were discussing a 
 system of tolls and com- 
 mercial agreements for the 
 Potomac River. Dele- 
 gates from all of the 
 states were invited to join 
 representatives from these 
 two at Annapolis, Mary- 
 land, and discuss ways of 
 improving commerce be- 
 tween the states. Nine of 
 the states appointed com- 
 missioners, but only five 
 were represented at the 
 conference. Unable to 
 transact any business of 
 importance, and believing 
 that the time had come for decisive action, these men 
 adopted a resolution offered by Hamilton urging the state 
 legislatures to select delegates for a constitutional conven- 
 tion which should revise the Articles of Confederation. 
 
 Congress was asked to indorse this convention, but re- 
 fused. Without waiting for the sanction of that body, the 
 state legislatures began to appoint representatives. When 
 a majority of the states had taken this step. Congress yielded 
 so far as to call another convention to meet at the same time 
 and place. During this winter of 1 786-1 787, the defeat 
 of the second amendment of the Articles (§ 176), and the 
 anarchy accompanying Shays's rebellion, roused people to I 
 the need of a new and better constitution, so that the sum- 
 
 JAMES Madison 
 
^7^71 > Formation of Constitution 201 
 
 mer of 1787 was a propitious time for changing the funda- 
 mental law of the United States. 
 
 186. The Connecticut Compromise. — At the old state- Members of 
 house in Philadelphia, where the Declaration of Independ- theconventioa 
 ence had been signed, the delegates to the convention 
 gathered in May, 1787. Many leaders of the revolution Fiske, 
 
 1 1 TTT 1 • T-i 1 T T 1 -T. Cvitical PcT lod, 
 
 were there, among them Washmgton, l^ranklm, John Rut- 224-229 
 ledge, Charles and C. C. Pinckney, Roger Sherman, and 
 Robert Morris. But the work before them was performed j^^^^au hiin 
 to a greater degree by younger and perhaps less known men. Confederation, 
 James Madison, the author of the first outline, and Gouver- 184-191. 
 neur Morris, the writer of the final draft, of the Constitution, 
 were among the younger members, as were also Alexander 
 Hamilton and James Wilson, the most ardent advocates 
 of a strong government in America. It is probably the ablest 
 body of men that ever assembled in this country. Its mem- 
 bers represented many views and classes. A few placed 
 local interest and state pride before all else, a small number 
 would have sacrificed every hope of a better government 
 because too narrow-minded for such a great undertaking, 
 but the majority earnestly strove to subordinate personal 
 preferences for the public good. 
 
 Before many sessions had been held, the delegates began Parties in the 
 to arrange themselves in two groups or parties. The larger convention, 
 of these favored a new Constitution, with a Congress of 
 
 .... Ca77ibridge 
 
 two houses, a separate executive and judiciary, and a very j^j^^ Hist., 
 
 great increase of national power. The other wished to vii. 246-249. 
 
 revise the Articles of Confederation, giving Congress power piske, 
 
 to levy duties and internal taxes, and allowing that body to Critical Period 
 
 appoint an executive and judiciary. The latter group was ^35-25°- 
 
 composed chiefly of delegates from the small states who McLaughlin, 
 
 feared that concentration of power in the central govern- Confederation, 
 
 ment would be a great advantage to the larger states and ^^2-220. 
 
 correspondingly dangerous to themselves. 
 
 As the advocates of the national government were in a Compromise 
 
 majority, the small-state party consented to frame a new over repre- 
 ^ . . , , , , . sentation. 
 
 Constitution, and began a contest for equal representation 
 
202 
 
 American History 
 
 [1787 
 
 Fiske, 
 
 Critical Period, 
 250-255- 
 
 McLaughlin, 
 
 Confederation, 
 
 221-235. 
 
 Three fifths 
 compromise. 
 
 McLaughlin, 
 Con feder- 
 ation, 1^']- 
 260. 
 
 Fiske, 
 
 Critical Period, 
 255-262. 
 
 Cambridge 
 Mod. Hist., 
 
 in, 264-269. 
 
 Third great 
 compromise. 
 
 of the States in the new Congress. The ''national" party 
 (the delegates from the large states) wished to have the rep- 
 resentation in both houses according to the population of 
 the various states. After a protracted contest the conven- 
 tion adopted a compromise, usually known as the " Con- 
 necticut Compromise," because proposed by the delegates 
 from that commonwealth. Each state was to have two 
 members in one house — the Senate — and to be represented 
 
 according to population in the 
 other — the House of Repre- 
 sentatives. 
 
 187. Later History of the 
 Convention. — With the adop- 
 tion of the Connecticut Com- 
 promise came a new arrange- 
 ment of parties, for the support 
 of the small states to the Con- 
 stitution was now fully assured. 
 Since the most important sub^ 
 jects over which there was 
 serious dispute were concerned 
 with slavery, the new parties 
 were almost sectional, as the 
 North was already quite opposed to the extension of the 
 system. The first question that came up was about the 
 counting of the slaves. An enumeration of blacks was 
 necessary for representation in the lower house of Congress 
 and for the levying of direct taxes, which the states were to 
 pay according to their population. As the South wanted 
 slaves counted for representation, and the North wanted 
 them counted for taxation, it was decided for purposes of 
 enumeration to call five blacks equal to three whites. 
 
 A little later New England clashed with the extreme 
 South over the questions of navigation acts and the slave 
 trade. The southern states, fearing that their agriculture 
 would be sacrificed for the commerce of the North, were 
 unwilling to give Congress the power of enacting navigation ^ 
 
 James Wilson 
 
1787] Fonnatio7i of Constit2itio7i 203 
 
 laws except by a two thirds vote. They likewise wished to Fiske 
 prevent Congress from forbidding the slave trade. The ^/"'^^ 
 North opposed both of these measures. As Gouverneur 
 
 Morris said, this was a chance for a "bargain among the confederation 
 northern and southern states." A compromise was finally 260-265. 
 adopted which declared that the foreign slave trade should Cambridge 
 not be forbidden before 1808/ prescribing no special majority ^od. Hist., 
 for navigation acts, and forbidding the taxation of exports. ' ^'^ ~^ ^' 
 
 These compromises closed the most heated sessions of Completion of 
 the convention, but did not lessen the interest with which ^^^ ^^'°''^- 
 for four months the members grappled with the problems Fiske, 
 before them. FinaUy on the 17th of September, 1787, the CrUUaiPeriod, 
 completed draft of the Constitution was signed by delegates 
 from all the states except Rhode Island, and the first and 
 most important stage in this momentous work was com- 
 pleted. 
 
 188. Feeling of the People. — The Constitution was to Objections to 
 
 go into effect when ratified by conventions chosen by popu- ^^^ Constitu- 
 
 lar vote in the states. If accepted by nine of them, it was 
 
 to be established ''between the states so ratifying the same." McLaughlin, 
 
 But the people did not fully appreciate the evils of the Con- Confederation, 
 
 federation, and dreaded the creation of a "consolidated" ^7-231,287- 
 
 200. 
 government. They feared that the president would become 
 
 a dictator, and thought that the national courts would be 
 an instrument of t}Tanny, especially as the Constitution 
 contained no bill of rights, protecting the liberty of the in- 
 dividual. Others declaimed against the power of Congress 
 over both the purse and the sword, urging, as did Richard 
 Henrv Lee, that they preferred a rope of sand to a rod of 
 iron, but these " Anti-Federalists," although numerous, were 
 not united. 
 
 Fortunately the advocates of the Constitution included Conditions 
 most of the able political leaders, whose zeal never flagged favorable to 
 until eleven states had indorsed the new Union. They had 
 the sympathy and help of the commercial and conservative 
 
 ' So strong was the sentiment of the people against the foreign slave trade 
 that action was taken long before 1808, prohibiting that slave trade in that 
 year. 
 
204 
 
 American History 
 
 [1787 
 
 McMastcr, 
 I 'ni(ed States, 
 I. 454-472. 
 
 Curtis, 
 Const' I Hist. 
 1, 623-640. 
 
 Final adoption. 
 
 Schouler, 
 United States, 
 I. 65-79- 
 
 McLaughlin, 
 
 Confederation, 
 
 283-317- 
 
 Compact 
 theory. 
 
 classes, which were disgusted wath the inefficiency of the 
 Confederate Congress. Among the officers of the continen- 
 tal army, even before the close of the war, the favorite toast 
 had been "A hoop to the barrel." Now arose a demand 
 for a "new roof." Processions were held and popular in- 
 terest aroused in favor of the Constitution. Thinking men 
 were convinced of the need for a new government by the 
 able papers written by Hamilton, Madison,, and Jay, which 
 were published under the title of The Federalist. But 
 prejudice against centralization of power was deep seated, 
 and the Constitution was truly "drawn by grinding neces- 
 sity from a reluctant people." 
 
 189. Ratification of the Constitution by the States. — 
 The ratification began in December, 1787, with a unanimous 
 vote in little Delaware. With the exception of Rhode Island 
 the small states fell into Hne rapidly, showing that they were 
 satisfied with the Connecticut Compromise. In Massachu- 
 setts, Virginia, and New York fierce contests were waged. 
 Objection was made to the " consolidated " government and 
 to the lack of a bill of rights, but Patrick Henry argued 
 with ability against the absolutism of the president. These 
 states and three others proposed amendments to the Consti- 
 tution when giving their consent, but the ratifications were to 
 stand even if the amendments failed. By the first of Au- 
 gust, 1788, all of the states had ratified except North Caro- 
 lina and Rhode Island, which became members of the 
 Union in November, 1789, and May, 1790, respectively.^ 
 But Congress did not wait for them, and in September, 1788, 
 selected the first Wednesday, January, 1789, as the day for 
 the appointment of presidential electors, and the first Wednes- 
 day in March for the first meeting of the new Congress. 
 
 Character of the Constitution 
 
 190. Dispute over the Nature of the Constitution. — 
 
 From the very first there were dift'erences of opinion regard- 
 
 * Rhode Island did not finally join the Union until the Senate had 
 passed a bill prohibiting commerce with that stale. 
 
1783] Oiaracter of Constitution 205 
 
 ing the character of the<^nstiiution; differences which ex- Lodge, 
 plain many of the constitutional disputes of the early his- W'«5xfer, ^ 
 ton- of the United States. ^Nlost of those who opj)osed its ^^^ ' 1 
 
 ratification, and in fact a majority of the others, held that j 
 
 it was a compact or agreement made between sovereign 
 states. To them the United States was still a league from 
 which, many of them claimed, any member might with- I 
 
 draw if it desired. Had not the stat^ been sovereign imder 
 the Confederation? they asked. Had not each joined the 
 Union of its own accord? How then had any state lost its 
 sovereigntv? Right or wrong, the compact theory of the 
 Constitution was the one indoRed throughout the Union 1 
 
 for two or three decade, and the one that was held by the I 
 
 South as late as the Cisil War. | 
 
 At no time, however, did all believe the Constitution National 
 a compact, and it may well be doubted whether any large ***^- - 
 
 proportion of American stat^men held that ^-iew even in | 
 
 our early histor)-. !Many of the most sincere adherents of \^„ p^i ^^^ | 
 the state sovereignt}- doctrine, moreover, steadfastly com- 11.336-343- ! 
 bated the idea that a state might secede from the Union, even I 
 
 if the Constitution did not specificallj' deny such a course. ' 
 
 A large number of th(^e who framed the Constitution or 
 formulated the earli^t policies of the United States thought 
 that document a reaUy national Constitution, and the United 
 States a nation, not a league. They denied that the states 
 had been sovereign from 1776 to 1788, and claimed that the 
 ratifications in many of the states were not volimtary but 
 unavoidable. 
 
 191. The Nation and the States. — A!:houzh theC^'E::- I -erde- 
 tution deals almost exclusively v.ith the centra.! go. emner.t. .—'-''-- i 
 it really explains the relation of the nation to the stat^. ^.v ^, | 
 
 It grants certain powers to the government of the United Am. G^r^'t, 
 States and denies some of these and others to the states, W 255-^63. 
 but all powers are left to the stat^ which are not dek- ^^^ ^^ | 
 zated to the central government or specifically denied c^wumweaiA 
 to the stat^. If Consre^- -jtA ^ =*"*e legislature make (abrit^ed). 
 conflicting laws rek : object, those *^"^*^ 
 
2o6 
 
 American History 
 
 [1788 
 
 , Am. 
 )^ 338- 
 
 Stanvvood, 
 Presidency, 1-9. 
 
 enacted by Congress prevail, for the Constitution says 
 that the Constitution, the national laws, and treaties 
 shall be the supreme law of the land. Yet the nation and 
 the states are dependent on each other. The two together 
 form a whole — each by itself an incomplete part. Neither 
 state law nor national law alone is sufficient for our govern- 
 ment. Ours is "an indestructible union composed of in- 
 destructible states," as Chief Justice Chase said at the close 
 of the Civil War. 
 
 192. Congress. — The legislative body under the Con- 
 stitution is called Congress as formerly, but is composed of 
 two houses, one supposed to represent the states and the 
 other the people. For the smaller, the Senate, each state legis- 
 lature elects two members for a term of six years, one third 
 of the senators retiring every second year. Each state has 
 at least one member in the House of Representatives chosen 
 every two years, but its number depends on its population. 
 
 The new Congress obtained the right to make laws for 
 all subjects which the convention thought could not wisely 
 be left to the states, because of the disastrous effect of con- 
 flicting legislation on these topics. It has power to levy 
 different kinds of taxes, borrow money, and regulate foreign 
 and interstate commerce. It cares for some foreign relations 
 of the United States, has the right to declare war, and raise 
 an army and navy. It may coin money, make a rule for 
 naturaKzation, establish post offices, grant patents and 
 copyrights, and perform other acts permitted by the Con- 
 stitution. In order that it might not be hampered by too 
 narrow an interpretation of its powers, it has the right "to 
 make all laws which shall be necessary and proper for carry- 
 ing into execution the foregoing powers, and all other powers 
 vested by this Constitution in the government of the United 
 States, or in any department or officer thereof." 
 
 193. The President. — After protracted debate, the con- 
 vention came to the conclusion that the president should 
 be chosen for a term of four years and be reeligible to the 
 office. Various methods of election were considered, 
 
1788] Character of Constitution 20 J 
 
 direct popular election meeting with no favor, and election Ashley, 
 by Congress being rejected as likely to make the executive ■^/'^- ^°'^'^' 
 
 • • • vy 359~36s. 
 
 dependent on the legislative department. The choice was 
 
 given finally to electors, equal in number to the senators 
 
 and representatives from each state, who are chosen in what- ^J^^ l.^^^ 
 
 ever way the states prescribe. It was intended originally monweaith 
 
 that these electors should exercise independent judgment (abridged), 
 
 when casting their votes, but before many years electors 
 
 found themselves obliged to vote as they were directed by 
 
 the parties from which they were chosen. 
 
 The powers intrusted to the president are sufficiently Powers, 
 great to make his position an important one and to show 
 that Henry did not fear a dictatorship needlessly. Besides Ashley, 
 the right to execute laws in general, the president has com- "^' ^^ ' 
 mand of the army and navy, the right of sending ambassa- 
 dors, of making treaties and appointing officials with the 
 consent of the Senate, the right to veto bills passed by Con- 
 gress, and many other less important duties. 
 
 194. The Courts. — Under the Confederation, Congress Judges and 
 was the court of last resort in interstate disputes. It had Jurisdiction, 
 the right also to appoint judges who might try prize cases, 
 
 but there was no regular judicial system for the United Ashley, 
 States. The Constitution changed all this by providing ^^ .t_^.22, 
 for a Supreme Court, and permitting Congress to erect such 
 inferior courts as became necessary. The judges in all these ^^ ^^ 
 were to be selected by the president and Senate, holding jm. Com- 
 their offices during good behavior. The jurisdiction of monweaith 
 these courts covered cases arising not only under the national ^^ " ^^ 
 laws and treaties but under the Constitution as well, thus 
 allowing the Supreme Court to interpret finally the meaning 
 of any clause in the Constitution. Cases affecting states or 
 arising between citizens of different states or between an 
 American and a foreigner as well as cases affecting national 
 representatives or the United States itself were to be tried 
 in the courts of the nation. 
 
 195. Amendment of the Constitution. — The failure of 
 the Confederation was due in great part to the necessity of a 
 
208 
 
 Ainencan History 
 
 [1788 
 
 Method of 
 amendment. 
 
 Meigs, 
 Groxvth of 
 Const., 
 272-277. 
 
 National bill of 
 rights (1791)- 
 
 Schouler, 
 
 I hiited States, 
 
 1. ii3-"5- 
 
 Colonial and 
 state models 
 used. 
 
 unanimous vote of the states for all changes in the Articles. 
 A different scheme was adopted for amending the Consti- 
 tution — one which at that time seemed too flexible if any- 
 thing, but which has proved much too difficult a process 
 for ordinary use. Amendments may be proposed by two 
 thirds of each house of Congress or by a convention called 
 on the application of two thirds of the states. These become 
 parts of the Constitution when ratified by the legislatures or 
 conventions in three fourths of the states. 
 
 This method was used at once in fulfilling the promises 
 made by the friends of the Constitution that a bill of rights 
 should be submitted to the states. The amendments pro- 
 posed by the ratifying conventions in the states were con- 
 sidered carefully and revised in the first Congress, twelve 
 being adopted by that body. Two of these were rejected 
 by the states and the other ten were declared in force as part 
 of the Constitution, December 15, 1791. The first eight 
 enumerate rights of the individual with which the national 
 government is not to interfere, and the tenth declares 
 that all powers "not delegated to the United States by the 
 Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the states, are reserved 
 to the states respectively or to the people." 
 
 196. The Sources of the Constitution. — This bill of rights 
 was to a large extent copied from those found in the state 
 constitutions of that time, and is similar to the bills of rights 
 of to-day.^ The government established under the Con- 
 stitution proper was likewise in great measure an adapta- 
 tion of a state government to the needs of a federal union. 
 The president was in many ways "an enlarged copy of the 
 state governor." His military powers, the right of appoint- 
 ment and of veto, followed the best practices in the common- 
 wealths. Congress was composed of two houses like the 
 legislatures in ten of the states. The ?Iouse of Repre- 
 sentatives was chosen by popular vote from districts, on a 
 plan similar to that used by the assemblies even in colonial 
 times. The plan of a continuous senate had been tried 
 
 1 Ashley, "American Federal State," §§ 554-567. 
 
1789] Character of Constitution 209 
 
 successfully in New York, Delaware, and Virginia. The 
 national courts, with their great })Ower of interpreting the 
 Constitution, were not unlike those of the states, which in 
 several cases had exercised the right to set aside unconsti- 
 tutional laws.' These similarities are not accidental. 
 Most of the members of the constitutional convention had 
 already sat in state constitutional conventions and had .seen 
 that those parts of the state constitutions worked best which 
 f(jllowed the usage of the time. They drew constantly 
 upon the experience of their own states, and even the method 
 of electing a president was suggested by a practice employed 
 when choosing senators in Maryland. 
 
 In one respect at least the members of constitutional "Original" 
 conventions were obliged to consider the needs of the situa- features, 
 tion without experience to help them; namely, in deciding 
 the relation of the states to the nation. It is true they ran- J- H. Robin- 
 sacked history from the time of the Amphictyonic league ^^' ^^^^ ^^^ 
 to that of the Swiss Republic for help in solving this problem, and Social \ 
 but without result. In creating a federal system they did '^«^«^^. | 
 
 the only wise thing possible, and adopted the only system ' j 
 
 that could reconcile conflicting interests at the same time ' 
 
 that it established a stable government. We owe much to ' 
 
 the men who, with the wish of experimenting as little as 
 possible, laid a permanent foundation for a new and better 
 union. 
 
 The Organization- of the New Government (1789) 
 
 197. The Presidency. — On the first Wednesrlay in Janu- Election of 
 
 ary, 1789, presidential electors were chosen by all the states Washington. 
 then in the Union with the exception of New York. In 
 most of the states the choice was left with the legislature, 
 
 but in Virginia and Maryland the people were allowed to United states, 
 
 vote for electors. A month later the electors met at their i. 525-530- 
 
 respective capitals and cast two votes for their candidates, stanwood, 
 
 one of whom could not be a resident of the same state with Presidency, 
 
 themselves. The result was of course a foregone conclusion. ^^3i- 
 
 * For example, Trevett v. Weeden, § 182. 
 
 McMaster, 
 People of 
 
 P 
 
2IO 
 
 American History 
 
 [1789 
 
 Washington as 
 President. 
 
 Lodge, 
 
 Washington, 
 
 11.47-63. 
 
 Washington's 
 inauguration. 
 
 McMaster, 
 United States, 
 I. 538-540- 
 
 Elections and 
 first meeting. 
 
 McMaster, 
 United States, 
 I. 530-534. 
 
 Washington was chosen unanimously for the presidency, 
 John Adams being selected as vice president. 
 
 At this time Washington was fifty-seven years of age, and 
 without doubt the foremost man in America. Yet his 
 victories had been almost exclusively on the field of battle, 
 and as an administrator he was practically without experi- 
 ence. On this account he took particular pains in the 
 selection of his advisers, surrounding himself with men 
 of exceptional ability. In the solution of the many problems 
 of domestic and foreign affairs with which the new govern- 
 ment was compelled to grapple, his sound judgment and 
 lofty patriotism were of the highest value, and the interests 
 of the United States and her people were protected during 
 his administrations as they could have been under few other 
 presidents, however skilled they may have been in affairs 
 of state. 
 
 Washington's first inauguration occurred in New York 
 City, April 30, 1789, after a triumphal journey from his 
 home at Mt. Vernon, Virginia. The oath of office was 
 administered on the balcony of Federal Hall, in Wall Street, 
 the populace shouting their approval: "Long live George 
 Washington, President of the United States." Washington 
 then retired to the Senate chamber, where he read his in- 
 augural address to the houses of Congress. 
 
 198. Beginnings of the New Congress. — The Congress 
 of the Confederation had appointed March 4, 1789, as the 
 date upon which its successor should begin business, but on 
 that day only a few members had reached New York. Con- 
 gressional elections had been held quite late, and in many 
 sections no representatives had been chosen by the beginning 
 of March. New Jersey, for example, kept the polls open 
 for three weeks, and in many of the New England districts 
 two elections were necessary since the state laws required 
 a majority vote before certificates of election were issued 
 to the successful candidates. Moreover, bad roads delayed 
 some, for it took many of the members three weeks to reach 
 New York from their own homes. More than all else, the 
 
George Washington 
 
212 
 
 American History 
 
 [1789 
 
 First tariff act 
 (1789). 
 
 Dewey, Finan- 
 cial Hist., 
 
 kh 35-36. 
 
 McMaster, 
 United States, 
 I. 545-550- 
 
 Coman, Indus- 
 trial Hist., 
 138-144. 
 
 Tonnage act. 
 
 Coman, Indus- 
 trial Hist., 
 130-134. 
 
 The problem 
 of organization. 
 
 Schouler, 
 United States, 
 I, 104-106. 
 
 example of procrastination and inaction set by the Confeder- 
 ate Congress exerted a pernicious influence in making the 
 congressmen indifferent and dilatory. 
 
 At length, on April 6, a quorum was present in both houses. 
 As the government was in pressing need of revenue, Congress 
 did not wait for the inauguration before beginning business. 
 James Madison immediately introduced a tariff bill in the 
 House, which had exclusive right to originate measures relat- 
 ing to revenue. Then followed weeks of debate in which 
 the representatives sought to increase the duties upon arti- 
 cles manufactured by their constituents, or to lower those 
 which might interfere with their agricultural interests. Few 
 changes were made in the Senate and the bill became a 
 law on July 4, 1789. It provided for ad valorem duties 
 of from five to fifteen per cent, and for specific duties on 
 many articles. As a source of revenue it was a complete 
 success — although the rates were raised afterward — and 
 it contained the germ of our present system of protection 
 to American industries. 
 
 A few days later. Congress passed a tonnage act which 
 imposed a small tax on American vessels engaged in com- 
 merce, and a much heavier tax on all foreign vessels. 
 
 199. The Executive Departments. — The next task of 
 Congress was that of providing the new government with 
 machinery for the administration of the laws. Although 
 the Constitution mentions the executive departments, it 
 makes no provision for their organization and powers. 
 Two important questions were left therefore to the decision 
 of Congress: (i) what departments were necessary and what 
 duties should be assigned to each; (2) should the work of 
 each department be performed by boards or under the super- 
 vision of superintendents or secretaries ? The first question 
 was settled by creating the three departments of state, the 
 treasury, and war, and arranging for an attorney-general 
 and a postmaster-general in addition. On the second there 
 was little difference of opinion, for the board system had been 
 used without great success under the Confederation, and 
 
1789] Organization of the New Government 213 
 
 the majority favored heads of departments. Four of these, 
 the secretaries of state, treasury, and war and the attorney- 
 general, were to form a cabinet or advisory body for the 
 president. This cabinet was essentially different from 
 that of England, for the English cabinet at that time was 
 the real executive of Great Britain, whereas the American 
 cabinet was solely an ad- 
 visory body, which was in 
 fact not called together 
 during the first adminis- 
 tration of Washington. 
 
 Washington did much 
 to insure the success of 
 the new government by 
 the selection of his as- 
 sistants. The ablest of 
 these were Thomas Jeffer- 
 son, who became secre- 
 tary of state, and Alex- 
 ander Hamilton, who was^ 
 chosen for the treasury 
 portfolio. All the mem- 
 bers of the cabinet were 
 in fact men who enjoyed 
 
 the confidence of the people, in addition to being earnest 
 supporters of the Constitution. The one on whom the 
 heaviest burden fell, Hamilton, although but thirty-four 
 years of age, had already rendered valuable services 
 to this country during the Revolutionary War, and in 
 securing the adoption of a stronger government than that 
 of the Confederation. Particularly versed in the financial 
 methods of his time, he was well fitted for the task of estab- 
 lishing and strengthening the public credit. As a political 
 manager he had few superiors, but he made the great mistake 
 of distrusting the people, for he favored a central govern- . 
 ment that was almost monarchical, which looked to the 
 aristocracy for its support. For this reason he was never 
 
 ALEXANDER HAMILTON 
 
 Members of 
 the cabinet. 
 
 Hamilton. 
 
 Bassett, 
 Federalist 
 Systetn, 16-20. 
 
 Lodge, 
 Wa ';hington, 
 n, 62-71. 
 
214 
 
 ATuericaii History 
 
 [1789 
 
 Judiciary Act 
 of 1789. 
 
 Schouler, 
 United States, 
 I, 107-108. 
 
 Willoughl^y, 
 Supreme Court, 
 22-26. 
 
 Justices of the 
 
 Supreme 
 
 Court. 
 
 Pellew, Jay, 
 354-366. 
 
 Need of Union. 
 Defects of the 
 Confederation. 
 
 popular with the masses and much of his effort was spent in 
 trying to stem the rising tide of popular government. 
 
 200. The National Judiciary. — The last step in organiz- 
 ing the new government consisted in passing the Judiciary 
 Act in September, 1789. According to the Constitution 
 there was to be a Supreme Court and such inferior courts 
 as Congress might create. Congress decided that there 
 should be a chief justice of the Supreme Court, with five 
 associate justices. It divided the United States into three 
 circuits, a northern, a central, and a southern, but it did 
 not provide for any separate circuit judges. Sixteen dis- 
 trict courts were created, one for each of the thirteen states, 
 besides Vermont, Maine, and Kentucky. To each district 
 was assigned a district judge, an attorney, and a marshal. 
 The jurisdiction of these courts was clearly defined, and elab- 
 orate provision was made for the appeal of cases from state 
 to national tribunals. This judiciary act, largely the work 
 of Oliver Ellsworth, was so nearly perfect that it is still the 
 basis of our judicial system, although enlarged by the ad- 
 dition of the circuit courts of appeals in 1891. 
 
 For chief justice, Washington appointed John Jay, a 
 man of great learning and sound judgment. His colleagues 
 also were able jurists and strong Federalists. At first their 
 duties were comparatively light, and it was many years 
 before people began to realize what an important work had 
 been given to the national courts. In fact it was not until 
 the nation became more united after 18 15 that the court 
 was able to strengthen the central government greatly (§ 254). 
 
 201. Summary. — Separation from Great Britain forced 
 the colonies to decide whether they would unite or be sepa- 
 rate from each other. Although union was the only at- 
 tempted solution of the problem, the states were unable 
 and unwilling to form a strong confederation. The chief 
 defect of the Confederation — the fact that the states were 
 sovereign — made it impossible for Congress to raise money 
 for its needs, to enforce the laws that it made, or to regulate 
 commerce for the general good. Coupled with these spe- 
 
 ,\ 
 
1789] Organization of the New Goveriunent 215 
 
 cific defects was the provision of the Articles that they could 
 be amended only with the consent of all the states. The 
 states were in danger of drifting into commercial warfare 
 and anarchy unless a substitute for the Articles could be 
 devised. 
 
 When the need of a new constitution was recognized, The new 
 and a convention was called to revise the Articles of Con- Constitution., 
 federation, most of the leaders desired a national Constitu- 
 tion. They did not insist on that form of union, because they 
 feared that it would be rejected by the states, but a com- 
 promise plan was adopted by the convention at Philadelphia 
 and ratified by conventions chosen for that purpose in the 
 states. This federal union bound the states closely together 
 without consolidating them under a centralized government. 
 Such a federal repubUc was different from any that had 
 existed before, so that there were numerous heated contro- 
 versies during the period following 1787 regarding the powers 
 of the national government and the rights of the states. 
 The success of the new government was due in large part to 
 the favorable circumstances under which it began its work 
 in 1789. 
 
 TOPICS 
 
 1. DEVELOPiiEXT OF THE West : "American Nation Series," 
 VIII, pp. 222-241, IX, pp. 269-288, X, pp. 128-137; Roosevelt, 
 "Winning of the West," I, pp. '122-221 (to 1774); Moore, "North 
 West under Three Flags," pp. 333-385 (after 1787); Winsor, "West- 
 ward Movement," pp. 43-62, 77-100. 
 
 2. FiXAXCLAX COXDITION OF THE UXITED STATES (1781-1787): 
 
 Sumner, " Histcr^^ of American Currency," pp. 43-57; Bancroft, 
 " Histor}- of the Constitution," I, pp. 31-45, 76-91, 228-241; Curtis, 
 "Constitutional Histor}- of the United States," I, pp. 45-134, 157- 
 
 3. The Ordixaxce of 1787: Johnston, "American Political 
 Histor}'," I, pp. 95-105; Dunn, "Indiana," pp. 177-218; Hinsdale, 
 "Old Northwest," 255-269; Sato in "Johns Hopkins University 
 Studies," IV, pp. 88-120. 
 
 4. The Coxn-ecticut Compromise: "Cambridge Modem His- 
 tor}," pp. 251-264; Curtis, "Constitutional Histor}- of the United 
 States," I, pp. 368-406; Bancroft, "Histor}- of the Constitution," II, 
 pp. 36-67. 
 
2i6 Americcui History [1781- 
 
 STUDIES 
 
 1. Importance of the Articles of Confederation. 
 
 2. Treatment of the loyalists. (McMaster, "People of the United 
 States," I, pp. 107-130.) 
 
 3. Reception of first American minister by George III. (Hart, 
 (ed.), "Contemporaries," III, No. 53.) 
 
 4. Paper money in the states under the Confederation. (Mc- 
 Master, "People of the United States," I, 281-305, 331-355.) 
 
 5. Defects of the Confederation. {The Federalist, XV-XVII.) 
 
 6. The movement toward a better union. (Curtis, "Constitu- 
 tional History of the United States," I, pp. 221-232.) 
 
 7. The Virginia plan. (Madison, Journal of the Constitutional 
 convention, Tuesday, May 29.) 
 
 8. Hamilton's proposed plan of Union. (Madison, Journal, 
 Monday, June 18.) 
 
 9. Means to prevent legislative corruption considered by the 
 convention. (Meigs, " Growth of the Constitution.") 
 
 10. Report of the Committee of Details. (Madison, Journal, 
 Monday, August 6.) 
 
 11. Election of senators. (Meigs, "Growth of the Constitution," 
 pp. 68-80.) 
 
 12. Opposition of Henry to the Constitution. (Tyler, "Patrick 
 Henry.") 
 
 13. Defects in the methods of amendment. (Burgess, "Political 
 Science and Comparative Constitutional Law," I, pp. 143-154.) 
 
 14. Methods used to obtain ratification. (McMaster, "People 
 of the United States," I, pp. 454-461.) 
 
 15. Madison's view of the Constitution. (The Federalist, 
 No. 39.) 
 
 QUESTIONS 
 
 1. What one underlying principle of the Confederation was of 
 greater importance than any others? Name four specific defects of 
 the Articles. Was there a greater degree of real union in this country 
 in 1777 or in 1782? (Give reasons in full.) 
 
 2. Give your opinion of the course taken by Maryland (1778- 
 1781). How did the surrender of the land claims strengthen the 
 Union ? 
 
 3. What constitutional right had Congress to pass the Ordinance 
 of 1787? To what extent were the provisions of the Ordinance in 
 sympathy with the times ? ahead of the times ? What influence did 
 they have upon the United States then ? upon our policy and history 
 later? 
 
1789] Creation of a Geiieral Govcimment 217 
 
 4. Was the period from 1781 to 1787 a critical period? Why? 
 Do "hard times" have anything to do with cheap money agitation? 
 Prove your answer from American history. Show how the commer- 
 cial selfishness of the states produced a spirit of disunion and at the 
 same time a spirit of union. 
 
 5. State clearly who were the parties in each of the compromises 
 adopted by the Convention. Tell what each party desired in each 
 case and show which party won in each compromise. Were the 
 compromises necessary? Did they pave the way for civil war? 
 
 6. Why were not the Articles of Confederation amended as they 
 provided ? What right had the Convention to propose a new consti- 
 tution ? Was not the process revolutionary ? What was the status of 
 North Carolina and Rhode Island between 1788 and the dates at 
 which they ratified the Constitution? (Johnston, "American Politi- 
 cal History," II, pp. 336-343-) 
 
 7. Compare the Articles of Confederation and the Constitution in 
 regard to real character, form of government, powers of Congress, 
 prohiVjitions on the states, and methods of amendment. 
 
 8. P'rom our standpoint was it a disadvantage that the Articles 
 of Confederation could be amended only by a unanimous vote ? Is 
 the Constitution amended too easily? What features of the Con- 
 stitution are based on previous experiments of the states? What 
 features were borrowed directly from other countries ? What features 
 are "original"? 
 
CHAPTER X 
 
 Number. 
 
 Provincial 
 characteristics. 
 
 since the 
 in 1800 
 5,000,000. 
 
 THE CLOSE OF THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 
 
 Social Conditions 
 
 202, The People. — Although there had been Httle emi- 
 gration from Europe to America during the last half of the 
 eighteenth century, the increase in population had been 
 
 more than fourfold, 
 population 
 was over 
 The white 
 population was, more- 
 over, fairly homoge- 
 neous, as all of the 
 foreign peoples were 
 being assimilated grad- 
 ually into a race that 
 was not English, 
 though predominantly 
 Anglo-Saxon. 
 
 There was still a 
 marked difference be- 
 tween the sections as 
 there had been at an 
 earlier time; for, al- 
 though the people of 
 1800 were more liberal in their views and less restricted 
 in their occupations than their grandparents, the sections 
 lost their colonial characteristics slowly. Yet with all their 
 differences of temperament, religion, and pursuits, the people 
 of the various states were alike in their preference for their 
 own states, and in their prejudice in favor of local customs. 
 The American republic was still essentially a nation of farm- 
 
 218 
 
i8cx)] 
 
 Social Conditions 
 
 219 
 
 ers, energetic and enterprising, but rude and rather narrow.^ 
 Not many had traveled beyond the limits of the county in 
 which they were born, and few indeed had visited other 
 states, except during the war, which had brought into con- 
 tact men from distant sections. With the development of 
 commerce and improved means of communication, it was 
 only a question of time before many of the barriers between 
 remote states would be broken down, since they had grown 
 out of isolation and were fostered by local prejudice; but 
 it was several decades before most of the people considered 
 the interests of the whole country as important as those of 
 their own state or locality. 
 
 Most of the people in 1800 lived within a short distance of The cities 
 the seacoast, but the cities were not numerous and had 
 grown slowly except during the last decades of the century. 
 Only two cities, Philadelphia and New York, boasted over 
 50,000 inhabitants and only two others, Boston and Balti- 
 more, had more than 20,000. There had been some improve- 
 ment in the character of the shops, in the paving of the streets, . 
 and in the town houses, but a half century had not altered 
 essentially the manner of living, nor brought many addi- 
 tional comforts. 
 
 203. The Frontier. — A few pioneers began crossing Western settie- 
 the mountains before the close of the last French war, and ""^^^ts. 
 the emigration to the West continued in spite of the king's 
 proclamation (1763) reserving that country to the Indians 
 
 McMaster, i 
 United States, 
 I, 11-16, 55-60,1 
 64. 83. 1 
 
 ^ McMaster gives the following description of the Massachusetts farmer: 
 "The Massachusetts farmer who witnessed the revolution plowed his land 
 with the wooden bull-plough, sowed his grain broadcast, and, when it was 
 ripe, cut it with a scythe, and thrashed it on his barn-floor with a flail. His 
 house was without paint ; his floors were without carpet. When darkness 
 came on his light was derived from a few candles of home manufacture. 
 The place of furnaces and stoves was suppUed by large cavernous fire- 
 places which took up one side of the room, and, sending half the smoke 
 into the room, sent half the heat up the chimney. His food was of the 
 simplest kind, was served in the commonest of dishes and eaten with the 
 coarsest of implements. Beef and pork, salt fish, dried apples and vege- 
 tables, made up the daily fare from one year's end to another."' " History 
 of the People of the United States," I, p. 18. 
 
220 
 
 Americmi History 
 
 [179T 
 
 Dangers from 
 the Indians. 
 
 Coman, 
 Industrial 
 Hist., 158-166. 
 
 McMaster, 
 United States, 
 I , 596-604. 
 
 Sparks, 
 Expansion 
 of Am. People, 
 88-103. 
 
 Life on the 
 frontier. 
 
 Sparks, 
 Expansion, 
 149-158, 
 238-248. 
 
 Problems to be 
 settled. 
 
 Madison, 
 Journal of 
 Const'l Conv. 
 298, 312, 327, 
 345.448, 460. 
 
 (§ 94). At the close of the Revolutionary War there was 
 an exodus from the Atlantic slope to the fertile valleys of 
 Kentucky and Tennessee, which no dangers from savages 
 seemed able to check. These emigrants followed the trails 
 through Cumberland Gap and the passes farther south, 
 although some went by way of Pittsburg and the Ohio River. 
 North of the Ohio, the Indians were in undisputed posses 
 sion until 1794. In 1791 they had defeated and almost 
 destroyed an army under General St. Clair which had been 
 sent against them. Encouraged by the British, who still 
 held many posts in the Northwest, the Indians demanded 
 that the Ohio be the limit of the western settlements. After 
 their army had been destroyed by General Anthony Wayne, 
 they agreed to a compromise line across Ohio. This 
 line was removed farther at later dates. 
 
 After 1795 the settlers poured into Ohio rapidly. In 
 1800 there were nearly 50,000 in the present state of Ohio, 
 and over 400,000 west of the Alleghanies. Villages were 
 few and small. Cincinnati contained but a hundred 
 houses, and Pittsburg, the largest town, had less than 2000 
 people. Most of the pioneers lived on separate farms, often 
 near a blockhouse or stockade for protection. Their houses 
 were invariably of logs and their clothes of skins or coarse 
 homespun cloth. Many reckless men found their way to 
 the frontier, but the people, as a rule, were honest and 
 hard-working, with the love of justice which equaled their 
 ardor for liberty. 
 
 204. The Admission of New States. — We have noticed 
 already at some length the cession of western lands by the 
 states to Congress and some of the western problems which 
 Congress was asked to solve (§§ 179-182). Many people 
 had thought it unwise to extend the boundaries of the United 
 States beyond the Alleghany mountains because of the diffi- 
 culties in maintaining a Union which included two diverse 
 sections, one of which was interested almost solely in Atlan- 
 tic seaboard affairs, while the other belonged to a remote 
 and separate region with interests of its own. The wiser 
 
1796] Social Conditions 221 
 
 counsels prevailed when they sought to obtain from England 
 this territory. But the problems of controlling this territory 
 became prominent. The people of the frontier insisted that 
 they should manage their own affairs either as an independ- 
 ent nation or in states of the Union. Many on the seacoast, 
 especially in New England and Pennsylvania, protested 
 against the admission of new states west of the mountains, 
 because of the danger that in time the new states would 
 outnumber the old and control the destiny of the country. 
 Again wise counsels prevailed, and the Congress of the 
 Confederation agreed that the new states to be organized 
 in the West should not be small as suggested at first 
 (§ 181), but should be large and should be admitted on an 
 equality with the states already in the Union. 
 
 When the Constitution was adopted, Congress w^as al- Three new 
 lowed to control the admission of new states in this way.^ states (1790- 
 It adopted a liberal plan at the beginning, for three states 
 were admitted before 1797. The first of these, Vermont 
 (1791), comprised lands in dispute between New York and 
 New Hampshire. Kentucky (1792) had been settled by 
 Virginians and was until her admission a part of Virginia. 
 Tennessee (1796) had been settled by the people of North 
 Carolina, but was the first state organized in the territory 
 controlled by Congress. 
 
 205. The Movement toward Emancipation. — One of Emancipation 
 the most beneficial results of the Revolutionary War was ^" ^^e states 
 the attempt to free the slaves or ameliorate their condition. 
 It was only natural that fair-minded men who had for years pj^j^^ Critical 
 insisted on the rights of man, who indorsed the view that Period, 71-76. 
 all men are created equal, should take some steps toward 
 abolishing human bondage. An attempt had been made 
 in Virginia before the war to discontinue the slave trade, but 
 the king had aroused the wrath of the people by vetoing 
 the law passed by the colony. After they became independ- 
 ent, Delaware and Virginia prohibited the slave trade within 
 their boundaries, and Pennsylvania provided for gradual 
 
 1 Constitution, Art. IV, Sec. 3, CI. i. 
 
222 
 
 Americajt History 
 
 [1783 
 
 emancipation. In 1783 Massachusetts abandoned the sys- 
 tem of slavery entirely, since her judges held that slavery 
 had been abolished by the provision of the state constitution 
 which declared that all men were born free and equal. Other 
 states followed the lead of these, those in the middle South 
 by preventing the further importation of slaves and those 
 in the North by voting for gradual emancipation. In 1800 
 New Jersey was the only state north of Mason and Dixon's 
 line in which negro children could become slaves. 
 
 In this antislavery agitation the Quakers had taken the 
 most active part, ably seconded by that earnest apostle of 
 democracy, Thomas Jefferson, and by leading New England 
 Puritans. The Quakers scarcely waited for the new Con- 
 stitution to go into effect before petitioning Congress (1790) 
 to abolish slavery. After several bitter speeches, resolu- 
 tions were adopted to the effect that Congress could not in- 
 terfere with slavery in the states, but that Congress might 
 control the slave trade absolutely. 
 
 206. The Cotton Gin and Slavery. — The enthusiasm 
 for emancipation which had developed during the Revolu- 
 tion and was noticeable as far south as the Carolinas died 
 out gradually. A counter movement in favor of slavery 
 began when, in 1793, a young New Englander of inventive 
 mind, Eli Whitney, perfected a machine for separating 
 cotton seeds from the fiber. Whitney's gin enabled a negro 
 to clear of seeds as much cotton as a thousand negroes had 
 been able to do by hand. It gave an impetus to cotton- 
 growing, then an unimportant industry, which made cotton 
 the most important product in all the states South of North 
 Carolina. It created a demand for slave labor on the cotton 
 plantations which made the institution of slavery much 
 more valuable and desirable in the South. Not only did 
 it create in the extreme South a stronger proslavery senti- 
 ment than before, but it converted the lukewarm Virginians 
 and Marylanders into ardent advocates of slavery, because 
 it gave them a market for their surplus slaves. Interest 
 revived in the slave trade, which was forbidden by the Con- 
 
i8oo] Political and Religious CJianges 223 
 
 stitution after 1808, and many merchantmen engaged in the 
 vile traffic. Even after that date, Africans were smuggled 
 into the United States after a voyage of horrors. 
 
 Political and Religious Changes 
 
 207. Voters and Officeholders. — It is easy to overesti- 
 mate the influence which the Revolution exerted directly 
 upon the suffrage. The leveling influences of the Revolution 
 did affect the right to vote; but they did not abolish, they Thorpe, 
 only modified, the property qualification which had been 
 universal in colonial times. In a few states taxpayers as 
 well as owners of land were allowed to vote, but man as man \ 
 had not yet established his right to a share in the govern- j 
 ment. Yet the quarter century following the Declaration 
 
 of Independence brought a much greater share in the work i 
 
 of governing to those that were voters. The constitutions j 
 
 of the states were framed by conventions chosen by the people j 
 
 for that purpose, just as the Constitution of the United States i 
 
 was ratified Vjy similar conventions. Numerous officials 
 
 were chosen by popular vote and in two states the people 1 
 
 ratified the constitutions. The belief that the people should 
 
 rule was gradually gaining headway. • 
 
 Everywhere the old demand that no one should vote unless Qualification 
 
 he held certain religious views was discarded, so that Catho- °* ^^^^""^ ^"^; 
 
 officeholders, 
 lies and Jews voted on the same terms as rrotestants. ine 
 
 same liberality was not shown to officeholders, for it was Fiske, Critical 
 
 thought that only men of property and certain religious P^^^od, 69-70. 
 
 views were competent to direct affairs of state. The Ordi- ... 
 
 ^ ^ ^ Ashley, Am. 
 
 nance of 1787 and the Constitution of the United States did Fed. state, \ 
 not permit any discrimination in regard to religion for na- S7^-S7^' 
 tional or territorial officials. j 
 
 208. Tendencies toward Democracy. — In other things Disuse of dis- 
 than politics the tendency toward democracy at the close of 
 the eighteenth century was noticeable. After the war the 
 term " gentleman " came into disfavor and was used little 
 even by those who believed with John Adams in the rule 
 of " the rich, the well-born, and the able," because public 
 
224 
 
 American History 
 
 [1800 
 
 Abolition of 
 special privi- 
 leges. 
 
 Fiske, Critical 
 Period, 70-71. 
 
 Disestablish- 
 ment of state 
 churches. 
 
 Fiske, Critical 
 Period, 76-83. 
 
 sentiment was a growing force which no public man could 
 afford to ignore. When the first Congress was seeking a 
 title for the president, popular opposition to anything savor- 
 ing of rank was so pronounced that " his excellency " seemed 
 the only title not odious to the people. Men whose ances- 
 tors had been proud to recognize the superiority of the gen- 
 try insisted on their right to a position of social equality. 
 Slowly but surely the old order of society was passing away. 
 Distinctions in dress were less conspicuous than in an earlier 
 day. The aristocrat was obliged soon to keep his cocked 
 hat, his wig and queue, his knee breeches, his silk stockings, 
 and low silver-buckle shoes for dress occasions. A plainer, 
 more useful costume was becoming universal for everyday 
 business. 
 
 Many of the special privileges enjoyed by the proprietors 
 of the great estates in New York and Maryland were abol- 
 ished. Primogeniture had been formally set aside in all of 
 the states, and in the national territory laws had been enacted 
 before 1800 giving the children equal shares in the property 
 of a father who died without will. 
 
 209. Religious Freedom. — The movement for religious 
 liberty was the most complete of all those accompanying 
 the Revolution. Before the war the Anglican church was 
 established in seven colonies, the Congregational in three, 
 while three did not sanction a state church. Except in 
 Pennsylvania and Maryland Catholics were not allowed to 
 vote or to hold religious services. As already noted (§ io6), 
 many dissenting congregations were allowed to hold ser- 
 vices which were of course illegal. Virginia signalized her 
 independence by freeing dissenters from paying taxes to 
 support the established church (1776), and a few years 
 later, after a memorable contest, largely through the in- 
 fluence of Jefferson and Madison, passed an act establish- 
 ing complete religious freedom. Outside of New England, 
 the other states disestablished their state churches during 
 the revolutionary period, but in Massachusetts, Connecticut, 
 and New Hampshire the union of church and state survived 
 
1786] Political and Religions Changes 225 ■' 
 
 until the nineteenth century, although members of other 
 denominations were no longer expected to attend the Con- 
 gregational service. In fact there was no other part of the 
 country in which greater real liberty of religious thought 
 existed than in New England. 1 
 
 During the Confederation there were meetings of clergy- National 
 men connected with all of the prominent sects in America, ^'^^''^hes. 
 National churches were organized by the Episcopalians, 
 the Methodists, and the Presbyterians before the adoption F'ske, CHtua 
 of the Constitution. In some cases these organizations ^^'''^ ' ^ ^'| 
 held meetings of the governing body of the church. Thus i 
 
 organized and strengthened, the churches were able to se- j 
 
 cure better men for their noble work. ' 
 
 Economic Conditions 
 
 210. Commerce. — Before 1789 the commerce of the Commerce I 
 
 United States did not thrive. The disputes with Great before 1789. j 
 
 Britain before the Revolutionary War, and the attempt of i 
 
 the mother country to enforce the navigation acts, prevented I 
 
 a free exchange of commodities with other countries. The i 
 
 war and the Confederation made matters worse for a time, , 
 
 because England closed the ports of the British West Indies, \ 
 
 at which so much of our colonial trading had been done, I 
 
 and refused to allow commerce on advantageous terms with j 
 
 Great Britain, while other nations were not anxious to trade ] 
 
 with states that followed no regular commercial policy. ! 
 During this period it is true we had made commercial 
 treaties with France, Holland, and Prussia. New avenues 
 
 of commerce had been opened in hitherto forbidden parts I 
 of Europe and America. Enterprising Yankee skippers 
 had rounded Cape Horn and crossed the Pacific to China, 
 
 bringing back precious and profitable cargoes besides large 1 
 
 amounts of silver. Yet the total amount of commerce ] 
 
 was small and the quantity imported was much in excess I 
 of that exported. 
 
 Under the new government came a radical change. The Commerce 
 
 prosperity which followed the adoption of the Constitution ^^^^^ ^789- j 
 
226 
 
 American History 
 
 [1789 
 
 was noticeable at once in the very great increase in our ex- 
 ports. Laws were passed in 1789 which regulated the im- 
 ports (§ 198) and gave an advantage to American vessels 
 over foreign vessels engaged in trade. Shipbuilding re- 
 ceived a new impetus, especially after 1793. Even Great 
 Britain was eager to trade with us and made a fairly favor- 
 able treaty in 1794 (§ 222). With the outbreak of war be- 
 tween France and England (1793), American ships enjoyed 
 a still larger carrying trade, and the American flag was seen 
 on every sea. In 1800 the exports of the United States 
 were three times as large as the entire commerce of the 
 country twelve years earlier. 
 
 211. Industry. — Although there had been little change 
 in the industrial methods and Httle industrial advance be- 
 fore 1789, separation from Great Britain had compelled 
 us to manufacture many articles that we had imported 
 previously from England. As the states were free from 
 the prohibitions which had been placed upon manufactur- 
 ing by the English government, the people now turned 
 their attention to the production of iron and steel articles 
 and to many branches of industry unknown before 1776. 
 
 To no person did the adoption of the Constitution prove 
 a greater boon than to the manufacturer. Before 1789 
 he had labored at a very great disadvantage. In a new 
 country where raw materials and labor wxre higher than in 
 the old world, he found it difficult to compete with the mer- 
 chants of Europe. He needed protection of some kind and 
 this help he obtained from Congress, for the new government 
 left no doubt as to its policy by passing as its second law an 
 act in favor of protecting home industries from foreign 
 competition. Two years later appeared Hamilton's famous 
 report on manufactures which exerted an inestimable 
 influence. With the " stimulus of a slightly protective 
 tariff industry expanded, although manufacturing was on 
 a smafl scale and made slight headway until the opening 
 of the nineteenth century, because there was no improved 
 machinery. England took precautions to prevent the ex- 
 
1792] Economic Conditions 227 j 
 
 portation of the inventions which were made by her citizens, 1 
 
 including Watts's steam engine, Arkwright's and Hargreave's ^ 
 
 spinning machines, and Cartwright's power loom. 
 
 212. Currency. — The year 1789 marks an epoch in Needs before 
 the history of currency in the United States, for the Con- ^787- Provi- 
 
 ^ , , r 1 sions of the 
 
 stitution gave Congress complete control of the money sys- constitution 
 tem and forbade the states to issue bills of credit or make 
 anything but gold or silver a tender for payment of a debt, j^^^^ p^^^ \ 
 There was need of these provisions. It was essential that dai Hist., \ 
 there should be a uniform standard throughout the coun- ^^ 25, 29, 30. | 
 try, and there was need of a stable as well as a uniform cur- 
 rency. A repetition of the business confusion and distress Madison, j 
 which followed the experiments of the states with paper •'°^^^^ ^/ 
 
 ^ ^ ^ ConstlConv., I 
 
 money during the Confederation (§ 184) was to be avoided 541-543. 
 at all costs. This could be done only by leaving the ques- 
 tion of money to Congress alone. But if Congress were to 
 issue continental money, the situation would be little better 
 than under the Confederation. Many members of the con- 1 
 
 stitutional convention of 1787 wished to prohibit Congress I 
 
 from issuing bills of credit. After a discussion, in which the | 
 
 members showed how little they favored a national paper • j 
 
 currency, the convention decided not to place the prohibition ] 
 
 on Congress for fear that at some future time the need might I 
 
 be very great, and the issuance of paper money might be j 
 
 not only necessary but wise. But for this far-sightedness ] 
 
 the nation could not have issued " greenbacks " during the | 
 
 Civil War, nor could we have these notes for use to-day. 
 
 During the Confederation, Congress adopted a decimal Currency legis- 
 system of coinage based on suggestions made by Robert ^^*'°" (1792- | 
 Morris and Thomas Jefferson. No coins were struck at 
 that time, nor until after an act was passed (1792) establish- 
 ing a bimetallic system of money with a legal ratio of 1 5 to i , ^ J72>!f/ ^T^' 
 that is, with fifteen times as much pure silver in a silver 
 dollar as there was gold in a gold dollar. At that time the ^ 
 
 . ^ ^ Coman, Indus- 
 
 busmess of the country was done by means of Spanish and trial Hist, 
 English coins, much of the small change consisting of quar- 151-154- 
 ters and eights of the Spanish dollar. These foreign coins 
 
228 
 
 American History 
 
 [179- 
 
 McMastcr, 
 United States 
 11,72-74, 
 360-363. 
 
 Highways, 
 
 wagons, 
 
 traveling. 
 
 Hart, Contem- 
 poraries, III, 
 Nos. 21, 35. 
 
 Adams, United 
 States, I, 5-15. 
 
 McMaster, 
 United States, 
 
 I. 44-53- 
 
 II, 560-565. 
 
 were usually old and worn and often clipped, but it was 
 necessary that they be legal and accepted even by the govern- 
 ment in payment of taxes, for very little gold and silver 
 was brought to the mint for coinage into American money. 
 Several times Congress designated a date at which these 
 foreign coins were no longer to be used, but in each case 
 the lack of a national currency made it impossible to carry 
 the act into effect. In fact foreign coins were used ex- 
 tensively in the 
 United States 
 until the Civil 
 War. 
 
 213. Improved 
 Means of Com- 
 munication.^ — 
 The last half of 
 the eighteenth 
 century witnessed 
 important im- 
 l)rovementsinthe 
 means of com- 
 munication but very little in the methods. In the older 
 sections, the highways of 1800 were superior to those of 
 1750, although in the spring the ruts were deep and the 
 mud appalling. Many trails had been widened into wagon 
 roads and several important highways leading to the 
 West had been cut through the forests. In the most enter- 
 prising states, turnpike companies had been organized for 
 the purpose of improving the roads, defraying their ex- 
 penses by charging tolls of all travelers. Bridges were little 
 more common than fifty years earlier, but the ferries were 
 more numerous and much better. Freight was carried by 
 wagon rather than on horseback. A large coasting trade 
 gave employment to numerous swift packets which usually 
 carried passengers. Between all of the large cities regular 
 stagecoach lines plied throughout the year, but the journey 
 was not much more comfortable than at an earlier day. 
 
 An El 
 
 N 111 Cl'.N I'UKY COACH 
 
i8oo] Economic Conditions 229 
 
 The stages were cumbersome, the roads far from smooth, 
 and the taverns lacking in comforts. The man who de- 
 manded clean sheets in a room by himself was considered 
 an aristocrat. Although these coaches ran at least fifteen 
 hours a day, it took two days to go from Philadelphia to 
 New York and at least five from New York to Boston. 
 
 Meanwhile the mail service had been brought to a fairly improved 
 high state of perfection. Under Benjamin Franklin, who Postal service, 
 was postmaster for the colonies after 1753, routes were 
 established and a few regular post offices created. Real McMaster, 
 improvement, however, dates from the inauguration of "'^^^^ states, 
 Washington. The postmasters-general of our first twopresi- \\^ 58-67. 
 dents saw the number of post offices increased from seventy- 
 five in 1790 to nine hundred and three in 1800. The rates 
 for letters, the only articles carried before this time, were 
 fixed (1792) at from six to twenty-five cents a sheet according 
 to the distance. Thereafter newspapers, the best of which 
 were small four page sheets, were included in the posts at 
 the rate of one cent or a cent and a half a copy. Two years 
 later, magazines were taken also, but the rates were almost 
 prohibitive. 
 
 TOPIC 
 
 1. The Frontier: Sparks, "Expansion of the American Peo- 
 ple," pp. 1 18-148; Hart, "Contemporaries," III, Nos. 31, 32, 35; 
 McMaster, "People of the United States," III, pp. 459-486, 521-543; 
 Thorpe, " Constitutional History of the American People," I, Chapters 
 VIII-IX. 
 
 STUDIES 
 
 T. Social conditions. (Hart, "Contemporaries," III, Nos. 11-15.) 
 
 2. The "middle passage " on a slave ship. (Spear, "The Slave 
 Trade in America.") 
 
 3. An early trip to Chicago. (McMaster, "People of the United 
 States," I, pp. 259-262.) 
 
 4. Hamilton's report on manufactures. (MacDonald, "Docu- 
 ments," No. 12.) 
 
 5. Trip on the Mississippi. (Hart, " Contemporaries," III, No. 34.) 
 
 6. Theater in the later eighteenth century. (McMaster, " People 
 of the United States," I, pp. 84-95.) 
 
230 American History 
 
 QUESTIONS 
 
 1. What causes were of greatest importance in the western move- 
 ment? Why did the people of the western settlements have interests 
 different from those living on the seacoast? In what respects did 
 Congress and the constitutional convention follow a wise western 
 policy ? 
 
 2. Compare the sentiment in opposition to slave trade in 1790 
 with that before the Revolutionary War. Explain how Whitney's 
 cotton gin affected slavery in the states that could not raise cotton. 
 
 3. Show how the leveling influences of the Revolution affected 
 civil, religious, and political rights. Which class of rights was granted 
 first? most tardily? 
 
 4. To what extent did the organization of the government under 
 the Constitution affect the stability and success of the state govern- 
 ments, popular rights, our international standing, foreign and inter- 
 state trade, industry, and business in general? 
 
PART III 
 
 DEVELOPMENT OF THE NATION 
 
 (1 789-1843) 
 
 CHAPTER XI 
 FOREIGN AND DOMESTIC PROBLEMS (1789-1811) 
 
 PRESIDENTS 
 
 George Washington (1789-1797) Thomas Jefferson (1801-1809) 
 John Adams (i 797-1 801) James Madison (1809-18 17) 
 
 214. Problems confronting the New Government, 1789. — Organization 
 Although the adoption of the Constitution had removed the ^"^ emdeucy 
 most serious danger to the continuance of the American government. 
 Republic, there was still doubt concerning the efficiency of 
 the new government. Was the new Union after all to be 
 but an improved Confederation, with the states disunited, 
 with a central government incapable of protecting national 
 interests, commanding respect neither at home nor abroad ? 
 The Constitution seemed to prepare the way for a govern- 
 ment capable of solving these problems, but the adoption 
 of a paper constitution was a simple matter compared with 
 the creation of a government which should be completely 
 organized and whose parts should work in harmony. The 
 organization of the executive departments was the first 
 thing to be done, and the success which attended this work, 
 joined with the wisdom in the choice of the men who should 
 manage affairs of state (§ 199), left no doubt that the paper 
 constitution would become the real Constitution. 
 
 While the organization of the departments was being 
 completed, the new government was obliged to provide itself 
 with a revenue that should be permanent and adequate. 
 
 231 
 
232 
 
 American History 
 
 [1789 
 
 With money for its current needs, it could then attempt to 
 establish the credit of the United States which, during the 
 Confederation, had been practically nil. The debt was 
 large, interest had not been paid, and the ordinary certifi- 
 cates of the United States were worth only one seventh of their 
 face value. It was necessary to reestablish harmony among 
 the states, w^hich had waged on one another for years a 
 species of commercial warfare. Foreign trade must be 
 protected and extended, the nations which had injured us 
 commercially during the Confederation being compelled to 
 treat us fairly because the loss would be theirs if they refused 
 to do so. National prestige must be created by show^ing 
 foreign powers that we constituted a nation deserving of 
 consideration and respect, that we were not to be the tool 
 of France or England or any of the other European nations.^ 
 
 In the central West the new government had yet to gain 
 the real allegiance of the settlers who could be held in the 
 Union only by gaining control of the entire Mississippi. 
 In the Northwest the British still kept several posts in the 
 territory which had been granted to us in 1783, and domi- 
 nated the Indians of that region. In the Southwest, Spain, 
 which refused to recognize our right to territory around 
 Natchez, refused to give up her forts or make any concessions 
 which would give a satisfactory outlet to the Gulf. More- 
 over, both France and England desired to possess Louisiana, 
 and were intriguing to gain possession of the territory, which, 
 as the colony of a powerful nation, woujd be a menace to 
 all of the United States west of the Alleghany mountains, 
 and would effectually prevent the expansion of the nation 
 beyond the Mississippi River. 
 
 Some of these difficulties were removed easily, but many 
 of them proved serious. Because of the conflicts that began 
 in Europe in 1793 and continued almost without interruption 
 until 1815, some of the problems existing in 1789 were ag- 
 
 ^ Fortunately, at this crisis, Europe was at peace and the United States 
 had proved conclusively its right to an international position before, in 
 1793, foreign problems became serious (§§ 220-224). 
 
1790] Foreign and Domestic Problems 233 j 
 
 i 
 gravated greatly, while a number of others were presented 
 
 which seriously affected the stability of the new nation. ! 
 
 In fact, American affairs during most of these periods were \ 
 
 dominated by conditions in Europe, until the nation finally 
 
 began war rather than submit to the humiliations forced on 
 
 us by the great powers of Europe. 
 
 Financial Policy and Political Parties (i 790-1 793) 
 
 215. The National Debt. — The first session of the first Hamilton's 
 Congress had performed valuable services in equipping the ^^^po^. 1 
 
 new government for its work. Its successors, following 
 suggestions of Hamilton, by strengthening the public credit, MacDonaid, 
 made it possible for that skillful pilot to steer the Ship of j^^ 5^ 
 State clear of the financial rocks and shoals upon which the 
 governmental vessel of the Confederation had been wrecked. ^^^ ^ \ 
 
 No sooner had Congress met in January, 1790, than Hamil- Hamilton, 
 ton submitted his first report on the public credit. This 85-96. 
 called attention to the public debts of the United States, 1 
 
 consisting of the foreign debt and the domestic debt, and \ 
 
 urged that they be funded at their face value. In addition , 
 
 Hamilton proposed that the debts incurred by the states for i 
 
 the common defense during the Revolutionary War should • 
 
 be assumed by the national government and paid from the j 
 
 treasury of the United States. 1 
 
 There was no opposition to refunding the debt which we Funding of 
 owed abroad. A different feeling was noticed in connection ^°i"e>g" ^"^ 
 
 ^ . domestic debts. 
 
 with the payment of the domestic debts. These consisted 
 principally of certificates of indebtedness which had been ^^^^^ Finan- 
 issued to individuals and which, by act of Congress, were ciai hist., \ 39. 
 transferable. Before Hamilton's report was submitted they 
 had been worth about fifteen cents on the dollar, but as Schouier, 
 soon as his suggestions were made public, the market price Umted states, 
 became nearly three times that figure. Speculators took ' ' 1 
 
 advantage of the ignorance of the people in remote districts i 
 
 , , , , r / -r 1 r .1 McMaster. ; 
 
 and purchased large numbers of these certificates before the ^/^^^^^ ^f^fg^, 
 holders learned of this rise in value. Congress found it 1,568-578. 
 necessary to" answer two questions, (i) Shall the certifi- 
 
234 
 
 American History 
 
 [1790 
 
 Dewey, Finan- 
 cial Hist., ^ 40, 
 
 cates be paid at their face value ? Madison voiced the gen- 
 eral feeling when he said, '' the debt is the price of our 
 liberties, and cannot be diminished a farthing." So it was 
 agreed wisely that the national government should not fol- 
 low the vicious custom of the old Congress in repudiating a 
 part of its debts. (2) The second question produced a 
 long debate. Was the total amount of a certificate to be 
 paid to the present owner if that person was not the original 
 holder of it, or was the present owner to receive the market 
 value and the balance to go to the original holder ? Madi- 
 son advocated the second alternative, but the policy of dis- 
 criminating between earlier and later holders of certificates 
 met with little favor. Hamilton's argument that the people 
 must learn not to part with government securities and that 
 the administration should therefore deal with the present 
 owners only, finally prevailed, and Congress authorized 
 new loans, at a rate of practically five per cent, to pay the 
 old certificates, 
 
 216. Assumption of State Debts. — The House of Repre- 
 sentatives was divided about equally on the question of the 
 assumption of state debts, most of the northern members 
 favoring the measure, while the majority of those from the 
 South were opposed to assumption. Some of the southern 
 states, among them Virginia, had reduced their war indebted- 
 ness, and others were opposed to a measure which they 
 believed favored the commercial classes at the expense of 
 the agricultural sections. ^' State-assumption " had a very 
 small majority, however, until the representatives arrived 
 from North Carolina, which had recently become a member 
 of the Union. In order to obtain the votes necessary to 
 carry the measure, Hamilton and Jefferson came to an agree- 
 ment at a dinner given at the latter's home. Jefferson 
 promised that two Virginia congressmen should support 
 assumption, if Hamilton would assure the location of the 
 national capital upon the banks of the Potomac. There had 
 been heated discussions over the question of the location 
 of the capital, for the northern men wanted it in Pennsyl- 
 
1794] Finance and Politics 235 
 
 vania and the southern representatives desired the Potomac. 
 Jefferson's offer was accepted, and the state debts were as- 
 sumed by the national government. The seat of govern- 
 ment was to be Philadelphia for ten years, and after that 
 a district not exceeding ten miles square on both sides of 
 the Potomac. As a result of the compromise, the national 
 government temporarily gained the ill will of a large part 
 of the South. Three quarters of a century later, the loca- 
 tion of the capital on the border of the Confederacy was a 
 menace to the Union and an important influence in pro- 
 longing the Civil War. On the other hand the assumption 
 of these debts did much to strengthen the central govern- 
 ment at a time when its continued existence was still a 
 matter of some doubt. 
 
 217. New National Taxes. — Since the government of Excise tax 
 the United States was already undertaking with vigor the ^^-^^^ ^"^ , 
 
 . . whisky rebel- 
 
 duties conferred on it by the Constitution, the revenue ob- uon (1794). 
 
 tained from customs was needed for expenses other than the 
 payment of interest on the state debts. Hamilton there- 
 fore recommended an excise tax upon whisky, which was 
 adopted in March, 1791. This tax was very unpopular, 
 especially in the mountains of North Carolina and Pennsyl- Bassett, Feder- 
 vania. In parts of these states there occurred riots similar ^^'-^^ System, 
 to those caused by the Stamp Act, and the collectors ap- 
 pointed by the treasury department were compelled to re- 
 sign. When, in 1794, the government attempted to collect 
 delinquent taxes in western Pennsylvania, and there was 
 again disorder accompanied by meetings of armed men 
 who defied the authority of the United States, Washington 
 called out fifteen thousand militiamen. At the approach of 
 this army, the rioters dispersed and the insurrection was 
 ended. Although only a few ringleaders were punished, the 
 lawless elements feared thereafter to oppose the enforcement 
 of national law. 
 
 As a revenue measure this excise tax was not a marked other taxes, 
 success, nine tenths of the government's income still being 
 derived from the customs duties. The rates upon imports 
 
236 American History [1791 
 
 Dewey, Finan- had been increased, and, because of the development of 
 ciai Hist., foreign commerce which the new Constitution had brought, 
 
 the revenue for 1793 amounted to twice that obtained for 
 the six years from 1783 to 1789 by the Confederate Congress. 
 Yet the prompt payment of interest on the public debt and 
 the proper administration of the new laws of the United 
 States demanded a still larger sum. In 1794 taxes were 
 levied upon carriages, auction sales, and certain manufac- 
 tures, so that people became accustomed to a still further 
 extension of federal authority. Later, in 1798, a direct tax 
 was levied upon houses, lands, and slaves. 
 Discussion in 2i8. The United States Bank. — In 1791 Hamilton sug- 
 Congress gestcd a national bank, which would strengthen the public 
 
 U79IJ- credit, provide a uniform currency, and aid the government 
 
 _ in its financial operations. A bill creating such a bank 
 
 Dewey, Fman- ^ ^ c^ .i .. . ti 
 
 ciai Hist., \ 43. passed the Senate without opposition, but was immediately 
 assailed in the House on the ground that it was an uncon- 
 MacDonaid stitutional measure. Madison claimed that as the Constitu- 
 Documents, tion did not give Congress in explicit language the power to 
 No. 9. incorporate a bank, it was not constitutional unless the found- 
 
 ers of the government approved such an act. On the con- 
 trary, he said, the Convention of 1787 believed that the na- 
 tional government had no authority to grant articles of 
 incorporation. He was answered by Fisher Ames, who 
 showed that Congress had already exercised many powers 
 not directly conferred on it by the Constitution. Ames 
 urged that " Congress may do what is necessary to the end 
 for which the Constitution was adopted, provided it is not 
 repugnant to the natural rights of man, or to those which 
 have been expressly reserved to themselves, or to the powers 
 which are assigned to the states." By a sectional vote 
 of thirty-nine to twenty, the bank bill was passed by the 
 House, more perhaps because it appealed to the commercial 
 interests of the North than because of constitutional argu- 
 ments. 
 
 Washington submitted the bill to Jefferson and Randolph 
 for their opinions, and then sent those opinions to Hamilton 
 
I 
 
 1792] Finance and Politics 237 j 
 
 for his consideration. Jefferson argued that the bank was Jefferson's and i 
 not a "necessary and proper"^ means of carrying into Hamilton s 
 effect the financial powers of Congress, and claimed that if 
 that body could adopt any means it thought necessary and y^j^^g^^j, 
 proper, it would invade the sphere of the states and destroy Am. Pol. Hist^ 
 their rights. Hamilton's reply was logical and convincing. 1, 114-119. 
 
 He stated that the states and the nation have different spheres ; 
 
 of activity, and that the United States is sovereign within McMaster, ; 
 its own sphere. He asserted that not only the " express " ^"'^^^_ ^^"^''^ 
 or enumerated powers of Congress were delegated, but those 
 
 that were " impHed " as well, and showed that the use of MacDonaid, " 
 an implied power to supplement an express power could Doawients, 
 not injure a state provided the object for which both were ^°^* ^°' ^^' 
 
 used was one not reserved to the states. Washington ac- } 
 
 cepted the view of Hamilton and signed the bill, and the I 
 
 use of impHed powers was not again questioned while the ] 
 
 Federalists remained in power. 1 
 
 219. The Formation of Political Parties. — During the Reorgani- j 
 three years that had elapsed between the inauguration of zation. \ 
 Washington and the creation of the bank, the revival of ] 
 business, the continued prosperity in every line, popular \^ p^^ V^^.^^ j 
 confidence in Washington, and national pride in the growing i, 206-211. i 
 prestige of the American people, had undermined all the ' 
 old opposition to the Constitution which had been voiced Bassett, ' 
 by the Anti-Federalists. But as Hamilton had seen his federalist 
 financial plans enacted into law and had attached to the new ' ^ '\ 
 government the classes interested in commerce and manu- 
 factures, he had aroused an opposition among those de- ' 
 voted to agriculture which had grown stronger year by year. ! 
 The leader of this opposition was Jefferson, who fought the I 
 policy of Hamilton in the cabinet, and began organizing 1 
 his followers in the country. j 
 
 The party of Hamilton, the members of which called them- Federalist • 
 
 selves Federalists, included the majority of the aristocracy P^^'^y- j 
 
 in the United States chiefly because the party believed in ^ 
 
 government by the " well born." All the moneyed rnen as Hamilton. i 
 
 » The Constitution, Art. I, § 8, cU i5.. i 
 
238 
 
 American History 
 
 [1792 
 
 Johnston, 
 Am. Pol. Hist. 
 I, 220-223. 
 
 Republican 
 party. 
 
 Johnston, 
 Am. Pol. Hist, 
 I, 208, 215-220. 
 
 Partisan abuse. 
 
 Hart, Contem- 
 poraries, 
 Nos. 85-88. 
 
 McMaster, 
 United States, 
 II, 110-112, 
 
 249-255. 
 296-306. 
 
 well had profited by the strong policy of the government 
 under which business had improved so greatly, and were 
 therefore ready to accept Hamilton's doctrine of implied 
 powers. In the North and in South Carolina, the Federalists 
 were in a decided majority. 
 
 Although an opposition party, the adherents of Jefferson, 
 known as Republicans, had well-defined views on public 
 questions, modeled after those of their leader. Their 
 chief doctrine was the restriction of the powers of the cen- 
 tral government in order to protect the states from the 
 aggressions of Congress. Coupled with this was a belief 
 that the country should be ruled by the common people for 
 the benefit of the agricultural classes. 
 
 Each of these parties employed newspapers in which 
 appeared partisan articles supporting their respective 
 claims. In time the criticisms of the administration in the 
 Republican papers degenerated into personal attacks upon 
 Washington, the war of these pamphlet writers being 
 scurrilous beyond belief. At one time Washington was 
 nicknamed '' the step-father of his country." At another 
 he was accused of stealing from the public treasury. Driven 
 to desperation he said that he would rather be in his grave 
 than in the office of president. 
 
 Proclamation 
 of Neutrality. 
 
 MacDonald, 
 Documents, 
 No. 13. 
 
 Foster, Am. 
 Diplomacy, 
 153-156. 
 
 Foreign Affairs (i 793-1 798) 
 
 220. Difficulties with France (1793). — Fortunately for 
 the United States the new government was established quite 
 firmly before it was obliged to deal with any important for- 
 eign problems. But during the period from 1793 to 181 5, 
 there was scarcely a year that did not bring fresh difficulties. 
 The revolution which had broken out in France in 1789 
 had in 1792 led to the establishment of a republic, and in 
 January, 1793, to the execution of Louis XVI. Early in 
 April news was brought that France had declared war 
 against England. Washington without delay called his 
 cabinet together and asked the members whether the French 
 treaty of 1778 was still binding upon us, and whether he- 
 
1793] Foreig7i Affairs 239 
 
 should declare the United States neutral. Hamihon and Lodge. 
 Knox held the treaty to be without effect, and all agreed that ^^'ashington. 
 the United States should take no part in the war, but should 
 receive a minister from the French Republic, thereby recog- 
 nizing that government. This wise policy of refraining 
 from a contest which lasted two decades was adopted, and 
 Washington on April 22^ 1793, issued his famous Procla- 
 mation of Neutrality warning citizens of the United States 
 to avoid all acts that were not strictly neutral in character. 
 
 Two weeks earlier, a French minister, Edmund Charles Trouble with 
 Genet, had landed at Charleston. Young, ardent, and 
 irresponsible, a fit representative of the Girondists who then 
 governed France, Genet did not wait to be accredited bv ^^^^^' 
 our government, but began fittmg out privateers. Pro- \\ 146-163. 
 ceeding leisurely overland he evoked great enthusiasm for 
 the French cause. His treatment of Washington, who did Johnston 
 not in the least alter his determination to keep the coun- Am. Pol. Hist 
 tr\' neutral, was at first cool and then rude. Strangely ^' i3i-i44« 
 enough. Genet did not ask us to carr}^ out the treaty of 1778 
 to defend the French West Indies against England because Bassett. 
 he hoi>ed to make a new treaty in which we would agree ^..j^^^ j^_^2 
 to help France regain Louisiana. Being called to account 
 for his violations of international law, he stirred up opposi- 
 tion to the government, urged the formation of societies United staus, 
 on the model of the French JacoVjin clubs, and at length de- i^ 9^107. 
 clared that he would appeal from the President to Congr^s. ^^^' ^^"^■*^' 
 Hitherto popular feeling had h>een ver}- bitter against Wash- 
 ington for not favoring the French openly, h)Ut as Genet 
 became more indiscreet, a reaction set in which left the ad- 
 ministration more popular than ever. A request for Genet's 
 recall was honored at once, as the Girondists v.ere no longer 
 in power, and an episode that might have had serious con- 
 sequences but for the recklessness of Genet, no longer aroused 
 general interest. 
 
 221. Grievances against England ri794j. — Following Failure to keep 
 close up^jn the excitement over French actions, came an ^^^ ^^^ ^ 
 outburst of wrath against the aggressions of Great Britain, 
 
240 
 
 American History 
 
 [1794 
 
 Johnston, 
 Am. Pol. Hist., 
 I, 144-147- 
 
 Interference 
 with American 
 commerce. 
 
 Johnston, 
 Atfi. Pol. Hist. 
 I, 147-150. 
 
 McMaster, 
 United States, 
 II, 165-168. 
 
 Negotiation 
 and provisions, 
 
 There had been some bad feeling between the two countries 
 because of the failure on each side to observe features of the 
 treaty of 1783. As ten years earlier, Great Britain still 
 retained the military posts in the Northwest and was accused 
 of inciting the Indians of that region. No compensation 
 had ever been made for the negroes carried off by the 
 English in 1783. On the other hand England was offended 
 that obstacles had been placed in the way of collecting 
 debts due to her merchants and complained because the 
 states had refused absolutely to compensate the loyalists 
 for injuries sustained during the war. 
 
 When war began between France and England in 1793, 
 each used all possible means of injuring the other's com- 
 merce and eventually of damaging the enemy by interfering 
 with neutral trade, England being the chief offender because 
 she was more powerful on the ocean. American vessels 
 were seized if found carrying goods of the enemy or when 
 they had on board contraband of war, the latter being held 
 most unjustly to include provisions destined for a French 
 or British port. Great Britain also began to reenforce 
 the Rule of 1756, which declared that neutrals should not 
 enjoy during war a commerce with colonies that were closed 
 to them in times of peace. Ships trading with the French 
 West Indies were therefore subject to capture. English 
 war vessels further exercised the privilege of stopping Amer- 
 ican ships and impressing sailors who were thought to be 
 British citizens. Many of these had no doubt sought em- 
 ployment in a neutral marine to avoid service in the British 
 navy, but a larger number were American-born or natural- 
 ized American citizens.^ 
 
 222. Jay's Treaty (1794). — Aroused by these outrages, 
 Congress declared an embargo on all vessels or ports of the 
 United States, and voted a large sum for harbor defenses. 
 But Washington desired a peaceful solution of the differences 
 
 ^ England claimed that no English citizen could ever forswear his alle- 
 giance to her, on the principle of once an English citizen always an English 
 citizen. 
 
1795] 
 
 Foreign Affairs 
 
 241 
 
 with England, and appointed John Jay as special envoy 
 to the court of St. James. Jay was well received by the 
 English ministry, and concluded a treaty covering some of 
 the points at issue. Each nation was allowed to trade with 
 the other on the most favorable terms given to any other 
 power. The northwest posts were to be evacuated in 
 1796, and compensation was promised for any merchant- 
 men unlawfully seized, but the subject of impressment was 
 not mentioned. The United 
 States agreed to pay all of 
 the debts which British 
 creditors could not collect. 
 By Article XII trade was 
 permitted with the British 
 West Indies during the war 
 with France, and for two 
 years thereafter, in vessels of 
 less than seventy tons, pro- 
 vided that no molasses, 
 sugar, coffee, cocoa, or cotton 
 was to be carried in Ameri- 
 can vessels to any part of 
 the world. 
 
 This treaty was submitted by Washington to a special 
 session of the Senate, which debated it in secret and rati- 
 fied by a two thirds vote after striking out the objectionable 
 twelfth article. A few days later, the text of the treaty was 
 made public for the first time. From all parts of the coun- 
 try arose a storm of protest. Jay, Washington, and the 
 Federalist senators were accused of betraying the country 
 and were subjected to criticism more virulent than that of 
 two years before. Opposition meetings were held in all of 
 the large cities. Jay was burned in eihgy at various places, 
 and Hamilton, attempting to speak for the treaty, was stoned 
 by a mob in New York City. Nevertheless the treaty was 
 signed by Washington and went into force without the 
 offensive article on West Indian trade. 
 
 R 
 
 John Jay 
 
 Johnston, 
 Am. Pol. Hist^ 
 I, 150-155. 
 
 Pellew, Jay, 
 294-313- 
 
 Lodge, 
 Washing-ton, 
 II, 181-194, 
 201-207. 
 
 McMaster, 
 United States, 
 II, 212-216, 
 245-255. 
 
242 
 
 American History 
 
 [1795 
 
 Although this treaty was in many ways unsatisfactory 
 to the nation, it postponed war with Great Britain for several 
 years and placed us upon a friendlier footing with that 
 power. Considering the circumstances it was probably 
 as favorable a treaty as a young though growing nation 
 could expect to make with the chief maritime power of the 
 world, which was at that time using every means to crush 
 
 a formidable antagonist. 
 Its real importance is 
 shown clearly by the 
 objections made to it 
 by France (§ 224) and 
 by the concessions which 
 we were able to obtain 
 from Spain at this time 
 
 (§ 231). 
 
 223. The Close of 
 Washington's Adminis- 
 tration. — Washington 
 declined to accept a 
 third term as President, 
 glad to escape the cares 
 of the office and the 
 abuse of his enemies. 
 Before the election of his successor was held, he issued a 
 farewell address to the people of the United States, urging 
 them to avoid geographical parties and foreign entangle- 
 ments. 
 
 Jefferson was the natural candidate of the Republican 
 party, but the Federalists knew that it was hopeless to at- 
 tempt the election of their leader, Hamilton, and selected 
 Vice President Adams as the most available man. Interest 
 in the election centered in the effort of Hamilton to have 
 Adams again chosen as vice president, and to secure the 
 selection of Thomas Pinckney as president. Party lines 
 were not drawn closely and the result was most peculiar. 
 Pinckney did not obtain the full support of the Federalists 
 
1798] Foreign Affairs 243 
 
 I 
 
 in the North, and received fewer votes than Jefferson. Stanwood, i 
 Adams had a majority of but three over Jefferson, so P^^'^dency 1 
 
 ^ •' ,. Chapter IV. 
 
 that, according to the Constitution, Jefferson, a Repubncan, , 
 
 became vice president, and Adams, a Federalist, was chosen I 
 
 president — '' the president of three votes," as he was some- | 
 
 times called. ! 
 
 Adams was an exceptionally honest and able man, but Character of , 
 
 so conceited and overbearing that his undoubted merits were ^ * ' 
 
 often overlooked. In the revolutionary Congress he had Appleton's ' 
 
 been one of the most active and efficient workers. He has Cyclopedia of 1 
 
 the honor of being the chief author of the only revolutionary ^^<^* i 
 
 state constitution — that of Massachusetts — which is still gchouler 
 
 in use. Although blunt and outspoken, he had rendered United states, 
 
 valuable services abroad under the Confederation, and, as ^' S05-512. 
 
 vice president for eight years, he had gained the good opin- ^ 
 ion if not the cordial support of the moderate Federalists. 
 
 224. Trouble with France (1796-1800). — Jay's treaty Quarrel 
 
 was even less palatable to the French than to the United ^^''^^ ^^^ '' | 
 
 \ States. Even so imperfect an understanding with Eng- Johnston, 
 
 land was held to have abrogated the treaties of amity and ^^n- Pol. Hisu 
 
 commerce made in 1778.^ Coupled with the recall of James • ^ 3-i 
 
 Monroe, who, as minister at Paris, had sought to curry Yos\.er,Am. ! 
 
 I French favor by the neglect of his duties, the Directory Diplomacy, 1 
 
 refused to receive the new minister, C. C. Pinckney. A year '^7^-'^77' 1 
 
 later three special envoys were sent to settle matters peace- 1 
 
 fully if possible, John Marshall and Elbridge Gerry being \ 
 
 selected to act with Pinckney. As soon as the Americans 1 
 attempted to present their claims, the secret representatives 
 of the Directory made certain demands, including one for a 
 
 loan and $240,000 for the personal use of the directors, the i 
 
 last-named sum to be paid at once. The agents intimated ; 
 
 that if this bribe was paid and the loan promised, their \ 
 
 claims against us would not be pressed. After months of i 
 
 effort that was fruitless because the French made the pay- ; 
 ment of the bribe a prerequisite to all negotiations, the 
 
 envoys departed. j 
 
 * Officially the treaties were still in force, however. 1 
 
244 
 
 American History 
 
 [1798 
 
 X. Y. Z. papers. 
 
 Johnston, 
 Am. Pol. Hist., 
 
 I, 168-175. 
 
 McMaster, 
 United States, 
 
 II. 374-385- 
 
 Naval war, 
 and treaty of 
 1800. 
 
 Bassett, 
 Federalist 
 Sysfetn, 
 237-251. 
 
 Anti-alien laws. 
 
 MacDonald, 
 Documents, 
 Nos. 17-19. 
 
 Johnston, 
 Am. Pol. Hist., 
 I, 181-184. 
 
 Bassett, 
 Federalist 
 System, 
 252-259. 
 
 Meanwhile, the dispatches of the envoys reached America 
 with the insulting demands of the French agents. These 
 papers were submitted to Congress and in a ringing message 
 President Adams urged preparations for the national de- 
 fense. The enthusiasm of the people was intense, and in 
 addition to the appropriations made by Congress for the 
 equipment of men-of-war and the raising of an army, popu- 
 lar subscriptions were raised for the arming of privateers. 
 
 The next year (1799) one French frigate was captured, and 
 another greatly injured in the West Indies, but the contest 
 with France was brought to a close when Adams sent three 
 commissioners to Paris in opposition to the wishes of his 
 own party. In 1800 a treaty was concluded with Napoleon, 
 now first consul, and the real head of the French government, 
 who desired to acquire Louisiana and wished first to regain 
 the friendship of America. This provided for peace, declared 
 the alliance of 1778 dissolved in exchange for the surrender of 
 our claims for damages done to our commerce by the French, 
 and gave guarantees that as neutrals we should thereafter be 
 free from arbitrary interference with legitimate commerce. 
 
 Federalists and Republicans (i 798-1802) 
 
 225. The Alien and Sedition Laws (1798). — The publi- 
 cation of the insulting "X. Y. Z. letters," and the popular 
 enthusiasm in favor of strong measures against the French, 
 caused the Federalists to pass three acts aimed ostensibly 
 at aliens, but really designed to silence the vicious attacks 
 upon the administration made by Republican journalists 
 who were of foreign birth. The Naturalization Act provided 
 that no alien could become a citizen until he had resided in 
 the United States fourteen years. By the Alien Act the 
 president might for two years order all aliens whom he con- 
 sidered dangerous to the United States or engaged in secret 
 machinations against the government to leave the country.^ 
 
 ^ An Alien Enemy's Act was passed a fortnight after the first Alien Act. 
 In case of war or invasion, the president might order the arrest of any 
 adult male citizen of the nation with whom we were at war. 
 
179^] Federalists arid Republicans 245 
 
 Many foreigners, fearing that the government might apply 
 this law strictly, left the United States of their own accord. 
 
 The Sedition Act was much more drastic.^ It provided Sedition Act. 
 fines and imprisonment for any person guilty of impeding 
 the enforcement of national law or for any one who might J"^ °"^' ' 
 
 ■' o Documents, 
 
 " write, print, utter, or publish any false, scandalous, and No. 20. 
 
 malicious writing or writings" against any national officials 
 
 with intent to defame them or bring them into contempt or ^m^^Poi' Hist 
 
 disrepute. Under this act, the Federalists attempted to i, 184-188. 
 
 prevent the reelection of Representative Lyon of Vermont. 
 
 Lyon was arrested, tried, and sentenced to imprisonment J^?^")-. 
 
 for four months and the payment of a fine of $1000. His system, 
 
 fine was paid by friends, and his district reelected him to 259-264. 
 
 Congress. The Sedition Act stirred up more hatred than ' 
 
 11 1 1 T^ 1 T . , 1 McMaster, I 
 
 it suppressed, and reacted upon the Federalists, in the end united states 
 
 destroying the popularity caused by the war excitement. 11,396-404. ! 
 
 Such arbitrary government was not possible in a free and \ 
 
 enlightened republic. i 
 
 226. The Kentucky and Virginia Resolutions (1798- Principles I 
 1799)- — The Republican leaders quickly took advantage announced. 
 
 of these Federalist blunders and strengthened their organi- 1 
 
 zation, especially in the South and West. Among the means jjo^iiments ' 
 
 used for undermining Federalist power were protests issued Nos. 21-23. j 
 
 by certain legislatures against the anti-foreign laws enacted I 
 
 during the summer of 1798. The first of these resolutions ^assett, I 
 
 Fcdcvci list 
 
 was suggested by Jefferson to the Kentucky legislature, and system 
 is a truly remarkable document. It asserted that the central 265-271. 
 government was created by a compact of the states for J 
 
 special purposes only, '^ and that whensoever the general \ 
 
 government assumes undelegated powers, its acts are un- 
 authoritative, void, and of no force." It maintained that 
 the government of the United States is not the judge of the \ 
 
 powers that are conferred in the Constitution, but that each ; 
 
 state " has an equal right to judge for itself, as well of in- '\ 
 
 fractions as of the mode and measure of redress." The ; 
 
 violations of which complaint was made were discussed at { 
 
 ^ The Sedition Act expired by limitation March 4, 1801. \ 
 
246 
 
 Americmi History 
 
 [1798 
 
 some length. These resolutions, adopted in November, 
 1798, were submitted to the legislatures of the other states, 
 seven of which in their replies distinctly denied the right of 
 the states to nullify a national law. Virginia protested in 
 resolutions drawn up by Madison against the Alien and 
 Sedition acts as '• palpable and alarming infractions of 
 
 the Constitution," 
 although the tone of 
 the Virginia resolu- 
 tions w^as much milder 
 than that of those 
 adopted in Kentucky. 
 With these replies be- 
 fore it, the next legis- 
 lature of Kentucky 
 declared its attach- 
 ment to the Union, 
 reaffirmed its previous 
 assertions, and added 
 that, as the sovereign 
 states have the un- 
 questionable right to 
 judge of any infrac- 
 tion of the Constitu- 
 tion, " a nullification 
 by those sovereignties, of all unauthorized acts done under 
 color of that instrument, is the rightful remedy." 
 
 227. The Election of 1800. — The presidential election 
 of 1800 was interesting and exciting. Parties were much 
 better organized than four years earlier, and the electors 
 were now required to vote in accord with instructions rather 
 than to follow their own judgment. The candidates wxre 
 again Adams and Jefferson, the Republicans uniting upon 
 Aaron Burr of New York for vice president, and the Fed- 
 eralists selecting C. C. Pinckney of South Carolina for the 
 second place. Adams had not added to his popularity 
 during his four years of office. He had made the mistake 
 
i8oi] Federalists and Repiib Hearts 247 
 
 of retaining Washington's cabinet, dismissing the members 
 who opposed him only a short time before the election of 
 1800. The breach with Hamilton had been widened, and 
 Adams was obliged to shoulder responsibility for the odious 
 anti-foreign laws of 1798. 
 
 Nevertheless the election was not one-sided. Jefferson Election. 
 and Burr received seventy-three votes each, Adams obtained 
 sixty-five, and Pinckney sixty-four. As the electors, accord- McMaster, 
 ing to the Constitution, did not designate which candidate 
 was to be president and which vice president, the House of 522-526^ 
 Representatives, voting by states, was obliged to select the 
 chief executive. None questioned for an instant that Jeffer- stanwcod 
 son was the real candidate of the Republicans, but the Presidency, 
 House was Federalist and for a time it looked as though the ^^'^P^^"^ ^* 
 Federalists in their chagrin would vote for Burr. Fortu- 
 nately, Hamilton used his influence in favor of Jefferson, and 
 on the thirty-sixth ballot Jefferson was chosen president. 
 Three years later Congress proposed as a twelfth amend- 
 ment to the Constitution that the electors designate the office 
 of the candidates for whom they voted. This was adopted 
 without delay, and is the method used at the present time. 
 
 Finding that the election had gone against them, the Federalist 
 Federalist Congress passed a Judiciary Act providing for appointments., 
 circuit judgeships which Adams filled with members of his 
 own party. With unseemly greed the Federalists seized Schouier, 
 
 re ,^ . , , i United states, 
 
 upon every office that was vacant m order to reduce the 1^00-504. 
 patronage of the new administration; but at midnight, 
 March 3, 1801, this work of spoliation was checked by 
 Jefferson's attorney-general, who entered the office of Secre- 
 tary of State Marshall, and stopped the signing of commis- 
 sions. 
 
 228. Jefferson and his Party. — The inauguration of Inauguration.' 
 Jefiferson was marked by a simplicity lacking in those of his 
 predecessors. Without parade, in the dress of an ordinary Schouier, 
 citizen, he proceeded to the capitol and delivered an inaug- United states, 
 ural address, noteworthy for its breadth and moderation. ' ^ " 
 The most skillful partisan leader of his time, he decried ' 
 
248 
 
 American History 
 
 [i8or 
 
 Adams, 
 United States, 
 I, 185-208. 
 
 Views of 
 Jefferson. 
 
 Hart, Contem- 
 poraries, 
 III. No. 106. 
 
 Johnston, 
 Am. Pol. Hist. 
 I, 253-258. 
 
 The man Jef- 
 ferson and his 
 advisers. 
 
 party animosities. '' Every difference of opinion is not a dif- 
 ference of principle. We are all Republicans — we are all 
 Federalists." In eloquent language he summarized the 
 principles on which our government is based — equal and 
 exact justice to all men, *' peace, commerce, and honest 
 friendship with all nations, entangling alliances with none," 
 the support of the state governments in all their rights, the 
 preservation of the general government in its whole con- 
 stitutional vigor, a jealous care of the right of election by the 
 people, the supremacy of the civil over the military author- 
 ity, economy in the public service, and the maintenance of 
 individual freedom. 
 
 Thus auspiciously did the members of Jefferson's party 
 come into control of the national government, a position 
 which they held with few interruptions for sixty years. Al- 
 though their views and practices changed greatly during 
 those six decades, they followed in the main the lines laid 
 down by their great leader. Jefferson had something of 
 the demagogue in his disposition, and had no scruples against 
 reversing his previous policies if anything was to be gained, 
 but he was consistent in his desire to make the United States 
 a,^mocratic nation, and in that consists his greatest service 
 fto his country. Under the Federalists the central govern- 
 ment had been strengthened, so that its permanence was 
 assured, but it was out of touch with the people and dis- 
 trusted by them. Jefferson, rightly reading the future, 
 foresaw that the nation would become democratic and that 
 our governments must become so. More than any one else 
 he aided in this movement of extending power to the masses. 
 He trusted the people and sought in every way to give every 
 man equal opportunities and equal privileges. 
 
 At the time of his election Jefferson was in his fifty-ninth 
 year, and had devoted half his life to public affairs. As 
 the writer of the Declaration of Independence, he had gained 
 an international reputation early in life. During the Con- 
 federation he had rendered inestimable services in the cause 
 of freedom in his own state and in the West. He had served 
 
i8oi] 
 
 Federalists and Republicans 
 
 249 
 
 abroad, and had been secretary of state under Washington, 
 but had not made a brilliant diplomat. Tall and ungainly 
 in appearance, rather eccentric in manner, and given to an 
 ostentatious simplicity of dress, he nevertheless possessed 
 a bright, pleasant way which made him extremely popular. 
 In the direction of national affairs he called to his aid, among 
 others, James Madison, who was secretary of state, and Albert 
 Gallatin, who was placed in charge of the finances. By 
 these three able and pa- 
 triotic leaders were the 
 interests of America con- 
 sidered and protected amid 
 the many difficulties that 
 beset Jefferson's two ad- 
 ministrations. 
 
 229. Reversal of Fed- 
 eralist Practices. — Jeffer- 
 son believed that his party 
 had saved the government 
 from becoming monarch- 
 ical, and therefore consid- 
 ered his election a revolu- 
 tion as important as that 
 of 1776. In point of fact 
 few policies of the Federalists were reversed, although some 
 of their practices were changed, and the most objectionable 
 of their laws were repealed. For purely personal reasons 
 Jefferson, who was a poor speaker, did not address the houses 
 of Congress after the manner of Washington and Adams, 
 but sent to them a written message — a custom followed 
 by all of his successors. 
 
 At the time of his inauguration, most of the offices were 
 held by political opponents, whom he retained, except in 
 a few cases. Resisting the clamor of his friends for recog- 
 nition, Jefferson made few removals except for incom- 
 petency and gave some of the positions made vacant to 
 moderate Federalists. 
 
 Channing, 
 JeffersoJiian 
 System, 4-10. 
 
 Thomas Jefferson 
 
 Jefferson's 
 general policy. 
 
 Attitude to- 
 ward removalsj 
 
 Channing, 
 Jeffersonian 
 System, 10-17. 
 
 McMaster, 
 United States, 
 II. 583-588. 
 
250 
 
 Americmi History 
 
 [1801 
 
 Financial, mili- 
 tary, and naval 
 policies. 
 
 Dewey, Finan- 
 cial Hist., 
 k^ 54-57- 
 
 Changes in the 
 judiciary. 
 
 Schouler, 
 United States, 
 11,25-27. 
 
 McMaster, 
 United States, 
 II, 607-612. 
 
 The financial policy of the administration was outlined 
 by Gallatin, the secretary of the treasury. Under the Fed- 
 eralists taxes had been multiplied, and the revenue had in- 
 creased constantly, but expenditures had increased in even 
 greater proportion because the Federalists believed in a 
 comparatively large army and navy, and desired the ex- 
 pansion of national authority regardless of expense. The 
 national debt was, in consequence, eight millions more in 
 1801 than in 1791. This debt Gallatin planned to pay within 
 
 less than twenty years, 
 principally by reducing 
 military and naval ex- 
 penditures. At his sug- 
 gestion and in accordance 
 with the wishes of the 
 President, the army was 
 reduced to three thousand 
 men, and many of the 
 naval vessels were placed 
 out of commission, the 
 protection of the coasts 
 being left to tiny " gun- 
 boats " which were as 
 inexpensive as they were ineffective. At the same session 
 of Congress, the internal revenue taxes, which had been 
 from the beginning odious to the Republicans, were re- 
 pealed, the loss of income from this source being compara- 
 tively slight. 
 
 230. The National Courts. — The Republicans attempted 
 to undo the work of their predecessors by attacks upon the 
 courts. The scandalous Judiciary Act of 1801 which created 
 unnecessary circuit judgeships, and provided berths for 
 many partisans whose terms of office were expiring, was 
 repealed in 1802. Other acts were passed which reduced 
 greatly the number of cases likely to be brought before na- 
 tional tribunals. No change was made, however, at this 
 time in the Supreme Court, to the chief justiceship of which 
 
 Albert Gallatin 
 
i8o5] 
 
 Federalists and Republicans 
 
 251 
 
 John Marshall had been appointed by President Adams 
 six weeks before the close of his term. 
 
 This great jurist, for over thirty years the head of the high- 
 est court of the United States, exerted an influence upon 
 the development of a strong national government within 
 the United States which was second to that of no other man. 
 By force of intel- 
 lect he dominated 
 the court long 
 after the Repub- 
 licans had gained 
 a majority of the 
 places on the 
 bench, and in a 
 series of decisions 
 marked by unan- 
 swerable logic 
 (§ 254) made the 
 powers of the 
 Constitution so 
 real that even his 
 political o p p o- 
 nents accepted his 
 views and used in 
 the most liberal 
 way the powers 
 conferred on the national government by the Constitution. 
 
 The Republicans showed their distrust of the courts also 
 in attempting to remove a number of judges. In Penn- 
 sylvania m.ost of the judges in the highest court were im- 
 peached, but retained their positions because the moderate 
 Republicans believed that conviction for partisan reasons 
 was a menace to free government. United States District 
 Judge Pickering was impeached and found guilty, though 
 not for political offenses. Much the most conspicuous case 
 was that of Justice Chase of the Supreme Court. Although 
 a man of parts, he had aroused the animosity, of his oppo- 
 
 JOHN Marshall 
 
252 
 
 American History 
 
 [1800 
 
 Importance of 
 the river to the 
 West. 
 
 Hart, Contetn- 
 poraries, 
 III, No. III. 
 
 Disputes 
 before 1800. 
 
 Turner, F. J., 
 in Review 
 of Reviews, 
 XXVII 
 
 (1903). 578-581. 
 
 nents by his biased conduct in one or two semi-political 
 trials and by offensive remarks in a political speech. His 
 prosecution before the Senate was conducted by John Ran- 
 dolph, a most eccentric individual whose conduct of the case 
 was absurdly incompetent. Chase was defended ably and 
 was acquitted. These impeachments, although undertaken 
 for partisan reasons, had a wholesome influence in prevent- 
 ing further abuses of judicial privileges. The acquittals 
 likewise were most fortunate, for they insured the pro- 
 tection of the courts against unjust attacks by their ene- 
 mies. 
 
 Western Problems (1800- 1806) 
 
 231. Disputes over the Lower Mississippi River. — The 
 
 most momentous question that arose during Jefferson's 
 first administration was concerned with the purchase of 
 Louisiana. This important addition to our territory was 
 the outgrowth of controversies over the navigation of the 
 Mississippi River and the right of deposit at the mouth of 
 that river. Before 1800 Spain controlled the western bank 
 of the river as well as the eastern bank for two hundred 
 miles from its mouth. But the inhabitants of the region 
 west of the AUeghanies needed both the navigation of the 
 river — their natural means of communicating with the 
 outside world, since it was extremely difficult for them to 
 carry their products across the AUeghanies — and a right 
 of deposit near the mouth for goods to be shipped abroad. 
 We noticed (§ 182) the storm of protest that greeted the 
 proposal to close the Mississippi for twenty-five years at 
 a time when the West was settled very little. In the absence 
 of treaty agreements, however, Spain had not been punc- 
 tilious about interfering with our western trade until in 1795 
 Thomas Pinckney concluded a treaty with that power. 
 Alarmed by Jay's treaty (§ 222) and by the prospect of an 
 alliance between Great Britain and the United States, Spain 
 recognized the thirty-first parallel as the northern boundary 
 of West Florida, opened the Mississippi to our commerce, 
 
1803] Western Problems 253 ] 
 
 1 
 and gave us a right of deposit at New Orleans. Spain was Ogg, Missis- \ 
 
 the more wiUing to make these concessions in order to gain ^*^^^' 4i9-439| 
 
 the goodwill of the United States, because France was very ' 
 
 anxious to regain Louisiana and Great Britain was willing j 
 
 to intrigue for its possession, and at this time the United ^ 
 
 States was less grasping than either of the great European i 
 
 rivals. , 
 
 In 1800 Napoleon, now first consul of France, forced Louisiana 
 
 the king of Spain to sign the treaty of San Ildefonso, and to (1800-1803). , 
 
 cede him Louisiana, on the express stipulation, however, 
 
 that it should never be transferred to any other power. Channmg, 
 
 -.TTi 1 • 1 1 • A • 1 Jeffersonian 
 
 When this treaty became known m America the next year, ^y^i^^ ^\-(ixl 
 Robert R. Livingston, our minister to France, was instructed j 
 
 to purchase if possible the Isle of Orleans, upon which New p^^^^^ 
 Orleans is located, and West Florida, so as to give us control Uttited states, 
 of the entire east bank of the Mississippi. Soon after, and ^^zs^^etseq. 
 before the actual transfer of Louisiana to France, the Span- 
 ish officials at New Orleans took away our right of deposit, j 
 thereby arousing a demand for war throughout the West. 
 The importance of the Mississippi to the West and to the 
 country at large, and the danger to the United States of hav- 
 ing a powerful nation in control of the mouth of the Mis- 
 sissippi, may be appreciated from the emphatic language of 
 Jefferson, whose sympathies before that time had been dis- : 
 tinctly French. '' The day that France takes possession of j 
 New Orleans ... we must marry ourselves to the British \ 
 fleet and nation." " By uniting with Great Britain, we 1 
 must make the first cannon which shall be fired in Europe 1 
 the signal for the tearing up of any settlement she [France] 
 may have made." 
 
 232. The Purchase of Louisiana. — The purchase of Negotiations.! 
 New Orleans, and if possible West Florida, was desired so \ 
 
 much that James Monroe was selected to act with Living- Hart, Content 
 ston, who had already been authorized to expend $10,000,000 poranes, 
 for these few thousand square miles of swampy land.^ But 
 
 ^ The instructions to Livingston emphasized more than anything else i 
 
 the need of control by the United States of the east bank of the Mississippi ; I 
 
254 
 
 American History 
 
 [1803 
 
 just as Monroe reached Paris, after Livingston had spent 
 several months negotiating in vain for the east bank of the 
 Mississippi, Napoleon offered to sell all of Louisiana. He 
 had hoped to make this vast region the foundation of a 
 colonial empire, but the army which was needed to hold it 
 had been destroyed in insurrections in San Domingo, war 
 was soon to begin in Europe, and the maritime superiority 
 of England left all of the French colonies exposed to her 
 attacks. Although our representatives at Paris were not 
 authorized to purchase so vast a region, they did not hesi- 
 tate long, and after some haggling over the price, on April 
 30, 1803, Louisiana became ours for the paltry sum of 
 $15,000,000.^ As Talleyrand, the French minister of 
 foreign affairs, said, we had made a " noble bargain." In 
 the words of Livingston, *'We have lived long, but we have 
 this day done the noblest work of our lives." 
 
 Jefferson believed that the Constitution did not authorize 
 such an action as this purchase and would have preferred 
 to wait for an amendment to that instrument giving him 
 unquestioned authority. But time was all important. 
 Napoleon might repent, England was likely to be jealous, 
 and Spain sure to protest. Jefferson's cabinet advised rati- 
 fication at once, and his friends persuaded him that the 
 power to make treaties gave him the right to acquire terri- 
 tory. Congress was called for an early date, and, as the pur- 
 chase was very popular, the Senate ratified the treaty after 
 a comparatively brief debate. Public sentiment had changed 
 so that no one now considered the annexation of Louisiana 
 by treaty to be unconstitutional; but the Federalists, who 
 feared that the West might come to dominate the East, claimed 
 that no states could be admitted from this territory. In this 
 
 if France would sell us West Florida and New Orleans, we agreed to 
 guarantee to her the west bank of the Mississippi, and if France refused 
 our request, arrangements were to be made for an alliance with Great 
 Britain. 
 
 * Sixty million francs in 6 per cent stock of the United States and twenty 
 million francs to be paid by the United States to our citizens for damages 
 done by French men-of-war before 1800. 
 
i803] 
 
 Western Problems 
 
 255 
 
 they were opposed by the Republicans who had completely 
 abandoned their strict constructionist views, and from this 
 time made a fairly liberal use of " implied powers." When 
 the first state, Louisiana, was admitted from this territory 
 (181 2), however, several Federalists maintained that it 
 was sufficient cause for secession from the Union. 
 
 233. Extent and Importance of Louisiana. — The bound- 
 aries of this immense region were intentionally left indefi- 
 nite. The Louisiana 
 treaty copied the words 
 of the treaty of 1800 
 between France and 
 Spain, which were, 
 " Louisiana with the 
 same extent that it now 
 has in the hands of 
 Spain, and that it had 
 w^hen France possessed 
 it " before 1762. But 
 these limits never had 
 been determined.^ 
 Livingston claimed that 
 they included West 
 Florida, but Napoleon 
 would not support his 
 
 claim, and we know now that, although Napoleon coveted 
 West Florida, he did not consider it a part of Louisiana. 
 Nevertheless, the doubt regarding the southeastern bound- 
 ary and our former desire to obtain West Florida, led the 
 United States to seize the disputed strip before the be- 
 ginning of hostilities with Great Britain in 181 2. 
 
 LOUISIANA 
 
 Showing natural boundaries 
 
 and treaty boundaries 
 
 (1313. 1819) 
 
 McMaster, 
 
 United States 
 
 n 1. 31-34. 
 371-375. 
 
 ^ In order to explore parts of the new territory', parties were sent respec- 
 tively to the source of the Mississippi, up the Missouri and across by 
 the Arkansas to the Rocky Mountains, the summit of which was thought to 
 be the limit of Louisiana on the northwest. The expedition under Lewis 
 and Clark crossed the Rockies (1805) and descended the Snake and 
 Oregon rivers, thus giving us a better claim to the Oregon country. 
 (See § 303.) 
 
256 
 
 American History 
 
 [1803 
 
 On the southwest a much larger, if at that time less inter- 
 esting territory, was claimed by both the United States and 
 Spain. Spain would have restricted us to the Mississippi 
 basin, with scarcely any of the Gulf coast, but many Ameri- 
 cans believed the Rio Grande to be the dividing line between 
 Louisiana and Mexico. In 181 9 this country gave up its 
 claim to all land west of the Sabine River in return for the 
 cession of East Florida (§ 261). 
 
 The purchase of Louisiana had a very great influence on 
 the future of the United States. It doubled the area of the 
 United States, giving us complete control of the entire Missis- 
 sippi basin and permitting expansion to the Pacific. It re- 
 moved obstructions to commerce in the western states and 
 prevented international complications with the nations that 
 held or sought to seize Louisiana. It compelled the Repub- 
 lican party to abandon its old strict construction position, 
 and increased the power of the national government by giv- 
 ing it control of a vast region. In the territory acquired 
 at this time a true democracy and a national spirit were 
 developed which influenced the rest of the people. In this 
 territory occurred the great struggle between the forces 
 favoring the extension or exclusion of slavery, which ended 
 in civil war. Finally, the great West has contributed in 
 innumerable ways to the economic development of the great- 
 est agricultural and commercial nation of the world. 
 
 234. The Burr Conspiracy (1805-1806). — Soon after 
 the annexation of Louisiana the West became the scene 
 of a remarkable conspiracy formed under the leadership 
 of Aaron Burr. This was one of the last of the numerous 
 attempts to separate the West from the East and organize 
 the West under a distinct government, because the two sec- 
 tions had so little in common. In 1804 Vice President 
 Burr, failing of election as governor of New York largely 
 through the efforts of Alexander Hamilton, challenged the 
 latter to a duel, which resulted in the death of Hamilton. 
 Burr was obliged to flee from the East and devoted his 
 attention to the formation in the Southwest of a confederacy 
 
1805] Western Problems 257 
 
 to be ruled by himself. It is generally supposed that Burr ^ 
 
 wished to detach the western states from the Union and then j 
 
 conquer Mexico. Burr's movements were reported at Wash- 1 
 
 ington, but for a long time nothing was done, although Burr 
 had the support of a large part of the West and was in secret 
 correspondence with General Wilkinson, the commander "l 
 
 of the army at New Orleans. Burr was arrested at length ; 
 
 and brought to Richmond, Virginia, where he was tried in \ 
 
 the Circuit Court on the charge of treason, Chief Justice j 
 
 Marshall presiding. President Jefferson was summoned ' 
 
 to appear at the trial with papers, but refused, although the ; 
 
 papers were sent. The evidence being insufficient. Burr 
 was released after a tedious trial lasting six months. 
 
 Commercial Warfare (1805-1811) 
 
 235. European War and American Commerce before Our neutral 
 1806.— The wars waged by England and France between ^^'"'"^^"2 trad 
 1793 and 181 5 made possible an abnormal development 
 of American commerce. Because of the naval superiority Commerce, ' 
 of Great Britain, France and her allies had been unable to 1789-1811. 
 trade with her colonies and had accordingly opened her ; 
 
 colonial ports to neutral trading vessels. In spite of the 
 attempt made by Great Britain to apply the Rule of 1756, 
 which prevented our carrying goods directly between a 
 colony and a mother country, our foreign commerce had 
 increased threefold between 1792 and 1796 and had nearly i 
 
 doubled between 1796 and 1805. But the risks incurred 
 increased with the amount of the traffic. Both Great 
 Britain and France exercised the right of seizing goods of | 
 
 their enemies on neutral ships, notwithstanding the Ameri- | 
 
 can claim that " free ships make free goods." Contraband 
 of war was forfeitable if discovered, and neutral ships carry- 
 ing it were often confiscated as aiding the enemy. This \ 
 would have been a fair practice had the term *' contraband 
 of war " been defined justly; but when it was held to include \ 
 breadstuffs, the most important of American exports, the ! 
 United States had just cause for complaint. I 
 
^- 
 
 258 
 
 American History 
 
 [1805 
 
 Still more serious was the interference with neutral trade 
 because of a new interpretation of the " Rule of 1756." 
 Before 1805, American vessels had been permitted to ob- 
 tain a cargo in the French or Spanish West Indies, sail to 
 a port of the United States, remove their cargoes, and give 
 bonds that their goods would be reexported, and, after 
 reloading, sail for continental Europe. In May, 1805, the 
 
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 '93 '95 '97 '99 1801 '03 '05 '07 
 
 EXPORTS AND IMPORTS (I789-I8II) 
 
 Imports Exports - 
 
 Goods imported and reexported at once 
 
 (A KXU to this latter trade that England objected after 1805) 
 
 highest British court of Admiralty decided that this prac- 
 tice was an evasion of the " Rule of 1756" and as such must 
 be stopped. This was the beginning of a carnival of confis- 
 cation that lasted for several years. Rather than give up the 
 lucrative trade between Europe and the West Indies, the 
 American vessels took their chances of capture. No com- 
 pany of underwriters would insure ships or cargoes engaged 
 in this perilous trade, but profits increased with the risk. 
 Great fortunes were made although many shippers became 
 bankrupt because of the wholesale seizures made by Eng- 
 lish cruisers. 
 
i8o7] Commercial Warfare 259 
 
 236. The Impressment of American Seamen. — 7'his impressment | 
 
 growing trade, attended by such personal perils, caused a ^''"" ^'"ericanl 
 marked rise in the wages of ordinary seamen. Naturally 
 
 many English sailors were employed in this business, and as \ 
 
 ; . , ,, c r .IT-.-'! McMaster, ' 
 
 wages contmued to rise, hundreds of men from the British u„ited states \ 
 war vessels deserted and applied for positions in our mer- 111,240-245. I 
 chant marine. In many cases these deserters were able to 
 buy papers declaring that they were American citizens. Hart, Contem^ 
 To seize these traitors and to impress all the British sailors poraries, ill, ; 
 possible, the English cruisers now redoubled their efforts 
 in searching American vessels. Every harbor on the coast 
 of the United States was watched and every outgoing vessel 
 searched. On the theory that " once a British citizen, always 
 a British citizen," thousands of naturalized Americans were 
 carried off. Hundreds of native Americans were impressed, 
 as it was often difficult to distinguish between American 
 and British-born seamen. The government of the United 
 States offered to see that all deserters were returned if ICng- 
 land would give up the claim to search American ships, but 
 to no avail, and the ill feeling against Great Britain deep- 
 ened. 
 
 An opportunity now came to the English ministry to gain Attempted 
 the goodwill of the United States. Jay's treaty had ex- *'"*'^^>' ^'^'■-^)- , 
 pired, and Jefferson was anxious to make a new treaty deal- 
 ing with the questions of impressment and neutral trade. J^nHg^Xtltes ' 
 But so little would the English government yield that the 111,249-253.'' 
 treaty did not mention impressment and was not even sub- ' 
 
 mitted by the President to the Senate. 
 
 A little later, in June, 1807, war between the two nations Chesapeake \ 
 seemed imminent. The warship Leopard demanded from ^ '^''^ ^^ ^'' , 
 the Chesapeake the surrender of three deserters, two of whom 
 were American -born and had been forced into the British ^^^^^^-^^ 
 navy. When the demand was unheeded, the Leopard, the in, No. 119. | 
 more powerful boat, fired on the Chesapeake, killing three 
 and wounding eighteen of her crew. This outrage caused Schouier, 
 intense excitement, but was quicklv disavowed by the Eng- ^^^t«d"'^if"*\ 
 lish government. Four years later reparation was made i 
 
26o 
 
 American History 
 
 [1805 
 
 Earlier orders 
 and decrees. 
 
 Hart, Contem- 
 poraries, 
 III, No. 120. 
 
 McMaster, 
 Ignited States, 
 III, 248-250. 
 
 Later restric- 
 tions on trade. 
 
 McMaster, 
 United States, 
 III, 273-275. 
 
 Johnston, 
 Am. Pol. Hist.^ 
 I, 289-296. 
 
 by appropriating money for the families of those slain or 
 injured, but in the meantime Great Britain exercised with 
 the greatest freedom the " wrong of search." 
 
 237. Orders and Decrees (1806-1807). — The victory of 
 the English fleet under Nelson over the combined fleets of 
 France and Spain at Trafalgar in 1805 definitely settled the 
 supremacy of England on the sea. The years 1805 and 1806 
 saw^ Napoleon master of all western Europe after the humili- 
 ation of Austria at Austerlitz and of Prussia at Jena. As 
 neither foe could strike the other directly, Napoleon now 
 attempted to crush England by shutting off her trade with 
 the continent, on which her prosperity depended to a large 
 extent, while England tried to prevent the French and their 
 allies from receiving supplies from their colonies and from 
 neutral nations. Napoleon made the first move by closing 
 the ports of Prussia to English ships. England responded 
 by an order in council (May, 1806) blockading the coast 
 from the Elbe to Brest. Napoleon in his Berlin decree 
 (November, 1806) announced a blockade of the British Isles 
 and declared all English merchandise subject to confiscation. 
 These blockades were not enforced, but English cruisers 
 seized neutral ships on the way to the forbidden continen- 
 tal ports, and the French did not hesitate to appropriate 
 American vessels that were carrying British exports to the 
 continent. 
 
 Much more drastic were the proclamations issued the next 
 year. British orders in council adopted in November, 
 1807, demanded that all neutral vessels bound for a port 
 of the enemy must first touch at an English port, and pay 
 duty or be liable to confiscation. When Napoleon heard 
 of these orders, he immediately issued his Milan Decree, 
 declaring that all ships were forfeited w^hich traded with 
 Great Britain or stopped at an English port on their way to 
 the continent and paid duties. Between the millstones of 
 English greed and French spite, American commerce was 
 likely to be ground to destruction. 
 
 238. The Embargo (1807). — Congress was in session 
 
 ■ 4 
 
 I 
 
1809] Commercial Warfare 261 
 
 when news was brought of the orders in council of Novem- Original Em- 
 ber, 1807. President Jefferson suggested an embargo and ^^^^o Act. 
 within four days the act became a law, December 22, 1807. 
 The general feeling is expressed in the words of John Quincy MacDonaid, 
 
 Ai 1 11. • •t'ci- -tr • -i Documents , 
 
 Adams, who took this opportunity to identify himself with ^^ 
 
 the Republican party. "The President has recommended 
 
 the measure on his high responsibility. I would not con- Hart, Contem- 
 
 sider, I would not deliberate, I would act." No vessel was poraries, 
 
 allowed to leave the United States for a foreign port, and no ' °' ^^^' 
 
 ship could engage in the coasting trade unless it gave bonds 
 
 for twice the value of the ship and carero that the goods it McMaster, 
 
 .1 1 1 1 1 1 1 • 1 TT . ? o rrM 1 United States, 
 
 carried would be landed in the United States. The law, 111,276-281. 
 made more specific in supplementary acts, was not enforced 
 easily. Along the northern border a large amount of smug- 
 gling was done. So clever were many of the evasions that I 
 at length it was necessary to demand that all vessels be laden ; 
 under the supervision of a revenue ofl&cer. j 
 
 President Jefferson, once the strictest of strict construe- Enforcement 
 tionists, was obliged to use autocratic powers. Our foreign ^"'^ repeal. 
 commerce disappeared. The ships which were abroad 
 when the embargo was laid stayed away, only to be seized Hart, C(3«^^;«- 
 by Napoleon, who said he would be glad to aid us in enforc- jjj j^^' ^^^ 
 ing the embargo. In New England business was at a stand- j 
 
 still, most of the capital being tied up in the ships which were jo^nstQ^ 
 rotting at the wharves. Nor did shipowners submit with- Am. Poi. Hist^ 
 out a murmur. Protests came to the President constantly. !> 297-300. 
 On the anniversary of the passage of the embargo, proces- 
 sions with ships draped in black paraded many of the sea- 
 coast towns. Popular discontent was so great that in the 
 fall of 1808 the Federalists carried several hitherto Repub- j 
 
 lican states. Yet the Congress which met immediately j 
 
 after, advocated the reverse of repeal, and on January 9, 1 809, 
 passed a force act making it a crime to export anything from 
 the United States, giving collectors the power to seize wagons 
 or boats headed toward the boundary and articles that they ] 
 
 thought might be intended for export. The president was | 
 
 authorized to employ the army and navy in enforcing the 
 
262 
 
 American History 
 
 [1809 
 
 Constitutional 
 results. 
 
 law. The scenes that followed in New England brought 
 back the days of the Stamp Act. Collectors resigned, meet- 
 ings were held, protests and memorials were sent to Wash- 
 ington, committees of safety were formed, militiamen to 
 enforce the law were refused, and even secession was sug- 
 gested. The embargo majority in Congress was swept 
 away by this storm, and the embargo acts were repealed on 
 the first of March, 1809. 
 
 239. Indirect Results of the Embargo. — Foreign trade 
 had been prohibited with the expectation of starving Europe 
 into submission to our demands. The total cessation of the 
 chief neutral carrying trade was undoubtedly a loss to the 
 wealthy European colonies in the West Indies and a depriva- 
 tion to the continental countries, but the chief damage was 
 to America, as noted in the preceding section. As Arm- 
 strong, our minister to France, wrote, '' We have somewhat 
 overrated our means of coercion. Here it is not felt, and 
 in England ... it is forgotten." It had at least one good 
 influence abroad, however, in showing that the United States, 
 though unwilling to try the fortunes of war, was ready to 
 undergo unusual hardships rather than submit to the humili- 
 ating proclamations against neutral trade. Furthermore, 
 had there been no embargo, the enforcement of the last 
 orders in council and the Milan Decree might have led to a 
 war more futile, more prolonged, and more annoying than 
 that which broke out four and one-half years later. 
 
 In one sense the embargo marks the beginning of the 
 United States as a manufacturing nation. Cut off as we 
 were from the importation of manufactured articles that had 
 formerly been brought from Europe, especially England, a 
 large amount of homespun cloth, steel goods, furniture, and 
 other articles was produced, particularly in New England, 
 where the capital formerly devoted to trading was now in 
 many cases used in manufacturing. 
 
 From a constitutional standpoint also, the influence of 
 the embargo was important. The Constitution aUows 
 Congress to regulate foreign commerce, but nowhere au- 
 
1809] Comnicrcial Warfm^e 263 
 
 thorizes the prohibition of all trade with other countries. 
 The passage and enforcement of the embargo involved 
 therefore a much more liberal use of the implied powers 
 of Congress than had been undertaken by the Federalists. 
 Jefferson and his party had abandoned, without hope of 
 return, their former position as really strict constructionists 
 of the Constitution. 
 
 240. The Non-Intercourse Act (1809). — The repeal of Provisions, 
 the embargo acts was accompanied by the passage of a law 
 providing that there should be no commercial intercourse MacDonaid, 
 with either England or France so long as their orders and Documents, 
 decrees remained in force. If these were revoked, the presi- 
 dent had the right by proclamation to renew commerce with 
 the nation that had withdrawn its objectionable restrictions 
 on our trade. This discretion was to be exercised by James 
 Madison, who took the oath of ofhce as president three days 
 after the law had been signed. A sincere lover of peace, and 
 a student of politics rather than a practical politician, 
 Madison could be counted on to prevent actual hostilities 
 if possible, as he had done during his eight years of service 
 as Jefferson's secretary of state. I 
 
 England's minister, David M. Erskine, was as desirous as Erskine traaty 
 
 Madison to reestablish cordial relations between his nation 
 
 and the United States. Accordingly he offered to have the McMaster, i 
 
 orders in council withdrawn on the loth of June, 1800, ,"y 
 
 . ' . 111,340-349- 
 
 if the United States would cease to discriminate against | 
 
 English commerce.^ Amid the general rejoicing over this 
 
 settlement of difficulties with Great Britain came news that 
 
 Erskine had been recalled and his acts disavowed, and, after ; 
 
 a brief interval, the orders in council were enforced with \ 
 
 greater vigor. The United States had added another failure 
 
 to her already long list in her attempts to protect our trade 
 
 abroad. 
 
 * In doing this Erskine undoubtedly exceeded his instructions, but 
 Madison, glad of the opportunity to discontinue so large a part of the 
 commercial warfare we had been waging, did not wait to learn whether 
 Erskine's action would be endorsed by the English ministry, and pro- 
 claimed that trade with England would be resumed June lo. 
 
264 
 
 American History 
 
 [1809 
 
 Napoleon was no more submissive to the Non-intercourse 
 Act than was Great Britain. As the act prevented trade 
 with France and threatened confiscation to any French ships 
 found in American ports, Napoleon retaliated with spirit by 
 seizing and selling all the American ships that entered ports 
 of his allies. This policy of confiscation he strengthened 
 by issuing in March, 1810, the Rambouillet Decree, by which 
 all American ships trading with France or countries subject 
 to France were to be sold and the proceeds placed in the 
 " chest of death." Within two months one hundred and 
 thirty-four ships had been confiscated, making a total of 
 $10,000,000 obtained by Napoleon from American spolia- 
 tions since the passage of the Non-intercourse Act. 
 
 241. The Macon Bill, No. 2 (1810). — Non-intercourse, 
 as embodied in the bill of 1809, was seen to be unsatisfactory. 
 A substitute was adopted finally by Ongress on May i, 
 1 8 10. This provided for a renewal of trade with all coun- 
 tries, but, if either France or Great Britain should withdraw 
 her proclamations against American commerce, our govern- 
 ment should give the other three months in which to with- 
 draw her decrees. If the latter still continued to discriminate 
 against our trade, we should revive non-intercourse with 
 that nation. 
 
 Napoleon saw that his chance had come to embroil the 
 United States with Great Britain, to his own advantage. 
 With half promises that restitution should be made to Amer- 
 ica for the ships he had seized, he agreed that on November i, 
 1 8 10, he would revoke the Berlin and Milan decrees if Eng- 
 land would recall her orders in council, or if the United States 
 would compel Great Britain to respect our rights on the ocean. 
 Our government consequently sought in every way to secure 
 the revocation of the English orders in council, but in vain. 
 On November 2, therefore. President Madison proclaimed 
 that if the orders were not withdrawn by February i, 181 1, 
 non-intercourse should go into effect again with Great 
 Britain. The tricky emperor, without compensating Amer- 
 ican merchants for losses at his hands, by a halting and par- 
 
i8ii] Commercial Warfare 265 
 
 tial removal of restrictions on our trade, had skillfully made 
 the United States an instrument for injuring British com- 
 merce, at the same time that he had caused England to seem 
 the chief offender. For Great Britain, claiming that the 
 French decrees were still in force, refused to modify her 
 orders, and on March 2, 181 1, Congress passed the last of its 
 commercial acts designed to maintain peace, and prohibited 
 all trade with England in British vessels. 
 
 242. Summary. — Fortunately the chief problems of Financial 
 internal organization had been completed before we be- ^""^ P^'*^y 
 
 1 1 • 1 r T- r -» «- problems. 
 
 came mvolved m the contests of Europe after 1793. Most 
 of the pressing problems of finance had been solved by the 
 adoption of Hamilton's plan for a complete system of taxes, 
 for reducing the debt, and the assumption of state debts. The 
 adoption of this financial policy was the cause of disputes 
 between two sets of people who in time organized political 
 parties with definite views regarding the respective powers 
 of the national and state governments, on European ques- 
 tions, and on popular participation in the work of govern- 
 ment. Under the aristocratic Federalist party, the national I 
 government was placed upon a firm basis, but the Federal- 
 ists ruled arbitrarily and permitted their opponents to gain 
 control. This democratic Republican party kept itself in I 
 power because every tendency of the times was in favor 
 of government by the people. 
 
 We were drawn into foreign disputes because, as neutrals. Foreign prob- 
 we enjoyed a large part of the carrying trade carried on ^^ms after 1793. ^ 
 before 1793 by one of the combatants, and because several I 
 
 of the nations engaged in the European war controlled or 1 
 
 desired territory adjacent to the United States. Our chief 
 complaints were against Great Britain, who objected to I 
 
 our carrying goods directly or indirectly between French 1 
 
 colonies and France or her allies in Europe. 
 
 Although we tried to avoid any part in these European Successful 
 wars, our treaty of 1778 with France caused difficulty at treaties 
 first, and ouf understanding with England in Jay's treaty ^794-i«Jo3J- 
 (1794) completely altered our relations v.ith the chief nations ; 
 
discriminations 
 (1805-1811). 
 
 266 American History [1789- 
 
 at war. The misunderstanding with France which followed 
 Jay's treaty was terminated by the treaty of 1800. In 
 1803 Napoleon helped us to solve difficulties in the West 
 by ceding all of Louisiana, which affected American devel- 
 opment in innumerable ways and to a very great extent. 
 Commercial The last phase of the European contest during this period 
 
 in which we were interested was a species of commercial 
 warfare in which France tried to cripple England by cutting 
 off English trade with the continent, and England aimed to 
 destroy the trade of France with the outside world. The 
 United States suffered especially and tried to protect herself 
 by passing embargo and non-intercourse acts which de- 
 stroyed most of our commerce without injuring the European 
 nations particularly. Having exhausted every peaceable 
 means to obtain relief from commercial discrimination, there 
 seemed to be no honorable course but to declare war in 
 order to protect our rights. 
 
 TOPICS 
 
 1. International Interests in the West (1790-1800): 
 Roosevelt, "Winning of the West," VI, chap. 11; Turner, F. J., in 
 Atlantic Monthly, 93 (1904), pp. 676-691, 807-817; Ogg, "Open- 
 ing of the Mississippi," pp. 410-494. 
 
 2. Kentucky and Virginia Resolutions : Johnston, " American 
 PoHtical History," I, pp. 188-202; Von Hoist, "Constitutional His- 
 tory," I, pp. 142-167; Powell, "Nullification and Secession in United 
 States," pp. 50-91. 
 
 3. Burr's Conspiracy: Roosevelt, "Winning of the West," 
 IV, pp. 288-307; McMaster, "People of the United States," III, 
 pp. 54-88; Adams, "History of the United States," II, pp. 394-409, 
 III, 299-344; McCaleb, "Aaron Burr Conspiracy." 
 
 4. Opposition to the Embargo: McMaster, "People of the 
 United States," III, pp. 279-307, 323-335; Adams, "History of the 
 United States," IV, pp. 249-289, 339-360; Benton (ed.), "Debates 
 of Congress," III, 677-707, IV, pp. 5-31. 
 
 STUDIES 
 
 1. Difficulties with the Indians in the Northwest. (King, " Ohio," 
 pp. 241-261.) ^ 
 
 2. The situation in Europe (1789-1801). (Adams, "European 
 History," pp. 427-444.) 
 
i8ii] Foreign and Domestic Problems 267 
 
 3. Washington's Farewell Address. (Larned (ed.), "History for 
 Ready Reference," V, pp. 3308-3314.) 
 
 4. Debate on the "X. Y. Z." correspondence in Congress. (Ben- 
 ton (ed.), "Debates of Congress," III, pp. 225-242.) 
 
 5. Jefferson's first inaugural address. ("American Eloquence,'* 
 I» PP- 155-163-) 
 
 6. Fisher Ames on Jay's treaty. ("American Eloquence," 1, 
 pp. 1 12-130.) 
 
 7. Jefferson's views on the constitutionality of Louisiana. (Jeffer- 
 son, "Writings" (Monticello ed.), X, pp. 407-420.) 
 
 8. Significance of the Louisiana purchase. (Turner, F. J., in 
 Review of Reviews, XXVII (1903), pp. 578-584.) 
 
 9. Napoleon's "Continental System." (Andrews, "Historical 
 Development of Modern Europe," I, pp. 49-62.) 
 
 TO. English customs followed in 1789. (Ford, "American Poli- 
 tics," Chapter VI.) 
 
 QUESTIONS 
 
 1. How had the state debts been incurred? Should the difference 
 between the net amount of the northern and southern debts have 
 affected the payment? Was assumption necessary? Was it wise? 
 What influence did the financial measures of Hamilton exert on the 
 national government? 
 
 2. What is the difference between strict construction in 1791 and 
 at present ? What is meant by implied powers ? Could the Con- 
 stitution have survived without the use of implied powers? Men- 
 tion several duties now performed by the national government which 
 involve the use of implied powers. 
 
 3. Could the organization of political parties have been prevented ? 
 Explain. Show the position of the parties on democracy, constitu- 
 tional questions, foreign affairs, other matters. Why did the Fed- 
 eralist party go to pieces after 1800? What part of its work was 
 permanent ? 
 
 4. Why was the Proclamation of Neutrality in 1 793 a wise measure ? 
 Show how the year 1795 marks a turning-point in the history of our 
 international relations. Did our standing abroad improve during 
 the rule of the Federalists? 
 
 5. Was the election of Jefferson (i 800-1 801) a political revolu- 
 tion? To what extent was the policy of the national government 
 really changed? Were Jefferson's administrations successful? 
 
 6. What was the influence of the Louisiana purchase on territorial 
 expansion, construction of the Constitution, development of national- 
 ity, changes in favor of democracy, economic development, the prob- 
 lem of slavery, settlement of international disputes, general progress 
 of the United States? 
 
268 American History 
 
 7. Define the American view of the Rule of 1 756, the English view. 
 Was impressment from American vessels justifiable ? Was there any 
 reasonable excuse for the orders and decrees of 1806 and 1807? Be 
 specific. 
 
 8. On what constitutional grounds might an embargo be declared ? 
 What was the effect of the embargo on England ? on France ? on 
 American commerce? How did the embargo influence the invest- 
 ment of capital within the United States ? Give some idea of the 
 real importance of the embargo. 
 
 9. Explain each of the problems confronting the national govern- 
 ment in 1789 and note those developed later. In what way was an 
 attempt made to solve each? With what success? Give fully. 
 
McMaster, 
 United States, 
 
 CHAPTER XII 
 
 A NEW NATIONAL SPIRIT (1811-1824) 
 
 Presidents 
 James Madison (1809-1817) James Monroe (181 7-1825) 
 
 The Second War of Independence 
 
 243. Events Leading to War (1811-1812). The feeling Little Belt 
 toward England, already bitter, was increased during the ^^^^^• 
 years 181 1 and 181 2 by three unfortunate events. In May 
 of 181 1 the Little Belt, one of the British vessels occupied 
 in watching our coasts, by some mischance was engaged ill, 402-406. 
 in action by the President, which was a much larger ship. 
 
 The Little Belt was completely crippled, but an investiga- 
 tion freed the American government from blame for the 
 affair, and there was general rejoicing that the Chesapeake 
 had been avenged. 
 
 Six months later, Governor William Henry Harrison at- Victory at 
 tacked a force of Indians gathered at Tippecanoe creek in Tippecanoe. 
 Indiana Territory, defeating them with great slaughter and Babcock, Am. 
 burning their principal town. Under the lead of a Shawnee Nationality, 
 chieftain, Tecumseh, a confederation of all the Indian tribes ^^ ^ ' 
 in the West had been formed for the purpose of expelling Schouier, 
 the whites. This movement, it was thought, had received jj ^^_^yQ 
 the support of the British in upper Canada. 
 
 The third cause of ill-feeling was the publication in March, The Henry 
 181 2, of letters sold to our government by an adventurer, letters. 
 John Henry, who claimed to have been sent in 18 10 on a McMaster, 
 secret mission to New England with the intention of learning United states 
 whether that section would desert the United States in case ^^ ' "^44-447- 
 of a war with Great Britain. 
 
 244. Declaration of War (1812). — Prevention of war 
 
 269 
 
270 
 
 American History 
 
 [1812 
 
 Clay and the 
 New Repub- 
 licans. 
 
 Schurz, Clay, 
 I. 77-88. 
 
 
 / 
 
 War declared. 
 
 MacDonald, I 
 Documents, \ 
 Nos. 29, 30. 
 
 McMaster, 
 United States, 
 111,449-452. 
 454-458. 
 
 Beginning of 
 the conflict. \ 
 
 Babcock, Am^ 
 NatioTiality, I 
 69-83. j . 
 
 had now become an especially difficult task, for the control 
 within the Republican party had passed from the older and 
 more conservative leaders to a set of young, energetic men 
 who believed further submission to be debasing. Among 
 these young Republicans Henry Clay of Kentucky was the 
 most prominent figure. Brilliant rather than deep, an elo- 
 quent speaker, with a rare capacity for making friends, he 
 was a remarkably successful leader. He and his " war- 
 hawks " aroused such an enthusiasm for war that Presi- 
 dent Madison, desiring a second term, was induced to 
 support their policy. 
 
 An increase in the army and navy was voted early in Janu- 
 ary, 181 2. Later, an embargo of ninety days was declared 
 as a preparation for war, and on June i, 181 2, the President's 
 confidential war message was submitted to Congress. Three 
 grievances against England were mentioned: impressment, 
 sham blockades, and intrigues with the western Indians. 
 With but a few days' delay. Congress voted for war, the 
 South and West being almost unanimous for action, while 
 the Northeast voted against the measure, thirty-four of the 
 minority going so far as to issue an unpatriotic manifesto 
 assailing the administration's position. , / 
 
 War was declared June ig, and on June 9% the orders in 
 council were withdrawn by England. Had a telegraphic 
 cable been in existence, war might have been avoided. 
 Before this news could reach America, the government had 
 made preparations for increasing its army and building 
 new frigates, and the nation could not easily be dissuaded 
 from the invasion of Canada which had been planned. In 
 New England, the governors refused to furnish troops who 
 should fight outside their respective states, but elsewhere 
 enlistments went on rapidly. With light hearts the people 
 began war on the most powerful nation of Europe. Con- 
 sidering the distance between the continents and the diffi- 
 culties of the war with Napoleon which had taxed England's 
 resources to the utmost, the disparity was not great. 
 
 245. War in the North (1812-1813). — The invasion of 
 
[8 1 3] The Second War of Independence 
 
 271 
 
 Canada, so much desired, especially by the West, and re- 
 peatedly attempted during the first two years of the war, 
 was a complete and humiliating failure. At the beginning 
 of hostilities. General Hull, having crossed into upper Can- 
 ada, was forced to retire, and, without a blow, surrendered 
 Detroit and all Michigan to the English. Following this 
 came counter invasions of the British into Ohio, and the 
 horrible massacre of the wounded by the Indian allies of 
 the British at the River Raisin, the cry of '' Remember the 
 
 Loss of the 
 Northwest 
 (1812). 
 
 Larned (ed.), 
 Ready Ref., 
 
 V, 3340-3344- 
 
 Babcock, Am. 
 Nationality, 
 
 Scene of War in the North 
 
 River Raisin " being thereafter the slogan of the western 
 troops. 
 
 In the fall of 18 13 the tide turned in the Northwest. 
 Oliver H. Perry, having by remarkable efforts completed a 
 fleet on Lake Erie, met and captured a somewhat inferior 
 fleet commanded by an officer who had served under the 
 greatest of British admirals. Nelson. This great victory 
 was announced in the laconic dispatch, " We have met the 
 enemy and they are ours." It was followed by the transfer 
 of Harrison's army to the north shore of Lake Erie and 
 the unequal battle on the Thames River, in which the In- 
 dian warrior Tecumseh was slain. This double victory 
 freed the entire Northwest from English control. 
 
 Elsewhere on the northern border success did not attend 
 American arms. On the Niagara frontier operations dur- 
 
 Lake Erie 
 and the River 
 Thames (1813) 
 
 McMastcr, 
 Utiited States, 
 IV, 32-41. 
 
272 
 
 American History 
 
 [1813 
 
 
 ing the summer of 18 13 had been conducted with more than 
 usual inefficiency by our commanders, and at York (Toronto) 
 the parliamentary buildings had been burned. The St. 
 Lawrence and Champlain basins also had been the scenes 
 of disgraceful mismanagement. Projected invasions of 
 Canada had failed ignominiously, owing to the incapacity of 
 the American generals and their failure to cooperate with 
 each other. 
 
 246. The War on the Ocean (1812-1814). — There is no 
 brighter chapter in American history than the one devoted 
 
 to the records of the American 
 navy during the War of 18 12. 
 Our ships were unable to en- 
 gage the enemy except in rare 
 instances, but the duels fought 
 between single frigates were in 
 most cases signal victories for 
 the American vessels. During 
 the first year of the war the 
 Constitution captured two 
 frigates after short, decisive 
 engagements, the superiority 
 of the Americans being chiefly in seamanship and gunnery, 
 but partially in heavier armament. Especially during 181 2 
 and 1813 did the navy distinguish itself, for, with the prog- 
 ress of the war, the coast was blockaded so carefully that 
 once in port an American frigate could not escape easily. 
 Great damage was also inflicted on British commerce 
 by vessels of the navy and privateers. The Essex made 
 numerous captures on the Pacific, and the privateers are 
 said to have made prizes of fifteen hundred English mer- 
 chantmen, a larger number than had been confiscated by 
 Great Britain during the years preceding the war.^ On the 
 other hand, American commerce was practically destroyed 
 by the war, it being unsafe for our merchant marine on the 
 
 ^ Nearly one half of these were recaptured on their way to American 
 ports. 
 
 BRITISH CAMPAIGN AGAINST 
 WASHINGTON, ISl-t 
 
i8i4] The Second War of Independence 
 
 273 
 
 high seas and all but impossible to evade the strict blockades 
 of the coasts. 
 
 247. The Last Year of the War. — With the capture of Niagara 
 Paris in 18 14 and the subsequent banishment of Napoleon 
 to Elba, England was able to spare many veterans for the 
 war in America. These aided the Canadian militia in the 
 North and took part in the expeditions against Washington 
 and New Orleans. Yet this accession of strength brought 
 the English few successes, for during the rest of the war the 
 
 and Lake 
 Champlain. 
 
 Lamed (ed.), 
 Ready Re/., 
 
 V, 3350-3354. 
 
 
 The Capitol, Washington 
 
 Americans were nearly everywhere victorious. During McMaster, 
 the summer of 1814, General Jacob Brown restored Amer- Un^t^d states, 
 
 ^T. 1 • • 11 1 r ^, . IV, 56-69. 
 
 lean prestige at Niagara by winning the battles of Chippewa 
 
 and Lundy's Lane. In the fall of that year an invasion of 
 
 Lake Champlain was attempted by the Canadians, a large 
 
 land force being supported by a hastily prepared but by 
 
 no means insignificant fleet. Their progress was checked j 
 
 at Plattsburg by young Captain Macdonough, who so ar- ! 
 
 ranged and managed his vessels that he crippled the superior , 
 
 fleet of the enemy and compelled the withdrawal of both 
 
 land and naval forces into Canada. 
 
 During the first two years of the war, raids had been made Washington 
 at various points along the coast in which several towns ^^^ Baltimore. 
 were burned and considerable shipping destroyed. These 
 were supplemented in 1 814 by an expedition against Wash- 
 
2/4 
 
 American History 
 
 [1814 
 
 ington and Baltimore. As the capital was practically un- 
 defended except by forts on the Potomac, the British ad- 
 vanced without opposition to Bladensburg, where they put 
 to flight a motley force gathered to protect the city. The 
 capitol, White House, and other public buildings were burned, 
 but all of the government officials, including President 
 Madison, made their escape. Advancing toward Balti- 
 more by water, the British were unable to capture Fort 
 INIcHenry, its chief defense, and withdrew without further 
 successes. The bombardment of this fort by night was the 
 
 occasion for the writing of 
 "The Star Spangled Banner." 
 Being desirous of capturing 
 New Orleans and thus gain- 
 ing possession of the valuable 
 territory of Louisiana, the 
 English sent a large army 
 against that city late in 1814. 
 Its defense was intrusted to 
 Andrew Jackson who had al- 
 ready distinguished himself by 
 his vigor and energy in the de- 
 struction of a hostile force of Creek Indians, and by the 
 seizure of Pensacola, which the Spanish had allowed the 
 British to use as a base of operations. With comparatively 
 few regulars, but with large numbers of frontiersmen, Jack- 
 son skillfully blocked the efforts of the English general, 
 Pakenham, to reach the city by a flank movement. Paken- 
 ham with his veterans then advanced to a front attack along 
 the narrow strip of land between the Mississippi and exten- 
 sive swamps. The first assault took place on January 8, 181 5. 
 Of the Americans, but seven were killed and six were 
 wounded, while the English lost at least twenty-five hundred 
 in their vain attempt to take the American position. This 
 remarkable victory produced general rejoicing and made 
 Andrew Jackson a conspicuous personage. 
 248. The Treaty of Ghent (1814).— Two weeks before 
 
 A— ^3 \'>^ a<c of the 
 
 IVissistippi 
 
 GULF OF MEXICO 
 
 NEW ORLEANS AND VICIMTI 
 
i8i5] The Second War of Independence 275 I 
 
 the battle of New Orleans, a treaty of peace had been signed Negotiations. 1 
 
 at Ghent in Belgium. Negotiations for peace had in fact ' 
 
 been attempted in 18 13 when the Czar of Russia offered Hart, Contem- 
 
 his services as mediator. The United States accepted his poraries, 
 
 offer and appointed commissioners, but Great Britain re- ' °* '^ • 
 
 fused to be a party in such an arrangement. The following ,i 
 
 summer (August, 1814), negotiations were finally begun at ^t>cock ^w., 
 
 Ghent, the United States being represented by three very 168-184. 
 
 able men, Albert Gallatin, John Quincy Adams, and Henry 
 
 Clay, who unfortunately did not agree on the best terms | 
 
 to be made with England. As the British armies had been 
 
 in the main victorious to that time and as the blockade of 
 
 our coast was quite effective, her commissioners made ; 
 
 several demands, among them the establishment on our \ 
 
 northwest frontier of a permanent belt of Indian .country 
 
 under British protection. 
 
 The English finally agreed to give up all their demands Terms of the ; 
 
 and to return territory that had been seized, namely, parts treaty. 
 
 of Maine and Oregon, when our representatives promised 
 
 that they would not mention the subject of impressment MacDonaid, \ 
 
 and would not require compensation for ships and cargoes °'^^^^^ •^' ! 
 
 confiscated before 181 2. With these terms the commis- ' 
 
 sioners were content, because the conflict between England , 
 
 McMaster 
 and France had already ceased and the British navy needed united states, 
 
 no more sailors. By the American people the treaty was iv, 270-276. ' 
 
 hailed with delight, for they ignored our failure to obtain 
 
 any of the objects of war, in the general rejoicing over the I 
 
 restoration of peace. ; 
 
 Changed Conditions after the War of 181 2 
 
276 
 
 American History 
 
 [1815 
 
 belief in the oneness of the nation and the unity of interests 
 which had never existed before that time. Not only had 
 barriers between the states been broken down, but there 
 was widespread desire to cast aside old forms and customs 
 which had been in use since colonial times and which most 
 people now thought to be outgrown. The new nation had 
 found itself and insisted on doing its work in its own way, 
 not looking to Europe for the policies it should pursue nor 
 slavishly following the paths laid down by preceding gener- 
 ations. On this account the War of 181 2 is often called 
 rightly the second war of independence. 
 
 Of the conditions which wxre changed after the war 
 five deserve especial attention : (I) our altered international 
 standing, (II) changes in political parties, (III) changed eco- 
 nomic conditions, (IV) the new policy of the courts, and 
 (V) the development of the West and the demand for inter- 
 nal improvements. All of these reflect the new national 
 spirit of the people and most of them show that a new na- 
 tional policy was being adopted by the central government. 
 
 250. Our Altered International Standing. — (I) In 181 5 
 war ceased in America and in Europe. After the battle of 
 Waterloo France and England no longer found it necessary 
 to injure one another directly or through acts that affected 
 the trade of neutrals. Our ships were not stopped on the 
 high seas, and our commerce was free from interference as 
 it had not been before for a score of years. Aside from 
 these immunities we were treated abroad with a respect that 
 cannot be accounted for on the ground that the return of 
 peace made it unnecessary to fear us as neutrals. Foreign 
 nations realized that the United States must no longer be 
 treated as a third-rate power. This improvement in our 
 international standing was due in part to the fact that the 
 United States had now come to recognize itself as a nation. 
 It was due still more perhaps to the determination of the 
 United States to protect its rights by force if necessary. It 
 was influenced undoubtedly by the promptness with which, 
 at the close of the war with England, our navy compelled 
 
i8i5] Changed Conditions 277 
 
 the heads of the Barbary powers to make restitution for McMaster, 
 injuries committed during the war, and to renounce all ^^^t^d states, 
 claims to tribute which had been paid theretofore by us and 
 which was still being paid by European states. 
 
 The increased respect which we commanded abroad is Evidence of 
 shown by the greater eagerness with which foreign nations ^ better 
 sought our favor, and the more satisfactory terms which we position 
 were able to make with them in various treaties. Probably 
 the best proof of our real independence was the willingness 
 to announce so bold a policy as that embodied in the Monroe 
 Doctrine (§ 262), and the influence which the announcement 
 of that doctrine had in Europe. 
 
 251. Downfall of the Federalist Party. — (II) Political Beginning 
 conditions were radically different after 181 5. With the of domestic 
 close of the war the Federalist party practically disappeared, ^jgg^ 
 leaving only the Republican party. As far as there w^re 
 any issues separating the factions of this party, they dealt 
 with domestic affairs exclusively. Nothing more was heard 
 of the French party and the English party, for with the war 
 had passed the dominance of Europe in our politics. Be- 
 cause of the war and their unpatriotic action during that 
 conflict, the Federalists ceased to exert even the minor in- 
 fluence they had possessed before 18 12. 
 
 They had opposed the war from the beginning and in Reasons for 
 several instances had acted in opposition to the adminis- Federalist 
 tration. Several state legislatures issued protests against 
 the continuance of the war. All but one of the New Eng- 
 land governors objected to the use of the militia in other 
 states for the purpose of carrying on offensive war. Mer- 
 chants in the Northeast furnished the enemy wdth a large 
 part of their provisions. New England capitalists, who 
 had most of the specie in the United States, refused to aid 
 the government in its attempts to sell bonds. On the other 
 hand, the national government made no attempt to protect 
 the New England states and adopted several measures par- 
 ticularly injurious to that section. 
 
 The Federalist opposition to the war culminated in the 
 
2/8 
 
 American Histoty 
 
 [IS. 5 
 
 Hartford convention, in which three states were represented. 
 Their enemies claimed that in these secret sessions the mem- 
 bers were considering plans for secession from the Union, 
 but that was not true. The real purpose of the convention 
 was to protest against the war and unite on certain measures 
 for the protection of the sectional interests of the New Eng- 
 land states.^ Several amendments to the Constitution were 
 proposed that would, if accepted, safeguard their interests. 
 The report of the convention was adopted by the legislatures 
 of Massachusetts and Connecticut and was carried to Wash- 
 ington so that it might be laid before Congress. Unfortu- 
 nately for the Federalists, it reached the national capital 
 at the same time as news that peace had been made, and that 
 the British had sustained an overwhelming defeat at New 
 Orleans. The return of peace removed the cause of the 
 Federalists' grievances and produced such a reaction against 
 that opposition party that it was never afterward a serious 
 factor in our political life. 
 
 252. The Tariff of 1816. — (III) Shut oft' from Europe by 
 embargo and war during most of the years following 1807, 
 the people of the United States were deprived of the use of 
 articles that they had imported formerly except so far as 
 crude substitutes were manufactured in this country. So 
 great was the impetus given to manufacturing during this 
 period that the real industrial beginnings of the United States 
 may be said to date from the great embargo. 
 
 After Napoleon was overthrown at Waterloo (181 5) and 
 Europe was at peace for the first time in twenty years, the 
 continental nations revived their old tarift's in order to pre- 
 vent England from sending them so many manufactured 
 articles. Deprived of this market for their goods, the Eng- 
 
 * The members of the convention occupied much the same ground taken 
 by Kentucky and Virginia in their resolutions of 170S and i7qQ. They 
 ckiimed that in case of deliberate, dangerous, and palpable infractions of 
 the Constitution affecting the sovereignty of a state and the liberties of the 
 people, " it is not only the right but the duty of such a state to interpose its 
 authority for their protection in the manner best calculated to secure that 
 end." 
 
i8i6] Changed Conditions 279 
 
 lish merchants shipped immense quantities of manufactures 
 to America. Prices fell immediately, and the American 
 manufacturers found that they could not compete with their 
 English rivals. Unless Congress gave them relief from i 
 
 this deluge of foreign goods, the factories started during the j 
 
 previous decade would be obliged to close, as the comi)ara- i 
 
 tively high tariff of 181 2, passed for the purpose of giving I 
 
 revenue, was not really protective and was to continue only 1 
 
 a year after peace was made. 
 
 Numerous petitions were sent to Congress asking that Tariff of 1816. ! 
 body to raise the duties on wool and cotton manufactures. I 
 
 Henry Clay, distinguished throughout his career as the great Dewey, Finan- 
 champion of protection for American manufactures, gave "^^ ^"'" ^ 73 
 the proposed tariff his ardent support. John C. Calhoun 
 made a speech in its favor that was remarkable for its breadth. Baboock, Am. 
 Daniel Webster and the New England contingent hesitated ^ '■^"'^ '^' 
 to support a policy that threatened to injure the commerce 
 of that section. Many in the South saw only danger in „ . . , 
 
 protection, but a fair minority were won over by the tariff die Period, 
 on cotton imports which would benefit indirectly the plant- 8-13- 
 ers in the cotton belt. In its final form the tariff of 1816, 
 the first really protective tariff in our history, provided for 
 a twenty-five per cent ad valorem duty on cotton and wool 
 manufactures, thirty per cent on some forms of iron manu- 
 factures, a specific duty of three cents a pound on sugar, and 
 lower rates on a few other articles. In some respects it was 
 the most national tariff ever enacted in Congress, as it re- 
 ceived some support in every section of the country. 
 
 253. The Second National Bank. — The change in the 
 national sentiment of the people and in the willingness to 
 intrust a greater amount of power to the central government 
 is more striking in the case of the national bank than in 
 that of the tariff. The first national bank had been obliged 
 to discontinue its operations as a national corporation in 
 i8ti when Congress refused to renew its charter. The 
 opposition to the bank among the Republicans was quite 
 strong because they felt that there was considerable doubt 
 
280 
 
 American History 
 
 [1816 
 
 as to its constitutionality, and because many believed that 
 the influence of the bank had been exerted for corrupt ends. 
 Nevertheless the bill to renew the charter in 181 1 was lost 
 by the casting vote of the vice president in the Senate. 
 During the war with England, the dilatory policy of the 
 government in raising taxes, coupled w^ith the great increase 
 of paper money issued by the local banks that had sprung 
 into existence after the discontinuance of the national bank, 
 caused great confusion in the currency and left both the 
 government and the country in a serious financial condition. 
 
 It was believed quite generally that a national bank would 
 be of the greatest service in aiding the national government 
 and in remedying the currency ills of the country. As very 
 little doubt existed now as to the constitutionality of a national 
 bank, there was little difficulty in passing an act for a second 
 national bank.^ This bank was chartered for twenty years 
 and was to have a capital of $35,000,000, of which one fifth 
 was to be subscribed by the national government. Most 
 of the remainder was to be in bonds or notes of the United 
 States. It was to aid the government in conducting its 
 fiscal operations. Unlike its predecessor, the stock for 
 which had been owned almost entirely abroad, the bank 
 was supported by American capitalists, the number of those 
 owning stock being very much larger than those interested 
 in the earlier bank. Although the bank did relieve the 
 financial situation somewhat, it was managed badly for 
 several years and did not prove a great success at the be- 
 ginning. 
 
 254. The Supreme Court. — (IV) The influence of the 
 Supreme Court in strengthening the national government 
 at this time can hardly be overestimated. On account of 
 the national sentiment among the people during the period 
 following the war, the court was allowed to render and en- 
 force several decisions which defined more clearly the work 
 
 ^ Most of the opposition came from the Federalists, whose anti-national 
 attitude at this time was followed by their complete disappearance soon 
 after. 
 
1819] Chattged Conditions 281 
 
 which Congress might do and enlarged the sphere of duties Babcock, Am. 
 
 left to the government at Washington. In this task of in- ^'^twnality, I 
 
 creasing the authority of the national government, the in- ' ] 
 
 fluence of the Chief Justice, John Marshall, was preeminent, ' 
 
 although the other justices held very liberal views. There supreme Court 
 
 were two ways in which the court gave its support to the 38-46,54-61. : 
 national government: (i) by interpreting in a liberal way 
 
 that clause of the Constitution which gives Congress the right i 
 
 to use all means which are necessary and proper for carry- : 
 
 ing into execution the powers specifically conferred on the i 
 national government by the Constitution, thus indorsing 
 
 the right of Congress to use ''implied" powers,^ and (2) by ! 
 preventing the states from interfering with the work of the 
 central government.^ 
 
 The right of Congress to use implied powers was expressed Use of implied 
 
 most emphatically in the case of IVCullodi v. Maryland P^^'^''^- 
 
 (18 1 9), when the court declared that Congress had the right ; 
 
 to charter a national bank, although the Constitution does ^^^^' ^^^^^^- ' 
 
 1 • 1 • 1 !• r 1 poraries, 
 
 not mention such a right in the list of enumerated powers, uj^ j^^ j^^. 
 
 Marshall admitted that the powers of the national govern- j 
 
 ment were limited, but claimed that Congress had the right 
 
 to use its discretion as to the means which it might employ , 
 
 in performing its duties. " Let the end be legitimate, let : 
 
 it be within the scope of the Constitution, and all means 
 
 which are appropriate, which arc plainly adapted to that end, I 
 
 which are not prohibited, but consistent with the letter and i 
 
 spirit of the Constitution, are constitutional." 
 
 255. The Development of the West. — (V) Undoubtedly Causes of 
 the most important of the changes which took place during migration to ; 
 1 • -11 1 ,11, ^ the West. 
 
 this period was the westward movement by which the eastern j 
 
 half of the Mississippi and Gulf basins was peopled, lead- \ 
 
 ing directly to the admission of several new states and indi- 
 rectly to a great development in the democratic and national ' 
 
 i 
 
 1 Constitution, Art. I, \ 8, CI. i8. 
 
 2 The court also limited the powers of the states in the interests of indi- 
 vidual rights, as in the famous Dartmouth College case, in which the right 
 of a state to alter a charter was denied. 
 
282 
 
 A?ficricafi Histoy 
 
 [1815 
 
 spirit of the people (§§ 2qo, 297). The war had served to 
 awaken the nation. Thousands became dissatisfied with 
 the old humdrum life of the eastern border, and turned to 
 the West — the land of enterprise, of opportunity, of 
 wealth. Before the war the emigration to the West had 
 been considerable, after 1813 it became rapid, and by 1815 
 it was little less than marvelous. The stagnation in the 
 coast cities due to the blockade maintained during the war 
 and the limited market for farm products had much to do 
 with the exodus. The richness of the soil, the liberal land 
 policy of the government (§ 289), and the greater political 
 rights enjoyed in the West (§ 290) were not the least of the 
 inducements in the country beyond the mountains. 
 
 Several of the southern coast states considered measures 
 for preventing further emigration to Mississippi, Alabama, 
 and Tennessee, the population of which expanded amazingly 
 in the years following the destruction of the Indian strong- 
 holds by forces under Jackson. But the growth of the South 
 did not equal that of the North. The roads to the West 
 were one succession of emigrant wagons carrying families 
 and household goods. At one point in Pennsylvania five 
 hundred wagons were counted in a single month. Nearly 
 fifty thousand persons moved into Indiana in the single year 
 18 1 6. Villages sprang up as if by magic. Speculation in 
 town lots and farm lands became common. Everywhere 
 the country teemed with life and excitement. Nor did ex- 
 pansion stop with the Mississippi River. Into the trackless 
 wastes beyond the Father of Waters poured the pioneers, 
 closely followed by the farmers with their families. 
 
 256. Internal Improvements. — ]Most of the states west 
 of the Alleghany ]vIountains desired to improve all possible 
 means of communication, because they were essential to 
 their development. They expended large sums of money 
 for roads and canals, granted privileges and gave bonuses 
 to private companies engaged in improving highwa)^ and 
 waterways, and sought from the national government aid 
 in constructing roads. When the state of Ohio was admitted 
 
i8i7] Changed Conditions 283 j 
 
 J 
 into the Union (1803), Congress agreed to spend the proceeds ' 
 
 arising from the sale of certain public lands in i^uilding a 
 national road which should connect the state with the sea- ' 
 
 coast. Naturally the states west of Ohio insisted on a con- 
 tinuance of this highway. The route selected was from , 
 Cumberland, through Maryland, Pennsylvania, and Virginia 
 to Wheeling on the Ohio, and west through Columbus and 
 Indianapolis to Vandalia, Illinois, beyond which nothing 
 was done. Work on this " Cumberland road " progressed 
 slowly, although Congress began at an early date to make 
 appropriations supplementing the land funds, thus estab- 
 lishing firmly as a governmental j)olicy that system of inter- j 
 iial improvements which has done so much for the commerce 
 of the United States both foreign and inland. 
 
 After the war with England, Congress took up in earnest Internal Im- 
 the question of internal improvements.^ Under the lead provement Bill 
 of Calhoun, Congress discussed a system of roads and canals 
 similar to the famous plan [)roposed by Albert Gallatin, 
 secretary of the treasury, in 1808. There were to be canals ^J^.^^^'^^ 
 connecting all oi the important bays along the Atlantic ill, No. 131. 
 coast in order to permit communication by inland waters 
 from one part of the coast with another in time of war, a Burgess, 
 national road from Maine to Georgia, several roads to the Middle Period 
 West, and military roads on the frontiers. The money paid ^^~^ 
 by the national bank for its charter was voted by Congress 
 for the partial improvement of these roads and canals, the McMaster, 
 
 , • 1 , , , , , .,, . l-^nUed states, 
 
 rest to be appropriated by the states, but the bill was vetoed jv, 411-415. 
 
 by President Madison (18 17), who favored the scheme 
 
 but could not overcome his constitutional scruf)]cs. The 
 
 national government afterward built .several military roads, 
 
 which were located, however, in such a way as to be of com- : 
 
 paratively little value to commerce and interstate migration. 
 
 257. Importance of the Westward Movement. — The New national | 
 part which the West took in the development of the nation ^y^'" '" ^^^^ I 
 
 . West. ' 
 
 in the years following the second war with England can be 
 
 * Appropriations had been made before that time for post roads and for 
 harbors and lighthouses as an aid to commerce. . I 
 
284 
 
 American History 
 
 [1818 
 
 appreciated in part from the preceding sections. But the 
 growth of the West did much more than awaken the people 
 and present new problems for the nation to solve. It 
 changed, gradually of course, the point of view of the whole 
 population, for in the West much sooner than in the East 
 the people came to look upon things from a national, not 
 from a local standpoint. The emigrants from the Atlantic 
 states who settled in the Mississippi valley had no local 
 traditions in their new settlements and forgot their pride in 
 their former state. More than one western state was settled 
 by people from a dozen other states who lost quickly most 
 of the characteristics that continued for two generations in 
 the old home. In the cosmopolitan West a new race was 
 developed that was a blending of the colonial types which 
 still existed on the Atlantic border. Here was the beginning 
 of the really new nation, the American people. 
 
 Four things of the first importance the West was doing 
 at this time which the whole people adopted later, (i) The 
 American type was developed — a race that blended many 
 of the characteristics of the eastern people from whom it 
 sprang, uniting with them a vigor, an enterprise, a broad- 
 mindedness that was its own. (2) The West viewed things 
 from a national rather than a local or sectional standpoint. 
 (3) In the West, legal and political equality was developed 
 much earlier than in the older parts of the country. (4) The 
 West presented many political and social problems for the en- 
 tire nation to solve, and itself decided the solution of many of 
 those problems, because the West was progressive and united. 
 
 Slavery and Foreign Affairs (1819-1824) 
 
 258. The Missouri Bill (1818-1819). — The growth of 
 the West in the period following 181 5 was so remarkable that 
 territories were prepared for statehood with amazing rapid- 
 ity. Although the growth was greater in the Northwest than 
 in the Southwest, care was taken to preserve the balance 
 between the free states and the slave states. Indiana (1816) 
 was followed by Mississippi (181 7), and after Illinois was 
 
i8i8] Slavery and Foreign Affairs 285 I 
 
 admitted (18 18) the application of Alabama was considered ; 
 
 favorably. All of these states were located east of the Mis- | 
 
 sissippi River and were in territory set aside as free or slave 
 years before. 
 
 The situation was radically different in Missouri, which First Missouri 
 applied for admission as a slave state in 1818. Missouri ^^''• 
 was in territory that had been acquired after the Constitu- 
 tion had been adopted, and Congress was free to adopt such ^^^^0"=^!^, , 
 
 ^ Documents, 
 
 a policy as it wished in this region. There was a growing nq, 35. 
 sentiment in parts of the United States against slavery ' 
 
 extension, and, although slavery had existed in Missouri 
 from the time of French rule, there was considerable oppo- 
 sition to the continuance of slavery in that region, especially 
 as Missouri was almost entirely north of the line of the Ohio 
 River, which in the middle West marked the boundary 
 between the slave and free states. On this account, when 
 the House of Representatives began consideration of the bill 
 to admit Missouri as a slave state, James Tallmadge of New 
 York offered an amendment that all children born in the 
 state after its admission be free at the age of twenty-five years. 
 After an extended debate the House adopted the Tallmadge 
 amendment by a majority of four votes, but the Senate re- 
 fused to agree and passed the bill admitting Missouri as a 
 slave state without the Tallmadge amendment. Nothing 
 further could be done that session, for neither chamber 
 would recede from its position. 
 
 259. The Missouri Problem. — The reason for this dead- 
 lock between the houses of Congress is interesting. As the 
 states are represented equally in the Senate, and the slave 
 states were as numerous as the free states, the pro-slavery 
 leaders controlled the Senate because the senators from 
 the slave states were united in favor of admitting Missouri 
 with slavery, whereas the" northern members were divided 
 in sentiment. In the House, however, since representation 
 was based on population, and five negroes were counted 
 as equal to three whites for purposes of representation, the 
 northern members outnumbered those from the South by 
 
286 
 
 Amei'ican Histoiy 
 
 [1819 
 
 twenty-five. Although the southern representatives were 
 united closely by their slavery interest, they could not gain 
 the support of enough members from the North to give them 
 a majority in the lower house. 
 
 Before the new Congress met in December, 181 9, the 
 sentiment of the country had been expressed fully and clearly 
 on the Missouri question. Meetings had been held in most 
 of the large northern cities and resolutions had been adopted 
 in public gatherings, in town meetings, and in state legis- 
 latures, which requested Congress to forbid the further ex- 
 tension of slavery beyond the Mississippi. From the South 
 came numerous petitions asking that Missouri be admitted 
 with slavery. 
 
 Before the Missouri bill came up in earnest, however, 
 the House passed a bill admitting Maine as a free state. 
 When the Maine bill reached the Senate, the Missouri bill 
 with slavery was attached to it. Several weeks were spent 
 by both houses in discussing the Missouri question. The 
 arguments presented at this session were similar to those 
 used during the preceding year. Most of those who wished 
 to have Missouri admitted w^ith slavery did not attempt to 
 deny that slavery was an evil, but argued that its diffusion 
 over a greater area would lead to its extinction sooner than 
 restriction within a limited territory. They claimed that 
 Congress had no right to impose important conditions like 
 that which prohibited slavery within a state on its admission 
 to the Union. Their opponents maintained zealously that 
 slavery was a curse which should not be allowed to expand ; 
 that it was more wasteful and dearer than free labor.^ 
 
 260. The Missouri Compromises (1820-1821). The 
 debate in the Senate on the Maine-Missouri bill was con- 
 
 ^ They pointed to the conditions in Louisiana at the time of its admis- 
 sion and to the conditions prohibiting slavery that had been exacted from 
 the states formed out of the " Northwest territory " to show that Congress 
 had the power to regulate important matters for states on their admission 
 to the Union. The proslavery debaters claimed that Congress could not 
 have forced these states to accept that condition, but that they had done 
 so freely. 
 
l82l] 
 
 Slavery and Foreign Affairs 
 
 287 
 
 eluded by the adoption of an amendment to that dual 
 measure, proposed by Senator Thomas of Illinois, which 
 prohibited slavery forever within the territory acquired from 
 France north of 36° 30' except in the state of Missouri. 
 But the House refused to concur. It passed a Missouri 
 bill of its own with a clause prohibiting slavery, but after a 
 conference the House 
 yielded, and the first 
 Missouri compromise 
 was completed. 
 
 Missouri was ad- 
 mitted without men- 
 tion of slavery, but 
 slavery was thereafter 
 prohibited north of 36° 
 30' in the rest of the 
 Louisiana purchase. 
 Maine was admitted 
 separately as a free 
 state. A year later it 
 was found that the new 
 Missouri constitution 
 did not allow free 
 
 blacks or mulattoes to settle in the state. A sectional 
 clash on this provision was settled by a second compromise, 
 engineered by Clay, which provided that the Missouri con- 
 i|stitution should never be construed so as to prevent citizens 
 lof other states from migrating to Missouri. 
 
 In this way did the statesmen of that period settle the 
 first important slavery controversy under the Constitution. 
 From a legal point of view the result was wise and satis- 
 factory. The right of a state on its admission to the Union 
 to decide questions that were left to the states which were in 
 the Union was affirmed, as well as the right of Congress to 
 control absolutely the national territory before it was erected 
 into states. As slavery had existed in the Louisiana territory 
 from the beginning and had never been prohibited in any 
 
 Territory Affected by the 
 MISSOUUI COMPKOMISE 
 
 A Added to Missouri (183<5) 
 
288 
 
 A))i erica 11 History 
 
 [1819 
 
 part by Congress, the prohibition of slavery from the vast 
 region between parallels 36° 30' and 49° and between the 
 Mississippi and the ridges of the Rockies was a distinct 
 advance, as so little territory was left open to slavery. As 
 a means for allaying sectional feeling and preventing strife 
 over the c|iiestion of slavery, it was a decided success, for in 
 the forty years that elapsed before the North and South 
 linally resorted to arms to settle this problem, the anti- 
 slavery section had developed much more rapidly than the 
 region dependent on slavery. 
 
 261. Florida. — After the acquisition of Louisiana in 
 1803, Spain retained the Floridas in the southeast and 
 ^Mexico in the southwest. Between our territory and these 
 Spanish possessions, no definite boundary lines had been 
 established. We claimed the western part of the Floridas 
 as part of Louisiana (§ 233), but failed to gain this region 
 until 181 1, when disorder in that section led President 
 Madison to extend the authority of the United States over 
 the territory as far east as the Perdido River. During the 
 war with England the rest of the Floridas was used as a 
 base of operations by the British, and became the home of 
 slaves and criminals who escaped from the states. Spain 
 was unable to control the territory or to prevent runaways 
 from making it a place of refuge. When these difficulties 
 were aggravated by Indian disturbances which threatened 
 our borders, General Jackson invaded Florida, captured 
 Pensacola and other towns, and hanged the British sub- 
 jects, Ambrister and Arbuthnot, who had stirred up the 
 Indians.^ 
 
 ^ Crawford, Clay, and Calhoun criticised Jackson's action and an 
 attempt was made to have him censured by Congress. This failed miser- 
 ably. Only one member of the cabinet, Adams, defended Jackson; but 
 Jackson, supposing that Calhoun was his defender, was bitter toward 
 Adams, especially after 1S25 (§ 264). When ten years later he learned that 
 Calhoun had worked against him at this time, his friendship for Calhoun 
 was changed into the harshest enmity. These enmities which grew out of 
 the attempt of jealous politicians to discredit a general who was becoming 
 very popular had a great influence on the history of tlic next twenty 
 years. 
 
1823] Slavery and Foreign Ajfairs 289 
 
 Spain and Great Britain protested, but Spain, finding 
 that she could not control the territory properly and that 
 it would be seized by the United States if she did not cede 
 it peaceably, agreed to transfer it to the United States in 
 return for $5,000,000. The treaty also defined the south- 
 western boundary between the United States and Mexico,^ 
 yielding the whole of Texas which the United States desired 
 but could not claim justly.^ This treaty of 1819 was not 
 ratified by the Spanish and two years elapsed before a 
 similar treaty was concluded with slight modifications in i 
 
 favor of the United States. In this way the United States Morse, 
 
 rounded out her territory so as to attain a natural boundary ■^' ^' ^^^^^> 
 •' 114-119, 124- 
 
 on the southeast. Had Spain refused to sell us Florida, 128. 
 
 we should have been forced to seize the peninsula to protect 
 
 our interests. The limitation of the western boundary 
 
 was a grievance to the expansionists, for Americans were ' 
 
 already making their way to Texas. 
 
 262. The Monroe Doctrine (1823). — Soon after the 
 settlement of the Florida difficulty the United States was con- 
 fronted by a very much more serious problem growing out of 
 the inability of Spain to control her American colonies and 
 the attempt on the part of an alliance of four European pow- 
 ers — Russia, Austria, Prussia, and France — to reconquer 
 for Spain her colonics that had revolted.^ This alliance had 
 been formed originally in 181 5 by the emperors of Russia McMaster, i 
 and Austria and the king of Prussia, under the name of the United states 
 Holy Alliance, for the real purpose of upholding the rights 
 of monarchy against the democratic movements which had 
 broken out in different parts of Europe, especially during 
 
 ^ For this line of i8ig, see map page 255. 
 
 2 Many authorities believe that Texas was part of the Louisiana pur- 
 chase, and there is no doubt that Napoleon would have insisted on the Rio 
 Grande as the southwest limit of the territory. 
 
 ^ Most of Spain's possessions in this hemisphere had established sepa- 
 rate governments during the years following i8oS when Napoleon attempted 
 to rule Spain. They had returned to their allegiance after the Spanish 
 monarchy was reestablished, but even before the revolutionists gained the 
 upper band in Spain again in 1S20 the colonies declared their independ- / 
 
 ence. / 
 
 u / 
 
290 
 
 American History 
 
 [1823 
 
 the disorders of the Napoleonic wars. All attempts to gain 
 a greater degree of self-government within their dominions 
 were suppressed by force. In 1820 the people of Spain and 
 some other countries revolted against the arbitrary rule of 
 their monarchs, revolutionary governments being estabhshed. 
 The Alliance directed France to suppress the Spanish 
 revolution. The Holy Alliance then announced that the 
 Spanish-American states were to be conquered for Spain. 
 
 As England desired the trade 
 of these new republics, her 
 prime minister, Canning, im- 
 mediately suggested that the 
 United States should join her 
 ,in a protest against this re- 
 actionary step. President 
 Monroe sought the advice 
 of Jefferson, Madison, and 
 his cabinet. All agreed that 
 the threatened attack of the 
 Alliance must be averted, 
 but through the influence of 
 Secretary of State Adams, 
 Great Britain and the United 
 States decided to make separate protests against the re- 
 establishment of Spanish rule over the states that had 
 declared their independence. 
 
 In his regular message to Congress in December, 1823, 
 Monroe announced the famous doctrine since known by 
 his name.^ He declared that we had never interfered in 
 
 James Monroe 
 
 ^ He declared that " we owe it, therefore, to candor and to the amicable 
 relations existing between the United States and those powers [the Holy 
 Alliance], to declare that we should consider any attempt on their part to 
 extend their system to any portion of this hemisphere as dangerous to our 
 peace and safety. With the existing colonies or dependencies of any 
 European power, we have not interfered, and shall not interfere. But with 
 the governments who have declared their independence, and maintained it, 
 and whose independence we have, on great consideration, and on just 
 principles, acknowledged, we could not view any interposition for the pur- 
 
1823] Slavery and Foreign Affairs 291 
 
 distinctively European affairs and had no intention of doing MacDonald, 
 
 Documents, 
 No. 43. 
 
 Gilman, 
 
 Afonroe. 
 
 SO. We could not permit the Alliance to reduce these states 
 again to the position of colonies. In another part of his 
 message Monroe considered a similar question : the aggres- 
 sions of Russia on the northwestern coast. '' The occasion 
 has been judged proper for asserting as a principle in which 156-174 
 the rights and interests of the United States are involved, 
 that the American continents, by the free and independent 
 condition which they have assumed and maintain, are 
 henceforth not to be considered as subjects for future colon- 
 ization by any European powers." In this way and at this 
 time was announced formally a policy which the United 
 States had maintained almost from the beginning and which 
 she has developed with our needs into the great American 
 doctrine. 
 
 263. Summary. — The protest against the commercial 
 discriminations of France and England was one of the chief 
 causes which aroused the national spirit of the American 
 people. Comparatively unimportant as the military events 
 of the war must be considered, the war really compelled the 
 people to depend on themselves for many things that had 
 been furnished formerly by Europe ; it made them unwilling 
 longer to follow the lead of the European nations in matters 
 of internal political policies, and it united the people as 
 they were not united even at the beginning of the conflict. 
 
 The new national spirit which grew out of this second 
 war for independence was especially noticeable in the 
 consideration of distinctively American political questions, 
 in the adoption of a national protective tariff, and a new 
 United States Bank that was at once national and demo- 
 cratic, in increased centralization through the greater powers 
 exercised by Congress and indorsed by the Supreme Court. 
 National unity in its turn gave us a better international 
 position, so that we may be said to have risen from a third- 
 pose of oppressing them or controlling, in any other manner, their destinyj 
 by a European power, in any other light than as the manifestation of an 
 unfriendly disposition toward the United States." 
 
292 American History [181 1 
 
 class power to one of the second rate. In connection with 
 the adoption of the policy now known as theMonroe Doctrine 
 we gave proof that we were no longer subservient to any of 
 the great nations of Europe, 
 rhe West and The events of the period from 181 1 to 1818, the latter 
 Its problems. ^^^^ q£ which was a time of very great prosperity, were favor- 
 emocracy. ^^^ ^^^ alone to the development of a national spirit and 
 the extension of national authority but to an expansion which 
 made the West and western questions of the greatest promi- 
 nence. In this large and rapidly growing region, with nine 
 states to fifteen on the Atlantic border, there were developed 
 more democratic institutions than those of the East. As the 
 tendency of the century was toward political equality, the 
 West simply accelerated the movement toward democracy, 
 so that before 1850 practically the entire nation had aban- 
 doned class rule and many social inequalities. The growth 
 of the West compelled the nation to solve many problems, 
 among them that of slavery extension. In connection with 
 the admission of Missouri, the first great contest occurred 
 between the forces which favored the extension of slavery 
 and those that opposed its adoption in new states and 
 territories. The compromise was chiefly important in 
 postponing the inevitable conflict between the forces of free 
 labor -and of slave labor. 
 
 TOPICS 
 
 1. The Career of the Constitution: Roosevelt, *' Naval 
 War of 1812;" Maclay, "History of the United States Navy," I; 
 Mahan, "War of 181 2." 
 
 2. Treaty or Ghent (1814): Stevens, "Albert Gallatin," 
 pp. 312-337; Morse, "John Quincy Adams," pp. 75-98; Schurz, 
 "Clay," I, pp. 100-125; Adams, "United States," VII, Chapter 
 XIV; VIII, Chapters I-II. 
 
 3. Tariff of 1816: McMaster, "People of the United States," 
 IV, pp. 319-345; Taussig, "Tariff History of the United States," 
 pp. 16-67; Stanwood, "Tariff Controversies of the Nineteenth 
 Century," I, pp. 128-159. 
 
 4. The Missouri Compromises: Johnston, "American Political 
 History," II, pp. 110-120; Von Hoist, "Constitutional History of 
 
1824] A New National Spirit 293 
 
 United States," I, pp. 356-381; Burgess, "Middle Period," pp. 61- 
 107; Schouler, "United States," III, pp. 99-103, 147-186. 
 
 STUDIES 
 
 1. Perry's victory on Lake Erie. (Mahan, "War of 1812," 
 Chapter XI.) 
 
 2. Financial problems of the war. (Dewey, "Financial History 
 of United States," pp. 128-142.) 
 
 3. Disorders of the currency which influenced the crisis of 1819. 
 (McMaster, "People of the United States," IV, pp. 280-318.) 
 
 4. Building the Cumberland Road in the West. (Hulbert, 
 "Cumberland Road," pp. 71-90.) 
 
 5. Character of the West (1815-1830). (Turner, "Rise of the 
 New West," pp. 84-110.) 
 
 6. The Far West. (Turner, "Rise of the New West," pp. iii- 
 
 7. Diverse interests in the South (1820). (Turner, "Rise of 
 New West," pp. 45-66.) 
 
 8. William Pinckney on the Missouri controversy. (Johnston 
 (ed.), "American Eloquence," II, pp. 63-101.) 
 
 9. Relations of Spain and the United States around the Gulf of 
 Mexico ( 1 783-1821). 
 
 10. Authorship of the Monroe Doctrine. (Ford, W. C, in 
 Afuen'can Historical Review, 7 (1901), pp. 676-696, 8, pp. 28-52.) 
 
 QUESTIONS 
 
 1. Summarize the grievances of New England. To what extent 
 were they real grievances? What just complaint did the administra- 
 tion have against New England ? What were the results of New Eng- 
 land's course during the war on the war itself? on the Federalist 
 party? on the influence of New England later in the councils of the 
 nation ? 
 
 2. Why did we declare war against Great Britain ? How many of 
 our grievances were removed during the w^ar? by the treaty of peace ? 
 How many of the grievances existed after the war ? what new inter- 
 national complications ? 
 
 3. Compare fully the changes which followed the Revolutionary 
 War and that of 1812. To what extent were the movements begun 
 during the period of the Revolution completed at this time ? 
 
 4. What justification do you find in the Constitution for a protec- 
 tive tariff, a national bank, internal improvements? Did the Repub- 
 lican party favor a looser construction of the Constitution in 1816 
 than in 1792, in 1803, in 1808? 
 
294 American History 
 
 5. Was slavery principally a political or an economic issue? Com- 
 pare the advantages won by each side in the Missouri compromise. 
 What were the constitutional results of the compromises? the polit- 
 ical results? 
 
 6. Just how did the decisions of the Supreme Court strengthen 
 nationality? Was the court sufficiently conservative? Would its 
 permanent influence have been greater by following a different policy ? 
 If so, what policy ? 
 
 7. What was the purpose of the Holy Alliance ? What had been 
 done by the Alliance in Europe ? What was the attitude of England 
 toward the Alliance before 1822? after 1822? What was the rela- 
 tion of the Alliance and Russia in Alaska to the Monroe Doctrine ? 
 
CHAPTER XIII 
 
 NATIONAL DEMOCRACY (1824-1843) 
 
 Presidents 
 
 John Quincy Adams (1825-1829) 
 Andrew Jackson (1829-1837) 
 Martin Van Buren (i 837-1 841) 
 
 William Henry Harrison 
 
 (1841-1841) 
 John Tyler (1841-1845) 
 
 Ac- 
 
 The Triumph of Democracy (1824-1829) 
 
 264. The Presidential Election of 1824 marks the begin- Candidates, 
 ning of the transition from the old order to the new. 
 cording to the cus- 
 tom that had been 
 followed at pre- 
 ceding elections 
 the secretary of 
 state was consid- 
 ered the " heir- 
 apparent," but 
 considerable op- 
 position was de- 
 veloped in 1823 
 to John Quincy 
 Adams, who had 
 directed foreign 
 affairs for Monroe. 
 Previously nomi- 
 nations had been 
 made by a caucus 
 
 of congressmen. As there was but one party now, the Burgess, 
 desire for a caucus was slight, since all of the candidates ^^['^f^^^^^^^^' 
 would be Republicans. However, a caucus was held, 
 about one fourth of the congressmen attending, and 
 
 295 
 
 131-136. 
 
296 
 
 A})icrican History 
 
 [1824 
 
 Peck, Jack- 
 son ian Epoch. 
 
 Elections 
 (1S24 and 
 1825). 
 
 Burgess, 
 .\fiLWe Period. 
 136-144. 
 
 McMaster, 
 United States, 
 V. 72-81. 
 
 Stanwood, 
 Presidency, 
 Chapter XI. 
 
 Character of 
 J. Q. Adams. 
 
 William H. Crawford of Georgia, then secretary of the 
 treasury, was nominated. The other candidates were Henry 
 Clav, the most popular speaker the House ever had, and 
 Andrew Jackson, the ** hero of New Orleans," who had 
 emerged from the Florida imbroglio with added reputation. 
 Although he had been senator from Tennessee twice and had 
 held other public offices, he was considered by the people as 
 
 entirely different from the 
 officehokiing candidates whom 
 he opposed. 
 
 The election was not de- 
 cided in November as is 
 usually the case, for no one 
 had a majority of the electoral 
 votes. Jackson received 99, 
 mainly from the South and 
 West, Adams 84, principally 
 from the Northeast, Crawford 
 stood third with 41, and Clay 
 fourth with 37. As the Con- 
 stitution requires the House of Representatives to select the 
 president from the three candidates having the largest number 
 of votes, whenever the electoral college fails to give anyone 
 a majority, Clay held the balance of power. His intluence 
 was thrown to Adams, who was, like Clay, a believer in the 
 liberal construction of the Constitution, a protective tariff, 
 and internal improvements. But when Clay was selected 
 as Adams's secretary of state, followers of Jackson cried 
 out that a "corrupt bargain" had been made between 
 Clay and Adams. Jackson never forgave Adams for 
 " cheating " him out of the presidency, and his dislike for 
 Clay was intensified by the latter's preference for his rival. 
 
 Austere, painstaking, and impartial, Adams made few 
 friends and won over no enemies, by settling all questions 
 and making all appointments on their merits. His personal 
 enemies fought him at every turn in Washington, and the 
 people turned from him and his poUcy to more popular men 
 
 John Qlincv Adam^ 
 
1826J Triumph of Democracy 297 
 
 and measures. The last president of the old regime, Adams 
 failed because the country had outgrown the aristocratic 
 system which he represented and had become democratic. 
 
 265. New Political Parties. — The presidential election National 
 of 1824-1825 and the subsequent formation of factions, com- Republicans, 
 posed on the one hand of supporters of the administration — 
 the Adams and Clay men — and on the other hand of the Johnston, 
 Jackson men, marks the beginning of a permanent break 
 in the old Republican party. Although in large part these 
 factions represented personal views and antagonisms, they ^^^j^^^.^ ^^^ \ 
 held essentially different views on questions of puljlic policy, i, 311-320. ] 
 Both Adams and Clay were ardent protectionists and be- j 
 
 lieved in a broad construction of the Constitution which would \ 
 
 |extend the powers of the national government. They 1 
 
 ladopted therefore the name of " National Republicans," \ 
 
 f although in the course of a few years the name " Whig" ■, 
 
 was used more commonly. j 
 
 Their opponents, who gradually rallied around Jackson jacksonian ] 
 as the coming man, were as a rule strict constructionists. i>»tmocrats. , 
 Although not at the beginning supporters of popular govern- ■ 
 
 ment, in time they came to adopt the views of their intense Johnston, 
 domineering leader . on that question. Jackson ardently Jj iys-ioS ' 
 advocated the right of the people to rule untrammelled by ; 
 
 traditions which had been estabhshed by conservative ,, ^ ,, i 
 
 •' MacDonald, 
 
 aristocrats. The party of Jackson, known as '' Democrats," jacksonian 
 
 occupied a rather unusual position. While they believed Democracy, 
 
 in a strict construction of the Constitution, they asserted ^° ~^^^' \ 
 with Jackson that the will of the people should decide how 
 
 the powers of the general government should be used. : 
 Unlike their predecessors, the Jeffersonian Republicans, 
 
 who opposed centralization and favored the rights of the . 
 
 individual and the expansion of state powers, the Jacksonian ] 
 
 Democrats believed in the supremacy of the nation. This j 
 
 peculiar combination of contradictory opinions was due to j 
 
 the personal preferences of '' Old Hickory," a man of great ! 
 
 simplicity of mind, who cared neither for political theories ' 
 
 nor political consistency. Because the nation was young, r\ 
 
298 
 
 American History 
 
 [1828 
 
 Interest in 
 Jackson's 
 candidacy. 
 
 MacDonald, 
 Jacksonlan 
 Democracy, 
 28-37. 
 
 Peck, 
 
 Jacksonian 
 Epoch, 
 
 Campaign and 
 election. 
 
 Stanwood, 
 Presidency, 
 Chapter XII. 
 
 Imperfect 
 development 
 of a national 
 spirit before 
 1829. 
 
 hopeful, confident of itself, and charmed by the personal 
 magnetism of Jackson, the Democratic party gained control 
 of the affairs of the nation and retained that control almost 
 without interruption for three decades. 
 
 266. The Election of Jackson (1828). — The Democratic 
 party came into power with the first election of Jackson 
 (1828). Since the House of Representatives had been 
 called upon to choose a president and had passed by the 
 " hero of New Orleans " for Adams (1825), the Jackson men 
 had not ceased to cry out against the injustice done to their 
 leader. The will of the people has been defeated, they 
 claimed. Continued agitation of Jackson's candidacy, the 
 resolutions passed by numerous legislatures in his behalf, 
 and the gradual abandonment of the old undemocratic 
 method of choosing electors through the legislatures tended 
 to arouse among the people for the first time a real interest 
 in a presidential election. Heretofore the officeholders 
 had decided what candidates should head each ticket and 
 officeholders had elected the president. But the times were 
 changing. In response to a strong popular demand, the 
 suffrage laws had been made more liberal, so that nearly 
 twice as many people could vote in 1828 as in 1824. 
 
 Aside from the deeper reasons for Jackson's success, 
 the conduct of the campaign is interesting. The tariff was an 
 important issue, on which Jackson skillfully avoided com- 
 mitting himself. Aided by Martin Van Buren, the ablest 
 politician of that period, and by most of the southern 
 leaders, Jackson captured the vote of every western and 
 southern state, besides that of Pennsylvania and scattering 
 votes throughout the North. In the electoral college the 
 vote stood 178 for Jackson to 83 for Adams. 
 
 267. The Importance of Jackson's Election. — In the 
 history of the United States at this time, and in fact through- 
 out the first half of the nineteenth century, there were two 
 movements of very great importance. The first of these was 
 the development of a national spirit and a real national unity 
 among the American people; the second, the spread of 
 
1829] 
 
 Triumph of Democracy 
 
 299 
 
 democracy, the belief in the right of the people to rule. 
 As we noticed in the last chapter (§§ 249-257), the national 
 spirit developed rapidly between 18 10 and 1820, but it had 
 not produced a great change in the central government. 
 To be sure factional strife ceased to some extent and the 
 national govern- 
 ment was treated 
 with greater re- 
 spect than before. 
 But as the enthu- 
 siasm created by 
 the war died out, 
 the people re- 
 membered again 
 their local jeal- 
 ousies and the 
 central govern- 
 ment was in dan- 
 ger of losing most 
 of the powers that 
 it had gained. 
 
 In the two dec- 
 ades preceding 
 
 the election of Jackson, democracy had been gaining a real 
 foothold in the states. Not only was a much larger num- 
 ber of people allowed to vote than before, but the voters en- 
 joyed an infinitely greater share in public affairs (§§290, 
 291). This has been shown to some extent in preceding 
 paragraphs. But this almost universal change in the poli- 
 cies of the states and the localities had produced before 1828 
 no change in the conduct of affairs at the national capital. 
 There the rule of the old-time politician was supreme. 
 Offices were acquired and held according to the length of 
 time the candidate had been in the public service. The 
 nation was ruled really by a clique of men who kept them- 
 selves continually in office. 
 
 Jackson made the central government of the United 
 
 Turner, 
 New Wesf, 
 300-309. 
 
 Andrew Jackson 
 
 McMaster, j 
 United Statesl 
 V, 380-394- ! 
 
300 
 
 American History 
 
 [1829 
 
 Mace, Manual 
 of Am. Hist., 
 192-201. 
 
 Ford, Am. 
 Politics, 
 Chapter XIX. 
 
 States both national and democratic. Under him it re- 
 sponded to the demand of the people that they should be al- 
 lowed to govern and to the wish of the people that the United 
 States should be recognized as a real nation. Jackson con- 
 sidered himself the representative of the nation, and, by the 
 fearless use of his position as president, he increased greatly 
 the power of the chief executive. In some ways his election 
 deserves to be considered, as many have called it, " the 
 revolution of 1829." 
 
 268. New Political Methods. — Since the people were much 
 more interested in government than formerly, they were not 
 satisfied simply with electing officials; they demanded the 
 initiative in political affairs. Formerly the politicians in 
 power had been in the habit of holding a caucus for the 
 nomination of candidates for their party. This kept them 
 and their friends in power and preserved a class rule which 
 was distasteful to the masses. Parties out of power, who 
 had no officials, adopted first a method that afterward came 
 into general use. From each district in a state representa- 
 tives were chosen to a state convention, which nominated 
 party candidates. The first national convention was held 
 by the Anti-Masonic leaders who wished to perfect their 
 organization throughout the United States. This example 
 was followed quickly by the older parties, who, in many 
 cases, adopted resolutions stating their policy. From this 
 custom there was developed in time the platform, now an 
 indispensable part of the work of every national and many 
 state conventions. 
 
 As each party was bidding for popular support, every 
 effort was made to obtain votes. Two of the most important 
 methods introduced w^ere the campaign and machine organ- 
 ization. In the first, voters were to be attracted by the 
 popular love of display and by " stump speaking." The 
 later presidential elections of 1840 and 1844 were the best 
 examples of this. Even more reliance was placed on more 
 perfect party organization. The " machine " was not a 
 new thing, for Tammany Hall had used methods like those 
 
attitude 
 
 i-egardinfT 
 
 appointments 
 
 Wilson, Div: 
 
 1829] Triumph of Democracy 301 
 
 of the present many times since it was formed in 1789, but 
 now the party '' boss " became a recognized power in political 
 circles, while federal and state patronage were used to control 
 votes. Bribery was used more frequently, and the wretched 
 system of the open ballot boxes made intimidation of voters 
 and *' stuffing " of the boxes not only possible, but quite 
 common. The political products of democracy were as yet 
 of the crudest kind, and it required years to sift out the good 
 and to reject the less perfect. 
 
 269. The Spoils System. — Jackson introduced into the Jackson's 
 national government a system which was at that time used 
 extensively in the states and known best as tF;e '' spoils 
 system." This consisted of filling the offices with party 
 friends on the principle that '' to the victors belong the spoils." 
 Jackson firmly believed that he could not do his duty as pres- and Reunion^ 
 ident if his subordinates were political enemies, who would ^^ 14-19- 
 not work with him. Himself a fierce hater, he expected 
 nothing but opposition from those who had not favored his MacDonaid, 
 election and took the first opportunity to remove his enemies ^l'J,l"^^'^ 
 from ofl&ce. Thousands of his party followers, knowing his 54-63. 
 loyalty to his friends and already acquainted with the spoils 
 system at home, thronged to Washington. This horde of office- 
 seekers and their friends pressed into the White House at 
 the time of the inauguration, climbing on the chairs and 
 behaving in such a way that the older politicians bewailed 
 the advent of " mob rule." Giving Jackson no rest, they 
 importuned him day after day for positions. They were 
 the first of a throng of office-seekers who have infested the 
 capital at every inauguration from that day to this. 
 
 Many of them were disappointed, but in less than a year Removals 
 
 Jackson had removed from office fifteen hundred persons, and kitchen- 
 
 cabinet. ! 
 
 about ten times as many as had been removed in the preced- 
 ing forty years. No reasons were given for removals and no ^^^^ j 
 attempt was made to appoint men except as a reward for jacksonian I 
 party services. The President not only abandoned precedent Democracy, 
 by adopting the spoils system, but he also followed a new plan ^^~^^' °' ( 
 of seeking advice from a set of men who were not his cabinet 1 
 
302 
 
 American History 
 
 [1826 
 
 officers. These advisers were known as his '' kitchen 
 cabinet." Before long Jackson abandoned this method of 
 securing help in administering the duties of his office. It is 
 scarcely necessary to state that his successors made very little 
 use of such an unofficial cabinet, although they were careful 
 to follow his policy of making appointments to office for par- 
 tisan reasons only. 
 
 National Sovereignty versus State Sovereignty 
 - (1826-1833) 
 
 270. Controversies over Indian Lands. — During the 
 administration of Adams and the first term of Jackson the 
 national government was brought into conflict w^ith the state 
 of Georgia. The difficulty arose over the Indian lands, 
 which settlers wished to occupy, and over which the govern- 
 ment of Georgia desired to extend its jurisdiction. These 
 lands in 1825 covered about fifteen thousand square miles. ^ 
 By law the Indians were under the control of the United 
 States, which had promised Georgia long before that their 
 lands should be acquired. The promise had been kept in part 
 only, because it was customary to treat the tribes as separate 
 nations. 
 
 In 1826 Georgia attempted to occupy forcibly some Creek 
 lands which the United States was then seeking to acquire. 
 The United States troops were ordered by President Adams to 
 maintain the rights of the Indians, and an armed conflict w^as 
 avoided narrowly (1826). A few years later Georgia passed a 
 law extending her jurisdiction over the Cherokee lands. The 
 Cherokees appealed to the United States courts, which upheld 
 the Indians by declaring the Georgia law null and void. 
 When the state proceeded to enforce the law, President 
 Jackson, whose sympathies were naturally not with the In- 
 dians, refused to interfere, declaring, it is said, " John Mar- 
 shall has pronounced his judgment, let him enforce it if he 
 
 * In the southern states east of the Mississippi, exduding Florida terri- 
 tory', in 1825 the Indians controlled an area larger than the state of New 
 York. 
 
1830] National vs. State Sovereignty 303 
 
 can." So the state continued to disobey the decree of the 
 court. 
 
 Most of the Indians east of the Mississippi were per- 
 suaded to exchange their lands for territory west of the 
 river, chiefly in the district set aside as Indian territory. 
 In Florida a few Seminole chiefs resisted the removal and Jacksonian , 
 in Iowa Black Hawk sought by war to regain lands that J,^^^^'^^' \ 
 had been ceded already. | 
 
 271. The Webster-Hayne Debate (1830). — In connection Argument of! 
 with the proposed opening to settlement of public lands Webster, 
 in the West and South, the year following Jackson's election, 
 there occurred the interesting debate between Webster and 
 Hayne of South Carolina, regarding the nature of the Union. 
 Webster replied to Hayne's earlier argument by declaring I 
 
 that the Constitution had been adopted by the people of the | 
 
 United States in the aggregate. A real union had been 
 established by that Constitution, (i) because the Constitution i 
 
 and laws made in accordance with it were declared to be the ; 
 
 supreme law of the land,^ and (2) because the Constitution 
 itself provides that the national courts shall decide whether a 
 certain power was given to the national government or with- 
 held from it.^ He maintained that to acknowledge the right of | 
 nullification by any state would reduce the Union again to a { 
 " rope of sand," as under the old Confederation. j 
 
 In reply Hayne argued that the states had been sovereign Argument | 
 before the Constitution was adopted, and claimed that they of Hayne. 
 had acted in their sovereign capacity when agreeing to that | 
 
 *' compact." He denied that the clause relating to the su- MacDonald,! 
 premacy of the Constitution and of national laws transferred °^'^^^^^ > i 
 sovereignty from the states to the nation. According to Hayne, j 
 
 when a question arose regarding the power conferred on ; 
 
 the central government by the Constitution, '' resort must be > 
 
 had to their common superior (that power which may give j 
 
 any character to the Constitution they may think proper) 
 viz.: three fourths of the states." ; 
 
 Both speakers used the words " sovereign " and " sover- ( 
 
 » Constitution, Art. IV. ^ Constitution, Art. Ill, § 2. cl. i- j 
 
304 American history [1824 
 
 eignty " in a careless way, but even when allowance has 
 been made for this laxity in expression, their views of the 
 Union were seen to be diametrically opposed. According 
 to the one, the people of the nation were sovereign; in the 
 opinion of the other the states were sovereign. Hayne's 
 view was undoubtedly the one held by the great majority 
 at the time the Constitution was adopted, but in tlie inter- 
 vening forty years so strong a national sentiment had been 
 developed that in 1830 the majority accepted Webster's 
 position. Hayne stood for a past that was being outgrown 
 rapidly; Webster for the present and the future of a growing 
 nation. 
 
 272. Changes in the Tariff (1824-1832). — Opposition to 
 a protective tariff was responsible in a large part for the posi- 
 tion taken by Hayne and other southern leaders. On ac- 
 count of the numerous and rapid changes in the industrial 
 conditions within the United States after the close of the war 
 with England, several changes were made in the tariff 
 schedules after 1816. New industries that were protected 
 inadequately desired help which they found the general 
 government was willing and able to give to favored interests, 
 especially during the hard times which began in 18 19. How- 
 ever, the tariff" of 1816 stood until 1824 with but slight modi- 
 fications. In that year the rates were increased on most 
 articles protected formerly, protection was granted to a few 
 manufacturers not aided in the earlier tariff and duties were 
 placed on some raw materials, especially hemp and wool. 
 By this time the South had become fully convinced that a 
 protective tariff was interfering with her agricultural inter- 
 ests and her general development. Joining with Maine, 
 New Hampshire, and Massachusetts, the South strove, though 
 without success, to defeat the tariff of 1824. 
 
 Adams's administration was marked by continued agi- 
 tation: in the North, for additional duties; in the South, 
 for an abandonment of the protective principle. In 1827 
 a convention of protectionists called by the wool growers 
 brought pressure to bear on Congress for a higher tariff. 
 
1832] National vs. State Sovereignty 305 j 
 
 I 
 As a presidential election was approaching in which Adams, McMaster, 
 Clay, and Jackson were likely to be candidates, the coterie ^''^^"^ J^^^^-' 
 that had for years opposed the administration and its pro- 
 tectionist policy, now sought to discredit it by proposing a , 
 tariff which the followers of Clay and Adams could not ac- ' 
 cept. With this in view they framed a tariff bill which i 
 carried high rates on manufactured articles, but more than, 
 nullified the protective duties that were desired in the states ' 
 in which Adams and Clay had the largest following, by 
 placing very high duties on the raw materials to be used by 
 the manufacturers in those states. This political deal failed 
 miserably because the manufacturers accepted the tariff, 
 hoping to obtain later the changes they desired. 
 
 This high tariff, with its many irregular duties, was not Tariff of 183: 
 distinctively a protective measure and was known commonly 
 as the " tariff of abominations." In spite of its serious Dewey. Fim. 
 defects it was retained until 1832. The tariff of that ciaiHi5t.,\\ 
 year removed most of the objectionable high rates, replacing 
 them by uniformly protective rates. Because of the lower , 
 
 duties, many of the southerners voted for the measure, but : 
 
 in the lower South the opposition was very active because ; 
 
 Congress practically had accepted protection as a policy of ' 
 
 government. 
 
 273. The South and the Tariff. — The first organized 
 opposition of the South to the protective system was noticed 
 in connection with the " tariff of abominations " in 1828. 
 After the passage of that act several state legislatures MacDonaid, 
 adopted resolutions denouncing the tariff. South Carolina, -^^^^^^^^ ^' 
 the first to take this action, indorsed papers prepared by 
 John C. Calhoun and best known as the '' South Carolina ^^^^Jj^/;^^ 
 Exposition." Calhoun maintained that the general govern- v. 256-267. 
 ment had no constitutional right to pass a protective tariff. , 
 
 He argued that the tariff was oppressive to the South and I 
 
 tended to create sectionalism. 
 
 In the opinion of the southern political leaders, the policy The South n 
 of protection was undermining the industries of the South ^^^ questioi; 
 
 ^ 1 r 1 protection. 
 
 and building up those of the North at the expense of the 
 
3o6 
 
 American History 
 
 [1832 
 
 slave states. High tariffs were valuable only for manu- 
 facturing districts, they said, and as the slave labor in the 
 South could not be used in manufacturing and kept out 
 free labor, the South could not devote herself to industry. 
 Moreover, Southerners claimed that protection interfered 
 with commerce by limiting exports, that it increased the 
 price of all manufactured articles, and reduced the demand 
 for labor. The wealth of the South depended on the sale of 
 her surplus cotton, tobacco, and other agricultural products. 
 Her exports were at this time much greater than those of 
 the North, but the South was obliged to buy elsewhere what 
 she needed, chiefly in the North, so that a protective tariff 
 was a distinct disadvantage to her. Naturally in South 
 Carolina and in some other states there was a growing senti- 
 ment that the Constitution did not give Congress the right to 
 pass a tariff which protected one section only. 
 
 274. Nullification and the Compromise Tariff. — When 
 the southern opponents of protection failed to defeat the tariff 
 of 1832, they sought to apply the doctrine of nullification 
 which Calhoun and Hayne had announced and explained. 
 Calhoun was really the leader in this movement, for before 
 1832 he had advocated actual nullification of the tariff unless 
 it was revised by eliminating the most protective features. 
 But Calhoun's leadership of the nullification forces caused 
 Jackson to consider the action of South Carolina in a personal 
 light, for in 1830 he had discovered that Calhoun, as secre- 
 tary of war in 1818, had wished to censure him for his actions 
 in Florida (§ 261). This made him Calhoun's most bitter 
 enemy, ready to attack Calhoun on the slightest provoca- 
 tion. 
 
 A convention was called by the South Carolina legislature 
 in October, 1832, for the purpose of nullifying the tariff 
 of that year. Before it met Jackson had issued instructions 
 to the revenue officers in South Carolina that would insure 
 the collection of the tariff. But the convention proceeded to 
 declare the tariffs of 1828 and 1832 null and void, prohibited 
 the payment of duties after February i, 1833, and' declared 
 
1833] National vs. State Sovereignty 307 
 
 that the state would secede if force were used to collect 
 the duties. 
 
 A few days later Jackson issued a proclamation written Jackson's 
 undoubtedly by his secretary of state, Edward Livingston, <^o""ter- 
 
 ,., 11. 1. /\T -1 11 proclamation. 
 
 which made plam two thmgs. (i) it contamed an elaborate 
 argument on the nature of the Union and declared that 
 nullification is '' incompatible with the existence of the Documents ' 
 Union, contradicted expressly by the letter of the Con- No. 55. 
 stitution, unauthorized by its spirit, inconsistent with every 
 principle on which it was founded, and destructive of the 
 great object for which it was formed." (2) Jackson's 
 attitude toward South Carolina was stated clearly. "The 
 laws of the United States must be executed. I have no 
 discretionary power on the subject. My duty is emphati- 
 cally pronounced in the Constitution. Those who told you 
 that you might peaceably prevent their execution deceived 
 you ; they could not have been deceived themselves. Their 
 object is disunion, and disunion by armed force is treason." 
 
 During the weeks that followed. South Carolina prepared Compromise, 
 to enforce her nullification ordinance; the President took 
 every precaution to enforce the collection of the tariff in that MacDonaid ' 
 state, and Congress discussed possible modifications of the Jacksonian 
 tariff. February i brought no change, the duties being ^^"^(^<^^'^<^y* 
 collected as formerly and a force act for their collection 
 being authorized by Congress, March 2, because a change in j 
 
 the tariff seemed probable. Congress agreed finally to a united'^Sfates 
 " compromise tariff," proposed by Henry Clay. This iv, 91-109. \ 
 provided for a gradual reduction of all duties which were in ' 
 
 excess of twenty per cent until a uniform rate of twenty 
 per cent was attained in 1842.^ 
 
 Finance and Politics (1829-1843) 
 
 275. First Attack on the United States Bank. — Perhaps The bank and 
 the most prominent feature of Jackson's administrations ^^^ enemies, 
 was the war which he waged on the second national bank. 1 
 
 ' About one half of this reduction was to be made during the years 1841 
 and 1842. 
 
3o8 
 
 American History 
 
 [1829 
 
 Burgess, 
 Middle Period, 
 190-198. 
 
 McMaster, 
 United States, 
 VI, i-io. 
 
 Jackson's 
 attack. 
 
 Election of 
 1832. 
 
 MacDonald, 
 Documents, 
 Nos. 46, 50-52. 
 
 McMaster, 
 United States, 
 VI, 133-140. 
 
 Dewey, Finan- 
 cial Hist., 
 \\ 86, 87. 
 
 Atner. Hist., 
 Leaflets, 
 No. 24. 
 
 Removal of 
 the deposits. 
 
 Jackson looked upon the bank as a great monopoly, con- 
 trolled by his political opponents and capable of dominating 
 politics because of its resources and its influence in the world 
 of business. At the time of Jackson's first inauguration few 
 persons considered the bank a public menace, although 
 its conservative methods had made it unpopular in the 
 South and West. Business men as a rule placed great con- 
 fidence in the bank, for although it had been mismanaged 
 during the first five years of its existence, it had been re- 
 organized and well managed for several years. Jackson's 
 attention was called particularly to the bank in June, 1829, 
 when some of his followers asked for the removal of the 
 president of the branch bank at Portsmouth, New Hampshire. 
 This was refused by the bank officials on the ground that the 
 man was capable and had not been selected for partisan rea- 
 sons. 
 
 The following December, in his first annual message, 
 Jackson attacked the methods of the bank and its constitu- 
 tionality, although the latter had been affirmed by the 
 Supreme Court.^ As Congress approved of the bank, noth- 
 ing was done until, two years later, the President said he 
 would leave to the people the question of rechartering a 
 bank. The bank at once applied to Congress for a new 
 charter, and its cause was championed by Clay, who was 
 the candidate of the National Republicans or Whigs for the 
 presidency. The bank bill was passed by both chambers 
 by fair majorities, but was vetoed by the President, and 
 failed to obtain the two thirds necessary to make it a law. 
 In the election of 1832 the chief issue was that of the bank, 
 but the campaign was really a personal contest between 
 Jackson and Clay. Jackson was so popular that the people 
 reelected him by a large majority, the electoral vote being 
 219 for Jackson to 49 for Clay. 
 
 276. Overthrow of the Bank. — Jackson considered his 
 reelection as an indorsement of his bank policy, and began 
 a much more active campaign against the bank. He wished 
 
 1 In M'Cullochvs. Maryland (1819) (§ 254). 
 
1836] Fmance and Politics 309 ! 
 
 first to remove the government money, which had been MacDonaid 
 deposited in branches of the national bank. This could be Documents, j 
 
 Nos. 54, I 
 
 done only through the secretary of the treasury. As Jack- ^^.52, 65. 
 
 son's secretary was unwilling to do this without the author- 
 ity of Congress, his place was filled by William J. Duane who Dewey, Finan- 
 refused finally either to remove the deposits or resign. He ciai Hist., \ 
 was dismissed and his place filled by Roger Taney, who ^ ' | 
 
 carried out the President's plan. For removing the de- I 
 
 posits the President was censured by the Senate, the reso- 301-311 ' j 
 lution remaining on the journal until expunged two years ; 
 
 later. J 
 
 The government money at this time was deposited in Substitutes for j 
 state banks which were known popularly as " pet banks." a national j 
 There was considerable rivalry among the banks in order to ' ! 
 
 secure a part of the funds, which were increasing con- j^^^^.^y^ pinan^ 
 stantly on -account of the very great amount of surplus dai Hist., 
 revenue. The system provided was so unsatisfactory that §^ ^9. loi, 
 in 1840 an independent treasury was established by the 
 Democrats (§ 278). This was abolished by the Whigs I 
 
 (1841) who desired another national bank, which they failed I 
 
 to get on account of President Tyler's opposition. When 
 the Democrats again gained control of the government 
 (1845), they reestablished the independent treasury, which 
 has been developed into the system that we use at the present 
 time. 
 
 Jackson's second term was a period of unusual, in fact Results of the 
 unhealthy, business activity. Speculation was very common, overthrow of 
 and a wild scramble began for government lands, which were 
 sold on easy terms (§ 289). The national bank, with its 
 currency accepted at the same value everywhere and its and Reunion, 
 conservative methods of making loans, had acted as a check \h 45. 46. 
 on the smaller state banks and on business in general. But 
 when it became apparent in 1834 that it would not be re- McMaster, 
 chartered and the public moneys were deposited in the " pet 
 banks," there began an era of " wild cat " banking un- 
 equaled during earlier periods. Bank notes were issued in 
 immense quantities and loans were made on securities which 
 
 United States, 
 
 VI, 336-358. 
 
310 
 
 American History 
 
 [1836 
 
 Extra revenue. 
 Distribution of 
 the surplus. 
 
 Dewey, Finan- 
 cial Hist., 
 hh 92-94- 
 
 Schurz, Clay, 
 II, 113-127. 
 
 The panic 
 of 1837. 
 
 Dewey, Finan- 
 cial Hist., 
 ^ 96-98. 
 
 Hart, Slavery 
 and Abolition, 
 298-305. 
 
 McMaster, 
 United States, 
 VI, 390-415. 
 
 possessed very little real value. Every one bought on 
 credit, " boom " towns were started throughout the middle 
 West, and land values rose to an absurd figure. 
 
 277. Government Revenues and the Panic of 1837. — So 
 much public land was sold that the revenues from that 
 source increased to nearly $15,000,000 in 1835 and nearly 
 $25,000,000 in 1836, in the latter year for the first and 
 only time in our history being the chief source of govern- 
 ment revenue. The expenses of the government did not 
 increase as rapidly as the income, but the compromise 
 tariff of 1833 could not be changed and the public debt was 
 extinguished in 1835. Strange as it may seem, a treasury 
 surplus, especially when a nation has no debt, is a serious 
 menace to business. In this case it was decided by Congress 
 that the surplus should be distributed to the states in pro- 
 portion to their representation in Congress. As objection 
 v^as made that this would not be constitutional, the distribu- 
 tion was called technically a loan. As matter of fact, only 
 three quarterly distributions were made, for the revenues 
 fell off rapidly in 1837, when the panic began. 
 
 The real cause of the panic of 1837 w^as the unwise specu- 
 lation culminating in 1836 and 1837, but the government 
 helped to bring on the crisis not only by destroying the 
 national bank, but in two other ways, (i) Because many of 
 the notes issued by the western "wild cat" banks were of 
 little or no value, Jackson issued through the treasury de- 
 partment in 1836 the famous "specie circular," requiring 
 those who bought pubHc lands to pay in cash. Alm^ost all 
 purchasers of government land had bought on the install- 
 ment plan. There was very little specie in the West. 
 Crops in 1835 had been a failure and the farmers could not 
 obtain the little cash in circulation. The entire West was 
 upset by this change. (2) When the pet banks were re- 
 quested to turn over to the states the surplus which had been 
 deposited with them, the banks were compelled to sacrifice 
 their securities in order to obtain the money. In some cases 
 banks were obliged to suspend payments on their notes. 
 
1840] 
 
 Finance aiid Politics 
 
 311 
 
 The failure of western banks was followed by failures else- 
 where of banks and later of business houses until the busi- 
 ness depression was complete throughout the United States. 
 
 278. Administration of Van Buren (1837-1841). — During 
 the speculative excitement of 1836, Martin Van Buren of 
 New York, the Democratic nominee, was elected president 
 over William Henry Harrison of Indiana.^ Van Buren had 
 been known as a crafty politician before he became Jackson's 
 secretary of state. His skill as a diplomat increased his 
 reputation appreciably, and he 
 undertook now to carry out 
 Jackson's policy under very 
 trying circumstances. During 
 the business crisis of 1837 and 
 the years that followed he ex- 
 hibited firmness and good 
 judgment in trying to save the 
 government from financial 
 difficulties, although he did 
 not show those qualities of 
 leadership which would have 
 been invaluable to his party. 
 
 When it was found that the system of deposits with '' pet 
 banks " was unsatisfactory in almost every way, President 
 Van Buren recommended to Congress, in 1837, the establish- 
 ment of an independent treasury which would render the 
 government independent of any banking institution. Sub- 
 treasuries were to be established at convenient places for 
 handling government funds and the government was to con- 
 duct its fiscal operations v/ithout depositing its money with 
 the banks. Congress debated the question for over two 
 years before passing the act in 1840. 
 
 279. The Election of Harrison (1840). — Van Buren had 
 not gained in popularity during his term, partly because of 
 the hard times and his unwillingness to compromise in 
 
 Martin Van Buren 
 
 Van Buren. 
 
 Van Hoist, 
 Const' I Hist., 
 II, 147-158. 
 
 Independent 
 Treasury Act 
 (1840). 
 
 J 
 
 Dewey, Finan- 
 cial Hist., 
 h\ 99-101. 
 
 Policy of the 
 Whigs. 
 
 ^ His popular majority was 24,893, but the electoral vote was 177 for 
 Van Buren, 73 for Harrison, and 57 for other Whig candidates. 
 
312 
 
 American History 
 
 [1840 
 
 any way with the opponents of hard money, but he was re- 
 nominated by the Democrats without opposition. The 
 Whigs began and continued the campaign with the deter- 
 mination to win. Instead of nominating Henry Clay, the 
 real head of the party but a man whose political views were 
 obnoxious to many voters, they selected William Henry 
 Harrison, whose services during the war of 18 12 had been only 
 less conspicuous than those of Jackson. For vice president 
 they chose John Tyler of Virginia, an anti-administration 
 
 A Log Cabin 
 
 Democrat who was expected to bring the ticket many voters 
 from Democratic ranks. Fearing that a definite statement 
 of their policy would be a disadvantage, they adopted no 
 platform, although Harrison made clear his preference for a 
 national bank and a more liberal national currency and was 
 outspoken in his opposition to the arbitrary executive rule 
 of the last three terms. 
 
 Not content with the natural advantages which hard times 
 gave them, and an almost perfect union of all elements of the 
 party, the Whigs introduced into the campaign methods 
 that would appeal to the voters. Stump speaking was used 
 very extensively. Great mass meetings were held, attended 
 in at least one instance by one hundred thousand persons. 
 
1842] Finance and Politics 313 
 
 Processions paraded the streets, displaying banners, and McMaster, 
 drawing vehicles on which were log cabins or great casks of Y'^^^^f states, 
 
 . . VI, 562-595. 
 
 cider. Harrison was lauded as a plain citizen, a man of the 
 
 people; Van Buren derided as an aristocrat who favored 
 
 hard money and ignored the suffering caused by hard times. 
 
 *' Tippecanoe and Tyler too" was the cry of the Whigs. 
 
 Against this campaign of enthusiasm and appeal to popular 
 
 fancy, the Democrats, with their old-fashioned methods, 
 
 could make no headway. When the votes were counted, it 
 
 was found that Harrison had carried nineteen states to seven 
 
 for his opponent and that his electoral vote was 234 against 
 
 60 for Van Buren. By the same election the Whigs gained 
 
 control of the Senate and the House of Representatives. 
 
 280. Tyler and the Whigs (1841-1842). — Exactly a Quarrel over 
 month after Harrison was inaugurated, he died, and John ^^ank. 
 Tyler became president. Tyler was known to be a strict 
 constructionist and an opponent of a national bank, but a Dewey, Finan^^^ 
 special session of Congress had been called by Harrison to 
 consider the question of a bank, and that body proceeded at 
 once to repeal the independent treasury act and pass a bill 
 creating a " fiscal bank," which was little different from the 
 second national bank. This bill Tyler vetoed because it k\ 68-70. 
 created branch banks in the states. Congress at once passed 
 a new bill chartering a '' fiscal corporation," a term pre- McMaster, 
 f erred by Tyler, which was supposed to embody the views of 
 the President. Either because Tyler would not sign any 
 bank bill or because he hoped to bring the Whig leaders in 
 Congress into submission to himself, Tyler vetoed this bill 
 also. The members of his cabinet resigned at once, with the 
 exception of Webster, secretary of state, who was negotiat- 
 ing with Great Britain a treaty to define the northeastern 
 boundary of the United States. The break between Tyler 
 and the Whigs was complete. 
 
 The northern boundary of Maine had been in dispute since Webster- 
 
 the treatv of 178^ At that time the line was designated as ^^h^^'^to" 
 
 ' •-' ^ treaty (1842). 
 
 the highlands that separate the rivers that flow into the St. 
 
 Lawrence from those that flow into the Atlantic Ocean. As 
 
 cial Hist., 
 103. 
 
 Wilson, Div. 
 and Reunion, 
 
 United States, 
 VI, 628-637. 
 
314 
 
 Americmi History 
 
 [1842 
 
 the St. Johns River empties into the Bay of Fundy, England 
 maintained that the valley of the St. Johns did not belong to 
 the United States. Naturally we claimed all that part of the 
 valley west of the eastern boundary of Maine. An attempt 
 was made to submit the dispute to the king of the Nether- 
 lands as arbitrator (1827), but he proposed a compromise line 
 which neither party would accept. On account of an insur- 
 rection in Canada in 1837 and 
 bad feeling over the dispute, 
 some decision became neces- 
 sary to avoid worse troubles. 
 England sent a special envoy, 
 Lord Ashburton, and a com- 
 promise line was agreed upon, 
 the United States yielding 
 some of her claims in the St. 
 Johns valley and Great Britain 
 receding from most of her 
 claims in Maine and practically 
 all in northern New York.* 
 
 281. Summary. — The dem- 
 ocratic movement which had 
 made fair headway before 1825 in the states, especially in the 
 Mississippi basin, was responsible for the election of Jackson 
 to the presidency in 1829. At this time numerous democratic 
 changes were introduced in the policies of the political parties 
 and the national government. A system of nominating 
 conventions came into use. Appointments to ofhce were 
 made for partisan reasons more than at any other time. The 
 national government responded readily to the will of the 
 people, because both political parties favored a fairly 
 strong national government and Jackson believed thoroughly 
 in a national democracy. 
 
 National development caused controversies with the states 
 over the rights of the states and of the national govern- 
 ment. In the Webster-Hayne debate especially the issue 
 
 BOIXHARY OF MAINE 
 
 As to the location of the boundary supposed to be parallel 45. 
 
1843] National Democracy 315 
 
 between national and state sovereignty was clearly defined. 
 The old theory in favor of the states was upheld by the 
 older sections of the Union, especially the South, whose 
 agricultural progress seemed to be threatened by the pro- 
 tective system adopted by Congress. Although South 
 Carolina tried to nullify the tariffs of 1828 and 1832, the 
 state did not attempt to enforce its nullification ordinance 
 and Congress yielded to the extent of passing the compro- 
 mise tariff of 1833. 
 
 Financial questions engaged a large share of attention Financial 
 during the administrations of Jackson and Van Buren. problems. 
 Jackson's attack on the United States bank on the 
 ground that it enjoyed a political monopoly caused the 
 overthrow of the bank and led to the establishment of very 
 many " wild-cat " banks. Speculation in lands by the 
 people and immense issues of paper by the banks culmi- 
 nated in 1837 in a panic, the business depression lasting 
 about six years. The hard times reacted against the Demo- 
 crats, but the Whigs failed to gain a real victory because 
 Harrison's death deprived them of the presidency. Even 
 during Tyler's term the question of slavery was obscuring 
 the factional quarrels which filled most of the years before 
 1843. 
 
 TOPICS 
 
 1. Beginnings of the Nominating Convention: Ford, 
 "American Politics," Chapter XVI; Dallinger, "Nomination for 
 Elective Office," pp. 13-45; Woodburn, "Political Parties and Party 
 Problems," pp. 151-174; Ostrogorski, "Democracy and the Organi- 
 zation of Political Parties," II, pp. 39-79. 
 
 2. Nullification by South Carolina: Johnston, "American 
 Political History," I, pp. 421-437; Burgess, "Middle Period," 
 pp. 220-241 ; McMaster, "People of the United States," VI, pp. 148- 
 175; Schouler, "United States," IV, pp. 85-111; Von Hoist, "Con- 
 stitutional History of the United States," I, pp. 495-505. 
 
 3. The Second Bank of the United States: Von Hoist, 
 "Constitutional History," II, pp. 31-68; Sumner, "Life of An- 
 drew Jackson," pp. 254-276, 291-310; Burgess, "Middle Period," 
 pp. 190-209, 278-284; White, "Money and Banking," pp. 291-312. 
 
3l6 American History 
 
 STUDIES 
 
 1. Protection and the tariff of abominations. (Taussig, "Tariff 
 History of the United States," pp. 68-108.) 
 
 2. Webster and Hayne on national and state sovereignty. (" Amer- 
 ican History Leaflets," No. 30.) 
 
 3. The election of 1832, (Stanwood, " History of the Presidency," 
 Chapter XHI.) 
 
 4. Banking and internal improvements in a western state. (Cooley, 
 "Michigan," pp. 254-293.) 
 
 5. Foreign affairs under Jackson and Van Buren. (Foster, 
 "Century of American Diplomacy," pp. 273-281.) 
 
 6. The Seminole War. (McMaster, " People of the United States," 
 
 VI, pp. 329-334, 463-466.) 
 
 7. The expunging resolution, (Benton, in " American Eloquence," 
 I, pp. 320-336, and in Benton's "Thirty Years," I, pp. 528-550.) 
 
 QUESTIONS 
 
 1. Could political class rule have been abolished during this 
 period except through the convention and by the use of the "ma- 
 chine"? Was the new system preferable to the old? Give reasons 
 for your answer. 
 
 2. Compare the "political revolution" of 1829 with that of 1801. 
 Consider character, change from former system, and influence of 
 each. 
 
 3. State the difference between Jeffersonian Democracy and 
 Jacksonian Democracy. Where were the Democrats strongest? 
 Why was the Democratic party successful almost without interruption 
 until i860? 
 
 4. Explain the differences between nullification in Kentucky 
 (1799), that in New England (1814), and in South Carolina (1828 
 and 1832). How was the attitude of Georgia in regard to the In- 
 dians unlike that of South Carolina on the tariff? 
 
 5. Did Webster or Hayne occupy the more correct position, his- 
 torically? State your objections to the arguments of each. How 
 was the question of national or state supremacy decided in the nulli- 
 fication controversy of 1832 and 1833? 
 
 6. Had the national bank failed to establish a uniform and sound 
 currency, as Jackson claimed? Was the bank dangerous because 
 of its influence in elections ? 
 
 7. What were the most important political doctrines of the Whigs ? 
 To what extent was their comparative failure due to the unpopular 
 issues they indorsed ? to unwise political deals (as in 1840) ? to other 
 causes ? 
 
CHAPTER XIV 
 
 A HALF CENTURY OF CHANGES 
 
 Transportation and Business (i8i 5-1860) 
 
 282. The Steamboat. — The first half of the nineteenth 
 century is notable not alone for the remarkable development 
 of the spirit of nationality within the United States. It is 
 almost as noteworthy for the great advance made in the ideas 
 of political and social equality, for the numerous mechanical 
 improvements which brought in an age of machinery, and 
 most of all perhaps for the changes in the methods of trans- 
 portation by land and water which have revolutionized 
 traveling and commerce within the boundaries of the 
 United States. 
 
 The steam engine was used for water transportation The earliest 
 twenty years before the first steam railways were operated, steamers. 
 Experiments with steamboats had been made during the 
 later years of the eighteenth century, but it was not until ^cMaster, ^ 
 1807 that Robert Fulton constructed a steamboat that w^as 111,486-494. 
 an unqualified success. After Fulton's Clermont made the 
 trip from New York to Albany in thirty-two hours, and i^^rvin Avt 
 began a little later to carry passengers and freight regularly, Merchant 
 steamboats were built on many of the rivers and lakes east ^'^^'^^''' 
 of the Mississippi. Before 1825 there were several plying 
 on the Mississippi and its tributaries and a few employed on 
 the Great Lakes and for the coasting trade. In 181 9 a 
 vessel, the Savannah^ crossed the ocean in twenty-five days 
 by using steam and sails, although it was 1838 before the first 
 ocean steamer made that voyage. About the same time 
 Ericsson invented the screw propeller, which was very much 
 more satisfactory than the old side-wheels used in the steam- 
 ers of an earlier day. 
 
 317 
 
 395-402. 
 
3i8 
 
 American History 
 
 [1812 
 
 Steamboats were especially valuable in the West. Before 
 this time it was easy to descend the Cumberland, the Ohio, 
 or the Mississippi by barge or raft, but little progress could 
 be made against the current. The trader from Kentucky or 
 the prairie country could carry his wares to Natchez or New 
 Orleans, but was obliged to return home by horseback over 
 the western trails or go by ship to Philadelphia and come 
 west by road. During the War of 181 2 the first regular 
 steamboat began to ply between Pittsburg and New Orleans, 
 and from that time communication between different parts 
 of the great western basin was comparatively easy. 
 
 283. The Era of Canals. — Improved means of com- 
 munication by river undoubtedly gave an impetus to the 
 building of canals, in which many people were interested 
 before the steamboat was invented. Among others Wash- 
 ington formed a plan for the construction of a series of 
 canals to cross the numerous peninsulas of the Atlantic 
 coast or to connect the eastern cities with the Mississippi 
 basin. The original cost of constructing a canal was a 
 serious obstacle, but the great reduction in freight charges 
 and the greater ease of traveling would, it was thought, 
 justify a considerable outlay. Gallatin and others tried to 
 interest national officials in plans for interstate canals, but 
 Congress did not appropriate money for them as it did for 
 the Cumberland road (§ 256). The credit for the canals 
 which were constructed in such numbers between 18 15 
 and 1835 belongs to individuals or to far-sighted state 
 officials. 
 
 The earliest of the canals built on a large scale was the 
 Erie canal which connects the Hudson River with Lake Erie. 
 By following the Mohawk River this canal was built across 
 the only low pass through the Appalachian range of moun- 
 tains. This was a state enterprise which was completed in 
 1825 largely through the efforts of DeWitt Clinton. The 
 canal was much narrower and shallower than it is to-day, 
 but it shortened the journey from Albany to Buffalo several 
 days and it reduced the price of freight many times. From 
 
1835] 
 
 Transportation and Business 
 
 319 
 
 the beginning it was a financial success and the profits re- 
 paid the cost of the canal within ten years. 
 
 Pennsylvania was almost as much interested in canals as Canals in 
 New York, but accomplished less because of the mountains °'^^^ states. 
 in the western part of the state. This difficulty was solved 
 by building canals as far as possible from the east and from °^^' / 
 the west and connecting them by a " portage railway," over 205-211. 
 which the canal boats were carried. Other states, east and 
 
 The De Witt Clinton 
 
 Railway Train in an Early Day 
 
 west, began to build canals because of the great profit made 
 by New York, but because of geographical difficulties or 
 sparseness of population, most of these were not financial 
 successes. 
 
 284. Railways. — Interest in the construction of canals 
 almost ceased when the railway came into use between 1830 
 and 1840. The cost of laying a railway track was less than 
 the cost of digging a canal. Railways could be built on grades 
 instead of nearly level areas and railways could be operated 
 the entire year, so that they were preferable in almost every 
 respect to artificial waterways. The earliest railways were 
 practically horse-car lines of no great length. About the 
 time that Jackson was inaugurated, the perfection of Steven- 
 son's Rocket showed that locomotives were better than any 
 
 McMaster, 
 United States, 
 V, 136-143. 
 
 First railways. 
 
 Co man, Indus- 
 trial Hist., 
 235-241. 
 Johnson, ' 
 
 Railway 
 Transportation, 
 18-24. 34-44. 
 
 McMaster, 
 United States, 
 
 VI, 86-93, ; 
 
 342, 350- I 
 
320 
 
 Americafi History 
 
 [1835 
 
 Government 
 and early 
 railways. 
 
 Hart, Slavery 
 and Abolition, 
 39-45- 
 
 Johnson, 
 Railway 
 Transportation , 
 508-311. 
 
 Railway 
 
 development 
 
 (1830-1860). 
 
 Johnson, 
 Railway 
 Transportation , 
 24-27. 
 
 Smith, 
 Parties and! 
 Slaife/y, 
 59-67- 
 
 Semple, 
 Geographic 
 Conditions, 
 571-389- 
 
 [mportance of 
 iieans of com- 
 iiunication for 
 I large country. 
 
 Other motive power, and, within a few years, railways were 
 operated from Boston, New York, Philadelphia, Baltimore, 
 and Charleston to neighboring towns, as well as between 
 smaller cities that were farther apart. 
 
 These railways were built principally by private capital, 
 but in Michigan and a few other states they were public 
 enterprises. Subsidies were granted to a large number of 
 railways by different states and cities during this period, 
 and public money was invested in railways on every side. 
 The results were disastrous, as the public roads could not 
 pay expenses and were sold after a few years. Very little 
 of the capital contributed by the states was ever returned to 
 them. After 1850, however, the states gave to the railways 
 large bonuses of public lands which had been contributed 
 by Congress for that purpose. 
 
 Although in 1830 there were less than twenty-five miles 
 of steam railway in use in this country, the mileage had 
 increased to nearly 3000 in 1850 and to more than 30,000 at 
 the beginning of the Civil War. Before 1840 there was no 
 line 100 miles in length. In that year there were eleven 
 distinct railways connecting Albany with Buffalo. These 
 were finally consolidated into a single railway system soon 
 after 1850, but it was not until 1858 that cars ran on the track 
 of a single company from New York to Buffalo. About the 
 same time the first series of railways connected New York 
 with the Mississippi River. This policy of consolidation, 
 which made rapid progress during the decade before the 
 Civil War, aroused most serious opposition. Politicians 
 sought to make political capital out of the threatened dangers 
 of monopoly, and the mass of the people would have pre- 
 vented continued consolidation had it been in their power. 
 
 285. Significance of Improved Means of Transporta- 
 tion. — The transformation wrought by these changes on 
 land and water were greater than might be apparent at first. 
 In a country covering so vast a territory as ours, with the 
 limited interstate trade or travel and the comparative lack 
 of common interests among the people of the states which 
 
eORMAr i CO,, 
 
1840] Transportation and Business 321 
 
 existed three quarters of a century ago, real union was im- 
 possible except through the use of good means of communi- 
 cation. There were very few good roads in the United 
 States at that time. Some turnpikes had been constructed, 
 usually within the limits of a single county, but the con- 
 dition of the rest of the roads was deplorable in the s[)ring 
 or in rainy weather. Moreover, with the exception of the 
 Cumberland road and a few others, the better highways 
 never crossed state boundaries. Emigrants used the trails or 
 hastily constructed roads and followed the rivers, of which 
 there were a large number in the West; but traders founrl it 
 impossible to transport goods a great distance on land, or 
 even on water unless they were going downstream. The * 
 early settlers were forced to live near rivers if they raised 
 articles for a market other than that of their own locality. 
 
 By the use of the steamboat passengers and merchanrlise Value of water- 
 were transported easily and rapidly from the cities of the ways after 1815. 
 Atlantic border and Gulf to the upper waters of the coast 
 rivers or those of the Mississippi system. A large interstate j^ew West, 
 trade was developed on the Mississippi and its tributaries 32-38. 96-106. 
 which had been impossible before except downstream. ^ 
 
 Semple, Amer. 
 
 Rivers of the western basin that hitherto had been inacces- //ist.andUs 
 sible were reached without difficulty. Districts distant from Geographic 
 the rivers were penetrated by the canals that were built to ^^""^^'^'^''''' 
 connect large rivers or important bodies of water. This 
 opened large territories to cultivation and was an important 
 cause of the great development of the middle West during the 
 quarter century following the second war with England. 
 The reduction in freight rates over the canals gave a tremen- 
 dous impetus to the industries of the towns and valleys that 
 could now find a market for their productions. This com- 
 merce was especially valuable to the eastern cities, for the 
 canals diverted trade from the earlier channels of the western 
 rivers so that the exports of the prairie states no longer went 
 through New Orleans exclusively. New York owed a large 
 part of her commercial supremacy after 1820 to the Erie 
 canal. 
 
 Y 
 
322 
 
 American History 
 
 [1810- 
 
 As the railway superseded the canal, the social expansion 
 and industrial development begun by the improved means 
 of communication by water was extended many times. 
 Trips that in 1800 took a month and, in 1825, weeks, could 
 now be made in as many days. The railways went every- 
 where, not only bringing new settlers and increased business, 
 
 but giving improved mail 
 service and permitting 
 the interchange of new 
 ideas and methods. 
 Chicago was in i860 as 
 near to New York in time 
 as Philadelphia had been 
 a century earlier. The 
 South lost most of the 
 trade from the Middle 
 West, but the Northeast 
 and Northwest were 
 united by closer com- 
 mercial ties than formerly, 
 so that the whole North 
 was united as never 
 before. 
 286. The Telegraph 
 and Other Inventions. — Annihilation of distance by steam 
 was little less noteworthy than the infinitely more" rapid 
 transmission of news by electric telegraph. The per- 
 fection of the first successful transmitter and the opera- 
 tion of the first satisfactory telegraph line were due to 
 the genius and persistence of Samuel F. B. Morse. Morse 
 had made use of crude telegraphic apparatus as early as 
 1832, but was not able, to construct a line until Congress 
 appropriated $30,000 to build a line from Washington to 
 Baltimore. The first important news sent over this line told 
 of the proceedings in the Democratic nominating conven- 
 tion of 1844. Before the Civil War all important cities and 
 towns in the countrv were reached by the wires of some 
 
 Morse and his Instrument 
 
i860] 
 
 Transportation and Bnsincss 
 
 323 
 
 telegraph company, and an Atlantic cable had been laid. 
 This cable was not successful, and in 1866, through the 
 efforts of Cyrus W. Field, a new cable connected Europe with 
 America. Perhaps we can get some idea of the value of the 
 telegraph if we note its use in conducting a single business 
 like that of a railway, in transmitting general news, and in 
 dealing with questions of international importance which 
 require prompt attention. 
 
 The period following 1815, especially after 1829, witnessed 
 a revolution in the methods of production due to chanj^es in 
 the machinery used. Among the 
 inventions which affected industry 
 or increased the comfort of the 
 people may be mentioned the im- 
 provements in plows, the invention 
 of reapers and binders and thresh- 
 ing machines, improved cooking 
 stoves, the first successful sewing 
 machines, and rotary printing 
 presses. The process of making 
 vulcanized rubber was perfected, 
 the first friction matches were used, 
 the earliest daguerreotypes taken at this time. Illuminating 
 gas began to come into common use. In i860 people lived 
 in much greater comfort than in 1830 and they purchased 
 most articles of common use at a much smaller price. 
 
 287. Industrial Changes after 1810. — On account of the 
 improved machinery used after 1810, a change occurred in 
 the methods of manufacturing. Until about 1810 most 
 articles had been produced in small shops or in the homes 
 of the workers. Soon after 18 10 machinery came into 
 general use for the weaving of cotton and woolen cloth and in 
 other industries. Large foundries, using anthracite and 
 bituminous coal, displaced the smaller foundries and forges 
 in use at an early day. Manufacturing under the factory 
 system was much more economical than the older methods, 
 and the value of the products very much greater. 
 
 Howe's Original Sew- 
 ing Machine 
 
 140-142, 
 323-342. 
 
 Use of 
 machinery. 
 
324 
 
 American History 
 
 [1816- 
 
 The industrial development between the second war with 
 Great Britain and the Civil War was rapid, but not greater 
 than the increase in agriculture and commerce. There were 
 many difficulties to be overcome in starting these '' infant 
 industries." Aid was given by the national government in 
 the tariff of 18 16 and for about two decades following, but the 
 system of protection was practically abandoned during the 
 quarter century preceding the Civil War. Manufacturing 
 was a much less essential part of the nation's hfe than it has 
 been since the war between the North and the South. Very 
 few products of the factories were exported and only four 
 per cent of the people were employed in manufacturing. 
 
 During the period from 181 5 to 1843 ^^e country passed 
 through several periods of prosperity and depression. The 
 excessive activity following the war of 181 2 ended in 181 9 
 in a panic which affected business in general and the new 
 cotton and woolen industries especially. The hard times of 
 that period reacted on the people, many of whom were less 
 in favor of the expansion of national authority than at the 
 close of the recent war (§§ 249-257). The return of pros- 
 perity before the election of Jackson restored confidence and 
 enthusiasm for national expansion, and culminated finally 
 in more radical speculation than had ever been tried before 
 (§ 276). The panic of 1837 (§ 277) put an end to '' wild- 
 cat banking," to the '' booming " of town lots and public 
 lands, and to unwarranted business ventures, ending as it 
 did in the greatest business depression suffered by the people 
 to this time. 
 
 288. The Era of ''Free Trade" (1846-1857)- —The 
 country had not recovered from the hard times which fol- 
 lowed the panic of 1837, when the compromise tariff of 1833 
 was completed by the final reduction of duties in 1842 to a 
 level of twenty per cent. As the government obtained in- 
 sufficient revenue from the duties on imports, a new tariff 
 was proposed by the Whigs and passed in 1842 which re- 
 stored the policy of protection, with rates averaging about the 
 same as those in the tariff of 1832. 
 
1857] Transportation and Business 325 \ 
 
 Opposition to protection developed again as soon as good Walker tariff: 
 times returned a year or two later. The Democrats, sue- <^^^246. 1 
 cessful in the election of 1844, made their plans for a free- . , 
 
 trade tariff. Articles were classified in schedules, with 
 rates from five per cent to one hundred per cent, and many 
 articles on the free list. All rates were levied on the value 
 of goods for the first time, and a great amount of fraud 
 resulted because importers undervalued their goods. 
 
 Because of the reaction from the depression which lasted 
 from 1837 to 1843, the decade following 1846 was one of un- 
 usual prosperity. Our foreign trade, which in 1846 amounted 
 to $227,000,000, had increased in 1857 to $642,000,000. 
 Large numbers of immigrants came from Europe every year. 
 Crops were large, prices were high, and business of every : 
 
 kind active. Immense amounts of gold had been taken Rhodes, 
 from California since its discovery in 1848, so that money was United States 
 plentiful. Capital was invested recklessly, especially in real 
 estate and in railways. 
 
 Since the government revenues exceeded the expenditures Tariff and 
 which the conservative politicians in control of Congress P^"''^ (^^S?). 
 believed it to be wise or constitutional to make, a new tariff 
 act w^as passed in 1857, reducing the rates on articles im- 
 ported. Scarcely had this been done when excessive specula- 
 tion led to a panic which affected business in general, and the 
 railways in the interior particularly. Failures were numer- 
 ous and the government kept getting deeper into debt during 
 Buchanan's administration, although business revived more 
 rapidly than is usual after a depression. 
 
 Political and Social Changes 
 
 289. Opening of the Government Lands. — The rapid 
 development of political and social democracy during the 
 first half of the nineteenth century was due especially to the 
 growth of the West. The population of the Middle West ^"^"^pj!-^^^ 
 increased from less than five hundred thousand inhabitants 84-87, 135, 
 in 1800 to more than seven and one half millions in 1850. 140-143- 
 This expansion was influenced not alone by the improved 
 
326 American History [1800^ 
 
 means of communication in the Mississippi basin, but by the 
 liberal land policy of Congress. When the states ceded to 
 Congress (i 781-1802) their claims to lands in the West, 
 Congress gained the title to all unoccupied lands in that 
 region. A system of surveys was begun in 1785, following 
 after 1796 a plan similar to that used at present.^ Congress 
 expected to derive from the sale of these lands considerable 
 revenue, of which it was greatly in need, but the profits dur- 
 ing the Confederation were slight. After other sources of 
 national income had been devised under the Constitution 
 (§§ 198, 217), Congress in 1800 decided to sell lands in blocks 
 of 320 or 640 acres at $2 per acre, payable in installments. 
 Later laws made it possible to purchase for cash public 
 lands in still smaller lots, usually 160 acres, a quarter section, 
 the price being reduced somewhat, especially for actual 
 settlers. 
 Extensive Many of these lots were taken by speculators, who sc- 
 
 ale oi lands, cured the choicest sections in the fertile valleys and ex- 
 pected to sell them at a great advance. Most of the sales 
 lart, Practical ^ygj-e to actual settlers, except during the years from 1834 
 
 lisays, ^^ 18^7, when a mania for speculation in lands and the sub- 
 
 39-244. ^ ' ' ^ 
 
 division of districts into town sites reached its maximum. 
 
 During the first forty years of the century an area was sold 
 Tacksonian ' equal to that of the three states of Illinois, Wisconsin, and 
 lemocracy, lowa. Such rccklcss disposal' of the best lands in the finest 
 76-285. agricultural region on the globe was unfortunate except 
 
 when the lands were taken by actual settlers. Yet the im- 
 Donaidson, petus which it gave to immigration into the West and the in- 
 00-208 ' fluence which the sale of lands in small blocks had upon the 
 
 democratic character of the western states, makes the sub- 
 ject one of the greatest importance, 
 jniversai 290. Development of Democracy. — The democratic 
 
 novement Spirit which developed rapidly after 1 8 1 5 affected the national 
 
 ovvard government much less than it did the states, especially in 
 
 the West. Frontier life, with its crude conditions, its lack of 
 huge estates or great fortunes, is a social leveler. Men are 
 
 * See Ashley, " American Government," \ 299. 
 
1850] 
 
 Political and Social Changes 
 
 327 
 
 judged on their merits, not by the standards of money or Turner, 
 former social position. In the West accordingly democracy, ^^^^^^^^^ ^« 
 political and social, was perfected at an earlier date than 
 elsewhere. But the changes in the West affected the East, 
 whose people protested against the old inequalities which 
 kept many men from voting and gave more legal rights to 
 some than to others. This democratic movement was more 
 
 ADOPTION 
 
 OF 
 MANHOOD 
 SUFKRAUE 
 
 pronounced in this country than elsewhere, but the same \ 
 
 spirit produced in Europe reform movements or revolutions : 
 
 which sought to abolish class rule and secure justice for the 
 masses. These culminated in the widespread revolutions 
 of 1848. 
 
 In the United States the demand of the people for a share Changes in the 
 in the government produced, first of all, changes in the ^''^"^hise. ^ 
 suffrage. In 181 5 only three or four states along the Atlan- '\ 
 
 tic border allowed all men to vote, although most of those in c^^^^{ ^^^t 
 the Northwest and Southwest had very liberal qualifications of Am. People 
 for voters. Thirty years later practically all of the states n, 476-482. 
 
328 
 
 American History 
 
 [1800- 
 
 McMaster, 
 United States, 
 V. 380-394. 
 
 Schouler, 
 Const' I Studies, 
 231-248. 
 
 Popular par- 
 ticipation in 
 government. 
 
 Thorpe, 
 Const' I Hist., 
 II, 426-428, 
 458-476. 
 
 Schouler, 
 Const' I Studies, 
 267-292. 
 
 Distrust of the 
 legislatures. 
 
 Thorpe, 
 Const' I Hist., 
 II, 413-419. 
 
 New activities 
 of the states. 
 
 Thorpe, 
 Const' I Hist., 
 II, 429-446. 
 
 allowed white men to vote without other restrictions than 
 citizenship and a short period of residence in the state. 
 New York permitted blacks to vote if they owned property, 
 but, as a rule, the laws of the period restricted rather than 
 increased the voting privileges of free negroes. Many of the 
 western states tried to attract immigrants by allowing those 
 who intended to become citizens the same privileges as 
 citizens, and two states allowed all adult male residents to 
 exercise the elective franchise. 
 
 291. Changes in the States. — Popular demand for a 
 share in the work of governing affected much more than the 
 right to vote. Formerly, most officials had been appointed, 
 the governor being the only state official chosen before this 
 time by the people in all of the states. Local sheriffs and 
 city officials were no longer appointed. Even the judges 
 in most of the states were chosen by popular vote. More- 
 over, after 1820 the people insisted that their state constitu- 
 tions should be submitted to them after they had been drafted 
 by the conventions chosen for that purpose. 
 
 Popular distrust of the officials chosen even at general 
 elections was shown by the great number of subjects that 
 were included in the state constitutions. The legislatures, 
 which in 1776 by general consent had held almost continuous 
 sessions, were forced to be content with sessions of about 
 sixty days once in two years. Many powers were taken from 
 the legislature, so that the people should not suffer too se- 
 verely from the bane of overlegislation, which had afflicted 
 more than one of the states. 
 
 Nevertheless the people of the states were willing to try 
 new experiments. They undertook the construction of 
 numerous canals (§ 283), voted public money as bonuses for 
 roads, and invested state funds in speculative enterprises 
 which promised to develop the resources of the state, but 
 resulted in nothing but the exploitation of the public treas- 
 ury. Permission was given to numerous " wild-cat banks " 
 which issued notes practically without hmitation and on very 
 limited credit or capital. Yet the enterprise and spirit which 
 
1850] Political and Social Changes 329 
 
 prompted all of these movements resulted in wonderful 
 changes in the condition of those whose rights had been 
 denied before that time. 
 
 292. Social Legislation. — It was inevitable that sooner 
 or later class privileges should disappear. We have noticed °^ "ghts. 
 already that religious qualifications for the franchise had 
 
 been the first to go, and that property was not required of Cleveland, 
 voters to any extent. Laws of inheritance no longer gave the ^^a-^e-^'^^' 
 eldest son a special share. Imprisonment for debt had been 379-385. 
 discontinued gradually after 1776, and was used very little 
 in 1840. The newer states were beginning to make home- 
 steads exempt from seizure by creditors. Through consti- 
 tutional provision or statute some states were following the 
 example of the national government which in 1840 made 
 ten hours a day's labor for its employees, but most changes of 
 this character came later, after the Civil War. In some 
 cases the constitutions expressly stated that married women 
 might hold property in their own names, and gave them 
 certain other specific rights before the law and in inher- 
 itance. The movement in favor of equalization among 
 white men was almost universal, though less pronounced 
 in the older and more conservative sections. 
 
 An instance of the humanitarian changes of the time is 
 furnished by the prisons. The prisons of the eighteenth 
 century were of the worst description, the prisoners being 
 herded together irrespective of age, offense, and other con- McMaster. 
 ditions, sometimes kept in cellar dungeons or in damp, un- j^ 98-102, 
 ventilated mines. Little improvement was made until, about IV, 532-549, 
 1830, a few model prisons were built, in which prisoners were ^^' 96-99- 
 allowed to work under sanitary conditions, and decent food 
 and shelter were provided. 
 
 293. Newspapers and Education. — The same causes New public 
 which gave the people so much power in political affairs were ^^^^'^^ 
 
 . system. 
 
 mfluential in the extension of systems of free education. Not 
 only did people begin to realize that it was necessary to be 
 trained for their civic duties, but they felt that the state owed 
 every child the opportunity of a good education. Under the 
 
330 
 
 American History 
 
 [1800- 
 
 Harrison, This 
 Country of 
 Ours, 233-240. 
 
 lead of Mann and Barnard, Xew England built upon her old 
 foundation of belief in common schools a far more perfect 
 free system than had yet existed. In the West democracy 
 insisted upon education as a right. As all of these states 
 had once been parts of the public domain, each had an 
 educational fund of one section, or, after 1848, of two sec- 
 tions, in each township. This greatly lightened the burden 
 of the local school taxes, and thus gave the West decided 
 advantages over the East. 
 
 One of the greatest educational forces of that day and the 
 era since that time has been the modern newspaper. The 
 newspapers of the eighteenth century usually contained four 
 small pages with comparatively little news and very little 
 advertising. As better presses were invented, the New York 
 Sun and other papers were published at one cent (1833), the 
 first modern newspapers at a popular price. These papers, 
 especially in Xew York, were developed into bright, inter- 
 esting sheets, with valuable editorial comment on pubhc 
 questions. Soon there were very few villages which did not 
 have a local newspaper. Ever^-^vhere these papers exerted 
 a tremendous influence on public sentiment. It is said that 
 the feelings of a large class were expressed by the old farmer 
 who was asked his opinion on some public question and 
 replied, " I don't know. The Tribune has not come yet." ^ 
 
 The national government helped to bring this education to 
 the people by revising its postal system. It adopted ad- 
 hesive stamps and reduced letter postage from twenty-five 
 cents for all distances over four hundred miles to a uniform 
 rate of three cents per half ounce for all distances less than 
 three thousand miles. On newspapers and other periodicals 
 rates were lowered later to one cent per pound, if sent direct 
 from the publishers. For a long time this involved consider- 
 able loss, and in fact the receipts do not equal the expendi- 
 tures to-day; but this loss, most of which comes from the 
 transportation and delivery of periodicals, is justified on the 
 ground that it is a public service of exceptional value. 
 
 ' The New York Weekly Tribune, edited by Horace Greeley. 
 
1850] Political and Social Changes 331 I 
 
 294. American Cities. — No part of the nation grew with Growth in ha 
 greater rapidity during the first half of the nineteenth cen- '^^"^^^y- 1 
 tury than the cities. In 1800 only four contained as many as 
 ten thousand inhabitants, but in 1850 the number of cities 
 of that size was 41. In the half century the urban popula- 
 tion had increased more than three times as rapidly as the 
 population of the entire United States. The largest city, \ 
 New York, was a thriving metropolis of over a half million, \ 
 just beginning the decade of most rapid growth in its history. j 
 Many of the Irish who came to America between 1846 and 
 
 i860 settled in these bustling centers of population, and ; 
 
 thousands of farmer boys and girls left the country yearly ' 
 
 for the more active life of the railway centers or the factory 
 towns. 
 
 Most of the cities abandoned the old undemocratic Changes in 
 government that they had used during the colonial and early government. 1 
 national periods. In adopting a more popular system the 
 cities showed most of the faults with few of the excellencies Fairiie, j. a.„ 
 possible in popular rule. In them the "spoils" system was ^ "'"^^^'^ 
 
 y i^ r V J Programme, , 
 
 brought nearest perfection, and "boss" rule was developed 11-17. ! 
 
 most easily. This demoralizing state of affairs was prob- , 
 
 ably due to two things. (i) The growth of the cities ' 
 
 was quite rapid, and a large part of the new population was 
 foreign. As suffrage was universal, and a declared intention 
 to become a citizen often gave an ignorant immigrant a 
 vote, the elections were decided by an element easily led and 
 corrupted. (2) The rapid growth made extensive improve- 
 ments necessary. This expenditure acted as a temptation 
 to certain of the lower classes to take part in city govern- 
 ment, and, as the money was expended by these persons, 
 it tended to increase the evils already existing. So democ- « 
 
 racy in the cities came near being mob rule. \ 
 
 Free and Slave States ! 
 
 295. Growth of the United States. — In 1800 the United Territorial 
 States extended from the Atlantic to the Mississippi River expansion 
 and from the Great Lakes to the Floridas. In 1850 its (^^^^'^^so)- | 
 
332 
 
 Aniermut History 
 
 [1800- 
 
 western boundary was the Pacific Ocean. Louisiana, with 
 its indefinite western boundary, had been acquired from 
 France in 1803. The Floridas had been ceded by Spain 
 in 1819, and our title to Oregon from 42° to 49° became clear 
 in 1846. In 1845 ^^'^ annexed the republic of Texas (§ 302), 
 and when Mexico objected, we made war on her and seized 
 the territory from the Rio Grande to the Pacific. In a half 
 
 r 
 
 
 Under 2 to sq mile |. | 
 12.26 •■ .. E3 
 16-18 •• 
 18-45 " 
 
 4&-90 " 
 Over 90 " 
 
 DENSITY OF POI'lLiTION" 
 
 (i8;io) 
 
 century the United States had grown to more than three 
 times its original size, had acquired a natural boundary 
 on the southeast, and had gained a seacoast more than one 
 thousand miles long on the Pacific — a magnificent domain, 
 symmetrical, productive, with unlimited natural resources, 
 and located midway between the well-developed nations of 
 Europe and the older civilization of the Far East. 
 
 The population meanwhile had doubled every twenty- 
 five years. From only 5,300,000 inhabitants in 1800, the 
 number had increased to 23,000,000 in 1850 and more than 
 31,000,000 in i860. But the growth was not uniform 
 throughout the country. The population of the older states 
 had not increased as rapidly as that of the West, although in 
 1850 nearly one half of the people lived east of the Alleghany 
 
mi- 
 gration, 6, lo. 
 
 i860] Political and Social C/iatiges 333 
 
 mountains. The cities had grown more rapidly than the 
 country, although more than eighty-seven per cent of the 
 people still lived on farms or in villages. The South had not 
 kept pace with the North, for, although they started together 
 in 1800, the free states contained 4,000,000 more people than 
 the slave states in 1850, and in i860 were nearly 7,000,000 
 in advance of the southern states. 
 
 296. Foreign Immigration. — A considerable part of this 
 increase was due to the very large immigration from Europe 
 which followed the Irish famines after 1845 ^^^ the failure 
 of the revolutions in Europe in 1848. About two and one half 
 millions came during the first half of the nineteenth century 
 and as many more landed at the ports of the United States 
 during the decade from 1850 to i860. Most of these were 
 Irish or Germans, people of unusual intelligence and energy ^^^\\ ^^ 
 who threw in their lot with the people of the United States 
 and discarded to a large extent all their former social charac- 
 teristics. Many of the Irish settled in the cities where they 
 interested themselves particularly in the work of city govern- 
 ment, often complicating the problems that the cities were 
 forced to solve during this transitional period of their exist- 
 ence. Many of the other immigrants went directly to the 
 West, where they obtained government lands. Almost 
 without exception they settled in the North in order to avoid 
 competition with slave labor. 
 
 Had it been impossible for the United States to assimilate National 
 so large a body of foreigners, their great numbers would 
 have been a decided menace to our institutions. Yet no- 
 where did they retain their old national characteristics of 
 race, language, and customs, for, even if the first generation 
 failed to become truly American, it was never so with the 
 second. As they were industrious and thrifty, they increased 
 the wealth and producing power of the nation. More- 
 over, they, consciously and unconsciously, aided in the 
 development of a national spirit and gave their support in 
 favor of a strong central government. The Irish and the 
 Germans, at least, had struggled for the perfection of na- 
 
334 American History [1845 
 
 tional unity in their former homes and were in sympathy 
 with the similar movement in this country. They were 
 drawn to the United States as the land of the free, but they 
 knew little and cared less about the states. Directly and 
 indirectly they were a great help in developing a national 
 sentiment in the North. 
 States admitted 297. The Admission of New States. — In spite of the 
 {X 20-1 50J. much more rapid development in the North than in the 
 South, Congress had preserved the balance of the states 
 until 1850. After the struggle over the admission of Mis- 
 souri (§260), no state was admitted for fifteen years. Then 
 Arkansas and Michigan were admitted. Later Texas and 
 Florida were followed by Iowa and Wisconsin. When Cali- 
 fornia was admitted as a free state, the balance was broken, 
 for there was no territory in the South between Texas and 
 California that was well settled. Even in this territory the 
 people were opposed to the system of slavery, for in New 
 Mexico in 1850 the vote was nearly 10 to i in favor of asking 
 for admission as a free state. The Northwest, on the con- 
 trary, was growing rapidly and in the natural course of 
 events would be divided into free states. 
 Attitude of the It is interesting to notice that so far in our history, except 
 new states 'y^ ^^ disputes arising over the navigation of the Mississippi 
 
 national River, all of the tendencies toward disunion and most of 
 
 government. those favorable to state sovereignty came from the older 
 commonwealths. The reason for this is evident. The 
 old states looked upon the Union as their creation; the 
 new considered the nation their creator. Nearly all of the 
 territory formed into states after 1789 has been at some time 
 under the absolute control of the national government. 
 When these new states were admitted to the Union, the old 
 states apparently had nothing to do with the change. Con- 
 gress passed the enabling act, Congress imposed conditions, 
 if such there were. The new commonwealths had no local 
 traditions, no revolutionary claim to sovereignty, no insti- 
 tutions productive of either particularism or sectionalism. 
 They favored a strong government for foreign affairs and for 
 
i83i] 
 
 Political and Social Chano;es 
 
 335 
 
 internal improvements, and only in the few matters directly 
 antagonistic to their interests did they disapprove of national 
 authority. 
 
 298. Early Abolitionists. — Not only were the slave 
 states behind the more progressive free northern common- 
 wealths, but they found that their institution of slavery was 
 threatened by the growth of a new and practically world- 
 wide movement in favor of uni- 
 versal freedom for blacks as well 
 as whites. The abolition move- 
 ment became prominent in the 
 United States about 1831. Before 
 that time all of the northern states 
 had made provision for the eman- 
 cipation of their slaves, and a few 
 of the southern states had looked 
 with favor on some form of 
 gradual emancipation. In 1831 
 William Lloyd Garrison established 
 in Boston his paper called '' The 
 Liberator " which was thenceforth 
 devoted with unlimited zeal to 
 the cause of negro freedom. 
 
 Unfortunately in the same year there was an insurrection 
 of blacks in Virginia led by a negro, Nat Turner. Before 
 this could be suppressed, over sixty whites, most of them 
 women and children, lost their lives. Severe laws were 
 enacted against the blacks in several states and further 
 consideration of emancipation in the South ceased. Many 
 people, North and South, believed that Turner's insurrection 
 had been produced by the abolitionists, and so great was the 
 feeling aroused against Garrison and his followers that 
 abolition meetings were broken up, speakers were mobbed 
 in almost every northern state, a large amount of property 
 was destroyed, and a few of the more radical leaders, like 
 Lovejoy in IlHnois, put to death. The movement grew 
 slowly. In 1833 a national anti-slavery convention was 
 
 Movement 
 toward eman- 
 cipation. 
 
 Wilson, Div. 
 and Reunion, 
 \\ 60-62. 
 
 Hart, Slave' y 
 and Abolition, 
 57-183. 
 
 Old South 
 Leaflets, 
 No. 78. 
 
 William Lloyd Garrison 
 
 Progress of 
 the abolition 
 movement. 
 
 Schouler, 
 United States, 
 IV, 210-216, 
 296-300. 
 
336 
 
 Aviej'ican History 
 
 {}^IS 
 
 Congress's 
 attitude toward 
 abolition. 
 
 Burgess, 
 Middle Period, 
 
 254-273- 
 
 Hart, Slavery 
 and Abolition, 
 256-275. 
 
 held, but before 1835 ^'^O' ^^^^' people had identified them- 
 selves with the abolitionists, although in 1840 they claimed 
 about two hundred thousand members in various abolition 
 societies. Public sentiment changed gradually toward the 
 abolitionists so that after 1840 they suffered comparatively 
 little from mob violence in the North, although they did 
 not control the sentiment of many states except possibly 
 in parts of New England. 
 
 299. Abolition and Petition (1835-1840). — Since the 
 beginning of the national government petitions had been 
 presented in Congress requesting the abolition of slavery 
 in the District of Columbia. At first the Quakers were 
 the only persons interested, but after 1830 the abolitionists 
 circulated and presented numerous petitions. In 1835 the 
 radical members of the House became engaged in a contest 
 over these petitions which had a very momentous result. 
 After several months of bitter debate, the House adopted 
 a *' gag-resolution " by which all anti-slavery petitions were 
 to be laid on the table, with no further action whatever to 
 be taken on them later. The Senate adopted rules which 
 prevented the consideration of similar petitions in much the 
 same manner. Nothing else could have brought before the 
 attention of the people the cause of the abolitionists as had 
 this debate. Instead of reducing the number of petitions, 
 the agitation continued to spread until the House, thinking 
 to rid itself of this question, was persuaded by the southern 
 members to go one step farther. ''After 1840 no petitions 
 are to be received by this House or entertained in any way 
 whatever." In short, the House had denied to large num- 
 bers of citizens their constitutional right of presenting peti- 
 tions.^ In seeking to injure the anti-slavery movement, 
 the radical congressmen had given the abolitionists definite 
 legal grounds for opposing slavery. The pro-slavery leaders 
 had shown that in their opinion they must protect slavery 
 even though they interfered with the rights of other citizens, 
 certainly a fatal mistake. 
 
 ^ Constitution, Amendment i. 
 
1850J A Half Century of Changes 337 
 
 TOPICS 
 
 1. Land Policy of the United States: Hart, "Practical 
 Essays on Government," No. 10; Willoughby, in "Johns Hopkins 
 University Studies," Sato, S., in "Johns Hopkins University Studies," 
 IV, Nos. vii-ix. 
 
 2. Anti-Slavery Movement: Burgess, "Middle Period," 
 pp. 242-277; Hart, " Contemporaries," in, Nos. 174-184; Von Hoist, 
 "Constitutional History of United States," II, pp. 80-139, 219-292; 
 Hart, "Slavery and Abolition," pp. 152-275. 
 
 STUDIES 
 
 1. Spread of population in the Mississippi valley as affected by 
 geographic conditions. (Semple, "American History and Its Geo- 
 graphic Conditions," pp. 150-177.) 
 
 2. Localinfluencesof the Erie canal. (Hulbert, " Great American 
 Canals," II, pp. 152-177.) 
 
 3. Government of democracy in America. (De Tocqueville, 
 "Democracy in America," I, pp. 198-238.) 
 
 4. "Who reads an American book?" (Hart (ed.), "Contem- 
 poraries," III, No. 152.) 
 
 5. American poets of the Middle Period. (Trent, "American 
 Literature," pp. 393-460.) 
 
 6. An Englishwoman's view of a western town. (Mrs. Trollope, 
 "Domestic Manners of the Americans," I, pp. 61-131.) 
 
 7. Removal of the Indians east of the Mississippi. (" The Ameri- 
 can Nation," XIV, 310 (maps), XV, Chapter X.) 
 
 8. People without a Country. (Thorpe, "Constitutional History 
 of the United States," I, pp. 356-399.) 
 
 9. Economic character of slavery. (Hart, "Slavery and Aboli- 
 tion," pp. 49-66.) 
 
 10. The slave market. (Hart, "Slavery and Abolition," 
 pp. 123-135.) 
 
 11. Slavery agitation in Congress. (Benton, "Thirty Years in 
 Senate," I, pp. 576-588, 609-623.) 
 
 12. J. Q. Adams on constitutional war powers over slavery. 
 (Johnston (ed.), "American Eloquence," II, pp. 11 5-1 22.) 
 
 QUESTIONS 
 
 I. Compare the internal improvements made by the national 
 government with those undertaken by the states. Was there any 
 difference between the character and extent of the improvements 
 made by the eastern and by the western states ? 
 z 
 
338 American History 
 
 2. Give a full comparison of the ways of transportation in 1750, 
 1800, and 1850. What changes or improvements coincided with 
 the close of the first war with Great Britain? the second war with 
 Great Britain? the election of Jackson? 
 
 3. Make a table showing in one column the periods of prosperity 
 and business depression since 1815; in a second the wars, movements 
 of population (indicated by new states, etc.), and extension of territory; 
 in a third very important laws or acts of the national government. 
 
 4. During the first half of the nineteenth century what changes 
 occurred in the franchise, in popular participation in government, in 
 laws regarding debt, imprisonment for debt and methods of punish- 
 ment, in civil rights in general ? 
 
 5. Trace the changes from 1780 to the present in our Indian pol- 
 icy; in our postal service; in our public land system. 
 
 6. Compare the United States in 1850 with the United States in 
 1800. Note area, population, percentages of rural and urban popu- 
 lation, occupations, culture, degree of national unity, and changes 
 considered in 2 and 4 above. 
 
PART IV 
 
 THE STRUGGLE OVER SLAVERY 
 
 (1843-1877) 
 
 CHAPTER XV 
 SLAVERY IN THE TERRITORIES (1843-1857) 
 
 300. Introduction. — The period between 1843 ^^^ Slavery and 
 1877 is concerned principally with questions arising out of the South, 
 slavery. This system, which had once been universal in this 
 country, had been superseded gradually in the North by 
 free labor. The reasons for this are topographical, eco- 
 nomic, and social. We have noticed already the decay of 
 slavery in the North and the spread of an abolition senti- 
 ment throughout that section.^ In the South, on the other 
 hand, since the invention of the cotton gin (§ 206), there had 
 been a great and constantly increasing demand for slaves, 
 who could be employed profitably on the large cotton plan- 
 tations.^ After 1830 the cotton industry developed with 
 especial rapidity, so that long before i860 it had become the 
 chief occupation of the South, and of value to the whole 
 country, furnishing as it did two-thirds of the exports of 
 the United States. 
 
 So important was this industry, so essentially a part of influence 
 the life of the South, so valuable was cotton in our of cotton, 
 foreign commerce, that almost every one believed " Cotton 
 was King." Not only did it make slavery more necessary 
 to the South, but, through its demand for slave labor, it 
 helped to uphold that patriarchal plantation system that was 
 the chief characteristic of the Old South. Throughout the 
 
 1 §§ 298, 299. 2 See Turner, New West, 46-50. 
 
 339 
 
340 
 
 American History 
 
 [1843 
 
 The nation 
 and slavery. 
 
 Four periods 
 in the contest 
 between the 
 nation and 
 slavery. 
 
 southern states there was preserved until the coming of war 
 a life of social pleasures, of large-hearted hospitality, which 
 even cotton could not make commercial. These plantation 
 owners were men of high ideals who opposed democratic 
 innovations and considered manual labor degrading, who 
 had no sympathy with the bustling, energetic, commercial 
 North, and were particularly anxious to protect and extend 
 the institution of slavery. 
 
 Naturally the South desired more territory in which new 
 plantations might be started; to which the institution of 
 slavery might be extended. As there was no possibility of 
 reestablishing slavery in the North, the South turned, 
 of course, to territories south and west of the slave states. 
 The southern leaders desired more than new territory suit- 
 able for slavery, for they insisted that slavery must be 
 established and maintained in these lands. The South had 
 not grown as rapidly as the North, so that unless new 
 slave states were added soon to the Union, the political 
 balance between the free and the slave states would 
 be broken forever. But the extension of slavery, in 
 fact even the maintenance of slavery, was at this time 
 threatening the completion of that national development 
 which had been the chief result of our history to this time.^ 
 Although slavery tried to prevent the completion of nation- 
 ality, in the end the nation conquered and destroyed the 
 institution. 
 
 The struggle between these two forces covers four periods : 
 (i) The attempt to acquire more territory and extend 
 slavery to all of the territories controlled by Congress; 
 (2) the attempt to protect slavery by means of secession and 
 civil war; (3) the triumph of the Union over secession; 
 and (4) the reconstruction of the states that attempted 
 to secede. We shall consider in the following chapters 
 these four phases of the slavery contest, which covered a 
 third of a century and assured the future success of the 
 republic. 
 
 1 On the incompatibiUty of slavery and nationaUty, consult §§ 330, 331. 
 
1844] Territorial Expansion 341 
 
 Territorial Expansion (1843-1848) 
 
 301. Texas before 1843. — Soon after the United States The settle- 
 abandoned its claims to Texas in the treaty of 1819 (§ 261), "^^"^ ^"^ 
 Mexico revolted against the rule of Spain and established ^^ Texas'^' ^ 
 her independence. One of the states of the new republic 
 
 was that of Coahuila-Texas, the eastern part of which, as Burcress, 
 far as the Nueces River, was called Texas and was settled Middle Period, 
 almost exclusively by immigrants from the United States. ^ 9-295- 
 These Texans had nothing in common with the Mexicans of 
 the Coahuila part of the double state, but the Mexicans were j^^.^^ ' 
 so much more numerous that they ruled the state. Opposi- 210-227. 
 tion to Mexican rule culminated in an attempt to gain inde- 
 pendence for Texas. This succeeded practically when, in 
 1836, General Sam Houston defeated at San Jacinto an army 
 much larger than his own under President Santa Anna, 
 capturing the Mexican general and a large force of men. 
 Early the next year the independence of Texas was ac- 
 knowledged by the United States and by foreign powers. 
 
 From the beginning the Texans had desired annexation Proposed 
 to the United States. This was not favored by either annexation. 
 Jackson or Van Buren, but was discussed somewhat in ^ 
 Congress and throughout the country. As early as 1836 ji^/^^/g Period, 
 Calhoun announced in the Senate that he considered the 295-302. 
 annexation of Texas necessary to preserve that balance 
 between slave and free states which alone would preserve 
 the Union. Others at this time opposed the annexation for 
 exactly the same reason, but it did not become a sectional 
 question until much later. 
 
 302. The Annexation of Texas ( 1 843-1 845). — President Annexation 
 Tyler desired annexation, but was unable to accomplish ^""^^^y (1844). 
 anything in this direction until Webster resigned his position j^j^^^j^g 
 
 as secretary of state in 1 843 . Plans for a treaty of annexation U/iited states, 
 had been almost completed when Calhoun accepted the port- i' 78-82. 
 folio of state in 1844. The Texas treaty was rejected in the Burgess. 
 Senate by an emphatic vote, probably less because the Midd/e Period, 
 senators opposed annexation than because they disliked the 302-310. 
 
342 
 
 A m erica n History 
 
 [1844 
 
 Election 
 ot" 1S44. 
 
 Scbouler, 
 
 I ^nited States, 
 
 IV, 465-4S0. 
 
 Stanwood, 
 Presidenqr, 
 209-225. 
 
 way the President dictated to them. Some feared also that 
 the annexation of Texas with a claim to the Rio Grande 
 would involve us in war with Mexico. 
 
 Scarcely had the Senate rejected the Texas treaty when 
 conventions met to nominate candidates for the presidency. 
 The Whigs adopted a short platform in which Texas was not 
 mentioned. They nominated Henry Clay. In the Demo- 
 cratic convention 
 there was a con- 
 test between the 
 friends and ene- 
 mies of Van 
 B u r e n . His 
 friends had a ma- 
 jority of the dele- 
 gates, but could 
 not muster the 
 two thirds nec- 
 essary for the 
 nomination. 
 James K. Polk 
 of Tennessee, for- 
 merly speaker of 
 the house, was 
 selected finally. 
 The platform 
 stated that " the reoccupation of Oregon and the reannexa- 
 tion of Texas at tlic earliest practicable period are great 
 American measures which this convention recommends to the 
 cordial support of the Democracy of the Union." Under 
 the name of the Liberty party, the abolitionists took part in 
 this campaign as in that of 1840. At first Clay emphatically 
 opposed the annexation of Texas on the ground that it would 
 involve us in war with Mexico, but, as the campaign pro- 
 gressed he wrote to a friend in the South that he favored an- 
 nexation if it could be done ''without dishonor, without war, 
 with the common consent of the Union, and upon just and 
 
 ELECTIO\ OF 18 li 
 
 Polk. Dcm. 170 Y^Z^ 
 Clay. llAiff.JOS 
 
1845] Territorial Expansion 343 
 
 fair terms." This attitude alienated enough of his supporters 
 in New York so that Polk carried that state and the election.^ 
 
 When Congress met in December, 1844, resolutions were Texas 
 introduced for the annexation of Texas by joint action of ^""^xed. 
 the houses of Congress. These were adopted and signed by Burgess, 
 President Tyler, March i, 1845. Mexico threatened war if '^J^^ 
 Texas accepted the offer to enter the Union, but the state ^ 
 
 ^ _ ' Garrison, 
 
 adopted a constitution and was admitted in December of Texas, 
 
 that ycar.2 256-268. 
 
 303. Oregon Territory to 1846. — In the campaign of Joint occupa- 
 
 1844 the desire for territorial expansion had been voiced ^/°" ^'^ f 'J5°" 
 
 (1818—1840). 
 not simply by the desire to annex Texas, but by the demand 
 
 for ''the whole of Oregon." This was expressed in the J""''"'/""',,. , 
 
 '^. ^ Am. Pol. Hist., 
 
 campaign motto ''54-40 or fight." Since 1818 the Oregon 11,76-78. 
 territory from 42° to =^4° 40' had been held jointly by Great 
 
 ^ J-T ^ , , , , Foster, Amer. 
 
 Britam and the United States. Spam had surrendered to us diplomacy, 
 
 her claims to land north of the forty-second parallel in the 302-307. 
 
 treaty of 18 19. Russia had agreed to remain north of 54° schoulcr, 
 
 40'. The question to be settled was therefore the boundary United states, 
 
 line between British Oregon and American Oregon. This 1^,504-511. 
 remained in abeyance until 1844. 
 
 American claims to the Oregon country were based upon American and 
 
 the discovery of the Columbia River in 1792, the Lewis and ^"^^^'^ ^^^''"^• 
 Clark explorations in 1 804-1 806, settlements and trading 
 
 posts established at the mouth of the Columbia before the •^'^^"^ °"' ,.. , 
 
 ^ Am. Pol. Hist., 
 
 second war with England, Spanish claims which had been 11,73-76. 
 transferred to us, and actual settlement of the territory by 
 missionaries and others, most of whom went to Oregon after 
 1835. Great Britain based her claims on the explorations 
 of Vancouver and others before 1800, the acknowledgment 
 of her territorial rights by Spain in 1790, and the many posts 
 established by the Hudson Bay company. In 1844 none 
 
 ^ The vote was 1,337,243 for Polk, 1,288,062 for Clay, and. 62,300 for 
 Birney (Liberty party). The electoral vote was 170 for Polk and 105 for 
 Clay. 
 
 2 The United States did not guarantee the Rio Grande boundary nor 
 assume the public debt of Texas exceeding the sum of $10,000,000. 
 
344 
 
 American History 
 
 [1846 
 
 Oregon 
 freaty (1846). 
 
 Foster, Amer. 
 
 Diplomacy, 
 
 307-313- 
 
 Schouler, 
 United States, 
 IV. 51 1-5 14. 
 
 Hostilities 
 on the Rio 
 Grande. 
 
 Burgess, 
 Middle Period, 
 327-331. 
 
 Its 
 o 
 
 of these claims were of the least value except those based 
 on actual occupation. In that respect England had the ad- 
 vantage if we consider areas, for the Hudson Bay company 
 had been very active in extending its trade. On the other 
 hand the Americans were much truer settlers and had a 
 much more valid claim in the territory which they held. 
 
 About 1825 the United States had desired a division of 
 Oregon by extending the line of 49*^ to the Pacific. Great 
 
 Britain wished to have 
 
 the 
 
 Columbia from 
 mouth to parallel 49 
 and then use that line 
 to the Rockies. No 
 agreement was reached 
 and little interest was 
 taken in Oregon by the 
 people of the United 
 States.^ In 1846 England 
 agreed, however, to a 
 treaty which extended to 
 the Pacific the existing 
 line between Canada and 
 the United States east of 
 the Rockies, 49*^. 
 War with Mexico (1846-1847). — Before the Oregon 
 
 304. 
 
 treaty had been signed, hostilities with Mexico had begun in 
 April, 1846. The republic of Texas had claimed the Rio 
 Grande as its western boundary, and, although at the time 
 of annexation the United States had not agreed to retain 
 this boundary line, there is no doubt that the people of the 
 nation believed the Rio Grande to be the rightful boundary. 
 
 * Some suggested that the Rocky mountains formed our natural bound- 
 ary on the West. Interest in Oregon was renewed after 1S40, especially 
 by Marcus Whitman and other settlers who realized its value. England 
 was very anxious to gain a foothold in California and so declined to recede" 
 from the line of the Columbia until the intensity of feeling in the United 
 States thoroughly convinced her statesmen that if she did not accept the 
 line of 49° the United States would insist on a still larger share of Oregon. 
 
1847] 
 
 Territorial Expansion 
 
 345 
 
 F 
 
 tj' 
 
 L-'O " "lJi. ilule Uest ,110 fi 
 
 Moreover the desire among the people to possess on the 
 Pacific coast a territory much greater than that of Oregon 
 made them wiUing to liave the war which Mexico claimed she 
 would wage if we annexed Texas. To be sure, a powerful 
 and active minority, especially in New England, opposed 
 this policy of aggression because it would extend the power 
 of slavery. War began when United States troops under Gen- 
 eral Zachary Taylor were ordered by President Polk to oc- 
 cupy the disputed 
 territory between 
 the Nueces River 
 and the Rio 
 Grande. The 
 Mexicans ordered 
 Taylor to with- 
 draw. When he 
 failed to do so, 
 they crossed the 
 Rio Grande, but 
 early in May were 
 defeated by Tay- 
 lor and driven 
 back across the 
 river. 
 
 Congress im- 
 
 '■iO.^Jr 
 
 OPJ^. 
 
 THE MEXICAN WAR 
 1846-1847 
 
 SHOWI.VG TERRITORY ACQUIRED 
 BY THE UNITED STATES 
 
 mediately voted 
 men and money for the prosecution of an offensive campaign.* 
 Plans were made at length for Taylor to advance into 
 northeastern Mexico and for General Scott to seize the 
 city of Mexico. Taylor had no difficulty in capturing 
 Monterey, the largest city in his route. When he advanced 
 farther into Mexico, he encountered at Buena Vista an 
 army four times as large as his own under Santa Anna, 
 who had again become dictator of Mexico. So stubborn 
 
 Schouler, 
 United States, 
 IV, 521-528. 
 
 Hart, Con- 
 tefnporaries, 
 IV, Nos. 8-11, 
 15- 
 
 Taylor and 
 Scott in 
 Mexico. 
 
 Burgess, 
 Middle Period, 
 331-334- 
 
 * Delay was caused by the desire to give the chief command to a Demo- 
 crat, as both Taylor, known as " Old ifough and Ready," and Winfield 
 Scott, who was nicknamed " Fuss and Feathers," were Whigs. 
 
346 
 
 American History 
 
 [1847 
 
 Garrison, 
 Westward 
 Extension, 
 245-251. 
 
 Contest over 
 California. 
 
 Garrison, 
 Westward 
 Extension, 
 230-239. 
 
 was the resistance of the Americans that they defeated 
 the enemy with great loss. Santa Anna now returned to 
 the defense of the capital which was threatened by General 
 Winfield Scott. Scott was obliged to capture first the sea- 
 port of Vera Cruz which many considered impregnable. 
 Crossing a range of mountains by means of the national road, 
 Scott defeated the Mexicans at every point and came at 
 length in sight of the city. Here he abandoned the road, 
 
 both sides of which were for- 
 tified, and cut his way over 
 lava beds to the rear of the 
 city, where the capture of the 
 fortress at Chapultepec forced 
 Santa Anna to surrender the 
 city. 
 
 305. Conquest of Cali- 
 fornia; Peace. — When the 
 United States became in- 
 volved in war with Mexico, 
 steps were taken to secure 
 possession of California. 
 For years Great Britain had 
 looked longingly at this re- 
 gion, hoping to gain this territory peaceably by treaty with 
 Mexico or wrest it from her when she was engaged in diffi- 
 culties with the United States. Our government had offered 
 to buy California in order to avoid such a catastrophe, but 
 Mexico was unwilling to part with her northern possessions 
 to either England or the United States. As soon as news 
 reached the Pacific coast that war had been declared. 
 Captain John C. Fremont seized some of the towns in the 
 interior and Commodores Sloat and Stockton occupied 
 Monterey, the northern capital of California. A bear flag 
 was raised by the people of Sonoma and for a short time the 
 "Bear-Flag Republic" was proclaimed. The conquest of 
 CaHfornia was completed by the cooperation of the Amer- 
 ican inhabitants and the United States forces during 1847. 
 
 James K. Polk 
 
1848]' Territorial Expansion 347 
 
 The United States had been making plans for negotiations Treaty of 
 as early as 1846. The important point with the administra- Guadalupe 
 
 11 11. , , 1 . r . Hidalgo(i848) 
 
 tion and the public seems to have been the cession of at least 
 part of upper California. The instructions issued when the 
 first envoy was sent in 1847 included the line of the Rio ^uiomac^'^' 
 Grande, New Mexico, both Californias, and a right of way 317-321. 
 across the isthmus of Tehuantepec. As Scott had not 
 captured the city of Mexico at this time, the Mexicans Burgess, 
 would yield very little and negotiations were broken off. ^fiddle Period, 
 During the months which followed the capture of the 337-339- 
 Mexican capital pubhc sentiment in the United States 
 changed. President Polk claimed that but for his influence 
 the members of his cabinet would have insisted on the 
 acquisition of all Mexico."^ The public heard rumors of this, 
 and, not desiring the destruction of Mexico or so great an 
 extension of territory in which slavery might be established, 
 opposed the scheme. The Mexican politicians finally be- 
 came alarmed and agreed to yield all upper California and 
 New Mexico and acknowledge the Rio Grande boundary 
 for Texas on the payment of a sum of $15,000,000. The 
 first Mexican cession was supplemented in 1853 by a strip 
 south of the Gila River known as the Gadsden Purchase.^ 
 
 Slavery in Nev^ Territory (i 848-1 853) 
 
 306. The Wilmot Proviso. — In August of 1846, when the Contest 
 war with Mexico had been in progress three months, Presi- between the 
 dent Polk requested Congress to grant him $2,000,000 g^^^^^^^ 
 to be used in negotiating a treaty of peace. It was 
 generally believed that the government wished this money Hart, Contem- 
 in order to purchase from Mexico a large strip of territory, porarie 
 Wilmot of Pennsylvania therefore proposed in the House 
 of Representatives as an amendment to the appropriation 
 bill that slavery should not be permitted in any territory Burgess, 
 acquired from Mexico. The bill was passed twice by the Mtddle Period, 
 House with the Wilmot proviso ; but in the later session the 
 
 1 Hart, " Contemporaries," IV, No. 14. 
 
 2 See map following page 508. 
 
 les, 
 IV, No. 16. 
 
348 
 
 A^nerican History 
 
 [1847 
 
 Johnston, 
 Am. Pol. Hist. 
 II. 84-87. 
 
 Contest over 
 organizing 
 Oregon Terri- 
 tory. 
 
 Burgess, 
 Middle Period, 
 340-347. 
 
 Presidential 
 election (1848). 
 
 Stanwood, 
 Presidency, 
 226-243. 
 
 House rescinded its action when the Senate refused to concur. 
 The southern members of Congress voted solidly against the 
 proviso in both houses and many northerners opposed it on 
 the ground that agitation of the slavery question at that time 
 would hamper the administration in its prosecution of the 
 w^ar and in concluding peace. 
 
 307. Oregon Territory; Election of 1848. — The ques- 
 tion of organizing the Oregon country as a territory with or 
 w^ithout slavery was brought up at the same time as the 
 Wilmot proviso (August, 1846), but was not settled until 
 long after. The pro-slavery senators knew that they could 
 not prevent the prohibition of slavery in Oregon, but hoped 
 to gain certain concessions in return for a few necessary 
 votes. A determined attempt was made to extend the 
 Missouri Compromise line (36° 30') to the Pacific and to 
 connect the question of organizing Oregon territory with the 
 organization of territorial governments in California and 
 New Mexico, so that slavery should be permitted in the lat- 
 ter if forbidden in the former. These attempts failed and 
 the Oregon bill was passed (1848) prohibiting slavery in that 
 territory. 
 
 In the election of 1848 the question of slavery in the ter- 
 ritories was ignored by the Whigs and the Democrats. 
 The Whigs nominated General Zachary Taylor of Louisi- 
 ana and Millard Fillmore of New York. They adopted 
 no platform whatever. The Democratic nominee was Lewis 
 Cass of Michigan who believed that the question of slavery 
 in the territories should be decided by the voters of each 
 territory for themselves, a view afterward known as " popu- 
 lar sovereignty," or " squatter-sovereignty." Those who 
 favored the principle of the Wilmot proviso united to form 
 a new party, known as the Free Soil party, and nominated 
 ex-President Van Buren, whose reputation added greatly 
 to their strength, so that the party polled over a quarter of a 
 million votes. Taylor carried a majority of the states North 
 and South as well as most of those in the Northeast, obtaining 
 163 electoral votes to 127 for Cass. In the same election the 
 
government. 
 Schouler, 
 
 1849] Slavery i7t Nezv Territory 349 
 
 Free Soilers elected thirteen congressmen who held the 
 balance of power in the new House of Representatives. 
 
 308. California. — In the interval between the election Settlement and 
 of the thirty-first Congress and its first meeting in December, provisional^ 
 1849, great changes had taken place in the territory acquired 
 from Mexico. The discovery of gold in California by John 
 Marshall in January, 1848, had brought to the Golden Gate United states, 
 tens of thousands from all parts of the world. Caravan v, 133-142. 
 after caravan of '' forty-niners " crossed the plains and the 
 mountains. Many proceeded via the Isthmus of Panama 
 and large numbers sailed around Cape Horn. The slave 
 states were represented as well as the free states, but the 
 people of the southern states brought few slaves with them, 
 for California at that time had little use for slave labor. ^ 
 
 When a constitutional convention was held at Monterey, California's 
 
 a constitution was framed by which slavery was prohibited application for 
 
 within the state. All delegates to the convention, whether 
 
 from the North or the South, supported this anti-slavery 
 
 ^^ •' Schouler, 
 
 provision. With this constitution California applied for united States, 
 admission to the Union as a free state, to the dismay of the V, 142-146. 
 pro-slavery advocates. Since there were already as many 
 free states as there were slave states, the admission of Cali- 
 fornia would disturb forever the equality between the sections 
 which had existed since the formation of the Constitution. 
 Not only was a large part of California south of the line 
 of 36° 30', but it was understood that in the territory east 
 of California and south of that line the prevailing sentiment 
 was opposed strongly to slavery. Unless something were 
 done to protect slavery interests it would be only a question 
 of time before the Senate — heretofore the stronghold of the 
 slavery interests — would be controlled by the opponents of 
 
 ^ As Congress had neglected to pass a territorial act, there was no gov- 
 ernment in that region other than the provisional one under General Riley, 
 the military commander of California. To President Taylor, who was ac- 
 customed to direct methods, it seemed as though California should apply 
 at once for admission to the Union without going through the territorial 
 stage. He accordingly dispatched an agent to the Pacific coast in order 
 to learn whether the population justified this step. 
 
350 
 
 American History 
 
 [1849 
 
 Diverse views 
 on political 
 questions. 
 
 Johnston, 
 Am. Pol. Hist., 
 
 11,91-95. 
 122-123, 
 
 Rhodes, 
 United States, 
 I, 104-110, 
 130-136. 
 
 slavery. The admission of California as a free state seemed 
 therefore to the less conservative southerners a menace to 
 their prosperity and development and a sufficient reason for 
 secession from the Union. 
 
 309. The Elements of a Compromise (1850). — The 
 admission of California with the constitution which she had 
 adopted was recommended by President Taylor to Congress 
 in his message, December, 1849. No action was taken at 
 once, but a number of questions regarding slavery and con- 
 nected especially with the subject of slavery in the territory 
 ceded by Mexico were discussed at Washington. Among 
 these were the admission of California, the organization of 
 territorial government for the rest of the Mexican cession, 
 the dispute over the boundary between Texas and New 
 Mexico, slavery and the slave trade in the District of Co- 
 lumbia, and the problem of returning fugitive slaves to their 
 masters under the law of 1793. The majority of the people 
 in the North undoubtedly believed that the further exten- 
 sion of slavery should be discouraged, and felt that the United 
 States could not afford to take a backward step by opening 
 to slavery the new lands in the Southwest, in which slavery 
 had been prohibited by Mexican law. A large and active 
 minority in the North desired the exclusion of slavery from 
 all new territory and the abolition of slavery as well as the 
 slave trade in the national capital. Many, South and North, 
 would have preferred to leave the question entirely alone, 
 or, if this were impossible, settle the question in such a way 
 that the Union would be preserved. To Clay it seemed that 
 disunion might be prevented and the slavery question might 
 be settled for all time by combining these measures before 
 Congress and asking both sections to make concessions in a 
 great compromise.^ 
 
 1 It was Clay's suggestion that California be admitted as a free state, 
 the territories of New Mexico and Utah be organized without restrictions 
 as to slavery, Texas to be asked to relinquish her claims on New Mexico 
 for a money consideration, the slave trade but not slavery be prohibited 
 in the District of Columbia, and a new fugitive slave law be enacted. 
 
i85o] 
 
 Slavery in Nezv Territoiy 
 
 351 
 
 310. Discussion of the Compromise. — For six months Senatorial 
 Congress discussed the measures proposed by Clay. The headers, ciay 
 
 . 1 . , ,1. , . , o ; , and Calhoun. 
 
 weightiest speeches were dehvered in the Senate where the 
 great triumvirate, Webster, Clay, and Calhoun, still held 
 sway, though about to give way to younger men, of whom ^^^^^z, 
 Seward, Chase, Douglas, and Sumner were the most promi 
 
 nent. Clay spoke fervently in favor of compromise and 
 pleaded for concessions on each side that would make possible 
 
 II. 331-337. 
 
 Calhoun, Webster, and Clay 
 
 Hart, Content' 
 poraries, 
 IV, No. 19. 
 
 Rhodes, 
 United States, 
 
 a permanent settlement of this dreaded question. Calhoun 
 
 also pleaded for the preservation of the Union, which, in his 
 
 opinion, had been endangered by the slavery agitation in 
 
 the North. He asserted that the Union could be preserved 
 
 only by giving the South a share in the government equal 
 
 to that of the North. This must be done by the North, for i, 119-130 
 
 the " South has no compromise to offer but the Constitution, 
 
 and no concession or surrender to make." 
 
 In his ''Seventh of March speech" Webster claimed that Webster's and 
 slavery was excluded from California and New Mexico by Seward's views 
 the law of nature, and urged that no Wilmot proviso should 
 be applied to those sections when it was unnecessary. The 
 parts of the speech which dealt with the abolitionists and 
 
352 
 
 American History 
 
 [1S50 
 
 Hart, Contem- 
 poraries, 
 IV, Nos. 20, 22. 
 
 Rhodes, 
 United States, 
 I, 162-168. 
 
 Provisions 
 
 of the 
 compromise. 
 
 Burgess, 
 Nfiddle Period, 
 362-364. 
 
 MacDonald, 
 Documents, 
 Nos. 80-83. 
 
 the fugitive slave law gave great offense to many living at 
 the North, but Webster's earnest plea to support the Con- 
 stitution and prevent secession undoubtedly gained many 
 supporters for the proposed compromise. The position of 
 those who opposed the extension of slavery was voiced by 
 William H. Seward, senator from New York. He opposed 
 all compromise with slavery and deemed the fugitive slave 
 
 law " unjust, un- 
 constitutional, and 
 immoral." "The 
 Constitution de- 
 votes the domain 
 Yi.e. the territories] 
 to union, to jus- 
 tice, to defense, 
 to welfare, and to 
 liberty. But there 
 is a higher law 
 than the Constitu- 
 tion, which regu- 
 lates our authority 
 over the doma in, and devotes it to the same noble purposes." ^ 
 311. Completion of the Compromise of 1850. — In its 
 final form the compromise of 1S50 comprised five separate 
 bills: (i) California was admitted as a free state. (2) New 
 ^Mexico and Utah were organized as territories, the territorial 
 legislatures being forbidden to restrict slavery. (3) The 
 northwestern boundary of Texas was fixed as at present, a 
 sum of $10,000,000 being paid to the state for relinquishing, 
 its claims on New ^lexico. (4) A fugitive slave act was 
 passed which provided that a master or his agent could take 
 
 ^ In April all resolutions on the questions under discussion were sub- 
 mitted to a committee of thirteen. The committee reported one " omnibus 
 bill " covering all subjects in dispute in the Southwest, and separate bills 
 on the other matters. But nothing was done. President Taylor was not 
 friendh' to the compromise, but his death in July led to a reorganization 
 of the cabinet under Fillmore who was largely under the influence of 
 Webster. 
 
1850] Slavery in Neiv Territory 353 
 
 a supposed fun^itivc from the state in which he was residing 
 without a jury trial in that state. It imposed hues on tliose 
 who interfered with the capture or rendition of fu^^itive 
 slaves. It compelled all citizens who were summoned to 
 aid in the caj)ture of fugitives to give their assistance, and 
 it provided that the fee received by United States marshals 
 for negroes who were declared to be fugitives should be 
 $10, for others $5, (5) The slave trade was a])olished in 
 the District of Columbia. 
 
 The radicals of both sections were loud in their com- Direct results, 
 plaints that all concession had been made by their side, 
 but the majority of the peoj)le were relieved that a settle- Rhodes, 
 ment was secured which promised to be fairly satisfactory. Uinted states, 
 Conventions were held in the South to consider the ([ues- 
 tion of secession from the Union, but none of these favored 
 separation. 
 
 As the majority of the people felt that the ciuestion of Election of 
 slavery had been definitely settled by the compromise, the ^^^2. 
 politicians proceeded on that hypothesis by ignoring the 
 subject utterly in campaigns following 1850. To insure the Burgess, 
 
 execution of the laws enacted at that time, Franklin Pierce ' ^ ^ ^^''° ' 
 
 375-377. 
 
 of New Hampshire, a pro-slavery Democrat, was in T852 
 elected President over Winfield Scott, the Whig candidate, 
 by a very large majority. The Free Soilers polled a vote 
 little more than half as large as in 1848, for less interest was 
 taken in the topic of slavery in the territories since the 
 status of slavery in all parts of the national domain had been 
 fixed by sacred pledges that were supposed to be irrevocable. 
 
 312. The Fugitive Slave Law. — The execution of the Fugitives, 
 drastic fugitive slave law succeeded in arousing more feeling ''J^^J^^^^ 
 than the compromise allayed. Thousands of fugitives had and the 
 settled in different parts of the North and had become useful underground 
 citizens of those communities. Many of them were now '"'^^'^^y- 
 reclaimed by their former masters and carried away to the 
 plantations without an opportunity of proving their freedom, ^j)'^^/^ Period, 
 The North was aroused as it never had been before at the 365-374. 
 sight of seizures made on its soil. State after state passed 
 
354 
 
 American History 
 
 [1850 
 
 Rhodes, 
 United States, 
 
 I, 209-213, 
 498-506, 
 
 II. 73-78. 
 
 Loss to the 
 South. 
 
 Cuba. 
 
 Ostend 
 
 Manifesto. 
 
 Foster, Am. 
 Diplomacy, 
 326-329, 
 342-347- 
 
 MacDonald, 
 Documents, 
 No. 89. 
 
 " personal liberty laws," ^Yhich forbade state officers to aid in 
 the capture of negroes and prevented citizens from taking 
 part in the return of fugitives. The use of the jails was 
 denied to national officers in charge of runaways. Police 
 officers refused to interfere when negroes were rescued by 
 mobs. Channing says truly, '' the execution of the Fugitive 
 Slave law did more to arouse the moral sentiment of the 
 northerners than the arguments of the abolitionists had done 
 in twenty years." In many northern states there were 
 established complete routes from the South to Canada, over 
 which fugitives might escape by hiding in the daytime and 
 traveling at night to the next house on the route. These 
 were called " underground railways." 
 
 Even if there had been very great need of so severe 
 a measure, the passage of this act would have been a serious 
 blunder. But when it is understood that only the border 
 states lost many slaves and that less than one thirtieth of one 
 per cent of the slaves attempted to obtain their freedom in 
 any one year, we realize the magnitude of the mistake. 
 The feeling of the North was intensified by the publication 
 in 1852 of Harriet Beecher Stowe's book, ''Uncle Tom's 
 Cabin," which was read by every one and was accepted as 
 a true picture of slavery. 
 
 313. Attempts to gain More Slave Territory. — Not only 
 did the pro-slavery leaders wish to extend the limits of slave 
 territory still further, but many expansionists who had 
 favored the acquisition of California and New Mexico 
 desired the extension of our boundaries on the south, 
 especially by annexing the island of Cuba. During Polk's 
 administration we ofifered $100,000,000 for Cuba. A few 
 years later slavery sympathizers joined in filibustering ex- 
 peditions to Cuba which accomplished nothing except to 
 involve the United States in difficulties with Spain. France 
 and Great Britain opposed any attempt to transfer Cuba 
 from Spain to the United States and tried to persuade us to 
 join them in a treaty which would have guaranteed to Spain 
 permanent control of the island. In 1854 the Ostend Mani- 
 
1854J Slavery in New Territory 355 
 
 festo, which was issued by our ministers to Great Britain, Smith, 
 France, and Spain, announced the position held by a large ^^''^^^•^ '^^^ 
 number of Americans that we would be justified in seizing 82-88. 
 Cuba without the consent of Spain if " Cuba in the possession 
 of Spain seriously endangers our internal peace and the ex- 
 istence of our cherished Union." On the eve of the Civil 
 War other offers were made for Cuba, and since that time 
 many persons have desired the annexation of the island. 
 
 During this period filibustering expeditions went out Central 
 from the United States to Mexico and Central America as America. 
 well as Cuba. The most famous of these was that of Walker Schouier, 
 which grained control of Nicaragua for a time, only to be ./"^ f/^' 
 
 . . ^' 34^' 3^4' 
 
 driven from the country by the inhabitants. Except in the 400, 416. 
 
 case of expeditions to Cuba, none of these attempts received smith, 
 
 the support of a large percentage of the people in the United Parties and 
 
 States. t^'^'^y^ 
 
 88-93, 251-259 
 
 Slavery in Old Territory (1854-1857) 
 
 314. The Kansas-Nebraska Bill (1854). — When it be- The original 
 came necessary to organize territories in the region north of Nebraska bill, 
 the Missouri Compromise line, and lying between the Mis- 
 souri River and the Rocky mountains, the question of slavery MacDonald, 
 
 Documents, 
 
 in the territories was again reopened. It w^ould seem as p^^ 85. 
 though this subject had been settled by the provision of the 
 Compromise of 1820 which " forever prohibited " slavery Hart, Contem- 
 within this territory, especially as that was but one of three poraries, 
 provisions in a compromise, the other two of which could ' °' ^ 
 not now be altered. In the debate, however, it became clear 
 
 ... . . Burgess, 
 
 at once that some congressmen believed or pretended to j^i^^i^ Period 
 believe that the principle of " popular sovereignty " which 381-387. 
 had been adopted in the Compromise of 1850 for the ter- 
 ritories in the Southwest should be applied to all national Amer. Hist. 
 territory. This was the view taken by Stephen A. Douglas, ^^-fi^^^' 
 Democratic senator from Illinois and chairman of the Senate 
 committee on territories. He reported a bill for organizing 
 a single territory in the country purchased from France 
 north of the line of 36° 30' with " popular sovereignty," 
 
356 
 
 American History 
 
 [1854 
 
 Criticism of 
 the Kansas- 
 Nebraska bill. 
 
 Smith, 
 Parties and 
 Slavery, 
 98-108. 
 
 Rhodes, 
 United States, 
 I, 441-444. 
 448-452. 
 463-468. 
 
 Amer. Hist. 
 Leaflets, 
 No. 17, 9-18. 
 
 Vote on 
 the bill. 
 
 because, he said, the Compromise of 1850 had replaced the 
 Compromise of 1820. 
 
 Douglas's claim regarding the effect of the Compromise 
 of 1850 on that of 1820 was denied emphatically by a large 
 number of senators, and his argument that the territories 
 should decide the question of slavery for themselves was 
 held up to ridicule. Chase of Ohio asserted that there was 
 
 no more reason for giving 
 this territory home rule 
 regarding slavery than in 
 any other respect and 
 demanded that it be 
 governed as Congress saw 
 fit. Chase and other free 
 soil Democrats protested 
 vigorously in the public 
 press against the Ne- 
 braska bill as a " gross 
 violation of a sacred 
 pledge, as a criminal be- 
 trayal of precious rights, 
 as a part and parcel of 
 an atrocious plot to ex- 
 clude from a vast, unoc- 
 cupied region immigrants 
 from the old world and free laborers from our own states, 
 and convert it into a dreary region of despotism in- 
 habited by masters and slaves." Throughout the North, 
 while the bill was before Congress, the press and the 
 public expressed themselves in no uncertain way, a large 
 number of public meetings being held to denounce the 
 measure. Several legislatures also petitioned against the 
 repeal of the Missouri Compromise. 
 
 315. Passage of the Kansas-Nebraska Act (1854). — 
 These demonstrations and demands had considerable 
 influence, for, although the bill was passed by a large major- 
 ity in the Senate and by a vote of 1 13 to 100 in the House, not 
 
 Stephen A. Douglas 
 
i85S] 
 
 Slavery in Old Territory 
 
 357 
 
 a single northern member in either house aside from the 
 Democrats voted for the bill. Northern sentiment is shown 
 further by the fact that only 7 of the 42 members of the 
 House from that section who voted for the bill were re- 
 elected in the fall of 1854. 
 
 The original Nebraska bill had been modified early in 
 the discussion, and it was passed finally in this form. There 
 were to be two territories; one, Kansas, extending from 
 37° to 40° and the 
 
 ^ 11 L c- .^'hipoV I ^\ 
 
 3^~^ 
 
 
 ijlOX 
 
 KANSAS AND NEBRASKA (1854) 
 
 other, Nebraska, from 
 40° to 49°. The act 
 of 1820 which pro- 
 hibited slavery in 
 these territories was 
 expressly repealed and 
 the people were left 
 free to permit or ex- 
 clude slavery not only 
 when the states should 
 be admitted to the 
 Union, but while they 
 were territories as 
 wtII. It seems to have been the belief that by creating 
 two territories, one would be left open to slavery while 
 the other was devoted to freedom. 
 
 As a pro-slavery measure the Kansas-Nebraska Act was a 
 very serious blunder, because the repeal of the Missouri 
 Compromise Act aroused the North as even the Fugitive 
 Slave law had not done. It led to an organization of the 
 anti-slavery extension forces into a single political party. 
 This would have been accomplished many years later but for 
 the repeal of the Missouri Compromise, a pledge which, in the 
 opinion of the North, Congress had no right to alter. The 
 direct results of the act were (i) the organization of a large 
 political party, made up at first of what were known as 
 anti-Nebraska men, who controlled the North from this 
 time, and (2) the contest, little better than civil war, 
 
 Burgess, 
 Middle Period^ 
 398-399. 
 
 Provisions of 
 the act 
 
 MacDonald, 
 Docmttents, 
 No. 88. 
 
 Results of 
 the act. 
 
358 
 
 American History 
 
 [1855 
 
 Republican 
 party. 
 
 Hart, Contem- 
 poraries, 
 IV, No. 35. 
 
 Rhodes, 
 United States, 
 n, 45-49- 
 
 Smith, Parties 
 and Slavery, 
 109-114, 
 118-120. 
 
 Know-nothing 
 party. 
 
 Rhodes, 
 United States, 
 11.50-56. 
 
 Johnston, 
 Am. Pol. Hist., 
 II, 258-265. 
 
 Smith, Parties 
 and Slavery, 
 I 14- I 20, 
 145-148. 
 
 Election of 
 1856. 
 
 Smith, Parties 
 and Slavery, 
 161-173- 
 
 Stanvvood, 
 Presidency, 
 Chapter XX. 
 
 which was waged in Kansas for the control of that ter- 
 ritory. 
 
 316. Reorganization of Political Parties. — When the 
 Kansas-Nebraska Bill was passed, the times were ripe for 
 great changes in the political parties. In the election of 
 1852 the Whigs had been badly demoralized. The party had 
 been split on the slavery question into two factions, neither 
 of which could maintain more than the shadow of an op- 
 position to the now triumphant Democratic party, so that 
 it required only a new issue to produce another party. 
 This issue the Kansas-Nebraska Act provided, for it gave all 
 anti-Nebraska men a chance to unite in opposition to slavery 
 extension. All of the Free Soilers and most of the Whigs 
 of the North joined this new party, which was known after 
 1855 by the name Republican, and large numbers of free- 
 soil Democrats became members of the same organization. 
 
 Most of the southern Whigs and large numbers of the 
 voters in the North who opposed any discussion of slavery 
 threw in their lot with the new American party, the members 
 of which were called " Know-nothings " because their 
 affairs were conducted after the manner of secret societies 
 and outsiders were not informed of their doings. The 
 original American party had been organized in order to keep 
 from political power the foreigners who had come to the 
 United States in such numbers after 1845 (§ 296). After 
 1854 the Know-nothing party was composed principally of 
 those who were unwilling to take sides on the question of 
 slavery. In 1855 they carried several states. 
 
 The election of 1856 was a test of strength between the 
 old Democratic party and the new Republican party, as 
 the Know-nothings, even with Millard Fillmore as their can- 
 didate, carried only one state. The Democrats declared 
 their belief in the principles of the Compromise of 1850 
 and the Kansas-Nebraska Act, and nominated James 
 Buchanan of Pennsylvania, who had been our minister to 
 Great Britain and therefore had no record on the Kansas 
 question. The Republicans declared that Congress had no 
 
1855] 
 
 Slavery in Old Territory 
 
 359 
 
 authority to permit slavery in any territory and denounced 
 the administration for its attitude toward Kansas. Contrary 
 to the custom of those days they selected both candidates 
 from free states, John C. Fremont of California being nomi- 
 nated *for the presidency. The Republicans carried all 
 but four states of the North, but, as three of these were large, 
 Buchanan had 174 electoral votes to 114 for Fremont. 
 
 317. The Struggle for Kansas (185 5-1 861). — Since the 
 fate of Kansas was to be settled 
 on the principle of " popular 
 sovereignty," neither side hesi- 
 tated long in its attempt to 
 gain the state. An emigration 
 society was formed in New 
 England, by which thousands 
 of '' free state " men were 
 sent to the territory by way 
 of Iowa. Some pro-slavery 
 men became actual settlers 
 of the disputed region, but 
 slave owners were unwilling to 
 take their slaves to a region 
 which they knew was little 
 
 adapted to slavery and in which slavery might prove to be 
 a complete failure. As it cost a slaveholder six times as 
 much to establish his home in Kansas as it did a free 
 state man, the population was predominantly anti-slavery 
 from the beginning. 
 
 When the first territorial legislature was chosen in March, 
 1855, Kansas was invaded by thousands of Missourians 
 who claimed that they had the same right to vote as free 
 state men sent out by emigrant societies. The free state 
 settlers then took things into their own hands by adopting 
 a constitution and electing a free state legislature.^ From 
 
 Charles Sumner 
 
 Emigration to 
 Kansas. 
 
 Burgess, 
 Middle Period., 
 407-417. 
 
 Hart, Contem- 
 poraries, 
 IV, Nos. 36-38. 
 
 Political and 
 civil war in 
 Kansas (1855). 
 
 Hart, Contem- 
 poraries, 
 IV, No. 39. 
 
 ^ During this political struggle, Charles Sumner delivered his famous 
 speech on " the crime against Kansas" in which he criticised in scathing 
 language several senators, notably Butler of South Carolina. Butler's 
 
36o 
 
 American History 
 
 [1856 
 
 Smith, Parties 
 and Slavery, 
 I2I-I35- 
 
 The Lecomp- 
 ton constitu- 
 tion (1857). 
 
 Facts of 
 the case. 
 
 Burgess, 
 Middle Period, 
 449-452. 
 
 this time the partisans of the two sides came to blows. 
 Lawrence was sacked by the pro-slavery forces and in re- 
 taliation five men were killed on Pottawattamie creek 
 by John Brown and his followers. Bands of armed men 
 roamed over the eastern part of Kansas, destroying crops 
 and houses. About two hundred persons lost their lives 
 in the civil war which gave to the territory the name of 
 " bleeding Kansas." These outrages continued until they 
 threatened to affect seriously the presidential election of 
 1856, when the army was used to restore order. 
 
 In 1857 a convention was held under the direction of 
 the original pro-slavery legislature at Lecompton. A con- 
 stitution based on that of Missouri was drawn up and the 
 people were allowed to vote on it, with slavery or without 
 slavery. The free state men, who now controlled the legis- 
 lature, refrained from voting, so that the constitution was 
 adopted with slavery. Buchanan's administration advo- 
 cated the admission of Kansas with this constitution, but 
 Douglas maintained that there had not been fair play 
 in Kansas and declared that popular sovereignty had not 
 had a fair test. The people were allowed to vote again on 
 the Lecompton constitution, which they rejected by an 
 overwhelming majority. From this time the free state men, 
 who comprised four fifths of the settlers, controlled the 
 territorial government and in 1861 Kansas was admitted 
 to the Union as a free state. 
 
 318. The Case of Dred Scott (1857). — Just three days 
 after the inauguration of Buchanan the Supreme Court of 
 the United States rendered its decision in the case of Dred 
 Scott. Scott was a negro who had been taken by his master 
 in 1836 to what was afterward Minnesota, a part of the 
 territory from which slavery had been " forever prohibited " 
 by the Missouri Compromise of 1820. He had been brought 
 
 nephew, representative Brooks, attacked Sumner in the Senate chamber, 
 striking him repeatedly over the head. Brooks resigned from the House, 
 but was elected again b}- his constituents. The feeling aroused in the 
 North by this brutal attack was intense. 
 
1857] Slavery in Old Territory 361 
 
 back to Missouri in 1838 and afterward decided to sue for 
 his freedom. He was about this time sold to a citizen of 
 New York, a Mr. Sandford. Scott immediately began suit 
 in the circuit court of the United States/ which decided 
 against Scott. The case was then appealed to the Supreme 
 Court of the United States, whose decision was awaited with 
 great interest in the hope that it might settle the controversy 
 over slavery in the territories. 
 
 The court decided that Scott was not a citizen and could Decision and 
 not sue in the courts. In supporting this position the chief opinions, 
 justice, Taney, made the statement that at the time the Con- 
 stitution was adopted negroes were not citizens, and unfor- M^cDonald, 
 
 1 Till 1 • 11 . 1 1 • 1 Documents, 
 
 tunately added that at that time negroes had no rights which i^q ^j 
 white men were bound to respect. The court decided also 
 that the case must be dismissed as the court had no juris- Hart, Contem- 
 diction over it. Unwisely the chief justice and a number poraries, 
 of his associates believed that this was a favorable time to ' °' 4^~43- 
 give their opinions on the question of slavery in the territories 
 and thereby settle that problem for all time. In a most Midlie Period 
 elaborate argument the chief justice stated that the general 452-459. 
 government had acquired Louisiana territory for the states, 
 that it must protect in that territory all possessions that were Amer. Hist., 
 legally property in any of the states, and that therefore ^^■^^^^> 
 Congress could not prohibit slavery in any territory acquired 
 after the adoption of the Constitution in 1787. On this 
 account the law of 1820, a part of the Missouri Compromise, 
 which prohibited slavery in the territory acquired from 
 France north of 36° 30', was " null and void from the begin- 
 ning." The influence of this opinion was widespread, for it 
 was very different from the views held by most of the North 
 and contrary to the wishes of the very large number of 
 people who opposed the further extension of slavery (§ 320). 
 
 319. Summary. — The period from 1843 to 1848 was Territorial 
 one of rapid territorial expansion. At the earlier date our expansion 
 western boundary was virtually the Rocky mountains at 
 
 ' By virtue of clause in United States Constitution giving national courts 
 jurisdiction of cases between citizens of different states. 
 
362 
 
 American History 
 
 [1843- 
 
 FREE AND 
 SLAVE AREAS 
 
 (1814:) 
 
 Londtiide West W from Greenwich 
 
 free Tirritonei \ :\ Slave Territorie* ^^^ 
 
1857] Slavery in Old Territory 363 
 
 the north and a river about three hundred miles west of 
 the Mississippi at the south, ahhough we occupied Oregon 
 with Great Britain. Most of the people in the United States 
 desired an extension of our territory to the Pacific Ocean, 
 and the return of good times aroused a new spirit of enter- 
 prise throughout the nation. The opposition to expansion 
 in the Southwest came almost exclusively from those who 
 did not favor the extension of slavery. Naturally the pro- 
 slavery leaders, who saw that the slave states were growing 
 less rapidly than those of the North, took the initiative by 
 securing (1845) ^^ annexation of Texas. Disputes over 
 the western boundary of Texas led to the war by which we 
 wrested from Mexico the territory from the Rio Grande to 
 the Pacific. At the same time Oregon was divided. By 
 1848 our title had been made clear to the entire Pacific 
 coast from parallel 32 to parallel 49. 
 
 The contest over slavery in the territories of the nation struggle over 
 may be divided into three parts, (i) The contest over the slavery in the 
 new territories. This was decided by organizing Oregon 
 as a free territory, by admitting CaHfornia as a free state, and 
 by forbidding the legislatures of New Mexico and Utah to 
 prohibit slavery. The good results of the Compromise of 
 1850, in which the last two questions were settled, were 
 nulHfied by the enactment of an unwise fugitive slave law. 
 (2) The repeal of the Missouri Compromise so far as it ap- 
 plied to the territory between the Missouri River and the 
 Rocky Mountains. This opened to slavery two territories 
 in which it had been prohibited, led to a bitter struggle for 
 Kansas, and caused the majority of the voters in the North 
 to unite in a new party, the RepubHcan, in order to op- 
 pose the further extension of slavery. (3) The opening of 
 all territories to slavery. This was the natural conclusion 
 of the opinion rendered by the justices of the Supreme 
 Court in the case of Dred Scott. It completed • the final 
 though temporary triumph of the faction that was protect- 
 ing the interests of slavery. 
 
364 American History [1843 
 
 TOPICS 
 
 1. Fugitive Slave Law: Hart (ed.), "Contemporaries," IV, 
 Nos. 29-33; Rhodes, "United States since 1850," I, pp. 192-227, 
 498-506, II, pp. 73-78; Wilson, "Rise and Fall of Slave Power," 
 II, pp. 291-337, 352-395, 435-461; Sites and Keener, "Growth of 
 the Nation," pp. 295-310, 331-343- 
 
 2. Kansas-Nebraska Act: Burgess, "Middle Period," pp. 380- 
 406; Johnston (Woodburn), "American Orations," III, pp. 3-89; 
 Rhodes, "United States since 1850," I, pp. 424-506; Von Hoist, 
 "Constitutional History," IV, pp. 280-461. 
 
 3. Struggle for Kansas: Smith, "Parties and Slavery," 
 pp. 121-135, 149-160, 209-222; Greeley, "American Conflict," I, 
 pp. 224-251 ; Von Hoist, "Constitutional History," V, pp. 70-76, 134- 
 185, 284-313; Wilson, "Rise and Fall of Slave Power," II, pp. 462- 
 477, 496-507, 534-565; Spring, "Kansas," pp. 24-267. 
 
 STUDIES 
 
 1. Marcus Whitman's ride to Oregon. (Bourne, "Essays in 
 Historical Criticism," pp. 3-99.) 
 
 2. The "Pathfinder of the Rocky Mountains." (Appleton's 
 "Cyclopedia of American Biography," under Fremont, John C.) 
 
 3. Earliest debate over the Wilmot Proviso. (Benton (ed.), 
 "Debates of Congress," XIV, pp. 643-651.) 
 
 4. The Barn Burners. (Hammond, "Political History of New 
 York," II.) 
 
 5. Benton's view of the Compromise of 1850. (Benton, "Thirty 
 Years," II, pp. 742-769.) 
 
 6. Attitude of the United States toward Cuba. (Latane, "Diplo- 
 matic Relations with Spanish America," pp. 89-137.) 
 
 7. Douglas on the Kansas-Nebraska bill. (Johnston (ed.), 
 "American Eloquence," III, pp. 50-87.) 
 
 8. Beginnings of the Republican party. (Macy, "Political 
 Parties (i 846-1 860).") 
 
 9. Effect of the Dred Scott opinion on the North. (Nicolay and 
 Hay, "Life of Lincoln," II, Chapter IV.) 
 
 10. Kossuth in Boston. ("Old South Leaflets," No. iii.) 
 
 QUESTIONS 
 
 I. What were the advantages and disadvantages of annexing 
 Texas? What was the influence of annexation on sectional senti- 
 ment within the United States? on our relations with Mexico ? What 
 obligations did we assume with Texas ? 
 
1857] Slavery in the Territories 365 
 
 2. What was the purpose of the Mexican War as shown (a) by 
 the attitude of northern capitalists ? {h) by that of the northern people 
 in general ? (c) by the plan of campaign ? and {d) by the treaty of 
 peace ? 
 
 3. Make a table showing the action of Congress regarding slavery 
 in the territories from 1787 to 1862. Compare areas closed or left 
 open to slavery. What changes occurred during the period from 1843 
 to 1857? 
 
 4. Was a compromise necessary in 1850? Which provisions were 
 favorable to the North? which to the South? Did the Compro- 
 mise of 1850 introduce any new principle of territorial government? 
 
 5. Make a careful study of the "Seventh of March" speech. 
 Had Webster changed his position on the slavery question? Were 
 his criticisms of the northern radicals justified? From our point of 
 view was he right or wrong? 
 
 6. Has Congress the right to pass irrepealable laws? May Con- 
 gress rspeal part of a compromise when the repeal of the rest is im- 
 possible ? Could a state in which slavery had been forever prohibited 
 by Congress become a slave state ? Why was the Kansas-Nebraska 
 Act a serious mistake? 
 
 • 7. Which was more in conformity with our customs and our in- 
 stitutions, popular sovereignty or territorial government by Congress ? 
 What was the difference between the provisions for slavery in the ter- 
 ritories in the acts of 1850 and 1854? 
 
 8. Compare the arguments of Taney and Curtis regarding negro 
 citizenship. Which was right ? Do you approve Taney's argument 
 in regard to the relation of the nation to the territory acquired from 
 France in 1803? 
 
CHAPTER XVI 
 
 Buchanan. 
 
 Rhodes, 
 United States, 
 II, 172-174. 
 
 Influence of 
 the Dred Scott 
 opinion. 
 
 DISUNION AND CIVIL WAR (1857-1861) 
 
 Presidents 
 James Buchanan (1857-1861) Abraham Lincoln (1861-1865) 
 
 Approaching a Crisis (1857-1860) 
 
 320. The Situation in 1857. — It is unfortunate that at 
 this time the presidential chair was occupied by a man as 
 little fitted to prevent disunion as was James Buchanan. 
 A mild, courteous gentleman who disliked controversy, he 
 was utterly incapable of acting with decision and vigor 
 to prevent a conflict between the opposing sections, and in 
 fact by his vacillation aided in the development of the slavery 
 crisis. 
 
 The chasm between the North and the South which had 
 been growing wider year by year, especially since the enact- 
 ment of the Kansas-Nebraska law, had been increased to 
 a very great extent by the opinion of the justices of the 
 Supreme Court in the case of Dred Scott. The South was 
 content naturally, not realizing that the adoption of so 
 radical a pro-slavery policy by the courts would react against 
 the institution of slavery not simph' in the territories, but in 
 the states as well. The majority of the people in the North 
 were aghast at the conclusion reached in the opinion. Most 
 of them opposed the further extension of slavery in the ter- 
 ritories, and were exceedingly indignant over the announce- 
 ment of the new doctrine that Congress could not prohibit 
 slavery in national territory. People did not stop to con- 
 sider that this was simply the opinion of justices of the court 
 and not a part of the court's decision. The justices had 
 made clear, they claimed, that a negro had no rights which 
 
 366 
 
t857] Appivachiiig a Crisis 367 
 
 a white man was bound to respect. It was evident that the 
 justices of the Supreme Court, in seeking to settle the ques- 
 tion of slavery in the territories, had precipitated the con- 
 troversy over slavery. 
 
 The increase of sectionalism in the years following 1845 Increase of 
 is marked not only by the drift in politics, but by the changes sectionalism. 
 in churches and other national organizations. The Metho- 
 dists and Baptists had divided on sectional lines soon after 
 1845. Fewer southern men attended northern colleges than 
 formerly. In social life and even in business sectional 
 prejudices made themselves felt. 
 
 321. Political Factions and Parties. — It may be inter- Factions in 
 esting to notice at this time the sentiments of the existing ^^e North. 
 factions in the United States, (i) In the North there was 
 a small but exceedingly active group of reformers which 
 demanded the total abolition of slavery everywhere. To 
 these men the Constitution under which the institution was 
 protected within the states was ''a covenant with death, 
 and an agreement with hell." (2) Less radical than the 
 abolitionists but more interested in the restriction of slavery 
 than in any other question was a faction whose attitude 
 may be expressed by the phrase, ''let the Union sHde." 
 (3) An overwhelming majority at the North believed that 
 slavery was morally wrong and desired to see it excluded 
 from the territories of the nation, although they were not will- 
 ing to sacrifice the nation to that end. (4) A large minority 
 at the North were opposed to any active discussion of the 
 slavery question and were indifferent probably to its ex- 
 tension in or exclusion from national territories. They 
 were, however, emphatically opposed to any interference 
 with slavery in the states. 
 
 To the South the preservation of slavery in the states Factions in 
 was a matter of vital importance, that of slavery extension ^^^ South. 
 in the territories one of the greatest interest. Seeing that 
 the South was falling behind the North in population, wealth, ^^^^ slavery 
 and resources of every kind, southerners felt that slavery 292-304. 
 should be protected by the equality of the sections, (i) At 
 
368 Americaii History [1857 
 
 first only a few leaders like Calhoun realized the need of 
 territorial extension. By 1850 this aggressive pro-slavery 
 faction began to demand that one half of the nation should 
 be set aside for slavery. Later they increased their num- 
 bers so as to include most of those in the South who were 
 interested in the political future of that section. Their 
 program developed until they demanded that slavery be 
 excluded from those states only where it was prohibited by 
 the wish of the people of the state. (2) Another faction in 
 the South was indifferent to the extension of slavery, pro- 
 vided that the slaves in the states were left alone. (3) Still 
 a third faction, composed of some merchants and of those 
 mountaineers who owned no slaves, had nothing in com- 
 mon with the slave interests. They possessed little political 
 influence. One of their number, Hinton Helper, published 
 in 1857 a book called the "Impending Crisis" which showed 
 how the South was controlled by three hundred and fifty 
 thousand slave-owners and how slavery had retarded the 
 development of the South. This book was written in a 
 sensational style and created a furore in political circles 
 little less than that made by ''Uncle Tom's Cabin." 
 Lincoln. 322. The Lincoln-Douglas Debates (1858). — One of the 
 
 most interesting elections in our history was that held in 
 1858 in the state of Illinois. Members of the legislature 
 were elected who were to choose a successor to Senator 
 Douglas. Both parties selected their senatorial candidates 
 long before the election, the Democrats renominating Doug- 
 las and the Republicans naming Abraham Lincoln. Lin- 
 coln was little known at this time outside of the central part 
 of Illinois where he enjoyed an excellent reputation as a 
 lawyer of rare honesty and ability. Born in Kentucky, 
 (1809) to the heritage of the ''poor white trash," he had 
 grown up in Indiana and later in Illinois, with a determina- 
 tion to acquire an education. His experience as rail-splitter 
 and flatboat-man, as well as his study at night by a pine- 
 knot fire, is well known. Lincoln had served several terms 
 in the Illinois legislature, and had spent two years in Wash- 
 
1858] Approaching a Crisis 369 
 
 ington as a representative. Very tall and exceedingly 
 ungainly in appearance, Lincoln did not attract at first 
 until one was impressed by his earnestness and the kindness 
 of his homely face, or was won by his never faiHng humor. 
 
 During the summer of 1858 Lincoln and Douglas held a Joint 
 series of joint debates. By far the most notable of these senatorial 
 
 debates. 
 
 was held at Freeport, where Lincoln asked Douglas four 
 questions,^ the answers to which prevented Douglas from 
 gaining the support of the southern Democracy in the presi- jj^^f^^ states 
 dential election two years later. Lincoln forced Douglas 11,321-339. 
 to choose between his favorite doctrine of popular sover- 
 eignty and the opinion expressed by the justices of the Su- 
 preme Court in the case of Dred Scott. Douglas tried to 
 reconcile the two by saying that slavery could not exist in 
 any territory if the people did not make local police regula- 
 tions for its support, and therefore popular sovereignty 
 would decide whether the territory should have slavery or 
 not. Lincoln showed that slavery could exist without these 
 local regulations, and that popular sovereignty and the 
 Dred Scott opinion were incompatible. The South agreed 
 with Lincoln and abandoned Douglas, although the people 
 of Illinois by a narrow margin reelected Douglas senator. 
 
 323. Union and Slavery. — At the beginning of the sena- Lincoln's 
 torial campaign Lincoln had made a speech which, in the "House- 
 
 r ,. • . . T , T . 1 i- divided" 
 
 opmion of many pohticians, jeopardized his chances of speech. 
 
 election. It was a speech worthy of the man, and now 
 
 classed with the famous speeches of our history. '"A house Hart, Contem- 
 
 divided against itself cannot stand.' I believe this govern- poraries, 
 
 ment cannot endure permanently half slave and half free. ' °' '^'^" 
 
 I do not expect the Union to be dissolved — I do not expect 
 
 the house to fall — but I do expect it will cease to be divided. R^^^des, 
 
 United States, 
 
 It will become all one thing, or all the other. Either the u, 315-318. 
 opponents of slavery will arrest the further spread of it and 
 
 ^ One question was: "Can the people of a United States territory, 
 under the Dred Scott decision, in any lawful way, against the wish of any 
 citizen of the United States, exclude slavery from its limits, prior to the 
 formation of a state constitution?" 
 2 B 
 
370 
 
 American History 
 
 [1858 
 
 Seward's 
 " Irrepressible 
 conflici " 
 speech. 
 
 Hart, Contem- 
 poraries, 
 IV, No. 45. 
 
 Rhodes, 
 United States, 
 
 n. 344-346. 
 
 Influence on 
 southern senti- 
 ment. 
 
 place it where the public mind shall rest in the belief that 
 it is in the course of ultimate extinction, or its advocates 
 will push it forward till it shall become alike lawful in all 
 the states, old as well as new. North as well as South." 
 This was a statement of the nation's future which no mere 
 politician would have had the foresight or the courage to 
 announce. 
 
 In the fall of the same year in which Lincoln made this 
 prophecy William H. Seward, 
 the most conspicuous man of 
 the Republican party, startled 
 the nation by proclaiming a 
 similar opinion. He stated: 
 *' Our country is a theater which 
 exhibits, in full operation, two 
 radically different political 
 systems: the one resting on 
 the basis of servile or slave 
 labor, the other on the basis 
 of voluntary labor of free- 
 men. . . . The two systems 
 are at once perceived to be 
 incongruous. But they are 
 more than incongruous, they 
 are incompatible. They never have permanently existed 
 together in one country, and they never can. . . . These 
 antagonistic systems are continually coming into closer 
 contact, and collision results. They who think that it is 
 accidental, unnecessary, the work of interested or fanatical 
 agitators, and therefore ephemeral, mistake the case alto- 
 gether. It is an irrepressible conflict between opposing and 
 enduring forces, and it means that the United States must 
 and will, sooner or later, become either entirely a slave- 
 holding nation, or entirely a free-labor nation." 
 
 324. Influence of John Brown's Raid (1859). — Public 
 utterances frequently fix public sentiment, but definite 
 acts make history. The Fugitive Slave law and the repeal 
 
 William H. Seward 
 
i86o] Approaching a Crisis 371 
 
 of the Missouri Compromise had united the North against Burgess, 
 
 the further extension of slavery, the John Brown raid united f'^^^ ^^^* 
 
 1, 34-44. 
 the South for the protection -of slavery. Before 1859 the 
 
 South was in no real sense committed to the radical program 
 of its pro-slavery leaders ; after that date it identified itself u^n^^ 'states 
 much more closely with the institution of slavery than be- 11,410-416. 
 fore. It may seem remarkable that the attack of twenty 
 men on the United States arsenal at Harpers Ferry could chadwick, 
 have such a potent influence, especially when the attack ended Causes of 
 in the capture of Brown and his followers. But the South ^^g 
 was impressed by the fact that Brown had collected arms 
 near Harpers Ferry and had planned to free the slaves. 
 That he desired the freedom of all the slaves in the South 
 is certain, and he believed this could be accomplished only 
 by force of arms. This would involve necessarily a servile 
 insurrection which was the nightmare of all classes in the 
 South, slaveholders and others. The danger of such a 
 calamity was enough to unite all southern factions, and to 
 give the impression that the North would stop at no means 
 to destroy slavery. This impression was strengthened by 
 the enthusiasm with which John Brown's attempt was re- 
 ceived in many parts of the North. The Republican leaders 
 were very careful, however, to disavow any connection with 
 the affair and to condemn the methods used. 
 
 325. The Election of i860. — The decisive factor in the Democratic 
 election of i860 was the attitude of the Democratic party, convention. 
 This party had a majority of voters in the South and a large 
 minority of those in the North. If they cooperated, success Schouler, 
 
 ^ ,. . , t 1 . r United States, 
 
 seemed certain. If they were divided on the question ot v, 454-457,462 
 slavery, the Republicans might w^in. The Democratic 
 convention was held at Charleston, April 23. The south- ^^^ ^^^ 
 ern delegates contended for a platform declaring that not civil War, 
 only should the Dred Scott opinion be enforced, but Congress I. 50-58, 67-70. 
 must protect slavery in the territories by every means in 
 its power. They were outvoted, for the northern Demo- 
 crats succeeded in adopting a plank which stated that the 
 party would "abide by the decisions of the Supreme Court 
 
372 
 
 American History 
 
 [i860 
 
 of the United States on the questions of constitutional law." 
 Most of the southern delegates then withdrew and two 
 Democratic conventions were held later. That comprised 
 chiefly of northern delegates nominated Douglas, while the 
 southern men adopted the platform which they preferred, 
 and named John C. Breckenridge of Kentucky for the presi- 
 dency. Remnants of the Whig party and conservatives 
 
 Republican 
 convention. 
 
 Burgess, Civil 
 War, I, 58-67. 
 
 Chadwick, 
 Causes of 
 Civil War, 
 116-123. 
 
 THE RAIL 
 
 A Cartoon of i860. 
 
 of all parties united under the name "Constitutional Union," 
 and nominated Bell of Tennessee. 
 
 The Republicans met in Chicago in May. As the party 
 was composed of numerous elements united chiefly by their 
 desire to prevent the further extension of slavery, the dele- 
 gates agreed without difficulty on a plank that denied "the 
 authority of Congress, of a territorial legislature, or of any 
 individual to give legal existence to slaver\' in any territory 
 of the United States." But they maintained especially 
 the right of each state to order and control its own domes- 
 tic institutions according to its own judgment exclusively. 
 They denounced Buchanan's Kansas policy, and favored 
 
i86o] 
 
 Approaching a Crisis 
 
 373 
 
 a protective tariff. Because the party was composed of 
 various elements with different opinions on many questions 
 except the main issue, the convention ignored the more 
 radical candidates, William H. Seward, the real leader of the 
 party, and Salmon P. Chase. On the third ballot Lincoln 
 was selected, and, to satisfy the East, Hannibal Hamlin 
 of Maine was chosen for the second place on the ticket. 
 
 ELECTION OF 1 
 
 Lincoln. Republican... Y^^j^^ 
 Breckinridge- So. Pern. - ^^ 
 
 Bell. Const'l Dem. 
 
 Douglas No. Dem | [ 
 
 The campaign was full of interest and excitement. When The election, 
 the polls were closed, it was found that Lincoln had carried 
 all of the northern states,* that Breckenridge had been sue- Stanwood 
 cessful in the South, and Bell had secured the vote of three 
 border states. This gave Lincoln i8o of the 303 electoral 
 votes, the others being divided as follows, Breckenridge, 72; 
 Bell, 39; and Douglas, 12. On the popular vote, however, 
 the combined votes of the other three were nearly one million 
 more than those cast for Lincoln. 
 
 Presidency, 
 295-297- 
 
 Schouler, 
 United States, 
 V, 462-469. 
 
 The Secession Movement (1860-1861) 
 
 326. Secession in South Carolina (December, i860). — Action before 
 When it was learned that Lincoln had been elected, the legis- '^^^^ ^°- 
 
 * Except three of the seven votes of New Jersey. 
 
374 
 
 American History 
 
 [i860 
 
 Schouler, 
 United State's, 
 
 V, 469-471- 
 
 Rhodes. 
 
 L ^nited States, 
 
 III. 115-125, 
 192-196. 
 
 Hart, Contem- 
 poraries, 
 
 IV, No. 59. 
 
 Secession 
 resolutions. 
 
 Rhodes, 
 United States, 
 III, 1^20-. 
 
 Lamed (ed.), 
 Hist, for 
 Ready Re/., 
 3407-3409. 
 
 Amer. Hist. 
 Leajiets, 
 No. 12. 
 
 Buchanan's 
 message. 
 
 Burgess. 
 Civil I \ ar, 
 I. 82-88. 
 
 lature of South Carolina called an election for members of 
 a convention which should meet December 17 and consider 
 the relations between the state and the Union. ^ There was 
 no doubt in the mind of any one in South CaroHna that this 
 result would be secession. In October, when all indications 
 pointed to a Republican victory, the governor of South 
 Carohna had sent to most of the other southern governors 
 a letter asking their cooperation. The United States sena- 
 tors from South Carolina and most of the national officials 
 in the state resigned as soon as the convention was called 
 and every preparation was made to sever connections with 
 the Union. Nevertheless the act of the convention on 
 December 20 was a shock to the people of the nation. 
 
 In her secession ordinance the state repealed the act of 
 17SS by which she had ratified the Constitution of the United 
 States and declared that "the union now subsisting between 
 South CaroHna and other states under the name of * the United 
 States of America' is hereby dissolved.-' A few days later 
 the convention adopted a series of resolutions giving reasons 
 for their action. They reviewed the course of events during 
 the formative years from 1775 to 1789 to prove that the state 
 was sovereign and the Constitution a compact. They main- 
 tained that the North had, by personal liberty laws, nulli- 
 fied a law of the Union (the Fugitive Slave Act) and that the 
 election of a Republican president threatened the institu- 
 tion of slaver}'. The arguments of South Carolina probably 
 did not influence the action in the rest of the slave states, 
 but similar causes led to the calling of conventions in the 
 other states of the South. 
 
 327. Attempted Conciliation (December- January) . — Un- 
 til South Carolina had passed an ordinance of secession, the 
 North was indifferent, the administration inactive. Gen- 
 eral Scott, as commander of the army, had urged during 
 November that the forts in the states of the South be strength- 
 ened, but Buchanan did nothing. As he could not ignore 
 
 * The legislature had been in session to choose presidential electors. 
 This method had given war to popular election in all of the other states. 
 
i86i] The Secession Movement 375 
 
 in his annual message (December 3) the threatened destruc- Rhodes, 
 
 tion of the Union, he considered the subject in a most ex- ^^^t^d States, 
 
 traordinary way. He declared that no state had any right 131I138I 
 to secede from the Union, but asserted that if a state saw 
 fit to secede, neither the president nor Congress could pre- 
 vent her from doing so or could bring her back into the Union. 
 Buchanan denounced the anti-slavery agitation in the North 
 as the cause of the whole trouble and recommended consti- 
 tutional amendments protecting slavery in the states and in 
 the territories. 
 
 During the month following this message the President's Change in 
 
 attitude toward the South changed considerably. Most Buchanan's 
 
 of the members of his cabinet who favored secession resigned^ ° ^^'^' 
 
 and their places were -taken by ardent Union men. The ^^^'^o^^^^- 
 
 , . . . p , . . United states, 
 
 admmistration even went so far as to send provisions and v, 481-485. 
 troops to Fort Sumter in Charleston harbor, but the relief . A(d\ 
 ship was fired upon and turned back, January 9, 1861. Ready Ref., 
 In Congress committees were appointed by each house 3411-3412. 
 early in December to suggest means for preventing disunion. Attempted 
 The southern leaders wished to have irrepealable constitu- compromise 
 tional amendments that would prevent Congress from inter- 
 fering with slavery in the states or in the territories. The Schouier, 
 northern leaders were willing to agree that slavery in the y C04-C07 ' 
 states should be free forever from interference, but they 
 refused their consent to slavery at any time in any part of Hart, Contem- 
 the territories. Other attempts to reach a compromise ^"'^^^\ 
 satisfactory to both sides were made in Congress and out 66, 68, 69. 
 of Congress during the last two months of Buchanan's term 
 
 (§ 329)- 
 
 328. The Confederate States of America. — When the Secession of 
 
 southern leaders saw that the northern members in Congress *^^ ^"'^ ^'^^^^• 
 
 would not accept their terms, they advocated the secession ^^^^ Contem- 
 
 of the other states. Georgia, Alabama, Florida, Mississippi, poraries, 
 
 and Louisiana seceded during January, believing that they iv,Nos.s8.6i. 
 
 could dictate terms if they severed their connection with „^ ^ 
 
 •' , Rhodes, 
 
 the Union. There was opposition in these states to seces- United states, 
 
 sion, especially in Georgia, where Alexander H. Stephens Hi, 271-279. 
 
376 
 
 American History 
 
 [iS6i 
 
 Chadwiok, 
 140-150. 
 
 Formation and 
 proWsions of 
 the constitu- 
 tion. 
 
 Burgess, 
 I. 116-110. 
 
 MacDonald. 
 Documents, 
 No. 97. 
 
 Hart, Ct^nie-m- 
 po^rixrtes. 
 IV. No. 02. 
 
 Battles and 
 Leaders, I, 
 99-HO. 
 
 President 
 Davis. 
 
 Burgess, 
 
 Cn-il War, 
 I. 119-123. 
 
 pleaded against disunion. In none of them was the seces- 
 sion ordinance submitted to the people for ratification, al- 
 though the result would have been the s;ime probably in 
 any case. 
 
 On the 4th of February, i$6i. delegates from these six 
 seceded states and Texas met atMontgomer}-, Alabama, and 
 drew up a constitution for the Confederate States of America. 
 
 This constitution was in 
 most respects a copy of 
 the national Constitu- 
 tion of 17S7. Several 
 important defects or 
 omissions of that docu- 
 ment were remedied, 
 and some changes made 
 in the interest of state 
 sovereignty or slavery. 
 Each state was said to 
 act "in its sovereign 
 and independent char- 
 acter." Congress did 
 'vvvv^. ,^ T^xv< ^^^ h:^\'^ power to give 
 
 bounties or lay protect- 
 ive duties, but exports might be taxed by a two thirds 
 vote of each house. The president was chosen for a term 
 of six years, but was not reeligible. The Confederate 
 States might acquire new territory in which slaver}- was 
 to be 'recognized and protected," but no new state should 
 be admitted to the Confederacy except by a two thirds vote 
 of both houses of Congress, the senate voting by states. 
 There were fewer limitations on the states than in the Con- 
 stitution of the United States. 
 
 The government, organized proWsionally in 1S61 and 
 permanently in 1S62, included Jefferson Davis of Mississippi 
 as president, and Stephens of Georgia as vice president. 
 DaWs was a man of ext-^'^.ded and varied experience in pub- 
 he life, as he had served in the army, in Congress, and in 
 

 
 
 t:^-^—i 
 
 
 /-" 
 
 Q 00 
 
 I^^^A5^■ 
 
 v 4L<: H 
 
 ^as^^"%v ^^^r,7. 
 
 ^ ? I 3 
 
 f. 11! 
 
 - k .^1 ^' 
 
i86i] The Secession Movement 377 
 
 Pierce's cabinet. Although more radical in his views than Rhodes, 
 
 United States, 
 III, 292-295. 
 
 Stephens, he was not considered an extremist, and adminis- 
 tered well the duties of his trying position, although to the 
 satisfaction of very few. 
 
 329. Close of Buchanan's Term. — The states in the Confederacy 
 Confederacy seized the property of the national government '^"^ *^^ United 
 which was located within their borders, including numerous 
 arsenals and forts. None of these arsenals .manufactured 
 
 . ■, r Chadwick, 
 
 arms — they were simply depots ; but large numbers of causes of Civil 
 muskets and a fair quantity of military supplies had been M^a/-, 184-204. 
 transferred to southern forts or arsenals by Buchanan's 
 secretary of war, perhaps in anticipation of hostilities be- 
 tween the North and the South. The Confederate govern- 
 ment selected commissioners to visit Washington and make 
 a treaty of friendship with the United States (February, 
 1861). 
 
 Meanwhile, the discussion of compromise measures con- Crittenden 
 tinned at Washington. The Senate still considered the resolutions. 
 Crittenden resolutions which had been proposed originally ^^^^ ^^^ 
 December 18. They favored irrepealable amendments to 
 the Constitution for the extension of the line of ^6° xo' ^ 
 
 ^ ^ ' Burgess, 
 
 all territories north of that line being free and all south, slave ; civii War, 
 the admission of states as free or slave as they decided; and ^' 96-104, 
 the compensation of slave owners for all fugitives not re- ^^"^"^^S- 
 turned to them. During February there was held in Wash- 
 ington a peace conference attended by delegates from two , ° ^^' 
 
 ° ^ J ^ United states, 
 
 thirds of the states. By a narrow margin the convention m, 150-156, 
 
 voted in favor of the 36° 30' line for all existing territories, 305-308. 
 
 the admission of states with the constitutions they selected, 
 
 no interference by Congress with slavery in the states, and MacDonaid, 
 
 no treaty for annexing territory unless approved by a ma- ^^"^^^^^^< 
 
 jority of the senators from the slave states and a majority 
 
 of those from free states. The House of Representatives 
 
 also devised a plan for conciliation, one feature of which 
 
 was accepted by the Senate, the only part of any compromise 
 
 plan approved by both houses of Congress. This provided 
 
 that Congress should never interfere with or abolish slavery 
 
i;8 
 
 Afpu^ncan History 
 
 [iS6i 
 
 Futilit>- oi 
 conciliation. 
 
 Two causes. 
 
 Devdopment 
 of new indus- 
 trial methods 
 ^1775-1861). 
 
 Slavery 
 preTmts 
 deTelopment 
 of the SouA. 
 
 within the states. The adjournment of Congress, March 4, 
 closed these discussions. 
 
 Certain moderate men, especially in the border states, 
 had made even* possible effort to preserve the Union and 
 maintain peace. But it was too late for compromise. The 
 leaders oppv^sed to slaven- extension would make no con- 
 cessions permitting slaven* permanently in the territories. 
 The pro-sIav^- leaders would not Weld because they be- 
 Heved that the system of slaver}- would lose in the end unless 
 they gained every demand from the Xorth. 
 
 330. Fundamental Causes of Secession. — The secession 
 movement was not the work of discontented leaders, it was 
 the clash between sections which were radically different 
 and wished to retain and develop their own characteristics. 
 To put it briefly, there were two fundamental causes of 
 secession: one, the system of slinery; the other, the doctrine 
 of stdU scnrrcigniy. It was the combination of th^e two 
 that made secession possible. 
 
 In the eighty years and more since the United States had 
 become independent, great changes had taken place within 
 this countn- and in the worid at large, (i) Methods of 
 bbor had changed radically. The new industrial system 
 required skilled bbor, intelligent service — in short, the 
 freedom of the workingman. (2) An entirely different set 
 of causes favored the emancipation of those who had been 
 serfs or slaves. Chief of these was the great development 
 of the idea of democracy, which had been growing stronger 
 ever}-w-here among civilized nations, but pvarticularly in the 
 United States- (3) This rapid progress toward industrial 
 freeviom and poHtical equality- was but part of a much 
 larger movement which had replaced the old order of things 
 with a new commercial and industrial system much more 
 a^mplex than the old and a new social order in whicli many 
 class distinctions had been obHterated. 
 
 These changes had affected the Xonh \-er}- much more 
 than the South. Since the Revolutionary- War, the politi- 
 cal ideas and ideals of the South had not changed greatly. 
 
iS6i] TJic Scccssio)i Moi\)Ht)it 
 
 0/ 
 
 Her occupations and business methods were not very differ- 
 ent, her social system was practically the same as in 1776. 
 Amid the wonderful changes of nearly a century of mar- 
 velous progress she had made comparatively little material 
 progress on account of slavery. Slavery prevented the 
 competition of free labor, yet slaves could not perform 
 any labor except that of the crudest kind. With a system 
 of slavery, democracy, political or social, couUl not exist. 
 
 331. Slavery and State Sovereignty fersus Nationality. — Slavery de- 
 So closelv identified had the South become with the institu- '"-"^^^^ ^^" 
 
 . ', 1 1 .- 1 • 1 equal sliaie in 
 
 tion ot slavery that she ielt it necessary to preserve that tiietrovern- 
 institution at all costs. To protect and preserve it she had ment. 
 sought new territories. But as slavery could not compete 
 with a system of free labor on equal terms, it required arti- 
 ficial props to protect it in the old territory and in the new 
 from being overwhelmed by tlie much stronger system of 
 free labor. The South demanded therefore that the North 
 allow her to have an equal share in the government of the 
 United States. But to do this meant the permanent main- 
 tenance of two sections, totally unlike and antagonistic. 
 When we consider that the United States had, during the 
 half century following the second war with Great Britain, 
 been growing into a great and powerful nation, we can realize 
 that permanent sectional ization would prevent the further 
 development of nationality. 
 
 There were but two alternatives, (i) Either the nation Antagonism 
 must remain i^artlv developed, or (2) it must complete the ^^^^^^■'-'*^" ^'^^" 
 development of its nationality by securing a uniform eco- nation, 
 nomic, political, and social system; in short, it must abandon 
 slavery or make slavery universal within its borders. Lin- why slavery 
 coin, Seward, and others had seen this clearly, although the joined forces 
 mass of the people did not. As the system of free labor had 
 been gro\ying rapidly, while that of slavery had not, the only 
 hope for slavery was to oppose the growth of nationality. 
 This she could do most effectively by appealing to the politi- 
 cal principle that the states are sovereign. State sovereignty 
 had been the chief obstacle in the upward path of the nation, 
 
 with state 
 sovereignty. 
 
380 
 
 American History 
 
 [1861 
 
 Inausruration. 
 
 Rhodes, 
 United States, 
 III, 316-319. 
 
 Morse, 
 Lincoln, 
 I. 212-228. 
 
 Amer. Hist. 
 Leaflets, 
 No. 18. 
 
 Lincoln's 
 cabinet. 
 
 Lamed (ed.), 
 Ready Re/., 
 3420. 
 
 and it was natural that when the development of the 
 nation threatened slavery the institution of slavery should 
 join forces with state sovereignty. But state sovereignty, 
 like slavery, belonged to the old order of things, to a past 
 that would never return, and even their union was unable 
 to cope with the young, strong forces of free labor and 
 what Calhoun called, ten years earher, "a great consolidated 
 national democracy." 
 
 Lincoln; "The Three Months' War" 
 
 332. Lincoln's Policy. —On the 4th of March, 1861, 
 Lincoln was inaugurated quietly at Washington. There had 
 been fear that Lincoln's life would be threatened during 
 his trip to Washington or on inauguration day, but nothing 
 serious happened, for every precaution had been taken to 
 prevent an outbreak. The inaugural address must always 
 be ranked among his greatest state papers. He disproved 
 at the beginning that his election was sufficient cause for 
 secession by declaring that he would not interfere with 
 slavery in the states, that he would not oppose a constitu- 
 tional amendment which prevented the central government 
 from interfering with slavery as a state institution. He 
 asserted that there could be no right -of legal secession, for 
 the Union was older than the Constitution. Having an- 
 nounced his intention of enforcing the national laws in all 
 of the states, as prescribed in his oath, he went on, "in your 
 hands, my dissatisfied fellow-countrymen, and not in mine, 
 is the momentous issue of civil war. The government will 
 not assail you. You can have no conflict without being 
 yourselves the aggressors." 
 
 Lincoln was fortunate in being able to gather in his cabi- 
 net many of the prominent Republican leaders, for if at 
 first the cabinet lacked unity, it gained for the adminis- 
 tration the support of all elements in the North. The 
 secretary of state was William H. Seward, who considered 
 himself the head of the party and sought to dictate the policy 
 of the administration. He was anxious to subordinate 
 
i86i] 
 
 The Three Months' War 
 
 381 
 
 I, 234-238. 
 
 sectional questions to an aggressive foreign policy, but this Morse, 
 unwise plan, which would have involved the government ^-'^^^^^"^ 
 in difficulties abroad without lessening its burdens at home, 
 was ignored completely by Lincoln. Seward afterward 
 exhibited a very high quality of statesmanship, and during 
 the eight years he served in the department of state, proved 
 that he was second only to Lincoln among the men of his 
 time. Other notable 
 cabinet officials were 
 Salmon P. Chase, who 
 was secretary of the 
 treasury until 1864, 
 and Edwin M. Stan- 
 ton, a member of 
 Buchanan's cabinet 
 after it was reorgan- 
 ized, who had the war 
 portfolio after 1862. 
 Upon these three men 
 devolved the chief 
 duties that affected 
 the success of the 
 Union cause. Yet 
 great as were the ser- 
 vices performed by 
 these men and others 
 of Lincoln's assistants, the policy followed was in the main 
 that of the chief executive. With added experiences and 
 increasing responsibihties, Lincoln acquired a skill in hand- 
 ling men, a soundness of judgment in deahng with difficult 
 problems, and a firmness in carrying through a policy which 
 he believed to be right, that marked him as the greatest 
 American of the nineteenth century. 
 
 333- Sumter. — From the beginning Charleston harbor, Negotiations, 
 with its Union force of little more than one hundred men, 
 had been considered the crucial point in the South. Major 
 Anderson, before New Year's, 1861, had withdrawn all the 
 
 The famotis Brady photograph 
 
 Abraham Lincoln 
 
iSj 
 
 American History 
 
 [iS6i 
 
 Hart, ComUm- 
 IV. X OS. 70-7 J. 
 
 Burgess, 
 Ch'il li'jr, 
 I. i^i-i-i. 
 
 Attempted 
 relief, bom- 
 bardment. 
 
 Union forces 
 VApr., i86i) . 
 
 Burgess. 
 Ch-u liar, 
 I. 172-174. 
 
 irS-179- 
 
 Rhodes. 
 111.351-364. 
 
 men from the forts around the harbor, and concentrated his 
 force in Fort Sumter in the center of the harbor. The 
 attempt made on T^inuan* 9 to send additional soldiers 
 and supplies in the Star of the West had caused the South 
 Carolina forces to fire upon the vessel, and had produced a 
 strong sentiment against disunion throughout the North. 
 Commissioners had been sent to treat with Buchanan in 
 order to gain possession of Sumter, but without avail. 
 L;iter, commissioners were sent to Washington by the Con- 
 federate government to negotiate all matters affecting debts 
 and property in the southern states. Both Buchanan and 
 Lincoln refused to treat with these men, for to do so would 
 have been recognition of the Confederacy ; but certain notes 
 were left for them by Sew-ard in order that they might under- 
 stand the attitude of the new administration. From these 
 informal proceedings the officials of South Carohna gained 
 the impression that no attempt would be made to relieve 
 Simiter. In fact Lincoln promised only that he would 
 notify them of a reHef expedition. This wras fitted out in 
 New York, April 7. Governor Pickens of South Carolina 
 was notified immediately. After two days' consideration of 
 the matter the Confederate government asked for the sur- 
 render of Sumter, and, when it was refused, began bom- 
 barding the fort, April 12. On the afternoon of the 13th, 
 his ammunition and supplies gone, and the fort on fire, 
 Anderson surrenderevi and his men w-ere sent North. 
 
 334. Preparation for War. — The news of the firing 
 upon Sumter aroused the North from its letharg}*. When 
 Lincoln, on April 15. asked for 75.000 militiamen 
 to serve for three months,* the response throughout the 
 free states was enthusiastic. In the slave states, however, 
 the governors refused to furnish troops. Within fort>'- 
 eight hours from the first call, regiments which had been 
 organized already by the ''wrar governors'' were on their 
 way to Washington. In Baltimore, on April 10. the troops 
 were attacked by mobs, but further disorder was prevented 
 
 * Under the act of 1705. 
 
i86i] The Three Mouths War 383 
 
 by transporting the soldiers over another route. The regular Hart. Confrm- 
 arni}' was demoralized by the withdrawal of nearly one half /''^ ■'''''■•'' 
 of the officers, who were southerners, but even at this time 
 the military force of the United States was larger and better 
 organized tlian that of the Confederacy. There was no 
 attempt to organize a large, permanent army, for very few 
 people expected a long or a serious conflict. 
 
 In March the Confederate Congress had authorized the Confederate 
 enlistment of one hundred thousand troops, but although ^''"^^' '^"^ 
 
 1 ^ c • V 1 1 • • 1 " privateers, 
 
 that number 01 recruits onered their services, there were 
 
 not enough arms or military supplies for them. The Con- Rhodes, 
 
 federacy had also tried to prepare a navy, but their difh- ^'"'^^'^^ states 
 
 culties were increased bv the lack of any naval vessels and ^ ^l^^^~' 
 
 395-390- 
 failure of many southern naval officers to leave the service 
 
 of the United States. On April 17 the fitting out of priva- Lamed (ed.), 
 
 teers to prev upon the commerce of the North was author- "^''' ; 
 
 . ' . 342t>-3428. 
 
 ized. This action was followed at once by Lincoln's proc- 
 lamation blockading southern ports (§ 340). 
 
 Lincoln's original call for troops was followed, May 4, Permanently 
 by a request for 40,000 volunteers besides regulars and ^""S^^i^ized 
 seamen to serve for three years or the war. Legally he 
 had no right to organize this army, but he was supported 
 in this and other ways by the Congress which met in special crJii ly^r 
 session, July 4. Congress voted $250,000,000 for the prose- i, 226-232. 
 cution of the war and immediately after the battle of Bull 
 Run (§ 336) voted 500,000 volunteers. 
 
 335. The Border States. — Between the Confederacy Second 
 as it existed on the 12th of April and the free states there secession. 
 were two rows of slave states that were still in the L'nion. 
 The attitude of these border states was a matter of the first burgess. 
 importance. If all joined the Confederacy, the two sections i j^^^ 182^186. 
 would be not far from equal in strength. If all remained 
 in the Union, the early downfall of the Confederacy was as- Rhodes 
 sured. When Lincoln issued his call for troops on April 15, United states, 
 the governors in most of these states refused to send troops. ^-383-357- 
 Jackson of ^lissouri went farther than most of the others, 
 and declared, "Your requisition in my judgment is illegal, 
 
3S4 
 
 Amtrican History 
 
 [iSoi 
 
 Delaware, 
 Maryland, 
 and western 
 
 Burgess, 
 Civit \\\ir, 
 I, 196-205. 
 
 Rhodes, 
 111,388-390. 
 
 Kentucky 
 and M.ssouri. 
 
 Rhodes. 
 
 L 'niUd States, 
 
 111,391-394. 
 
 Burgess. 
 Civil ir.jr, 
 I, 186-195. 
 
 Situation in 
 Virginia 
 ^July, 1S61). 
 
 unconstitutional, and revolutionary in its object, inhuman 
 and diabolical and cannot be complied with." Several of 
 the states immediately took a vote on secession. In the 
 four states of the lower tier, \'irginia. North Carolina, Ten- 
 nessee, and Arkans;is, an overwhelming majority favored 
 separation from the United States. All of these states, of 
 course, joined the Confederacy. 
 
 In the northern tier of the slave states the question was 
 not put to a vote, or was decided against secession. Dela- 
 ware unhesitatingly sided with the Union. In Mar}-land, 
 tlie southern sympathizers were exceedingly active, although 
 in a hopeless minority. The presence of the troops who 
 were protecting \\'ashington, and the arbitrary suppression 
 of disunion efforts by the administration and by the state 
 officials, made the secession of the state imp<.^ssible. The 
 pet^>ple of western Mrginia were not slaveholders, and 
 objected to being thrust out of the Union. They claimed, 
 therefore, to represent the true state and remained in the 
 Union. Afterward, in 1S63, without regard to the require- 
 ments of the national Constitution,^ West \'irginia was 
 admitted as a separate state. 
 
 Kentucky voted to remain neutral, but found it impossible 
 to do so. In the fall of 1S61, when a Confederate force 
 invadeii this state, it came out positively on the Union side. 
 Missouri was the battleground in which a pohtical and a 
 military contest was waged for the possession of the state. 
 The Union men, organized by Blair and commanded by 
 Captain Lyon, gained possession of St. Louis and secured 
 control of the state government, deposing the governor, 
 who favored secession. Several battles were fought in 
 Missouri during the fall of 1S61, but the Confederate forces 
 were driven finally from the st.ite and the L^nion victories 
 made permanent by the battle of Pea Ridge in northwestern 
 Arkansas (February, 1S62). 
 
 336. Bull Run. — In \'irginia there were tliree armies 
 on each side, one threatening and one defending Washington, 
 
 1 Article IV, 
 
:86i] 
 
 The Three Months War 
 
 385 
 
 two in the Shenandoah valley, and two contending for 
 western Virginia. In the mountains of the western part of 
 the state the Confederates, under Robert E. Lee, were driven 
 back by George B. McClellan and Rosecrans. In eastern 
 Virginia it was decided to advance from Washington and 
 atttack the Confederate force under Beauregard. This 
 army was stationed at ^lanassas Junction, where the rail- 
 way from near Washington to southern and southwestern 
 Virginia met the branch line from the Shenandoah valley, 
 a point valuable for either side, 
 but especially for the Confed- 
 erates. Patterson, the Union 
 general in the Shenandoah 
 valley, was ordered to en- 
 gage his opponent, Joseph E. 
 Johnston, while McDowell ad- 
 vanced against Beauregard. 
 
 The armies of McDowell 
 and Beauregard met at Bull 
 Run, a short distance from 
 Manassas, and fought well for 
 raw troops. Beauregard was 
 forced back until reenforced by 
 
 fresh troops brought by rail from the Shenandoah by John- 
 ston. What seemed to be a Union victory became a rout, 
 which turned into a mad scramble to reach Washington, 
 The Confederate force was too badly disorganized to follow 
 and was in fact ready to disband, thinking the war was over. 
 Stung by defeat, the North awakened to the fact that the 
 reduction of the South was not a three months' task; that 
 it would require a herculean struggle, to which the North 
 must give unsparingly of her resources. As we have 
 noticed, 500,000 volunteers were voted by Congress the 
 next day, and under the direction of that splendid drill 
 master, McClellan, and other commanders, armies were 
 created that would understand the art of war. 
 
 
 
 
 
 V'^-^- ^ 
 
 
 
 ..^:;^S 
 
 1 
 
 ^' ^ 
 
 Joseph E. Johnston 
 
 Larned (ed.), 
 Ready Re/., 
 3433-3434- 
 
 Rhodes, 
 
 I ^nitcd States, 
 
 111,442-446. 
 
 Battle of 
 Bull Run 
 and results. 
 
 Dodge, 
 Civil War, 
 16-19. 
 
 Rhodes, 
 United States, 
 111,446-452. 
 
 2C 
 
386 
 
 American History 
 
 [1861 
 
 Conditions affecting Union Success 
 
 Disparity in 
 strength. 
 
 Hart, Essays 
 on Am. Gov't, 
 268-275, 
 
 Chadwick, 
 Causes of Civil 
 War, 21-36. 
 
 Dependence of 
 the South. 
 
 Hart, Contem- 
 poraries, 
 IV, No. 106. 
 
 337. Resources of North and South. — Before considering 
 the real campaigns which followed these military preliminaries 
 it will be well to compare the contestants and consider those 
 conditions which affected the final result. We have noticed 
 already how much more rapidly the North had grown than 
 the South, not alone in population but in wealth, general 
 resources, and diversity of industries. In none of these 
 respects were the eleven seceding states a match for the 
 twenty-three states that remained in the Union. Their 
 white population was less than five and one-half millions, 
 that of the loyal states nearly twenty two millions. This 
 disparity of about 4 to i ^ may be taken as a fairly true meas- 
 ure of the relative strength of the two parties in other re- 
 spects than population, for the Confederacy did not have 
 more than twenty per cent of the wealth or commerce of 
 the North, and her industrial output amounted to less than 
 one tenth of that of the loyal states. 
 
 The South had large natural resources, but they were un- 
 developed. She had not attempted to manufacture what 
 she needed, for she had exported almost everything she pro- 
 duced to Europe or to the North, and purchased usually 
 from the North even many necessities of life. At the be- 
 ginning of the war, she did not have enough factories to 
 supply her people with clothing and shoes. There were no 
 powder plants, no factories for making cannon or small 
 arms, no shipyards. Rolling mills and iron foundries 
 were uncommon. Railways were not particularly plentiful 
 at the South, but they had been equipped with northern 
 rails and supplied with northern locomotives and cars. 
 In short the South was entirely dependent on the outside 
 world, to which she had given her cotton and other products 
 for the articles she needed.^ 
 
 ^ Not counting slaves. 
 
 2 At this time, however, the exports of cotton comprised about two 
 thirds of the total exports of the entire United States. 
 
i86i] Conditions affecting Union Success 387 
 
 The North possessed an abundance of all of these things, independence 
 Her factories turned out all the munitions and suppHes °^ ^^^ North, 
 that she needed. Her farms produced more food than both 
 the soldiers and the workers at home could use. Industry 
 and commerce, instead of being absorbed by the war, were 
 stimulated by it. The strength of the system of free labor 
 increased as the need became greater. 
 
 338. The Southern Armies. — With a white population Southern 
 but one fourth that of the North, the South was not able to military policy 
 put as many men in the field. Even in the early part of 
 
 the war, when southern enthusiasm was greatest, and all Cf. Rhodes, 
 desired to present a "stern front to the invader," or, as Davis "''^ '^"' 
 
 . V, 431-447. 
 
 said, "fight on northern soil," the southern force was only 
 about two thirds that of the North. During the last year 
 of the war it was reduced to less than one half the number 
 of soldiers in the Union ranks. Many from the loyal border 
 states joined Confederate armies, but their number was only 
 a little greater than that of the Union soldiers from east 
 Tennessee and western Virginia. As the northern armies 
 penetrated southern territory, the aid given to the Confed- 
 erate commanders by the people was of inestimable value. 
 The South was fortunate in most of her commanders, al- 
 though President Davis interfered constantly by dictating 
 the plan of campaign to be followed. 
 
 The South excelled in cavalry except during the last year. Different 
 and the men who had been accustomed to ride even to branches of 
 their nearest neighbors made the finest cavalrymen in the service. 
 world. Her artillery and engineering corps were especially 
 inferior to those on the Union side. Her infantry possessed 
 a spirit which went far toward making them, excellent sol- 
 diers. When they charged, giving their terrible "rebel 
 yell," there was need for the greatest courage among the 
 Union troops. So excellent was her secret service, and so 
 lax the northern methods, that the Union plans were always 
 known and their movements anticipated. 
 
 339. The Northern Armies. — To defeat a people so united, 
 so earnest, possessing the advantage of fighting on their 
 
388 
 
 American Hisjory 
 
 [1861 
 
 Northern 
 soldiers and 
 enlistments. 
 
 Caring for the 
 troops. 
 
 Rhodes, 
 
 L "nited States, 
 
 V, 214-227. 
 
 Government 
 
 and 
 
 contractors. 
 
 own soil, able to move troops from one point to another as 
 each in turn was threatened, required the greatest determina- 
 tion and the highest courage, both of which the Union troops 
 possessed in marked degree. Although the preponderance 
 of numbers on the Union side counted in the end, in most 
 contests the forces were not far from equal.^ In the North 
 the soldiers did many things, such as driving teams and 
 building earthworks, which were performed by slaves in the 
 South. The Union armies were recruited to a much larger 
 extent by voluntary enlistment, encouraged by national 
 bounties of $300 and supplemented by state and local bounties. 
 The South had no money for this purpose and resorted to 
 drafts early in the war, toward the end permitting young 
 boys and old men to enlist. The North was obliged to draft 
 more than once. During July, 1863, the attempt to obtain 
 soldiers by that means led in New York City to terrible 
 draft riots in which nearly a thousiind negroes and whites 
 lost their lives. 
 
 It took the North longer to discover her best leaders, 
 but toward the close of the war the northern commanders 
 outgeneraled their opponents in almost every contest. 
 During the early part of the war the northern armies were 
 hampered by interference from Lincoln and his advisers. 
 The northern soldiers were supplied much better than those 
 of the South with ammunition, arms, food, and clothing. 
 At first it was difficult to obtain these articles, as the war 
 department was not able at once to handle so many sup- 
 plies; but during the last two years of the war the govern- 
 ment purchased food and blankets on the principle that it 
 was cheaper to provide new blankets for the men who had 
 discarded them on the march than to hamper the move- 
 ments of the armies or permit the soldiers to suffer. 
 
 This policy was extravagant and led to a great amount 
 of fraud. Large fortunes were made out of govern- 
 ment contracts. ^Men who furnished transports for Union 
 
 ^ This was not true in the battles of Virginia in which the skill of 
 Lee counterbalanced the greater number of the northern soldiers. 
 
i86i] Cojiditions affecting Union Success 389 
 
 troops usually doubled their wealth in a few months. 
 Although the government paid a high price for uniforms and 
 blankets, many of them were made of " shoddy," which fell 
 to pieces on slight provocation. The army food, of none 
 too good a quality in the days before canned goods were 
 common, was often inferior stuff on which a good profit was 
 m.ade. Yet few wars have been fought on so large a scale, 
 with so little preparation, in which the soldiers were treated 
 better. 
 
 The loss of life from wounds and disease was much Sanitary 
 smaller than in earlier wars, partly because of the efficient Co'^n^ssion 
 service performed by a well-organized body called the 
 Sanitary Commission. The northern troops were much 
 more fortunate than those of the South, among whom 
 anaesthetics and other drugs were rare, because the North 
 insisted that they must be considered contraband of war. 
 
 340. The Navies; The Blockade, — The American navy privateering, 
 was small and scattered in 1861. Only three ships were in 
 northern ports, none in those of the South. Since the South Cambridge 
 realized that it could not get a regular navy, it issued letters Mod. Hist, 
 of marque and reprisal to privateers and allowed these ^ii, 565-567. 
 vessels to prey upon the merchant ships that carried the 
 American flag. As our merchant marine had developed 
 until our ships were found on every ocean this promised to 
 strike a serious blow at the North. 
 
 In retaliation Lincoln proclaimed a blockade of the entire Establishing 
 
 southern coast, between 3000 and 4000 miles long, and a blockade. 
 
 closed his proclamation by declaring that those engaged in 
 
 privateering would be treated as pirates. Vessels were Cambridge 
 
 purchased to maintain the blockade and in a few months ^^f- ^"^■• 
 
 VII, 549-552. 
 there were only a few ports in the South that could be reached 
 
 even by the swift " blockade runners." These steamers 
 
 usually plied between British ports, the Bermudas or Nassau 
 
 in the Bahamas, or Havana, and Jacksonville, Savannah, 
 
 Charleston, and Wilmington. Most of these ports were 
 
 closed completely early in the war and blockade running 
 
 became extremely hazardous. Many engaged in the traffic, 
 
;oo 
 
 Amrn'atm His for)' 
 
 [iS6i 
 
 R:->. 
 
 V, 596-410. 
 
 Recognition 
 (May, iS6i). 
 
 RhcKies>, 
 III, 417-4^3. 
 
 Tb« Trtut 
 (Nov.. iS6i), 
 
 however, because the pro tits were S4.> enormous that two 
 trips would pay for the cxkst of a vescsel. 
 
 The is*.^lation of the South through the blockade was an 
 import;\nt cause if not the chief Oiuse of the Confevieracy's 
 failure. The South had devoted her energies to raising 
 cotton until ** Cotton w;\s King/- Before the wax she 
 believet-i that her a^tton ciop w^as of greater real \-alue than 
 all the pnxiucts of the North. But the South had neN^er 
 been self-sup^v>rting and could not bea^me so. She ne\'er 
 was able to nuike as much powder as she needed and could 
 not procure enough muskets or ainnon. She could raise 
 food for hex people, but failure to sell hex cotton impo\-er- 
 isheii hex rapidly. The Confederate government believed 
 tkil Eun>pe would recognize hex independence because 
 Euro^v needed southern cotK>n, and refused to allow the 
 exporration of cotton before the blockade prevented its 
 exporraiion altogether, but without avail. Although cotton 
 sold for four cents a pound in the South and brought $2.50 
 in Enghnd, e\^n the Lanaishire wea\-eis, half starving from 
 want of w\>rk, deckred against a Confederacy based on 
 sla\-er}-. 
 
 341 . Foreign Relations (^i86i-i865>. — The success of the 
 ContVxieracy de^x^ndexl in large ^\irt on the recognition of hex 
 independence by European nations. This recognition she 
 never gained. In May, iS6i, both Great Britain and France 
 recognizeii the Confederate st:\tes as a belligerent power, 
 with a well-organizeii government and complete militaiy 
 force. The Xorth resented this action, unjusth% because 
 the esmblishment of an e:ctensi\-e bkvkade in April had been 
 an acknowkxigment that the hostilities with the South had 
 reachevi the proportions of a war in which both contestants 
 must W ireatcvi accc^rding to the rules of war. 
 
 In November, 1S61, ^amplications with Great Britain 
 were a\\>ided with difficuky. An Ameria\n wax \-essel. 
 the 5<jii Jjcitti<\ stopped the British mail steamer Trcni on 
 its wi\y fn^m Ha\"ana to Euix>pe and remove^i two cc^mmis- 
 sioners who xs'ere bein? sent to the courts of Great Bntain 
 
i86r] CoNiiitious affect ipt(^ I'nioti Success 391 
 
 and France by the Confodcrato govcrnniont. The Nt>rth Foster, Amfi\ 
 applauded this act, but the KuL^lish i^overnnient anil iieoi>le ^^'/^'""''O'. 
 were very indignant. When a tlemand was made lor tlie 
 surrender of the commissioners, they were released because 
 their seizure had been irregular. Secretary Seward stated 
 that we complied cheerfully with the request for the sur- 
 render of the commissioners, for we had contended many 
 years against the principle of the " right of search." 
 
 The majority of the olTicials and people of Great Britain Attempts 
 undoubtedlv sympathized with the aristocratic South and to gain rooog- 
 
 ,' ' , -11 • 1 T • 1 1 nition of 
 
 might not have been unwillmg to see the I nion broken up. ^,,^,j^p,.„ 
 
 As the prime minister said to a northern man, " We do not indcpondonco. 
 
 like slavery, but we want cotton and we dislike very much 
 
 your Morrill taritY." Although recognition of the Con- Foster, -■////<•/•. 
 
 federacy was desired by both Great Britain and France, i^ipioma.y, 
 
 they hesitated to take that action, (1) because Russia, ^''^"^ ^' 
 
 still smarting under the defeats of the Crimean war, ojUMily 
 
 took the side of the Union and sent a tleet to New Yc^-k ^|^'^'"^^'"- 
 
 Appeal to 
 
 harbor, (2) because the government at Washington made it ,^rwj, 306-322, 
 
 clear that if the independence of the South were recognized, 
 
 our ministers would be withdrawn, and (3) because southern 
 
 invasions of the North were always checked easily and 
 
 quickly. Much of the credit for preventing the recognition 
 
 of tJie Confederacy and the fitting out of privateers and other 
 
 war vessels in European ports belongs to our ministers 
 
 abroad, especially Charles Francis Adams, who represented 
 
 us at tlic Court of St. James. 
 
 342. Bonds and a National Banking System. — ^loney is Government 
 called appropriately the chief of the sinews of war, since more ^'^'^"^• 
 wars have failed because of lack of money than for any other 
 one reason. The situation of the national government Dewey, Fman. 
 
 ^ - ,. , • rr^i^ 1-x e cia! Hist., 
 
 m the sprmg ot iS^i did not excite envy. The credit of ^^120,130, 
 the government had been declining during the hard times 132, 136. 
 succeeding 1S57 and was almost destroyed in the fall of 
 i860, when many feared that the Union might be dissolved. 
 Nevertheless the need of money induced Congress in the 
 summer of 1S61 to vote a loan of $250,000,000 at seven per 
 
39^ 
 
 American History 
 
 [iS6i 
 
 cent, with some taxes to pay the interest. This loan could 
 never have been tloated but for the loyalty of the banks in 
 the larger northern cities, which dispc-)sed of large numbers 
 of bonds. But in December, iS6i, the Ixinks were obliged 
 to suspend specie payments, and regular business throughout 
 the rest of the war was done witli piii^>er, or with gold at a 
 premium. In February, 1S62, a second loan was voteti, tliis 
 time the enormous ^um of $5oo,ooo,cx50. Otlier loans were 
 authorized later, as the go\ernment's need of money in- 
 
 creaseti constantly; but 
 it was not easy to sell the 
 bonds even on the ad\*an- 
 tageous terms at which 
 they were offered. 
 
 In order to panide a 
 new market for the bonds 
 and have a national bank 
 currency which would re- 
 place that of the states, 
 a National Banking Act 
 wa s 1^x1 ssed in i S63 . This 
 provided that persons 
 might organize national 
 bi\nks which could issue notes to ninety per cent of the 
 value of United States bonds that they held. L;\ter the 
 state bank notes were forced out of circulation by a tax 
 of ten per cent on their issues, so that most of these state 
 banks were converted into national Ixinks. 
 
 343. Greenbacks and Taxes. — Early in the war the 
 government had begun to levy new kinds of taxes, but in 
 Februar}', 1S62, it supplemented the bonds and taxes by 
 Dew-ey, FinM- issuing treasury notes which did not l>ear interest. Many 
 pet^ple denietl that tlie government had the right to issue 
 bills on the credit of the United States, but the needs of 
 the time overrulevi all scruples and the notes were issued, 
 tirst to the amount of $150,000,000, later to three times 
 that sum. They were called popularly *' greenbacks,'* 
 
 National 
 Rmking act. 
 
 Dewey, FiM<if$- 
 
 ^S^ 13S. 139. 
 
 Issues of 
 greenbacJiS. 
 
 
1 862] Conditions affecting Union Success 393 
 
 and became the ordinary niediuni of exchange. Heing 
 issued in large quantities, they depreciated naturally. At one 
 time $1 in gold was equivalent to $2.85 in paper, lie- 
 cause of this cheap and abundant money high prices pre- 
 vailed, and a great deal of business was done. Wages were 
 higher, but as they did not increase in the same proportion 
 as the cost of living, a large part of this " forced loan " was 
 paid really by those working by the day, week, or month. 
 
 Three kinds of taxes were used to gain the money neces- Three kinds 
 sary to pay the interest on the national debt and maintain of taxes, 
 the credit of the government: (i) The tariff, which in 1861 
 had been made protective in character. The rates were ^7^-y: ^''"'"'■ 
 
 . c ml Hist., 
 
 increased considerably in 1862 and much more m 1864 to ^^ 127-129. 
 gain revenue and to protect from foreign competition the 
 industries which were now obliged to pay national taxes. 
 (2) Manufacturing taxes. Part of these were levied on 
 distilled or fermented liquors and tobacco, this tax having 
 been retained to the present. Taxes were levied on almost 
 everything manufactured in the United States from a toy to 
 a locomotive. Often an article would be taxed several times 
 in the process of manufacture. The tax was as nearly uni- 
 versal as it could be made. Even these heavy taxes did 
 not interfere with the industry of the North, for manufacturing 
 developed continually during the war. (3) Personal taxes, 
 which were levied on all incomes except the very lowest. 
 The rate during the last of the war was five per cent on all 
 incomes between $600 and $5000 and ten per cent on all 
 above $5000, those under $600 being exempt. These in- 
 come taxes were paid cheerfully until peace came, when it 
 was found that taxes of tliat nature were very objectionable. 
 
 344. Southern Finances and Government. — When the Loans and 
 South sought to obtain money for carrying on the war, the "^'^^^^^ money. 
 baleful influence of slavery was very noticeable. As the 
 section had no industries and few strong banks, she did not Rhodes, 
 
 ^ , - United states, 
 
 possess the resources for raismg revenue or the means tor y^ 344-351. 
 floating her loans. Since the blockade cut off foreign trade, 
 no duties could be collected on imports or from the export 
 
394 
 
 Avicricaii History 
 
 [1862 
 
 Cambridge 
 Mod. Hist., 
 610-619. 
 
 Arbitrary 
 government 
 in the South. 
 
 Cambridge 
 Mod. Hist., 
 607-610. 
 
 Rhodes, 
 United States, 
 V, 43 1, 453-458, 
 470-475- 
 
 Some of the 
 dangers. 
 
 of cotton. The states were too poor to pay heavy taxes of 
 any other kind, so that the government depended on the sale 
 of bonds and the issue of paper money. The earliest bonds 
 were sold for cash, but as the money was expended abroad 
 for military supplies, there was little gold or silver left in the 
 Confederacy. A few bonds were sold later abroad, but most 
 of them were exchanged for food, and netted the government 
 very little. Paper money was issued in large quantities, 
 depreciating rapidly of course in value. Probably the face 
 value of all the notes aggregated more than $1,000,000,000, 
 besides the issues of the state governments and the banks. 
 Prices rose to enormous figures, even the gold value of every- 
 thing, including cotton, being higher than before the war. 
 A barrel of flour sold in Richmond during the last year of 
 the war for $20 in gold or $1000 in paper. ^ 
 
 As might be expected, the southern jealousy for state 
 rights interfered considerably with the exercise of dictatorial 
 power by the government at Richmond. Yet the neces- 
 sities of war forced President Davis and the Confederate 
 Congress to use arbitrary means to gain men or money. 
 Attempts were made to regulate prices, needed supplies 
 were seized, the army was recruited by means of forced 
 drafts, and the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus was 
 suspended, although less extensively than at the North. In 
 fact, as President Woodrow Wilson says, " everything gave 
 way, even law itself, before the inexorable exigencies of war.'* 
 
 345. Critical Situation at the North. — The material ad- 
 vantages possessed by the Union over the Confederacy are 
 clearly apparent now, and were understood in part at that 
 time, but the result was by no means certain for at least two 
 years. Had the North been less united than it was, history 
 might give us a very different story. The government at 
 Washington felt it necessary to use every means in its power 
 to preserve the Union, even if that involved the sacrifice of 
 personal rights and compelled officials to disregard the 
 
 * An ordinary dinner for nine persons, in January, 1865, cost $631.50. 
 Rhodes, United States, V, 249. 
 
1 862] Conditiofts affecting Unio7i Success 395 
 
 Constitution. Fortunately the people realized the danger to 
 the Union and gave the chief executive their hearty support. 
 It is remarkable that there was so little opposition to the 
 great extension of the president's war power. A few in- 
 stances will suffice to show how the president became 
 almost a dictator. 
 
 At the very beginning of the war President Lincoln sus- Presidential 
 pended the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus around tiictatorship. 
 Washington and in some of the border states. When the 
 Supreme Court protested on the ground that Congress alone Lamed (ed.), 
 could suspend the writ, he ignored the order of the court to re- '^^ -^ ^' 
 
 . ' o 3447-3448. 
 
 lease persons imprisoned and Congress practically supported 3496-3498. 
 his action. Later the writ was suspended throughout the 
 North and many who opposed the work of the government Johnston, 
 were imprisoned. The draft was used less at the North than Am. Poi. Hist, 
 at the South, but both governments took engines and cars ^^' 394-405- 
 on the railways when the need arose. There was a partial 
 censorship of the telegraph at the North, and an edition of Hosmer, 
 two New York newspapers was confiscated because they ^-^^y y^^^ 
 published news which the government wished to keep secret. Chapter i. 
 The national government attempted at first to treat the south- 
 erners as rebels and wished to confiscate their property, but Dunning, 
 in the end treated them as belligerents. Much the most ^""'^ ^''''' """^ 
 
 Reconstruction, 
 
 conspicuous mstance of dictatorial power, however, was the chapter I. 
 freeing of the slaves of those engaged in war against the 
 United States by Lincoln in the Emancipation Proclamation, 
 which he issued by virtue of his position as commander in 
 chief. 
 
 346. Summary. — After the Dred Scott opinion had The critical 
 opened all of the territories to slavery, there was little chance P^^'^*^ 
 of avoiding a conflict between the sections, because neither 
 would yield. A strong executive might have prevented or 
 postponed the secession movement. Buchanan did neither. 
 When the split in the Democratic party (i860) permitted the 
 Republicans to elect Lincoln, South CaroHna seceded and 
 six other cotton states foUov/ed within six weeks. Buchanan 
 did nothing until forced by public opinion to reorganize 
 
the conflict 
 (1861). 
 
 396 American History [1862 
 
 his cabinet. The senators and representatives tried to find 
 some common ground for compromise, the poHtical leaders 
 from Virginia and Kentucky taking the initiative in pro- 
 posing pla-os for conciHation, but without result. 
 Beginning of A month after Lincoln became president, the fall of Sumter 
 
 began the war, which, it was thought at first, would last 
 but a few months. Preparations were made for the conflict 
 on a small scale, but the chief contest was over the border 
 states, the lower tier of which joined the Confederacy, while 
 the northern border states were persuaded finally to remain 
 in the Union. The battle of Bull Run showed that the 
 struggle was to be one of large proportions. Both sides 
 then began to prepare in earnest. The North had the 
 advantage of very much greater numbers and industrial 
 and natural resources. It had money that was available 
 for carrying on the war. Its navy was able to cut off the 
 Confederacy from the supplies that were indispensable to the 
 South. The South used her men and resources much more 
 freely than the North found necessary. She had several 
 able commanders and possessed the advantage of fighting 
 on her own soil, being able thus to transport her troops from 
 point to point with comparative ease. Her limited re- 
 sources and inability to supply herself with necessaries made 
 it impossible to compete with the North on equal terms. 
 Foreign nations refrained from recognizing the independence 
 of the Confederacy, and the conquest of her territory be- 
 came only a question of time. 
 
 TOPICS 
 
 1. John Brown's Raid: Burgess, "Civil Wax and Constitu- 
 tion," I, pp. 34-44; Von Hoist, "United States," VII, pp. 18-59; 
 Rhodes, "United States since 1850," II, pp. 383-416; Redpath, 
 "Captain John Brown," pp. 229-407. 
 
 2. Election OF i860: McClure, "Our Presidents," pp. 154-182; 
 Stanwood, "History of the Presidency," Chapter XXI; Stephens, 
 "War between the States," II, Colloquy 18; Blaine, "Twenty Years 
 of Congress," I, pp. 157-172; Rhodes, "United States since 1850," 
 II, pp. 440-502. 
 
i86i] Disunion aiid Civil War 397 
 
 3. Contrast between the Slave and Free States : Wright, 
 " Industrial Evolution of the United States," Chapter XII; Helper, 
 "Impending Crisis," Chapters V, VIII, Hart, "Practical Essays 
 on American Government," No. XI; Sites and Keener, "Growth 
 of the Nation" (N. America, Vol. XIII), Chapter VI; Brown, 
 ** Lower South in Amer. Hist.," pp. 155-190. 
 
 4. England and the United States during the War: 
 Foster, "Century of American Diplomacy," pp. 365-400; Adams, 
 "Charles Francis Adams," Chapters ' IX, XII, XIII, XV, 
 XVII; Rhodes, "United States since 1850," IV, pp. 76-95,337- 
 394. 
 
 STUDIES 
 
 1. Lincoln's Freeport speech. (Johnston (ed.), "American 
 Eloquence," III, pp. 184-194.) 
 
 2. Comparison of Davis, Lincoln, and Douglas. (Burgess, 
 "Civil War and Reconstruction," I, pp. 1-27.) 
 
 3. Jefferson Davis. (Trent, "Southern Statesmen of the Old 
 Regime," pp. 257-293.) 
 
 4. Seward during March and April, 1861. (Lothrop, "William 
 H. Seward," pp. 246-291.) 
 
 5. Reasons for the secession of the Southern States. 
 
 6. Formation of the southern Confederacy. (Davis, "Rise and 
 Fall of the Confederate States," I, pp. 229-242.) 
 
 7. Stephen's "Corner Stone" speech. (Johnston (ed.), "Ameri- 
 can Eloquence," IV, pp. 39-50.) 
 
 8. Washington on the eve of the Civil War. (" Battles and Leaders 
 of the Civil War," I, 7-25.) 
 
 9. The secession movement in Missouri. (Carr, "Missouri,'* 
 pp. 267-323.) 
 
 10. Enlisting in the army. ("Battles and Leaders," I, pp. 149- 
 
 I59-) 
 
 11. The Sanitary Commission. (Johnson, "War of Secession," 
 
 PP- 351-358.) 
 
 12. Running the blockade. (Soley, " Blockade and the Cruisers," 
 pp. 153-167-) 
 
 13. English sentiment for the South. (Rhodes, "United States," 
 IV, pp. 76-95.) 
 
 14. Preventing England from recognizing independence of the 
 Confederacy. (Adams, "Charles Francis Adams," pp. 278-290.) 
 
 15. Debate of the issuance of greenbacks. (Blaine, "Twenty 
 Years of Congress," I, pp. 409-429.) 
 
 16. Civil government of the southern states. (Garret and Hud- 
 ley, "Civil War from Southern Standpoint" ("North America,'* 
 
 .XIV), pp. 485-506.) 
 
398 American His toy 
 
 QUESTIONS 
 
 1. As far as possible trace the development of the radical move- 
 ment at the North and at the South. In which section did the radicals 
 gain control first ? 
 
 2. What were the questions that Lincoln asked Douglas? How- 
 did Douglas answer those that were most important ? How did his 
 answers affect his later political career? 
 
 3. What is secession? Distinguish from nullification. Why is 
 the Constitution silent on the subject ? Could anything but slavery 
 have caused secession ? Was the election of Lincoln suflBcient reason 
 for secession? 
 
 4. Compare the Constitution of the United States with that of the 
 Confederacy. In what respects do they differ most ? Were the states 
 sovereign under the Confederacy? Did they enjoy more powers 
 than those in the Union ? 
 
 5. Trace the growth of slavery as {a) an economic institution; 
 (6) a political institution. In what ways had slavery retarded the 
 growth of the South as shown by social conditions, political ideas 
 and customs, lack of material development, etc. ? Show clearly as 
 possible why slavery led to secession. Give the important changes 
 connected with slavery from 1830 to 1861. 
 
 6. Compare the Confederacy with the Union in population, 
 value of property and products, size of army and navy, financial re- 
 sources, and dependence on outside countries for war necessities. 
 
 7. Which war powers were exercised by the president? Were 
 any of these unconstitutional? extra-constitutional? Is there a 
 "higher law than the Constitution"; judged by the events from 
 1850 to 1865; judged by the "presidential dictatorship"? 
 
CHAPTER XVII 
 
 PROSECUTION OF THE WAR (1862-1865) 
 
 President 
 Abraham Lincoln (i 861-1865) 
 
 Spring and Summer of 1862 
 
 347. Theater of War in the West. — The result of the General char- 
 Civil War was decided "by the western campaigns, and the ^^^^^' 
 western campaigns were determined to a great extent by the 
 direction of the great rivers. As the Union forces necessarily Mississippi 
 assumed the offensive, they followed naturally the Mis- 
 sissippi, which crossed the west-central part of the Con- 
 federacy, and the Tennessee, which penetrates the heart of j^-^^ ^^j -^^ 
 the South. Movements along the Mississippi were impeded Geog. Condi- 
 by the shallowness of the river, the many turns, and other ^'^"^^^ 300-308. 
 obstacles to navigation, and the bordering swamps which 
 prevented the successful cooperation of land and naval 
 forces. When the Union forces had gained possession of the 
 entire river and controlled the railroads which connected the 
 states west of the river with those east, the three western 
 states found it difficult to send men and supplies to the armies 
 across the Mississippi. 
 
 The fate of the Confederacy was decided even more in the Territory be- 
 
 territory from the Mississippi to the Alleghany mountains. *^'^^" Missis- 
 , , . . . '1111 1, sippi and the 
 
 Most of this was comparatively level and not very well Aiieghanies 
 settled. The northern part is crossed by the Ohio, which 
 was always in the possession of the Union troops except the g^^ ^^ „ ^ 
 very important points where the Ohio meets the Cumber- conditions, 
 land, the Tennessee, and most of all the Mississippi. Farther 302-308. 
 south the Cumberland crosses northern Tennessee, and the 
 Tennessee River after crossing the state of that name gives 
 
 399 
 
i862] 
 
 Spring and Summer of 1862 
 
 401 
 
 entrance to northern Mississippi and northern Alabama. 
 Railways ran in 1862 from the junction of the Mississippi 
 and the Ohio to New Orleans and Mobile. East and west 
 railways extended from Memphis to Chattanooga and 
 Charleston, and from beyond Vicksburg to Atlanta, Savan- 
 nah, and Charleston. 
 
 The most important points for the attacking Union force Strategic points 
 
 in the West. 
 
 to gain were Cairo and Paducah on the line of the Ohio; 
 Memphis, Corinth, and Chattanooga along the southern 
 boundary of Tennessee; New Orleans and Vicksburg on 
 the lower Mississippi, and the railway center, Atlanta, in 
 north-central Georgia, on the border line between the west 
 and the east. The location of these places should be noted 
 carefully and the maps should be used constantly to ascer- 
 tain the general routes of the Union forces, 
 
 348 Grant's Campaign in the West (to February, 1862). Seizure of the 
 — When the Confederates seized and fortified the bluff at ^^^^^f"^^ 
 Columbus, Kentucky (September, 1861), General Grant, who Grant, 
 had already occupied Cairo, took Paducah also and thus 
 
402 
 
 Americaii History 
 
 [1862 
 
 Rhodes, 
 United States, 
 III, 594-598. 
 
 Hosmer, Ap- 
 peal to Arms, 
 84-90, 
 
 Capture of the 
 first Confeder- 
 ate line. 
 
 Dodge, 
 
 Civil War, 
 25-28. 
 
 Fiske, Miss. 
 Valley, 52-66. 
 
 gained possession of the entire line of the Ohio. Ulysses 
 S. Grant was a West Point graduate who had done excellent 
 service under both Taylor and Scott during the Mexican War. 
 Before 1861 he had been engaged in business without very 
 great success near St. Louis and later at Galena, Illinois. 
 A man of few words, in all his campaigns he acted with a 
 
 promptness and 
 carried his plans 
 to completion with 
 a determination 
 that brought re- 
 sults. He showed 
 good judgment in 
 the selection of his 
 immediate subor- 
 dinates, but was 
 often imposed 
 upon by men 
 whose motives he 
 believed to be as 
 pure as his own. 
 The next for- 
 ward movement 
 of the army was 
 to capture Colum- 
 bus, Island No. 10, and forts Henry and Donelson, so as 
 to open the Mississippi, the Tennessee, and the Cumber- 
 land by taking the first line of forts. Farther east the Con- 
 federates were driven out of Kentucky by Thomas.^ Fort 
 Henry was captured by Admiral Foote and his fleet of gun- 
 boats, the garrison withdrawing to Donelson, which was 
 much stronger. A combined land and water attack was 
 made on Donelson, during which Grant demanded the 
 " unconditional surrender " of the fort. On February 16 
 Grant won his first great \dctory by capturing Donelson, 
 with its garrison of nearly fifteen thousand men. His 
 
 1 Battle of Mill Springs, January 19, 1862. 
 
 Ulysses S. Grant 
 
i862] 
 
 Spring and Siinnner of 1862 
 
 403 
 
 chief difficulties had been due to the undisciplined char- 
 acter of his troops, the strength of the fortifications, and 
 the severity of the weather. The capture of Donelson left 
 the way open to Nashville and compelled the Confederates 
 to withdraw from Columbus. 
 
 349. Completion of the Western Tennessee Campaign. — 
 Grant's successes on the Tennessee and the Cumberland 
 
 Battle of Shiloh 
 (April, 1862). 
 
 HoUj 
 
 / A L A K A M A \ 
 
 I B0RMAy,1J^■'^ 
 
 WESTERN KENTUCKY AND TENNESSEE 
 
 of Secession, 
 132-145- 
 
 Rivers were followed by Pope's capture of Island No. 10 after Dodge, Civil 
 an energetic campaign, March, 1862. Grant had at once ^^^' 4^-48. 
 advanced to Pittsburg Landing on the Tennessee River, the 
 nearest point for an attack upon Corinth, which was at the Johnson, ]A/aT 
 Junction of the north and south railway with that from 
 Memphis to Chattanooga. At this point he waited for 
 reinforcements to arrive from Nashville. His divisions were „ ^ . , 
 
 Battles and 
 
 badly scattered and the army in no condition for advance or Leaders, 
 defense. Less than thirty miles away was a Confederate 1,465-486. 
 army nearly as large as Grant's under Albert Sidney John- 
 ston, one of the most experienced officers of the old regular 
 army and at that time considered the ablest military leader 
 
404 
 
 American History 
 
 [1862 
 
 Capture of 
 Corinth and 
 Memphis. 
 
 Lamed (ed.), 
 Ready Re/., 
 3461-3469. 
 
 Fiske. Miss. 
 
 r.z//o', 133-137. 
 
 Plan of cam- 
 paign, 1862. 
 Progress of 
 the blockade. 
 
 Dodge, Civil 
 I far, 33-39. 
 
 Johnson, War 
 
 of Secession, 
 90-98. 
 
 on either side. Suddenly before daybreak, April 6, the Con- 
 federates attacked the advanced brigades of Grant's scattered 
 force near Shiloh church. Several thousand prisoners were 
 taken and the Union troops were driven back in the attempt 
 to get between them and the river. That the Union army was 
 not destroyed at the outset was due largely to the courage of 
 the soldiers, and the skill and determination of William T. 
 Sherman, for Grant was absent and at least ten thousand of 
 his soldiers could not report for duty on the field of battle. 
 The death of Johnston and the stubbornness of the Union 
 defense saved Grant's army that day, and the arrival of 
 Buell's army from Nashville and other troops so strengthened 
 Grant that he overpowered the Confederates the next day, 
 although he did not follow up his victory. 
 
 General Halleck, who had charge of all western armies, 
 now took command of all the troops at Shiloh and advanced 
 against Corinth. With his greatly superior force he pressed 
 back the Confederates, who abandoned this strategic point 
 without a battle. After he had gained possession of the east 
 and west railway at Corinth and at points east, Memphis 
 surrendered to Admiral Foote, who had defeated the Con- 
 federate fleet on the Mississippi. 
 
 350. New Orleans (1862). — The advance of the Union 
 armies from the north along the Tennessee and the ^lissis- 
 sippi was but part of a much larger plan which included not 
 only the opening of the Mississippi by attacking New Orleans 
 also, but the advance upon Richmond and the capture of 
 important places on the Atlantic or Gulf coasts which could 
 be made the bases of operation for the fleets or blockading 
 squadrons. The United States navy had already gained a 
 foothold on the islands off the coast of North Carolina. A 
 Union fleet had captured Port Royal and had gained control 
 of most of the inlets between Charleston and Savannah. In 
 this way the blockade of those ports and a few others on the 
 south Atlantic coast was made very effective. The capture 
 of New Orleans was desired not simply because it was on the 
 Mississippi, but because its nearness to the cotton belt made 
 
1 862] Spring and Summer of 1862 405 
 
 it easy to ship that staple from the city. On account of the 
 three mouths of the Mississippi it was very difficult to main- 
 tain an effective blockade. 
 
 The naval expedition against New Orleans was intrusted Capture of 
 to Admiral Farragut, a southerner of the greatest ability, ^^^ Orleans, 
 who remained loyal to the Union. With a large fleet of 
 wooden vessels, and mortar boats under Admiral Porter, Lamed (ed.), 
 Farragut attacked the forts on opposite banks of the river, ^^'l^ ^'^■^" 
 which constituted the chief defense of the city. After several 
 days' bombardment, the chain across the river which con- 
 
 ... 1 /-. r 1 r, Johnson, War 
 
 nected the forts was cut, the Confederate fleet was over- of Secession, 
 
 powered, and the Union vessels ran past the forts. The city 111-126. 
 surrendered at once, April 25, and the forts held out only 
 a few days longer. 
 
 351. The Theater of War in Virginia. — In the East the Country be- 
 ad vance of the Union armies was as difficult as it was easy in !^^^^" Wash- 
 
 •' ington and 
 
 the West. From Washington to Richmond is about 100 Richmond. 
 
 miles as the crow flies, but the country is as hard to traverse 
 
 as 500 miles along the Mississippi or the Tennessee. Below sempie, Geog. 
 
 the Potomac three rivers cross eastern Virginia, flowing in a Conditions, 
 
 southeasterly direction. Farthest north is the Rappahan- ^ 9-293- 
 
 nock, which, at Fredericksburg, is but ten miles from the 
 
 lower end of the great bend of the Potomac. South of this 
 
 is the York, and still farther south the James River, with 
 
 Richmond located at the first series of falls over 100 miles 
 
 from Chesapeake Bay. Between these rivers the country was 
 
 wild and almost impassable. Near the coast were swamps, 
 
 farther inland hills, and everywhere forests. Roads were 
 
 few, although in 1862 there was a railway from the Potomac 
 
 above Fredericksburg to Richmond and other southern 
 
 cities, besides the railway running through Manassas to 
 
 Lynchburg and Chattanooga. 
 
 To these physical difficulties encountered in an advance on Defence of 
 Richmond, there was added the problem of defending Wash- Washington 
 
 ^ 1 . 1 r 1 -r^ 1 , . ^"d Shenan- 
 
 mgton. On the side of the Potomac there was nothmg to ^^^^^ v2X\&y. 
 fear so long as the Union side had fleets and the Confederates 
 had none. The great danger arose from the Shenandoah 
 
4o6 
 
 Amei'ican History 
 
 [1862 
 
 Semple, Geog. 
 
 Conditions, 
 
 293-300. 
 
 valley. Harper's Ferry, at the confluence of the Shenan- 
 doah and the Potomac, is but thirty miles west of Washington 
 and twenty miles north, so that a force crossing the Potomac 
 at this point could threaten Washington from the rear. The 
 upper part of this fertile valley, sometimes called the " gran- 
 
 THEATRE OF WAR IN VIRGINIA 
 
 ary of the Confederacy," is divided into two parts, a range of 
 hills separating the valley of Cedar creek from that of the 
 upper Shenandoah. A retreating army could withdraw 
 up one of these valleys, cross into the other, and either escape 
 into central Virginia through the many passes of the Blue 
 Ridge or get between Washington and the Union force that 
 had been following them. Because of the geography of 
 northern Virginia a single Confederate army, if it pos- 
 
1 862] Spring and Summer of 1862 407 
 
 sessed a fairly large body of cavalry or rapid-moving troops, 
 might compel the Union commanders to keep one army 
 south of Washington to prevent a direct attack on that city 
 and might at the same time threaten and keep engaged an 
 equally large Union force in the Shenandoah valley. 
 
 352. Monitor and Merrimac. — Because of the difficulty The 
 
 of crossing eastern Virginia, it was decided early in 1862 to ^^*'^^^^<^^- 
 attack Richmond by transporting the troops to the penin- 
 sula formed by the Tames and York rivers. This plan was ^^^^^ "^" 
 
 . Leaders, 
 
 no sooner adopted than its execution was endangered by the i, 692-701. 
 arrival in the lower Chesapeake of a powerful Confederate 
 ironclad, the VirHnia or Merrimac, which threatened to ^ , 
 
 ' "^ ' Johnson, War 
 
 destroy the Union vessels in those waters and all fleets sent 0/ Secession, 
 to that quarter. This ironclad had been constructed from 127-131. 
 the hulk of a Union vessel, the Merrimac, which had been 
 sunk in Norfolk navy yard, when Norfolk with its many R'lodes, 
 sunken vessels and fine guns had been abandoned hastily jjj ^qq_^[ ' 
 the preceding April. The new Merrimac, with its coat of 
 heavy armor, attacked first the wooden ships at Hampton 
 Roads. On March 8, 1862, she destroyed the Cumber- 
 land and the Congress and drove the Minnesota ashore. 
 Alarm spread throughout the North, due to the fear that she 
 might attack Washington or the shipping in New York 
 harbor or even bombard the commercial metropolis. 
 
 That night the ironclad Monitor arrived at Hampton First contest 
 Roads. It had been designed by John Ericsson, a native of between 
 Sweden, the chief inventor of the screw propeller for steam 
 navigation. It had been constructed at New York in three 
 months for just this emergency. For two hours on the morn- j^g^derT 
 ing of March 8 these two ironclad vessels fought each i, 701-711. 
 other at close range, until the Merrimac withdrew, not dis- 
 abled but baffled, never again to be used for offensive pur- 
 poses. A new era had dawned in the history of naval 
 warfare, an era of steam and steel replacing the old epoch 
 of canvas and oak. 
 
 353. McClelian's Peninsular Campaign. — The destruction 
 of the Merrimac made it possible to carry out McClelian's 
 
4o8 
 
 American History 
 
 [1862 
 
 Situation in 
 Virginia 
 (April, 1862) . 
 
 Wood- 
 Edmonds, 
 Civil War, 
 42-53- 
 
 Hosmer, Ap- 
 peal to Arms, 
 125-132, 
 138-153- 
 
 Battles on the 
 peninsula 
 
 Cajii bridge 
 Mod. Hist., 
 VII, 474-479 
 
 Dodge, 
 Civil War, 
 52-68. 
 
 Hosmer, Ap- 
 peal to Anns, 
 
 132-137. 
 154-166. 
 
 plan of an advance upon Richmond from the east. Since 
 the beginning of the war the motto of the New York Trib- 
 une had been echoed throughout the North, *' On to Rich- 
 mond," to which there came always the same reply, " All 
 quiet on the Potomac." Everywhere the question was 
 asked, "Why doesn't McClellan move?" At last this slow 
 organizer of armies was ready, but delay was caused by 
 friction with the President, who was fearful that Washington 
 
 might be captured and 
 wished a large part of 
 the army of the Potomac 
 to be left for its defense. 
 McClellan demurred, 
 especially when Mc- 
 Dowell's army was de- 
 tached from his force. 
 But the danger to 
 Washington seemed 
 real to the politicians, 
 for, in the Shenandoah 
 valley, *' Stonewall " 
 Jackson and his light 
 infantry defeated three armies containing nearly three times 
 as many men as his own and finally withdrew almost 
 unharmed to aid in the defense of Richmond. 
 
 McClellan felt crippled by the loss of these troops, but he 
 still outnumbered his opponents, at first two to one. But 
 McClellan always overestimated the size of the Confederate 
 forces and never realized the value of rapid movements. He 
 lost nearly a month besieging Yorktown, defended by wooden 
 guns, and, compared with his own army, a handful of troops, 
 who withdrew as soon as he was ready to attack. In a 
 rather swampy region, in mud that made rapid marching 
 impossible, he finally penetrated to within five miles of 
 Richmond, drove back the Confederates, wounding the 
 commanding general, J. E. Johnston, and waited for rein- 
 forcements. Every day saw the defense of Richmond 
 
 PENINSULAR CAMPAIGN 
 
i862] 
 
 Spring and Siivirner of 1862 
 
 409 
 
 stronger and the Confederate army larger. At length, the 
 last week of June, General Robert E. Lee,^ who was now in 
 command, attacked the scattered line of the northern army. 
 With vigorous blows 
 he attacked the Union 
 right so as to cut Mc- 
 Clellan's line of com- 
 munications with the 
 York River. McClel- 
 lan easily changed his 
 base of operations to 
 the James River and 
 withdrew to Harri- 
 son's landing. For 
 seven days Lee at- 
 tacked, in many 
 cases his entire army 
 being pitted against 
 a part of McClellan's 
 detached forces. Mc- 
 
 Clellan showed him- ^^^^^^ ^ Lee 
 
 self skillful in con- 
 ducting his retreat, but failed to take advantage of several 
 opportunities to march on Richmond or to destroy parts of 
 Lee's army which were in perilous positions. Nothing had 
 been accomplished, but the North had discovered the great 
 difficulties of capturing the Confederate capital. 
 
 1 Lee was a Virginian who resigned from the United States army when 
 his state seceded, A West Point graduate, he had served with distinction 
 as chief of engineers in the Mexican War and had been superintendent 
 of the academy at West Point for several years. His action in withdrawing 
 from the Union army has been the subject of extended discussion, but was 
 caused by his belief that his allegiance was due to his own state. In west- 
 ern Virginia he did not distinguish himself, but, as he gained more experi- 
 ence, his real military ability became evident. Beloved and respected by 
 his men, he made the army of northern Virginia one of the finest bodies 
 of soldiers in modern times. Probably no man in America during this 
 period, except the great president of the Union, so won the hearts of the 
 people, North and South, as did " Uncle Robert." 
 
4IO 
 
 American History 
 
 [1862 
 
 Lee's first 
 invasion of the 
 North, 
 
 Cambridge 
 Mod. Hist., 
 480-483. 
 
 Johnson, War 
 of Secession, 
 173-183- 
 
 The Middle Period of the War (August, 1862- 
 
 JUNE, 1863) 
 
 354. The Fall of 1862. — General Halleck had now been 
 transferred to the command of all the Union armies. He 
 
 ordered McClellan to with- 
 draw from the peninsula and 
 placed Pope in charge of the 
 forces before Washington. Lee 
 immediately assumed the of- 
 fensive, and proceeded north 
 rapidly from Richmond. Be- 
 foreMcClellan could joinPope, 
 Jackson had gained the rear of 
 the army at Bull Run and Lee 
 attacked in front. Blunder 
 followed blunder, and Lee had 
 httle difficulty in winning from 
 
 GEORGE B. MCCLELLAN ^ ^^P^^i^^ ^^^^^ ^^^ ^.^^^^^ 
 
 battle of Bull Run. This vic- 
 tory removed all possible danger of renewed campaigns 
 against Richmond. 
 The time seemed propitious for an invasion of the North. 
 
 Antietam Bridge 
 
 Antietam and 
 Fredericks- 
 burg. 
 
 Maryland had been interested in the Confederacy and there 
 was hope still that she might be detached from the Union, 
 while a successful campaign north of the Potomac would give 
 
i862] The Middle Period of the War 411 
 
 the Confederacy prestige abroad which it had not yet been Dodge, 
 
 able to gain. The Union army, again under McClellan, met ^^'"''^ ^^^' 
 
 . J -^ ■ ' 102-115. 
 
 Lee at Antietam creek. The battle was a Union victory, 
 
 although Lee with an inferior force outgeneraled his oppo- 
 
 ,.,,....? . , . Battles and 
 
 nent. Lee recrossed mto Virgmia without pursuit being headers 
 organized. Burnside was now placed in command of the ll, 663-674. 
 army of the Potomac, against his own wishes, and in Decem- 
 ber attacked Lee's fortified position at Fredericksburg on 
 the Rappahannock. The result of a direct assault was to 
 have been expected, but the days following this sickening 
 Union defeat were the darkest of the whole war. 
 
 While Lee was leaving McClellan on the Peninsula and Bragg's inva- 
 marching north, Bragg withdrew part of the Confederate ^'°" °^ 
 army from before CorintTi. Then Bragg assumed an even " "^ ^' 
 bolder course than Lee. While the latter was invading Mary- ^^^^^ qi^h 
 land, Bragg dashed past Buell into Kentucky with the hope War, 82-88. 
 of seizing Louisville and perhaps Cincinnati and completing 
 the panic which would be caused by a successful invasion Rhodes, 
 in the East. Buell reached Louisville first and a few weeks jy lyo-isi 
 later drove Bragg from Kentucky by defeating him at Perry- 
 ville. The last day of the year 1862 these armies came Battles and 
 together again at Stone River, and battled this time for the ^^^'^^^^^ 
 control of central Tennessee. After two days' severe fight- 
 ing the Union force was left in control of the field. 
 
 355. Events Leading to Emancipation. — On January Problem of 
 I, 1863, President Lincoln issued his famous Emancipation negro fugitives. 
 Proclamation. The policy of emancipation had been de- 
 veloped slowly, for since the beginning of the war the gov- Cambridge 
 ernment had been troubled by the problem 01 the negroes, yj'^j 'r^'^^^^ 
 Lincoln had disclaimed from the time of his inauguration 
 that the war was waged to free the slaves, although many 
 people at the North were more interested in the abolition of 
 slavery than in any other national question, and most of the 
 people in Europe believed that the war was essentially a 
 struggle to preserve or destroy slavery. General Butler at 
 Fort Monroe had suggested the best plan for dealing with the 
 negroes who flocked to his camp. He declared that they 
 
412 
 
 A mencau History 
 
 [1S62 
 
 Emancipation 
 before July, 
 1862. 
 
 Cambridge, 
 Mod. Hist., 
 ¥11,582.587. 
 
 Rhodes, 
 
 I 'nited States, 
 
 IV. 60-66. 
 
 Lamed (ed.). 
 Ready Ref., 
 
 V. 3453. 3402, 
 
 3464. 3473- 
 
 Hosmer, Ap- 
 peal to Arms, 
 201-212. 
 
 Lincoln's 
 views on 
 emancipation. 
 
 Cambridge 
 Mod. Hist., 
 
 585-591- 
 
 Rhodes, 
 United States, 
 IV. 66-76. 
 
 were an aid to the enemy in carrying on the conflict, and 
 should be treated as " contraband of war." Colored fugi- 
 tives were known afterward as '' contrabands." 
 
 In August, 1861, Congress passed a confiscation act freeing 
 the slaves who aided the Confederates. Two of the Union 
 commanders, Fremont in Missouri (1861) and Hunter in 
 South Carolina and Georgia, applied this by declaring free 
 all slaves in their districts. Their acts were overruled by 
 Lincoln who claimed and exercised the right to deal with the 
 slaves in the seceeiing states. Lincoln used his influence to 
 persuade Congress to vote money for the compensation of 
 slave owners in the loyal border states and tried to have those 
 states agree to compensated emancipation, but the con- 
 servatives in Congress and in these states defeated the plan. 
 Lincoln's purpose was chiefly to attach these states ir- 
 revocably to the Union by breaking the only bond that 
 might exist between them and the Confederate states. 
 Congress did, however, free the slaves in the District of 
 Columbia, paying an average of more than $200 each to 
 their owners. On June 19, 1862, it abolished slavery in the 
 territories without compensation. 
 
 356. Emancipation. — Lincoln was among the first of 
 those in authority to realize the need of emancipating the 
 slaves of those in insurrection against the government. He 
 considered it simply a war measure that would aid the Union 
 cause. On July 22, 1862, he read to his cabinet the first 
 draft of an emancipation proclamation, but the matter was 
 kept secret and postponed because the issuance of the proc- 
 lamation in the midst of the defeats of the armies in Vir- 
 ginia would appear like a call for help to Europeans who 
 dishked slavery. Lincoln's object was showTi clearly when 
 a month later he replied to the unjust criticism of Horace 
 Greeley in the New York Tribune, because the President 
 had not freed the slaves. He wrote, " I would save the 
 Union. I would save it in the shortest way under the Con- 
 stitution. . . . ;My paramount object in this struggle is to 
 save the Union and is not either to save or to destroy slavery. 
 
[863] 
 
 The Middle Period of the War 
 
 413 
 
 If I could save the Union without freeing any slave, I would 
 do it ; and if I could save it by freeing all the slaves, I would 
 doit; and if I could save it by freeing some and leaving 
 others alone, I would also do that." 
 
 Soon after the victory at Antietam in September, 1862, 
 President Lincoln issued his preliminary proclamation, 
 stating that on January i, 1863, he would free the slaves 
 
 Proclamation 
 and results. 
 
 
 
 - w 
 
 A.... X. 
 
 ^^c 
 
 jy.'' 
 
 //,//,<..- //../i.-.,...^ 
 
 Emancipation Proclamation (Closing Page) 
 
 in those states or parts of states that were in insurrection 
 against the United States. This was done by the regular 
 proclamation on New Year's Day. The proclamation did not 
 affect slavery in the loyal parts of the Union, in some of which 
 it was abandoned , however, by state action before the adoption 
 of the thirteenth amendment. It did not abolish the in- 
 stitution of slavery even in the states then actual parts of the 
 Confederacy. It intensified the opposition of the South to 
 the invasion of the Union armies, but it almost destroyed hope 
 of recognition by Europe of a Confederacy based on slavery. 
 It did not affect radically the attitude of the people in the 
 North toward the government's policy, although it met with 
 approval in most of that section. 
 
 MacDonald, 
 Statutes, 
 No. 28. 
 
 Cambridge 
 Mod. Hist., 
 591-597. 
 
 Rhodes, 
 United States, 
 IV, 157-163, 
 212-217. 
 
414 
 
 American History 
 
 [i86: 
 
 Chancellors- 
 ville (May, 
 1863). 
 
 Dodge, 
 Civil War, 
 127-131. 
 
 Battles and 
 Leaders, 
 III, 154-171. 
 
 Invasion of 
 Pennsylvania 
 (June, 1863) . 
 
 Dodge, 
 
 Civil War, 
 127-131= 
 
 Battles and 
 Leaders, 
 III, 244-250. 
 
 357. Chancellorsville ; Lee's Second Invasion. — The 
 
 series of disasters to the army of the Potomac was to be 
 completed at Chancellorsville, May, 1863. "Fighting Joe" 
 Hooker, who had replaced Burnside, sought to get in the rear 
 of Lee's army by making a long detour to the west. He 
 began this movement successfully, but the vigor with which 
 Lee attacked him paralyzed the Union leader and gave Lee 
 an overwhelming victory over an army much larger than 
 
 his own. At Chancellorsville, 
 
 however, Lee lost Jackson, who 
 had been an invaluable help in 
 executing difficult and danger- 
 ous movements whose success 
 depended chiefly upon the 
 rapidity and audacity with 
 which they were made. 
 
 Lee now decided to invade 
 the North a second time, hop- 
 ing that he might seize some 
 of the northern cities and that 
 even if he did not succeed to 
 that extent, he might create 
 a panic throughout the North 
 section to make peace, Lee 
 Hooker's army, separating his 
 timidity of those in authority 
 
 Thomas J. Jackson 
 
 that would compel that 
 marched to the west of 
 divisions so that only the 
 at Washington permitted the completion of this difficult 
 movement. The chief duty of the army of the Potomac, 
 according to the views of the chief commander, was 
 to stand between Lee's sixty or seventy thousand vet- 
 erans and the national capital. Lee was advancing into 
 Pennsylvania when the Union commander was replaced by 
 another. General George Meade, who threatened Lee's com- 
 munications and hurriedly gathered his scattered army to 
 meet the invasion. Lee turned aside from his march into 
 central Pennsylvania in order to meet Meade marching 
 rapidly from Washington. 
 
i863] 
 
 Union Advance 
 
 415 
 
 Union Advance (July, 1863-JuLY, 1864) 
 
 358. Gettysburg. — The two armies came together near July i and: 
 the village of Gettysburg, in southern Pennsylvania. Fight- 
 ing began on July i, only a few divisions being engaged on 
 each side. On July 2, the battle began in earnest, the 
 
 Gettysburg Battlefield 
 (From Little Round Top) 
 
 Union forces having occupied a long ridge which ended in two Dodge, 
 
 detached hills known as Round Top and Little Round Top. <^^'^^'^ ^^''• 
 Across a valley less than a mile wide, the Confederate army 
 
 was intrenched. Other divisions of Lee's force were sta- ^^ 
 
 Hosmer, Ap- 
 tioned so that they might attack the right flank of the Union p^^i to Arms, 
 
 army, and, if successful, get in its rear. The real fighting 287-298. 
 
 of the second day, however, was for the possession of the two 
 
 Round Tops which commanded the entire Union position. 
 
 Had the Confederates gained and held these heights, Meade's 
 
 army must inevitably have retreated. The second day closed 
 
 with the Union line intact. 
 
4i6 
 
 ^rica?i Histor 
 
 [1S63 
 
 July 3- 
 
 Rhodes, 
 
 I 'fitted States, 
 
 IV, 2S6-296. 
 
 Battles and 
 Leaders, 
 III, 369-3S5. 
 
 Difficulties in 
 
 attacking 
 
 Vicksburg. 
 
 Dodge, 
 (7:7/ War, 
 142-147. 
 
 Brigham, 
 Geographic 
 Itijiuences, 
 211-217. 
 
 On the afternoon of the third day began the final struggle 
 in the most spectacular charge of the war. It opened with 
 a tremendous artillery contest, the Confederate fire being 
 concentrated on Cemetery Ridge, the Union center, which 
 Lee desired to seize. When the Union guns ceased fire at 
 length, there appeared from the woods opposite Cemetery 
 hill three long lines of soldiers, the '' best fighters of the 
 Confederacy," who marched across the valley against the 
 
 Union position. Upon them 
 the Union batteries opened 
 with renewed vigor, but they 
 marched on, charged up the 
 hill, even over the embank- 
 ments, their ranks thinned by 
 the terrible fire from cannon 
 and musket. Futile though it 
 was, for the survivors were 
 beaten back easily, this gallant 
 charge marks the high-water 
 mark reached by the Confed- 
 eracy. Never again was an in- 
 vasion of the North attempted, 
 and from this time the fortunes of the Confederacy ebbed 
 steadily, it being a question of time only until the authority 
 of the Union would be reestablished everwhere in the 
 South. 
 
 359. Vicksburg. — The Union victory at Gettysburg on 
 July 3 was accompanied by the capture of \'icksburg on 
 July 4. Because of its location on the Mississippi, the 
 strength of its fortifications, and the difiiculties of maneuver- 
 ing in the country around Mcksburg, this campaign was one 
 of the most important and remarkable of the war. Vicks- 
 burg is located on a high bluff at the outer end of a huge 
 
 1 Fifty years later the survivors of that terrible charge went up Cemeterj' 
 Ridge, where the survivors of the Union force again received them warmly, 
 this time with open arms, with hearty hand clasps, and with friendly em- 
 braces. Could we have any better proof that the United States of America 
 is a real Union ? 
 
 GETTVSBIKG BATTLEHEl.U-LAST DAY 
 
 Vnion forcea c=j Conj'edtraU forc«» •_ 
 
1863] 
 
 Union Advance 
 
 417 
 
 bend of the river so that l)atteries on the bluff comnKUuU'd tlie 
 river for miles in either direction. Attemi)ts were made in 
 1862, and in the spring of 1863, to reach the city from the 
 north, or directly from the west. 
 
 Grant tried at first to hind north of the city,' but when 
 he found that this was impossible, he decided to move his 
 army in a semicircle through the swamps of Arkansas, and, 
 by landing south of Vicksburg to attack the city from the 
 southeast. This movement was attended with great risk, 
 because his long 
 line of communi- 
 cations was ex- 
 posed, and be- 
 cause defeat 
 would leave him 
 at the mercy of 
 his foe. He suc- 
 ceeded finally in 
 opening a water 
 route through 
 Arkansas. The 
 gunboats above Vicksburg passed the batteries so as to 
 aid him in crossing, and, late in April, he landed his 
 army in Mississippi thirty miles below Vicksburg. Grant 
 moved rapidly considering the physiographical difficulties 
 encountered, and by the middle of May had thrust him- 
 self between Pemberton, who commanded the army around 
 Vicksburg, and the forces farther east. Joseph E. John- 
 ston was coming to the aid of Pemberton and ordered 
 that general to abandon Vicksburg and join him, but Pem- 
 berton thought his own plan better and kept between 
 Grant and Vicksburg. He was driven back into the city 
 without delay. 
 
 Grant tried at once to take the fortifications of Vicksburg, 
 for he feared that Johnston would either unite with Pem- 
 berton or would attack Grant's army in the rear. The 
 works were too strong to be captured by assault, but John- 
 
 Geographic 
 Injlucnccs, 
 211-217. 
 
 Grant's route 
 
 against 
 
 Vicksburg. 
 
 Dodge, 
 Civi/ War, 
 147-155. 
 
 Capture of 
 Vicksburg, 
 
4i8 
 
 America7i History 
 
 [1863 
 
 Dodge, 
 Civil War, 
 172-178. 
 
 Fiske, 
 
 Miss. Valley, 
 248-264. 
 
 Dodge, ston remained inactive, and Grant was able to lay siege to the 
 
 Civil War, ^-^y^ ^ merciless bombardment was kept up by the fleet 
 and army, but the fall of the city after six weeks was due to 
 the scarcity of food. On July 4 Pemberton surrendered 
 with his army of more than thirty thousand men. The 
 Mississippi was opened completely by the fall of Port Hud= 
 son less than a week later. 
 Chattanooga. 360. Operations around Chattanooga (1863). — The 
 
 capture of Vicksburg lim- 
 ited greatly the sphere of 
 hostilities, confining it in 
 the South to the area 
 around Chattanooga and 
 those districts in Alabama 
 and Georgia which could be 
 reached most easily from 
 Chattanooga.^ Chatta^ 
 nooga, the key to all this 
 region, lies in the narrow 
 valley of the Tennessee 
 with mountains on the 
 northwest, and completely 
 surrounding it on the 
 south. Toward the east a 
 range several hundred feet high, called Missionary Ridge, 
 commands the city, and on the south a higher mountain, 
 Lookout Mountain, threatens the place. To Chattanooga 
 Bragg was forced to withdraw from near Stone River 
 (§ 354), during the summer of 1863, but Rosecrans found 
 it difficult to drive his opponent from the city. He finally 
 sent his divisions over the mountain trails across the 
 ranges south of the city in order to cut Bragg off from his 
 base of supplies. 
 
 ,^? ^"•q^'^C?^" 
 
 COUNTRY AROL'ND CHATTANOOGl 
 
 Showing Battlefields «nd Sieges (J863) 
 
 ^ The Confederates still held Mobile, Alabama, and places as far west 
 as Meridian, Mississippi, but this hold was very slight and could have 
 been broken entirely, if the troops had not been engaged in more impor- 
 tant enterprises. 
 
1864] Union Advance 419 
 
 Bragg immediately withdrew from Chattanooga (Sep- Chickamauga, 
 tember), but as soon as he was reenforced, fell upon the 
 advanced divisions of Rosecrans's army at Chickamauga Dodge, 
 Creek (September 19 and 20). The wings of the Union ^^^ ^^^' 
 army were driven back in terrible disorder, but Thomas 
 with the center formed his lines in a semicircle and withdrew y\%\.^ 
 slowly, holding at bay a force much more than double his Miss. Valley, 
 own. The firmness of this reliable soldier, himself a south- 264-280. 
 erner, saved the Union army. He was known thereafter 
 as the " Rock of Chickamauga." 
 
 Thomas now took command in place of Rosecrans, but was Missionary 
 
 practically besieged in Chattanooga by Bragg, who held both Ridge. 
 
 Missionary Ridge and Lookout Mountain. So difficult was 
 
 it to get supplies that the army was at one time on very short Dodge, 
 
 rations. The arrival of Grant with reinforcements from ^^^^^ ^^'^^^ 
 
 184-189. 
 Vicksburg relieved the situation, and plans were made at 
 
 once to get control of the heights about the town. Late in 
 
 November, the troops were ordered to seize the rifle pits at ^^^^^ ^^^ " ' 
 
 the foot of Missionary Ridge. These were taken without v, 3510-3513. 
 
 difficulty and the elated soldiers without orders rushed up 
 
 the hill and drove the Confederates from the top of the ridge 
 
 — a reckless move only justified by its success. The Union 
 
 army was now in complete control of Chattanooga and its 
 
 approaches. 
 
 361. Naval Operations (1864). — During 1863, no exten- Mobile, 
 sive naval operations were undertaken along the seacoast, 
 although the blockade was strengthened and Charleston Cambridge 
 blockaded more carefully. In 1864 two important attacks Mod. Hist 
 were made : one at Mobile, the other at Wilmington, North 
 Carolina. The forts of Mobile Bay were captured in August, 
 1864, by a fleet under Farragut. The wooden ships and ^^^1 ^^/ 
 monitors steamed past the forts at the entrance to the bay, 3537. 
 crossed the mines and torpedoes with the loss of a single 
 vessel, destroyed a powerful Confederate ironclad, and 
 closed the port to blockade runners. 
 
 The attack on Wilmington was less successful. Wilming- Wilmington. 
 ton was defended by a very strong fort called Fort Fisher. 
 
420 
 
 American History 
 
 [1864 
 
 Cambridge 
 Mod. Hist., 
 
 VII. 556-558. 
 
 The Alabama. 
 
 Lamed (ed.), 
 Ready Re/., 
 I, 24-26. 
 
 Battles and 
 Leaders, 
 IV, 600-614. 
 
 Privateers and 
 shipping. 
 
 Cambridge 
 Mod. Hist., 
 
 VII, 565-567. 
 
 Johnson, War 
 
 of Secession, 
 402-412. 
 
 On account of the two mouths of the Cape Fear River and 
 the strength of that fort, Wilmington had remained open to 
 the blockade runners until this time.^ As the Union forces 
 controlled all the railways except those in the Carolinas and 
 southern Virginia, Lee's army was dependent on Wilmington 
 for food and supplies. Fort Fisher was attacked in Decem- 
 ber, 1864, but only after great losses, in February, 1865, 
 did it surrender. 
 
 In the year 1864 the most successful of the Confeder- 
 ate commerce destroyers were sunk or captured. A few of 
 these had been fitted out in southern ports, but those that 
 did the most damage were of British build and in some 
 cases had been allowed to proceed from English ports after 
 the American minister, C. F. Adams, had protested that they 
 were to be used against northern commerce. The Ala- 
 bama had the most successful career. After a cruise of two 
 years, in which she captured no less than sixty-nine vessels, 
 she fought the American warship, Kearsarge, off the harbor 
 of Cherbourg, France, in June, 1864. The ships seemed 
 evenly matched, but the duel was short, and in less than 
 two hours the Alabama sank. 
 
 Although only two hundred and sixty-one prizes were 
 taken by all of these privateers, they practically drove 
 American merchantmen from the high seas.^ Before the 
 war Great Britain and the United States carried an equal 
 amount of shipping, but in 1866 American vessels carried 
 only about one half as much as they had in i860. The use 
 of steamers in place of sailing vessels and of steel in place 
 of wood was responsible also for the decline of our merchant 
 marine. 
 
 ^ H. W. Wilson, in Cambridge Modern History (Vol. VII, p. 557), gives 
 the following statistics of supplies entering the port at Wilmington between 
 October 26, 1864, and January, 1865: 8,632,000 lb. of meat, 1,607,000 lb. 
 of lead, 1,933,000 lb. of saltpeter, 546,000 pairs of shoes, 316,000 pairs of 
 blankets, 500,000 lb. of coffee, 69,000 rifles, and 43 cannon. 
 
 2 By a tribunal held in Geneva, Switzerland, in 1872, in accordance with 
 an agreement reached in the treaty of Washington (1870) (§ 416), Great 
 Britain paid the United States $15,500,000 for the ''Alabama claims." 
 
i864] 
 
 Union Advance 
 
 421 
 
 362. The Advance on Atlanta (1864). — Grant was called 
 to Washington in the spring of 1864 to take command of all 
 the Union armies. It was decided to have the army of the 
 Potomac and that at Chattanooga advance simultaneously 
 so as to prevent the Confederates from shifting divisions to 
 the point attacked, as they had been able to do formerly. 
 
 Sherman ^ commanded the army in the West, whose objec- 
 tive point was Atlanta. Although the distance from Chatta- 
 nooga to Atlanta is only a little more than one hundred miles, 
 
 there are several ranges of the lower ___.„_____ ^ ^ 
 
 Appalachian mountains to be 
 crossed, and only one practicable 
 route to be followed. Over this a 
 line of communications must be 
 maintained after the army had 
 passed. Sherman had a fine force 
 of nearly one hundred thousand 
 veterans, but he was opposed to 
 Joseph E. Johnston, a commander 
 but little less able than Lee in con- 
 ducting a defensive campaign, with 
 an army three fourths as large as his own. On account 
 of his superior numbers Sherman was able to leave part 
 of his force in front of Johnston, and, by moving the 
 balance to one side, threaten his rear and compel him to 
 abandon one fortified position after another. At Kenesaw 
 Mountain Sherman was forced by the impatience of his 
 
 William T. Sherman 
 
 Plan of 
 
 campaign 
 
 (1864). 
 
 From Chatta- 
 nooga to the 
 Chattahoo- 
 chee. 
 
 Johnson, War 
 of Secession, 
 419-429. 
 
 Dodge, 
 Civil War, 
 223-243. 
 
 Battles and 
 Leaders, 
 IV, 247-253, 
 260-277. 
 
 * William T. Sherman was a brother of the statesman, John Sherman, 
 who was actively engaged in public life for more than forty years. Gen- 
 eral Sherman had been in the South before the war and understood better 
 than almost any other northern man the character of the conflict that 
 would follow secession. He was appointed in 1861 to the district covering 
 most of Kentucky. When he asked for 60,000 troops at once with the idea 
 of increasing his army to 200,000, the report became general, " Sherman is 
 crazy," and he was removed. Had the war department been wise enough to 
 appreciate the sanity of his views, the war would have been shortened greatly. 
 Sherman combined caution with aggressiveness and displayed as great skill 
 in conducting his campaigns as any other general perhaps on the Union 
 side. 
 
422 
 
 American History 
 
 [1864 
 
 Atlanta. 
 
 Dodge, 
 Civil War, 
 255-262. 
 
 The " ham- 
 mering cam- 
 paign." 
 
 Rhodes, 
 United States, 
 IV, 440-448. 
 
 Dodge, Civil 
 War, 197-208, 
 213-222. 
 
 Battles and 
 Leaders, 
 IV, 118-144. 
 
 Hosmer, 
 Outcotne of 
 Civil War, 
 Chapter VI. 
 
 troops to make a direct attack, which was unsuccessful; 
 but he, as well as Johnston, avoided regular battles. Con- 
 sidering the skill with which both sides conducted all 
 operations, this may be considered the best-managed cam- 
 paign of the war. 
 
 Johnston was finally compelled by equal generalship and 
 superior numbers to take refuge beyond the Chattahoochee 
 River after a two months' campaign. As Johnston had never 
 had the confidence of President Davis, he was removed and 
 his place filled by Hood, who was preeminently a fighter. 
 Hood attacked the Union army repeatedly, several times when 
 everything seemed favorable to him, but he was beaten con- 
 stantly. Sherman was detained a month before Atlanta, 
 but when Hood saw that the city was doomed, he withdrew 
 his army. Sherman at once destroyed all of the factories 
 which had provided military supplies for the Confederate 
 armies. 
 
 363. Grant in Virginia (May- July, 1864). — Grant's task 
 was of greater difficulty than Sherman's, chiefly because of the 
 great ability of his opponent and the remarkable spirit of 
 Lee's soldiers, although the latter's army was much smaller 
 than that of Grant. In some respects the natural obstacles 
 encountered by Grant were more serious than those of Sher- 
 man, but he did not have half the difficulty of maintaining 
 communication with his base of supplies. Grant stated that 
 he would '' fight it out on this Hne if it takes all summer." 
 He started a " hammering campaign " which began in the 
 Wilderness early in May and continued for about six v/eeks. 
 With terrific blows he massed his troops and hurled them 
 against Lee's lines, only to be driven back invariably. Com- 
 bined with these fierce attacks he kept moving part of his 
 army to the east and rear of Lee, forcing him to abandon one 
 position after another. The result was the same in the 
 Wilderness, at Spottsylvania, and at North Anna, until the 
 armies faced each other at Cold Harbor, less than ten miles 
 from Richmond. Here Grant attempted to carry Lee's posi- 
 tion by direct assault, but the loss of one tenth of his men in 
 
1864] Union Advance 423 
 
 ten minutes tells the story of slaughter and defeat. As he 
 could make no headway, Grant moved his army across the 
 James and invested Petersburg, which it was necessary to 
 wrest from Lee before Richmond could be taken. Another 
 direct assault following the explosion of a mine led to fur- 
 ther bloodshed. In less than three months Grant lost more 
 men than there were in Lee's army at the beginning of this 
 titanic struggle, but the great Confederate captain had lost 
 only one third as many. Grant had gained ground, but the 
 honors of war were with his opponent. 
 
 Close of the War (July, 1864-ApRiL, 1865) 
 
 364. The Shenandoah Valley; Hood in Tennessee. — Attempts to 
 During the summer of 1864, the Confederate leaders tried to ^""^^ off Grant 
 loosen Grant's bull-dog grip on the defenses of Richmond 
 (§ Z^Z) ^y threatening Washington. Later they tried to 
 draw Sherman away from Atlanta (§ 362) by dispatching 
 Hood into Tennessee. Both of these movements failed to 
 divert the determined Union commanders from carrying 
 out their main plan. 
 
 In July, 1864, Early was sent to the Shenandoah and ad- Early and 
 vanced to the defenses of Washington, which was defended Sheridan in the 
 
 ^ ^ ' . , , Shenandoah. 
 
 by home guards only. But reinforcements arrived and 
 
 Early withdrew. Grant sent Sheridan to meet Early and 
 
 later agreed that he should lay waste the valley, so that it waT^e^-ln^. 
 
 could not be used for military operations. Early was driven 
 
 from the Shenandoah, which was devastated completely. Battles and 
 
 He returned, however, and nearly succeeded in defeating Leaders, 
 
 Sheridan's superior force, the magnetism of Sheridan's per- ^^> 500-521. 
 
 sonality alone restoring victory after his famous ride from 
 
 Winchester. 
 
 Hood was disappointed when Sherman sent only a part of Nashville. 
 his force to protect Tennessee, while he kept the rest at 
 Atlanta. Hood swung around through Alabama and ad- Dodge, Civil 
 vanced to central Tennessee. Here he was confronted by W''^^. 279-285, 
 Thomas, who was gathering additional troops at Nashville. 293-301. 
 
424 
 
 American History 
 
 [1864 
 
 The march to 
 the sea. 
 
 Dodge, Civil 
 War, 2S6-292. 
 
 Rhodes, 
 United States, 
 
 V. 7. 15-31- 
 
 Hosmer, 
 Outcome of 
 Civil War, 
 Chapter XII. 
 
 Dodge, Civil 
 War, 302-309. 
 
 Rhodes, 
 I ^nited States, 
 V, 85-91, 
 100-107. 
 
 Sherman in the 
 
 Carolinas. 
 
 When he was ordered to attack Hood, Thomas offered to give 
 up his command, but refused to advance until he was ready. 
 The middle of December, Thomas attacked. Hood's army 
 was almost annihilated, and all danger to the Union in 
 the West was averted. 
 
 365. Sherman in Georgia and the Carolinas. — When 
 Sherman left Atlanta in November, 1S64, he did not attempt 
 to maintain a Hne of communications z'ia Chattanooga, but, 
 starting with a fair supply of provisions, planned to live on 
 the country. His army of 60,000 marched in nearly parallel 
 columns, separating between towns, converging at all im- 
 portant places. All railways along the line of march were 
 destroved, the rails being rendered useless by heating them 
 at bonfires and twisting them into fantastic shapes. Al- 
 though there was no intention of destroying private property 
 except for food, and positive orders to that effect were 
 issued, the people suffered severely. Xot only was their 
 stock driven oft" and their grain seized or destroyed, but a 
 great deal of damage was done to houses, barns, and furni- 
 ture. This was inevitable. The march was an act of war to 
 cripple an enemy and it was not always easy to prevent 
 excesses. It was thought that Sherman would reach Augusta 
 and then march north to cooperate with Grant, but no news 
 came from him until he reached the coast near Savannah. 
 That city he captured December 20, so that, as he said, he 
 offered it as a Christmas present to the President. 
 
 Leaving Savannah in January he advanced to Columbia, 
 and after burning the factories, stores, and supplies at that 
 point, proceeded northeasterly into North CaroHna. Wil- 
 mington had already fallen into Union hands and Charleston 
 was abandoned when Sherman reached Columbia, so that 
 the Confederacy was reduced now to a strip but three hun- 
 dred miles in length and much narrower, Lee holding the 
 northern end and Johnston, again in command, striWng in- 
 eff'ectually with 25.000 men to check Sherman's advance. 
 
 366. The End of the War. — At Petersburg Grant and 
 Lee spent the fall and winter trying to gain some advantage 
 
[865] 
 
 Close of tlic War 
 
 425 
 
 over the other, without result. With spring Grant was able 
 to continue his lines farther to the south and west, hoping 
 to cut off Lee's retreat. He accomplished his purpose at 
 length when Sheridan captured Five Forks on the railway 
 in Lee's rear. Lee, forced to abandon Petersburg and Rich- 
 mond, marched toward the mountains, hoping also to join 
 Johnston ; but his soldiers were starving, and at Appomattox 
 Court House, April 9, the 30,000 survivors of his army 
 surrendered to Grant. The simple soldier left to his brave 
 opponents their horses as well as their swords and the close 
 of the campaign was marked by acts of kindliness and 
 unselfishness worthy of two commanders who were not only 
 great captains 
 but noble men. 
 Johnston sur- 
 rendered to 
 Sherman two 
 weeks later, and 
 with the cap- 
 ture of isolated 
 bands the great 
 struggle came 
 to a close. 
 
 In all history 
 
 there is no record of any national contest greater than 
 this. For four years those who wished to preserve the 
 Union had given freely of men and money. With cour- 
 age and determination they had pressed back their op- 
 ponents, step by step, until there was nothing left to defend. 
 It has been said that the secession movement was one of 
 leaders and not of the people. If the events of the winter of 
 1860-1861 do not disprove this, certainly the later years show 
 that the South was united as few nations ever have been. 
 Her soldiers fought with courage equal to that of their 
 brothers in the North. But all of the advantage of inside 
 lines, campaigning on their own soil, and skillful leadership 
 could not counterbalance the greater numbers and the in- 
 
 et^ 
 
 LiHBY PRIS(_)N 
 
 Surrender of 
 Lee and 
 Johnston. 
 
 Dodge, Civil 
 War, 310-319 
 
 Battles and 
 Leaders, 
 IV, 708-722. 
 
 Results to 
 the South, 
 
426 
 
 American History 
 
 [1S64 
 
 Lincoln's 
 supporters and 
 opponents. 
 
 Cambridge 
 .\fod. Hist., 
 573-575- 
 
 Rhodes, 
 
 L ^nited States, 
 
 IV, 223-230. 
 
 Election of 
 1S64. 
 
 Johnson, War 
 
 of Secession, 
 468-4S0. 
 
 Stanwood, 
 Presidency, 
 Chapter XXII. 
 
 Hosmer, 
 Outcome of 
 Ciz'il War, 
 Chapter IX. 
 
 Death of 
 
 Lincoln. 
 
 finitely greater resources of the free North. The South had 
 sacrificed everything on the altar of slavery and state sov- 
 ereignty. It was almost a case of all is lost save honor. 
 
 367. The People and Lincoln's Government. — During 
 the critical years of the war, Lincoln was fortunate in hav- 
 ing the support of Congress and of the North. His wisdom 
 in insisting from first to last that his sole purpose was to 
 save the L'nion did much to gain the goodwill of the Demo- 
 crats. The earnestness with which the great body of that 
 party supported the war was due even more to the fervent 
 appeals of Douglas and other Democratic leaders, who in- 
 sisted that the question was one purely of patriotism and not 
 of politics. Nevertheless there was a large number of per- 
 sons at the North who desired peace above everything else. 
 Many of these men opposed the arbitrary acts of the Presi- 
 dent. Prominent among the critics of the government was 
 congressman Vallandigham of Ohio, who was arrested 
 (1S63), denied the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus^ 
 tried by a military tribunal, and banished to the South. 
 
 The election of 1S62 had decreased the number of Re- 
 publicans in the House of Representatives, although it left 
 the Republicans in control of both houses. As the time for 
 election approached (1S64), it became evident that the dis- 
 contented members of both parties would try to prevent the 
 reelection of Lincoln; but as the campaign progressed, 
 party differences were forgotten and from all sides people 
 ralHed to the support of the President. The Democratic 
 candidate. General George B. ^IcCleUan, was nominated on 
 a platform which declared that the war was a failure and that 
 peace should be made at once, ^•iews which McClellan did 
 not countenance. For the second place on the ticket with 
 Lincoln, Andrew Johnson of Tennessee, a I'nion Democrat, 
 was selected. McClellan carried only three states, and gained 
 21 electoral votes to 212 for Lincoln, although Lincoln's 
 popular majority vras only 400.000 in a total vote of 4,000,000. 
 
 Six weeks after the second inauguration, and but five days 
 after Lee surrendered to Grant, Lincoln was struck down bv 
 
1 864] Close of the War 427 
 
 an assassin. In the midst of rejoicing over the return of 
 peace, the nation lost the leader who had grown great under 
 the heavy duties of his position. Lowell spoke truly when 
 he called Lincoln, 
 
 " The kindly-earnest, brave, foreseeing man. 
 Sagacious, patient, dreading praise, not blame, 
 New birth of our new soil, the first American." 
 
 368. Summary of the Campaigns. — When the war began First half of 
 the armies of the Confederate states controlled not only the ^^^ ^^■'^^• 
 territory of the eleven seceding states, but one half that of 
 Missouri, Kentucky, and western Virginia. The North had 
 possession of Fort Monroe in Virginia and Fort Pickens and 
 Key West in Florida. I-n the fall of 1861 northern troops 
 occupied the Ohio, which might be called the first line of 
 Confederate defense. Early in the spring of 1862, by vic- 
 tories at Pea Ridge, Island No. 10, and Donelson, they seized 
 the second line of defense and gained entire control of the 
 border states. Later in 1862 they broke through the third 
 line of Confederate defense by capturing Memphis on the 
 Mississippi and Corinth on the railways farther east. At 
 the same time they gained a foothold on the lower Mississippi 
 by capturing New Orleans, but were repulsed before Rich- 
 mond and compelled to withdraw from the " peninsula." 
 The Confederates then assumed the offensive, Lee defeating 
 the Union troops at Bull Run and then invading ^laryland, 
 Bragg at the same time invading Kentucky. These inva- 
 sions failed, although the Confederates regained some of the 
 territory that they had lost. 
 
 After two great victories over the army of the Potomac, Second half 
 Lee again invaded the North, but was defeated at Gettys- of the war. 
 burg in July, 1863, at the same time that Grant captured 
 Vicksburg by attacking from the rear. In the fall of 1863 
 Union troops, after successive defeats and victories, gained 
 possession of Chattanooga, Sherman in 1864 pushing on to 
 Atlanta ; while Grant, by hard fighting and maneuvering, 
 W'as forcing Lee south through Virginia. While Grant 
 
428 
 
 A »i eric ail His to fy 
 
 [1S65- 
 
 Cost of the war. 
 
 Lamed (ed.), 
 Ready Rcf., 
 
 V. 3559-3560. 
 
 Blaine, TiLvnty 
 Years of 
 Congress, 
 I. 549-562, 
 
 Return to 
 peace. 
 
 Rogers, Dn-f. 
 
 or\\\^rth, 
 
 31-34- 
 
 was hammering away at Lee's lines at Petersburg, Sherman 
 gamed control of Georgia and Soutli CaroUna. Lee and 
 Johnston now attempted to join and avoid being caught 
 between Grant and Sherman, but they were unable to unite 
 and surrendered separately. 
 
 369. Conclusion. — The question is asked sometimes 
 whether the result justified the cost. As the result must 
 be measured by the destruction of slavery and tlie perfec- 
 tion of national unity, while the cost may be reckoned in 
 human lives ^ and billions of dollars,- no satisfactory answer 
 can be given. Certainly the unification of the nation was an 
 end beside which the appalling money cost of the war is 
 comparatively insignificant. In human lives the price was 
 too dear if this terrible conflict could by any possibility have 
 been avoided. 
 
 Among the most serious results of all great wars are 
 the extravagance they produce and the idleness and reckless- 
 ness they develop. The direct wastes of the war, the un- 
 reasonable prices paid for poor food and inferior uniforms 
 constituted a large item in the government's bill of expenses. 
 After the kivish expenditures of the war it was difficult for 
 the government and the people to return to the simple 
 ways of the past. Xo nation, however, has suft'ered so 
 Httle from the disbanding of great armies as we did after 
 1865. Most of the Confederate troops were paroled at 
 once, and before December, iS6q, more than ^oo,ooo 
 
 *The loss of life on the Union side is reported at 350,528; that of the 
 Confederates was probably Uttle less. Besides this number we should 
 count the hundreds of thousands who were crippled for life because of 
 wounds, or diseases due to the hardships of the war. 
 
 2 The debt of the United States at tlie close of the war was two and three 
 foxirths billions; but to this must be added about $750,000,000 raised by 
 taxation during the war, besides the interest on the debt and amounts paid 
 for pensions since 1S65. The aggregate cost to the national government 
 has been nearly eight biUions. If we add to this the cost to the separate 
 states of the Union, the cost to the Confederacy, the value of property de- 
 stroyed, the direct losses due to injury to business, the depreciation of 
 paper currency, and other losses, we should obtain a sum very much greater 
 than the total assessed valuation of property in the loyal states in 1S60. 
 
1865] The Civil War 429 
 
 Union soldiers had been disbanded, the army being re- 
 duced soon after to a peace footing of 25,000 men. Very- 
 few of these men joined the ranks of idlers. The southern- 
 ers returned to their plantations, all of which had been 
 neglected and many of which were practically ruined. 
 The northerners rejoined the ranks of workers and enjoyed 
 the prosperity of a period of unusual business activity. 
 Numerous associations were organized to continue the com- 
 radeship begun during the war, notably the Grand Army 
 of the Republic. These organizations of old soldiers have 
 been an important influence in the life of the nation, 
 
 TOPICS 
 
 1. Capture of New Orleans: Fiske, "Mississippi Valley in 
 the Civil War," pp. 1 1 1-132 ; Mahan, " The Gulf and Inland Waters," 
 pp. 52-90; "Battles and Leaders of the Civil War," II, pp. 13-102. 
 
 2. Gettysburg: Burgess, "Civil War and Constitution," II, 
 pp. 157-179; Wood-Edmonds, "Civil War in United States," 
 pp. 215-246; Johnson, " War of Secession," pp. 248-269 ; Doubleday, 
 " Chancellorsville and Gettysburg," pp. 87-210. 
 
 3. ViCKSBURG Campaign: Fiskc, "Mississippi Valley," pp. 221- 
 247; Wood-Edmonds, "Civil War," pp. 247-273; Sherman, "Mem- 
 oirs," I, Chapter XII; Grant, "Personal Memoirs," I, pp. 250-337; 
 Greene, "The Mississippi," pp. 91-208; "Battles and Leaders," 
 
 III, pp. 462-598. 
 
 STUDIES 
 
 1. The navy on the upper Mississippi (1862). (Mahan, "Gulf 
 and Inland Waters," pp. 9-51.) 
 
 2. Incidents of a campaign. (Hart (ed.), "Contemporaries," 
 
 IV, Nos. 86-88, 90.) 
 
 3. Personal experiences in the Civil War. ("Battles and Leaders,'* 
 II, pp. i53-i59» 189-199.) 
 
 4. Morgan's raid. (Cox, "Reminiscences of the Civil War," 
 I, pp. 491-509-) 
 
 5. The draft riots in Nev^ York. (Johnson, " War of Secession," 
 pp. 290-306.) 
 
 6. The fight for Round Top. ("Battles and Leaders," III, 
 pp. 318-330.) 
 
 7. Greeley's estimate of Lincoln. {Century^ 42 (1891), pp. 371— 
 382.) 
 
43 o American History [1865 
 
 S. Vallandigham's opposition to the government. (Johnston 
 (ed.), "American Eloquence," IV, pp. 82-02.) 
 
 0. The battle of the Crater. (Wise, "End of an Era," pp. 346- 
 
 10. Spirit of the Xonh *(i^^4-iS^5)' (Hosmer, "Outcome of 
 the Ci\-il War," Chapter XV.) 
 
 11. Spirit of the South, (Hosmer, "Outcome," Chapter XVI.) 
 
 QUESTIONS 
 
 1. At what points ^\*as the South most \iilnerable? Was the 
 Union plan of campaign the one best suited to the conditions? Show 
 the importance of Cairo, Corinth. Vicksburg, Chattanooga. 
 
 2. Could the war have been ended by the capture of Richmond 
 in 1S62? Why was the possession of Xew Orleans of \-alue to the 
 Union armies in Tennessee? Show the importance of the na\y in 
 the western aimjxiigns. 
 
 3. Why did Lee attempt to in\-ade the X'orth ? \\'hy did he fail 
 in each case? Were his northern campaigns conducted with less 
 skill than that in Virginia in 1S64? 
 
 4. Were the burning of Atlanta and the de^-astation of the Shenan- 
 doah \-alley justified? What was the real importance of Sherman's 
 march to the sea ? 
 
 5. Could the cost of the war in men or money haN-e been reduced 
 easily? Did the results of the war justify the cost? How was the 
 Union different in 1S65 from wliat it had been in 1S61 ? 
 
CHAPTER XVIII 
 
 POLITICAL RECONSTRUCTION 
 
 Presidents 
 Andrew Johnson (1865-1869) Ulysses S. Grant (1869-1877) 
 
 370. Lincoln, Johnson, and Reconstruction. — Less llian Lincoln and 
 a week after Lee surrendered to Gniiit at Appomattox ^^^8^^^^- 
 Lincoln was dead. His assassination, which was part of a 
 plot to kill Johnson, Seward, and Grant also, was most Cf. Rhodes, 
 unfortunate for the nation, since the problems of reconstruc- y^ _j ^ ' 
 tion were but little less serious than those of the war. In 
 fact there was greater need that the president possess tact 
 and skill in dealing with men after the war than during its 
 prosecution. While there was danger from southern armies, 
 the nation rallied around the President, overlooked his 
 mistakes, and gave him its united support. Congress had 
 acquiesced, gracefully on most occasions, in the unusual 
 acts of Lincoln and had allowed him a free hand even when 
 he used powers that were legislative in character. The 
 close of the war changed the situation radically. 
 
 Having been unselfish during the war. Congress was Situation 
 more jealous of its prerogatives in the period following. ^^^ *''^' ^'°^^ °^ 
 It did not propose to allow the president to settle questions 
 which belonged in any respect to the legislative department. 
 When we consider the delicacy of the problems — the way 
 the seceding states should be treated, the attitude of the 
 national government toward those who had taken part in 
 the Civil War, more than all, what should be done for and 
 with the blacks — we can realize that there should have 
 been perfect harmony between the president and Congress. 
 Lincoln could have preserved cordial relations with the 
 law-making branch of the government, for he possessed the 
 
 431 
 
432 
 
 American History 
 
 [186: 
 
 Andrew 
 Johnson. 
 
 Rhodes. 
 
 I 'niUd States, 
 
 V. 517-526. 
 
 Three 
 problems. 
 
 The blacks. 
 
 confidence of Congress and the people. He understood the 
 situation as well as any one; he had become preeminently 
 a leader of men. That his reputation may have sufltered 
 had he lived is unquestioned. But when he left the great 
 duties of his office to his subordinate, the nation lost as much 
 as his reputation may have gained. 
 
 Andrew Johnson had been selected for the second place 
 
 on the Republican ticket 
 because he was an earnest 
 Union Democrat, a south- 
 ern man who had been 
 lov-al. Deprived of early 
 advantages, he had edu- 
 cated himself late in life, 
 and, by the force of a 
 powerful personality, had 
 risen step by step until 
 accident placed him in 
 the president's chair. But 
 he possessed few qualities 
 to commend him to the 
 great otnce even in ordinary times. Although a man of 
 unusual intelligence and will power, he was tactless and 
 ^-indictive, intemperate in thought, speech, and act, the 
 opposite in almost every respect of the man whose place he 
 took, whose cabinet he retained, whose policy he adopted, 
 whose popularity for a time covered his most glaring defects. 
 
 Rf.coxstructiox ( I S65-1S 70) 
 
 371. The Problem of Reconstruction. — When the war 
 closed, the national government was forced to find solu- 
 tions for three problems: (I) What should be done 
 with the slaves? (II) How should those persons who 
 had belonged to the Confederacy be treated? (Ill) 
 How should the Confederate states be restored or recon- 
 structed ? 
 
 (I) South and Xorth agreed that slavery should be abol- 
 
 Andrew Tohnson 
 
1865] Rcconstniction 433 
 
 ished. The slaves had been freed by the emancipation proc- MacDonaid, 
 lamation (§ 356) in part of the South, but slavery had not ^^^^"^^-'^ 
 been abolished during the war except inlNIaryland, although 
 both \\'est Virginia and Missouri had provided for gradual 
 emancipation. The thirteenth amendment to the national 
 Constitution, abolishing slavery throughout the United 
 States, was passed by the necessary two thirds in each house 
 of Congress in January, 1865, and ratified by more than three 
 fourths of the states, North and South, by December, 1865. 
 It gave Congress the right to prevent the reestablishment 
 of slavery. This was only the beginning of legislation for 
 the blacks, as the protection of the freedmen was the osten- 
 sible cause of most of the reconstruction legislation. 
 
 (II) Most of those who had taken part in the war against Southerners. 
 the government of the United States were allowed to resume 
 
 their normal rights as citizens on taking an oath to support Johnston, 
 
 the Constitution of the United States and abide by its laws. ^'"- ^"^^ "'^^- 
 
 .11, 484-487. 
 Those high in civil or military authority were debarred until 
 
 1868, when President Johnson declared a complete amnesty 
 
 11 1 1 1 • • 1 • 1 ^. •, TTT /". MacDonaid, 
 
 for all who had participated in the Civil War. Congress, statutes, 
 
 which had claimed the right to control this subject of am- Nos. 46, 75, 94. 
 
 nestles, prevented most of those important persons from 
 
 holding any office, state or national, until several years 
 
 later.^ 
 
 (III) Legally and theoretically the greatest difficulties Status of the 
 of this period were presented by the questions: What was seceding states, 
 the status of the Confederate states ? Were they in the Union 
 
 or out of the Union ? To admit that they were out of the 
 Union would have been to acknowledge the right of secession, 
 the success of secession, or both. If it was claimed that they 
 were in the Union, there was really no " reconstruction " 
 problem, only need of restoration of the states to their normal 
 relations with their sister states, 
 
 372. Status of Seceding States. — Several theories were Theories 
 developed, soon after 1865, presenting dift'erent points of as to the status. 
 view. The southern and the presidential theories agreed 
 
 * The fourteenth amendment gave Congress this power. 
 
 2 F 
 
434 
 
 America ti History 
 
 [1865 
 
 Dunning, 
 
 Reconstruction, 
 
 99-112. 
 
 Hart, Contem- 
 poraries, IV, 
 Nos. 145-149. 
 
 Congressional 
 plan of 
 reconstruction. 
 
 that the states were still parts of the Union, but out of their 
 constitutional relations to the central government. They 
 stated that restoration should take place through action of the 
 people of each state, under limitations prescribed, according 
 to the first, by those people; according to the second, by the 
 president. Charles Sumner held the theory that when a 
 state tries to secede, it commits suicide as a state, and be- 
 comes merely a part of the ter- 
 ritory of the Union under its 
 control m regard to local,, as 
 well as national, affairs, i.e. the 
 states reverted to the condi- 
 tion of territories. Thaddeus 
 Stevens went further, and in 
 the conquered prcrdnce theory 
 advocated the view that the 
 South was not even in the con- 
 dition of territories; that it 
 was a conquered district. He 
 therefore proposed wholesale 
 confiscation and appropriation 
 of land to negroes. This sug- 
 gestion was the basis of the doctrine that every freedman 
 should have forty acres and a mule. 
 
 As none of these theories was acceptable to moderate 
 men, the theory of jorfeited rights came to be the basis of 
 final reconstruction. It held that the people of the states 
 had forfeited their rights by attempted secession, and that 
 those rights could be restored to them only on the fulfill- 
 ment of certain conditions. The judge of what the condi- 
 tions should be, and when they had been fulfilled, was 
 Congress, because Congress was instructed by the Constitu- 
 tion to guarantee to each state a republican form of gov- 
 ernment. This theory was upheld by the Supreme Court 
 of the United States in the case of Texas w White (1868). 
 373. Restoration under Johnson (1865). — President 
 Lincoln and his successor, President Johnson, were anxious 
 
 Thaddeus Stevens 
 
1865] 
 
 Reconstruction 
 
 435 
 
 to have the seceded states restored to their constitutional The presiden- 
 
 relations as soon as possible. To this end they used their ^^^^ P^^" ^" 
 
 1 . , . ^ . . , operation, 
 
 power as commanders m chief to grant amnesties and par- 
 
 Johnston, 
 
 dons, and, in addition, declared that when a state govern- 
 ment had been formed by loyal voters equal to one tenth ''Am. Pol. Hist., 
 of the whole number of voters in i860, they would recognize li. 434-439- 
 
 The Supreme Court 
 
 (During the Reconstruction Period) 
 
 such a government and declare the state fully restored. "f d"^' 
 
 ^ ■^ and Recon- 
 
 This plan which Lincoln had formulated Johnson put into struction, 
 
 operation.^ When Congress assembled in December, 1865, 75-83- 
 
 ^The states of Louisiana, Arkansas, and Tennessee had reorganized their 
 governments in accordance with Lincoln's instructions before the close of 
 the war. In Virginia there had been for years a loyal government which 
 claimed to be the legal government of the state. This was accepted by 
 both Lincoln and Johnson as the regular government of Virginia. In the 
 other states that had attempted to secede from the Union, the President 
 appointed, during the summer of 1865, provisional governors, under whom 
 the work of reorganization or restoration was to be performed. In most 
 of these states conventions were called without delay. Those persons were 
 allowed to vote who were included in the amnesty proclamations of the 
 president, and the conventions were allowed to decide who might vote 
 thereafter in the state or hold any office. 
 
436 
 
 ^ ;;/ erica n His to 
 
 O' 
 
 [1865 
 
 Burgess, Re- 
 construction, 
 35-41- 
 
 Opposition in 
 Congress. 
 
 Johnston, 
 Am. Pol. Hist,, 
 n. 44^452^ 
 
 Rhodes, 
 United States, 
 
 V, 549-550. 
 
 Southern 
 
 apprenticeship 
 
 laws. 
 
 Burgess, Re- 
 construcfum, 
 45-55- 
 
 Hart, Contem- 
 poraries, IV. 
 Nos. 143, 151. 
 
 Second Freed- 
 nien's Bureau 
 BiU. 
 
 the president announced that regular state governments had 
 been restored in all of the southern states but two. 
 
 Congress immediately appointed a joint committee on 
 reconstruction to decide all questions regarding the states 
 that had tried to secede. Opposition to the President's 
 plan of restoration developed at once, not simply because 
 Congress believed that it had the right to decide the con- 
 ditions under which reconstruction should be allowed, but 
 because little of importance would be accomplished by the 
 war if the southern states were restored to the Union and 
 allowed sole control over the blacks. This danger was 
 real to most of the congressmen, for they desired to give 
 the former slaves not only freedom but the suffrage as well. 
 The thirteenth amendment forbidding slavery was adopted 
 in December, 1S65, but at the same time came alarming 
 reports from all parts of the South that the restored states 
 were reenslaving the blacks. 
 
 374. Freedmen Legislation. — :Most of the southern states, 
 proceeding on the assumption that Johnson's plan of res- 
 toration had reestablished their position in the Union, 
 passed, during the fall of 1865 and the following winter, 
 apprenticeship and vagrancy laws for the freedmen. All 
 colored minors were to be apprenticed, if possible, to their 
 former masters. All negroes who were not employed, or 
 who were guilty of attending meetings, were deemed va- 
 grants and their services were sold to the highest bidder. 
 To Congress and to the majority of the people of the North 
 these laws seemed to establish a new form of slaver}'- that 
 would be perfected when the states were unquestionably 
 again in the Union. Congress was induced to pass several 
 laws for the purpose of protecting the blacks and to delay 
 reconstruction until definite and permanent guarantees had 
 been secured which would protect the blacks from their 
 former masters. 
 
 The first of these laws was the second Freedmen's Bureau 
 Bill. In March, 1S65, the Freedmen's Bureau had been 
 created for the war and a period of one year thereafter to 
 
1 866] R eco nstructioft 437 
 
 provide food, clothing, and shelter for needy freedmen and MacDonald, 
 
 to apportion vacant lands for their use. The new bill (Feb- ^^^^"^''^> 
 
 ruary, 1866) created an organization that had an agent in 
 
 every county in the South. No time limit was designated, 
 
 and the powers of the bureau were enlaru;ed so that its ,, ., , ' , 
 
 ^ ^ United States, 
 
 agents looked after not only destitute negroes but every v, 568-574. 
 
 freedman. The agent was really a judicial officer who could 
 
 try cases where a negro's rights had not been respected by the Burgess, AV- 
 
 whites, or where a black had been punished with unneces- construction, 
 
 sary severity. To leave such vague yet extensive power in ^ ^' ^7-9o- 
 
 the hands of an agent of the central government in recently 
 
 conquered territory was of course a dangerous procedure. 
 
 The bill was vetoed by Johnson, on the grounds that it was 
 
 a war measure applied to territory in which peace had been 
 
 restored fully, and that the central government had no 
 
 authority to exercise jurisdiction in this way. The bill 
 
 failed to obtain the necessary two thirds to make it a law 
 
 at this time, but four months later a more severe bureau bill 
 
 was passed over the President's veto. 
 
 375. Civil Rights Bill and Amendment XIV (1866). — Civil Rights 
 
 Although the radicals in Congress may have desired the ^'^^' 
 
 humiliation of the South, the majority wished simply to 
 
 protect the negroes. Those in power in Congress decided MacDonald, 
 
 that this could be secured only by changes in the national j^.^ ' 
 
 law and Constitution which the states could not alter. 
 
 This led to the enactment in April, 1866, of a Civil Rights „ 
 
 ^ ' ^ Burgess, Re- 
 
 Bill which declared that persons born in the United States construction, 
 
 were citizens of the United States and that they had the 68-73. 
 
 right to make and enforce contracts, to protect themselves 
 
 in the courts, to acquire and dispose of property. There Rhodes, 
 
 was to be no discrimination under the civil or criminal law ^^"^^^'^ states, 
 
 V, 583-587. 
 
 on account of race or color. The President naturally vetoed 
 a bill that not only changed the status of the negroes so 
 materially, but which took from the states powers that had 
 been exercised by them since the formation of the Union. 
 Congress passed the bill over his veto (April, 1866), showing 
 that the Republicans had broken completely with Johnson. 
 
438 
 
 American History 
 
 [1866 
 
 Fourteenth 
 amendment. 
 
 Johnston, 
 Am. Pol. Hist., 
 11,454,467. 
 
 Burgess, Re- 
 construction, 
 73-80. 
 
 Provisions of 
 the acts. 
 
 MacDonald, 
 Statutes, 
 Nos. 56, 62, 
 64, 67. 
 
 Johnston; 
 Am. Pol. Hist., 
 II, 462-465. 
 
 Soon after it was decided to combine in a single amend- 
 ment to the United States Constitution the principles of the 
 Civil Rights Act and other articles which would embody 
 important results of the recent war. In its final draft this 
 most important amendment was as follows: (i) It defined 
 United States citizenship. " All persons born or naturalized 
 in the United States and subject to the jurisdiction thereof 
 are citizens of the United States and of the state wherein 
 they reside." It protected the rights of these citizens. 
 
 (2) When a state denied to any men v/ho were citizens of the 
 United States the right to vote, the state should lose a number 
 of representatives in the lower house of Congress in pro- 
 portion to the number of citizens excluded from voting. 
 
 (3) Persons who had broken their oaths to support the 
 Constitution of the United States should be allowed to hold 
 state or national office only by a two thirds vote in the houses 
 of Congress. (4) The validity of the United States war 
 debts was affirmed, those of the Confederacy and seceding 
 states were declared illegal and void. 
 
 376. Military Reconstruction (1867-1870). — As the fall 
 elections in 1866 increased the Republican majority in 
 both houses of Congress, the plans of the leaders were per- 
 fected and enacted into law early in 1867. The Military 
 Reconstruction Acts ^ provided that the ten unreconstructed 
 states ^ of the South should be divided into five military dis- 
 tricts, each of which was to be controlled by a general of 
 the army, (i) These generals were to enroll in each 
 state as voters all men over twenty-one, without regard to 
 color, except those debarred for participation in rebellion. 
 (2) The voters should elect a convention that should adopt 
 a state constitution, one part of which must provide for 
 manhood suffrage. (3) This constitution must be ratified 
 by the registered voters, and approved by Congress. (4) The 
 legislature elected under this constitution must ratify the 
 fourteenth amendment. During this process of recon- 
 
 1 Acts of March 2, March 23, and July 19, 1867. 
 
 2 Reconstruction had been completed in Tennessee in 1866. 
 
1870] Reconstruction 439 
 
 struction the general had almost arbitrary power, including 
 even the right to set aside state or local laws or remove 
 officials. When it was completed, the state was '' read- 
 mitted " to the Union. 
 
 It was found that less than ten per cent of the men were Reconstruction 
 excluded from voting, although of course all of the former under the acts. 
 leaders were debarred. The black voters outnumbered 
 the whites in five states, but in only two states did the blacks 
 have a majority of the delegates to the conventions, although ^^ p^^ Hist 
 the friends of reconstruction controlled the situation in most ll, 465-471. 
 of the states. Reconstruction was completed before July i, 
 1868, in North Carolina, South Carolina, Florida, Alabama, 
 Louisiana, and Arkansas. The other four states — Virginia, MacDonaid, 
 Georgia, Mississippi, and Texas — were obliged to accept j^^^ gg' 69, 76, 
 the fifteenth amendment as well before reconstruction was 81, 82, 83, 89. 
 completed and their representatives were admitted to Con- 
 gress. This unwise amendment made negroes voters on the 
 same terms as whites throughout the United States. In this 
 way the plan of protecting the negroes was perfected, since 
 the thirteenth amendment had given them freedom and 
 the fourteenth had made them citizens. 
 
 Incidents of the Reconstruction Period (1867-1877) 
 
 377. The Impeachment of Johnson. — The difference of Quarrel be- 
 opinion existing between the President and Consrress on the ^Z^^^} ^ ^ 
 
 . ■ ^ President and 
 
 subject of reconstruction developed rapidly into a quarrel, congress. 
 after his veto in February, 1866, of the second Freedmen's 
 Bureau Bih. The President publicly criticised Stevens and Cambridge 
 other reconstruction leaders and by this attitude won not ^"'^- ^"^•' 
 only the dislike of all the leaders in Congress, but lost the ' ^ ~ ^°* 
 support of the moderate Republicans who had been un- 
 willing to break with the President. As the Republicans Division, 
 had a two thirds majority in both houses of Congress, all ^ 129-131. 
 bills relating to the reconstruction plan of Congress were 
 passed over Johnson's veto. When the election of 1866 in- Johnston, 
 creased the opposition in Congress to the President, he made .^^' ^^ \^ '^ '' 
 a trip through the North, called " swinging round the circle," 
 
440 
 
 American History 
 
 [1867 
 
 Tenure of 
 Office Act. 
 
 MacDonald, 
 
 Statutes, 
 No. 57. 
 
 Johnston, - 
 Am. Pol. Hist., 
 II. 499-501- 
 
 Impeachment 
 and trial. 
 
 MacDonald, 
 
 Statutes, 
 No. 66. 
 
 on which he attacked the Republican leaders and declared 
 that Congress was '' no Congress," because the southern 
 states were unrepresented. In March, 1867, Congress had 
 its revenge, (i) It passed the drastic militar}' reconstruction 
 acts over the President's veto. (2) It limited the president's 
 control of the army as commander in chief by compelling 
 him to issue all orders through the general of the army. 
 (3) It passed the famous Tenure of Office Act which pre- 
 vented the president from re- 
 moving officials from office 
 without the consent of the 
 Senate.^ (4) Finally, it ad- 
 journed March 4, 1S67, to 
 meet, the same day, as the 
 fortieth Congress. 
 
 The members of Congress 
 believed that without these 
 acts the President would use 
 the great power of his o^ce, 
 especially his control of the pat- 
 ronage, to defeat their recon- 
 struction policy. The more 
 radical members, in fact, de- 
 sired the removal of the President, so that the president 
 pro tempore of the Senate might become acting chief execu- 
 tive. The Tenure of Office Act precipitated the quarrel. 
 Johnson attempted to remove his secretary of war, Stanton, 
 who had been dictatorial and refused to resign. Stanton 
 denied that the President might remove him and defeated 
 every attempt to gain possession of his office. The House 
 of Representatives eagerly seized up9n the attempt to re- 
 move Stanton as a sufficient pretext for impeaching the 
 President, which it did in February, 1S68. The trial before 
 the Senate lasted about six weeks. Chief justice Chase of 
 
 Edwin M. Stamon 
 
 ^ The Constitution requires the consent of the Senate in appointments, 
 but is silent on the subject of removals. Since 17S9 the president had 
 exercised sole power of making removals. 
 
1872] Incidents of tJie Rcconstnictioii Period 441 
 
 the Supreme Court presiding, as the Constitution prescribes Johnston, 
 
 when a president is tried. The excitement was intense, ^"'- ^"^^^ ^''^^'* 
 
 II, 499-505. 
 tremendous pressure being brought to bear on the Re- 
 
 pubHcan senators who did not beHeve the President to be 
 guihy of " high crimes or misdemeanors." When the vote 
 was taken, it was learned that thirty-five senators stood for 
 conviction and nineteen for acquittal, one less than the two 
 thirds required for removal from office. 
 
 378. Carpetbag Government in the South. — In almost Misgovern- 
 all of the states the reconstructed governments were con- "^^"^ ^" *^^^ 
 trolled by the negro voters. A large proportion, perhaps a 
 majority, of the offices were held by northerners who had 
 settled in the South at the close of the war. Some of these ^^^^ p^^ Hist 
 men were adventurers in search of wealth and power, 11, 471-475. 
 who, at the beginning, carried their possessions in home- 
 made carpetbag grips. Under the rule of such men, with Hart, Contem- 
 such supporters, conditions were ideal for misgovernment pof^^^i^^' 
 and corruption. Although the South was impoverished, it 
 furnished rich pickings for these social vultures. Taxes 
 became so heavv that thev often exceeded the grross value " ^^^.^' 
 
 ' ^ '^ Own Times, 
 
 of the crops. Thousands of fine plantations and magnifi- 112-122. 
 
 cent halls were sold because the owners were unable to carry 
 
 the heavy burdens placed upon them. The people were 
 
 often subjected to insult and oppression at the hands of 
 
 ignorant and greedy rulers. 
 
 The young and reckless southerners sought relief by Ku Klux Klan. 
 
 organizing a secret society known as the Ku Klux Klan, the 
 
 ostensible purpose of which was the intimidation of the Johnston, 
 
 neerro voters. Nisrhtlv visitors robed in white called at negro ^"^' ^^^' ^^^^^ 
 
 11.487-492. 
 cabins and terrified the superstitious blacks. But the more 
 
 violent whites did not stop with that. There was great „ 
 
 ^ ^ Burgess, Re- 
 
 temptation to end the misrule by resort to torture and murder, construction. 
 At length the national government interfered, passing in 250-261. 
 1870 and 1 87 1 two force acts which permitted the use of the 
 United States army to uphold the reconstruction govern- 
 ments and protect them from their enemies. 
 
 After 1872, when the last of the Confederate leaders 
 
442 
 
 American History 
 
 [i8: 
 
 Results of 
 carpetbag 
 government. 
 
 Burgess, Re- 
 ccnstructiofi, 
 
 247-249. 
 261-264. 
 
 Andrews, Our 
 Oivn Times, 
 I22-I3a 
 
 Fraud and 
 extravagance. 
 
 Tweed ring in 
 New York. 
 
 Andrews, Our 
 Own Times, 
 li-i6. 
 
 were pardoned, the whites gradually regained control of 
 their state and local governments. South Carolina and 
 Louisiana, both of which had a large majority of negroes, 
 were the last to establish white rule, after several years 
 of bitter partisan warfare. In Virginia and the other states 
 in which the whites predominated, carpetbag government 
 had never secured a serious hold, but in Louisiana, for 
 example, the results of misgovernment can be measured in 
 part by the terrible financial condition of the state. For 
 several years the average annual expenditures of the state 
 government were six millions, and in four years the debt of 
 the state had increased from less than seven millions to more 
 than forty millions. What those figures represented cannot 
 be imagined easily; they cannot be described in such a text 
 as this at all. 
 
 379. City Government and Corruption. — One of the most 
 distinctive political features of American history in the 
 decade following the Civil War was the prevalence of cor- 
 ruption in all of our governments, national, state, and city. 
 Aside from the carnival of misrule in the South under carpet- 
 bag government there was a greater amount of bribery, 
 fraud, and theft in some of our larger northern cities tlian 
 elsewhere. During these years the cities grew rapidly, but 
 the increase in the number of duties they performed far 
 outstripped the increase in population. Franchises were 
 given freely by the cities to pri^•ate corporations which 
 furnished water or gas, or operated street railways. These 
 franchises were often of great value and continued in force 
 for very long periods. The amount of money required for 
 necessary expenditures was much greater than formerly, 
 and most of our city governments unfortunately fell into the 
 hands of ignorant and corrupt politicians. 
 
 New York sutfered so much more than any other city that 
 she seemed to be in a class by herself. A ring of poUtidans 
 under the lead of ''Boss" Tweed gained control, and, by 
 systematic theft covering a number of years, robbed tlie 
 city of a sum probably little less than $100,000,000. Public 
 
1S69] hicidtjits of tJic Rccoustnictioi Period 443 
 
 United States, 
 VI, 392-410. 
 
 attention was centered on the ring by the striking cartoons Rhodes, 
 of Thomas Nast, which appeared in Harper's Weekly. 
 When the New York Times published definite information 
 regarding thefts by the ring, pubhc-spirited men Uke Samuel 
 Tilden devoted their attention to bringing the leaders to 
 justice. A number of Tweed's associates were convicted, 
 and the boss died in jail several years later. 
 
 i\HO S)C-E THt rECF.li "i^Nir; 
 
 TWA5 HIM. 
 
 From Harper's M'eekly, by permission. 
 
 NAST'a Famous Tweed Ring Cartoon 
 
 380. The Administrations of Grant (186 9- 1 8 77). — Al- Grant's 
 though General Grant had had no experience in public affairs poii^iesc 
 he was the unanimous choice of his party in 1868 and was 
 elected almost without opposition. He proceeded to carry 
 out the Congressional policy of reconstruction (§ 376) and 
 gave his consent, in a rather half-hearted way, however, to the 
 plan of those that wished hard money instead of an inflated 
 paper currency (§ 390). In dealing with foreign affairs, 
 his administration was quite successful, owing to the skill 
 of his secretary of state, Hamilton Fish; but Grant's favorite 
 
444 
 
 American History 
 
 [1S72 
 
 Election of 
 1872, 
 
 Burgess, Re- 
 construction, 
 264-268. 
 
 Stanwood, 
 Presidency, 
 Chapter XXIV. 
 
 Andrew-s, Our 
 Chun Times, 
 6&-78. 
 
 Civil service 
 under Grant. 
 
 Rhodes. 
 
 L Jtited Stipes, 
 
 VI, 385-390. 
 
 Credit Mo- 
 bilier and 
 Whisky ring. 
 
 Andrews, Our 
 Own Times, 
 104-109, 200- 
 205, 237-242. 
 
 scheme of annexing Santo Domingo failed, because it did not 
 meet the approval of his advisers or of the people. 
 
 The election of 1872 was interesting chietly because 
 of the attempt of the Democrats to join the reform RepubH- 
 cans and because of the Labor platform. Horace Greeley 
 was nominated by the Liberal Republicans and Democrats, 
 but his campaign was mismanaged and his death soon after 
 election compUcated matters. The interesting platform of 
 the Labor party contained several planks that were received 
 with derision in that day, but have found a place in the 
 nation's law. Among these were demands that Chinese 
 laborers be excluded from the United States, that the 
 national government supervise the affairs of railways and 
 telegraphs, that contract labor in prisons be abandoned. 
 They asked for civil service reform, an eight hour day for 
 private contract work on public buildings, lease but not 
 sale of all public lands, and a paper currency issued on the 
 credit of the people but not through the banks. 
 
 381. National Political Scandals. — Grant was so honest 
 himself and had such confidence in the men by whom he was 
 surrounded that he was imposed upon by them. Positions 
 were created to furnish berths for dishonest pohticians. 
 The civil service became filled with unfit men. Inefficiency 
 and corruption were prevalent in the national government 
 as nowhere else except in Xew York City and in the South. 
 In response .to a demand for reform, a civil service com- 
 mission was appointed in 1S71 to select candidates for a few 
 oflices on a merit system, but it was not very successful and 
 was abandoned entirely in 1S75. 
 
 During Grant's administration there were numerous 
 pohtical scandals, some of them of no significance. Per- 
 haps the most discussed of these was that of the Credit 
 Mobilier, an organization created for the purpose of building 
 the Union Pacific railway. Stock of this company was sold 
 to many congressmen before the completion of the great 
 highway to the Pacific. It w<is claimed, probably with 
 truth, that there was no legislation pending which would 
 
1876] Incidents of the Rcconstniction Period 445 
 
 have been influenced in any way by the vote of these Rhodes, 
 
 congressmen: but the whole affair was condemned without ^'"^^'^ -S/a/w, 
 
 11 , . ,1. . ^ r. VI. 1-18, 
 
 mercy by the awakenmg pubhc conscience. In 1875 ^ 182-191. 
 
 gigantic '' whisky ring," with headquarters at St. Louis, 
 which had defrauded the government of several million 
 dollars by connivance with internal revenue officers, was 
 broken up by the effort of B. H. Bristow, secretary of the 
 treasury ; but later a ring in California was successful in its 
 fight with the treasury department. The post office depart- 
 ment was purged of many abuses 
 by the energy of the postmaster- 
 general, but, in the war depart- 
 ment, Secretary Belknap was 
 found guilty of accepting bribes 
 in making appointments and in 
 letting contracts. Belknap was 
 impeached by the House of Rep- 
 resentatives, but escaped convic- 
 tion in the Senate by resigning. 
 The President's attitude is shown 
 by his statements: ''Turn the 
 rascals out," and, " let no guilty 
 man escape." Grant was criticised, however, because he 
 seemed to favor the grafters, as he was loath to believe his 
 friends guilty of wrongdoing. 
 
 382. The Disputed Election of 1876. — The closing scene Cause of the 
 of the reconstruction tragedy was enacted in connection w^ith dispute. 
 the presidential election of November, 1876. The candi- 
 dates were Rutherford B. Hayes of Ohio and Samuel J. 
 Tilden of New York. The campaign was rather uninterest- 
 ing until the day after the votes were polled, when it became 
 evident that both parties would claim the electoral vote of 
 several states. On the face of the returns, as reported origi- 
 nally, Tilden had a fair majority, but the Republicans claimed 
 the electoral vote of the states of Florida, South Carolina, 
 and Louisiana, as well as one elector from Oregon. In 
 these southern states the contest between the carpetbaggers 
 
 Samuel J. Tiluen 
 
 Burgess, Re- 
 construction, 
 280-283. 
 
446 
 
 American History 
 
 [1S76 
 
 ^^i-if or M^xi^o ^^ ^ 
 
 Electoral com- 
 mission 1,1877). 
 
 Burgess, R^ 
 
 2S3-205. 
 
 Johnston, 
 Am. /\^/. Hisf 
 II. 544-552. 
 
 and the native whites made it possible to send in two sets 
 of returns. If all of the votes in dispute were counted for 
 Tilden, he would have 203 votes to 166 for Hayes. If all 
 were counted for Hayes, he would have 1S5 and Tilden 1S4. 
 The electoral votes were sent to Congress, in January, 
 1S77, the Senate being Republican and the House Demo- 
 cratic. They were opened by the 
 president of the Senate,^ but it 
 was decided that he had no au- 
 thority to count either set of the 
 votes in dispute, and the matter 
 was referred to an ** electoral com- 
 mission " of fifteen whose recom- 
 mendations should be accepted 
 unless refused by both houses. 
 The commission was to consist of 
 nve senators, five representatives, 
 iind five justices of the Supreme 
 Court. As eight of these elected 
 to the commission were Republicans, all questions in dis- 
 pute were settled by a party vote of eight to seven, and, 
 
 Rutherford B. Hayes 
 
 Amendment XII of Constitution. 
 
1877] Incidents of tJic Rcconstnictioi P triad 447 
 
 on March 2, 1S77, Hayes was declared lo be elected by a 
 majority of one vote. 
 
 It was understood but not agreed that, if elected, Hayes Hayes's south- 
 would withdraw the troops from the South and allow the ^^" ^o\\cy. 
 former Confederate states to conduct their own governments 
 without interference from Washington. This was the real Burgess, Re- 
 end of reconstruction in the South. From this time, normal '^(>"^^^>"^f'<^'i> 
 
 2QC— 2q8 
 
 conditions being restored, the South began to take advantage 
 of the great resources at her command and developed with 
 amazing rapidity. 
 
 National Changes (1S61-1877) 
 
 383. National Development. — The period of the Civil General. 
 War and reconstruction — that is, the years from 1861 to 
 1877 — was an era of changes as important as those that had 
 taken place in the epoch-making Revolutionary period 
 (1775-1789). In each case a war which had been brought 
 about by conflict between two different systems of govern- 
 ment and society left the United States very different from 
 the country it had found. In each case the war had ex- 
 erted an almost inestimable influence in developing a stronger 
 nation. 
 
 Before the Civil War the relation of the nation to the Triumph of 
 states had been a disputed one. A fairly large minority of national 
 the people still held that the states were sovereign and ^^^^^^^S"*-^- 
 believed that Congress should be no more than the agent of 
 the states. This position could no longer be held, since J^^^^J^o"- 
 
 r , , r 1 . , , 1 Am. Pol. Hist., 
 
 the events of the war and of the reconstruction epoch had 11,343-336. 
 shown beyond question that the nation was sovereign and 
 that Congress was not the law-making body of a league 
 of states. The right of the nation to coerce a state which 
 attempted to secede had been proved by the failure of 
 secession. After one hundred years of dispute over the 
 question of whether the nation was sovereign or whether 
 the states were sovereign, there was no longer the slightest 
 doubt as to the supremacy of the nation. 
 The second great change of the period was the destruction 
 
448 
 
 American History 
 
 [1861- 
 
 Destruction 
 of slavery. 
 
 Amendments 
 XIII and XV. 
 
 Amendment 
 XIV. 
 
 of the system of slavery which had been the chief factor 
 before the war in developing sectionalism. Freed from the 
 blighting influence of slavery, the South was able to make use 
 of its natural resources and to devote its energies to new 
 occupations ; in short, to gain a share in the general progress 
 of the world, from which it had been debarred by slavery 
 before the Civil War (§ 320). 
 
 384. Changes in the Written Constitution. — In spite 
 of the very radical changes in the relation of the nation to the 
 states, and in the real constitution of the United States, the 
 changes in the written Constitution were comparatively few. 
 Only three amendments had been added to that valuable 
 document. Nominally all of these were for the purpose of 
 protecting the negroes, although they have helped to estab- 
 lish the supremacy of the nation over the states. This is 
 partially the case with the thirteenth and fifteenth amend- 
 ments, in which the nation decided matters controlled 
 exclusively by the states before the war began. Without the 
 war few states. North or South, could have been persuaded 
 to surrender to the nation the right which they had had as 
 states to control the question of slavery within their own 
 limits. Without the war it would have been difficult, per- 
 haps impossible, for the nation to have placed limitations 
 on the right of each state to decide for itself who should vote 
 within its limits. 
 
 More important than these amendments, from a national 
 standpoint, were the provisions in the first article of Amend- 
 ment XIV. Before the Civil War those who upheld the 
 doctrine of state sovereignty denied that there was such a 
 thing as real citizenship of the United States.^ They con- 
 tended that every man owed allegiance to his state only, 
 since he was a citizen of the state only. The reality of 
 United States citizenship,^ with its corollary of allegiance to 
 the nation alone, was made clear bv the first clause of the 
 
 ^ Except in national " territory.'' 
 
 2 On state and United States citizenship and the rights of each, consult 
 Ashley, American Government, §§ 264-266. 
 
national 
 authority. 
 
 1877] National Changes 449 
 
 fourteenth amendment. Later clauses prevented the states 
 from interfering with the rights of citizens of the United 
 States or of restricting unjustly the rights of state citizen- 
 ship. 
 
 385. Changes in the Unwritten Constitution. — The increase of 
 constitution of the United States consists not simply of 
 the written Constitution, but of an " unwritten constitution." 
 This unwritten constitution includes all important laws 
 
 or court decisions which explain or supplement the written 
 Constitution. During the war, of course, it had been neces- 
 sary to use powers that were extra-constitutional. This was 
 justified on the ground that unless the Union was preserved, 
 the Constitution would be destroyed. During the process 
 of reconstruction also extra-constitutional measures were 
 passed because, in the opinion of the nation's rulers, they 
 were demanded by public necessity. At the close of the 
 period of reconstruction, the national government ceased 
 to use these powers which would have been unconstitutional 
 under normal conditions, but it continued to use powers 
 which before the war would have been considered uncon- 
 stitutional, but which were now deemed legal. It is not 
 surprising that this was done, for the war had developed a 
 much stronger national sentiment than had ever existed 
 before. The national government had become so central- 
 ized that it could not be expected to give up most of the 
 powers that it had acquired since i860, and the Supreme 
 Court, reflecting popular wishes, gave its support to the 
 doctrine that since the United States was a nation, the Con- 
 stitution should be interpreted in such a way as to give the 
 central government power to do what was for the best inter- 
 ests of the nation, provided the Constitution did not forbid 
 the use of such a power. 
 
 386. The National Government. — In form the national The president, 
 government was changed little ; in pow^r it was as different 
 
 from the government at Washington before 1861 as the 
 nation in 1877 was unlike the nation of two decades earlier. 
 By virtue of the exercise of war powers the president had for 
 2 G 
 
450 Amurican History [iS6i- 
 
 a short time increased the authority of his position immeasur- 
 ably. After the dose of the w-ar of necessity this pow-er was 
 reduoevi greatly because of the return to peace conditions. 
 It was reduced still funher by the interference of Congress 
 with so many undoubted rights of the president that our 
 chief executi\"e, although more powerful than before the war, 
 was in danger of becoming suK>rdinate to Congress, 
 Fowas of Although the expansion of congressional authority during 
 
 ^-***^*^^ the war was less marked than that of the president, a veiy 
 
 large part of this new-found power was retained by Con- 
 gress and still more powers were exercised after the war 
 at the expense of the president or the srates. In shon 
 the war and recv>nstruction period left Congress much the 
 most powerful politicxl organization in our s\-stem of 
 go\-emment. The way in which Congress forced the once 
 proud southern suites to recc^rm« negro rights, to allow the 
 n^lTv^ a \*ote, and to accept conditions that were humiliat- 
 ing in \-iew of their recent claim to state so\-ereignty. was 
 almost pitiful. Congress undoubtedly would ha^-e seized 
 and retained e\-en more of the rights of states than it did bu: 
 for the action of the Supreme Court in declaring that it was 
 exceeding its f>owers, for example, when it tried to pre\^n: 
 discrimination against negroes in any inn or csa any railw-ay 
 in the countn*.* A comparison of the national finances 
 before the war and twenty \^irs later will show that Congress 
 had assumed many new duties and had radically changed 
 the s\-stem of taxation to which the countiy had been ac- 
 customed for sixty \-ears (§ 3S0). By the creation of a paper 
 currency during the war, and the refusal afterward to with- 
 draw this currency from circulation. Congress asserted its 
 right to exercise a power which the Constitution did not 
 authorize and which the cvmstitutional con\-enticm ol 17S7 
 belie\-ed Congress might use as a temporar\- expedient only 
 in time of great need (§ 300^ 
 Bosiftess 387. New HatioiULl Indistrial Conditioiis. — E\-en more 
 
 beiMe Uie «;», directly did the war influence the industry of the United 
 
 ' QtiI m^its Law of xS7>, dedaured uncoostitutioiULl XSS3. 
 
States. In iSOo the jx\^plo wore still dovotcil almost 
 exclusively to agriculture. There was little manufacturing, 
 and almost none at all on what we should ctMisi^ler a large 
 scale. Almost all money in use was in the form of state 
 bank bills, which did not pass at their face value outsiile of 
 the state where they were issued and often were worth little 
 anywhere, because they were issued in such i|uantitics. 
 This lack of a really national currency preventetl the devel- 
 opment of interstate trade. In consequence few companies 
 commanded a large market or exported extensively, whil'^ the 
 value of manufactured imports was large. 
 
 During the war manufacturing had been stimulated by the Duriiigtho 
 need of providing the troops with necessaries and of furnish- '^^'•^'"• 
 ing materials for the prosecution of military camjxugns. 
 The high tarilT had more than counterbalanced taxes on pro- 
 duction, and this reduction of foreign competition coui)led 
 with high prices had proved a boon to manufacturers. 
 
 When peace came, the internal taxes were removed, while After the war, 
 the taritT was changed very little for a quarter of a century. 
 This assured sutTicient protection to warrant the invest- 
 ment of still more capital in industry. Large companies 
 were organized. Firms which before had been content 
 with local markets began doing business in several states. 
 New^ commercial ties were formed by men in ditTerent parts 
 of the Union so that many of the old sectional prejudices 
 were forgotten. By this obliteration of state lines in busi- 
 ness, the unity of the nation was developed as at no earlier 
 time. The marked difference between the United States, 
 commercially and industrially, before the Civil War and 
 after that contlict can be appreciated perhaps by examining 
 the opening sections of the next chapter. 
 
 TOPICS 
 
 I. The Process of Reconstruction: Dunning, " Civil War 
 and Reconstruction," pp. 176-252; Burgess, "Reconstruction and 
 the Constitution," pp. 144-156, 222-246; Rhodes, "United States 
 since 1S50," M, pp. 60-07, 168-178, 284-305; Cox, "Three Decades 
 of Federal Legislation," pp. 480-577. 
 
452 Amcncan History [1S77 
 
 2. Impeachment of President Johnson: Burgess, "Recon- 
 struction and the Constitution," pp. 172-192; Dunning, "Ci^•il War 
 and Reconstruction," pp. 253-303; Blaine, "Twenty Years of Con- 
 gress," I, pp. 341-3S4; Rhodes, "United States since 1S50," VI, 
 pp. 9S-157. 
 
 3. Disputed Election of 1S76: Stanwood, "History of the 
 Presidency," pp. 356-393; Cox, "Three Decades of Federal Legis- 
 lation," pp. 651-668; Rhodes, "United States since 1850," \TI, 
 pp. 206-281; Haworth, "Disputed Presidential Election of 1876." 
 
 STUDIES 
 
 I. The condition of the South (1865). (Hart (ed.), "Contem- 
 poraries," IV, Nos. 141-144.) 
 
 2 Powers exercised by the Freedmen's Bureau. (MacDonald, 
 "Select Statutes," No. 51.) 
 
 3. Attempt to remove Stanton from office. (Blaine, "Twenty 
 Years of Congress," II, pp. 34S-355-) 
 
 4. The trial of Johnson before the Senate. (Ross, E. G., in 
 Scribner's, XI (1891), pp. 519-524.) 
 
 5. Ku Klux movement. (Brown, "Lower South in American 
 History," pp. 191-228.) 
 
 6. Carpetbag government in South Carolina. (Rhodes, "United 
 States," VI, pp. 142-168.) 
 
 7. Political contests in Louisiana. (Andrews, "United States 
 in our Own Times," pp. 152-167.) 
 
 S. Nast's ser\-ices in breaking up the Tweed ring. (Paine, 
 "Thomas Nast.") 
 
 QUESTIONS 
 
 1. Summarize the practical and the theoretical problems of re- 
 construction as they existed in 1S65. How did the plan that was 
 adopted solve each of these ? Do you agree with Professor Burgess 
 that the North should acknowledge that reconstruction was an error 
 as well as a failure ? 
 
 2. Were the rights of whites and blacks in the South protected 
 by the Freedmen's Bureau and the Civil Rights Bill? What new 
 principles did the latter introduce into our system of government? 
 Were those principles incorporated permanently or not ? 
 
 3. Compare the three amendments to the written Constitution 
 in regard to proWsions, importance, and results. Make a complete 
 comparison of the Emancipation Proclamation and Amendment 
 XIII ; of the Ci^-il Rights Bill and Amendment XIV. 
 
 4. Enumerate the most important changes in the written Consti- 
 tution during the reconstruction period. Did the changes (1861-1877) 
 constitute a revolution? 
 
PART V 
 
 THE NEW NATION (1865-1907) 
 
 CHAPTER XIX 
 
 INTERNAL DEVELOPMENT (1865-1886) 
 
 Presidents 
 
 Andrew Johnson (1865-1869) James A. Garfield (1881-1881) 
 Ulysses S. Grant (1869-1877) Chester A. Arthur (1881-1885) 
 Rutherford B. Hayes (1877-1881) Grover Cleveland (1885-1889) 
 
 388. Changes Following the War. — There can be no Business activ- 
 greater mistake than to imagine that during the Civil War the ^^^ ^^ ^~^ '^'^'' 
 energies of the North were entirely absorbed in carrying on 
 that conflict or in supposing that during the succeeding years 
 the reconstruction of the Confederate states engaged the 
 attention of more than a small proportion of the people. 
 When the crisis was past and the preservation of the Union 
 no longer in doubt, the vast majority were aroused by the 
 new business opportunities to improve their financial con- 
 dition. At the close of the war a million and a half of men, 
 North and South, returned to the ordinary walks of life within 
 a few months. The business of the North, stimulated rather 
 than retarded by the war, increased in volume manyfold. 
 There probably never has been a period of more numerous 
 radical business changes or greater apparent prosperity than 
 the period of reconstruction. During those years the wealth 
 of the United States nearly doubled. The larger cities 
 engaged in commerce on a large scale. In the smaller 
 towns new factories were started. Immigration from 
 Europe began anew. Into the West flocked a host of sturdy 
 pioneers who settled with their families on the farms which 
 
 453 
 
454 
 
 American History 
 
 [iS6; 
 
 Extravagance 
 
 and panic 
 
 the national government sold to them on liberal terms. ^ 
 New lines of railway were built in all parts of the Union, 
 especially in the West. 
 
 As the country \N-as flooded with the large issues of national 
 paper money — greenbacks and national bank notes, — gold 
 and silver coins were no longer in regular circulation during 
 this period, high prices pre\-ailed, and speculation was com- 
 mon. People bought and sold recklessly, fortunes un- 
 dreamed of before the war were made within short periods, 
 and private extravagance began to replace the cautious 
 expenditures of the earlier period. Prosperity soon led to 
 panic (1S73) ^^"<^ piinic to hard times (1S73-1S77). The 
 countn* recovered from this experience about the time that 
 reconstruction was completed in the South, and after 1S77 
 it settled down to the new methods of business and new 
 standanis of liWnsc under fairlv normal conditions. 
 
 National debt. 
 Dewev. Firi,:^- 
 
 Tojtes, 
 
 Financial and Industrial Rfadti'STMENT (1S65-1S70) 
 
 3S0. Bonds and Taxes after the Wiir. — A: the close of 
 the war the debt of tlie Uniievl States was nearly three bil- 
 lions of dollars. It included more than four hundred miUions 
 in greenbacks and other notes which bore no interest, but 
 most of the debt was in the form of bonds, with interest at five 
 per cent or six per cent. Some of the bonds were p;t}-able 
 in coin only, but the laws authorizing others had not stated in 
 what kind of currency they were to be paid. As they had 
 been sold for paper money, in almost every instance, many 
 people insisted that these latter bonds be paid in green- 
 backs. In fact the Democratic platform (1S6SI contained a 
 plank favoring this method, but the government, in order to 
 maintain its credit and to facilitate the sale of the new bonds 
 that were to replace the old ones, decideii to pay all in coin. 
 
 ^^'hen peace came in 1S65, the government sought to 
 reduce the taxes as soon as possible, but until the panic of 
 1873 there was a surplus of receipts over expenditures. The 
 
 * Homestead .\ct of 1S63. see Coman, ImJustriai HisUtry of Umittd 
 Staifs, pp. 3-g-2S2. 
 
1875] Fina)hial a fid Industrial Rcadjustiiioit 455 
 
 most objectionable features of the internal system were Dcwcv, /-/V/jw- 
 repealed, including the income taxes and the taxes on manu- ^''"' i^'^^*-^ 
 factures, but the excises on liquors and tobacco were retained, ^^ ^^ ' ^ 7- 
 the annual revenue from this source after 1870 being but 
 little less than that from customs duties. No important 
 change was made in the tariff ^ in spite of the reduction in 
 the internal taxes on manufactured articles which were 
 protected from foreign competition, so that the rates were 
 more than twice what they had been before the war and the 
 mducement to invest capital in industry was very great. 
 
 390. The Greenbacks. — As the greenbacks had been issuance and 
 intended to help the government during the war only, constitution- 
 steps were taken by the treasury department as early as 
 1865 to retire them from circulation. Those who desired 
 the withdrawal of the paper money were called " contrac- J^i'^J^'iJ"'^^^' 
 tionists," their opponents were known as '' inflationists." §^^ 154-156. 
 Contraction of the currency proved to be unpopular and was 
 abandoned in 1868, but in 1869 the Supreme Court decided White, Money, 
 
 that Consjress had no power to make those notes legal ^34-i49. 
 ^ 156-163. 
 
 tender. This decision was reversed two years later when 
 
 the reorganized court declared that the national govern- 
 
 .*" , . ,11 • J • e Rhodes, 
 
 ment might issue legal-tender paper money in time of war. imitcd states 
 During the hard times of the 70's the treasury department vi, 222-225, 
 issued new greenbacks, and in 1884, when the Supreme 258-273. 
 Court was asked to decide whether these issues were con- 
 stitutional, it gave its opinion that " Congress, as the legis- 
 lature of a sovereign nation," has the right to issue legal- 
 tender notes at its discretion.^ 
 
 In spite of the hard times after 1873, repeated attempts Resumption of 
 were made to resume specie pavments. Finally in 1875 a specie pay- 
 
 ^ ^ - " ' ^ ments (1S79). 
 
 ^ In 1S72 the duties on tea and cofifee were abolished and a horizontal re- 
 duction of ten per cent was made on other rates, but the original rates 
 were restored in 1S75, except that tea and coffee were left on the free list. 
 
 2 It might do this because of powers specifically conferred on it by the 
 Constitution (Art. i, § S, els. i, 2, and 5) and because " the power to make 
 the notes of the government a legal tender in payment of private debts is 
 one of the powers belonging to sovereignty in other civilized nations, and 
 not expressly withheld from Congress by the' Constitution." 
 
^;5 
 
 Amtenatm Hisiiny 
 
 [1875 
 
 Btn??es&. 
 
 XII i>ii . 
 
 
 
 
 law \ri5 passed \duch provided for die lesumptioii <rf 
 sj^cie payments cm the nrst day erf January. 187^ John 
 Sbennan, as secretary of the treasun, took chai^je trf collect- 
 ing goki to be used as a reserve for the ledempdon of green- 
 backs, and sucoeeded so well that he had $153,000,000 at 
 his cxmimand on the day set for redemption. Few notes 
 weie presented for payment at that time, as greenbacks now 
 circulated on a par with gold, but the go\^jnment sought 
 Thvre..!:eT to keer> 3 reserve of at least one hundred millions 
 for rfie redemption of the green- 
 backs and other notes which it 
 had outstanding. 
 
 Aldiough the government kept 
 the greenbacks in circulation and 
 die courts upheld the right of Con- 
 gress to issxie diem in times of 
 peace, many persons were dissatis- 
 oed with die gOMHim^Jit's decision 
 to pay all ol its ob%aitiQits in coin 
 ,.rd its avowed intention of le- 
 :;:niing the greenbacks in specie, 
 reby increasiiig the vahie o£ 
 e^'eI^- paper 1 "' ;: was wordi as much as ^?3kl. 
 
 Many erf the : > - ..^ opponents of this poKcr united 
 and formed a political party called the Gnwaiback party, 
 which in 1S7S polled more dian one nuUion votes. The 
 renim of " good times " did mudi to countefact this ejt- 
 teaisivTe " inflation " mov«nent, and the influaioe o£ the 
 ** GreenK^ckeis *' on k^tslation was not great. 
 
 391. La^ns Relating to SOver. — In iS;4 Congress had 
 »(kipt!ed a law for die free coinage * erf gold and silver at a 
 
 mhemthe80<twa»eatrfMre»y<»iicltti«^g bi d g« w<rfattt«wt»itDl>iae 
 
 JO^N SH.£x>tAN 
 
 to ^ke vast awl iccet^ w enteaee cons <if die 
 vkefttkecovoMMMt M>d tbe go Ttmitfit atofce cu clause lift 
 ^Ae^ AWKwl Cw tw j p. •#»-*$?» 
 
1S79] Fift-iifU'iaJ ami IndustruiJ Ra^Jjustmrfit 457 
 
 legal ratio of 10 to i. Under this law very little silver 
 xs-as coined, and in oixier to supply the country with small 
 change. CongK'ss in 1S54 providevi that the silver coins of \y\\\tt, M^m^y, 
 a denomination less than one dollar should contain less 34-37- 
 silver than fonnerly, but should be minted from silver pur- 
 chased by the go\-ernment. This left the dollar as the only 
 silver coin subject to free coinage, but for business rea- Dowey. /=».»»- 
 sc->ns very few sil\-er dollars were minted. This condition, ^'^'^-^ ^'-'"^•• 
 coupled with the fact that only ^\i|^>er money had been used ^^ ^ ^'^ 
 in ORiinary circulation for several yeai^>, led Congress in 
 1873 ^^^ P^^^ ^^ 1^^^^' declaring that tlie sih^er dollar should 
 no longer be subject to free coinage. It is doubtful whether 
 the congresismen realized fully that this would establish 
 gold monometallism in the United States, so that few if any 
 could be accuseii of deliV-erate p;vrticipation in a '' crime of 
 
 This act happened to coincide in time with the opening Biand-Aiiison 
 of many new silver mines in the Rocky mountain states, and '^*^^ (1S7S). 
 with action on the pivrt of l«?nnany, France, and several other 
 nations which was unfavorable to silver. Consequently, the l>e>**ey. Fixm- 
 price of silver declined from $1.20 an ounce in 1S70 to ^/^^.^ '^'" 
 $1.05 an ounce in 1S7S. In order to raise the price of 
 sih^-r and in order also to g:\in a cheaper money in which ^^-^^j^^ t^ 
 they might rep;iy their debts, large numbers of persons 193-109. 
 demandeci the free coinage of silver. A bill to that effect 
 was introduced in the House by Bland of Missouri, but in the 
 Senate it was changed at tlie suggestion of Senator Allison 
 of Iowa so that tlie government was to purchase not less 
 than $2,000,000 nor more than $4,000,000 worth of silver 
 per month at tlie market price, and coin it into dollars. 
 Even in this modified form the bill was vetoed by President 
 Hayes, but it was p;issed over his veto. 
 
 392. Business after the War. — In the decade following Mining, 
 tlie war the natural resources of the countr}- were developed 
 as never before. Xew silver mines were opened not alone in coman, IkJms- 
 Xe\-ada, where the Comstock Lode and otlier mines \-ielded tri^ Hist^ 
 immense fortunes, but in the Black Hills of Dakota and at ^'^^^^' 
 
453 
 
 American History 
 
 [1865- 
 
 Manu- 
 facturing. 
 
 Wright, Indus- 
 trial Evolution, 
 159-188. 
 
 Foreign com- 
 merce. 
 
 Leadville, Colorado, to which thousands flocked in search 
 of weahh. Iron and copper were mined much more ex- 
 tensively, particularly in the upper Michigan peninsula, and 
 the coal output of the United States increased five hundred 
 per cent. Especially in northwestern Pennsylvania the pro- 
 duction of petroleum drew throngs which sought fortunes 
 
 in the oil fields. 
 When this crude oil 
 was refined, it was 
 found to be a very 
 fine illuminant and 
 was sold extensively 
 in the United States 
 and in Europe. 
 
 Conditions were 
 especially favorable 
 for manufacturing. 
 The increasing sup- 
 ply of raw materials, 
 the demand for 
 greater conveniences 
 and more luxuries 
 than before the war, 
 the extension of the railways and the cheapening of trans- 
 portation, aided in this movement. More than anything else 
 the high protective duties, preventing keen competition from 
 abroad, made manufacturing investments desirable. From 
 i860 to 1880 the value of manufactured articles increased 
 from less than $2,000,000,000 to nearly $5,500,000,000. 
 
 Foreign commerce revived very rapidly after the wan 
 In 1865 our total exports and imports amounted to but 
 $465,000,000. Eight years later they were nearly three 
 times that figure, and, although the depression from 1873 
 to 1878 reduced the amount of our foreign trade, it never 
 again fell below $1,000,000,000 a vear. 
 
 393. Agriculture and the West. — During the period from 
 1865 to 1880, which was one of distinctively national growth, 
 
 BILLIONS OF DOLLARS 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 15 
 14 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 y 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 / 
 
 13 
 12 
 11 
 
 10 
 9 
 
 8 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
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 ^ 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
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 1 
 
 ^' 
 
 — 
 
 ^^ 
 
 r'^ 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
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 _, 
 
 _._ 
 
 
 
 _. 
 
 — 
 
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 _ 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1870 18S0 1890 1900 1905 
 
 DEVELOPNIENT OF THE UNITED STATES 
 
 (1870- 1905) 
 
 Manufactured products 
 
 Agricultural products 
 
 Foreign Commerce 
 
i88o] Financial and Industrial Readjustment 459 
 
 the United States was fortunate enough to avoid one of the Agriculture in 
 great dangers which are likely to accompany rapid industrial *^^ ^°^^^^ ^^^ 
 and commercial development, namely, the loss of a sturdy, 
 middle class of farmers. In 1880 there was just twice the 
 number of farms in this country that there were in i860, ^^south 
 a truly remarkable change. This can be accounted for in 17-28. 
 several ways. First, in the South, agriculture was emanci- 
 pated from the former system of large plantations exclusively, 
 with crude labor, and, although numerous large cotton and 
 tobacco plantations remained, there were now very many 
 small farms devoted to various crops and supporting one 
 family rather than a colony. This was fortunate for the 
 South, as the people did not recover easily from the losses 
 and hardships of the war and reconstruction. Second, 
 in the East more attention was being paid to intensive 
 farming, as it was found difficult to compete with the cheap 
 western lands in the growing of cereals. Near the cities 
 small truck farms conducted on scientific principles were 
 found exceedingly profitable. 
 
 Third. Into the West poured hundreds of thousands who Agriculture in 
 were attracted to the rougher life of the frontier, or were ^"^^ ^^^^• 
 drawn on by the offers of cheap land made by the govern- 
 ment or the railways. In 1862 Congress had passed the Coman, Indus- 
 
 . . , . . trial Hist., 
 
 Homestead Act, permittmg any one who was a citizen or 279-282. 
 intended to become a citizen to acquire 160 acres of land by 
 remaining on it five yeirs, the money payment being purely 
 nominal. Last, when hard times after 1873 reduced the 
 demand for labor in industry and commerce, many thousands 
 turned their attention to agriculture, which suffered less from 
 the panic than any other occupation. 
 
 Aside from the social advantages derived from the in- Agricultural 
 creasing tendency to become a nation of small farmers, development 
 the agricultural changes of this period are noteworthy. 
 The quantity which was grown doubled during the fifteen 
 years following the war, and in the case of wheat, the 
 increase was even greater. With the opening of large grain 
 farms in the western part of the Mississippi valley and the 
 
46o 
 
 American History 
 
 [1865- 
 
 Railways after 
 the Civil War. 
 
 Haynes, Rail- 
 way Legisla- 
 tion, 82-96. 
 
 Johnson, Rail- 
 way Transpor- 
 tation, 27-28, 
 311-316. 
 
 First trans- 
 continental 
 railway. 
 
 Coman, 
 Industrial 
 Hist., 282-286. 
 
 construction of railways in that region, we began to export 
 large quantities of flour and other bread stuffs to Europe, the 
 real beginning of our most important modern export trade. 
 
 Transportation Problems (186 5- 188 7) 
 
 394. Development of the West by Means of Railways. — 
 
 We have already noted the care taken by the state govern- 
 ments, particularly in the West, to develop railway com- 
 munication within their territory (§ 284). In 1850 the 
 United States began to take part in this movement by making 
 grants of land to the states to be used as a bonus for rail- 
 way lines. Much had been done in this .way before i860, 
 w^hen the United States possessed 30,000 miles of railway. 
 During the war the need of moving troops or provisions, 
 and after the war the increased demands of the exporters 
 in the coast cities, the eastern manufacturers, the farmers, 
 and the western miners, emphasized the need of better 
 means of communication. This led to an era of railway 
 construction that in eight years (1866-18 74) more than 
 doubled the mileage of the country. New sections wxre 
 thus offered to settlement, inducements being made by 
 the railways which oft'ered to carry settlers and their families 
 at very low rates. Lands were granted almost without cost 
 not only by the government under the Homestead Act, but 
 by railways, which advertised widely the advantages of the 
 farms they had for sale. These lands had been given to 
 the railways as a bonus for building a line through a region 
 that could not possibly support a railway until it was densely 
 populated. The result was, of course, greatly improved 
 means of communication in the Northwest, accompanied 
 by the rapid settlement of the western prairies and an agri- 
 cultural advance that was marvelous. 
 
 The most important railway enterprise of this period was 
 the construction of a transcontinental railway from the 
 Missouri River to the Pacific coast. This was authorized 
 by Congress in 1862, the national government making 
 Hberal land grants and loaning a large sum of money to the 
 
i88o] Transportation Problems 461 
 
 railway companies.^ The completion of the road in 1869 Dillon, s., in 
 
 was an event of ejreat importance from the political as well ^cribners, 
 
 4-u ■ ^ ^ A • ^ XII (1892), 
 
 as the commercial standpomt. _' 
 
 395. Railway Abuses. — In the eastern and central states 
 many of the. railways built after the war were unnecessary. Two kinds of 
 (i) Their efforts to secure business led to cut-throat com- discrimination 
 petition between cities which were on more than one line, 
 so that goods were often transported between two points at Johnson, Raii- 
 an actual loss. To make good this deficit, the railways «'«^ Transpor- 
 charged an extra amount on local traffic. If a shipper '^ ^^'^' ^^^-227. 
 wished to send goods from Chicago to a point in New York Haynes, 
 or Pennsylvania, it was often cheaper to ship the goods to Railway 
 New York and then reship them back over the same line to ^^s^'^'^^'''''' 
 the intermediate point. " (2) This discrimination between 
 different places was less serious than a second railway Rogers, Devt. 
 abuse ; namely, the discrimination between shippers, which ^-^ ^orth, 
 became quite common after 1870. By granting special 
 rates to favored shippers the railways did much to develop 
 the great monopolies which were often able to destroy the 
 business of their smaller competitors, because of the cheaper 
 transportation secured by them. For example, the Stand- 
 ard Oil Company, of Cleveland, Ohio, succeeded in gaining 
 control of most of the refineries in that city and in the 
 oil-producing district of Pennsylvania, partly because it 
 obtained lower freight rates and was able therefore to sell 
 oil for less than its competitors. 
 
 By combining, the railways sought to protect themselves Pools, 
 from cut-throat competition and to keep the trusts from 
 forcing them into giving large rebates. The object of these Hadiey, 
 combinations was to maintain a uniform system of high J^^^^^ . 
 rates on all of the railways in the country. But the ordinary 74-76, 91-^7. 
 
 ^ The amount loaned was $16,000 per mile across the prairies, $32,000 on 
 the mountainous plateaus, and $48,000 per mile across the mountain 
 ranges. The total sum of over $61,000,000 was loaned at six per cent for 
 thirty years to the main Hne or branches. This was secured by first mort- 
 gage on the railways. Between 1896 and 1899 all of the principal was re- 
 paid and in most cases interest was paid also. 
 
462 
 
 American History 
 
 [1870 
 
 Johnson, Rail- combinations failed to do this because some railway was 
 way Transpor- ^^gj-^ain to cut ratcs in order to secure more business. Later 
 a plan was devised to arrange beforehand the percentage of 
 the profits to be received by each of the railways in the com- 
 bination, or pool, as it was called, so that there would be no 
 temptation to cut rates. 
 
 396. The Granger Movement and Railway Legislation. — 
 In the West the situation was even more serious. As there 
 was less competition, there was less need of combinations to 
 maintain rates. The railways, having sold most of their 
 
 tation, 228-243. 
 
 Abuses in the 
 West. 
 
 . - 
 
 1807 '70 '75 '80 '85 '90 '95 19!oO 
 
 
 90 
 80 
 70 
 60 
 50 
 40 
 30 
 20 
 10 
 00 
 90 
 80 
 70 
 60 
 .60 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 ~ 
 
 
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 J 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
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 k 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
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 — 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 _ 
 
 
 
 
 
 DECREASE IN RAILWAY RATES (1867 - 1900) 
 
 Granger 
 legislation. 
 
 Wilson, Am. 
 
 People, 
 
 V, 124-128. 
 
 desirable lands by attracting settlers with low rates, began to 
 charge '' all the tariff that the traffic would bear." It is 
 probable that most of them could not have paid expenses 
 even by the use of exorbitant rates, but these facts were lost 
 sight of by the shippers who were obliged to find a market 
 for their products. Throughout the West spread a demand 
 for government relief. 
 
 The cry for control of the railways was taken up by the 
 Farmers' Alliance, which had been originally a non-poHtical 
 body. Hundreds of thousands joined the Alliance in all 
 parts of the country, and in several state elections during the 
 seventies the question of railway regulation was the principal 
 issue. The chief aim of the Grangers, as the members of 
 the Alliance were called, was to secure lower rates. Largely 
 through their influence state railway commissions were 
 
1887] Transportation Problems 463 
 
 appointed which had the right to fix maximum rates and Johnson, Rail- 
 dictate the pohcy of the railways in other respects.^ At first ^^^ Transpor- 
 the attempt was made to have all rates as low as those be- 
 tween two places which enjoyed keen, unrestricted competi- 
 tion ; but as it was found that this only injured the railways 
 and indirectly hurt the shippers, the commissions later used 
 their powers more carefully. 
 
 397. The Interstate Commerce Commission (1887). — Precedent 
 As the larger part of the freight transported on the railways ^^^^*^- 
 of the United States is carried between places in different 
 states, legislation by the states did not afford the relief ex- Jo^"^^"' ^«^'^- 
 pected even with the drastic methods used. But Congress tation, 367-370. 
 was slow to take action. In 1878 a bill for the regulation of 
 interstate trade passed the House of Representatives but 
 not the Senate. Nothing was done until, several years 
 later, the Illinois commission tried to apply its laws to 
 certain trade that was carried on between Illinois and the 
 neighboring states. The Supreme Court of the United 
 States declared that the Illinois commission had no right 
 to regulate interstate commerce, as Congress alone had that 
 power. 
 
 So widespread a demand had arisen for action by Con- interstate 
 
 gress that in 1887 the Interstate Commerce Act was passed, Commerce 
 . . . . ^ •> Act (1887). 
 
 creating a commission of five members which had the power 
 
 to investigate existing rates and declare them unreasonable. 
 
 The avowed purposes of the act were to prevent pools affect- ^^ay^Transpor- 
 
 ing interstate commerce by declaring them illegal, to pre- tation, 370-385. 
 
 vent high rates or rates that were discriminating because one 
 
 person was charged more than another for similar services. Adams, H.C. 
 
 or because a greater charge was made for a short haul than i" Atlantic, 
 
 for along one.^ Fear that the commission might treat the '^ 9 J. 
 
 railways as the earlier state commissions had done led the 
 
 railways to change their methods radically for a time, not 
 
 always to the advantage of the public ; but the powers of 
 
 1 Many former state commissions did not enjoy the right to fix maximum 
 rates. Most of them now have this power. 
 
 2 In a case of this kind, the short haul was always a part of the longer one. 
 
464 
 
 American History 
 
 [1877 
 
 EfectHmof 
 
 Andrews, Oitr 
 
 OmmTtmtf, 
 
 3P7-3I9' 
 
 Stanvood. 
 
 Gufiekland 
 Conkling. 
 
 Andrews. Ckr 
 Oam Timu, 
 319-330. 
 
 the commission were so limited that it accomplished com- 
 pa^ati^-ely Uttle,* 
 
 Political Changes axi^ Repokms (1877-1886) 
 
 398. Garfield and Arthur. — Not only was business re- 
 established on a normal Ixisis after 1S77, but the poUtical 
 pKirties began to interest themselves in present-day questions. 
 
 This was apparent in all of 
 the elections after 1S7S. In- 
 terest in the election of iSSo 
 centers in the Republican con- 
 ve"::.-n in Chicago rather 
 in the campaign. The 
 v^irant were anxious 
 . -.: -ic ^-lc.ald be nominated, 
 :?r he and they thought that 
 :he so-called " third-term tni- 
 iition " was a foolish custom 
 rot sanctioned by the nation. 
 Guided by Roscoe Conkling, 
 .\ Xew York senator, o\-er 
 three hundred delegates voted 
 on e\-ery ballot for their champion. His chief opponent 
 was Blaine, whose forces, after thirty-fi\-e futile ballots, 
 joined the ranks of those that supponed James A. Gaifidd 
 of Ohio. Chester A. Arthur of Xew York was named for 
 the vice presidency to represent the Conkling wing of the 
 pany. Grant's followers rallied to the support of the ticket 
 and in Xo\-ember Garfield was elected by a \-ote of 214 to 15 5 
 over the Democratic nominee. General Wlnfield S. Hancock. 
 After the election the breach between the Conkling and 
 Blaine factions was widened. Blaine was selected by Gar- 
 field for the state portfoHo and was influential in determin- 
 ing the policy of the administration. When the Presideni 
 nominated for the chief office in the state of Xew York a man 
 who for partisan reasons was obnoxious to Conkling, the 
 
 ' On the later histoij of nihray legobtioa, see $§ 466, 471. 
 
 James A. Gakfulld 
 
1 884] 
 
 Political CJuifigL'S and Rcforuis 
 
 465 
 
 latter resigned from the Senate and persuaded his col- 
 league to do the same. It had been the custom, and is still 
 to some extent, for the senators to name the appointees for 
 federal positions in their states, so that Garfield's action was a 
 blow to Conkling's power as well as his pride. The senators 
 expected of course to be triumphantly reelected and were 
 sadly disappointed when others were selected. The incident 
 aroused public sentiment to the evils and dangers of the 
 spoils system. This feeling reached fever heat wlien on 
 July 2, iSSi, Garfield was 
 shot by a disappointed office 
 seeker. The lingering illness 
 of this second " martyr presi- 
 dent " created a demand for 
 reform in the civil service that 
 found embodiment in law 
 soon after (§ 401). 
 
 Arthur had been looked 
 upon as a politician of no 
 great ability, but he proved 
 a wise and reliable executive. 
 Few of the measures of his 
 term were partisan acts, so slight was the cohesion in the 
 political parties. The old issues had been dropped, but 
 party lines were not drawn as yet on new political ques- 
 tions. 
 
 399. The Election of Cleveland (1884). — The campaign 
 of 18S4 was the most interesting that had been held up to 
 that time since the Civil War. The dissensions in the Repub- 
 lican ranks, the lack of any clear-cut Democratic policy, and 
 the rise into prominence of the Prohibition party compli- 
 cated the situation. So far as any political issues attained 
 prominence, the main question that seemed to be at stake 
 was that of reform, although the politicians of both parties 
 sought to make the tarift* the important issue. In reality, it 
 was more a personal campaign between the two candidates. 
 
 The Republicans nominated the most distinguished 
 
 Stanwood, 
 
 Blaine, 
 
 224-239. 
 
 Chester A. Arthur 
 
 .Arthur. 
 
 Political 
 situation. 
 
466 
 
 American History 
 
 [1884 
 
 Candidates 
 
 and election. 
 
 Wilson, 
 Am. Pecfle, 
 \, 169-176. 
 
 Stanwood, 
 Presidency, 
 427-449- 
 
 Cleveland's 
 policy. 
 
 Peck, Tzi'crit:/ 
 Yiars, 49—60, 
 66-So. 
 
 member of their party, James G. Blaine of Maine, a man of 
 magnetic personality who aroused in his followers a greater 
 enthusiasm than any other leader since the days of Henry 
 Clay. Blaine had unfortunately been connected, while 
 speaker of the House of Representatives, with a transfer of 
 railway stock which his opponents claimed was a bribe. 
 Blaine had answered the charge boldly, but had never 
 satisfied some of the reformers in his party of his innocence. 
 
 This transaction, in fact, clouded 
 
 the most brilliant poUtical career 
 of recent times. The reformers 
 refused to support the Repub- 
 lican ticket and worked for the 
 Democratic nominee. This 
 faction of '"Mugwumps," as it 
 was called sneeringly, was, in 
 fact, sufficiently large to decide 
 the election. Grover Cleveland, 
 •vho represented the Democratic 
 party, had become prominent 
 as governor of Xew York, be- 
 cause of the immense pluraHtv- 
 by which he had been elected ia 
 1 88 2 and by the fearless use of the veto to reduce expendi- 
 tures. He was haUed as the chief reformer then prominent in 
 poHtics. The campaign was contested hotly and was marred 
 unfortunately by the bitterness of the personal accusations 
 against the two candidates. The election was decided by 
 the vote of Xew York, in which both the Prohibitionists and 
 Mugwumps were numerous. For several days after the 
 election the vote of Xew York was in doubt, but the official 
 count showed that the state had gone Democratic. 
 
 As Cleveland was the first Democratic president for a 
 quarter of a centur}- the party looked fon\-ard eagerly to the 
 return to power. The reformers, on the other hand, ex- 
 pected him to overlook partisanship in making removals 
 and appoiatments. In consequence his position was one of 
 
 James G. Blaim 
 
I87I] 
 
 Political Changes and Reforms 
 
 467 
 
 great difficulty, and, as is usual in such cases, Cleveland 
 did too little to satisfy the one party and too much to please 
 the other. He left conditions better than he found them and 
 at all times exhibited a firmness that brought results. His 
 administration is noteworthy for the numerous important 
 changes that were made in the law of the nation. 
 
 400. The Spoils System and Reform. — For a period of 
 fifty years the majority of the offices connected with the 
 national government had been 
 filled by party workers who 
 had been appointed in return 
 for services rendered to the 
 party during the election cam- 
 paign. Frequently extensive 
 changes had been made every 
 four years even when the same 
 party remained in power. 
 Thousands of persons were 
 employed whose services had 
 never been engaged according 
 to law. This resulted in a 
 serious demoralization of the 
 civil service which was in- 
 creased by the practice of requiring officeholders to con- 
 tribute to campaign funds and work for their chiefs. Often 
 the entire influence of an administration and its supporters 
 would be devoted to the carrying of primaries,, the election 
 of delegates to nominating conventions and the carrying of 
 doubtful states or districts. Pernicious political activity of 
 this kind was even more disgraceful than inefficiency in 
 office. 
 
 Even before the Civil War, there had been some demand 
 for the reorganization of the public service on business 
 principles. Nothing of importance was done until, in 187 1, 
 a civil service commission of first-class men was appointed 
 by President Grant. The commission was empowered to 
 investigate the character and fitness of a few employees and 
 
 Grover Cleveland 
 
 Character of 
 the spoils 
 system. 
 
 Lodge, Hist, 
 and Pol. Es- 
 says. 
 
 Hart, Actual 
 Govt, \ 132. 
 
 Civil service 
 under Grant 
 and Hayes. 
 
 Larned (ed.), 
 Ready Re/., 
 I, 476-477. 
 
468 
 
 American History 
 
 [1875 
 
 Lodge, 
 
 Essays, 
 
 Civil Service 
 Commission 
 
 MacDonald, 
 Statutes, 
 No. 109. 
 
 Hart, Actual 
 Govt, § 134. 
 
 Extension of 
 commission's 
 work. 
 
 Larned (ed.), 
 Keadv Rff., 
 VI. 145-148. 
 
 Special 
 improvements. 
 
 misfht srive examinations of an elementary character. After 
 four years Congress refused to vote appropriations for 
 carrying on the work, and, as the resuhs were not par- 
 ticularly gratifying, the commission ceased to exist. Presi- 
 dent Hayes did much more for the national civil service by 
 insisting on good appointments. 
 
 In 1SS3 Congress passed by a large majority in both 
 houses a bill for the reform of the. national civil service. 
 This had been drafted by the Civil Service League and 
 introduced by Senator Pendleton of Ohio. It provided for 
 a commission of three members with power to make rules 
 for the examination of candidates for numerous offices of a 
 clerical nature. These offices were arranged in classes, 
 hence the term "• classified " service. 
 
 401. Progress of Civil Service Reform since 1883. — As 
 the president was permitted to increase the number of posi- 
 tions to which appointments might be made by the com- 
 mission, the attitude of the chief executive was a matter of 
 the first importance. All of the presidents since 1SS3 have 
 extended the scope of the commission's work. Until 1894, 
 however, most of the additions were made after the suc- 
 cessor of the executive in office had been chosen. During 
 his second term President Cleveland gave the commission 
 control of large numbers of offices in the treasury, war, navy, 
 and interior departments. During that administration the 
 number of offices in the classified service was more than 
 doubled. Afterward it was claimed that the men ap- 
 pointed by the commission to some positions requiring skill 
 were not fitted for their work, and nearly eight thousand 
 offices were taken from the commission. During the first 
 four years that Roosevelt was president the number again 
 increased nearly one hundred per cent, the offices opened 
 to examination being in many cases of a higher t}-pe 
 than those formerly filled by the commission. 
 
 Numerous executive orders have modified the civil senice 
 rules. Originally persons in the classified service might be 
 removed bv those under whom thev served. After con- 
 
188;] Political Changes and Refonns 469 
 
 siderable agitation President McKinley in 1897 declared that 
 none should be removed but for cause which was stated 
 specifically. Changes have also been made for the pro- 
 motion of officials according to proved abiUty. Some of the 
 presidents, Roosevelt particularly, have applied this prin- 
 ciple to very many offices not controlled by the commission. 
 In general it may be said that, although the method of ap- 
 pointment used by the commission is not ideal, and although 
 there is danger of retaining under the system officials and 
 employees who have outlived their usefulness, it has per- 
 formed a work of inestimable service to the nation. 
 
 The experience of the state and city governments in regard Municipal and 
 to the spoils system and reform has been somewhat similar state reform. 
 to that of the central governmenl. In our largest cities 
 particularlv the abuses of the old system have been more ^^'"*> 
 
 ' , , /^- -1 '• • • Actual Gov't, 
 
 serious than elsewhere. Civil service commissions were xx -j g. 
 appointed in a few states and cities during the nineteenth 
 century. Civil service reform has made more progress since 
 the beginning of the t^ventieth century, especially in those 
 cities that have adopted the commission form of govern- 
 ment. Much still remains to be done. 
 
 402. Reform of Elections. — Following close upon the Former eleo 
 reform in the methods of appointing public officials came *^°^ ^ "^^^' 
 a demand for improvement in the methods of election. 
 There had never been any system of providing ballots or any 
 order in polling votes. Each party printed its own tickets, 
 and the parties, by neglecting to provide ballots, might pre- 
 vent an election. Party workers were allowed to accompany 
 any voter from the time he entered the polling place until he 
 deposited his ballot. There was no secrecy, but every chance 
 for bribery or intimidation. Organized gangs of the roughest 
 element frequently controlled the election. " Stuffing " the 
 ballot box was by no means uncommon. Occasionally those 
 who had the right to count the ballots took the boxes with 
 them to one of their homes. In short, there was every op- 
 portunity to defeat the will of the people. 
 
 In 1887 agitation for reform began in earnest. England Reform ballots. 
 
4/0 
 
 American History 
 
 [1SS9 
 
 Short Biillot. 
 
 Primary 
 Reform. 
 
 Presidential 
 Succession 
 Act (18S61. 
 
 MacDonald. 
 Statutes, 
 No. III. 
 
 Stanwood, 
 Presidency, 
 450-452. 
 
 had adopted recently a form of ballot based on that in use in 
 Australia. The reformers urged the selection of this, and in 
 1889 Massachusetts adopted with modifications the so-called 
 Australian ballot. The movement spread with amazing 
 rapidity, and although no state had used the reform ballot in 
 the presidential election of 18S8 more than thirty did so 
 four years later, and all but three had abandoned the older 
 system in 1906. These reform ballots are printed by the 
 government. Names of all candidates for all offices are 
 printed on a single sheet. Official ballots are not distrib- 
 uted to the voters until they have registered on election day, 
 and the ballot is marked in secret. 
 
 On account of the large number of names on the old ballots 
 there has been a recent movement to decrease the number 
 of elective offices using a short ballot. ^ 
 
 In the old primaries were elected the delegates to nomi- 
 nating conventions. ^lost of our present primaries are direct 
 primaries which choose candidates directly.^ 
 
 403. Changes affecting the Presidency. — One of the most 
 significant series of lav.s passed during Cleveland's first term 
 affected the presidency. In 18S5 Vice President Hendricks 
 died. According to the law of that time, in case of the death 
 or disabiUty of both the president and the vice president, the 
 office was to be filled, first by the president pro tempore of the 
 Senate, second, by the speaker of the House. As the Senate 
 was Republican at this time, the accession of its presiding 
 officer to the presidency would have led to a complete 
 reversal of the administration's policy. A new Presiden- 
 tial Succession Act was passed, therefore, providing that, 
 if both the president and the vice president died, the office 
 should be filled by the members of the cabinet in the order 
 of the creation of the departments, beginning with the sec- 
 retaries of state, treasury, and war. 
 
 President Cleveland had an interesting tilt with the Senate 
 in 1886 over his right to remove officials without the consent 
 
 1 See § 456. 
 
188;] Political Changes and Refonns 471 
 
 of the Senate. It will be remembered that the Tenure of Dispute over 
 
 Office Act in 1867 had restricted the president's right of po^^'^^^f 
 
 removal. This was replaced by a much milder act in 1869 
 
 when Grant took the oath of office, but the Senate had been 
 
 in the habit of askinp; for reasons of removal. Cleveland ^^^' f "'^ 
 
 *-" Govt, J 131. 
 
 refused to do this, claiming that the law did not give the 
 
 Senate a share in makino; removals. A long debate closed ^, , . 
 
 ^ ^ Cleveland, 
 
 with the yielding of the Senate. This action is typical of a Pres. Prob- 
 number of others by which Cleveland did much in his re- ^^'^". 39-76. 
 lations with Congress to restore the dignity and power of 
 the presidency to the position it had occupied before recon- 
 struction days. 
 
 The third change affecting the presidency was the enact- Electoral 
 ment (1887) of an Electoral Count Bill. In spite of the Count Bill, 
 difficulties in 1877 i^^ counting the electoral votes. Congress MacDonaid, 
 had done nothing to supplement the omissions of the Con- J^^ ' 
 stitution in this important respect. The law of 1887 left 
 the decision regarding what votes should be counted to the Presideticy, 
 states, and if the states neglected the matter. Congress could 397-400, 
 reach a decision only by the agreement of both houses. 452-45 • 
 
 404. Summary. — The years following the war brought industrial 
 to the national government several problems besides that problems of 
 
 r • rT^^ ' 111 government 
 
 of reconstruction. I here was an immense war debt to be and people 
 refunded and paid. Congress was obliged to decide whether (1865-1886). 
 the paper money of the war should be retained, when specie 
 payments might be resumed, and what should be done about 
 silver. By 1880 we were again on a specie basis, although 
 a great amount of paper was in circulation and there was no 
 longer free coinage of silver. The nation meanwhile had 
 passed through a period of extreme business activity followed 
 by the great depression in the years after 1873. One of the 
 prominent characteristics of the time was the rapid expan- 
 sion of railways. In the East the railways cut rates between 
 competitive points, making good the losses at the expense 
 of intermediate stations. Cut-throat competition led to 
 the formation of pools. In the East, first, and later in 
 the West, state railway commissions sought to restrain the 
 
472 American History [1865- 
 
 railways, the granger legislation of the prairie states being so 
 
 drastic as to injure the railways. Legislation for interstate 
 
 railways was delayed until 1887. 
 
 Political parties The election of Hayes put an end to the political confusion 
 
 and problems q£ ^]^g reconstruction period, and with the election of 1880 new 
 (1877-1886). ^ 
 
 issues were discussed. Some of these were industrial, as was 
 
 the case with the tariff, which became prominent during the 
 
 close of this period. From 1882 to 1886 more attention was 
 
 paid to the reform of party politics. The first attack was 
 
 made on the spoils system, but later the reform of elections 
 
 and the primaries was demanded. 
 
 TOPICS 
 
 1. Constitutionality of the Greenbacks: Bancroft, "Plea 
 for the Constitution"; Knox, "United States Notes," pp. 156-166, 
 193-229; Hart, "Salmon P. Chase," pp. 389-414; Thayer, "Cases 
 in Constitutional Law," II, pp. 2222-2273. 
 
 2. National Control of Railways: Lord, J. W., in North 
 American Review, 183 (1905), pp. 754-766; Haynes, "Restrictive 
 Railway Legislation," pp. 220-233, 243-292; Johnson, "American 
 Railway Transportation," pp. 367-407, 420-427; Meyer, "Govern- 
 ment Regulation of Railway Rates," pp. 319-439. 
 
 STUDIES 
 
 1. John Sherman and Resumption. (Sherman, "Recollections 
 of Forty Years," II, pp. 629-660.) 
 
 2. Oil craze in Pennsylvania. (Tarbell, "History of Standard 
 Oil," I, Chapter I.) 
 
 3. Destruction of Custer's force. (Andrews, "United States 
 in Our Own Time," pp. 186-193.) 
 
 4. Building the first transcontinental line. (Warman, "Story 
 of the Railroad," pp. 31-65.) 
 
 5. Transportation in the South. (Bruce, "Rise of New South," 
 pp. 281-306.) 
 
 6. Government grants of land to railways. (Hart, "Practical 
 Essays," No. 10.) 
 
 7. Conkling's attempt to nominate Grant. (Dawes, H. L., in 
 Century, 47 (1894), pp. 341-344.) 
 
 8. The Plumed Knight and his joust. (Andrews, "United States 
 in Our Own Time," pp. 452-480.) 
 
1 886] Internal Development 473 
 
 9. History of removal from national offices. (Cleveland, G., in 
 Atlantic Monthly, 85 (1900), pp. 721-732; 86 (1900), pp. 1-14.) 
 
 QUESTIONS 
 
 1. Look up the income taxes and taxes on production during 
 the Civil War. Why was there opposition to these taxes? Should 
 they have been retained after the war? If not, should the tariffs 
 have been lowered to correspond to the reduction on the internal 
 taxes ? 
 
 2. What is meant by "legal tender"? Should Congress be pro- 
 hibited from issuing a legal tender paper money? What has been 
 the importance of the greenbacks, in supplying the government with 
 revenue ? in increasing government expenditures by affecting the 
 price of bonds (§ 389) and by requiring a gold reserve (§ 412) in 
 relation to business ? 
 
 3. Give a summary of the laws regarding gold and silver money 
 from 1792 to 1900. Compare the Bland-Allison Act and the Sher- 
 man Act ; the law of 1873 and the law of 1900. 
 
 4. How does our federal system, of government complicate the 
 problem of railway control ? Has government interference with the 
 railway business protected the shippers? protected the public? 
 affected the railways? 
 
 5. Show how the year 1877 marks a return to normal conditions, 
 in the South; in the national government; in political parties; in 
 business. 
 
 6. What is meant by the "third-term tradition"? Is it ever 
 likely to be set aside? What change occurred between 1876 and 
 1885 in the composition of the parties and their policies? 
 
 7. What were the chief abuses existing in 1880 in the selection of 
 public officials ? Summarize the progress that has been made toward 
 more satisfactory methods of appointment and election. 
 
CHAPTER XX 
 THE END OF THE ERA (1886-1897) 
 
 Presidents 
 
 Grover Cleveland (1885-1889) Benjamin Harrison (1889-1893) 
 Grover Cleveland (1893-1897) 
 
 General 
 changes of the 
 period. 
 
 Tariff of 1883. 
 Dewey, Finan- 
 cial Hist., 
 § 180. 
 Taussig, 
 Tarif Hist., 
 230-237- 
 
 Tariff discus- 
 sion (1884- 
 
 Coman, Indus- 
 trial Hist. 
 (rev. ed.), 313- 
 314- 
 
 The Tariff 
 
 405. Proposed Reform of the Tariff (1882 1888). — The 
 
 period from 1886 to 1897 was a period of social unrest ^ and 
 industrial change.^ It was the end of the era of isolation in 
 foreign affairs, for after 1897 the United States occupied a 
 new position as a world power. During the period there 
 were interesting foreign complications, and sharp internal 
 political controversies, first over the tariff and later over free 
 silver. 
 
 The commercial and industrial changes which took place 
 during the administrations of Hayes, Garfield, and Arthur 
 made advisable a revision of the tariff, which was in 1882 
 substantially the same as at the close of the Civil War. A 
 commission of business men appointed by President Arthur 
 recommended a reduction in rates, but Congress passed in 
 1883 a tariff which raised many of the protective rates. 
 
 The tariff was discussed somewhat in connection with the 
 election of 1884 and occupied the attention of Congress 
 during several sessions. In general the Republicans favored 
 the existing rates and the Democrats sought to obtain a re- 
 duction, but a fair minority of Democrats, led by Samuel J. 
 Randall of Pennsylvania, were protectionists. Party lines 
 
 1 On Chinese legislation see §476, note i. On the Mormons, §477, 
 note 2. 
 
 2 On industrial changes see also §§467-469, 473-476. 
 
 474 
 
1 888] 
 
 Social and Indiistrial Conditions 
 
 47S 
 
 were not drawn strictly on this issue until after December, 
 1887, when President Cleveland devoted his entire message to 
 a plea for tariff reform. In this document he used the oft- 
 quoted statement, " It is a condition which confronts us, not a 
 theory." During the following spring (1888) the Demo- 
 cratic House passed the Mills Bill, providing a tariff for 
 revenue only, but the Senate favored a tariff even higher 
 than that in use. 
 
 406. The Election of 1888. — In the presidential election 
 of 1888 all other questions were subordinated to that of the 
 tariff. Cleveland was renom- 
 inated by the Democrats, but 
 failed to draw as large a part 
 of the independent vote as 
 in 1884. Benjamin Harrison 
 of Indiana was elected by a 
 comparatively close vote on 
 a distinctively protectionist 
 platform.^ Harrison, a con- 
 scientious man, who had been 
 long in public life, was the 
 grandson of President William 
 Henry Harrison. Although 
 he had few peers in making short addresses to public 
 audiences, he possessed little tact and magnetism in deal- 
 ing with individuals. His most prominent cabinet official 
 was James G. Blaine, who conducted important negotia- 
 tions with Great Britain and Italy and took a prominent 
 part in Pan-American affairs (§§ 416-418). 
 
 The Fifty-first Congress, elected in 1888, was one of the 
 most memorable in our history. It possessed a Republican 
 majority in both houses — the first time that any party had 
 been in power since 1876 — but the majorities in both houses 
 were very small. The House selected Thomas B. Reed of 
 Maine as speaker. Since some Republicans were always 
 
 'The electoral vote was 233 to 168, but Cleveland's plurality on the pop- 
 ular vote was 98,017. 
 
 Benjamin Harrison 
 
 Dewey, Finan- 
 cial Hist., 
 §181. 
 
 Taussig, 
 Tariff Hist., 
 251-255- 
 
 Election of 
 Harrison. 
 
 Peck, Twenty 
 Years, 155-165. 
 
 Stanwood, 
 Presidency, 
 Chapter 
 XXIX. 
 
 New House 
 rules. 
 
 Follett, Speaker 
 of the H. o/R., 
 190-216. 
 
476 
 
 American History 
 
 [1889 
 
 Protection and 
 reciprocity. 
 
 Coman, Indus- 
 trial Hist., 
 301-302. 
 
 Dewey, Finan- 
 cial Hist., 
 §187. 
 
 Larned (ed.), 
 Ready Re/., 
 IV, 3085-3089. 
 
 Election of 
 1892. 
 
 Stanwood, 
 Presidency, 
 491-518. 
 
 absent the Democrats sought to " filibuster " and prevent 
 the transaction of business by failing to respond to their 
 names when the roll was called. In order to obtain a 
 quorum Reed ruled that any member who was in the Hall 
 of Representatives should be counted as present whether he 
 responded to his name or not. This and other acts destined 
 to destroy the " rights of the minority " were received with 
 protests so loud that the title " Czar " Reed was thereafter 
 applied to the big man from Maine. 
 
 407. The McKinley Tariff (1890). — This Congress 
 enacted three laws which were of particular importance. 
 One of these was a silver act (§ 412), another the so-called 
 Sherman Anti-Trust law (§ 450). The third was the Mc- 
 Kinley tariff reported in the House by the chairman of the 
 Ways and Means committee, William McKinley. In its final 
 form it was the most distinctively protective act ever passed 
 by Congress. The rates were especially high on manufactures 
 of wool and cotton. As there had been a large surplus of rev- 
 enues over expenditures for several years, the free list was 
 enlarged greatly, sugar being the most important commod- 
 ity admitted free for the first time. To protect the growers of 
 sugar in the United States a bounty of two cents a pound 
 was to be paid on all sugar produced in this country. The 
 tariff also provided for reciprocity by permitting the presi- 
 dent to increase the duties on certain articles imported prin- 
 cipally from Latin America, if any country discriminated 
 against our exports.^ The tariff was not approved by 
 many moderate Republicans and was one cause of the de- 
 cided reaction against that party in the following election. 
 
 In the election of 1892 the Republicans indorsed their 
 policy of protection and the Democrats came out emphati- 
 cally for a revenue tariff. Cleveland and Harrison were 
 again the candidates. The campaign was unusually quiet, 
 but it was found when the votes were counted that, as in 
 1890, the Democrats had carried a large number of nor- 
 mally Republican states. 
 
 ^ These articles were sugar, molasses, tea, cofifee, and hides. 
 
^^95] Social and Industrial Conditions 477 
 
 408. The Gorman-Wilson Tariff; the Income Tax Gorman- wil- 
 (1894). — The Democratic platform in 1892 had contained son tariff. 
 an unequivocal declaration for a revenue tariff. To redeem 
 this pledge a tariff bill was introduced in the House by l^ewey, Finan- 
 William L. Wilson, chairman of the Committee on Ways r 
 and Means. Rates on protected articles were much lower 
 than in the McKinley Act, although still high ; while many 
 articles, such as raw wool, coal, and iron ore were placed on Ready Re/., 
 the free list. In the Senate the Wilson Bill was altered by the iv, 3087-3089. 
 committee under Senator Gorman so that most of the revenue 
 features were removed and high protective rates were re- 
 established on many manufactured articles. As the Demo- 
 cratic majority was not united, a combination of members 
 from both parties passed "the bill in this form and finally 
 compelled the House to adopt practically the same measure, 
 on the promise that the Senate would consider bills to place 
 coal, wool, and other articles on the free list. President 
 Cleveland was unwilling to sign so un-Democratic a measure, 
 but,, beheving it to be better than the McKinley tariff, 
 allowed it to become a law without his signature. 
 
 The most interesting provision of this act was an income income tax 
 tax of two per cent levied on all incomes in excess of $4000. and its consti- 
 This measure was desired by the South and West, which 
 feared and distrusted the capitalists of the East. It was Dewey, Finan- 
 denounced as a class measure aimed at persons of wealth, "^^ ^^■^^•' 
 but the exemption of incomes below $4000 was justified on 
 the ground that capitaHsts paid less in proportion to their 
 ability than other members of society. The law was set Lamed (ed.), 
 aside by the Supreme Court because it held that all income 55^4-^57. 
 taxes were direct taxes which must be levied according to 
 population.^ Nearly twenty years later the Constitution was 
 amended for the first time in forty years to permit the levying 
 of income taxes (§ 464). The loss of revenue, estimated at . 
 $40,000,000 a year, seriously hampered the national govern- 
 ment at a time when the ordinary revenues were reduced 
 
 1 Constitution, Art. I, § 9, cl. 4. 
 
478 
 
 Amrrican History 
 
 [1S97 
 
 Dingey tariff 
 (1S97). 
 
 Lamed (ed."), 
 Rfody Rf/.. 
 VI. 5>i-5S-. 
 
 Taussig. 
 TarifHist., 
 324-32S, 54^ 
 360. 
 
 greatly, and there was a constant demand on the gold in the 
 treasuT}' in exchange for paper money.^ 
 
 409. Recent Tariffs. — As the Republicans were suc- 
 cessful in the election of iSqO i^^ 412) and desired to re- 
 vise the tarini at the first opportunity, a special session of 
 Congress was called in March. iSqj. In July a tariff was 
 adopted which marked a return to many of the rates used 
 in the McKinley tariff of iSgo, although some of the nues 
 represented a compromise between the rates adopted in 
 iSqo and those of the Gorman- \Mlson tariff. This Dingley 
 tariff p^o^-ided for tvvo forms of reciprocity : (i) The presi- 
 dent was authorized to levy duties on certain imports that 
 otherwise would come in free from semi-tropical countries 
 which discriminated against American exjx>rts. (^^^ By 
 reciprocity treaties the president and Senate, vdih the ap- 
 proval of Congress, might reviuce by twenty per cent the 
 rates on a few articles in return for concessions made to our 
 trade by foreign powers. Xumerv>us treaties were negotiated 
 under this clause, but only rvvo of these were ratihed. As 
 the Republican party remained in power for several years 
 after 1S07, no change was made in the tariff until the adop- 
 tion of the Payn«^Aldrich tariff in 1Q09 (^§ 463). Recent 
 changes in the tariff are treated later as part of the move- 
 ment of the times. 
 
 Ccaiditions at 
 Cleveland's 
 inaugtiratioa 
 US93\ 
 
 The Silver Contro\'ersy (i $93-1807) 
 
 410. Repeal of the Sherman Silver Act. — Cleveland 
 
 began his second term under unfavorable circumstances. 
 
 The finances of the national government were in an im- 
 
 satisfactory condition, foreign affairs were sdll complicated, 
 
 business was unsettled, the people were uneasy, and the 
 
 * The ejDcess of eipenditxures oviar revenue fee the year 18013-1894 was 
 se\-«ity millions and for the last three year? ctf Cleveland's administration 
 about eighty-five milBons, To meet this deficit and suppl\- gv4d fear the gold 
 reserve, bonds were se4vi aggregating in \"alue $ ^6^.000.000. One issue of 
 sdxtA-two milfions was sold secretlx- to a "" bc«id s>-ndicate '* which agreed to 
 impcart gvJd and to prevent gold from being withdrawn from the treasur\- for 
 a period. This sale was pn>babb" the meet criticised of the manj- unxisual 
 acts of this administration. 
 
1893] TJie Silver Controversy 479 
 
 willingness and ability of the government to redeem its Peck, Twenty 
 obligations in gold were questioned. Cleveland selected as J''^'-f. 300-3-S 
 his Secretary of State Walter Q. Gresham, a former Re- 
 publican, without experience in diplomatic affairs. ]Most 
 of the other members of his cabinet were unknown men, 
 although events proved their ability. 
 
 In 1S90 the Bland-Allison Act (§ 301) had been replaced Silver law of 
 by a new silver law which was passed by Congress as a ^^90. 
 substitute for a free silver measure desired in the West. 
 This law, called the Sherman Silver Act, authorized the ^^^'f^' ^"t"" 
 treasury department to purchase 4,500,000 ounces of sil- 
 
 INAUGUKATION OF CLEVELAND (,1893) 
 
 ver a month, paying for it in certificates which were full 
 
 legal tender and which were redeemable in either gold or 
 
 silver at the option of the department. 
 
 The passage of this act, coupled with business changes Difficulty in 
 
 durinsf the vears 1800-1802, had a decided influence on the "i^^i^taining 
 * • y ^ ' ... the gold 
 
 gold reserve of the treasury. Since the resumption of specie reserve. 
 
 pa}-ments (1879) (§390), it had been the custom to keep at 
 
 least Sioo,ooo,ooo in gold always on hand for the redemp- 33^^^^^, Finan- 
 
 tion of notes issued on the credit of the United States, dai Hist., 
 
 Comparatively few of these had been presented prior to ^^ ^^^> ^^9- 
 
 1890, but after 1890 the amount of the gold reserve declined 
 
 steadilv. President Cleveland believed that this unfortunate ^""y^^' ^'''^ 
 
 '- V . 11 • 1 1 • Yfarso/Am. 
 
 State ot anairs and the uneasmess caused among busmess pi„^nce, 
 men by the low state of the revenue was due chiefly to the 153-173- 
 purchase of silver required under the Sherman Act. He did 
 21 
 
48o 
 
 American History 
 
 [1893 
 
 Causes. 
 
 Peck, Twenty 
 Years, 448-453. 
 
 Development 
 of the silver 
 movement. 
 
 Dewey, Finan- 
 cial Hist., \ 194. 
 
 Peck, Twenty 
 Years, 453-464. 
 
 not call a special session of Congress, however, until more 
 than a month after the commercial unrest had brought on a 
 panic in May, 1893 (§ 454)? until, in fact India closed her 
 mints to the free coinage of silver. The House voted 
 for repeal without delay, but the silver men in the Senate 
 held out over two months before they would permit the 
 Sherman Act to be repealed. 
 
 411. The Free Silver Movement in the West. ^ — During 
 the years preceding 1893 there were numerous indications 
 of a serious movement throughout the West against the 
 commercial interests of the East and against the financial 
 policy of the national government. In 1890 and in 1892 
 several states had been carried by voters known as " pop- 
 ulists," who favored a change. With the hard times that 
 began in 1893 ^^^ lasted for several years, the movement 
 became more aggressive and almost universal throughout the 
 states from the Missouri River to the Pacific coast. From 
 all parts of the West arose a demand for government relief 
 from the financial ills that oppressed the people. At first 
 the demand was for the redemption of all paper money at 
 Washington in silver as well as gold; but later, especially 
 after the Sherman Silver Act had been repealed, the cry 
 arose for " free silver." In fact, many of the westerners 
 urged the issuance of paper money on an extensive scale. 
 
 Thousands of editors, politicians, and public speakers 
 discussed this question until even the children felt that the 
 wrong done to the West by the administration and Wall 
 Street could be righted only by the free coinage of silver at 
 the ratio of sixteen to one. Most of the western farmers 
 were deeply in debt, but had struggled along cheerfully in 
 spite of high rates of interest, heavy charges for transport- 
 ing their grain to an eastern market, and the manipula- 
 tion of the market by speculators to the great loss of the grain 
 grower. But natural as was their anger against capital 
 and the administration, it was unfortunate that they should 
 have selected " free silver " as the sole remedy for the con- 
 ditions existing in that sectiour 
 
896] 
 
 The Silver Controversy 
 
 481 
 
 412. Election of 1896. — So formidable had this free Party conven- 
 silver movement become that it dominated the poUtical *^°"^- 
 situation in 1896. The most ardent advocates of free silver 
 were the "Populists," ^ who were preeminently a cheap money Andrews, Our 
 party, advocating the free coinage of silver at a legal ratio ^'^ g ^^^' 
 of sixteen to one and the issuance by the government, with- 
 out intervention of the banks, of paper money in large 
 quantities. The Republicans, who held their convention 
 earliest, sought to subordinate 
 the question of money to that 
 of protection. They declared 
 their opposition to the free 
 coinage of silver except by in- 
 ternational agreement -with 
 the leading nations of the 
 world. William McKinley of 
 Ohio was their nominee for the 
 presidency. The Democrats 
 met at Chicago, the silver and 
 the anti-silver men striving 
 for control. The silver men 
 outnumbered their opponents 
 easily and succeeded in adopt- 
 ing a free-silver plank for their platform. During the 
 course of the debate on silver a speech of remarkable 
 power was given by William J. Bryan of Nebraska.^ 
 Bryan was nominated subsequently not only by the 
 Democratic convention, but by that of the People's party 
 and by the silver Republicans who '' bolted " the Re- 
 publican ticket. The Democrats and the Populists, how- 
 ever, nominated different candidates for the vice presi- 
 dency. Many gold Democrats supported the Republican 
 
 William J. Bryan 
 
 ^ This name was given commonly to members of the People's party. 
 
 2 The most dramatic passage in this historic oration was that in which he 
 declared, " We answer the demand for the gold standard by saying, ' You 
 shall not press down upon the brow of labor this crown of thorns. You 
 shall not crucify mankind upon a cross of gold.' " 
 
 2 I 
 
482 
 
 American History 
 
 [1896 
 
 ticket, but others held a convention at Indianapolis and 
 
 selected nominees of their own. 
 Campaign and The campaign was one of great vigor and intense interest, 
 election. Bryan visited almost every state in the Union, making 
 
 speeches everywhere along the route. The Republicans 
 Dewey, Finan- ^.^^-^^ ^^ ^ u campaign of education," but both sides scat- 
 
 cial Hist., ^ ° 
 
 § 194. 
 
 tered cartoons and documents broadcast. Each party 
 
 ^^^^^ 
 
 
 r 
 
 ELECTION OF 1896 
 
 McKinky [^^ 271 
 Bryan ^^^ 176 
 
 McKinley's 
 policy. 
 
 claimed to favor the only form of " sound money." The 
 returns show^ed that party lines had been abandoned every- 
 where and that the sections had voted solidly for the candi- 
 date that seemed to champion their interests. McKinley 
 carried the North as far west as the Missouri and obtained 
 the electoral votes of Maryland, West Virginia, Kentucky, 
 and two Pacific states in addition, a total of 271. Bryan had 
 large majorities in all the mountain, western prairie, or dis- 
 tinctively southern states, 176 electoral votes in all. The 
 total popular vote polled was larger than that in either 1900 
 or 1904. 
 
 413. Republican Policies. — The tidal wave of 1896 gave 
 the Republicans control of all branches of the national 
 government — a control which they maintained and 
 
iTQOO] 
 
 The Silver Controversy 
 
 483 
 
 strengthened for many years owing to the dissensions in the 
 Democratic ranks. McKinley, who was by temperament 
 fair-minded and conservative, surrounded himself with a 
 cabinet which contained during the first part of his ad- 
 ministration men Hke John Sherman and WiUiam R. Day, 
 and later included those exceedingly able statesmen, 
 John Hay and Elihu Root. 
 McKinley sought to conciliate 
 the different interests at home 
 and to prevent unnecessary 
 complications abroad. The 
 v^hief event of his administra- 
 tion was the conflict with 
 Spain which changed -many 
 national policies (§§ 428-431.) 
 No change was made in the 
 iinancial system of the United 
 States until in 1900 a law was 
 passed revising part of the 
 system. Gold was declared to 
 be the money standard, and 
 all forms of money are to be maintained at a parity with gold. 
 The national paper currency was reduced in amount and 
 reissued only in exchange for gold. The old bonds bearing 
 three, four, or five per cent interest which had almost 
 reached maturity might be exchanged for new thirty-year 
 two per cent bonds. National banks might be organized 
 more easily and might issue notes on more liberal terms. 
 
 William McKinley 
 
 Financial law 
 of 1900. 
 
 Hart, Contem- 
 poraries, 
 IV, No. 172. 
 
 Larned (ed.), 
 Ready Ref., 
 VI, 639-641. 
 
 Dewey, Finan- 
 cial Hist., 
 \\ 198-201. 
 
 Foreign Affairs (1865-1895) 
 
 414. Disputes with England. — During the first adminis- Fisheries 
 
 tration of Cleveland most of our foreign disputes were with disputes. 
 
 Great Britain. The more acute of these dealt with the ^ ^ ., 
 
 Lambndge 
 
 northeastern fisheries and was settled at this time ; the others Mod. Hist., 
 
 were concerned with fur sealing in Bering Sea and with the VII, 657-659. 
 
 Alaskan boundary. It will be recalled (§ 170) that at 
 
 the close of the Revolution the New England states desired 
 
484 
 
 American History 
 
 [1886 
 
 Lamed (ed.), 
 Ready Rej., II, 
 1121-1122. 
 
 Andrews, Our 
 Own Time, 
 508-515- 
 
 Hart, Contem- 
 poraries, 
 IV, No. 173- 
 
 McGrath, 
 
 P. T., in New 
 
 England Mag., 
 ii (1906), 625- 
 630. 
 
 Seals in Bering 
 Sea. 
 
 Larned (ed.). 
 Ready Re/., V, 
 3581-3582, 
 
 VI, 51-53. 
 
 Dewey, Nat. 
 
 Problems, 
 
 208-213. 
 
 The Alaskan 
 boundary. 
 
 a continuance of the profitable fisheries off Newfoundland. 
 The liberal privileges granted to the United States in the 
 treaty of 1783 were declared to be forfeited when war broke 
 out in 181 2, and in 18 18, when the matter was readjusted, 
 the United States was obHged to surrender her claim to most 
 of the *' inshore " fisheries. There was continued dispute 
 over the interpretation of the convention of 181 8 and several 
 attempts were made to gain further rights, notably in the 
 important treaty of Washington^ (187 1), by which the United 
 States gave a free market to all Canadian fish and gained the 
 right to fish off the coasts of the British colonies for ten years, 
 on payment of $5,000,000.^ When these privileges lapsed, 
 peaceful relations were disturbed by the seizure of American 
 fishing vessels which trespassed on forbidden ground. After 
 much hard feeUng the matter was settled by giving special 
 privileges to those American fishermen who took out licenses 
 in Canada. For some years fishing was permitted by special 
 agreements with Newfoundland, but in 1908 the whole 
 question was submitted to the Hague Court (§ 443). A1-. 
 though the decisions of the Court in 19 10 gave Great 
 Britain control of bays less than ten miles wide, it freed 
 American fishermen from petty regulations and annoy- 
 ances. 
 
 The Bering Sea seal fisheries were threatened with de- 
 struction because of raids by irresponsible parties. After 
 protracted controversy, it was decided that Canadian sealers 
 should not take furs within a distance of sixty miles of the 
 most important seal islands. In 191 1 an agreement was 
 made by the United States, Great Britain, Japan, and Russia 
 for the permanent protection of the seal herds. 
 
 The invasion of Alaska by gold seekers after 1898 (§ 437) 
 brought into prominence the boundary between Alaska and 
 
 I 
 
 1 This treaty of Washington not only settled the controversy over the 
 fisheries, but arranged for the arbitration of the claims due to losses caused 
 by the Alabama and other cruisers (§ 361, note) and for the arbitration of the 
 boundary line in Puget Sound. 
 
 2 This award was made at Halifax in 1877. 
 
1 891] Foreign Affairs 485 
 
 Canada.^ Both sides wished to control the most valuable Lamed (ed.), 
 mines and the bays leading to the interior where the mines ^^'^^^ ^^•^•' ^^' 
 were. By submitting the question to arbitration the 
 United States gained most of her contentions, so that she Latane, Am. as 
 controls practically all of the coast of the " panhandle " ^^3-202 
 of Alaska. 
 
 415. Samoa. — ■ Harrison's administration is notable not Our first joint 
 alone for the interest we were beginning to take in our protectorate, 
 southern neighbors, but because in the south Pacific we were Cambridge 
 engaging with other nations in a method of political control ^ 66*-fi'6 
 hitherto foreign to our policy. This was done in the estab- 
 lishment of a joint protectorate over the group of SamOan Lamed (ed.), 
 Islands. In 1878 we had obtained Pago Pago harbor as a R^'^^y Rej.,vi, 
 coaHng station, but our commerce with the islands was not 
 large, and it was not until 1889 that the attempt of Germany Foster, Am. 
 to control the king of the island forced the United States into Diplomacy 
 a joint protectorate for Samoa with Germany and Great 386-398. 
 Britain. This did not work well, and by 1898 a situation had 
 developed that was httle better than civil war. By common 
 consent (1899) the joint protectorate was dissolved, Tutuila 
 Island with Pago Pago harbor being given to the United 
 States and the rest of the islands going to Germany, which 
 compensated Great Britain for her share. 
 
 1 The relations of Canada and the United States have at all times been 
 very intimate. In 1776 attempts were made to have Canada join the 
 United States, in the invasion of Arnold (§ 142) and in the Declaration of 
 Independence. In 1783 part of Canada was ceded by Great Britain to the 
 United States (§171). In 181 2 one important cause of the war was a design 
 on the part of the West to annex Canada (§ 245). Later boundary disputes 
 (§§ 280, 303), reciprocity for 12 years (1854-1866), fisheries questions, re- 
 newed talk of annexation, and finally in ipii renewed consideration of reci- 
 procity (§ 458), formed other links in the chain of international relations. So 
 many Canadians have come to the border states during the last half century 
 and so many Americans have gone to the Canadian northwest in the last 
 decade that the boundary line between the two countries is not so important 
 socially as it was. Since Canada became practically self-governing and in 
 1867 formed a federation, called the Dominion of Canada, there is Httle 
 difference pohtically between the two. As we export to Canada more 
 than to any other country except Great Britain, and as we need Canadian 
 raw materials, the commercial relations ought to be still closer than they 
 are. 
 
486 
 
 American History 
 
 [1893 
 
 United States 
 and Hawaii 
 before 1893. 
 Andrews, Our 
 Own Time, 
 700-704. 
 Foster, Am. 
 Diplomacy 
 in Orient, 
 370-378. 
 
 Revolution of 
 1893. 
 
 Cambridge 
 Mod. Hist., 
 VII, 667-668. 
 
 United States 
 and Hawaii 
 (i 893-1 898). 
 
 Peck, Twenty 
 Years, 243- 
 248, 331-335- 
 
 Foster, Am. 
 Diplomacy 
 in Orient, 
 378-385. 
 
 .vi^\ 
 
 PAG 
 
 Longitude Wei 
 
 o^'^ 
 
 
 
 
 \^Td> 
 
 416. — Hawaii. — Americans have been interested in the 
 Hawaiian Islands since the first part of the nineteenth cen- 
 tury. After the Civil War there was a growing sentiment 
 in the United States that the islands must never be con- 
 trolled by any European power. On account of a desire 
 for free trade with Hawaii, a reciprocity treaty was signed 
 in 1876, but we did not interfere with the government of the 
 islands, which had become more liberal because of the de- 
 mands of white residents. 
 
 Early in 1893 there occurred in the Hawaiian Islands a 
 revolution which drove from the throne the reigning queen, 
 
 Liliuokalani, who 
 wished to restore 
 arbitrary govern- 
 ment. During 
 the confusion ac- 
 companying this 
 change, the Amer- 
 ican minister 
 authorized the 
 landing of marines 
 and raised the 
 American flag. A treaty was drawn up without delay pro- 
 viding for the annexation of Hawaii to the United States and 
 was submitted by President Harrison to the Senate during 
 the closing days of his term. 
 
 Before action had been taken in the Senate, the treaty 
 was withdrawn by President Cleveland, and a special 
 commissioner, James H. Blount, was sent to investigate the 
 revolution. By Blount's orders the flag of the United 
 States was hauled down, and, on his recommendations, plans 
 were made for the restoration of the queen. These failed 
 because the new government refused to relinquish its author- 
 ity and because the queen desired the death of all engaged 
 in the revolt against her. The President's policy was not 
 popular, and in 1894 he recognized the newly organized 
 republic of Hawaii. In 1897 another treaty providing for 
 
 THE 
 HAWAIIAN ISLANDS 
 
 SCALE OF MILES 
 20 40 SO leO 
 
 VHualalii ^^'t.^ 
 
1906] Foreign Affairs 487 
 
 annexation was signed, but it failed of ratification. Not 
 until the events leading to the Spanish- American War forced 
 us to abandon our old policy of semi-isolation from affairs 
 of world-wide importance did Hawaii become part of the 
 United States (1898) through joint resolution of the houses 
 of Congress. 
 
 417. Pan-American Congresses. — In a sense our most Panama Con- 
 important foreign relations and policies have been those ^''^^^ (1826). 
 with our southern neighbors. The Monroe Doctrine grew Foster, Am. 
 out of attempts to protect them and our interests in Latin Diplomacy, 
 America. Beginning with James G. Blaine, several states- ^ ^ ^^^' 
 men have attempted to increase our trade with Latin Amer- Burgess, 
 
 ica and establish a better feeling between the United States ^"^'^^^ ^^'''"^' 
 
 147-155- 
 and countries south of us. The first Pan-American congress 
 
 was held at Panama in 1826 for the purpose of forming an al- 
 liance of the Latin-American states in their contest with 
 Spain. The United States was asked to send delegates, 
 although it was expected that we should have no share in the 
 alliance ; but many Americans objected to sending commis- 
 sioners. The proposed alliance came to naught. Later 
 congresses of Latin-American states were held, without im- 
 portant results. 
 
 The United States did not take part in the work of any Pan-American 
 congresses until 1889. Delegates from the republics in the ^^o^^^'^^^'^J! 
 new world met in conference at Washington in October, 
 1889, and selected as chairman Secretary Blaine, who had Andrews, Our 
 
 tried to secure a Pan-American conference in 1881. This ^^ ^^^' 
 
 566-574. 
 
 conference was followed in 1900 by one held in the city of 
 
 Mexico. The third Pan-American conference met at Rio Casasus, J. D., 
 
 Janeiro in 1006, and the fourth in Buenos Ayres in 10 10. ^^ Annals oj 
 
 i,, , r I • , , . , , , ^w. Acad. Pol. 
 
 The results of the meetmgs have been important, although ^^ g^p ^^^ 
 the delegates have made no laws and the different countries (1906), 5-13. 
 have not always acted on the suggestions offered. Because 
 of these conferences a better understanding exists among the 
 nations of the new world. Commerce has been promoted, 
 especially by the establishment of a bureau of the American 
 republics which collects and pubHshes information regarding 
 
488 
 
 American History 
 
 [i86s 
 
 Two applica- 
 tions of the 
 Monroe 
 Doctrine. 
 
 The French in 
 jNIexico (iS66). 
 
 Foster, Am. 
 
 Diplomacy, 
 
 401-403. 
 
 Lothrop, 
 Srivard, 387- 
 395- 
 
 trade.^ ^lost of the countries have agreed to use every 
 effort to preserve peace and the most important nations have 
 given their consent to a plan for the compulsory arbitration of 
 debts owed bv any government to citizens of another country. 
 
 418. The Monroe Doctrine and Mexico after the Civil 
 War. — During the last half century there have been two con- 
 spicuous instances of European interference ^^'ith the affairs 
 of the Latin- American repubHcs to which we have objected. 
 The first of these occurred in ^lexico during the C\\\\ War, 
 the second grew out of the boundary dispute in Venezuela. 
 
 During the Civil War Xapoleon III of France, under 
 pretext of collecting certain debts, forced upon the Mexicans 
 an Austrian prince named Maximilian, who was main- 
 tained as Emperor of Mexico by the use of the French army. 
 Being fully occupied with the prosecution of the war, and 
 anxious to avoid difficulty with France, the government at 
 Washington felt it um\-ise to do more than refuse to recognize 
 Maximihan's government and mildly protest against Na- 
 poleon's course. After Appomattox the case was different. 
 An armv of observation under Sheridan was dispatched to 
 the Rio Grande, and disapproval of French actions was 
 clearlv expressed. Finally, on December 10, 1S65, Secretary 
 Seward sent to France a peremptory note, stating that the 
 poHcv of friendship for France would " be brought into im- 
 mediate jeopardy, unless France could deem it consistent with 
 her interest and honor to desist from the prosecution of armed 
 intervention in ^lexico to overthrow the domestic repubhcan' 
 government existing there, and to estabhsh upon its ruins the 
 foreign monarchy which has been attempted to be inaugu- 
 rated in the capital of that country." .After a Httle hesitation 
 Napoleon agreed to withdraw his troops ; and when that was 
 done, the Mexican Empire came to an end, MaximiHan being 
 put to death. 
 
 419. Dispute over the Boundary of Venezuela (1895). — 
 Since the early part of the nineteenth century, there had been 
 
 1 It has a building at Washington built chiefly with money donated by 
 Mr. Carnegie. 
 
[895] 
 
 Foreign Affairs 
 
 489 
 
 Richard Olney 
 
 a dispute over the location of the boundary line between 
 British Guiana and Venezuela. This had never been located, 
 although repeated attempts had been made, especially after 
 1 84 1, to reach some agreement. The disputed territory in- 
 cluded a large area in the interior, in which gold had been 
 discovered, and a strip along 
 the mouth of the great Orinoco 
 River. Venezuela proposed 
 arbitration, but the British 
 government refused at first 
 such a settlement of the ques- 
 tion, and later agreed to that 
 method only on condition 
 that Venezuela should admit 
 the validity of most of Eng- 
 land's claims before submis- 
 sion to arbitrators. 
 
 The disparity in strength between Great Britain and 
 Venezuela, the danger that Venezuela might be forced to 
 surrender some of her territory to Great Britain, as well as 
 the interest of the United States in the controversy, seemed to 
 President Cleveland and Secretary of State Olney sufficient 
 ground for interference. Secretary Olney accordingly wrote 
 to Lord Salisbury (1895), explaining at length the nature of 
 the Monroe Doctrine and asserting our right to protect 
 Venezuela from the forcible seizure of the territory in dis- 
 pute. Lord Salisbury answered that the Monroe Doctrine 
 was simply a policy of the United States, that it was not a part 
 of the law of nations, and that, in any case, it was not a suffi- 
 cient reason for American interference. 
 
 420. Settlement of the Venezuela Controversy. — Soon 
 after receiving this reply. President Cleveland sent a special 
 message to Congress (December 17). He stated that since 
 Great Britain had been unwilling to submit the dispute to 
 impartial arbitration, it was now the duty of the United 
 States to determine the location of the true boundary line. 
 He recommended a commission appointed by the executive 
 
 Venezuelan 
 boundary dis- 
 pute before 
 1895. 
 
 Cambridge 
 Mod. Hist., 
 VII, 670-671, 
 
 Correspond- 
 ence over 
 Venezuela. 
 
 Hart, Contem- 
 poraries, 
 IV, No. 179. 
 
 Latane, U. S. 
 and Sp. Am., 
 
 272-277. 
 
 Dewey, Nai. 
 
 Problems, 
 
 304-307. 
 
 Cleveland's 
 message. 
 
 Dewey, Nai. 
 
 Problems, 
 
 307-312. 
 
490 
 
 Anuricaji History 
 
 [189: 
 
 Cleveland. 
 Pr€S. Problems, 
 209-273. 
 
 Decision 
 regarding 
 Venezuela 
 boundary. 
 
 Cleveland, 
 Pres. Problems, 
 273-2S1. 
 
 Larned (.ed.), 
 Ready Ret.. 
 VI. 690-O93. 
 
 Debt collec- 
 tion in Vene- 
 zuela and 
 Santo 
 Domingo. 
 
 Lamed (ed.). 
 Ready Re/., 
 Vn, 5S2-5S5, 
 0S4-6S5. 
 
 Latane. Am. 
 as a World 
 Power, 271- 
 2S4. 
 
 The dilemma 
 of the Monroe 
 Doctrine. 
 
 Bingham, H., 
 in Atlafific Mo., 
 Ill (1913), 
 721-734- 
 
 to investigate the question and render a report. '* When 
 such report is made and accepted it will, in my opinion, be 
 the duty of the United States to resist, by every means in its 
 power, as a ^^-illful aggression upon its rights and interests, 
 the appropriation of any lands or the exercise of governmen- 
 tal jurisdiction over any territory which after investigation 
 we have determined of right belongs to Venezuela." 
 
 This forceful language aroused great enthusiasm in Amer- 
 ica, but for a few days there was considerable excitement 
 because of the belief that war u-ith Great Britain might fol- 
 low. .\fter the commission was appointed, Great Britain 
 agreed to arbitrate the dispute, on condition that each country 
 could have the lands which its citizens had occupied for 
 lifty years. This gave a large part oi the inland territory 
 in dispute to Great Britain without further controversy. The 
 tribunal which tixed the line decided, however, that Venezuela 
 should control the territory on both sides of the Orinoco. 
 
 421. The Monroe Doctrine since 1895. — The Venezuela 
 dispute emphasized the fact that the Monroe Doctrine 
 is not simply the doctrine announced by ^Monroe in 1S23. 
 Since 1S95 the doctrine has been changed still further. In 
 1902 Germany, Great Britain, and Italy tried to collect from 
 Venezuela by '* peaceful blockade " debts due to citizens of 
 those countries. \Mien the United States insisted that a 
 peaceful blockade was contrary to the Monroe Doctrine, 
 the powers declared a war blockade. The question was 
 settled by submission to the Hague Court, which gave pref- 
 erence to the three powers over other creditor countries. 
 Later, in Santo Domingo, President Roosevelt took charge of 
 the customs of that country in oreier to protect American 
 interests and to avoid European interference. 
 
 As the ^lonroe Doctrine is the policy of the President of 
 the United States, it varies with each executive. President 
 Roosevelt favored a very great extension of the doctrine. 
 Other chief executives would restrict it. Continued mis- 
 government in a Latin- American republic, coupled \s\t\). inter- 
 ference with foreigners and foreign property rights, certainly 
 calls for superWsion by the United States, as Roosevelt 
 
1895] 
 
 Foreign Affairs 
 
 491 
 
 insisted, or interference by European powers, if American 
 diplomacy and moral suasion fail. But the more progres- 
 sive Latin-American countries fear Uncle Sam's interference 
 rather than that of Europe. The Monroe Doctrine arouses 
 the hostility of these people and interferes with their friend- 
 ship for us and their trade with us. We must expand the 
 doctrine, or we must limit it to unwarranted interference by 
 Europe, or we must abandon it. 
 
 In spite of this indefiniteness the Monroe Doctrine may 
 be said to include the following principles. No European 
 power can colonize any American territory, with or without 
 the consent of the American republic whose territory is taken. 
 No great European power shall decide territory controversies 
 with the weaker American states to its owm advantage. We 
 . do not permit one of the great nations to occupy or retain 
 the territory of a republic of this continent to guarantee the 
 payment of debts owed in Europe. On the other hand, we 
 do not object to the use of force if necessary to collect debts 
 that a Spanish-American state may refuse to pay, nor do we 
 interfere in ordinary disputes between the nations of the old 
 world and the new, although we always offer our services 
 in the settlement of the controversy. 
 
 422. Summary. — ^The decade which closed with 1897 is 
 noteworthy as a transition period. It was the end of an 
 era of growth mainly national. It was a time of change in 
 politics, in business, and in society. People were dissatisfied 
 with their political parties and their government's methods 
 in dealing with internal and foreign questions. 
 
 Politically the period may be divided into two parts, 
 (i) The dominant issue from 1886 to 1894 was the tariff. 
 In 1890 a high protective tariff was adopted. (2) From 
 1894 to 1896 the free-silver movement obscured every other. 
 
 The foreign questions of the period were more important 
 than at almost any other time since 1815. Most of our 
 ordinary disputes were settled without great difficulty. Two 
 questions, those of Samoa and Venezuela, showed a desire 
 on the part of the officials and people to take an active part 
 in world affairs from which we had heretofore held aloof. 
 
 Blakeslee, 
 G. n.,mNo. 
 Am. Rev., 198 
 (I9I3),779- 
 789. 
 
 Principles of 
 the Monroe 
 Doctrine. 
 
 No. Am. Rev., 
 180 (1905), 
 5S6-601 . 
 
 General. 
 
 Political issues 
 
 Foreign affairs. 
 
492 American History [1909 
 
 TOPICS 
 
 1. The Silver Act of 1890: White, "Money and Banking"; 
 Noyes, " Thirty Years of American Finance," pp. i58-(i8i) ; Taussig, 
 "The Silver Situation," pp. 48-71; Sherman, "Recollections of 
 Forty Years," pp. 1061-1071, 1175-1200. 
 
 2. The Venezuela Controversy: Peck, "Twenty Years of the 
 Republic," pp. 412-436; Larned (ed.), " History for Ready Refer- 
 ence," VI, pp. 6S4-693, 557-560; Cleveland, "Presidential Problems," 
 
 PP- 173-273- 
 
 3. Election of 1896: Stanwood, "History of the Presidency," 
 Chapter XXXI; Peck, "Twenty Years of the Republic," pp. 465- 
 517; Larned (ed.), "History for Ready Reference," VI, pp. 563-574. 
 
 STUDIES 
 
 1. Kearney and the sand lot riots. (Andrews, "The United States 
 in Our Own Time," pp. 360-381.) 
 
 2. Thomas B. Reed. (Knight, E., vcvNew England Magazine, 30 
 (1904), pp. 215-224.) 
 
 3. Populist platform (1892). (Stanwood, "History of the Presi- 
 dency," pp. 509-513.) 
 
 4. Government sales of bonds. (Cleveland, "Presidential Prob- 
 lems," pp. 1 21-17 2.) 
 
 5. Bryan's "Cross of Gold" speech. ("Masterpieces of Elo- 
 quence," Vol. 25, pp. 10735-10745.) . 
 
 QUESTIONS 
 
 1. Make a table showing the changes in the tariff since the Civil 
 War. Would it be better if business men rather than politicians 
 decided tariff rates ? What are the chief objections to a highly pro- 
 tective tariff ? to one exclusively for revenue ? 
 
 2. What was the purpose of the Panama Congress (1826) ? How 
 has the object of the later congresses been different ? To what 
 extent do the American countries trade with one another? To what 
 extent have they a community of political interests? 
 
 3. What European countries have income taxes? Was the tax 
 of 1894 a class measure ? Should not some of our taxes be progres- 
 sive, i.e. with a higher rate for those whose iissessment is large ? 
 
 4. What is the chief cause of agitation for cheap money ? To what 
 extent was the free-silver movement in 1894 similar to the greenback 
 movement of 1877 ? What was the result of the movement in each 
 case? 
 
 5. Place in the notebook a complete summary of each of the 
 following topics, showing the sections of the test in which details 
 may be obtained ; the tariff, laws relating to money, Monroe Doctrine. 
 
CHAPTER XXI 
 EXPANSION (1897-1904) 
 
 Presidents 
 William McKinley ( 1 897-1 901) Theodore Roosevelt (1901-1909) 
 
 423. Fundamental Changes in the United States after Readiness for 
 1897.— The years 1897 and 1898 marked the transition from ''^^"se (1897) 
 the old era to the new. The old nation, which had emerged 
 triumphant from the long struggle with state sovereignty 
 twenty years earlier, had completed the task of destroying 
 slavery and most of the other dangers which threatened the 
 development and continuance of a true nation. It had 
 attacked and in many cases had solved temporarily press- 
 ing political problems, such as the tariff, silver, and civil 
 service difficulties. New industrial and commercial methods 
 were coming into use. The nation, instinct with life and 
 energy, needed new outlets for its products, sought new 
 fields of activity, political and commercial, demanded new 
 policies that were based on recognition of our real position 
 as a nation and not on precedent. For several years there 
 had been evidence of a readiness to abandon our former 
 position of semi-isolation from the affairs of the world powers. 
 The opportunity to adopt a new international policy came 
 when we felt impelled not alone for self- protection but in 
 the interests of humanity to intervene in Cuba. 
 
 The war which followed gave the new American spirit New imperial 
 a chance to express itself in many ways. We annexed new Policy, 
 territories which were densely populated by people of races 
 alien to our own, by people who were inexperienced in the 
 art of self-government. A new colonial policy was formu- 
 lated to meet the needs of these dependencies, although this 
 policy involved on a large scale imperial principles which 
 2K 493 
 
494 
 
 American History 
 
 [1868 
 
 Industrial 
 consolidation. 
 
 Importance of 
 Cuba to the 
 United States, 
 
 Cf. Mahan, 
 America in 
 Sea Power, 
 271-314. 
 
 The Ten 
 Years' War 
 (1868-1879). 
 
 we had considered odious hitherto and which we had used 
 reluctantly. The establishment of this colonial policy 
 involved a new construction of the Constitution which will 
 react inevitably on the government of the United States 
 proper by increasing centralization and by decreasing the 
 right of the states and of individuals. 
 
 The new imperial policy of the United States was of 
 scarcely greater importance than the industrial changes 
 which took place at this time. With the great consolidation 
 of capital engaged in industry or commerce in the form of 
 great trusts or railway combinations, the country began a 
 new period marked by limited competition, extensive pro- 
 duction, and wider markets. To protect the public from the 
 exorbitant changes or unjust methods of these combinations 
 has been and is now one of the chief problems of our national 
 government and of the governments in many of our states. 
 
 The Spanish-American War 
 
 424. Our Relations with Cuba before 1895. — The 
 
 location of Cuba has made that island of the first importance 
 in the history of the United States, since we acquired ter- 
 ritory in the Mississippi basin and along the Gulf of Mexico. 
 Standing at the entrance to those two inland seas, the Gulf 
 and the Caribbean, both of which become of infinitely greater 
 value to us with the construction of an isthmian canal, 
 Cuba has interests inseparable from those of the United 
 States. We could permit Cuba to remain a Spanish colony 
 because Spain was no longer a factor in the world's affairs, 
 but we could not and cannot permit Cuba to become the 
 dependency of any of the great European nations. To 
 many people the annexation of Cuba by the United States 
 has been considered the only safe solution of this vexed 
 problem. 
 
 Among the colonizing nations of the world Spain has been 
 notorious for the wretched government of its provinces. 
 Cuba suffered most of the abuses borne by Spanish colonies, 
 due to harsh laws, arbitrary administration, failure of justice, 
 
1896] The SpanisJi American War 495 
 
 official greed, and universal corruption. Many revolts had Titherington, 
 
 occurred in order to gain greater liberty and lower taxes. ^P--^^^^- ^'^^> 
 
 The greatest of the revolts before 1895 was the so-called ^ '^°' 
 
 "Ten Years' War," an insurrection that started in 1868, 
 
 but was confined almost exclusively to the eastern part of ^^/L' ^^^^^^ 
 
 the island. When the United States protested against the 136-174. 
 
 fruitless struggle, Spain's captain-general in Cuba, Campos, 
 
 agreed to grant autonomy. But after the insurgents had laid 
 
 down their arms, the Spanish government refused to carry 
 
 out the promises of Campos. During this struggle war was 
 
 averted narrowly when the Virginius was captured on her 
 
 way to Cuba, and Cuban officials shot many of her crew who 
 
 were Americans. 
 
 425. United States and Cuban Insurrection ( 1 895-1 896). — insurrection 
 In February, 1895, insurrection again broke out. This time ° ^^^^' 
 all Cuba was affected arid the cry of Cuba Libre was echoed 
 from every part of the island, for few longer put faith Lamed (ed.), 
 m the promises of the Spaniards. Spain sent large numbers yj^ 171-175. 
 of troops who could accomplish little against the guerrilla 
 bands of the Cubans, although they outnumbered the in- titherington 
 surgents regularly in the field at least four to one. The sp.-Am. War, 
 difficulty was to find an enemy whom they could strike. 43-56. 
 In despair General Weyler sought to crush the rebellion by 
 ordering (1896) the concentration of all non-combatants in 
 camps near the larger cities. Through this '' reconcentrada" 
 policy ihe insurgents were crippled somewhat, but the suffer- 
 ing of the innocent women and children, huddled together 
 without means of earning enough for food, defeated not only 
 the immediate purpose of Weyler, but was the signal for the 
 overthrow of Spanish rule in America. In the interest of 
 humanity the United States was compelled to assert herself. 
 
 From the beginning of this insurrection there was a Cleveland 
 pronounced sentiment among many Americans in favor of ^^^ Cuba, 
 recognizing the belligerency of the Cubans if not the independ- 
 ence of the Cuban republic. This sentiment was reflected Lodge, War 
 
 in Congress, both houses of which desired to have President ^^ ^ ^"^^^^ 
 
 13-23. 
 
 Cleveland use his good offices for the recognition of both 
 
496 
 
 America7i History 
 
 [1896 
 
 McKinley 
 and Cuba. 
 
 belligerency and independence. The President did not see 
 fit to take any action and when (December, 1896) Congress 
 was on the point of declaring that Cuba was independent, 
 Cleveland and Olney made it clear that they should disregard 
 any resolution passed in Congress to that effect. In his 
 last message to Congress, however, the President stated that 
 a prolongation of the war might require our intervention in 
 Cuba. 
 
 426. Dangers to American Interests in Cuba (1897- 
 1898). — President McKinley took nearly the same view of 
 
 •-.« 
 
 
 -""^ ^"' ' "TT^ 
 
 . -^ 
 
 \M 
 
 
 - ^ — 
 
 
 ^^j 
 
 The Maine ENTERING Ha\ ana liARBOK 
 
 Lodge. War 
 ivith Spain, 
 23-28. 
 
 Destruction of 
 the Maine. 
 
 Lamed (ed.), 
 Ready Ref., 
 
 VI. 583-585- 
 
 the Cuban question as his predecessor, although his efforts 
 in behalf of American prisoners afforded better protection 
 to those w^ho had business in Cuba. During 1897 the 
 Spanish prime minister was assassinated and a Liberal 
 ministry was formed under Sagasta, which recalled Weyler 
 and endeavored to pacify the island by offering home rule to 
 the Cubans. This offer was spurned, and by the middle of 
 January, 1898, the disorder in and around Havana had 
 increased to such an extent that the battleship Maine was 
 sent to Havana harbor in order to protect American interests. 
 On the morning of February 16 the world was shocked 
 to learn that the Maine had been blown up at ten o'clock 
 the preceding evening, 266 of her officers and crew being 
 dead. For five weeks, with rare self-control, the nation 
 waited. On March 21 a committee of inquiry reported to 
 the President that the disaster had been caused by the 
 
1898] 
 
 The Spanish- American War 
 
 497 
 
 explosion of a mine outside the vessel. Although the 
 Spanish officials must have known that they had stationed 
 the Maine over a mine, no blame was attached to the 
 Spanish government. Even then the people waited for the 
 government to decide when and in what way it would act. 
 Pressure was brought to bear upon Spain to make repara- 
 tion for this outrage, without result of course. 
 
 By courtesy of Judge. Copyrighted. 
 
 Be Careful" 
 
 427. The Situation during the Spring of 1898. — Mean- 
 while active preparations were made for the war which 
 was to be the last resort. On March 9 Congress had 
 voted $50,000,000 for the national defense, to be expended 
 at the discretion of the President. When it became evident 
 that Spain would do nothing, the patience of the people was 
 exhausted. President McKinley sought to prevent hostili- 
 ties, but, on April 11, he was forced by public sentiment 
 to send to Congress his " war message " asserting that " the 
 war in Cuba must stop." After a few days' debate on the 
 exact form of intervention, Congress, on the historic 19th 
 of April, adopted four resolutions: (i) that the people of 
 2 E 
 
 Preparations 
 for war. 
 
 Titherington, 
 Sp.-Am. War, 
 70-95- 
 
498 
 
 American History 
 
 [1898 
 
 Attitude of 
 
 European 
 
 powers. 
 
 Peck, Twenty 
 Years, 545-554- 
 
 Comparison 
 of the 
 combatants. 
 
 Titherington, 
 Sp.-Am. War, 
 96-114. 
 
 Cuba were and of right ought to be free and independent; 
 (2) that Spain must withdraw from Cuba; (3) that the Pres- 
 ident might use force to free Cuba ; and (4) that the United 
 States was freeing the island for the Cubans and not for 
 herself. Spain at once severed diplomatic relations with 
 the United States and war actually began April 21, al- 
 though it was several days before Congress declared that a 
 state of war existed between Spain and the United States. 
 The attitude of the United States toward Cuba had been 
 watched carefully by the European 
 powers, who had tried to prevent 
 armed conflict between Spain and 
 America. Most European states- 
 men believed that the United States 
 was interfering in Cuba in order 
 to advance American interests. 
 They thought therefore that our 
 interference was not justified. On 
 the continent it was expected that 
 Spain would have no difficulty in 
 overpowering our navy, and the 
 attitude of many w^as distinctly 
 hostile to the United States, until repeated victories silenced 
 opposition. England, however, gave proof of her goodwill 
 from the beginning and used her influence in winning 
 friends for us on the continent. 
 
 428. The Beginning of War. — On paper the advantage 
 at the beginning lay with Spain rather than the United States, 
 but the x\mericans of necessity assumed the offensive. 
 Spain had large numbers of seasoned troops under arms in 
 Cuba, whereas the regular army of the United States con- 
 sisted of but 25,000 men, many of whom could not be spared 
 for foreign service. Spain's navy consisted of several 
 armored cruisers of high speed and modern equipment, 
 although the navy as a whole was inferior to that of the 
 United States, which included several large battleships. 
 After the destruction of the Maine, the navy was pre- 
 
 WlLLlAM T. SAMr^ON 
 
1898] 
 
 The Spanish- American War 
 
 499 
 
 pared for possible war. Two fleets were gathered in the Preparing the 
 north Atlantic, One of these, with most of the battleships ^^^^^• 
 and monitors, was commanded by Admiral William T. Samp- 
 son; the other, composed of faster cruisers and called the ^^'"*' Contem- 
 
 " flying squadron," by Admiral Winfield S. Schley.^ All 
 vessels in the Pacific were ordered to Hong Kong, where 
 Admiral Dewey made preparations to capture the fleet at 
 Manila in case of war. 
 
 poraries, 
 IV, No. 183. 
 
 Copyright (1898) by Wm. H. Rau. 
 
 The Battleship Oregon 
 
 After war was declared Dewey was obliged to leave Manila. 
 the British port at Hong Kong, as he could not remain in 
 
 the harbor of a nation that had declared itself neutral. Lamed (ed.), 
 
 He proceeded at once to the Philippines and advanced early ^^'^^^ ^^Z' 
 
 on the morning of May i against the Spanish fleet. The 6i7_62o. 
 Spanish were not well prepared for an attack, although 
 
 their vessels were more numerous than ours and were pro- -pjtj^grin ton 
 
 tected by the batteries located at Cavite and along the sp.-Am. War, 
 
 shore. A few hours sufficed for the complete destruction of 364-378. 
 
 * The battleship Oregon was ordered from San Francisco to join the 
 Atlantic fleet and made a remarkable voyage around Cape Horn, the ship 
 covering fourteen thousand miles in sixty-seven days, and reporting for 
 duty without delay, since it arrived in perfect condition. 
 
500 
 
 A rnerica n History 
 
 [1898 
 
 Lodge, War 
 luith Spain, 
 48-67. 
 
 Cuba. 
 
 Lodge, If"<7/- 
 w/f/i S/>ai//, 
 Chapters VI- 
 VIIL 
 
 all the enemy's vessels, but no attempt was made at this 
 time to capture Manila, since Dewey could not spare the 
 marines necessary for holding the city. Later in ^lay the 
 
 first transports left San Fran- 
 cisco with troops for the 
 Philippines, but ^lanila was 
 not besieged until late in July 
 after fresh reenforcements 
 had arrived. A combined 
 land and naval attack under 
 General ^Merritt and Dewey 
 led to the surrender of the 
 city August 13, one day after 
 peace articles had been signed 
 at Washington. As the Span- 
 ish had controlled a very 
 small part of the islands, 
 their rule in the East was practically over. 
 
 429. War on the Atlantic, — At the beginning of the war 
 a blockade of most of the important ports of Cuba was 
 established, in the hope of starving Havana into submission. 
 A sharp lookout was kept for the fleet under Cervera which, 
 it was feared, might at- 
 
 George Dewev 
 
 Ctrl'* 7* 
 
 K\":^i< 
 
 tack one of our unpro- 
 tected coast cities. The 
 fleet was discovered later 
 at Santiago de Cuba, the 
 harbor of which is deep 
 and narrow, with a bottle- 
 like entrance which the 
 blockading fleet sought 
 unsuccessfully to close by 
 sinking a collier, the Mer- 
 rimac, in the entrance. The American fleet now waited 
 outside the harbor until the army threatened the capture 
 of the city. Owing to the difficulties in organizing and 
 transporting the troops, only a few thousand were ready 
 
 OPEKaTIOXS AKOIWU SANTIAGO UE CLBA 
 
1898] 
 
 TJie Spanish-American War 
 
 501 
 
 to sail from Florida at this time. After some delays and 
 considerable suffering through lack of proper food and 
 shelter, the regulars and Roosevelt's " rough riders " cap- 
 tured the enemy's strongholds at El Caney and San Juan 
 Hill. Cervera then left the harbor about nine o'clock on 
 the morning of July 3. One after another his vessels 
 were forced ashore and destroyed by the accurate fire 
 
 
 iisiyi-i 
 
 
 Signing the Peace Protocol 
 
 of the Americans. Again, practically without loss, an 
 American fleet had destroyed its Spanish opponent.^ Soon 
 after, the city was surrendered with all of the troops in 
 eastern Cuba, on condition that they should be transferred 
 free to Spain. 
 
 Later in July an American force under General Nelson Porto Rican 
 A. Miles proceeded against Porto Rico. By a well-planned campaign, 
 and brilliantly executed campaign the subjugation of Porto L^rned (ed/ 
 Rico was nearly completed when preliminaries of peace were Ready Re/., 
 signed and hostilities ceased. ^^' ^^7- 
 
 ^ The sole remaining fleet of Spain, which had passed through the Suez 
 canal on its way to the East, now turned back to Spain, 
 
502 
 
 American Histoy 
 
 [1898 
 
 Preliminaries 
 of peace. 
 
 Lodge, War 
 
 with Spain, 
 222-226. 
 
 Loans and 
 new taxes. 
 
 Dewey, Finan- 
 cial Hist., 
 k 197- 
 
 West, M., in 
 Rez<. of Rev., 
 18 (1898), 
 48-52. 
 
 IneflFiciency 
 of the war 
 department. 
 
 The decisive naval victories of the Americans at ^laniia 
 and Santiago, followed by preparations for active campaigns 
 against Porto Rico and the city of Manila, convinced the 
 Spanish government that further prosecution of the war was 
 unwise. On July 26 the French ambassador at Washing- 
 ton was requested to ask for terms of peace and on August 
 12 a peace protocol was signed. Spain relinquished all 
 claim to Cuba, ceded Porto Rico and her other West Indian 
 islands to the United States, and gave us one island in the 
 Ladrone group in the Pacific. The United States was to 
 hold the city and harbor of Manila pending the final dis- 
 position of the Phihppines. 
 
 430. War Finance. — To meet the extraordinary expenses 
 of the war. Congress raised large sums of money. Imme- 
 diate needs were satisfied by a loan of $200,000,000 at three 
 per cent interest. So patriotic was the response to the 
 government's request for money that more than 300.000 
 persons subscribed to the loan, oft'ering a total sum of 
 $1,400,000,000. Profiting by the lesson of the Civil War, 
 the irovernment wiselv sousjht to pav most of the militarv 
 
 o .01:. 
 
 and naval expenses through taxation. The old rates on 
 tobacco and fermented liquors were increased one hundred 
 per cent. Xew schedules were created by placing a stamp 
 tax on patent medicines, chewing gum, and other articles. 
 Stamps were to be placed on all checks, drafts, deeds, notes, 
 and many other papers involving business transactions. 
 Several lines of business were obliged to pay business taxes, 
 the total revenue from the new excise and business taxes 
 amounting to about $71,000,000 a year. A new kind of 
 national tax was levied on legacies, the rate varying from less 
 than one per cent for direct heirs to fifteen per cent for those 
 unrelated to the deceased who inherited large sums. 
 
 As the increase of the army and navy expenses was not 
 limited to the four months of the war,^ most of these war 
 
 ^ The militari- and naval expenses for iSoS-iooi inclusive were $514.- 
 000,000 more than for the preceding four years, an increase of more than 
 one hundred and lifty per cent. 
 
1898] 
 
 The Spanish- Ame7'ican War 
 
 503 
 
 taxes 'were retained for several years. Both the stamp Lamed (ed.) 
 
 taxes and the inheritance tax were repealed durino; 1002. ^'^<^^y ^^^f" 
 
 ^ ^ ^ \l, 631-634. 
 
 431 . Army Administration and Reform. ■ — Even before the 
 
 war began the serious condition of the war department became 
 painfully evident. Not only was the department unpre- 
 pared for war, but so defective were its methods that it could 
 not do satisfactorily even a small part of the work assigned 
 to it. Troops 
 were furnished 
 with the wrong 
 kind of materials 
 for tropical cam- 
 paigns; there 
 were few modern 
 rifles obtainable 
 and smokeless 
 powder was pro- 
 vided only on 
 rare occasions. 
 The volunteers 
 were huddled 
 in unsanitary 
 camps. If sent 
 
 to the front, they were delayed at every point by lack 
 of transports or other facilities. Six weeks after war was 
 declared, a time sufficient in 1866 for the complete humili- 
 ation of Austria by Prussia, the new army was still dis- 
 organized. The department failed most completely in 
 providing food for the troops. Serious sickness and death 
 were caused by this scarcity or by the inferior quality of the 
 supplies. Contracts were made by the department under 
 which " embalmed " beef that was unfit for food was fur- 
 nished in large quantities. An investigation in 1899 ex- 
 onerated Alger, the secretary of war, but the public was not 
 satisfied that the defects of the system were understood or the 
 proper officials blamed for neglect of duty. 
 As the preservation of order in the new colonies required 
 
 Elihu Root 
 
504 
 
 American History 
 
 [1898 
 
 a larger standing army than that existing before 1898, 
 a new law was passed by Congress in 1901 enlarging the army 
 to a total of not less than 57,000 nor more than ioc,ooo. 
 Under the guidance of that able and energetic administrator, 
 Secretary of War Root, the entire system was modernized 
 and reorganized, and a general staff created to take charge 
 of army affairs. Since we had decided to keep the outlying 
 islands which came into our possession in 1898 and con- 
 struct an isthmian canal, plans were made and have been 
 carried out partially to enlarge and strengthen the navy, 
 which will be of especial value in protecting our interests in 
 all parts of the globe. 
 
 The Care of Wider American Interests 
 
 432. The Problem of the Pacific. — During the three 
 months following the conclusion of hostilities the adminis- 
 tration was obliged to decide definitely what its policy 
 should be in regard to the annexation of distant lands in the 
 Pacific. There was no doubt that the nation was willing to 
 follow a new policy that would open to us new ports in the 
 far East and permit us to use our political influence in the 
 Pacific to greater advantage. During the war Hawaii had 
 been annexed to the United States by joint resolution of 
 both houses of Congress. Although many arguments in 
 favor of Hawaiian annexation could not be used of islands 
 near Asia — the nearness of the Hawaiian group, their com- 
 mercial dependence on the United States, the comparatively 
 large white population of Hawaii, the danger to us from their 
 acquisition by a European nation — nevertheless the pos- 
 session of Hawaii was a reason for going a step farther and 
 acquiring islands which would give us commercial advan- 
 tages in the great struggle that had already begun for su- 
 premacy in the west Pacific and in eastern Asia. 
 
 At first President McKinley authorized the peace com- 
 missioners to acquire the island of Luzon only, with trade 
 concessions in other parts of the Philippines. Later, how- 
 ever, the President reached the conclusion that " the cession 
 
1899] Care of Wider American Interests 505 
 
 must be of the whole archipelago or none. The latter is Lodge, War 
 
 wholly inadmissible and the former must therefore be ^'^^ ^^'^^^' 
 
 226-230. 
 required." As Secretary Hay telegraphed to the peace com- 
 missioners, '' The sentiment in the United States is almost 
 universal that the people of the Philippines, whatever else ^^^,^ ^f^^ 
 is done, must be liberated from Spanish dominion. In this Vll, 682-686. 
 sentiment the President fully concurs. Nor can we permit 
 Spain to transfer any of the islands to another power. Nor 
 can we invite another power or powers to join the United 
 States in sovereignty over them. We must either hold them 
 or turn them back to Spain. Consequently grave as are the 
 responsibilities and unforeseen as are the difficulties which 
 are before us, the President can see but one plain path of 
 duty — the acceptance of the archipelago." 
 
 433. The Treaty of Paris ( 1 898-1 899). — While the admin- Negotiation 
 istration was deciding what should be done in reference to the ^^^ provisions, 
 Philippines, negotiations for a peace treaty w^ere begun at 
 Paris, October, 1898. The United States was represented by "art, Content- 
 five able commissioners ^ who succeeded in gaining all of the jy T^^' g 
 concessions we desired. The chief discussions wxre caused 
 by Spain's desire to make us responsible for Cuba and the 
 Cuban debt and to retain the Philippines for herself. On statutes, 
 both points Spain yielded finally. According to the com- No. 131. 
 pleted treaty Spain relinquished her sovereignty over Cuba, 
 ceded to us Porto Rico and her other West India possessions 
 and the Island of Guam, and transferred her rights in the 
 Philippines for a sum of $20,000,000 paid to her for public 
 works and improvements which belonged to the Spanish 
 government. 
 
 Although most of the people of the United States approved Debate over 
 the acquisition of the Philippines, an active minority opposed ratification, 
 it. Anti-imperialist leagues were formed which sought to 
 arouse public sentiment, especially by harping on the word Lamed (ed.), 
 " imperialism." They called attention to the great change yj^/ f g 
 which we should make if we abandoned our traditional 
 
 ^ The commissioners were William R. Day, Cushman K. Davis, Wil- 
 liam P. Frye, George Gray, and Whitelaw Reid. 
 
5o6 
 
 AnitHcatt History 
 
 [1899 
 
 policy. They maintained that the acquisition was not onh- 
 contrary to the principles of the Declaration of Independence 
 and the Constitution, but was unjust to the Filipinos and 
 dangerous to the perpetuation of our democratic institutions. 
 Many of the advocates of annexation did not desire to hold 
 the Philippines permanently, but believed any other course 
 to be unwise. Probably the majority of the American people, 
 even at this time, favored not onlv the retention of the islands 
 
 By courtesy of Z. .•■.<■.'.•'.-■ "j- Weekly. Copyrig':i:ed. 
 
 A Republican Appeal to Voters (^1900) 
 
 but the adoption of an imperialist policy involving tropical 
 colonies. The treaty was submitted to the Senate early in 
 January, iSoQ. After a month of discussion it was adopted 
 by a very narrow margin, the vote being 57 to 2S, only one 
 more than the constitutional tvvo thirds. 
 
 434. The Philippine Insurrection and the Election of 
 1900. — The problem of controlling the Philippines was 
 complicated because of an insurrection against the authority 
 Andrews. Our ^£ ^^^ American government. For several years before the 
 Spanish-American War there had been armed opposition in 
 the islands to the rule of Spain. After the transfer of the 
 Philippines in the treaty of peace these forces which had 
 rebelled, led by Aguinaldo, attacked the American troops, 
 
 Aguinaldo's 
 insurrection. 
 
 Oicn Time, 
 S42-S5 
 
1902] Ctu\' of Wider America) I lute rests 507 
 
 and it was more than two years l)cforo the disorder was Lamed (od.), 
 
 tinally suppressed by the capture of Aguinaldo and the ^''*^'^3' ^'Z-' 
 
 suppression 01 muior rel)ellions \\\ the smaller islands ot the ,3- ,3^ 
 
 grouj). 
 
 In the presidential election of iqoo interest in the free- Election of 
 
 silver discussion of i8q6 was revived because of the unwill- ^^°°- 
 
 ingness of the Democratic candidate, William J. Bryan, Andrews, Owr 
 
 to run on anv other platform than that of tlie free coinaoje of ^^''" ^''"'^' 
 
 ' . . . 865-878. 
 
 silver at a legal ratio of 16 to i. The Democratic platform, 
 
 however, stated that imperialism was " the paramount issue Lamed (ed.), 
 
 of the campaiirn." The Republican convention endorsed ^^'^^y^^j-^ 
 . ,. . . ... . VL 046-660. 
 
 the attitude of the McKinley administration in its dealings 
 
 with our de[)endencies and renewed its " allegiance to the Latane, 
 
 principle of the gold standard." William McKInley was '^>>'''^^'^ <^^ <^ 
 . . World Power, 
 
 renominated for President and Theodore Roosevelt of New 1,0-132. 
 
 York was selected for \'ice President in response to popular 
 
 demand. Although many eastern states gave McKinley 
 
 much smaller pluralities than during the abnormal campaign 
 
 of 1896, his total popular plurality was much larger than in 
 
 1896, and he carried five states more than in his lirst election. 
 
 435. The Development of a Colonial Policy. — The Republican 
 T^ , ,• . . -11 1 1 policy before 
 
 Republican victory in 1900 might be construed as an endorse- igo2. 
 
 ment of the colonial plans of that party. That policy fol- 
 lowed the usual methods for controlling new territory, that 
 is, to appoint military governors until it was possible to or- 
 ganize a civil government. Provisional civil government was 
 changed into permanent civil government, in Porto Rico 
 in 1900, and in the Philippines in 1902. This permanent 
 government was not like that of our '' organized territories," 
 however, since Congress and the President did not believe 
 that " the Constitution follows the flag." They held on the 
 contrary that Porto Rico and the Philippines were colonies, 
 that Congress might decide how they should be governed, 
 and that Congress might levy taxes on the colonies, in spite 
 of the provision of the Constitution that " all duties, imports 
 and excises shall be uniform throughout the United States." rpj^^ insular 
 In the earlier '' Insular cases " (1901) the Supreme Court cases. 
 
5o8 
 
 America7i Histojy 
 
 [1900 
 
 Lamed (ed.), 
 Ready Ref., 
 VI, 669-674, 
 682-683. 
 Burgess, J. W., 
 in Pol. Sc. 
 Qiiar., 16 
 (1901), 486- 
 504- 
 
 Rowe, L. S., in 
 Annals Am. 
 Acad., 18 
 (1901), 226- 
 250. 
 
 Porto Rico. 
 
 Lamed (ed.), 
 Hist, for Ready 
 Ref., VII, 501- 
 503- 
 
 Abbott, L., in 
 Outlook, 92 
 (1909), 451- 
 462. 
 
 Liberty and 
 government. 
 
 Taft, W. H., 
 in Outlook, 71 
 (1902), 305 
 et seq. 
 
 Jenks, J. W., 
 in Rev. of Revs., 
 26 (1902), 
 580-588. 
 
 Willoughby, 
 
 Territories, 
 
 184-201. 
 
 Larned (ed.). 
 Ready Ref., 
 VII, 492-498. 
 
 decided that, since the colonies were neither foreign soil nor 
 integral parts of the United States, Congress might levy such 
 tariffs as it pleased. Later decisions (1904) denied the right 
 of trial by jury and the right to bear arms within the Philip- 
 pine Islands, even to former citizens of the United States. 
 These decisions gave Congress absolute control of the 
 colonies, since Congress might rule them as it wished until it 
 limited its own power by extending constitutional rights and 
 privileges to inhabitants of the colonies. 
 
 Porto Rico was allowed to have complete civil govern- 
 ment earlier than the Philippines, and the powers granted to 
 the people were greater. Universal suffrage was given in 
 the act of 1900, and the Porto Ricans had a legislature from 
 the first. Porto Rico was subject to a special tariff for a 
 short time only. The United States (1909), however, as- 
 serted its right to make appropriations if the Porto Rican 
 legislature failed to do so. The most important agitation 
 among the islanders during recent years has been the demand 
 for United States citizenship. 
 
 436. The Philippines since 1900. — The Philippine 
 Islands were at first under a military governor who was the 
 commander of the army in the Philippines. In 1900 a civil 
 government was established, a commission of five being 
 appointed by the President to control the islands under the 
 laws of Congress. This commission was replaced in 1902 by 
 a complete government, consisting of a governor, four com- 
 missioners, and other colonial officials selected by the Presi- 
 dent and Senate, of an upper legislative house composed of 
 the Philippine commission with several Filipinos, and of a 
 lower house of from fifty to one hundred members chosen 
 by voters who own property or can speak, read, and write 
 Spanish or English.^ In local government the people were 
 allowed a greater share than in the tropical colonies of any 
 European power. Congress did not deem it wise to grant to 
 the inhabitants of the islands all of the civil rights exercised 
 by citizens of the United States, but it did give them all the 
 
 1 The first assembly did not meet until 1907. 
 
 I 
 
(The different Scales used shoui 
 
nigo-Pago Ha 
 AMO AN ISLANDS 1899 
 
 (Aiuericati Posessioris) Wwi from Orwfiwich 
 
 be noted with particular care.) 
 
19^3] Care of Wider American hiterests 509 
 
 rights enumerated in the amendments of the Constitution 
 except the right of trial by jury and the right to bear arms. 
 
 In many ways the United States has been able to settle Social and 
 difficulties which prevented the development of the islands, industrial 
 Among these have been the problems of schools, which have ^"^^ ^"^^' 
 been opened everywhere on the islands ; that of roads, which ^^'^' ^- ^•' ^"^ 
 
 , , 1 •! 11 • • 1 r • • 1 ^0. Am. Rev., 
 
 nave been bujlt near the large cities ; those of sanitation and ^g^ (1007) 
 public improvements; and, most trying of all, that of the 510-524. 
 friars lands, which was settled through the help of the pope, Ireland, A., in 
 by the purchase of the friars' lands and by depriving the Atlantic, 94 
 friars of much of their previous political control. Ap- ^'^^°^'' ^^'^"' 
 parently the islands have made good progress under Ameri- 
 can control, but many of the inhabitants and others desire Forbes, W. C. 
 Philippine independence, and consider the work which has '^ri Atlantic, 103 
 
 been done by the Americans to be of comparatively little ^^^°^^' 
 •' ^ ^ ■' 200-209. 
 
 value. Before 1909 imports to the United States from the 
 
 islands paid a duty equal to seventy-five per cent of our willis, H. P., 
 
 regular tariff, but since that date there has been practically i" Phil. People. 
 
 free trade between the islands and the United States for the 
 
 products of either. 
 
 437. Alaska. — The last American territory to have a Relations with 
 
 government of its own was Alaska, which until 1012 had no ^^^ssia before 
 
 1868 
 law-making body. However, Alaska was the first territory 
 
 that we acquired which was not contiguous to the United Foster, Am. 
 
 States proper. It had been held by Russia which had sought ^'P^'^'^^^^^y' 
 
 . 404—410. 
 
 about 1820 to acquire possessions farther south than Sitka 
 
 in order to keep the British from the Pacific. This threat- 
 ened aggression by the largest country of the old world was 
 an immediate cause of the proclamation of the Monroe 
 Doctrine in 1823 (§ 262). In 1824 Russia agreed to remain 
 north of 54° 40'. After the United States gained undisputed 
 possession of southern Oregon in 1846 (§ 303) offers were 
 made to Russia for Alaska. These seem to have been 
 considered favorably because of Russia's hatred and fear of 
 England, particularly in the years following the Crimean War 
 (1854). During the Civil War Russia gave proof of her 
 friendship by sending a fleet to New York. In 1S67, whei> 
 
510 
 
 A f}U'i iciifi His ton' 
 
 [1S9S 
 
 Development 
 and problems 
 of Alaska. 
 
 Lamed ^ed.). 
 Ready Rcf.. 
 VI. O-io. 
 
 (1908). ()g3- 
 702. 40 (I cool. 
 40-02. 
 
 Halbert.W.D.. 
 ill Outlook, 00 
 Uoii). 
 051-902. 
 
 Weems, C. in 
 World's Work, 
 
 2:-, i,I0I2\ 
 
 422-430. 
 
 Early 
 attempts. 
 
 Taylor. B., in 
 yimUinth 
 CetUury, 47 
 
 (IQOO). 
 507-500. 
 
 Latan^, ('. 5. 
 and Spanish 
 America, 
 iSo-220. 
 Necessiiry pre- 
 liminary steps 
 for construc- 
 tion of an 
 American 
 canal. 
 
 the suggestion was made that Russia should cede us Alaska, 
 terms were agreed upon and the treaty ratitied within 
 twenty-four hours. Russia had gained such great areas in 
 Asia that she feared Great Britain and wished our friendship, 
 as Xapoleon had sixty years earlier (§ 232). 
 
 There was little opposition to the acquisition of this vast 
 territory, but few people appreciated the richness of the 
 resources in that region. In fact it was not until the dis- 
 cover}- of large quantities of gold near the Yukon River in 
 iSqS that much interest was taken in .\laska. The location 
 of valuable mines near the boundary line and the use that 
 was made by the gold-seekers of bays and roads which were 
 claimed by both the United States and Great Britain caused 
 the settlement in igo^ of the boundary dispute between 
 Alaska and Canada. Alaska is well supplied not only with 
 gold but with coal and other minerals. The attempt of cor- 
 porations and speculators to seize coal lands and harbor 
 frontage in igoo caused severe criticism of President Taft's 
 Secretary of the Interior, Richard Ballinger i,.^ 45S). Later 
 Alaska's resources were tied up until, after lou, the govern- 
 ment at Washington proposed a government railway, pro- 
 vided some self-government for the territory, and permitted 
 further development of Alaska's resources. 
 
 438. Attempts to secure an Isthmian Canal before 1902. 
 — With American possessions in the Pacilic, a canal across 
 Central America became a necessity. Plans were proposed 
 three centuries ago to connect the Atlantic and the Pacitic. 
 When the United States gained California, this discussion was 
 revived, and. in order to secure the cooperation of Great 
 Britain, which possessed capital and controlled the best 
 canal route, the United States agreed to the Clayton-Bulwer 
 treaty in 1S50. 
 
 In order to construct a canal under American auspices, 
 it was necessary to complete four preliminary steps, (i") We 
 must secure the abrogation of the Clayton-Bulwer treaty 
 which requireci the cooperation of Great Britain in the con- 
 struction of a canal; (2) Congress was obliged to select a 
 
1902] Care of Wider A})icrica)i hit crests 511 
 
 route and authorize the construction of a canal by that 
 route; (3) the President and Senate must agree with the 
 country in which the canal was to be located on the terms 
 under which we should dig the canal ; and (4) if the Panama 
 route were selected, we must purchase the rights and property 
 of the French company that had done considerable excava- 
 tion for a canal at Panama. 
 
 The United States and Great Britain finally agreed (1901) Hay- 
 on the Hav-Pauncefote convention, w^iich superseded the P'^""^^efote 
 ,^, ^\ ^ - , , , TT • 1 Convention 
 
 Llayton-Bulwer treaty. It expressly stated that the United (igoi). 
 
 States might construct a canal, directly or indirectly, and Lamed (ed.), 
 
 gave us the exclusive ris^ht of providing for the regulation Htst. for Ready 
 
 1 - , , r^, , , , ^^/v VII, 466- 
 
 and management ot the canal. The canal was to be neutral Latane, Am. as 
 
 on the same conditions as the Suez canal, giving the United a World Poivcr, 
 
 States the right to police the district traversed, but not allow- ^04-207. 
 
 ^ ,, , , , , . P Dunnell, M.B., 
 
 mg any nation to blockade the canal or commit an act of jj^ ^^^ 4,„ 
 
 war in it. Rev., 171 
 
 439. Securing a Satisfactory Route for the Canal. — (100°). 
 
 The Nicaragua route was favored by most of the engineer- 
 ing commissions that examined this subject, and by the isthmian 
 House of Representatives. The last commission (1901) re- Canal Act 
 ported in favor of Panama. The Senate favored Panama, 
 but authorized the President to choose the other route if no Latan6, Am. as 
 terms could be made with Colombia or the French company. '' 'J^"''^^ Power, 
 This was accepted by the House, and the Isthmian Canal 
 Act of June 28, 1902, contained that provision.^ 
 
 Without great difficulty Colombia was persuaded to make Purchase of a 
 
 a treaty giving us the use of a strip ten miles wide as a canal ^'^^^^1 z^^'^e 
 
 zone. Compensation was fixed at $10,000,000, but the Latane, yim.a^ 
 
 Colombian Congress desired a larger sum, $25,000,000, and a World Power, 
 
 refused to ratify the treaty. Panama then took matters into 213-220. 
 
 , r 1 1 • TT • 1 J Roosevelt, T.. 
 
 her own hands and seceded from Colombia. Her independ- j^ Outlook, 99 
 
 ence was recognized at once by President Roosevelt, an act (191 1), 
 
 314-318. 
 
 1 The Canal Act also stated that the President might expend ^4^0,000,000 
 for the franchises and property of the French company, and might appoint 
 an isthmian canal commission which would have charge of the construction 
 of the canal. The sum of ^135,000,000 was authorized for the completion 
 of the work. 
 
512 
 
 American History 
 
 [1902 
 
 Bishop, J. B., 
 in Interna- 
 tional, 9 (1904), 
 247-260. 
 Mahan, A. T., 
 vaN O.Am. Rev., 
 ig6 (1912), 
 549-568 ~ 
 
 Work 
 
 accomplished. 
 Taft, W. H., in 
 Present Day 
 Problems, 
 95-122. 
 
 Authier, G. T., 
 in Rev. of Revs., 
 43 (1911), 
 49-61. 
 
 which caused considerable comment, and the new RepubHc 
 of Panama agreed to give us perpetual rights in a canal zone 
 and the right to construct a canal for the amount originally 
 accepted by Colombia. As the French Company had 
 already accepted our ofifer of $40,000,000, the way was 
 
 
 
 Ife^ 
 
 iifii^'^' -M^^^^^^^^^^^^^^l 
 
 
 " ■ -^ 
 
 ^|^^_ 
 
 n^^^^^l^^^HI 
 
 
 
 ^^^.,^^' ^-« 
 
 
 ^^Wig^ 
 
 
 
 '"^■1 
 
 ^^^^n 
 
 B^aa^BaJMB 
 
 ^^^^1 
 
 ^^^g 
 
 CuLEBRA Cut, Panama Canal 
 
 (Work done by French Companies.) 
 
 cleared for actual construction by the national govern- 
 ment. 
 
 440. Construction of the Canal. — When we came to 
 examine the property that we had purchased, we found that 
 only a small part of the work of necessary excavation had 
 been completed, much of this being rendered valueless by 
 the refdling of the cuts. Most of the old machinery was 
 w^orthless. It was not until 1906 that the President of the 
 United States and Congress decided that a lock canal would 
 be better than one at sea level. ^ This decision was reached 
 
 1 The construction of the locks presented a very serious engineering prob- 
 lem, which was solved satisfactorily. One grave defect of the lock system 
 arises from the fact that already our great ocean liners are almost too large 
 for the canal locks. 
 
1 91 2] Care of Wider'- American Interests 513 
 
 because of the smaller original cost of a lock canal, the World's Work, 
 shorter time required for its construction, and the saving of ^4 (1912), 
 time for vessels.^ The canal was completed at a cost of 
 
 more than twice that of the original estimates, but it is much 
 larger and better than the canal that was planned originally. 
 The success of this great undertaking is largely a personal 
 triumph for the chief engineer. Colonel G. W. Goethals. 
 
 The work accomplished by the Department of Sanitation 
 was of first importance, since the canal zone was originally 
 very unsanitary. By draining swamps, cleaning up the 
 cities, using screens and other preventive measures against 
 
 Scientific Am., 
 107 (1912), 
 385-399- 
 Scribner's, 54 
 (1913), 7-36- 
 
 Sanitation and 
 fortification. 
 
 Scientific Am., 
 107 (1912), 
 385, 392-393. 
 
 ATLANTIC 
 
 OCEAN 
 OCEAN LEVEL , 
 
 EAN^VEL,, 
 
 CANAL BOTTOM 
 
 o^ PACIFIC 
 o OCEAN 
 
 OCEAN LEVEl 
 
 Excavated by French companies 
 Excavation to be completed, 1902 
 
 PEOFILE OP THE PANAMA CANAL 
 
 yellow fever and malaria, the zone has been made as healthy Bishop, J. B 
 as the average American city. An entirely different kind of 
 protection has been that afforded against foreign enemies, 
 for it was decided in 1911 to fortify the canal. 
 
 In 191 2 Congress passed an act providing for the govern- 
 ment of the canal zone after the completion of the canal. 
 
 1 This is due to the greater width of the canal between locks. 
 2 L 
 
 in Scribner's, 
 53 (1913), 
 234-251- 
 Stimson, H. L., 
 in Scribner's, 54 
 (1913), 1-6. 
 
514 
 
 American History 
 
 [1910 
 
 Question of 
 
 tolls. 
 
 Root, E., in 
 
 Independent, 
 74 (1913), 
 285-289. 
 
 Military and 
 
 naval 
 
 importance. 
 
 Mahan, A. T., 
 
 in Century, 82, 
 
 (1911), 
 
 240-248. 
 
 Commercial 
 benefits of the 
 canal. 
 
 Ballard, G. A, 
 in Contempo- 
 rary, 94 (1908), 
 731-742. 
 
 WorWs Work, 
 24 (i9i2),403- 
 414, 418-433- 
 
 Johnson, E. R., 
 in Annals Am. 
 Acad., 19 
 (1902), 1-23, 
 and in Scrib- 
 ners, 54 (1913), 
 37-43. 
 
 This act provided that tolls should be charged on all traffic 
 except American vessels engaged in the coastwise trade, 
 which are to be exempt. Great Britain protested this act on 
 the ground that it violated the Hay-Pauncefote treaty, and 
 the question of tolls was reconsidered. 
 
 441. Importance of the Canal. — ^The canal is not only 
 notable as a great engineering feat. It is important from 
 both the naval and the commercial points of view in binding 
 the East to the West. The military importance is so great, 
 in the opinion of Colonel Goethals, that the entire cost of the 
 canal should be considered as an item in our military ex- 
 penses, the running expenses of maintaining the canal alone 
 being paid by the traffic through the canal. In these days 
 of brief wars, time is an important element, and the canal 
 has almost doubled our naval strength by permitting our 
 naval vessels to proceed quickly from one ocean to the other. 
 
 The importance of the canal in binding the East to the West 
 commercially will be very great. At the present time the 
 cost of transporting freight by rail over the Rocky mountains 
 and the great distance around Cape Horn hamper the 
 development of this trade. Since transportation by water 
 is cheaper than that by rail, the shortening of the water route 
 from the Atlantic ports to those of the Pacific will give an 
 immense impetus to the industries of the Pacific coast, the 
 products of which can now be sold profitably only in the 
 local market. Of equal advantage will be the opportunities 
 given to the eastern cities to trade with the Orient, and with 
 the South American countries on the Pacific coast. At 
 present they cannot compete with the European merchants 
 who enjoy a shorter water route. Our trade with western 
 South America should be developed by the opening of the 
 canal. The products of the Mississippi valley and the Gulf 
 states will be benefited particularly, because of the great 
 decrease in the cost at which they can be marketed, es- 
 pecially if a ship canal is built from the Gulf of Mexico 
 to Lake Michigan, and the branches of the Mississippi are 
 improved. 
 
9oo] Our New Position among Nations 515 
 
 Our New Position among the Nations 
 
 442. The United States as a World Power. — The General 
 position of the United States as a world power has long been position, 
 suggested by her preeminence in the western hemisphere. Colquhoun, 
 It has become more conspicuous with the changes in foreign Greater Amer- 
 relations during the last two decades, not only in more clearly 
 
 defining our headship among the republics of the New World, Reinsch, 
 but in the acquisition of scattered colonial possessions, in ^ ^^ ^ 
 new and important activities in the Far East, and in partici- 
 pation with other great powers in affairs of world-wide sig- 
 nificance. More than. all else it has been shown by our com- 
 mercial and diplomatic position as a power second to no 
 other. 
 
 Our place as a world power has come naturally and in- The United 
 evitably, as the Pacific Ocean has become more and more States m the 
 the sphere of world action, because we are the only great 
 nation touching both the Atlantic and the Pacific. It was Latane, /iw. a^ 
 
 ■L 1.1 • X. £ • ' i. 4. J. i. <^ World Power, 
 
 observable m our acceptance of a lomt protectorate over 
 
 . . . 100-119. 
 
 Samoa, 1889, and in our joint action with other great powers 
 
 in the movement on Peking during the Boxer revolt in 1900. 
 
 Usually our policy has been marked by moderation so far as 
 
 our own demands are concerned, and by a disinterested, but 
 
 sincere, determination to protect the territory, revenues, and 
 
 rights of the non-Caucasian countries that have been unable 
 
 to withstand the aggressions of the '' civilized world." 
 
 443. American Influence on World Peace. — ^ From the Efforts made to 
 beginning of its history the United States exerted its influence protect 
 
 to secure the rights of neutrals against the aggressions of 
 belligerents. The proclamation of neutrality, issued by Foster, Century 
 Washington (170^), furnished not only an example of firm ^^ ^^- ^^' 
 
 , V /v.)/? ^ J f plotnacy,g3, 
 
 and moderate action under trymg circumstances, but was a 154-157, 
 model copied by older nations that wished to declare their 347-349- 
 neutrality. 
 
 The United States has long been an advocate of arbitra- International 
 tion as a means of solving international difficulties, having ^^ ^ ^^ ^°^' 
 used that method repeatedly since the adoption of the Con- 
 
5i6 
 
 American History 
 
 [1897 
 
 Moore, J. B., 
 in Harper'' s 
 Magazine, no 
 
 (1905), 
 610-619. 
 
 Larned (ed.), 
 Ready Ref., VI, 
 577-580, VII, 
 708-711. 
 
 Taft, W. H., 
 in Century, 
 83 (1912), 
 459-466. 
 
 Living Age, 
 277 (1913), 
 "688-690. 
 
 America and 
 the future of 
 world peace. 
 
 Larned (ed.), 
 Ready Ref., 
 
 VII, 715-725- 
 
 Military 
 
 government 
 
 (1898-1902). 
 
 stitution, especially in the settlement of disputes with Great 
 Britain. In the recent movement for arbitration, however, 
 the government of the United States acted rather tardily. 
 This was due not to lack of interest in the subject but almost 
 entirely to the complicated machinery, chief executive and 
 Senate, through which our foreign affairs are managed. A 
 general arbitration treaty with Great Britain in 1897 was 
 defeated by the Senate's failure to cooperate with the Presi- 
 dent. When the Hague Peace Conference in 1899 made 
 provision for a permanent court of arbitration, proposing a 
 form of treaty under which disputes should be submitted, 
 the United States found it impossible to join the other nations 
 in this great movement until, in 1908, several treaties were 
 ratified. In 191 1, through the influence of President Taft, 
 much more general arbitration treaties with Great Britain 
 and France were ratified. Still later Secretary of State 
 Bryan distinguished himself for his attempt to procure 
 treaties with all countries, by which even questions involving 
 national honor were to be submitted to arbitration if they 
 were not settled by diplomacy. 
 
 Americans have been very active in the promotion of 
 peace,^ holding national conferences, seeking to keep peace 
 in the western hemisphere, and securing a second Peace 
 Conference at the Hague in 1907, but they have not always 
 been unselfish enough to arbitrate. As the only great power 
 with direct access to both the Atlantic and the Pacific ; as 
 the most disinterested spectator of European political ma- 
 neuvers, and of contests in the Orient for territorial, polidcal, 
 or commercial advantage, — the United States will un- 
 doubtedly have in the future a still greater share in the 
 maintenance of the world's peace. 
 
 444. Relations with Cuba since 1898. — The question of 
 Cuba after the war with Spain was one of great delicacy and 
 difficulty. At the beginning of the war we had justified 
 interference on the grounds that Cuba deserved to be free 
 
 1 The Nobel peace prize has been awarded to two Americans, Theodore 
 Roosevelt and Elihu Root. 
 
1903] Our New Position among Nations 517 
 
 and that Spain's methods of control were morally wrong and Lamed (ed.), 
 
 Injurious to American interests. We were pledged prac- ^^^^^ ^cf-, 
 tically to establishing in Cuba a government that would be 
 
 not only independent, but would reestablish order in the Latane, Am. as 
 
 island and maintain satisfactory relations with other nations. ^ ^Vorld Power, 
 
 The fulfillment of this pledge required the military occupa- i8i_i83' 
 tion of the island for more than two years, during which the 
 American commanders did much toward improving munic- 
 ipal government in Cuba and aiding in the reestablishment 
 of business prosperity. 
 
 In 1 90 1 a constitutional convention completed a consti- Permanent 
 
 tution providing a complete government for the Republic of "shts m Cuba. 
 
 Cuba and embodying several articles regarding the inde- Lamed (ed.), 
 
 pendence of Cuba and' the relations to exist between Cuba ^^^^y ^^f' 
 
 and the United States.^ On the basis of this amendment we yjj 1 74-178 
 took charge of the Cuban republic in 1906, when insurgents 
 
 prevented President Palma from executing the laws. Conant, C. A., 
 
 Palma's resignation forced the United States to govern the ^^^^0. Am. Rev. 
 
 island until 1909, when the Cuban republic was again left 141-146. 
 in charge, but in 191 2 President Taft was obliged to warn the 
 Cuban government that affairs must be managed better. 
 
 As soon as the Cuban republic was established, the United Reciprocity 
 
 States was asked to aid the Cuban planters by giving them ^''^ ^"^^• 
 especially low rates on goods imported from Cuba. Free \y^^uJ^,'^^ 
 
 trade between the two countries was advocated by a few, 183-190. 
 
 but was not considered seriously. After numerous delays, Willis, H. P., 
 
 largely due to the opposition of the beet-sugar interests of ^^ Annals Am. 
 
 the United States, the Senate ratified (1903) a reciprocity (1^03)^ J29- 
 
 treaty with Cuba. 147- 
 
 445. Relations with Mexico. — Our relations with Mexico 
 
 1 In the most important of these articles Cuba agreed to maintain her 
 independence, financial and political, to accept the work done during the 
 mihtary occupation by the United States, and if necessary to permit inter- 
 ference by the United States for the purpose of preserving the independence 
 of Cuba and fulfilling the obligations which we assumed for Cuba in the treaty 
 of Paris. The United States was allowed to have coaling stations in the 
 island, which we agreed never to use for the purpose of dominating Cuban 
 affairs. 
 
5i8 
 
 American History 
 
 [1910 
 
 Mexico under 
 Diaz. 
 
 Lummis, C. F., 
 in Outlook, 6g 
 (1901), 536- 
 545- 
 
 Martin, P. F., 
 in Quar. Rev., 
 211, 526-549. 
 
 Lyle. E. P., Jr. 
 in World's 
 Work, 14 
 
 (1907), 
 9179-9196. 
 
 Rule of Madero 
 and Huerta, 
 1911-1914. 
 
 Welliver, J. C, 
 in Tech. World, 
 18 (1912), 
 
 376-387. 
 
 Uncle Sam's 
 
 Mexican 
 
 problem. 
 
 have been very interesting and are likely to be as important 
 as those with Cuba. In 1867 Maximilian was overthrown 
 in Mexico by Benito Juarez (§418). A few years later 
 Juarez was succeeded in the presidency of Mexico by Porfirio 
 Diaz, who ruled the republic until 191 1. During that period 
 of forty years of benevolent despotism, Mexico developed rap- 
 idly, building railways, opening mines, constructing buildings, 
 and developing agriculture. Diaz encouraged the invest- 
 ment of foreign capital, so that, at the close of his " reign," 
 a billion dollars of x\merican capital was invested in the 
 country. Although he looked after the material interests 
 of Mexico by promoting peace and prosperity, Diaz did not 
 give the Mexicans political freedom, and he often sacrificed 
 individual rights and liberty to national progress. He was 
 denounced as a tyrant w^ho oppressed the people and denied 
 the right of free elections. 
 
 In 1 9 10 Diaz defeated Francesco Madero for the presi- 
 dency, but soon after Diaz was forced to resign and leave 
 Mexico. As president, Madero was not strong enough to 
 maintain order, several insurrections being started in the 
 states of northern Mexico. In 191 3 Madero's government 
 was overthrown. Madero was forced to resign and was shot, 
 after he had surrendered to acting President Huerta. Insur- 
 rections followed in the northern states, but Huerta main- 
 tained himself a dictator. The United States did not 
 recognize Huerta's government in Mexico. 
 
 For several years United States troops have been main- 
 tained along the Mexican border in order to protect residents 
 of that territory and to maintain the neutrality laws. On 
 several occasions intervention seemed probable, but was 
 avoided. In 1913 President Wilson sent John Lind as his 
 personal representative to Mexico to study the situation and 
 work for peace and order. In accordance with Lind's 
 suggestions, the Wilson administration followed a waiting 
 policy. American citizens in Mexico were urged to leave the 
 country and attempts were made to force Huerta's resigna- 
 tion by preventing him from getting money. This policy 
 
1900] Our New Position among Nations 519 
 
 was supported by most of the powers. As Mexico has great 
 natural resources which attract foreign investors, as the 
 Mexican people are incapable of true self-government, 
 and as they have not yet developed a national consciousness, 
 Mexico is likely to have troubles for some years to come. If 
 Uncle Sam tries to act as either censor or guardian for 
 unhappy Mexico, our relations with our turbulent southern 
 neighbor are also likely to be unsettled for a similar period. 
 
 446. Relations with China. ^ — In 1898 we added Hawaii Foreigners in 
 and the Philippine Islands to Alaska as Pacific Ocean pos- China. The 
 Sessions. These changes compelled us to interest ourselves 
 in the Far East, particularly in China. For years the feeling Smith, A. H., 
 in China against foreigners had been growing, especially at ^" Outlook, 
 the invasion of graveyards and the acquisition Ijy foreign 721-728. ' 
 governments of spheres of influence. Under the lead of a Latane, Am. as 
 secret organization whose members were known as " Boxers," « World Power, 
 foreigners were attacked everywhere in 1900.2 To protect ^°^"^- 
 our minister and other Americans in China, the United Foster, Am. 
 States joined the European powers in sending troops against Diplomacy m 
 
 , „, . • 1 T-w 1 • mi /^i • ^^^ Orient, 
 
 the Chmese capital, Pekmg. 1 he Chmese government was .09-433 
 forced then to punish the leaders of the revolt, to give assur- 
 ance that there would be no recurrence of the difficulty, and 
 to simplify and improve its methods of dealing with foreign 
 nations. The Chinese government was forced to pay the 
 allies an indemnity equal to more than $350,000,000, but 
 the United States effectually prevented any further partition 
 of the empire or the possibility of any nation's seizing terri- 
 tories in lieu of the amounts due to it. 
 
 The influence of the United States at this time and later 
 was exerted very effectually by the Secretary of State, John 
 
 1 Our early relations with China were cordial, partly through the personal 
 influence of Caleb Cushing and Anson Burlingame, ministers to China. 
 Even the drastic Chinese exclusion laws (§ 476, note i) did not destroy this 
 friendship, which has been strengthened by the demand of the United States 
 that there should be fair dealings with China among foreign powers. 
 
 2 The German minister was killed and the other ministers were besieged 
 in one of the legations. The Chinese government, which had been unable to 
 preserve order for many years, sided with the Boxers. 
 
520 
 
 American History 
 
 [1904 
 
 United States 
 and the 
 integrity of 
 China. 
 
 The Chinese 
 Republic. 
 
 Hart, A. B.. 
 Obvious Orient, 
 20S-220. 
 Colquhoun, 
 A. R., in 
 Fortnightly 
 Rev., 96 (191 1), 
 1032-1043. 
 Annals Am. 
 Acad., 39 
 (1912), 1-38. 
 McCormick, 
 F., in Scrib- 
 ner's, 50 (igii), 
 349-355- 
 
 Changes in 
 Japan after 
 Perry's visit in 
 1854. 
 
 Coolidge, U. S. 
 as World Poiver, 
 341-344- 
 
 Hay, to preserve the integrity of China and to remove unjust 
 trade restrictions. Early in the Russo-Japanese War (1904) 
 Secretary Hay secured the consent of the combatants and all 
 European powers to the '' administrative entity " of China 
 and a limitation of the field of hostilities. 
 
 The danger of the partition of China among the great 
 powers is by no means past, since China became a republic 
 
 (191 1). The organization of 
 the republic was the culmina- 
 tion of numerous reforms, giv- 
 ing China a western system 
 of education, provisional con- 
 gresses, and a national as- 
 sembly. In 191 1 the reform 
 movement became a revolution 
 in which the ruling dynasty of 
 the Manchus was driven out 
 of China. A parliament was 
 held in 1Q13 and Yuan Shi Kai 
 was elected president, one of 
 his acts of his first year in 
 office being to abolish the 
 parliament and rule China with the help of an administra- 
 tive council. Whether China will be permanently a republic, 
 and whether as a republic she will be able to resist \foreign 
 aggressions remains to be seen.^ \ 
 
 447. Relations with Japan. — In the immediate ftiture 
 our relations with Japan are likely to be much more important 
 than those with China, because China is still half-asleep, and 
 the Japanese are wide-awake. Our relations with Japan 
 
 1 As the Chinese government has needed money, it has borrowed from 
 foreigners. In the "four-power" loan and later in the "six-power" loan 
 conditions were imposed on China which would have threatened to deprive 
 China of her independence. Because of this fact and because President 
 Wilson was unwiUing to aid American capitalists in China and elsewhere by 
 the use of our national authority, he withdrew (1913) the support of the 
 American government from the "six-power" loan. Later the Chinese 
 Republic was recognized. 
 
 John Hay 
 
1 91 3] Our Neiv Position among Nations 521 
 
 began with the visit of Commodore Perry to the islands in 
 1854. Japan soon opened several ports to foreign com- 
 merce, but these concessions to foreigners, like those in China 
 nearly a half century later, caused a domestic revolution. 
 Out of this domestic revolution eme'rged finally a modern. 
 Japan, with a constitution and parliamentary government. 
 J apan has adopted western methods in business, in education, 
 and in war. As the Japanese are keen, ambitious, courteous, 
 exceedingly industrious, and intensely patriotic, Japan has 
 rapidly come to the front among the nations of the world. 
 
 As Japan is small and her resources are limited, while her Japanese immi- 
 population is one half that of the United States, she has gr^tion m 
 required an outlet for her surplus population. This she treaty rights 
 has found partly in Formosa, obtained from China in 1894.^ and state 
 Another outlet is Korea, occupied after the successful war legislation, 
 against Russia. Japanese laborers are found in large Yoshida, Y., in 
 numbers in the Philippine Islands, in Hawaii, and in Latin Annals Am. 
 America. So many began to come to the United States that (jgogj 
 the people of the Pacific coast were alarmed, as they were 377-387. 
 by the Chinese immigration nearly a half century earlier Coolidge, U. S. 
 ($ 476, note i). The Tapanese live on much less than <^^ World 
 Americans can, and work many more hours a day. Amen- ^^^ 
 cans therefore cannot compete with the Japanese on equal 
 terms. For economic and racial reasons the San Francisco 
 school board (1906) and the California legislature (1907, 
 1913) legislated against the Japanese. Japan protested 
 against these acts as violations of treaty agreements. The 
 earlier problems were settled by a compromise which per- 
 mitted the Japanese to attend regular schools, and the Japan- 
 ese government restricted the immigration of laborers to this 
 country. These Japanese questions and trouble with Italy 
 in 1 89 1 - illustrate the difficulty encountered by the na- 
 
 1 In 1894, after her brilliant campaigns against China, Japan freed herself 
 from the humiliating treaties which Caucasian nations had forced on her 
 before. Since that time foreigners in Japan have been under Japanese law 
 and not under treaties. 
 
 2 A similar difficulty over the conflict between national and state authority 
 occurred in 1891 when citizens of New Orleans lynched several citizens of 
 
522 
 
 A nicrican History 
 
 [1896 
 
 Real and 
 
 imaginary 
 dangers of the 
 future. 
 
 Shaw, A., in 
 Rev. of Revs., 
 47 (1913), 
 043-650. 
 
 The war with 
 Spain. 
 
 Problems 
 growing out 
 of the war. 
 
 tional government in negotiating with foreign countries 
 concerning subjects left exclusively to the states. 
 
 Japan's progressiveness and her aggressiveness have 
 aroused fears that she wished to attack the United States. 
 Friction due to incidents like those in California has pro- 
 duced in the " yellow journals " and among the " jingoes " 
 of both nations a great deal of " war talk." Japanese leaders 
 and well-informed Americans do not share in this feeling, 
 although it is well understood that there cannot be emigra- 
 tion of Japanese laborers to America without race antago- 
 nism, and that, in the future, Japan and the United States will 
 be keen rivals in the Pacitic and may even come to blows. 
 
 448. Summary. — When aifairs in Cuba became un- 
 endurable in iSq6 and 1S07, the government of the United 
 States indicated that it must interfere unless order was 
 restored at once and American interests protected. The 
 battleship Maific was sent to Havana harbor in January, 
 i8qS, to insure this protection. Its destruction in February, 
 and the report of the commission of intjuiry in ^larch that 
 it was blown up from the outside, left no way open but 
 complete submission by Spain, or war. As Spain refused 
 to admit that she was in the wrong, war began on April 21, 
 1S9S, after a specific statement by Congress that its purpose 
 was not conquest but the freedom of the Cubans. The 
 decisive victories at Manila Bay and at Santiago de Cuba 
 showed that Spain could not hope for the least degree of suc- 
 cess, and peace was made by Spain's relinquishing her sov- 
 ereignty over Cuba, and by surrendering Porto Rico and the 
 Philippines to us. 
 
 The events of the war forced upon us recognition of the 
 fact that we were one of the great powers of the Pacific, and 
 must decide important problems, not only in connection with 
 the 5?overnment of distant colonies, but in res:ard to our 
 
 Italy who had terrorized that community. Italy demanded reparation 
 Secretary Blaine stated that Louisiana had entire jurisdiction of the matter. 
 Although the state did nothing, the matter was settled by the payment of 
 indemnity by the United States. 
 
191 3] Our Nczv Position among Natiojis 523 
 
 attitude in the East toward the other world powers. Colonial 
 problems we solved, theoretically by asserting the authority 
 of Congress to govern the colonies as it deemed best, prac- 
 tically by leaving the people of our new possessions a fair 
 share in their own government and training them for the 
 assumption of a larger number of duties. By constructing 
 an Isthmian ship canal, we have sought to link more tirmly 
 the Atlantic slope with our Pacific states and possessions. 
 Owing to her position between the Atlantic and the Pacific, The United 
 
 to her headship among the nations of the new world, to the States as a 
 
 , , . , , , , world power, 
 
 great development ot her marvelous natural resources, and to 
 
 her skillful and aggressive foreign policies, the United States _ 
 has taken a position in recent years second to none of the great 
 world powers. She has used this position to promote peace 
 and sometimes extend international arbitration. She has 
 taken a rather arbitrary attitude toward Cuba and other 
 Latin- American states (§§ 424, 444). On the other hand she 
 has submitted to many indignities rather than intervene 
 in Mexico. As a rule, and especially in China, her leader- 
 ship has been marked by disinterestedness and by considera- 
 tion for weaker peoples. In her relations with aggressive 
 Japan, she has found it necessary to follow a moderate 
 course in order to avoid antagonism. 
 
 TOPICS 
 
 1. Cuba and the United States before 1898: The American 
 Nation, XXI, 171-173; XXV, 3-28; Hart, "American Foreign 
 Policy," pp. 113-132; Latane, "United States and Spanish America," 
 pp. 89-175; Callahan, "Cuba and International Relations;" Chad- 
 wick. 
 
 2. Destruction of Cervera's Fleet : Nation, 69 (1899), p. 406 ; 
 Warren, A., in Engineering Magazine, 16 (1899), pp. 533-548; Long, 
 J., in Outlook, 74 (1902), 419-426, 603-620; Century Magazine, 58 
 (1899), pp. 50-118. 
 
 3. Controversy over Retention and Government of Phil- 
 ippines: Latane, " Am. as a World Power," 69-81, 153-164; Lamed 
 (ed.), "History for Ready Reference," YI, pp. 634-638, 641-645, 660- 
 666 ; Vest, G. G., in North American Reinew, 168 (1899), pp. 11 2-1 20; 
 Denley, C, in Forum, 29 (1900), pp. 401-408; Taft, W. H., in Out- 
 
524 AfKtrUiin Histofy 
 
 Icci. 71 (locrl pr ;c5-3Ji ; 76 (1903), pp. 1.024-102- ; Cook, W. W 
 ^.arfcr/^, 16 (1901), pp. 6&-78. 
 
 STUDIES 
 
 1. Isolation of the United States before 1897. (Olney, R., in 
 AOamtic MoiUUy, Si CiSoS), pp. 5;7-5SS,) 
 
 2. Objections to assuming new international obligations. v^Vool- 
 sey, ''American Fon?ign Policy."") 
 
 3. Report of the JLTjiw*" inquiry commission. 
 
 4. The problems of the Spanish fleet. (MahaiL, ''Lessons of the 
 War with Spain/* III-V.) 
 
 5. Importance of a navy to the United States. Aminals ^ Am. 
 Acad, of Pol. and Sciemt^, 26 (1905), 123-136, 163-169. 
 
 o. Go\-emment of Porto Rico. (W'illoughby, ** Territories and 
 Dependencies <rf the United States," pp. 70-1 iS.) 
 
 7. Municipal government in the PhiKppines. (Willoughby, 
 "Territories and Dependencies of the United States,*' pp. 251— 2S9.) 
 
 S. Character <rf the Panama route, (Burr, W. H., in Scribmer's 
 Magasime^ 31 (1902), pp. 156-169.) 
 
 9. The United Slates in relation to the Aiueiican Mediterranean. 
 (Semple, "Americ^an History and its Geographic Conditions," 397- 
 
 4i9>) 
 
 10. The United States in the Pacific, (CooKdge, *' U. S. as a WorW 
 Power." 313-326.) 
 
 11. Treaty obUgatioiis and state rights. (Taft, W. H., in Imde- 
 pemdffU (ioi4>.) 
 
 12. The enfranchisanent of Japan from an iMftrur inter n a tion al 
 position. (Foster, " ,\m. Diplomacy in the Orioit/* 344—364.) 
 
 QUESTIONS 
 
 I. In what respects had the United States beat a world power 
 before 1SQ7 ? Trace the de\"elopment of American influence in worid 
 afhdis since 1776. What impro\Temeni in our international position 
 followed the war of 1S12? the Civil War? the Spanish-.\meikan 
 War? 
 
 a. Gi\Te a brief history of Cuba's struggle for independence. Name 
 sex-eral examples of Spanish misrule. In what ways did the Cuban 
 war imperil American interests? On what grounds did we ha\^ 
 the right to interfere ? 
 
 3. Make a full comparison of the armies, fle^s, financial condi- 
 ti(»iS) arid resources of Spain and the United States. Wliat were the 
 real causes of Sfwdn's poor showing in the war ? 
 
4. Compare iho acquisition of Vowo Rico auil the rhiliiipiiu-s \\\{\\ 
 tliat of Louisiana, in regard to (i.i^ attitiulo of tlic [>ooplc l^>\var^^ ac- 
 quisition. [lA national or international ditVicultics sctilcii h\ acquisi- 
 tion. (^("^ prohloins of govcrnincnl in ihc new ieniioi\-. and yd') in- 
 tluence of tlie acijuisition on the I'niied States .is a woiKJ power. 
 
 5. W'liat liitVuulties were encountered in si^lecling .1 route for ihr 
 Isthmian canal I' in deciding w hat kind oi kauA should \ic con- 
 structed ? How should the c.m.d alTect the T.icitic co.ist ? the com 
 mcrce of the Atlantic cities with South Americ.i and Asia ?" 
 
 0. State with exactness our rights in t\ih.i after iSoS and our 
 obligations toward C^ilxi. To wh.it extent did we protect Cuba's 
 interests rather than our own in the milit.iry occupation i^ iSoS— 1002) ? 
 by the Tlatt amendnuMU ? by commeici.d treaty? by interference in 
 1005? Must we t"mall\- annex Cub.i ? 
 
 7. To what extern has the I'nited States mone\- interests in Mexico ? 
 Should we abaiidon the Monroe Poctrine. and allow European powiM's 
 to protect tiieir iiuerests or stunild we intervene when a Latin American 
 crisis occurs like that '\\\ Mexico. 1011-1014? 
 
 S. What is the great problem of the l\icitic ? Is there a ''yellow 
 peril," now from Japan, in future, from China ? Should wc restrict 
 or prohibit .\siatic imi\iigratioii ? Why? Should we give Asiatics 
 citi/.enship ? 
 
CHAPTER XXII 
 
 RECENT CHANGES (1901-1914) 
 Presidents 
 
 Theodore Roosevelt (1901-1909) William H. Taft (1909-1912) 
 Woodrow Wilson (1912-) 
 
 The Roosevelt Policies (1901-1909) 
 
 Contrast be- 
 tween the two 
 men and their 
 policies. 
 
 449. McKinley and Roosevelt. — William McKinley was 
 mortally wounded in Buffalo, September 6, 1901, by 
 
 a Polish anarchist. 
 With his death a few 
 days later, Theodore 
 Roosevelt became 
 President.^ In gen- 
 eral Roosevelt at- 
 tempted at first to 
 carry out the policies 
 of McKinley, but 
 they were men of 
 different character, 
 methods, and ideas. 
 In spite of his fine 
 personal character, 
 McKinley had been 
 the tool of " big 
 business," '' the ad- 
 vance agent of prosperity," in the words of the political 
 managers. ^IcKinley was largely under the domination 
 
 ^ Roosevelt's first experience in politics was in the New York legislature 
 in 1 881. He was later (1SS6) the RepubUcan candidate for mayor of New 
 York, served (i 889-1 895) on the naticnal Civil SerN-ice Commission, was 
 
 =526 
 
 Copy] 
 
 ight by Pach Brothers (1904). 
 
 Theodore Roosevelt 
 
1901] TJie Roosevelt Policies 527 
 
 of the Republican boss, Mark Hanna. Roosevelt was a white, Wm.. 
 
 much more skillful politician than his predecessor, a man of i^ McClure, 
 
 wider knowledge, and infinitely more aggressive. He un- 386-3^04 ' 
 derstood better that the people would not permit capital 
 
 and the great corporations to rule them indefinitely. Roose- (1909), 298- 
 
 velt did not break at once with the party " machine," but 370, 430-434- 
 Hanna's death in February, 1904, left him in control of the 
 party. The changes in policy that followed McKinley's 
 death will be understood from the following sections. 
 
 450. Roosevelt's '' First Term." — Among the measures Land laws and 
 
 that became law at this time largely through the personal ^^^'for^^s. 
 support of the President was the law for the reclamation of ^"^ .^^^' ^^^' 
 
 ^ ^ . . servation of 
 
 lands in the arid West by the building of huge dams for reser- ^va/. Resources, 
 
 voirs. This was called the Irrigation Act (1902). In the 193-197- 
 
 improvement of the civil service Roosevelt contributed Newell, F. H., 
 
 greatly to the reform movement of the time. Postal frauds g ." ^^. ' 
 
 in Cuba and elsewhere were investigated and several 933-941. 
 
 *' grafters " were punished. More positions were placed Blanchard, 
 
 under the Civil Service Commission by Roosevelt than had ^- J' ^"^ ^^'• 
 
 been set aside by his predecessors during the twenty years (igio), 
 
 since the commission had been created. 333-360. 
 
 The Panama Canal had been opposed by the railways for The Panama 
 
 years. With Roosevelt's support the Canal Act was passed Canal. 
 
 in 1902 (§ 439). When negotiations failed to secure from Lamed (ed.), 
 
 Ready Ref., 
 Colombia a right of way across Panama, Roosevelt recog- ^ii, 467-470. 
 
 nized the state of Panama as an independent Republic, and a 
 
 canal zone was acquired from Panama. 
 
 Had there been doubt about the popularity of Roosevelt The election of 
 
 and his policies, there was no question after the election of ^^'^' 
 
 1904. The Democratic party held an exciting convention. Lamed (ed.), 
 
 which was controlled by the conservative Democrats, yjj 669-671 
 
 police commissioner in New York City under a reform administration, and 
 served as assistant secretary of the navy. When the Spanish-American War 
 broke out, he resigned and helped organize the "Rough Riders." His 
 popularity made him governor of New York and his aggressiveness made 
 him an enemy of the New York boss, "Tom" Piatt. In 1900 Piatt, by ap- 
 pealing to the people, forced Roosevelt to accept the vice presidency, in spite 
 of the opposition of Mark Hanna and of Roosevelt himself. 
 
Presidency 
 
 (iSg7-i9og^ 
 
 77-140. 
 
 IQOQ', 
 350-35 7- 
 
 528 American History [1903 
 
 Bryan prevented the insertion in the platform of a plank 
 favoring the gold standard, but the Democratic candidate, 
 ^'il^fri'"' "' Tud^e Alton B. Parker of Xew York, came out liadv for add. 
 .^-4-^41. Ii^ ^'pite of this •" safe and sane " position of the Democrats, 
 
 Stanwood. Parker stood no chance against Roosevelt, who carried all 
 
 Hist, of the Qj ii^Q northern states and rv\-o of those in the "' Solid South," 
 his popular plurality being about two and one half mil- 
 lions. 
 
 General. 451. Foreign Affairs under Roosevelt. — During most of 
 
 Latane. .4w. j.^ Roosevelt's " iirst term " foreign an\iiis were conducted by 
 
 J or c^icr. -^^^ui Hav, and durinir most of the second term bv Elihu 
 164-160. ^15- • • ^ . . . „ . . . ' . 
 
 2:0. 2:4-:::. Root. In the conduct of foreign attairs during this period, 
 
 however, we usually notice the hand of Roosevelt and the 
 
 Scott. J. B.. in •• big stick." This is true from the first. Xot only did the 
 
 Outlook, gi recognition of Panama show Roosevelt's arbitrary method, 
 
 but the forcing of reciprocity with Cuba through the Senate 
 
 in special session (1903) (^§ 444) shows the same spirit. 
 
 The end of ^^^len Roosevelt tendered the good offices of the United 
 
 Russo- States in the settlement of the Russo-Japanese War (190^) he 
 
 Japanese War . , , , , . * , , ,.,,", 
 
 ugoO Santo P^rt^rmed a notable ser\ice lor the world, which brought 
 
 Domingo. him the Xobel peace prize the next year. By intervention 
 
 Outlook, 90 in Santo Domingo for the purpose of collecting debts due to 
 
 U9oS\ American merchants (§ 421) Roosevelt prevented inter- 
 
 100-104. vention bv European powers similar to that in X'enezuela 
 
 Moore. J. B.. , ' ,. ^ 
 
 ;,.?..- ,/;?-- three vears earlier. 
 
 in KtV. OJ Km., 
 
 31 (1905^ 452. Internal Policies of Roosevelt's " Second Term." — 
 
 2gs-2gS. -phe Congress which was elected in 1004 made a record for 
 
 New restrictive restrictive and reform ledslation. The most important of 
 legislation. ^ ^ . 
 
 Rev ofRev^ measures was the Interstate Commerce Act (§ 471), which 
 
 34 C1906), 139- gave the Interstate Commerce Commission the right to fix 
 14^, 65-70; maximum rates and so changed the methods of regulating 
 railways that the commission was able to protect shippers and 
 the public. Among the measures was a pure food law against 
 which the manufacturers of foods and drugs had fought suc- 
 cessfully for several years, a law to proceed with the con- 
 struction of the Panama Canal, and a law reforming the 
 consular service. 
 
 (i9o6\ 
 560. 
 
[9o8] 
 
 The Rule of the People 
 
 529 
 
 The legislation of this Congress included a law for the pres- Conservation 
 ervation of Niagara Falls. This was one of the earliest P^'icy. 
 of the special laws made for the conservation of our national 
 resources. Already a large forest reserve had been estab- 
 lished. Pending revaluation, President Roosevelt withdrew Van Hise, Con- 
 
 from sale more than 70,000,000 acres of coal lands. As ^^^'"(^''^on of 
 ^, , .,.-,. , . , , Nat. Resources, 
 
 there was no law providmg for this act, his successors placed 
 
 Water Power, Niagara Falls 
 
 them again on the market, but after the Ballinger-Pinchot 
 controversy (§ 458), the lands were withdrawn legally. 
 President Roosevelt aroused great interest in the conserva- 
 tion of waterways by his trip down the Mississippi (1907) 
 and by securing a conference of the state governors to 
 consider the subject of conservation in Washington, in 1908. 
 
 Anti-trust investigations which were made by the Bureau Roosevelt's 
 of Corporations and suits which were brought by the govern- ' ^^'i-trust 
 ment against trusts formed a very important part of the 
 " Roosevelt policies." In his earlier messages President Hill, G. G., ir 
 Roosevelt urged the need of better supervision of the rail- ^°- ^^- ^^^• 
 ways and the trusts. Suits were begun against combinations y^g-^es. 
 that were believed to be contrary to the Sherman anti-trust 
 law (§ 468), although none of these important cases except 
 that against the Northern Securities Company was decided 
 
530 
 
 American History 
 
 [1908 
 
 Garfield, J. R. 
 in Outlook, 
 gi (1909), 
 389-393- 
 
 The panic of 
 
 1907. 
 
 Holt, B. W., in 
 
 Rev. of Revs., 
 
 36 (1907), 
 
 672-677. 
 
 Laughlin, J. L., 
 in World To- 
 day, 13 (1907), 
 1220-1224. 
 Noyes, Forty 
 Years of A m . 
 Finance, 355- 
 380. 
 
 The election of 
 1908. 
 
 Lamed (ed.), 
 Ready Ref., 
 VII, 674-678. 
 International 
 Year Book, 
 1908, 
 579-594- 
 Stanwood, 
 Hist, of the 
 Presidency, 
 ( 1 897-1 909), 
 141-213- 
 
 General. 
 
 during the first administration of Roosevelt. Later, in public 
 addresses and in suits at law, Roosevelt attacked these great 
 corporations. He decried " predatory wealth," and abused 
 the " malefactors of great wealth " who exploited the people. 
 The public was aroused against the great corporations and 
 became interested also in Roosevelt's policy of conservation. 
 
 453. Panic. The Election of 1908. — Many people at- 
 tributed the business panic which occurred in October, 1907, 
 to attacks made by Roosevelt on the trusts. Others saw an 
 attempt by certain great capitalists to precipitate a panic so 
 that the Roosevelt policies might be discredited and that the 
 competitors of the capitalists might be injured by the de- 
 pression which followed. These were undoubtedly minor 
 causes, for, as in the case of previous panics, this panic was 
 due to over-speculation and too much extravagance. It 
 was due in part also to a national banking system that did 
 not give an elastic currency and to the speculations of the 
 trust (banking) companies. The depression which followed 
 the panic was comparatively short-lived. It did not destroy 
 the popularity of Roosevelt or the prestige of the Republican 
 party. 
 
 Roosevelt selected William H. Taft of Ohio to carry out 
 the " Roosevelt policies." Taft and James S. Sherman 
 were nominated by the Republican convention on a platform 
 that called " unequivocally " for a revision of the tariff so 
 that rates should equal the difference between the cost of pro- 
 duction abroad and at home. The Democrats nominated 
 William Jennings Bryan -with a platform that demanded 
 tariff reform and the adequate control of trusts. Bryan 
 polled a much larger popular vote than Parker in 1904, but 
 was beaten in the electoral college by a vote of 326 for Taft 
 to 157 for Bryan. 
 
 The Rule of the People (i 906-1 91 3) 
 
 454. The War against Political Misrule. — The move- 
 ment against the domination of the political world by " big 
 business " started first in the West, especially in the popnlist 
 
1908] The Rule of the People 531 
 
 states and later in Wisconsin under Robert La P'ollette. It White, W. A., 
 
 did not become a national movement until Theodore Roose- ^ (iqoq) ' 
 
 velt moved into the White House. Another nation-wide 218-225. 
 
 movement which has been characteristic of the last decade Adams, Theory 
 
 is a reform and uplift movement, especially in our cities and ^/-^^"^^ ^^^- 
 
 11 1-11 J 1 1 olutions, 1-35. 
 
 our central and western states, which demands that the _,^ „ ^ . 
 
 ' ^ Steftens, L., in 
 
 people should have a larger share in the government and American, 64 
 
 that the activities of the government should promote the (1907), 489- 
 
 welfare of the people. ^'^ ' ^^^~^'- 
 
 In order that the people might rule, it was necessary that Difficulties in 
 
 they be aroused to the corruption and graft that were prev- P^ishmg 
 
 . • n 1 r 1 • • grafters. 
 
 alent in our governments, especially those 01 the cities. 
 
 This was not done easily. Gradually, however, people ^J^ ^^ '^^^'J^ 
 began to realize that the "police of our cities frequently pro- ig (1904), 
 tected vice and crime if they were paid enough by the law- 673-686. 
 breakers. It was found that councilmen were bribed to give brooks, R. C, 
 away valuable franchises. In many instances these gratters q^^j. ^ 24 
 were brought to trial, and, in a few cases, they were con- (1909), 1-22. 
 victed and sentenced to imprisonment. When graft cases 
 came to trial, however, it was found that these officials were 
 usually part of a great political system which would not en- 
 dure having its members punished. It was found further Bingham, 
 
 that the laws were not designed so much to protect the public ^- ^•' ^^ C««- 
 
 . . tury, 78 (1909), 
 
 as to look after favored interests. More and more insistent 725-728. 
 
 became the demand that new means should be devised to give 
 
 the people control of their own governments. 
 
 455. The Insurgent Movement. — The movement against The national 
 
 domination of the government by special interests may be insurgent 
 
 ^ , , , , • movement, 
 
 called the insurgent movement, although that name is some- ^ 
 
 ° ° Arena, 35 
 
 times used for a small part of this general movement. It (1906), 631- 
 
 was not simply a protest against graft ; it was a demand that 640. 
 
 the people should have a chance to elect their own repre- Steflfens, L., in 
 
 . ,1 1 ..• lu i-u Everybody's, 18 
 
 sentatives, and that these representatives should not be (j^gg), 723- 
 
 hampered by precedent or by political machines. It sought 736. 
 
 to introduce new methods which would give the people a Pinchot, A., in 
 
 direct share in their government. Among the first results McClure 
 
 . , . .1 ^u • <.u 35 (1910), 
 
 of t le insurgent movement proper was the overthrow in the ^gi-sgo 
 
532 
 
 American History 
 
 [1910 
 
 White. W. A., 
 in American, 
 71 (1910), 
 170-174. 
 Baker. R. S., 
 in American, 
 69 (1910), 
 435-448. 
 The "insur- 
 gents" in the 
 House of 
 Representa- 
 tives. 
 
 Hinds, A. C, 
 in McClure, 
 35 (1910). 
 195-202. 
 
 Murdock, V., 
 in No. Am. 
 Rev., 191 
 (1910). 
 510-516. 
 Hale. \V. B.. 
 World's Work 
 19 (1910), 
 12805-12S12. 
 
 The old-time 
 primary and 
 nominating 
 convention. 
 Hart, Actual 
 Gov't, 457, 
 46, 48. 
 IMerriam, 
 Primary Elec- 
 tions, 18-39. 
 Dallinger, 
 Nominations 
 for Elective 
 Office, 95-126. 
 
 national House of Representatives of the arbitrary rule by 
 the Committee on Rules. Widespread and more important 
 than these were the reform methods in the states known as 
 the direct primary, the initiative and the referendum, and 
 the recall. 
 
 Before 1910 the work of the House of Representatives had 
 been controlled by the " big three," that is, by the majority 
 members of the Committee on Rules. The leader of these 
 was the speaker of the House, who appointed the committees 
 and decided who might speak before the House. Later 
 speakers had been more dictatorial if not more arbitrary than 
 " Czar " Reed (§ 406). By a union of Democrats and " in- 
 surgent " Republicans the speaker lost his power to appoint 
 committees and was removed from the Committee on Rules 
 (19 10), the committee being composed thereafter of ten 
 members, six from the majority and four from the minority. 
 This committee controls the work of the House, but the Dem- 
 ocrats in 191 1 and in 1913, fearing that it might gain too 
 much power, allowed the Committee on Ways and Means to 
 appoint the other committees. 
 
 456. Reform of Political Party Methods. — A change 
 that was of infinitely greater importance than the reform 
 in the House of Representatives has been the gradual 
 abolition of the political party convention and the substitu- 
 tion of the direct primary as a means for the nomination of 
 party candidates. Under the old, or convention, system, 
 primaries were held to elect delegates to the conventions. 
 These primaries were either mass meetings of voters in a 
 small precinct who came together and elected delegates to a 
 local convention, which in turn elected delegates to a larger 
 convention ; or the primary was an election in which the 
 voters of each party elected its delegates to the convention. 
 In either case the delegates were usually selected by the politi- 
 cal party '' organization " or " machine," and the candidates 
 whom the convention chose were regularly machine men. 
 
 In order that the candidates might be the choice of the 
 people rather than the tools of the " machine," the direct 
 
1913] Movement toward Economic Reform 533 
 
 primary has been introduced. During recent years it has 
 spread to almost all of the states, "being used for the nomi- 
 nation of local and state candidates, and, in several states, 
 for the selection of the state's delegates to the national party 
 convention, which nominates the party candidates for Presi- 
 dent. The adoption of these methods has brought the choice 
 of the candidates close to the people ; but now a campaign 
 is necessary before the direct primary election, and some- 
 times a bewildering number of names of prospective candi- 
 dates is placed on the ballot. After all, then, with the direct 
 primary, as in the case of the convention, we need some polit- 
 ical party organization, and the '' organization " or " ma- 
 chine " may have as much power as formerly. The old 
 party bosses and machines are usually opposed to the direct 
 primary, however.^ 
 
 In order to reduce the number of names on both the 
 primary ballot and the final election ballot, a reduction in 
 the number of elective offices has been proposed, and in 
 some states this change has been made. This is known as 
 the " short ballot." 
 
 State and national laws have forbidden contributions by 
 the corporations to party campaign expenses. The people 
 rather than the corporations therefore theoretically may con- 
 trol both the parties and the elections. 
 
 457. The Initiative, the Referendum, and the Recall. — 
 For fear that these devices should not give the people ade- 
 quate control of the governments, there has been wide- 
 spread extension of the right of the people to propose and 
 make their own laws. The means by which legislation is 
 made direct are the initiative and the referendum. The 
 *' initiative " is the right of the people to propose laws which 
 
 1 The experience of New York shows this. In 1913 the struggle between 
 Governor Sulzer and Tammany for real control of the state politics centered 
 around the direct primary law. As the other party leaders and bosses op- 
 posed Sulzer, he was impeached and removed from office. In the following 
 municipal election in New York City in November Tammany Hall was over- 
 whelmingly defeated. Popular pressure will in time give New York and other 
 states the direct primary. 
 
 The direct 
 primary and 
 boss rule. 
 
 Shaw, W. B., 
 in Outlook, 
 90 (1908), 
 383-389. 
 
 Merriam, 
 Primary Elec- 
 tions, 68-89. 
 
 Cleveland, 
 Organized 
 Democracy, 
 228-242. 
 
 Short ballot. 
 Childs, R. S., 
 in Am. Pol. Sc. 
 Rev., 6 (1912), 
 310-315. 
 
 Prohibition of 
 corporation 
 contribution to 
 party funds. 
 
 Adoption of 
 the state-wide 
 initiative and 
 referendum. 
 
 Cleveland, 
 Organized 
 Democracy, 
 335-340, 353- 
 355. 
 
534 
 
 A^nerican History 
 
 [1913 
 
 Munro, GovH 
 oj Am. Cities, 
 321-350. 
 
 The recall. 
 Beard, Am. 
 City Gov't, 
 68-75. 
 Annals Am. 
 Acad., 43 
 (1912), 215- 
 236. 
 
 Munro (ed.), 
 Initiative, Ref., 
 and Recall, 
 298-320. 
 
 the lawmaking branch of the government must pass or must 
 submit to the voters. The " referendum " is the right of 
 ratifying laws. As lawmaking is naturally a subject that 
 demands special knowledge and special training, the exten- 
 sion of this privilege to the public shows that the people 
 have come to distrust their governments very thoroughly. 
 Direct legislation has been in use for local laws a great many 
 years, but its scope has recently been so extended that, at the 
 close of the year 1913, eighteen states had the " initiative " 
 and the " referendum " for state laws as well.^ The " refer- 
 endum " had been used generally for the ratification of state 
 constitutions and for state constitutional amendments for 
 about a century, but its use in connection with the initiative 
 for the making of state laws has been the result of the recent 
 demand that the people should rule. 
 
 The recall is a further means of controlling public officials ; 
 it is not a method of popular or direct legislation. Where 
 the recall has been adopted,^ a certain percentage of the 
 voters may demand that another election shall be held in 
 order to ascertain whether an official whom the petitioners 
 distrust shall be retained in office. If he polls a larger vote 
 than any of his opponents, he is retained. 
 
 The Movement toward Economic Reform (1909-19 14) 
 
 458. The Beginning of the Taft Administration. — The 
 
 new popular movement for a larger share in the government 
 
 1 For a summary of recent changes in the status of popular government 
 see the American Year Book (1914), table p. 69. This table will undoubt- 
 edly be brought down to date in later issues. 
 
 2 This method is used much less widely than the initiative and the referen- 
 dum, being applied to judicial state officials in but three states in 1913. In 
 fact, there is ver>^ great opposition among conservatives to the application of 
 the recall to judges, whose decisions might then be influenced by fear of re- 
 moval. When New IVIexico and Arizona were admitted to the Union in 
 191 2, President Taft refused to sign the resolution admitting Arizona until 
 Arizona eliminated the provision of the state constitution which permitted 
 the recall of the judiciary. Ex-President Roosevelt advocated the recall of 
 judicial decisions as a substitute, but it has been received with less favor 
 than the recall. 
 
191 1] Movement toward Economic Reform 535 
 
 William H. Taft 
 
 and more benefits from the government for the common 
 people had not made great headway when Taft was elected 
 President (§ 453) in 1908. Taft was looked upon then as a 
 progressive, but his tem- 
 perament and his long 
 experience on the bench 
 made him quite conserva- 
 tive.^ He made himself 
 unpopular in the West 
 the first year by indorsing 
 the reactionary Payne- 
 Aldrich tariff (§ 463) as 
 the " best ever." His at- 
 tempt to apply literally 
 the law for the sale of 
 coal lands caused Taft 
 and Secretary Ballinger 
 to offer coal lands for 
 sale at the old ridiculously low prices.^ A popular protest, 
 the so-called Ballinger-Pinchot controversy, led to the enact- 
 ment of laws which permitted the withdrawal from sale of 
 valuable coal, oil, and other mineral lands. 
 
 President Taft earnestly desired to promote peace and 
 international good will. He earnestly advocated a reci- 
 procity agreement with Canada by which trade in grains and 
 raw^ materials would be promoted between the two countries. 
 For twelve years (1854-1866) the United States had tried 
 reciprocity with Canada, but, although in 191 1 Congress 
 voted in favor of reciprocity, Canada, at a general election, 
 
 1 William H. Taft is a graduate of Yale, where he holds at present a pro- 
 fessorship. From 1881 to 1892 he held several political positions, and in 1892 
 was appointed judge of the United States Circuit Court. After 1900 he 
 served as governor of the Philippine Islands, and (1904- 1908) as Secretary of 
 War under Roosevelt. Because of his extended administrative experience 
 Taft was exceptionally well prepared for the duties of chief executive. 
 
 2 Roosevelt had withdrawn coal lands from sale, pending the revaluation 
 of these lands, although no law permitted this action. Ballinger made prep- 
 arations to give patents to lands in Alaska, which Pinchot thought con- 
 trary to a wise policy of conservation. 
 
 The conserva- 
 tive position oi 
 the Taft ad- 
 ministration on 
 tariff and 
 conservation. 
 Lowery, E. G , 
 in No. Am. 
 Rev., 191 
 (1910), 289- 
 301. 
 
 Turner, G. K., 
 in McClure, 35 
 (1910), 
 
 Reciprocity 
 and inter- 
 national 
 arbitration. 
 Rev. of Revs., 
 43 (1911), 
 278-283, 737- 
 738. 
 
1 91 3] Movement toward Economic Reform 537 
 
 decided overwhelmingly against it, evidently fearing absorp- Taft, W. H., 
 
 tion by the United States. President Taft was more fortu- ^^ '^^•' '^"^ •^''"''• 
 
 nate in securing very liberal arbitration treaties with France (l^^^\°^ ' ^^ 
 
 and Great Britain (§ 443). 513-549- 
 
 That action of Taft's administration which has been most Policy of Taft 
 
 approved and will in future be of most importance was the toward the 
 
 courts 
 
 appointment of national judges made by President Taft. 
 
 For the first time in fifty years a majority of the justices of the Baldwin, E. F., 
 
 Supreme Court were appointed by one president. More '"^ ^"^^^^^' 
 
 than forty per cent of the judges in the inferior national courts 156-164. ' 
 
 were also selected by Taft. The work of these judges will 
 
 constitute the chief contribution of Taft to the history of this 
 
 period.^ 
 
 459. Reform Legislation. — Because of the great popular Postal changes. 
 movement described above (§§ 454-457) there was a great 
 deal of reform legislation in state and nation during the 
 
 Taft administration. In 1910 Congress established a postal Hitchcock, 
 
 savings bank system, and in 191 2 a parcel post was author- ^- ■^•' ^^ ^^^^' 
 
 ized. The postal savings bank is used in a majority of the (igi2)/ 
 
 post offices, where depositors more than ten years of age can 136-138. 
 
 deposit from $1 to $500. It reaches sections which before Klemmeres, 
 
 had no banks and brings into circulation money that had ^- W-. in Pol. 
 
 been hoarded. The parcel post gives opportunity to send (j^jj)^ 
 
 good-sized packages at rates varying with weight and dis- 462-499. 
 
 tance. It is hoped that the parcel post may facilitate the Outlook, 103 
 
 marketing of products, and, by eliminating middlemen, may ^^^^^^ 
 
 reduce the high cost of living (§ 465) • ^ _ Zirirmann. 
 
 The period from 1908 to 19 13 was one of progressive legis- ^^ g^ ^^ 5^^. 
 
 lation for the protection of labor. The national government tem, 23 ( 1913), 
 
 established (1913) a separate Department of Labor and two 271-277, 374- 
 
 years earlier created a Children's Bureau. Child-labor laws, ^^^^^ 
 
 laws limiting the hours of labor for women, improved em- legislation, 
 ployer's liability laws, industrial and compensation laws, and 
 minimum wage measures are among the humanitarian meas- 
 ures enacted by the states during that period. 
 
 1 The attitude of the courts on the anti-trust law is considered below 
 (§468). 
 
538 
 
 American History 
 
 [1912 
 
 The Republi- 
 can primary 
 campaign. 
 Woodbum, 
 J. A., in Am. 
 Year Book, 
 1912, i-io. 
 Dunn, A. W., 
 in Rev. oj Revs., 
 
 45 (1912), 
 427-433- 
 Blythe, S. G., 
 in McClure, 
 39 (1912), 
 205-214. 
 
 The Republi- 
 can convention. 
 
 Woodbum, 
 J. A., in Am. 
 Year Book, 
 1Q12, 10-14. 
 Rev. of Revs., 
 
 46 (1914), 132- 
 141, 191-195- 
 Davis, R. H., 
 in Scribner's, 
 52 (1912), 
 259-273- 
 Democratic 
 convention. 
 Woodbum, 
 
 J. A., in Am. 
 Year Book, 
 1912, 14-20. 
 Outlook, loi 
 (1912), 
 557-561. 
 The Progres- 
 sive 
 
 convention. 
 Woodbum, 
 J. A., in Am. 
 Year Book, 
 1912, 20-27. 
 
 460. The Election of 1912. — ^ Reform movements and 
 programs played a considerable part in the presidential elec- 
 tion of 191 2. The election was opened by a spectacular 
 primary campaign. Roosevelt had declared in 1904 that 
 under no circumstances would he seek reelection after that 
 date. He was so disappointed with the conservative policies 
 of theTaft administration that in 1912 he came out openly as 
 a candidate against President Taft, who was seeking renomi- 
 nation. As several states provided by law for the election of 
 delegates in the primaries, and, as several others actually 
 chose their delegates in that way, a great deal of vigorous 
 campaigning was done in order to win control of the Republi- 
 can convention in Chicago. 
 
 Because Taft controlled the regular Republican machinery 
 and the delegates from the southern states, he was able to 
 control the Chicago convention by a small majority. Roose- 
 velt protested in vain against the '' steam-roller " methods 
 which excluded his delegates, maintaining that the majority 
 had been robbed. His followers remained silent while- the 
 convention renominated Taft and Sherman, and adopted a 
 platform which was liberal in many respects but which was 
 conservative in others. 
 
 The Democratic convention met in Baltimore, June 25. 
 A struggle immediately began between the conservatives 
 and the progressives, the latter winning through the unquali- 
 fied support of William Jennings Bryan. The convention 
 adopted a liberal platform with especial emphasis on a 
 revenue tariff, an income tax, opposition to the trusts, and 
 a single term for the President. Woodrow Wilson of New 
 Jersey and Thomas R. Marshall of Indiana were nominated. 
 
 The Republican Roosevelt delegates called a convention 
 in Chicago, August 5, and organized the Progressive party. 
 The primary purpose of the new party was to destroy boss 
 rule, but its platform was an extended summary of social, 
 political, and economic reforms. Roosevelt gave the con- 
 vention his " confession of faith," concluding with the words : 
 " We stand at Armageddon and we battle for the Lord." 
 
540 
 
 America 71 History 
 
 [1908 
 
 Abbott. E. H.. 
 in Outlook, loi 
 (1912), 
 857-804. 
 
 Menkel, \V.. 
 in Rev. of Rtvs. 
 46 (1Q12). 
 310-017- 
 Result of the 
 election. 
 Woodbum, 
 J. A., in Am. 
 Year Book, 
 igi2, 27-44. 
 World's Work, 
 25 (1912), 
 137-139- 
 
 The Income 
 Tax 
 
 amendment. 
 
 With Roosevelt was nominated Hiram W. Johnson of Cali- 
 fornia. 
 
 The result of the election was predetermined by the split 
 in the Republican party, the campaign being comparatively 
 
 dull.^ When the votes 
 were counted, it was 
 found that Wilson had 
 carried forty-one states, 
 including three states that 
 had been very progressive 
 before 1 9 1 2 . Roose velt 
 had a plurality in five 
 states and Taft in two. 
 Wilson's popular vote 
 was less than Bryan's in 
 1 90S, and a million and a 
 quarter less than the com- 
 bined vote of Roosevelt 
 and Taft in 191 2. The 
 Socialist vote was nearly 
 one million, being more 
 than double the vote of 
 that party in igoS, showing that many people demanded a 
 much more radical reform of social and economic abuses 
 tlian either the Progressive party or the Democratic party 
 was likely to give.'- 
 
 461. Constitutional Changes. — Twice in the year 1913 
 was the Constitution of the United States amended in order 
 
 ^ In Milwaukee. October 14. a fanatic attempted to assassinate Roosevelt. 
 Roosevelt's courage in addressing an audience immediately afterwards, al- 
 though severely wounded, aroused nation-wide sympathy and enthusiasm. 
 
 2 The Socialist party platform in 1 01 2 declared that " society is diWded into 
 warring groups and classes, based upon material interest." It demanded 
 that the rule of the capitalist class shall be replaced by that of the workers. 
 It asked for collective ownership of railways and other means of social 
 communication, of banks and of land held for speculation or exploitation. 
 It demanded rehef for the unemployed, the better conservation of human 
 resources and direct government by the people in the national as well as the 
 state and local governments. 
 
 Copyright by Harris and Ewinc 
 
 WooDROw Wilson 
 
1913] Movement toivard Economic Reform 541 
 
 to make it correspond more nearly with the wishes of the Uunuy Digest, 
 people. These were the tirst changes in our written funda- -^^ (.i^^o), 
 mental law in more than fortv years. The sixteenth amend- ■^^^~-''''^' 
 
 . , c • ' ' , , , Brooks. S., in 
 
 ment provides for an income tax, so that such a tax may be x,,. j,,,, f>^,.^, 
 levied without being declared unconstitutional as was the iq7 (1913), 
 tax of 1894 (§ 40S). An income tax was levied in 1Q13 542-555- 
 (§ 464). 
 
 The seventeenth amendment was the result of an even Direct election 
 more determined demand of the people. Several times ^^ senators. 
 Houses of Representatives had passed resolutions in favor Jones, /JraJj/jg^ 
 of the direct election of senators, but the Senate always Elections, 
 failed to concur. As some senators were considered too 125-146. 
 conservative for the popular taste, many states had fol- 
 lowed the Oregon plan, which provided that the people might 
 advise the legislature of their choice for senator, at the same 
 time that the voters elected legislators who agreed to abide 
 by the people's wish. The result of the new amendment 
 must be a decided change in the character of the Senate. 
 
 In the states constitutional amendments have been as Constitutional 
 common as the national amendments w^re rare. Among amendments m 
 notable changes in the fundamental law^ of the states in 
 recent years has been the admission of women to vote in 
 live new states, making nine states in all (1913), the adop- 
 tion of provisions for direct primaries, the initiative and 
 referendum, those that provide for better taxation and con- 
 trol of corporations, and those which take better care of 
 men, women, and children who work with their hands. 
 
 462. The Beginning of the Wilson Administration. — Character and 
 The election of Woodrow Wilson to the presidency brought policies of 
 to the chief magistracy a distinguished scholar and student 
 of public affairs.^ Wilson showed from the first that he ^ in CfK/wr 
 intended to be the leader of the party and the head of the 85 (1913), 
 administration. He broke precedent after precedent. For 744-753- 
 
 1 Distinguished as author, teacher, and college president, Wilson had 
 served as governor of New Jersey, giving to that state a clean and progressive 
 administration. He selected Brj^an as his Secretary of State, and filled his 
 cabinet with progressives. 
 
542 
 
 American History 
 
 [1913 
 
 Hale, W. B., 
 in World's 
 Work, 26 
 (1913), 69-77. 
 Low, A. M., in 
 Living Age, 
 278 (1913), 
 17-22. 
 
 Wilson, his 
 party, and 
 business 
 policies. 
 
 Harvey, G. B. 
 McC, in No. 
 Am. Rev., 198 
 (1913), 
 577-608. 
 
 The maximum 
 and minimum 
 tariff (1909). 
 
 Dewey, Finan. 
 Hist, of U. S., 
 
 483-487. 
 
 Taussig, F. W., 
 in Quar. Jour. 
 Econ., 24 
 (1909), 11-38. 
 
 example, he read his first message as Washington and John 
 Adams had done. He has not hesitated to go to the Capi- 
 tol nor does he hesitate to advise congressmen freely. He 
 refused to be bothered with office-seekers. He abandoned 
 '' dollar-diplomacy," ^ in connection with the China loan 
 (§ 446, note) and Latin- American affairs. In relation to 
 Mexico he followed a waiting policy more censorious but 
 not radically different from that of President Taft. 
 
 The first year of the Wilson administration saw the enact- 
 ment of a comparatively low tariff and an important bank- 
 ing act. Against trusts and other combinations of capital, 
 the administration enforced the Sherman anti-trust law more 
 thoroughly than previous presidents had done. Combinations 
 that controlled prices and interlocking directorates (§ 465) 
 were especially the objects of law enforcement, but the 
 attempt was made also to control the capitalization of great 
 companies as well. Although the Democratic party had 
 been noted for its factions from 1896 to 191 3, President Wil- 
 son united the party and succeeded during his first year in 
 carrying through a comprehensive program of reforms, 
 designed to benefit the " common people." 
 
 463. The Payne-Aldrich Tariff. — From 1897 to 1909 
 there had been no real changes in the tariff. In 1909 a spe- 
 cial session of Congress passed a protective tariff, the Payne- 
 Aldrich, and in 191 3 another special session passed a 
 revenue tariff. Demand for tariff reform before 1909 had 
 come from those who wished lower prices, from those who 
 believed that our tariff schedules were antiquated because 
 of the great industrial changes of recent years, and from those 
 who were opposed to protection. The Payne-Aldrich tariff 
 in 1909 provided for a larger free list, reductions on some 
 trust-made articles, and a rearrangement of schedules which 
 left the rates nearly as high as before, the general principles 
 
 ^ Dollar diplomacy was the name given to the method, used especially by 
 Secretary Knox in the Taft administration, to promote commerce through the 
 diplomatic service and to let the extension of business, especially in Latin 
 America, aid diplomacy in return. 
 
544 
 
 Aviericaii History 
 
 [1909 
 
 The corpora- 
 tion tax. 
 
 Conant, C. A., 
 in .Yo. Am. 
 Rev., 190 
 (iqoq), 
 231-240. 
 
 Proposed tariff 
 
 bills (1911- 
 
 IQI3)- 
 
 Rev. of Revs., 
 
 44 (1911), 
 
 259-264. 
 
 Am. Year 
 Book, 1911, 
 48-52. 
 
 The Under- 
 wood tariff 
 (1913)- 
 Wickware, 
 T. G., in Am. 
 Year Book, 
 1914, 28-38. 
 
 of the Dingley tariff (§ 409) and the Payne- Aldrich tariff being 
 the same. The law provided for what is called a double tariff.^ 
 It also provided for a special board of appraisers and a 
 Custom Court of Appeal, before whom disputes about rates 
 were settled finally, and a temporary tariff' board.^ 
 
 After suggesting an inheritance tax and an income tax 
 as supplementary to the tariff. Congress agreed (1909) on 
 a corporation tax of one per cent on the net revenue of all 
 corporations, every corporation being exempted from pay- 
 ment on the first $5000 of its revenue. 
 
 464. Democratic Tariff Measures. — The election of a 
 Democratic House of Representatives in 1 910 gave that party 
 a chance (191 1) to propose bills for reducing the tariff. 
 With the aid of progressive Republicans in the Senate a 
 wool bill and a cotton bill were passed in Congress, both of 
 which reduced the existing rates. President Taft vetoed 
 both bills, and they were not passed over his veto. In 1 913 a 
 special session of Congress w^as called by President Wilson 
 to enact a revenue tariff' and other financial measures. The 
 House was overwhelmingly Democratic and that party 
 had a slight majority in the Senate. The Underwood tariff 
 was passed at this session. 
 
 The Under\vood tariff provides for a substantial reduc- 
 tion on all protective rates. It enlarges the free list by 
 including free wool, and after three years, free sugar. It 
 retains high rates and in some cases increases the rates 
 
 1 The regular rates formed what was called the minimvim list, the minimum 
 rates being granted to all countries which made the United States substan- 
 tial trade concessions. If there were any others, they were obliged to pay 
 the maximum rates, which were obtained by adding to the minimum rate 
 twenty-five per cent of the cost of the imported articles. 
 
 2 The tariff board was created for the purpose of studying the cost of 
 producing similar commodities at home and abroad. Ha\-ing ascertained 
 these differences, it was expected that the tariff rates would be changed so 
 that the American manufacturers would be protected by rates just high 
 enough to make the foreign costs equal to the costs at home. The board's 
 reports show such varj^ing costs in America and abroad that no conclusion 
 could be drawn, except this, perhaps, that x\merican manufacturers with old 
 equipment and poor organization had been able to continue as producers 
 because of the protective rates. 
 
191 3 Movement toward Economic Reform 545 
 
 on luxuries, reducing the rates on those articles that are Stone, N. I., 
 used most commonly by the public. Although it does not '^^ R^^- of Revs. 
 abandon the principle of protection, it will seriously cripple, 43^-430 
 if it does not destroy, those factories or industries which have Taussig, F. W. 
 depended entirely upon protection in order to compete with in Quar. Jour. 
 foreign producers. Theoretically it is a consumers' tariff, f'^'"*' ^^ 
 just as practically all of the tariffs since the Civil War have 
 been producers' tariffs. 
 
 In order to secure sufficient revenue for the national Income tax 
 government without adding further to the taxes already (^913). 
 paid by consumers. Congress in 19 13 passed an income tax 
 measure which provides rates from i to 7 per cent. The 
 first $3000 of every income is exempt,^ thus freeing from the 
 tax nine tenths of the heads of families. This has been 
 attacked as class legislation. To any one who has observed 
 that the national government has been supported in the 
 past chiefly by those whose incomes have been small, this 
 law seems fairer than any other national tax that we have. 
 
 465. Other Financial Reform Measures. — The trusts The high cost 
 and the railways have been blamed for part of the increased ^^ living, 
 cost of living in recent years, and the public has tried to 
 protect itself by laws that will restrict or regulate business. 
 The tariff also was held responsible on the ground that it Fisher, I., in 
 has fostered industry, — that is, the producer at the expense ^^- ^^"- ^^^•' 
 of the consumer, — ■ and therefore made monopoly possible. 740-758 
 Finally complaint has been made that all capitalists stand streightoff, 
 together and amass wealth at the expense of the public. Standard of 
 Prices have been going up ever since 1895. This is due ^^^"^' 44-68. 
 chiefly without doubt to the increased production of gold,^ Annals Am. 
 
 Acad., July, 
 
 1 Married men are exempt to the amount of ^4000. 1913- 
 
 2 The amount of gold produced each year after 19 10 was more than 
 double the annual output of gold from 1890 to 1895. As the purchasing 
 value of gold depends largely on the amount in existence, prices go up as the 
 amount increases. Wages, of course, do the same in time, but changes in 
 wages occur slowly. The high cost of living is not simply the result of high 
 prices ; for, if wages increase at the same rate as prices, a man's income will 
 go as far with high prices as with low prices. It has been said very truly 
 that a fair part of the high cost of Uving is the cost of high Uving. At least 
 it is due in part to an improvement in the standard of living. 
 
 2 N 
 
46 (1913), i63 
 166, 261-263 
 
 546 American History [191 3 
 
 to the expansions of our system of credit,^ and to the im- 
 provements in the standard of living ; but it is due in part 
 also to the special opportunity which the protected indus- 
 tries have had of raising prices. 
 Money trust Among the numerous investigations of combination of 
 
 investigation, capital that were supposed to be responsible for high prices 
 Literary Digest, and business monopoly was that of the head "trust" of 
 all, tiie so-called " money trust." The investigation did 
 not show the existence of any organization, but it showed 
 that 180 men, each of whom held positions on a great many 
 directorates (interlocking directorates), had great influence 
 over corporations with resources amounting to about 
 $25,000,000,000. Many of these corporations were engaged 
 in banking. 
 The national Fear that great capitalists would control still more the 
 
 banking act of banking of the country and its business interests delayed the 
 ^^^■^' adoption of necessary banking reforms until 191 3. In 
 
 Wickware, that year Congress amended the national banking act (§ 342) . 
 
 T. G., in Am. The new act provides for a better concentration of banking 
 reserves, a more elastic currency, and a better system of 
 bank credit. National banking in reserve centers is no 
 longer to cooperate chiefly with the stock market, but with 
 business, domestic and foreign. Loans to farmers are made 
 easier, a general plan of agricultural credit being worked 
 out later. The bank act provides for a national reserve 
 board which supervises reserve banks.^ This is selected 
 by the president. There are from eight to twelve " regional 
 reserve banks " controlled by bankers of that region, which 
 can issue emergency currency and therefore furnish extra 
 money when crops are to be moved or a money stringency 
 occurs. It is hoped that this new banking plan will give a 
 needed flexibility to our national banking system, will help 
 to prevent panics, and will keep organized capital from 
 dominating business. 
 
 1 See Fisher, I., in American Econom^ic Review, 2 (191 2), 431-558. 
 
 2 It is composed of seven members, two of whom are the Secretary' of the 
 Treasury and the Controller of the Currency. 
 
 Year Book 
 1914, 38-53 
 
1913] Movement tozuard Economic Reform 547 
 
 466. Summary. — In the later years of the nineteenth General, 
 century large railway and industrial corporations had great 
 influence over our governments. The protest of society 
 against business domination in politics was expressed in the 
 Roosevelt policies in national affairs, and in the demand that 
 the people should rule in city, state, and national govern- 
 ments. As a result of these two movements numerous 
 changes occurred in the laws affecting labor, the currency, 
 the tariff and others. 
 
 Roosevelt followed McKinley's policies at first, especially The Roosevelt 
 in foreign affairs, but urged more drastic action against the poli<^ies. 
 trusts and favored conservation. After his election in 1904 
 he came out more strongly for railway regulation, conserva- 
 tion, and the punishment of " malefactors of great wealth." 
 Even the panic of 1907 did not shake the faith of the Roose- 
 velt supporters, and in 1908 William H. Taft was elected 
 as his successor to carry out his policies. 
 
 The same forces that were working to overthrow business The rule of 
 domination of politics were working against corruption in ^^^ people, 
 government and for popular control of all public affairs. 
 In the House of Representatives, the insurgents overthrew 
 vhe oligarchical sway of the Committee on Rules. In the 
 states, especially in the West and South, were established the 
 direct primary, the initiative, the referendum, and the recall 
 by which the people were able to keep the politicians from 
 managing politics against the wishes of the public. 
 
 At the beginning of the Taft administration (1909- Movement 
 1913) many valuable coal, oil, and mineral lands were with- toward eco- 
 drawn from sale, no longer being offered at even low prices. 
 Later postal savings banks and a parcel post system were 
 established by Congress. The period was one of numerous 
 changes in state laws for the benefit of labor. In the elec- 
 tion of 1 91 2 there were sharp contests between the conser- 
 vative and liberal factions of each of the old parties. The 
 more conservative members controlled the Republican party, 
 nominating Taft ; the liberal wing organizing as the Progres- 
 sive party and nominating Roosevelt. The Democrats 
 
548 American History [191 3 
 
 elected Woodrow Wilson on a liberal platform. Imme- 
 diately following the election two liberal measures were 
 incorporated in the United States Constitution as the six- 
 teenth amendment (income tax) and the seventeenth (direct 
 election of senators) . The Wilson administration was more 
 liberal than was even expected. The conservative Payne- 
 Aldrich tariff was replaced by lower protective tariff, a 
 new banking act was passed to give greater elasticity to 
 our currency and credit, and action was taken to break the 
 control of " interlocking directorates " over business. 
 
 TOPICS 
 
 1. Conservation: Ashley, "Am. Federal State" (rev. ed.), ch. 
 XXIX ; Coman, "Industrial History of the U. S." (rev. ed.), pp. 375- 
 413; National Conservation Commission, "Summary of Report"; 
 Annals of the Amer. Academy, t,7, (1909), 3-226; Van Hise, "Conser- 
 vation of Natural Resources." 
 
 2. Corruption and Reform, Municipal: Bliss (ed.), "New 
 Encyclopedia of Social Reform," pp. 318-327; Larned (ed.), "His- 
 tory of Ready Ref.," VII, pp. 431-442; Beard, "American City 
 Gov't," pp. 192-217 ; Flint, "The World of Graft," pp. 9-88 ; Myers, 
 "History of Tammany Hall," pp. 252-350; Steffens, "Shame of the 
 Cities." 
 
 3. Initiative and the Referendum: Munro (ed.), "The Ini- 
 tiative, Referendum, and Recall," pp. 126-193; Wilcox, "Gov't by 
 All the People," pp. 11-166, 229-312; Annals Amer. Academy, 43 
 (1912), 3-31, 65-109, 203-215; Oberholtzer, "The Referendum in 
 America" (rev. ed.), pp. 173-217, 368-453; Lov^^ell, "Public Opinion 
 and Popular Gov't," pp. 169-235, 368-398. 
 
 4. The Recall of Judges and Judicial Decisions : Roosevelt, 
 in Outlook, 100 (1912), 618-626; loi, 855-857, 1004-1007; Wilcox, 
 "Gov't by All the People," pp. 211-228; Cleveland, "Organized 
 Democracy," pp. 426-437; Annals of Amer. Academy, 43 (1912), 
 239-325; Acad, of Pol. Sc, Proceedings, January, 1913, 76-116. 
 
 STUDIES 
 
 1. Roosevelt and civil service reform. (Shaw, W. B., in Review 
 of Reviews, 31 (1905), 317-324.) 
 
 2. Campaign funds and campaign scandals. (Carr, J. F., in 
 Outlook, 81 (1905), 545^554-) 
 
 3. Conservation of Niagara Falls. (Spencer, J. W. W., in Popular 
 Science Monthly, 73 (1908), 289-305.) 
 
 4. Mismanagement of insurance companies before 1906. (Larned 
 (ed.), "History for Ready Reference," VII, pp. 326-329.) 
 
Movement toward Economic Reform 549 
 
 5. La Follette of Wisconsin. (Roe, G. E., in Independent, 64 (1908), 
 
 717-725-) 
 
 6. New York police force. (Roe, W. J., in Popular Science 
 Monthly, 80 (191 2), 461—475.) 
 
 7. Publicity of campaign funds. (Jones, "Readings on Parties 
 and Elections," pp. 302—321.) 
 
 8. Municipal research bureau. {Annals of Amer. Academy, 41 
 (1912), 235-278.) 
 
 9. Regulation of political campaigns. (Cleveland, "Organized 
 Democracy," pp. 243-260.) 
 
 10. The function of parties. (Lowell, "Public Opinion and Popu- 
 lar Gov't," Part II.) 
 
 11. Socialist party in election of 191 2. (Hoxie, R. F., in Jol. Pol. 
 Econ., 20 (1912), 205-223.) 
 
 12. The tariff board and tariffs. {Am. Economic Review, 2 (1912), 
 March Sup., 19-41.) 
 
 QUESTIONS 
 
 1. Place in your notebook a complete summary of the following 
 topics, showing the sections of the text in which details may be ob- 
 tained : Federalist party, old Republican party, Whig party, Demo- 
 cratic party, Republican party. 
 
 2. What were some of the favors received by the great corporations 
 from our governments? Why did the trusts and the railways wish 
 to control the governments ? What was the danger of capitalistic 
 control? By what means and to what extent has capitalistic control 
 been averted ? 
 
 3. Compare the policies and methods of Roosevelt, Taft, and 
 Wilson. To what extent did the personalities of these men enter into 
 the work of their administrations ? Show how they represent three 
 types of party leadership. 
 
 4. Compare the foreign, anti-trust, and conservation policies of 
 Roosevelt. Which features of these policies were original with him ? 
 Are his permanent contributions to American history connected with 
 these original features or the other features ? 
 
 5. Show the relation between the revolt against capitalistic domina- 
 tion and the revolt against boss rule. 
 
 6. In what ways may the people control their governments that 
 were not generally in use twenty years ago ? Show the advantages 
 and disadvantages of each method of popular control. 
 
 7. Show how the movement for popular rule affected the state and 
 national legislation of the period from 1909 to 191 2. 
 
 8. Compare the tariffs of 1909 and 1913 with those of 1890 and 
 1894. Does a return to the principles of the tariff of 1909 seem prob- 
 able in 191 7? 
 
CHAPTER XXIII 
 
 PROGRESS AND PROBLEMS 
 
 Commerce and Industry 
 
 Causes and 
 results of 
 industrial 
 combination. 
 
 Jenks, l^riist 
 
 Problem, 
 
 21-55- 
 
 Taussig, Prin- 
 ciples of 
 Economics, II, 
 4ig-442. 
 
 Haney, Bus. 
 Organisation 
 and Combina- 
 tion, 128-144. 
 
 467. Industrial Progress since 1880. — During the last 
 third of a century the industrial advance of the United 
 States has been very rapid. The capital invested in man- 
 ufacturing and the value of manufactured products have 
 increased fourfold. This development has been accom- 
 panied by changes which we have already noted in part 
 — the combination of companies engaged in the same line 
 of industry, with a resulting loss of competition, and the 
 combination also of employees engaged in similar occu- 
 pations. The advantages of production and exchange on 
 a large scale are evident. Improved machinery and pro- 
 cesses may be employed, finer products may be secured 
 by devoting the energies of an entire plant to a special form 
 of manufacture, and immense sums are saved by preventing 
 the unavoidable wastes of separate plants. By controlling 
 most of the output in its line, a trust need ship into a particu- 
 lar territory only the amount that can be sold easily. It 
 can lower its prices in a district in which a rival is dangerous 
 and drive its competitor from business. It can afford to 
 develop new markets, domestic or foreign, which may be 
 unprofitable at first, for the sake of the future. Whether 
 these advantages from the industrial standpoint are sufficient 
 compensation to the public for the loss of competition, which 
 in the past has kept prices low, depends partly on the policy 
 of the trust, partly on the attitude of our governments 
 toward the trusts, and partly on the willingness or ability 
 of the people to keep prices low. 
 
 The advantages of combination were apparent long be- 
 fore the Spanish- American War, and many trusts were 
 
 550 
 
[SgS. 
 
 Coman, Indus- 
 trial Hist., 
 325-329. 
 
 1902] Commerce and Industry 551 
 
 organized during that period/ but the movement for indus- Formation of 
 trial or commercial consolidation was far more conspicuous trusts after 
 from 1898 to 1902 than at any earlier time.^ Several hun- 
 dred trusts were organized, many of them powerful enough 
 to be considered monopolies. The largest of these was the 
 United States Steel corporation, with capital stock of Lamed (ed.), 
 $1,100,000,000. Many of these were organized on a specu- Ready ReJ., 
 lative basis and either collapsed or suffered from over-capi- , - 529-535, 
 
 VII, 116-135. 
 
 talization within a short time. The railways of the United 
 
 States adopted similar methods, and most of the mileage is ^^^-^^ ^'r ^ ^' 
 
 controlled now by a few corporations. In fact some of the 400-416. 
 
 largest combinations control the mines or other sources of Marshall, 
 
 raw material which they use, manage their manufacturing Wright, Field, 
 
 plants, and own or control the railways by which the materials ^ V /^ "■''"' 
 
 are brought to their plants or their products are shipped to Economics, 
 
 market. 299-339- 
 
 468. Anti-Trust Legislation in the States. — Under 
 the present system of law in the United States these great 
 
 companies do not receive charters from the national govern- Control of 
 
 ment, but are chartered in some state, and then do business railways, 
 
 in the other states under that charter. The other states, how- J^^^.^^^^'j;^'" 
 ever, may limit the activities of the corporations within their 
 
 own boundaries, and, in fact, may prohibit them from doing 349-366 
 
 business in their state. The earliest form of state control, Dixon, F. H., 
 
 as we have observed already (§396), was in connection v^ Pol. Sc 
 
 with railways. Most of the early granger legislation was ^^^'"■^ ^° 
 
 » The earliest and still one of the most notable trusts is the Standard Oil 612-624. 
 Company, which, as early as 1880, controlled the output of over ninety-five 
 per cent of the refined oil in the United States. 
 
 - There have been in general four historical forms of combinations. 
 (i) The earliest was the pool, in which earnings were pooled and then distrib- 
 uted among the members of the pool according to agreement. (2) The 
 second was the trustee form, from which we get the word " trust." The stock 
 of the companies in the combination was held by trustees who managed 
 the aflfairs of the combination. (3) The third form was the holding company. 
 One company was organized which owned the majority of the stock in the 
 subsidiary companies. The Standard Oil Co. was a trust of this kind until 
 191 1. (4) The latest form of trust is the great corporation, the lesser com- 
 panies being really absorbed by the single great company. The steel trust 
 is the best example of this kind of corporation. 
 
 Railway Trans- 
 portation, 
 
552 
 
 American History 
 
 [1890 
 
 Huebner, 
 G. G., in 
 Annals Am. 
 Acad., 32 
 (1908), 138- 
 156. 
 
 Industrial anti- 
 trust laws. 
 
 Savers, J. D., 
 in Xo. Am. 
 Rev., 169 
 (1899), 
 210-217. 
 
 Clark, Control 
 of Trusts, 
 71-95- 
 Outlook, 80 
 (1905), 427- 
 431 ; 91 (1909) 
 320-322. 
 
 Stimson, 
 Popular Law 
 Making, 
 173-189- 
 
 Provisions. 
 The problem 
 of national 
 control. 
 
 MacDonald, 
 Statutes, 
 No. 120. 
 
 repealed after a few years' experiment, but in almost all 
 of the states, railway commissions are maintained to super- 
 vise rates and the other business of railways. Most of these 
 state commissions have the power to fix the maximum rates 
 that shall be charged by the railways, a few still depend 
 upon publicity, and some are public service commis- 
 sions which supervise not only the steam railways, but 
 electric railways, water and power plants, and other public 
 utilities. 
 
 About 1890 the organization of a large number of trusts 
 led to the enactment of numerous state anti-trust laws; 
 and the so-called Sherman Anti-Trust Act which w^as passed 
 by Congress. In many of the states monopolies were for- 
 bidden entirely ; in other states the laws were intended to 
 restrict the trusts from charging excessive rates or otherwise 
 injuring the public. More perfect laws were passed later 
 by many states, that of Texas being a good example of the 
 severe anti-monopoly law. It has not been easy to enforce 
 these laws against the great corporations, but some success 
 has attended the efforts of the states west of the Mississippi. 
 In 1904 Kansas engaged in a war on the Standard Oil Com- 
 pany by building a refinery of its own. Two years later 
 Missouri forced the same company to admit that the lesser 
 companies doing business in that state were nothing more 
 than parts of the great monopoly. Texas as well as Mis- 
 souri was rather successful in dealing with the Standard Oil 
 monopoly before the Supreme Court of the United States 
 declared that monopoly illegal. Both states levied heavy 
 fines on the subsidiary companies of the Standard Oil 
 Company. 
 
 469. The Sherman Anti- Trust Law of 1890.^ — In 
 response to a popular demand, Congress in* 1890 decided 
 that " every contract, combination in the form of trust or 
 otherwise, or conspiracy, in restraint of trade or commerce 
 among the several states, or with foreign nations, is hereby 
 
 1 In connection with this and succeeding sections the student should 
 review §§ 394-397-. 
 
1894] Commerce and Industry 553 
 
 declared to be illegal." This act was intended to supple- Dawes, C. G., 
 ment the Interstate Commerce Act (§ 397) which had been ^" ^°- ^^• 
 passed three years earlier. We should notice carefully / ^Jj^J ^g 
 that the only provision of the United States Constitution 194. 
 which deals with the power of the national government over 
 commerce or industry within the United States is contained 
 in the words, " Congress shall have power ... to regulate 
 commerce . . . among the several states." ^ When the 
 Constitution was adopted in 1787, even interstate com- 
 merce was not particularly important. The fact that for 
 one hundred years there was no real attempt to regulate this 
 commerce from Washington is sufficient evidence of the 
 recent development of interstate trade. But the expansion 
 of large corporations, which have plants in several states 
 and do business in many others, presents a problem of com- 
 mercial and industrial control which cannot be solved by the 
 separate state governments. The interest of the public there- 
 fore must go unprotected or be secured by the national gov- 
 ernment. For this reason the interpretation placed upon 
 the Sherman Act by the courts is of the first importance. If 
 this act has been construed narrowly, the power of Congress 
 over commerce will be very limited. If it has been construed 
 liberally, the national government may not only control indus- 
 try under it, but Congress may pass supplementary legis- 
 lation extending its powers still further. 
 
 At first comparatively little attention was paid to the Application of 
 law either by the government or the corporations. It was ^^^ Sherman 
 invoked in 1894 (§ 474) to prevent labor organizations from ^^ ^' 
 
 interfering with the movement of trains engaged in interstate „^^ ^J „ ,' 
 
 ° ^ ^ Trusts, Pools, 
 
 commerce. Later the Supreme Court broke up several and Corpora- 
 
 illegal combinations.^ The most interesting case until ^^'''«^» 263-272. 
 
 recent years was that of the Northern Securities Company. Garner, J. W., 
 
 This company was organized to hold the stock and manage ^^ ^'^"^^^ 
 
 ., 1 TVT 1 •/- 1 Amer. Acad., 
 
 the mterests of several railways, the Northern Pacific, the 24 (1904), 
 
 125-147. 
 
 1 United States Constitution, Art. i, § 8, CI. 3. 
 
 2 Trans-Missouri Freight Case (1897) and Joint Trafl&c Case (1898) 
 especially. 
 
554 
 
 American History 
 
 [1904 
 
 Bureau of 
 
 corporations 
 
 (1903). 
 
 Reinsch (ed.), 
 Readings in 
 Am. Fed. Govt. 
 529-538. 
 
 Curbing of 
 corporation 
 powers. 
 
 Larned (ed.), 
 Ready Ref., 
 VII, 1 1 7-1 27. 
 
 Annals of Am. 
 Acad., 32 
 (1908), 3-94, 
 235-258; 42 
 (1912), 219- 
 269. 
 
 Wickersham, 
 G. W., in 
 Century, 
 83 (1912), 
 616-622. 
 
 Great Northern, and the Burlington lines. The Supreme 
 Court prevented the Securities Company from carrying out 
 this plan by deciding (1904) that its acts would be in re- 
 straint of interstate trade. The court made clear its position 
 that the restraint was not necessarily unreasonable in order 
 to be illegal. 
 
 470. Recent Anti-Trust Activity. — In 1903 Congress 
 organized a new cabinet department known as the Depart- 
 ment of Commerce and Labor, which was later (19 13) sepa- 
 rated into a Department of Commerce and a Department of 
 Labor. One of the bureaus created for the Department 
 of Commerce was that of Corporations, the head of which 
 was authorized to investigate " the organization, conduct, 
 and management " of any company other than railways 
 which was engaged in interstate commerce, reporting direct 
 to the President. This bureau has issued valuable reports 
 on combinations like the steel trust, the tobacco trust, and 
 the monopoly of railway and steamship terminal sites. It 
 may be made a powerful weapon for the supervision of great 
 corporations, particularly if these corporations are compelled 
 to take out national charters. It has been proposed that 
 this bureau be superseded by an interstate trade commission. 
 
 Many suits have been instituted against the trusts by the 
 national government. In general, the results obtained in the 
 courts have been favorable to the government, although these 
 suits have not interfered particularly with the business 
 operations of the large corporations. The right of Congress 
 to control the actions of trusts engaged in interstate com- 
 merce has been upheld by the courts fully. On the other 
 hand, the right of a trust to defend itself by refusing to 
 show its books or give evidence in court on the ground that 
 it might incriminate itself has been denied corporations. 
 The courts have held that private cars cannot be used by 
 railways to injure the business of any person or section, and 
 that a railway company cannot engage in any business like 
 that of mining coal, in which it can haul its own coal cheaper 
 than that of its competitors. Many of the important trusts 
 
191 1] Commerce and Industry 555 
 
 have been compelled to abandon some of the most flagrant of 
 the practices which they had used for controlling the market. 
 
 The position of the courts toward the trusts was made The "rule of 
 clear in the Standard Oil and Tobacco Trust cases (1911). reason" re- 
 The court held that they were monopolies and were break- ^^^ 
 ing the Sherman anti-trust law which forbade interference . ^^^]' ^ ' '' 
 
 ° in Pol. Sc. 
 
 with interstate trade, and they were ordered to dissolve. Quar., 26 
 
 The court held that a " rule of reason " should be applied (iQ^)' 
 
 in order to determine whether any trust restrained interstate ^ ^ ^'^' 
 
 trade to such an extent that the government should interfere ^^^l^f^^,^!: ^'' 
 
 . . . . in World To- 
 
 with the trust, or prohibit its business, if it were a monopoly, day, 21 (191 1), 
 
 As it is impossible to return to the competition which existed 1429-1438. 
 
 before the trusts were formed, the attitude of the state and No. Am. Rev., 
 
 national governments toward big business will be one of J"^^' ^^^^' 
 
 the most interesting questions of the future, as it has been 
 
 of the past.^ 
 
 471. Railway Rate Regulation. — ^ So closely connected Increasing 
 
 are the industrial corporations and the railways that any ^^^^ °^ ^"^' 
 
 , , , . , ,. . , , ernment reg- 
 
 action taken by the government m dealing with one almost ulations. 
 always involves the other. This has been true in most of ^^^^^^ j^^. 
 the investigations mentioned in the preceding section, striaive Rail- 
 Since the laws dealing with railways and with the powers way Legislation 
 of government over railways are concerned almost exclu- 
 sively with " common carriers," we should note how the 
 railways have been kept from injuring the public either 
 alone or in cooperation with the trusts. The importance 
 of the railways in the development of industry and in the 
 maintenance of those healthful business conditions under 
 which alone prosperity is possible cannot be overestimated. 
 Since almost all of the trunk lines in the United States have 
 come into the control of a limited number of persons, who 
 
 1 At this time Congress has under consideration several anti-trust meas- 
 ures. One prohibits interlocking directorates (§ 465). Another proposes 
 an interstate trade commission to look after industries that produce goods 
 for interstate trade. A third seeks to define terms and powers of the 
 Sherman anti-trust law. Others deal with irregular or undesirable practices 
 in interstate trade and give the Interstate Commerce Commission control 
 of the issues of stocks and bonds on interstate railways. 
 
556 
 
 American History 
 
 [1906 
 
 Provisions of 
 the present 
 law. 
 
 Ripley (ed.), 
 Railway Prob- 
 lems, 531-556. 
 
 Smalley, H. S., 
 in Annals Am. 
 Acad., 2g 
 (1907), 
 292-309. 
 
 Dixon, T. H.. 
 in Quar. Jour. 
 Econ., 24 
 (1910), 
 539-633- 
 Great devel- 
 opment of 
 export trade. 
 
 Whelpley, 
 J. D., Trade of 
 the World 
 (last chapter). 
 
 Waldron, G. 
 
 B., in Chautau- 
 
 quan, 
 
 31 (1900), 
 
 499-504. 
 
 are more interested in other business than that of transpor- 
 tation, the need of governmental control has increased. 
 
 After years of agitation/ both houses of Congress agreed 
 (1906) on a new Interstate Commerce Act (amended 
 1 910), which replaced that of 1887. The new commission, 
 composed of seven members appointed by the President 
 and Senate, has the power not only to declare rates " unrea- 
 sonable," but to fix the maximum rate that shall be charged 
 for the transportation of freight or passengers on interstate 
 lines. It brings under the supervision of the commission 
 all interstate '' common carriers." ^ No railway may carry, 
 except for its own use, articles of which it is the owner; 
 nor, if a railway reduces rates to meet water competition, 
 may it restore the old rates when the water competition 
 has been removed. 
 
 472. Commerce and Shipping. — The industrial and com- 
 mercial development of the period following the war with 
 Spain naturally affected our foreign trade very much. The 
 increase in our exports from 1896 to 191 3 was almost 200 per 
 cent, and the excess of exports over imports for each of these 
 years was little less than five hundred million dollars. This 
 great " balance of trade " in our favor was due principally 
 to the great demand, particularly in Europe, for our agricul- 
 tural products, such as cotton ^ or breadstuffs for our meat 
 products ; and to the great exports of mineral products, 
 especially refined petroleum,* and iron, steel or copper 
 
 1 In 1903 the Elkins anti-rebate law supplemented the Interstate Com- 
 merce Act of 1887 by defining the character of the punishment that should 
 be meted out to the railways which give rebates, and by making shippers 
 liable to fine for accepting rebates. This act furnished the Interstate Com- 
 merce Commission a more effective means of preventing rebates. 
 
 2 This term is defined to include railways, private refrigerator cars, Pull- 
 man cars, express companies, and pipe Hnes (except for gas and water). 
 In addition the Interstate Commerce -Commission supervises interstate 
 telephone and telegraph companies. 
 
 3 Our exports of raw cotton for the year ending June 30, 1913, were 
 ^547>3S7.i95 ; of live stock or meat products, 3139,271,542 ; and of grain and 
 flour, 3184,214,756. 
 
 4 The figures for petroleum for 1913 were 3137,237,762; for iron, steel, 
 and copper manufactures, 3444,870,710. 
 
I9I3] 
 
 Commerce and Industry 
 
 557 
 
 manufactures. The United States has in fact become an 
 exporter of manufactured articles rather than an exporter 
 of raw materials. Our market for machinery has expanded 
 perhaps as rapidly as that of any of our other exports. In 
 many cases machines have been sold abroad for much less 
 than the price in the United States, in order to open the way 
 for later sales. American locomotives have competed suc- 
 cessfully with those of foreign make in distant Russia and 
 Japan, and America now leads all other countries in its 
 exports of automobiles. The trade with Cuba and Porto 
 Rico has grown rapidly, and that of the Pacific coast is 
 increasing constantly, but we still enjoy but a small propor- 
 tion of the exports to South American countries, the Philip- 
 pines, and eastern Asia. 
 
 Although our favorable position commercially among 
 the nations of the world is a matter of pride to us, the depend- 
 ence of the United States upon other countries to carry our 
 exports and imports is not pleasing. We have found other 
 occupations more profitable than that of shipping, and, there- 
 fore, have neglected to build ships for foreign trade. On 
 this account large sums are paid annually to foreign shippers. 
 Our merchant marine has declined so that less than one 
 tenth of our foreign trade is carried in American vessels 
 and our flag is seen comparatively little in the ports of the 
 world. ^ To remedy this unfortunate though not serious 
 state of affairs, to provide fleets of vessels that can be 
 turned into transports or auxiliary cruisers at short notice 
 in time of war, to build up again a large merchant marine, 
 ship subsidies have been suggested. Several bills have 
 been passed by one house of Congress during recent years, 
 but have failed to receive the approval of the other house. 
 
 1 The tonnage of American vessels is greater than ever before, about six 
 and a half million tons ; but the tonnage of vessels engaged in foreign trade 
 is less than one million tons. As our foreign shipping in 1856 represented 
 two and one half miUion tons, the decline has caused very serious criticism. 
 
 Digby, W. P., 
 in Engineering 
 Mag., 29 
 (1905), 321- 
 333, 508-518, * 
 673-682. 
 
 Root, F. D., in 
 
 Independent, 
 73 (1912), 
 1457-1460; 
 76 (1913). 
 
 Annals Am. 
 Acad., 37 
 (1911), 
 50-59, 70-84. 
 
 Shipping and 
 ship subsidies. 
 
 Review of 
 Reviews, 
 21 (1900), 
 319-328. 
 
 Raymond, A., 
 in Forum, 
 49 (1913), 
 447-456. 
 
 Garner, J. W., 
 in No. Am. 
 Rev., 180 
 (1905), 
 360-374- 
 
558 
 
 American History 
 
 [1865 
 
 Business and Labor 
 
 Panic of 1873. 
 
 Coman, Indus- 
 trial Hist., 
 286-289. 
 
 Burton, Crises, 
 286, 289. 
 
 Larned (ed.), 
 Ready Ref., 
 
 V, 3574-3576. 
 
 Panic of 1893. 
 
 Burton, Crises, 
 292-296. 
 
 Noyes, Am. 
 
 Finance, 
 
 182-196. 
 
 Lauck, Panic 
 of 1893, 97- 
 122. 
 
 473. Prosperity and Panics since 1865. — Since the 
 Civil War there have been successive waves of business 
 prosperity and depression. The excessive expansion of 
 business during the years from 1865 to 1873 caused one of 
 the worst panics in our history in 1873. Speculation had 
 been conspicuous in manufacturing, in railway .extension, 
 in purchase of public lands, and in commerce. Collapse 
 followed the manipulation of the stock market. The failure 
 of Jay Cooke of Philadelphia started the panic, which affected 
 every line of industry. There was no sale of property, and 
 prices fell everywhere. The gravity of the situation in- 
 creased as the years passed, for the number of failures in 
 1877 and 1878 was much greater than in 1873. In 1879 
 there was a return to normal business conditions, and times 
 continued prosperous until 1885. After a slight depres- 
 sion, business revived and continued very active until 1892. 
 
 The immediate cause of the panic which occurred in 
 1893 was undoubtedly the fear among business men that 
 the government might not be able to redeem its notes in 
 gold (§ 410).^ To this cause was added the doubt about 
 possible changes in the tariff. The underlying cause was 
 undoubtedly the abnormal inflation of values and the increase 
 of speculation. The first serious failures occurred in May, 
 1893. Banks, factories, and railways were affected. In 
 many cases business houses were forced into bankruptcy 
 simply because they were asked to pay their debts and could 
 not collect from those who owed them money, their assets 
 often being much greater than their liabilities.^ Factories 
 
 1 If the government were obliged to use silver for this purpose, the business 
 of the country would then be transacted on a silver basis. As the intrinsic 
 value of the silver in a dollar was only about fifty cents, the loss to merchants 
 who sold on time would be appalling. 
 
 2 The total indebtedness of those that failed during 1893 reached the 
 enormous total of nearly ^350,000,000. Receivers were appointed for rail- 
 way companies that owned more than twenty-five thousand miles of railroad. 
 
1894] Business and Labor 559 
 
 closed or reduced their output so that many hundreds of 
 thousands were added to the ranks of the unemployed.^ 
 This condition of affairs continued with comparatively little 
 improvement for two years, and, as in the great panic twenty 
 years earlier, normal conditions were not restored for four 
 or five years, but, about the time of the war with Spain 
 business became more active than at any preceding time. 
 
 The years from 1897 to 1913 were exceedingly prosperous The panics of 
 except for a slight stock panic in 1903, which was the result ^^^^ ^"^"^ ^^°^ 
 of too much " high finance " in the organization of trusts, White, Money 
 and the panic of 1907 (§ 453), which was far less disas- .^^-.^. 
 trous than those of 1873 and 1893. There was a world- 
 wide depression in 1913. 
 
 474. Labor Unions and Strikes (1877-1894). — Periods Strikes of 
 of marked industrial development or depression are usually ^^77- 
 accompanied by conflicts between capital and labor. When Wright, indus- 
 
 n ji-u 1 ui* ^1 trial Evolution, 
 
 times are exceptionally good, the workers believe they are _ . 
 not receiving a just share of the unusual profits. When 
 hard times come, the employers feel that they cannot afford 
 to pay as high wages as formerly. The hard times of the 
 70's caused a reduction of wages which in time led in several 
 cases to strikes. The greatest of these began on the Balti- 
 more and Ohio Railway in July, 1877. Railway strikes 
 occurred at the same time on the Pennsylvania Railway and 
 other lines. Pittsburg was the center of the rioting and 
 disorder, and the mobs in that city were dispersed only by 
 the use of Gatling guns. A large amount of property was 
 destroyed, order being restored finally when United States 
 troops were ordered to Pittsburg. 
 
 After 1877 more interest was taken by the workers in the Labor union 
 formation of labor organizations. Many joined the Knights movement, 
 of Labor, the largest of the unions, which in 1885 had a half Wright, Indus- 
 
 million members. The American Federation of Labor was " „ ' 
 
 273-282. 
 
 1 The winter of 1 893-1 894 was very trying to the laboring classes. 
 Hundreds of thousands had been thrown out of employment by the business 
 depression, and the suffering of their families during the winter months was 
 very great. 
 
,00 
 
 American History 
 
 [1881 
 
 Stimson. Labor 
 in Reliition to 
 Lau\ i-i6. 
 
 The Pullman 
 
 strike. 
 
 AndreWi-s, Our 
 Chen Time, 
 
 722-730. 
 
 Wright. Indus- 
 trial Hist., 
 
 Cleveland, 
 Pres. Problems, 
 79-117. 
 
 Individual 
 bargaining or 
 collective 
 bargaining. 
 
 Cariton, 
 Or^aKised 
 Labor, 116- 
 119. 
 
 organized in iSSi, and several other national labor organiza- 
 tions have been formed since. The principal objects of these 
 bodies have been to raise wages and reduce the hours of 
 labor, through coc^peration, by strikes if necessary. More 
 than one half of the strikes imdertaken by the unions have 
 been won by the workers, although they have lost many of 
 the larger strikes. Among the prominent strikes after 1S77 
 were those occurring in 1SS6 on the Gould railways in the 
 southwest, the one in Chicago in connection with which the 
 Ha}Tnarket riot occmred.^ one at Homestead in Pennsyl- 
 vania in 1892, strikes in the mining regions of the West, 
 and those considered in the following paragraphs. 
 
 In 1S94 there occiured perhaps the greatest strike in the 
 history of the United States. A strike among the employees 
 of the Pullman Car Company spread to all railways on which 
 Pullman cars were used. For several weeks few trains were 
 operated on the railways from Lake Erie to the Pacihc. 
 Rioting occurred in Chicago and at other points, the local 
 authorities in many cases being unable to preserve order or 
 protect propeny. President Cleveland ordered United 
 States troops to Chicago to prevent interference with the 
 carrWng of the mails or with interstate commerce. Against 
 this action Governor Altgeld of Illinois protested, as he main- 
 tained that the national government had no right to send 
 troops unless he called for them. He was unable to see that 
 the troops were enforcing simply national law. The strike 
 collapsed eventually ^nthout gaining any concessions from 
 the employers. 
 
 475. Recent Labor Problems. — In the period since 
 iSq4 the organization of labor has not kept pace with the 
 combinations of capital. The problem oi protecting labor 
 is therefore a serious one, since no single employee can make 
 successful terms with a corporation which employs tens of 
 thousands of laborers ; and, natiurally, the government can- 
 not dictate who shall be employed or what wages shall be 
 paid. Wages have, nevertheless, increased during the last 
 
 ^ See -\ndrews, Tke United States in Our Osrn Time, pp. 5 '9-5o5- 
 
I9'3] 
 
 Jw/si//tss aud Labor 
 
 S6i 
 
 two dcvados, as in previous divados, luit tliov have t^onc up Adams and 
 less rapidly than prices have risen since 1SQ5. This means ^^"'>'i^''". /-"'""' 
 
 111' 11 1 • 1 • II VrobUms, 
 
 that laborers were able constantly to unprove their staiulanl .^, .^, 
 
 of living before 1895 '^^'^^ have been unable to iiuj)rove it Taussig', /Vm- 
 
 since that time. One of the problems of the future is so tt) cipu-s of 
 
 Kcotioniics, 
 
 11. JO I JS4. 
 
 liulusdial 
 ("oinniissiDU 
 Krporl, XIX, 
 
 reform unions as to make them more rei)resentative and to 
 
 "1 
 
 El 
 
 i 
 
 Civil War 
 
 (Heavily depreciat>-d 
 currency WA-V^'A. 
 Partly dejrreciated 
 currency mio-lH7H) 
 
 iliilfe 
 
 
 11 IS 
 
 S.>j-847- 
 
 180 
 170 
 160 
 150 
 140 
 ISO 
 120 
 110 
 100 
 90 
 80 
 70 
 
 / 
 
 
 / 
 
 r/ 
 
 <\ 
 
 l\ t 
 
 I it ^^ 
 
 L L ^-'^-'^^^ 
 
 ~X v^-^^ 
 
 ± 
 
 j 
 
 4 
 
 - *i 
 
 ^ V i 
 
 ^^^ ""! '^^v 
 
 ^^"^ -} N^% ^ r^^ 
 
 *:S:^- ,-^:7 ^ t-A u^ 
 
 I 'w-vl,'' - \ / 1 / 
 
 4I s^v^^ ^-^ 
 
 I jt ^7 
 
 irai es L J \ >' 
 
 PrhVs \7 ~^^ 
 
 t 
 
 
 isoo iv-iro isso i^'.io lyoo 
 
 WAGES AND PRICES 1840-1913 
 IN GOLD 
 
 secure collective bargaining where labor must serve combi- 
 nations of capital. 
 
 Labor has sought to protect itself chiefly by strikes, or Arbitration 
 by the threat of striking. The loss to the public where ^^^ concilia- 
 strikes involve a public utility, as a railway, or a public '^'^"' 
 necessity, as coal, is so great that some other way should Carlton, Or- 
 
 ,,.,_,, \ . . ^ 1,-1- ganizcd Labor, 
 
 be devised. To have arbitration after months ot dispute, 232-243 
 
 as in the great anthracite coal strike of 1902, is unsatisfac- 
 tory. The trade agreement reached in the bituminous coal 
 20 
 
562 
 
 A 1)1 eric 1 1 n Histo 7j ' 
 
 [190: 
 
 Industrial 
 warfare. 
 
 Baker. R. S., 
 in McClurc, 
 
 43-57. 
 
 Carlton, Or- 
 gatiiu'd Labor, 
 S2-S4- 
 
 Marshall, 
 Wright, and 
 Field, Mdlc- 
 rials for Study 
 of Economics, 
 700-704. 
 
 Legislation 
 during the last 
 quarter of the 
 nineteenth 
 centur>-. 
 Wright, I It Jus- 
 trial Evolution, 
 270-2S2. 
 Stimson. Labor 
 in Relation to 
 LdlC, 1-16. 
 Adams and 
 Sumner, Labor 
 Problems, 
 4OO-4S0. 
 
 controversy of 1905 without a strike was a decided improve- 
 ment. Where no pubUc necessity is involved, strikes are 
 less objectionable, but more peaceful methods are much 
 preferable, and many of our states as well as the national 
 government have sought to substitute conciliation or vol- 
 untary arbitration for industrial warfare. 
 
 Since iqoo several disputes between capital and labor 
 have really resulted in warfare. In Colorado mine diffi- 
 culties led to the banishment of strikers, to the use of troops 
 on the one side and dynamite on the other. Dynamite 
 has also been used as a means of intimidation when there 
 was no strike, as in a series of dynamitings of iron struc- 
 tures culminating in the destruction of the plant of the Los 
 Angeles Times, an ardent enemy of the imions. The I. W, 
 W. (Industrial Workers of the World), who distrust the 
 labor unions, believe thoroughly in the use of warfare as a 
 means of securing the rights of labor from capital. Never- 
 theless, the vast majority of the workers and a still larger 
 percentage of the general public prefer more peaceful means 
 of settling labor problems. 
 
 476. Labor Legislation. — In a republic which has univer- 
 sal manhood suffrage, it is strange that the demands of labor 
 for legislative protection have been less strenuous and have 
 been granted more tardily than in either semi-republican 
 England or monarchical Germany. During the period of 
 formation of great national labor unions thirty years ago, 
 the unions persuaded Congress to exclude not only the 
 Chinese ^ but all laborers who were under contract to work 
 in the United States. Comparatively few of the other 
 demands of the unions were granted at that time. However, 
 factory laws were passed in many states, and most of the in- 
 
 1 Agitation against Chinese coolie immigration started soon after 1S70 
 in California, where a large number had come under the Burlingame treaty, 
 which encouraged trade and migration between the two countries. In 1S82 
 a law forbidding the immigration of Chinese laborers was passed by Congress 
 and was supplemented by later laws and by treaties. These laws have been 
 enforced harshly, so that there are fewer Chinese in the United States to-day 
 than there were a quarter of a centurj- ago. 
 
19^3] Political and Social Chaiigcs 563 
 
 dustrial states had labor bureaus that investigated industrial 
 questions, but had little power to act. 
 
 Within recent years changes have been rapid. Laws for Changes of the 
 the protection of women and children have been passed in a ^^^^ decade, 
 majority of the states. A large number of states have \>xo- Stimson, Popu- 
 tected employees better by requiring more sanitary condi- '^i^^i"^ 
 tions for workers or by pn^hibiting the use of dangerous 247-255 
 materials, as phosphorus, in the making of matches, or of Lamed (ed.), 
 unprotected machinery. In case of accident, injured t^cady Rc/., 
 employees can now secure either damages or compensation ' •395-4oi. 
 in a majority of the states,^ whereas, ten years ago an injured ^j^^^ (^^•^' 
 workman bore the entire cost of accidents. The twentieth If social Re- 
 century has been called the century of the child. It has also form, 170-187, 
 been called the woman's century. It is likely to be the cen- 445-448, 461- 
 tury of the proletariat. The legislation of the present may 
 be conservative compared with that which probably will 
 come. 
 
 Political and Social Changes 2 
 
 477. Population and Race Problems. — At the present Elements of 
 
 time the continental United States has nearly one hundred the population 
 
 million inhabitants. Our dependencies add another ten Ripley, W. Z., 
 
 millions to this number. This is an increase of twenty-five "^" 
 
 Mo., 102 
 
 fold since the adoption of the Constitution. When Wash- (1908), 
 ington was inaugurated, even Ireland had more people than 745-759- 
 
 1 In some cases the injured workman is allowed to sue his employer for -''^j . ^ "' 
 damages and the employer is no longer allowed to escape payment unless the 
 
 employee was to blame. In other cases the states provide a scale of compen- ^ *'' 
 sation for death, or for different degrees of injury', the compensation being ^ ^ /> 34 4 • 
 paid chiefly by the employer, but presumably by the public, which must pay 
 more for the commodities which the emploj'ers produce. 
 
 2 An important social problem is that connected with marriage and divorce. 
 The increase of divorce has been one of the most conspicuous social changes 
 of the last quarter century. A phase of the marriage question that has 
 entered into our historj- is represented by the plural marriages of Mormonism. 
 Mormonism was founded by Joseph Smith nearly a century ago. Having 
 been driven from Illinois and ISIissouri, the Mormons settled in Utah in 1846. 
 Although there was a national law against polygamy in the territories after 
 1862, no persons were punished until a new law was passed in 1882. Later 
 (1887) the Mormon Church was dissolved, although it was restored as soon 
 as the leaders agreed that all Mormons would obey the law. 
 
564 
 
 American History 
 
 [1913 
 
 The negro 
 problem. 
 
 Washington, 
 B. T., in 
 
 Indcpeyident, 
 74 (1913), 
 695-697. 
 
 Commons, 
 Races and 
 Immigrants in 
 America, 22-62. 
 
 Annals Am. 
 Acad., 49 
 (1913), 47-66. 
 
 Foreign 
 Immigration. 
 
 Carlton, Hist, 
 and Problems 
 of Organized 
 Labor, 322- 
 35^- 
 
 Adams and 
 Sumner, Labor 
 Problems, 68- 
 75, 107-111. 
 
 the entire United States. To-day only Russia has a larger 
 white population. Of this great number, only a little more 
 than haK are native-born whites whose parents were natives 
 of the United States. More than one fifth are the children 
 of European immigrants, and more than one seventh were 
 born in Europe. About one in ten is a negro, and a few are 
 Asiatics. 
 
 This mixture of races is no new thing in American history. 
 The percentage of colonials of the English race was hardly 
 higher in 1750 than that of native-born Americans of native 
 parentage at present, while there were proportionally twice 
 as many negroes a century and a half ago. Yet the race 
 problems of the present are very much more complicated 
 than those of the past. The negro is no longer a subject 
 and a slave, but he is a citizen, with legal rights and the 
 power of the vote except in a few states.^ The economic 
 problems of the negro and the question of his education, his 
 social status, and his future place in our great country are 
 problems of the first magnitude. 
 
 478. Foreign Immigration. — Hardly less important are 
 the problems of assimilating the great numbers of immigrants 
 from southern and eastern Europe that are pouring into our 
 cities. These people are of different races, ideals, and 
 capacities from those Teutonic and Celtic races that founded 
 and developed this republic. As their standard of living is 
 lower than ours, and as they are inexperienced in political 
 affairs, we may be compelled either to restrict further immi- 
 gration of this character or to change radically our standard 
 of living ; we may be forced to abandon many of our older 
 
 1 In the South, the whites have struggled with the problem of how to 
 disfranchise the negroes without \-iolating the fifteenth amendment of the 
 United States Constitution. ^Mississippi was the first state to pass a law 
 with this in view, when in 1S90 she prescribed an educational test for voters 
 which disfranchised many more blacks than whites. South CaroUna does 
 not deprive those intellectually unfit if they own property assessed at $300. 
 Virginia, North Carohna, Alabama, and Louisiana have special qualifications 
 but exempt those who voted or whose ancestors were voters or soldiers before 
 1867. The operation of these ''grandfather clauses" is the practical dis- 
 franchisement of the negroes without debarring the whites from voting. 
 

I9I3] 
 
 Political and Social Changes 
 
 565 
 
 political methods and our new devices which give more 
 power to the people.^ 
 
 Thirty years ago the majority of the foreigners who 
 came to America were Germans or Irish, people with ideas 
 and customs which differed somewhat from our own, but 
 capable of assimilation with the native stock. Since 1890 
 a much larger percentage of Italians, Hungarians, and 
 Russians have come to America. Instead of settling, as 
 most of their prede- 
 cessors did a half cen- 
 tury ago, on small 
 farms (§ 296), they 
 have congregated in 
 cities, forming race 
 clusters which retain 
 their old language and 
 customs and often 
 threaten the unity of 
 our national life. A 
 large proportion of 
 these people from 
 eastern and southern 
 Europe are illiterate 
 
 and incapable of performing a high grade of work. Their 
 children are usually anxious to learn, so that they fre- 
 quently adopt American ways and show pride in their 
 American citizenship. 
 
 The immigration laws of the past have debarred from 
 
 1 A problem which involves a much smaller number of people, but which 
 may be quite as serious in the future, is that of the Chinese, who will not be 
 abused in the future as they have been in the past (§ 476, note i), and that of 
 the Japanese (§ 447). As these people belong to a radically different race 
 from that of Americans, and have standards of living very much lower than 
 ours, their admission to the United States in large numbers will cause social 
 and economic crises of great magnitule. Absolute prohibition of immigra- 
 tion of Chinese and Japanese laborers may seem unfair and contrary to the 
 spirit of American institutions ; but it certainly is the simplest solution of a 
 great problem, and perhaps the only solution that it is wise for America to 
 attempt. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 .'-! t 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 I J- 
 
 
 /T 
 
 
 
 rl 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 ^ 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 '^ ' -Vfl ' 
 
 
 
 
 
 '" 
 
 ^ -1^ -1 <f 
 
 i.L 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 T^ 
 
 \ J 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 v" 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1 1 
 
 lS6i 1870 
 
 1880 1890 1900 
 
 IMMIGRATION 
 (1864- 1914) 
 
 1910 
 
 Extent and 
 character of 
 recent 
 immigration. 
 
 Hall, Immi- 
 gration, 36-66. 
 
 Commons, 
 Races and 
 Immigrants, 
 63-106. 
 
 Fairchild, 
 
 Immigration, 
 
 123-143. 
 
s66 
 
 American History 
 
 [1913 
 
 LuwKR i\E\\ York 
 
 Immigration 
 laws. 
 Marshall, 
 Wright, and 
 Field, Mate- 
 rials for Study 
 of Economics, 
 152-156. 
 Fairchild, 
 Immigration, 
 iob-122. 
 Extent of 
 urban 
 development. 
 
 Beard, Am. 
 City Govt, 
 3-6. 
 
 the United States Chinamen, paupers, insane people, people 
 with certain contagious diseases, and persons under contract 
 to labor. In order to restrict the immigration from southern 
 and eastern Europe a literacy test has been considered care- 
 fully in Congress. Many people believe that a literacy test 
 is a poor test, and that we should have either a better physi- 
 cal test, since we need laborers, or a character test. 
 
 479. Growth of 
 Cities. — One of the 
 most significant 
 changes of our history 
 has been the growth of 
 our cities. x\t the be- 
 ginning of the Civil 
 War only one sixth 
 of the people of the 
 United States dwelt in 
 iToo isui i^i-M<LMis;o is*ii<yi i3,v)i,-37oisso iswi'wiyio citics, the largest city 
 
 TOTAL AND URBAN POPULATION ° -^ 
 
 (1790 TO 7910 ) being New York, which 
 
 Total population Urban population . 1 o /r 
 
 {Cities include places of more than 2,S(X>) boaSted 805,657 m- 
 
 1 
 
 
 ' 
 
 
 
 
 / 
 
 1 
 
 
 1 ^ 
 
 / 
 
 
 
 •'^ / 
 
 ^'' ^ ^^ 
 
 ' it ^ 
 
 1 -riT , y^ 
 
 ± ^ 
 
 
I9I3] 
 
 Political and Social CJianges 
 
 567 
 
 Skv-i.ink, 1914 
 
 habitants. Only eight other cities contained 100,000 people Marshall, 
 
 each. At the present time nearly 50 per cent of our popula- Wnght, and 
 
 1 ^ . T».T ^r 1 • 1 1 Field, Mate- 
 
 tion IS urban. Greater JNew York, with more than 5,000,000, y^^i^ (^y 5^^^^^ 
 
 is second only to London in numbers, and forty-nine other oj Economics, 
 
 cities had reached the 100,000 mark in 1910. Chicago, 134-136. 
 which in i860 was a straggling western town of barely 
 
568 
 
 A merican His to ry 
 
 [1913 
 
 Commons, 
 Races and 
 Immigrants, 
 160-168. 
 
 Changes in 
 standards of 
 living. 
 
 The Nineteenth 
 
 Century, 
 
 417-430. 
 
 Munro, Gov't 
 of Am. Cities, 
 29-52. 
 
 100,000, is now the great commercial center of the 
 interior, with more than 2,500,000. The concentration 
 of population is more marked 
 in the northeastern states than 
 elsewhere, nearly two thirds of 
 those in that section living in 
 cities of more than 8000 inhabit- 
 ants. Even the Pacific coast 
 has developed fairly large cities, 
 seven having attained 100,000 in 
 1914. 
 
 The movement from country to 
 city is due principally to the social 
 and business advantages w^iich cities 
 offer. It indicates the growing tendency of the nation 
 to obtain wealth, and to use that wealth extravagantly 
 in the satisfaction of social desires. The simple stand- 
 ards of a half century ago no longer satisfy. Every one 
 lives on a grander scale. The luxuries of yesterday be- 
 come the necessaries of to-day. With the cheapening 
 of articles manufactured by improved machinery, material 
 
 Thomas A. Edison 
 
 . 
 
 
 m 
 
 K^riTj 
 
 
 ^ 
 
 i 
 
 ^BEr^*'€^ 
 
 i 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 Main Building, Centennial Exposition, 1876 
 
 Beard, Am. 
 City Gov't, 
 6-30. 
 
 comforts are brought within the reach of all. Telephones 
 are found in a large proportion of city homes and in 
 many well-settled rural districts. Electric lights reach the 
 majority of the people in the United States. Electric rail- 
 ways penetrate in every direction the territory adjacent to 
 our cities and towns. Truly the last century has been an 
 
I9I3] 
 
 Political and Social Changes 
 
 569 
 
 era of material advancement unequaled before in the his- 
 tory of the world. ^ 
 
 480. City Problems. — This rapid development has The slum 
 
 not been unaccompanied by dangers. The segregation of problem, 
 
 people gives opportunities for crime unknown in rural dis- Riis, Battle 
 
 tricts. The problem of preserving order is one of the most ^^ "^' 
 
 serious confronting our city governments. The large 
 
 !■ r. . . . . . r . ., Riis, Ten 
 
 proportion 01 loreigners m cities is oiten a menace to civil 7^^^^' nr^j, 
 
 1-29. 
 
 .. -^ < 
 
 Court of Honor, Chicago (1893) 
 
 City Gov' 
 287-310. 
 
 progress, and one of the chief problems in securing good Beard, Am. 
 government. The growth of the slum is the greatest of the 
 specific problems of the city, and represents the worst form 
 of congestion. Legislation in favor of good tenements, the 
 demand for more air-shafts and light-shafts, the limiting of 
 the percentage of the land area that shall be covered with 
 buildings, provisions for fire escapes, for clean streets, for 
 parks and playgrounds near congested districts, the pro- 
 hibition of sweatshop work, the opening of trade schools; 
 
 iThe holding of the "Centennial exposition" at Philadelphia in 1876 
 was an important means of uniting the people and breaking down the 
 barriers of provincialism. Later expositions have had a broadening effect 
 on our social and industrial life. 
 
570 
 
 A 1)1 e7'ica u History 
 
 [1913 
 
 these and many others are but surface measures that at 
 best can afford slight relief, for they do not cure the real 
 disease. 
 Protests There has been a strong movement during the last two 
 
 against misrule decades to remove the worst evils of city government, 
 in cities. Many of our larger cities have been controlled by bosses or 
 
 Ford. H. J., in j.jj^grs which have not governed them in the public interest. 
 
 Pol.Sc.Quar., ^, * ,. . . , * „ , ,, ^ . . , . 
 
 19 (1904), These politicians have usually been able to maintain their 
 
 673-6S4. control because of the large number of positions which they 
 
 Grand Basin, St. Louis (1904) 
 
 Munro, Gov't 
 of A m . Cities, 
 35S-3S0. 
 
 may fill with their appointees and the immense sums of 
 public money that they handle, because also men of busi- 
 ness have not been interested sufficiently to insist upon 
 reform. At times the public has rebelled, and, for a time 
 it may have abolished the worst features of ring rule, but 
 organization is necessary in the successful administration 
 of any government, and the forces of reform usually fail to 
 remain united. In general, however, our cities are governed 
 better than formerly. As an illustration of the old state of 
 affairs we may note the prevalence of corruption in and black- 
 mail by the police department of New York unearthed dur- 
 ing the Lexow investigation (1894), and the victories of Cir- 
 
I9I3] 
 
 Political and Social Changes 
 
 571 
 
 cuit Attorney Folk in St. Louis (1903) and of Mayor Weaver 
 of Philadelphia. 
 
 The most recent movement for reform has been the 
 change from the mayor-council type to the commission 
 form of government, which was used first in Galveston, 
 Texas, after the great disaster of 1900. The commission 
 consists of from three to nine members who are elected from 
 the city at large and are heads of different administrative 
 departments as well as commissioners. The commission 
 form of government has been adopted by most of our smaller 
 cities and by many of medium size. In 1914 more than 
 
 Commission 
 form of gov- 
 ernment. 
 
 Beard, Am. 
 City Gov't, 
 92-07. 
 
 Munro, GovH 
 of Am. Cities, 
 294-320. 
 
 Copyright Panama Pacific Intern. Exp. 
 
 General View, San Francisco, 19 15 
 
 20 per cent of our urban population lived under the com- 
 mission form. It seemed to be quite successful at that 
 time. 
 
 481. Legal Rights of Women. — The first half of the 
 nineteenth century was notable for the rapid increase in the 
 number of political and legal rights of men (§ 292). The 
 last half century marks almost as complete a change in the 
 legal status of women. In 1850 women did not vote for can- 
 didates for public office anywhere. In many states married 
 women did not have the right to hold property. Both law 
 and custom prevented them from engaging in any of the pro- 
 fessions except that ol teaching. About the middle of the 
 century a few earnest women sought to arouse interest 
 
 Women's 
 rights a half 
 century ago. 
 
 Bliss (ed.), 
 New Encyc. of 
 Social Reform, 
 1290-1291, 
 1301-1303. 
 
 Hecker, Hist. 
 of Women's 
 Rights, 
 157-174. 
 
572 
 
 American History 
 
 [1913 
 
 Increase in 
 number of 
 political and 
 civil rights. 
 
 Abbot, L., in 
 World's Work, 
 8 (1904), 
 5033-5042. 
 
 The Nineteenth 
 
 Century, 
 
 179-204. 
 
 Harper, J., 
 in Rei). of 
 Revs., 46 
 (1912), 700- 
 704. 
 
 Cleveland, 
 Organized 
 Democracy, 
 151-168. 
 
 Results of the 
 changes. 
 
 Giddings, 
 Democracy and 
 Empire, 
 165-176. 
 
 Nearing, 
 Woman and 
 Social Prog- 
 ress, 217-239, 
 256-264. 
 
 in the legal disabilities of women, especially of those who 
 were married. Because many of them believed that woman's 
 rights were to be obtained only through woman's suffrage, 
 they devoted most of their attention to securing the ballot 
 for women. This attempt was not particularly successful, 
 but the desire to improve the legal position of women has 
 produced remarkable results. 
 
 In 1913 women voted, on the same terms as men, in nine 
 states, Wyoming, Colorado, Utah, Idaho, Washington, 
 California, Kansas, Oregon and Arizona.^ In several states 
 women who own property may vote on all questions directly 
 involving taxation. In about one half of the states in the 
 Union all women over twenty-one years of age are allowed 
 to vote at school elections. Married women are now 
 allowed to own separate property, and in most of the states 
 have complete control of its disposal. In many states all 
 that is earned and saved after marriage becomes the joint 
 property of husband and wife, who are supposed to have 
 contributed equally in bearing the family burdens. Many 
 civil rights which were denied to women formerly now enable 
 them to protect themselves. Unfortunate as many of the 
 results of our lenient divorce laws have been, these laws 
 have been an important factor in freeing women from the 
 unequal and unjust burdens which marriage formerly 
 placed upon many of them. 
 
 The so-called emancipation of women has been aided 
 by the new occupations opened to them. They have 
 entered all the professions. Several colleges are devoted 
 exclusively to women, and most of the others admit men and 
 women on the same terms. Certain occupations are filled 
 almost exclusively by women, and in several others they 
 have compelled men to work for lower wages, this being one 
 of the serious disadvantages of a movement which has 
 made women " independent." As ordinary wage earners, 
 moreover, women, and children as well, are protected by the 
 laws which limit the number of hours per week that they 
 1 In Illinois women vote for presidential electors and for local officers. 
 
1 91 3] Political and Social Changes 573 
 
 may be employed, and in some cases the laws have provided Barnes, E., in 
 
 for a minimum wage (§ 459). Atlantic Mo., 
 
 482. The Distribution of Wealth. — It has seemed neces- ^^°^^T \ 
 
 1 10 — 1 24» 200 — 
 
 sary to protect labor because our wealth has increased 265. 
 
 rapidly, and it has not been distributed as evenly as in plutocracy. 
 
 former years. On account of the organization of great Bliss (ed.), 
 
 corporations which the laws have created and protected, New Encyc. of 
 
 and sometimes aided as well, great fortunes have been S<^<^^<^^ Reform, 
 
 J 1 11- IT'. I278-I28I. 
 
 amassed by a number of people. It is estimated that i per 
 
 cent of the people of the United States hold more than one /g^a^/j^LT 
 
 one half of the wealth. mocracy, 28-57. 
 
 At the same time poverty has increased, largely on account Poverty. 
 
 of the congestion of population in our large cities, where Wages. 
 
 the people frequently cannot get employment. Unemploy- Bliss (ed.), 
 
 ment is much more common to-day than it was two genera- ^^"'^ Encyc. of 
 mi r . Social Reform, 
 
 tions ago. I he lact is not generally understood, however, 933-941, 
 
 that the ordinary wage earner has nearly doubled his wages 1 266-1 271. 
 
 in the last seventy-five years. This is not only true of the Divine, Misery 
 
 money wage, that is, the wage in dollars and cents ; it is ^^^ ^^^ Causes, 
 
 true also of the purchasing power of the wage, for general „ °^ 
 
 prices have not increased materially during the last three Poverty, 1-65. 
 quarters of a century.^ The high wages in the United States 
 have been due to our boundless natural resources, to improve- 
 ments in our machines and in the organization of our busi- 
 nesses, to the efficiency of the American laborer and to the 
 organization of labor. 
 
 The wages would be still higher and our great wealth would Conservation 
 
 be more evenly distributed had we not parted with our ^^"^ ^^^ ^^^~ 
 
 valuable timber and coal lands, our iron deposits and supplies J^^ltii^^ ° 
 
 of oil, fine water power sites, valuable water rights and termi- ,, „ . . 
 ... . . . Howe, Pnvt- 
 
 nal facilities, for little or nothing. By keeping for the public lege and 
 
 the immense resources which still belong to the people, by Democracy, 
 
 adopting corporation, inheritance, and income taxes that will ^ ^'^' 
 
 make those wealthy citizens contribute more nearly accord- 
 
 1 Prices of food and some other necessaries have increased, however, and 
 the laborer is not twice as well oflf as he was in 1840, although his standard of 
 living has improved. 
 
5/4 
 
 Afucricafi History' 
 
 [1913 
 
 Advantages of 
 our land policy 
 in the past. 
 
 Bullock. 
 Rtddings in 
 PtiblU' Finamc, 
 04-72. 
 
 Disadvantages 
 in general. 
 
 Humphrey. 
 L. K.. in 
 Atlantic Mo., 
 102 UqoS), 
 1-9. 
 
 Human life. 
 
 Van Hise. 
 Coftsen'alioH. 
 
 ing to their ability instead of leaving the burden of taxation 
 on the poorer members of society, and by placing upon 
 society the burden of industrial accidents, much has already 
 been accomplished toward a better distribution of wealth. 
 
 483. The Past and the Future. — Xothing has affected 
 more vitally the political development of the United States, as 
 well as the economic progress and the social life of the peo- 
 ple, than the disposal of our agricultural lands. During 
 the closing years of the Revolution the public lands in the 
 West produced the chief bond of union among the states. 
 In the West the possibility of acquiring title to public lands 
 was a very important factor in the rapid development of 
 the section east of the Mississippi between 18 15 and 1S60. 
 and west of the Mississippi after the War for the I'nion. Our 
 public land policy helped to keep us a nation of small farmers. 
 It aided in the development of a real democracy, not simply 
 political, but economic and social. It helped us to absorb as 
 true American citizens multitudes of foreigners who have 
 come to us. 
 
 Just as the establishment of small farms, three quarters 
 of a century ago, created a West in which political equality 
 was the rule and great distinctions the exception, so in later 
 years the liberal grants of agricultural, mineral, and forest 
 lands helped to develop a class which, througli the misappli- 
 cation or maladministration of these land laws, grew rich and 
 powerful at public expense. In parting with its greatest 
 natural asset, its rich agricultural lands, the United States 
 has made a great blunder, so far as the lands did not become 
 the permanent homes of a numerous and thrifty class of 
 small farmers. 
 
 A more important subject, little, as yet, under the super- 
 vision of our governments, is the conservation of human 
 life. When we notice the appalling losses due to our haste 
 in the search for wealth, to our carelessness or indiffeience, 
 we must recognize the need of remedial action to ward off 
 accidents, disease, and death. We must expect in the future 
 a much greater amount of governmental supervision, pos- 
 
1783] TJic Xation and its Goz'cnDfunt 575 
 
 sibly of direct interference, for the conservation of life and Marsluill. 
 
 health. What shall it nrotit our nation, if it shall con- ^^'"-l^^- -^"^^ 
 
 , , . - , ,. . . Fiold. Matc- 
 
 serv'e its natural resources and sacntice the lives ol its ^-^^^^ f^^^ »^^^^^j^, 
 
 people ? of Ecotiomks, 
 
 I-M-I34- 
 
 The Nation and Its Government — A Comparison 
 
 484. Changes of a Century and a Third. — As we U)ok The American 
 back over the years since the United States lirst declared i>^-^n>lo of 1770. 
 themselves independent of Great Britain, we cannot fail to 
 be im{)ressed with the great changes that have taken jWace. 
 It is not simply the fact that the America of that day con- 
 sisted of only thirteen states with but two millions and a 
 half inhabitants. The peoi)le then lived really in a different 
 world from that which we know. Before the days of steam 
 and electricity and machinery, life was simple and narrow. 
 Their political ideas and ideals im[)ress us as being con- 
 servative and provincial. One standard of life, its purpose 
 and its methods, prevailed in the North ; others, elsewhere. 
 Their political standards were alike only in their intense 
 hatred for monarchy, their equal distrust of real democracy. 
 
 Ditficult as it is to measure and compare views and Territorial and 
 abstract qualities, we must content ourselves with the con- iiulustrial ex- 
 
 1 1 • • • 1 r ^1 ^ 1 < ]• 1 pansion since 
 
 trast presented by institutions and iorces that can be studied 
 easily. We can see how the territory of the United States, 
 which in 1776 covered only the Atlantic slope, with vague 
 claims to the interior, expanded in 1783 to the Mississippi 
 then extended to the Rockies, the Gulf of Mexico, and finally 
 the Pacific, stretching across the finest part of the continent 
 and washed by the waters of the two great oceans of the 
 globe. We can note the acquisition of outposts in different 
 parts of the world that bind us closer to the rest of the human 
 family. The two millions and a half have grown to nearly 
 one hundred millions, excluding those living in our insular 
 possessions. Our total wealth, measured then by the 
 hundred millions, is now estimated at much more than one 
 hundred billions. Our foreign commerce has expanded 
 
5/6 
 
 America7i History 
 
 [1913 
 
 Three great 
 political con- 
 tributions to 
 the world. 
 
 Changes in 
 
 American 
 
 government. 
 
 fifty-fold. Then we had no manufactures except the humble 
 shops that employed but few hands. Now single corpora- 
 tions employ almost as many men as there were in any 
 state in those days. We can cross the continent in less 
 time than our ancestors could go from New York to 
 Boston and with less discomfort than they could go from 
 town to town. But we need not multiply illustrations. 
 Certainly it must be clear to every one that the material 
 progress since 1776 has revolutionized the world of that 
 day. 
 
 485. Important Characteristics of American Political 
 Development. — Yet it is not in material development 
 but in the political field that we must look for those char- 
 acteristics which distinguish the United States from other 
 nations. We have developed certain political ideas and 
 influenced the world by persuading other nations to adopt 
 the principles which we have proved satisfactory in practice. 
 Of these, three deserve especial attention : (i) The United 
 States has proved not simply that a republic of a really dem- 
 ocratic nature may be developed, but that it may be devel- 
 oped on a large scale. The republics of history were small 
 and aristocratic. (2) The United States has furnished the 
 first example of a nation governed in accordance with a 
 written constitution, an example which most of the other 
 nations have followed. (3) The United States was the 
 first nation to prove that a federal system of government can be 
 used to advantage, combining complete autonomy of the 
 states in matters of local interest with the supremacy of the 
 national government in public questions of national im- 
 portance.^ 
 
 The political success of the American nation has been due 
 in a great degree to the combination of these three princi- 
 ples : democracy, the written constitution, and a federal 
 system. But the development of the nation, as we have 
 noticed in detail elsewhere, was a process completed only 
 
 1 On the nature of federalism in America, see the author's American 
 Government, or for a fuller account, his American Federal State, Chapter X. 
 
'913] The Nation and Its Goveimment 577 
 
 after a long, bitter struggle. Although there have been but 
 seventeen amendments to the written Constitution, that 
 great document has been modified constantly through a 
 liberal construction of its provisions, through the enactment 
 of laws on new subjects, and the adoption of new methods. 
 These important court decisions, statutes, and customs that 
 have supplemented the written Constitution are called the 
 unwritten constitution.^ 
 
 Popular government in the United States under a written Political 
 constitution involves a system of representation, as practi- P^^'^ies and our 
 cally all people in the United States are citizens and most ^°^^™^^^ • 
 men and women are voters. As the people cannot act q^J^^'^ ^^^ 
 directly in the conduct of many public affairs, they must 204-213. 
 depend on political parties. These parties not only are 
 the means through which the American people govern them- 
 selves, but the political party has done an inestimable serv- 
 ice in uniting the people. The parties are largely respon- 
 sible for the harmonious working, not only of different 
 branches of any one government, but of our two great sets 
 of government, state and national. 
 
 486. The People, the Nation, and the Government. — Class rule in 
 
 In 1780 the United States was governed by classes. People eighteenth 
 11 11 1 . r century. 
 
 could not vote unless they owned a certam amount of prop- 
 erty and had been for a long time residents of the state and 
 district. Officials were by law usually required to own a 
 much greater amount of property, and by custom they were 
 ordinarily drawn from certain families. Except in the New 
 England townships the local government was by no means 
 popular, for elsewhere the town, parish, and county officers 
 were either appointed by the state governments or chosen 
 by a few persons. 
 
 To-day manhood suffrage is practically universal and The democracy 
 woman suffrage is gaining ground. Religious qualifications °^ to-day. 
 were abolished long ago, when State and Church were 
 separated, but the nation has become more rather than less 
 
 1 On the unwritten constitutions and the changes in government which it 
 supports, see Ashley, American Government, §§ 206-211. 
 2 P 
 
5/8 American History [191 3 
 
 religious. The few restrictions of time, residence, and 
 citizenship for electors are essentials of good government. 
 Officeholding is open to any one who has the personal quali- 
 ties needed for winning popular favor. All of the chief 
 positions in national, state, and local governments are filled 
 by popular election, and changes in fundamental law must 
 meet with the approval of voters. The people may propose 
 laws in a great many states and may insist that the proposed 
 laws be ratified by them. The people cooperate in govern- 
 ment largely through parties, but the control of those parties 
 belongs to them ; for no one that seeks to become a party 
 dictator or " boss " can maintain his position in the long 
 run ^^'ithout popular support. We have now as truly a 
 government '' of the people, by the people, for the people " 
 as ever existed, with most of the benefits and most of the 
 faults inherent in democratic rule. 
 The nation Although our governments respond rather slowly to the 
 
 popular will, a situation not without many advantages in 
 a democracy, in the long run~our laws and our constitutions 
 register the sober second thought of the nation. The adop- 
 tion of new political devices to make more real the rule of the 
 people and the enactment of laws for social betterment are 
 but signs of the times. The twentieth century is certain to 
 bring us epoch-making social changes. If we consider the 
 new position of woman, or the better provision for those that 
 labor \vith their hands, or the control by the public through 
 its government of great resources and businesses, we see 
 that the nation is trying to adjust itself to the newer need 
 of a society which cannot exist under eighteenth-century 
 conditions, and will not follow the models of the nineteenth. 
 Since nationality and democracy were the great products of 
 the century that is just past, in America and in Europe, 
 we can no longer look forward to them as goals ; but we must 
 look forward to a new national democracy that demands 
 social progress and seeks to work out better ideas of social 
 welfare. 
 
 and its social 
 problems. 
 
19' 4] TJic Nation and Its Govcriimoit 
 
 579 
 
 TOPICS 
 
 1. Industrial Arbitration: Bliss (ed.), "New Encyclopedia of 
 Social Reform," pp. 58-64; National Industrial Commission, "Final 
 Report," XIX, pp. 833-862; Carlton, "History and Problems of 
 Organized Labor,"' 228-262. 
 
 2. Child Labor: Adams and Sumner, "Labor Problems," pp. 2q- 
 37, 58-67; Bliss, "New Encyclopedia of Social Reform," pp. 170- 
 181; Lovejoy, O. R., in Annals of Amer. Academy, 38 (191 2), sup, 
 31-38; Carlton, "History and Problems of Organized Labor," pp. 
 389-398; Mangold, "Child Problems," 159-217; Nearing, " Child 
 Labor." 
 
 3. Employers' Liability: Carlton, "History and Problems of 
 Organized Labor," pp. 292-310; Seager, "Social Insurance," pp. 24- 
 83 ; Eastman, "Work Accidents and the Law," pp. 169-220; Annals 
 of Amer. Academy, 38 (191 1), 144-229; Campbell, "Industrial 
 Liability," Rubinow, "Social Insurance," pp. 28-45, 86-107. 
 
 4. Commission Form of City Government : Bru^re, "New City 
 Government," pp. 16—99; Bradford, "Commission Gov't in Amer. 
 Cities," pp. 127—146, 181-213, 291—306; Hamilton, "Dethronement 
 of the City Boss," pp. 9-25, 169-181 ; Annals of Amer. Academy, 38 
 (1911), pp. 671-943.) 
 
 5. Protection of the Public Health: Bruere, "New City 
 Government," pp. 401-413; Beard, "Amer. City Government," 
 pp. 261-286; McGrath, W. M., in Survey, 27 (1912), 1501-1514; 
 Annals of Amer. Academy, 37 (1911), 3-12, 123-126, 192—220, 250- 
 260; Allen, "Civics and Health." 
 
 STUDIES 
 
 1. Growth of manufactures in the U. S. (Rogers, "Development of 
 the North" ( North America, XVIII), pp. 235-250.) 
 
 2. Development of the South since the Civil War. (Bruce, "Rise 
 of the New South" (North Amerka, XXVII), pp. 455-472.) 
 
 3. The Mann-Elkins Railway Act of 1910. (Ripley. " Railroads : 
 Rates and Regulation," 557-580.) 
 
 4. Control of railways by a state (Texas). (Haney, L. H., in Jour. 
 Pol. Economy, 19 (1911), 437-455-) 
 
 5. The relation of state to interstate railway regulation. {Literary 
 
 Digest, 46 (1913). 1361-1363-) 
 
 6. The anti-trust policies of the Taft administration. (Wicker- 
 sham, G. W., in Century, ?>7, (1912), 616-622.) 
 
 7. Our "Bumper" crops. 
 
 8. Commercial invasion of Europe. (Vanderlip, F., in Scribner's 
 Magazine, 31 (1902).) 
 
 9. The American Federation of Labor. (Carlton, "History and 
 Problems of Organized Labor," 74-82.) 
 
58o American History [191 4 
 
 10. The need of a minimum wage. ("O. Henry," in McClure, 
 35 (1910), 688-690.) 
 
 11. The problem of the African. (Shaler, " The Neighbor," pp. 
 126-191.) 
 
 12. The new problem of immigration. (Fairchild, "Immigra- 
 tion," 369-380.) 
 
 13. Five American contributions to civilization. (Eliot, "Amer- 
 ican Contributions to Civilization," pp. 1-38.) 
 
 14. Some reasons why the American republic may endure. (Eliot, 
 ''American Contributions to Civilization," pp. 39-7°-) 
 
 15. Geographic distribution of immigration. (Semple, " American 
 History and its Geographic Influences," pp. 310-336.) 
 
 16. The American intellect. (Wendell, Barrett, in "Cambridge 
 Modern History," pp. 723-751.) 
 
 QUESTIONS 
 
 1. Place in your notebook a complete summary of the following 
 topics, showing the sections of the text in which details may be ob- 
 tained: territorial growth, railway development and control, foreign 
 relations in general, social changes after the (i) Revolutionary War, 
 (2) during the first half of the nineteenth century, (3) during the last 
 half century. 
 
 2. What are the chief advantages of economic consoHdation ? 
 What are the disadvantages of the policy ? Why do not trusts raise 
 prices indefinitely if they have no competition ? 
 
 3. Should there be more restraint of corporations than at present ? 
 What are the chief difiiculties in railway regulation ? How does our 
 federal system of government complicate the railway problem? 
 What are the advantages and disadvantages of government ownership 
 of railways ? 
 
 4. What has been gained through organization of labor ? Should 
 there be compulsory arbitration of some, or all, labor disputes ? How 
 does labor legislation affect industry ? the workers ? society ? 
 
 5. Compare the immigration of to-day with that of former years, 
 noting races represented, places where immigrants settle, immigra- 
 tion problems to be solved. If present non-Teutonic immigration 
 continues, how long before the United States will cease to be an 
 "Anglo-Saxon" nation? 
 
 6. What are the advantages of universal suffrage? the disad- 
 vantages ? Is the franchise of to-day likely to become more or less 
 restricted ? Was the fifteenth amendment a mistake ? Give argu- 
 ments for and against woman suffrage. 
 
 7. What are the chief problems for the nation to solve? What 
 solutions have been suggested for each ? 
 
APPENDIX 
 
 THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE 
 
 (^Adopted by the Continental Congress^ July 4///, 1776.) 
 
 |n C#i:(i^@.§§, |ulg 4, 1776. %\t unanimous bwlHration of i\% 
 thirteen unit«b states of gimcrita. 
 
 When in the Course of human events, it becomes necessary 
 for one people to dissolve the political bands which have con- 
 nected them with another, and to assume among the powers of 
 the earth, the separate and equal station to which the Laws of 
 Nature and of Nature's God entitle them, a decent respect to the 
 opinions of mankind requires that they should declare the causes 
 which impel them to the separation. 
 
 We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created 
 equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain un- 
 alienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty and the pur- 
 suit of Happiness. That to secure these rights, Governments are 
 instituted among Men, deriving their just powers from the con- 
 sent of the governed, — That whenever any Form of Government 
 becomes destructive of these ends, it is the Right of the People 
 to alter or to abolish it, and to institute new Government, laying 
 its foundation on such principles and organizing its powers in 
 such form, as to them shall seem most likely to effect their Safety 
 and Happiness. Prudence, indeed, will dictate that Governments 
 long established should not be changed for light and transient 
 causes ; and accordingly all experience hath shewn, that mankind 
 are more disposed to suifer, while evils are suiferable, than to 
 right themselves by abolishing the forms to which they are 
 accustomed. But when a long train of abuses and usurpations, 
 pursuing invariably the same Object evinces a design to reduce 
 them under absolute Despotism, it is their right, it is their duty, 
 to throw off such Government, and to provide new Guards for 
 their future security. Such has been the patient sufferance of 
 these Colonies ; and such is now the necessity which constrains 
 them to alter their former Systems of Government. The history 
 of the present King of Great Britain is a history of repeated 
 injuries and usurpations, all having in direct object the establish- 
 
ii The Declaration of Independe^ice 
 
 ment of an absolute Tyranny over these States. To prove this, 
 let Facts be submitted to a candid world. 
 
 He has refused his Assent to Laws, the most w^holesome and 
 necessary for the public good. 
 
 He has forbidden his Governors to pass Laws of immediate 
 and pressing importance, unless suspended in their operation till 
 his Assent should be obtained ; and when so suspended, he has 
 utterly neglected to attend to them. 
 
 He has refused to pass other Laws for the accommodation of 
 large districts of people, unless those people would relinquish the 
 right of Representation in the Legislature, a right inestimable to 
 them and formidable to tyrants only. 
 
 He has called together legislative bodies at places unusual, 
 uncomfortable, and distant from the depository of their public 
 Records, for the sole purpose of fatiguing them into compliance 
 with his measures. 
 
 He has dissolved Representative Houses repeatedly, for oppos- 
 ing with manly firmness his invasions on the rights of the people. 
 
 He has refused for a long time, after such dissolutions, to cause 
 others to be elected ; whereby the Legislative powers, incapable 
 of Annihilation, have returned to the People at large for their 
 exercise; the State remaining in the mean time exposed to all 
 the dangers of invasion from without, and convulsions within. 
 
 He has endeavoured to prevent the population of these States; 
 for that purpose obstructing the Laws for Naturalization of Foreign- 
 ers ; refusing to pass others to encourage their migration hither, 
 and raising the conditions of new^ Appropriations of Lands. 
 
 He has obstioicted the Administration of Justice, by refusing 
 his Assent to Laws for establishing Judiciary powers. 
 
 He has made Judges dependent on his Will alone, for the 
 tenure of their offices, and the amount and payment of their sala- 
 ries. 
 
 He has erected a multitude of New Offices, and sent hither 
 swarms of Officers to harass our people, and eat out their sub- 
 stance. 
 
 He has kept among us, in times of peace, Standing Armies 
 without the Consent of our legislatures. 
 
 He has affected to render the Military independent of and 
 superior to the Civil power. 
 
 He has combined with others to subject us to a jurisdiction 
 foreign to our constitution, and unacknowledged by our laws; 
 giving his Assent to their Acts of pretended Legislation : 
 
The Declaration of Indepeitdence iii 
 
 For quartering large bodies ot armed troops among us: 
 
 For protecting them, by a mock Trial, from punishment, for 
 any Murders which they should commit on the Inhabitants of 
 these States : 
 
 For cutting oft our Trade with all parts of the world : 
 
 For imposing Taxes on us without our Consent : 
 
 For depriving us in many cases, of the benefits of Trial by 
 Jury: 
 
 For transporting us beyond Seas to be tried for pretended 
 oftences : 
 
 For abolishing the free System ol English Laws in a neigh- 
 bouring Province, establishing therein an Arbitrary government, 
 and enlarging its Boundaries so as to render it at once an exam- 
 ple and fit instrument for introducing the same absolute nile into 
 these Colonies : 
 
 For taking away our Charters, abolishing our most valuable 
 Laws, and altering fundamentally the P^orms of our Govern- 
 ments : 
 
 For suspending our own Legislatures, and declaring themselves 
 invested with power to legislate for us in all cases whatsoever. 
 
 He has abdicated Government here, by declaring us out of his 
 Protection and waging War against us. 
 
 He has plundered our seas, ravaged our Coasts, burnt our 
 towns, and destroyed the lives of our people. 
 
 He is at this time transporting large Armies of foreign Merce- 
 naries to compleat the works of death, desolation and tyranny, 
 already begun with circumstances of Cruelty & perfidy scarcely 
 parallel in the most barbarous ages, and totally unworthy the 
 Head of a civilized nation 
 
 He has constrained our fellow Citizens taken Captive on the 
 high Seas to bear Arms against their Country, to become the 
 executioners of their friends and Brethren, or to fall themselves 
 by their Hands. 
 
 He has excited domestic insurrections among us, and has 
 endeavoured to bring on the inhabitants of our frontiers, the 
 merciless Indian Savages, whose known rule of warfare, is an 
 undistinguished destruction of all ages, sexes and conditions. 
 
 In every stage of these Oppressions We have Petitioned for 
 Redress in the most humble terms : Our repeated Petitions have 
 been answered only by repeated injury. A Prince whose char- 
 acter is thus marked by every act which may define a Tyrant, is 
 unfit to be the ruler of a free people. 
 
iv TJie Declaration of hidependence 
 
 Nor have We been wanting in attentions to our Brittish 
 brethren. We have warned them from time to time of attempts 
 by their legislature to extend an unwarrantable jurisdiction over 
 us. W^e have reminded them of the circumstances of our emi- 
 gration and settlement here. We have appealed to their native 
 justice and magnanimity, and we have conjured them by the ties 
 of our common kindred to disavow these usurpations, which 
 would inevitably interrupt our connections and correspondence. 
 They too have been deaf to the voice of justice and of con- 
 sanguinity. We must, therefore, acquiesce in the necessity, which 
 denounces our Separation, and hold them, as we hold the rest of 
 mankind, Enemies in War, in Peace Friends. 
 
 ®lr. tbrrrforc, the Representatives of the ^Inileb .StatES of 
 America, in General Congress, Assembled, appealing to the 
 Supreme Judge of the world for the rectitude of our intentions, 
 do, in the Name, and by Authority of the good People of these 
 Colonies solemnly publish and declare, That these United 
 Colonies are, and of Right ought to be free anir |nbfpE«bcttt 
 ^tatts ; that they are Absolved from all Allegiance to the British 
 Crown, and that all political connection between them and the 
 State of Great Britain, is and ought to be totally dissolved ; and 
 that as Free and Independent States, they have full Power 
 to levy War, conclude Peace, contract Alliances, establish Com- 
 merce, and to do all other Acts and Things which Independent 
 States may of right do. And for the support of this Declara- 
 tion, with a firm reliance on the protection of divine Providence, 
 we mutually pledge to each other our Lives, our Fortunes, and 
 our sacred Honor. 
 
 JOHN HANCOCK. 
 
 1 \_New Hampshire.'] \Rhode Island.'] 
 
 JosiAH Bartlett, Stephen Hopkins, 
 
 William Whipple, William Ellery. 
 Matthew Thornton. 
 
 \_Massac/iusetts Bay.] {Connecticut.] 
 
 Samuel Adams, Roger Sherman, 
 
 John Adams, Samuel Huntington, 
 
 Robert Treat Paine, William Williams, 
 
 Elbridge Gerry. Oliver Wolcott. 
 
 1 This arrangement of the names is made for convenience. The States 
 are not mentioned in the original. 
 
The Declaratio7i of Independence 
 
 \JVew Vork.'] 
 William Floyd, 
 Philip Livingston, 
 Francis Lewis, 
 Lewis Morris. 
 
 [^ATeuf Jersey.'] 
 Richard Stockton, 
 John Witherspoon, 
 Francis Hopkinson, 
 John Hart, 
 Abraham Clark. 
 
 [Pennsylvania.'] 
 Robert Morris, 
 Benjamin Rush, - 
 Benjamin Franklin, 
 John Morton, 
 George Clymer, 
 James Smith, 
 George Taylor, 
 James Wilson, 
 George Ross. 
 
 [Delaware.] 
 
 CiESAR Rodney, 
 George Read, 
 Thomas M'Kean. 
 
 [Maryland.] 
 Samuel Chase, 
 William Paca, 
 
 Thomas Stone, 
 Charles Carroll of 
 Carrollton. 
 
 [ Virgima.] 
 
 George Wythe, 
 Richard Henry Lee, 
 Thomas Jefferson, 
 Benjamin Harrison, 
 Thomas Nelson, Jr., 
 Francis Lightfoot Lee, 
 Carter Braxton. 
 
 [North Carolina.] 
 
 William Hooper, 
 Joseph Hewes, 
 John Penn. 
 
 [South Carolina.] 
 
 Edward Rutledge, 
 Thomas Heyward, Jr., 
 Thomas Lynch, Jr., 
 Arthur Middleton. 
 
 [Georgia.] 
 
 Button Gwinnett, 
 Lyman Hall, 
 Geo. Walton. 
 
CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES 
 
 We the people of the United States, in Order to form a more 
 perfect Union, establish Justice, insure domestic Tranquility, pro- 
 vide for the common defence, promote the general Welfare, and 
 secure the Blessings of Liberty to ourselves and our Posterity, 
 do ordain and establish this Constitution for the United States 
 of America. 
 
 Akticle. I. 
 
 Section 1. All legislative Powers herein granted shall be vested 
 in a Congress of the United States, which shall consist of a Senate 
 and House of Representatives. 
 
 Section 2. [1] The House of Representatives shall be composed 
 of Members chosen every second Year by the People of the several 
 States, and the Electors in each State shall have the Qualifications 
 requisite for Electors of the most numerous Branch of the State 
 Legislature. 
 
 [2] No Person shall be a Representative who shall not have at- 
 tained to the age of twenty-five Years, and been seven Years a 
 Citizen of the United States, and who shall not, when elected, be 
 an Inhabitant of that State in which he shall be chosen. 
 
 [3] [Representatives and direct Taxes shall be apportioned 
 among the several States which may be included within this 
 Union, according to their respective Numbers, which shall be 
 determined by adding to the whole Number of free Persons, 
 including those bound to Service for a Term of Years, and exclud- 
 ing Indians not taxed, three fifths of all other Persons.] The 
 actual Enumeration shall be made within three Years after 
 the first Meeting of the Congress of the United States, and 
 within every subsequent Term of ten Years, in such Manner as 
 they shall by Law direct. The Number of Representatives shall 
 
 Pream- 
 ble. Ob- 
 jects of the 
 Constitu- 
 tion. 
 
 Congress. 
 
 Two 
 
 houses. 
 
 House of 
 Represent 
 tatives. 
 Term and 
 election. 
 
 Qualifica- 
 tions — 
 age, citi- 
 zenship, 
 residence. 
 Method of 
 apportion- 
 ing repre- 
 sentatives. 
 (Part in 
 brackets 
 super- 
 seded by 
 Sec. 2 of 
 Amend- 
 ment 
 XIV.) 
 Census 
 
Vlll 
 
 Constitution of tJic United States 
 
 Tempo- 
 
 appor- 
 tionment 
 
 Vacancies. 
 
 Ofl&cers. 
 
 not exceed one for every thirty Thousand, but each State shall 
 have at least one Representative ; and until such enumeration 
 shall be made, the State of Xew Hampshire shall be entitled to 
 chuse three, Massachusetts eight, Rhode-Island and Providence 
 Plantations one, Connecticut five, Xew York six, Xew Jersey four, 
 Pennsylvania eight, Delaware one, Maryland six, Virginia ten, 
 Xorth Carolina five. South Carolina five, and Georgia three. 
 
 [■i] When vacancies happen in the Representation from any 
 State, the Executive Authority thereof shall issue AA'rits of Elec- 
 tion to fill such Vacancies. 
 
 [5] The House of Representatives shall chuse their Speaker and 
 other Oflicers ; and shall have the sole Power of Impeachment. 
 
 Senate. 
 Election 
 and term. 
 
 Division of 
 Senators 
 into three 
 classes. 
 
 Vacancies. 
 
 r 
 
 Qualifica- 
 tions — 
 age, citi- 
 zenship, 
 residence. 
 Vice-presi- 
 dent. 
 
 Officers. 
 
 Trial of 
 impeach- 
 ments. 
 
 Section 3. [1] The Senate of the United States shall be com- 
 posed of two Senators from each State, chosen by the Legislature 
 thereof, for six Years ; and each Senator shall have one Vote. 
 
 [2] Immediately after they shall be assembled in Consequence 
 of the first Election, they shall be divided as equally as may be into 
 three Classes. The Seats of the Senators of the first Class shall be 
 vacated at the Expiration of the second Year, of the second Class 
 at the Expiration of the fourth Year, and of the third Class at the 
 Expiration of the sixth Year, so that one-third may be chosen 
 every second Year; and if Vacancies happen by Resignation, or 
 otherwise, during the Recess of the Legislature of any State, the 
 Executive thereof may make temporary Appointments until the 
 next INIeeting of the Legislature, which shall then fill such Va- 
 cancies. 
 
 [3] Xo Person shall be a Senator who shall not have attained to 
 the Age of thirty Years, and been nine Years a Citizen of the United 
 States, and who shall not, when elected, be an Inhabitant of that 
 State for which he shall be chosen. 
 
 [4] The Vice President of the United States shall be President 
 of the Senate, but shall have no Vote, unless they be equally 
 divided. 
 
 [5] The Senate shall chuse their other Officers, and also a Presi- 
 dent pro tempore, in the Absence of the Vice President, or when 
 he shall exercise the Office of President of the United States. 
 
 [6] The Senate shall have the sole Power to try all Impeach- 
 ments. When sitting for that Purpose, they shall be on Oath or 
 Affirmation. When the President of the United States is tried, 
 
Constitution of the United States 
 
 IX 
 
 the Chief Justice shall preside : And no Person shall be convicted 
 without the Concurrence of two thirds of the Members present. 
 
 [7] Judgment in Cases of Impeachment shall not extend further Judgment 
 than to removal from Office, and disqualification to hold and enjoy !" ^'^.^^^ ^' 
 any Office of honor, Trust or Profit under the United States : but meut?^ ' 
 the Party convicted shall nevertheless be liable and subject to 
 Indictment, Trial, Judgment and Punishment, according to Law. 
 
 Section 4. [1] The Times, Places and Manner of holding P^lec- Both 
 
 tions for Senators and Representatives, shall be prescribed in each ;^^""*'<^^- 
 
 State by the Legislature thereof; but the Congress may at any piaces'and 
 
 time by Law make or alter such Regulations, except as to the method of 
 
 Places of chusing Senators. electing 
 
 [2] The Congress shall assemble at least once in every Year, and "^^"'^*^^'^- 
 
 such Meeting shall be on the first Monday in December, unless they meetiug. 
 shall by Law appoint a different Day. 
 
 Section 5. [1] Each House shall be the Judge of the Elections, Member- 
 Returns and Qualifications of its own Members, and a Majority of ^^"P ^•^^u- 
 each shall constitute a Quorum to do Business ; but a smaller Num- Quorum, 
 ber may adjourn from day to day, and may be authorized to compel 
 the attendance of absent Members, in such Manner, and under 
 such Penalties as each House may provide. 
 
 [2] Each House may determine the Rules of its Proceedings, Rules of 
 punish its Members for disorderly Behaviour, and, with the Con- ^^^^ 
 currence of two thirds, expel a Member. ouse. 
 
 [3] Each House shall keep a Journal of its Proceedings, and Journals, 
 from time to time publish the same, excepting such Parts as may 
 in their Judgment require Secrecy ; and the Yeas and Nays of the 
 Members of either House on any question shall, at the Desire of 
 one fifth of those Present, be entered on the Journal. 
 
 [4] Neither House, during the Session of Congress, shall, without Special 
 the Consent of the other, adjourn for more than three days, nor to adjourn- 
 any other Place than that in which the two Houses shall be sitting. 
 
 Section 6. [1] The Senators and Representatives shall receive a Members. 
 
 Compensation for their Services, to be ascertained by law, and paid Compen- 
 
 out of the Treasury of the United States. They shall in all Cases, s^l^i^^^ ^'^^ 
 
 except Treason, Felony, and Breach of the Peace, be privileged Q^^^g^f 
 
 from Arrest during their Attendance at the Session of their respec- -bers. 
 tive Houses, and in going to and returning from the same ; and for 
 
CoHstifi/tion of tJie United States 
 
 Disabili- 
 ties of 
 members. 
 
 B'dU and 
 resolu- 
 tions. 
 Revenue 
 bills. 
 Veto of 
 President 
 on bills. 
 
 any Speech or Debate in either House, they shall not be questioned 
 iu any other Place. 
 
 [2] No Senator or Representative shall, during the Time for 
 which he was elected, be appointed to any civil Office under the 
 Authority of the United States, which shall have been created, or 
 the Emoluments whereof shall have been encreased during such 
 time; and no Person holding any Office under the United States, 
 shall be a Member of either House during his Continuance in Office. 
 
 Section 7. [1] All Bills for raising Revenue shall originate in 
 the House of Representatives; but the Senate may propose or 
 concur with Amendments as on other Bills. 
 
 [2] Every Bill which shall have passed the House of Represen- 
 tatives and the Senate, shall, before it become a Law, be presented 
 to the President of the United States ; If he approve he shall sign 
 it, but if not he shall return it, with his Objections to that House 
 in which it shall have originated, who shall enter the Objections at 
 large on their Journal, and proceed to reconsider it. If after such 
 Reconsideration two thirds of that House shall agree to pass the 
 Bill, it shall be sent, together with the Objections, to the other 
 House, by which it shall likewise be reconsidered, and if approved 
 by two thirds of that House, it shall become a Law. But in all 
 such Cases the Votes of both Houses shall be deteimined by Yeas 
 and Nays, and the Names of the Persons voting for and against 
 the Bill shall be entered on the Journal of each House respectively. 
 If any Bill shall not be returned by the President within ten Days 
 (Sundays excepted) after it shall have been presented to him, the 
 Same shall be a Law, in like Manner as if he had signed it, unless 
 the Congress by their Adjournment prevent its Return, in which 
 Case it shall not be a Law. 
 
 [3] Every Order, Resolution, or Vote to which the Concurrence 
 of the Senate and House of Representatives may be necessary 
 (except on a question of Adjournment) shall be presented to the 
 President of the United States and before the Same shall take 
 Effect, shall be approved by him, or being disapproved by him, 
 shall be repassed by two thirds of the Senate and House of Rep- 
 resentatives, according to the Rules and Limitations prescribed in 
 the Case of a Bill. 
 
 Poicers of Section 8. The Congress shall have Power [1] To lay and 
 Congress, collect Taxes, Duties, Imposts and Excises, to pay the Debts and 
 
 Veto on 
 resolu- 
 tions. 
 
Co7istitution of the United States 
 
 XI 
 
 provide for the common Defence and general Welfare of the Taxation. 
 United States ; but all duties, Imposts and Excises shall be 
 
 uniform throughout the United States ; Borrow- 
 
 [2] To borrow Money on the credit of the United States; '^^' 
 
 [3] To regulate Commerce with foreign Nations, and among .^f^ ^ 
 
 the several States, and with the Indian Tribes; commerce 
 
 [4] To establish an uniform Rule of Naturalization, and Natural- 
 uniform Laws on the subject of Bankruptcies throughout the i^^ation 
 United States; and bank- 
 ' ruptcy. 
 
 [5] To coin Money, regulate the Value thereof, and of foreign Coins 
 
 Coin, and fix the Standard of Weights and Measures; weights, 
 
 [6] To provide for the Punishment of counterfeiting the ^"'^ 
 
 Securities and current Coin of the United States; measure 
 
 [7] To establish Post Offices and post Roads; feitin^. 
 
 [8] To promote the Progress of Science and useful Arts by Post 
 
 securing for limited Times to Authors and Inventors the exclusive offices. 
 
 Right to their respective Writings and Discoveries ; Patents 
 
 [9] To constitute Tribunals inferior to the supreme Court; ^P. ^^^^P^" 
 
 [10] To define and punish Piracies and Felonies committed on inferior 
 
 the high Seas, and (J)ffences against the Law of Nations; courts. 
 
 [11] To declare AV^ar, grant Letters of Marque and Reprisal, Piracies. 
 
 and make Rules concerning Captures on Land and Water; ^^'^r. 
 
 [12] To raise and support Armies, but no Appropriation of Army. 
 Money to that Use shall be for a longer Term than two Years; 
 
 [13] To provide and maintain a Navy; Navy. 
 
 [14] To make Rules for the Government and Regulation of ^^^^'^ ^°^ 
 
 the land and naval Forces; forces 
 
 [15] To provide for calling forth the Militia to execute the Militia, in 
 
 Laws of the Union, suppress Insurrections and repel Invasions; service. 
 
 [16] To provide for organizing, arming, and disciplining, the Militia, 
 
 Militia, and for governing such Part of them as may be employed ^.^saniza- 
 in the Service of the United States, reserving to the States respec- 
 tively, the Appointment of the Officers, and the Authority of 
 training the Militia according to the discipline prescribed by 
 Congress. 
 
 [17] To exercise exclusive Legislation in all Cases whatsoever, Seat of 
 
 over such District (not exceeding ten Miles square) as may, by govern- 
 
 Cession of particular States, and the Acceptance of Congress become stations 
 the Seat of the Government of the United States, and to exercise 
 like Authority over all Places purchased by the Consent of the 
 
Xll 
 
 Constitution of the United States 
 
 Supple- 
 mentary 
 legisla- 
 tion. 
 
 Legislature of the State in which the Same shall be, for the Erec- 
 tion of Forts, Magazines, Arsenals, dock-Yards, and other needful 
 Buildings ; — And 
 
 [18] To make all Laws which shall be necessary and proper for 
 carrying into Execution the foregoing Powers, and all other Pow- 
 ers vested by this Constitution in the Government of the United 
 States, or in any Department or Officer thereof. 
 
 Limita- 
 tio7is on 
 powers of 
 Congress. 
 
 Slave 
 trade. 
 
 Habeas 
 corpus. 
 Bills of 
 attainder 
 and ex 
 post facto 
 laws. 
 Direct tax. 
 
 Tax on 
 
 exports. 
 
 Uniform 
 commer- 
 cial regu- 
 lations. 
 
 Finance. 
 
 Titles of 
 nobility 
 and 
 presents. 
 
 Limita- 
 tions on 
 powers of 
 States. 
 
 Section 9. [1] The Migration or Importation of such Persons 
 as any of the States now existing shall think proper to admit, 
 shall not be prohibited by the Congress prior to the Year one 
 thousand eight hundred and eight, but a Tax or duty may be 
 imposed on such Importation, not exceeding ten dollars for each 
 Person. 
 
 [2] The Privilege of the Writ of Habeas Corpus shall not be 
 suspended, unless when in Cases of Rebellion or Invasion the 
 public Safety may require it. 
 
 [3] No Bill of Attainder or ex post facto Law shall be 
 
 [4] No Capitation, or other direct, tax shall be laid, unless in 
 Proportion to the Census or Enumeration hereinbefore directed to 
 be taken. 
 
 [5] No Tax or Duty shall be laid on Articles exported from any 
 State. 
 
 [6] No Preference shall be given by any Regulation of Com- 
 merce or Revenue to the Ports of one State over those of another : 
 nor shall Vessels bound to, or from, one State, be obliged to enter, 
 clear, or pay Duties in another. 
 
 [7] No money shall be drawn from the Treasury, but in Conse- 
 quence of Appropriations made by Law; and a regular Statement 
 and Account of the Receipts and Expenditures of all public Money 
 shall be published from time to time. 
 
 [8] No title of Nobility shall be granted by the United States : 
 And no Person holding any Office of Profit or Trust under them, 
 shall, without the Consent of the Congress, accept of any present. 
 Emolument, Office, or Title, of any kind whatever, from any King, 
 Prince, or foreign State. 
 
 Section 10. [1] No State shall enter into any Treaty, Alliance, 
 or Confederation ; grant Letters of Marque and Rej)risal ; coin 
 
Constitution of the U7iited States xiii 
 
 Money; emit Bills of Credit, make any Thing but gold and silver Specific 
 
 Coin a Tender in Payment of Debts ; pass any Bill of Attainder, Probibi- 
 
 ex post facto Law, or Law impairing the obligation of Contracts, ^^^^^' 
 or grant any Title of Nobility. 
 
 [2] No State shall, without the Consent of the Congress, lay any Limita- 
 
 Imposts or Duties on Imports or Exports, except what may be ^ions on 
 
 absolutely necessary for executing it's inspection Laws: and the ^"^P^^^^* 
 net Produce of all Duties and Imposts, laid by any State on 
 Imports or Exports, shall be for the Use of the Treasury of the 
 United States; and all such Laws shall be subject to the Revision 
 and Controul of the Congress. 
 
 [3] No State shall, without the Consent of Congress, lay any Prohibi- 
 Duty of tonnage, keep Troops, or Ships of War in time of Peace, tions re- 
 enter into any Agreement or Compact with another State, or with "^py^^^® 
 
 * • 15 -1X7 1 ^ 11 • 1 J • witbcon- 
 
 a foreign Power, or engage in War, unless actually invaded, or m ge^t of 
 
 such imminent Danger as will not admit of delay. Congress. 
 
 Article. II. 
 
 Section 1. [1] The executive Power shall be vested in a Presi- Presi- 
 
 dent of the United States of America. He shall hold his Office i^^^^t. 
 
 during the Term of four Years, and, together with the Vice Presi- Presiden- 
 
 dent, chosen for the same term, be elected, as follows : tial elec- 
 
 [2] Each State shall appoint, in such Manner as the Legislature tors and 
 
 thereof may direct, a Number of Electors, equal to the whole Num- ™®^ ? ^ 
 
 - ^ choosing 
 
 ber of Senators and Representatives to which the State may be president 
 
 entitled in the Congress: but no Senator or Representative, or 
 
 Person holding an Office of Trust or Profit under the United States, 
 
 shall be appointed an Elector. [The electors shall meet in their (Part in 
 
 respective States, and vote by ballot for two Persons, of whom one brackets 
 
 at least shall not be an inhabitant of the same State with them- g^ded by 
 
 selves. And they shall make a List of all the Persons voted for, XII 
 
 and of the Number of Votes for each; which List they shall sign amend- 
 
 and certify, and transmit sealed to the Seat of the Government of 
 
 the United States, directed to the President of the Senate. The 
 
 President of the Senate shall, in the Presence of the Senate and 
 
 House of Representatives, open all the Certificates, and the Votes 
 
 shall then be counted. The Person having the greatest Number of 
 
 Votes shall be the President, if such Number be a Majority of the 
 
 whole Number of Electors appointed ; and if there be more than 
 
XIV 
 
 Constitutio7i of the United States 
 
 Dates of 
 elections. 
 
 Qualifica- 
 tions, citi- 
 zenship, 
 age, and 
 residence. 
 
 Presiden- 
 tial suc- 
 cession. 
 
 Compensa- 
 tion. 
 
 Oath of 
 ofl&ce. 
 
 one who have such Majority, and have an equal Number of Votes, 
 then the House of flepresentatives shall immediately chuse by 
 Ballot one of them for President ; and if no Person have a Major- 
 ity, then from the five highest on the List the said House shall in 
 like Manner chuse the President. But in chusing the President, 
 the Votes shall be taken by States, the Representation fi'om each 
 State having one Vote; A quorum for this Purpose shall consist 
 of a Member or Members from two-thirds of the States, and a 
 Majority of all the States shall be necessary to a Choice. In every 
 Case, after the Choice of the President, the Person having the 
 greatest Number of Votes of the Electors shall be the Vice Presi- 
 dent. But if there should remain two or more who have equal Votes, 
 the Senate shall chuse from them by Ballot the Vice President.] 
 
 [3] The Congress may determine the Time of chusing the Elec- 
 tors, and the Day on which they shall give their Votes; which Day 
 shall be the same throughout the United States. 
 
 [4] No Person except a natural born Citizen, or a citizen of the 
 United States, at the time of the Adoption of this Constitution, 
 shall be eligible to the Office of President ; neither shall any Per- 
 son be eligible to that Office who shall not have attained to the 
 Age of thirty five Years, and been fourteen Years a Resident 
 within the United States. 
 
 [5] In Case of the Removal of the President from Office, or 
 of his Death, Resignation, or Inability to discharge the Powers 
 and Duties of the said Office, the same shall devolve on the Vice 
 President, and the Congress may by Law provide for the Case of 
 Removal, Death, Resignation, or Inability, both of the President 
 and Vice President, declaring what Officer shall then act as Presi- 
 dent, and such Officer shall act accordingly, until tlie Disability 
 be removed, or a President shall be elected. 
 
 [6] The President shall, at stated Times, receive for his Ser- 
 vices, a Compensation, which shall neither be encreased nor dimin- 
 ished during the Period for which he shall have been elected, and 
 he shall not receive within that Period any other Emolument from 
 the United States, or any of them. 
 
 [7] Before he enter on the Execution of his Office, he shall take 
 the following Oath or Affirmation: — "I do solemnly swear (or 
 affirm) that I will faithfully execute the Office of President of the 
 United States, and will to the best of my Ability, preserve, protect 
 and defend the Constitution of the United States.'* 
 
Cojistitutioii of the United States 
 
 XV 
 
 Section 2. [1] The President shall be Commander in Chief of lowers of 
 the Army and Navy of the United States, and of the Militia of the -P''6«*^en«. 
 several States, when called into the actual Service of the United 
 States ; he may require the Opinion, in writing, of the principal Military, 
 Officer in each of the executive Departments, upon any Subject super- 
 relating to the Duties of their respective Offices, and he shall have judicial. 
 Power to grant Reprieves and Pardons for Offences against the 
 United States, except in Cases of Impeachment. 
 
 [2] He shall have Power, by and with the Advice and Consent In treaties 
 of the Senate, to make Treaties, provided two-thirds of the Sena- ^"^ ^"^ 
 tors present concur ; and he shall nominate, and by and with the ments. 
 Advice and Consent of the Senate, shall appoint Ambassadors, 
 other public Ministers and Consuls, Judges of the supreme Court, 
 and all other Officers of the United States, whose Appointments 
 are not herein otherwise provided for, and which shall be estab- 
 lished by Law: but the Congress may by Law vest the Appointment 
 of such inferior Officers, as they think proper, in the President 
 alone, in the Courts of Law, or in the Heads of Departments. 
 
 [3] The President shall have Power to fill up all Vacancies that Tempo- 
 may happen during the Recess of the Senate, by granting Com- ^'"^^y. 
 missions which shall expire at the End of their next Session. ments. 
 
 Section 3. He shall from time to time give to the Congress Legisla- 
 In formation of the State of the Union, and recommend to their 
 Consideration such Measures as he shall judge necessary and 
 expedient; he may, on extraordinary Occasions, convene both 
 Houses, or either of them, and in Case of Disagreement between 
 them, with Respect to the Time of Adjournment, he may adjourn 
 them to such Time as he shall think proper; he shall receive 
 Ambassadors and other public Ministers; he shall take Care that 
 the Laws be faithfully executed, and shall Commission all the 
 Officers of the United States. 
 
 tive 
 powers. 
 
 Section 4. The President, Vice President and all civil Officers Liability 
 of the United States, shall be removed from Office on Impeach- 1"^ 
 ment for, and Conviction of, Treason, Bribery, or other high 
 Crimes and Misdemeanors. 
 
 impeach- 
 ment. 
 
 Article. III. 
 
 JUDICI- 
 
 Section 1. The judicial Power of the United States, shall be ary. 
 vested in one supreme Court, and in such inferior Courts as the Courts. 
 
XVI 
 
 Constitution of tJie Unitai States 
 
 Judges : 
 term aud 
 eonipen- 
 sation. 
 
 Jurisdic- 
 tion. 
 
 Original 
 aud 
 
 appellate 
 jurisdic- 
 tion of 
 Supreme 
 Court. 
 
 Jury trial. 
 Place of 
 trial. 
 
 Treason: 
 definition, 
 
 punish- 
 ment. 
 
 Congress may from time to time ordain and establish. The 
 Judges, both of the supreme aud inferior Courts, shall hold their 
 Otfices during good BehaTioiir, and shall, at stated Times, receive 
 for their Services, a Compensiition, which shall not be diminished 
 during their Continuance in Otfice. 
 
 Section 2. [1] The judicial Power shall extend to all Cases, in 
 Law and Equity, arishig under this Constitution, the Laws of the 
 United States, and Treaties made, or which shall be made, under 
 their Authority ; — to all cases affecting Ambassadors, other pub- 
 lic Ministers and Consuls; — to all cases of admiralty and maritime 
 Jurisdiction ; — to Controversies to which the Ignited States shall 
 be a party ; — to controversies between two or more States ; — be- 
 tween a State and Citizens of another State; — between Citizens 
 of different States — between Citizens of the same State claiming 
 Lands under Grants of different States, and between a State, or 
 the Citizens thereof, and foreign States, Citizens or snbject-s. 
 
 [2] In all Cases affecting Ambassadors, other public Ministers 
 and Consnls, and those in which a State shall be Party, the 
 supreme Court shall have original Jurisdiction. In all the other 
 Cases before mentioned, the supreme Court shall have appellate 
 Jurisdiction, both as to Law and Fact, with such Exceptions, and 
 under such Regulations as the Congress shall make. 
 
 [3] The Trial of all Crimes, except in Cases of Impeachment, 
 shall be by Jury ; and such Trial shall be held in the State where 
 the said Crimes shall have been committed ; but when not com- 
 mitted within any State, the Trial shall be at such Place or 
 Places as the Congress may by Law have directed. 
 
 Section 3. [1] Treason against the United States, shall con- 
 sist only in levying War against them, or in adhering to their 
 Enemies, giving them Aid and Comfort. Xo Person shall be 
 convicted of Treason unless on the Testimony of two Witnesses 
 to tlie same overt Act, or on Confession in open Court. 
 
 [2] The CongTess shall have Power to declare the Rmishment of 
 Treason, but no Attainder of Treason shall work Corruption of Blood, 
 or Forfeiture except during the Life of the Person attainted. 
 
 Nation 
 
 AXD 
 
 States. 
 
 Article. IV. 
 
 Section 1. Full Faith and Credit shall be given in each State 
 to the public Acts, Recoras, and judicial Proceedings of every 
 
Constitution of the United States 
 
 xvii 
 
 other State. And the Congress may by general Laws prescribe 
 the Manner in which such Acts, Records and Proceedings shall be 
 proved, and the Effect thereof. 
 
 Section 2. [1] The Citizens of each State shall be entitled to 
 all Privileges and Immunities of Citizens in the several States. 
 
 [2] A Person charged in any State with Treason, Felony or 
 other Crime, who shall flee from Justice, and be found in another 
 State, shall on Demand of the executive Authority of the State 
 from which he fled, be delivered up, to be removed to the State 
 having Jurisdiction of the Crime. 
 
 [3] No Person held to Service or Labour in one State, under 
 the Laws thereof, escaping into another, shall, in Consequence of 
 any Law or Regulation therein, be discharged from such Service or 
 Labour, but shall be delivered up on Claim of the Party to whom 
 such Service or Labour may be due. 
 
 Section 3. [1] New States may be admitted by the Congress 
 into this Union ; but no new State shall be formed or erected 
 within the Jurisdiction of any other State; nor any State be 
 formed by the Junction of two or more States, or Parts of States, 
 without the Consent of the Legislatures of the States concerned as 
 well as of the Congress. 
 
 [2] The Congress shall have Power to dispose of and make all 
 needful Rules and Regulations respecting the Territory or other 
 Property belonging to the United States; and nothing in this Con- 
 stitution shall be so construed as to Prejudice any Claims of the 
 United States, or of any particular State. 
 
 Section 4. The LTnited States shall guarantee to every State in 
 this Union a Republican Form of Government, and shall protect 
 each of them against Invasion ; and on Application of the Legis- 
 lature, or of the Executive (when the Legislature cannot be con- 
 vened) against domestic Violence. 
 
 Interstate 
 comity. 
 
 Interstate 
 citizen- 
 ship. 
 Extradi- 
 tion of 
 criminals. 
 
 Fugitive 
 slaves. 
 
 Admission 
 of new 
 States. 
 
 Govern- 
 ment of 
 national 
 territory. 
 
 Protection 
 of States. 
 
 Article. Y, 
 The Congress, whenever two thirds of both Houses shall deem it '^'*^^"'- 
 
 1 11 1 ' r^ ■ • MENT OF 
 
 necessary, shall propose Amendments to this Constitution, or, on Constitu- 
 the Application of the Legislatures of two thirds of the several tion. 
 States, shall call a Convention for proposing Amendments, which, 
 in either Case, shall be valid to all Intents and Purposes as Part of 
 
XVlll 
 
 Lonstitulioii of tJic Uiiitcd States 
 
 this Constitution, when ratified by the Legislatures of three fourths 
 of the several States, or by Conyeiitions iu three fourths thereof, 
 as the one or the other Mode of Katilicatiou may be proposed by 
 the Congress; Provided that no Amendment vrliich may be made 
 prior to the Year One thousand eight hundred and eight shall in 
 any Manner affect the first and fourth Clauses in the Xinth Sec- 
 tion of the first Article; and that no State, without its Consent, 
 shall be deprived of its equal Suffrage in the Senate. 
 
 Miscel- 
 laneous. 
 Preexist- 
 ing nation- 
 al debt. 
 Suprem- 
 acy of 
 Constitu- 
 tion, 
 treaties, 
 and na- 
 tional law. 
 
 Oaths of 
 
 national 
 and state 
 officials. 
 
 Article. YI. 
 
 [1] All Debts contracted and Engagements entered into, before 
 the Adoption of this Constitution, shall be as valid against the 
 United States under this Constitution, as under tlie Confederation. 
 
 [2] This Constitution, and the Laws of tiie United States which 
 shall be made in Pursuance thereof ; and all Treaties made, or 
 which shall be made, under the Authority of the United States, 
 shall be the supreme Law of the Land; and the Judges in every 
 State shall be bound thereby, any Thing in the Constitution or 
 Laws of any State to the Contrary notwithstanding. 
 
 [3] The Senators and Representatives before mentioned, and 
 the Members of the several St^ate Legislatures, and all executive 
 and judicial Officers, both of the United States and of the several 
 States, shall be bound by Oath or Affirmation, to support this Con- 
 stitution ; but no religious Test shall ever be required as a Quali- 
 fication to any Office or public Trust under the United States. 
 
 Article. YII. 
 
 Ratifica- The Ratification of the Conventions of nine States, shall be suffi- 
 TioN. cient for the Establishment of this Constitution between the States 
 
 so ratifying the Same. 
 
 Done in Convention by the I^nanimons Consent of the States 
 present the Seventeenth Day of September in the Year of our 
 Lord one thousand seven hundred and Eighty seven and of the 
 Independence of the United States of America the Twelfth 
 In Witness whereof "We have hereunto subscribed our Kames, 
 
 G° Washington- 
 Presidt. and Deputy from Yirginia 
 [and thirty eight members from all the States except Rhode Island.] 
 
CoNStitiUioN of tJw United States xix 
 
 ARTICLES IN ADDITION TO, AND AINIENDMENT OF, 
 THE CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES OF 
 AMERICA, PROPOSED BY CONGRESS, AND RATIFIED 
 BY THE LEGISLATURES OF THE SEVERAL STATES 
 PURSUANT TO THE FIFTH ARTICLE OF THE ORIGI- 
 NAL CONSTITUTION. 
 
 [Article I^] Prohibi- 
 
 Congress shall nuike no law respecting an establishment of reli- 1'^*"^^"", 
 
 gion. or prohibiting the free exercise thereof; or abridging the resi^i'ting 
 
 freedom of speech, or of. the press ; or the right of the people religion, 
 
 peaceably to assemble, and to petition the Government for a redress spooch, 
 
 . . ' ami 
 
 of grievances. ^j^^ p^e^g^ 
 
 [Article II '] 
 
 A well regnlated Militia, being necessary to the security of a Rijrht to 
 free State, the right of the people to keep and bear Arms, shall not bear arras, 
 be infringed. 
 
 [Article IIP] 
 
 No Soldier shall, in time of }ieace be qnartered in any house, Quarter- 
 without the consent of the Owner, nor in time of war, but in a Iusj: of 
 manner to be prescribed by law. soldiers. 
 
 [Article IV '] 
 
 The right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses, Rijrht of 
 papers, and effects, against unreasonable searches and seizures, search, 
 shall not be violated, and no Warrants shall issue, but upon 
 probable cause, supported by Oath or atlirmation, and particularly 
 describing the place to be searched, and the persons or things to 
 be seized. 
 
 [Article V^] 
 
 No person shall be held to answer for a capital, or otherwise Protection 
 
 infamous crime, unless on a presentment or indictment of a Grand of accused 
 
 in criminal 
 1 First ten amendments proposed by Congress, Sept. 25, 1789. Pro- eases- 
 claimed to be in force Dec. 15, 1791. 
 
XX 
 
 Coiistitutio7i of the United States 
 
 Rights of 
 accused 
 regarding 
 trial. 
 
 Jury, except in cases arising in the land or naval forces, or in the 
 Militia, when in actual service in time of War or public danger; 
 nor shall any person be subject for the same offence to be twice 
 put in jeopardy of life or limb; nor shall be compelled in any 
 Criminal Case to be a witness against himself, nor be deprived of 
 life, liberty, or property, without due process of law; nor shall 
 private property be taken for public use, without just compensa- 
 tion. 
 
 [Article VI ^] 
 
 In all criminal prosecutions, the accused shall enjoy the right to 
 a speedy and public trial, by an impartial jury of the State and 
 district wherein the crime shall have been committed, which dis- 
 trict shall have been previously ascertained by law, and to be 
 informed of the nature and cause of the accusation; to be con- 
 fronted with the witnesses against him; to have compulsory 
 process for obtaining Witnesses in his favor, and to have the 
 Assistance of Counsel for his defence. 
 
 Jury trial 
 iu law- 
 suits. 
 
 Bail and 
 punish- 
 ment. 
 
 Unenu- 
 merated 
 rights. 
 
 Undelega- 
 ted pow- 
 ers. 
 
 [Article VII ^] 
 
 In suits at common law, where the value in controversy shall 
 exceed twenty dollars, the right of trial by jury shall be preserved, 
 and no fact tried by a jury shall be otherw^ise re-examined in any 
 Court of the United States, than according to the rules of the 
 common law. 
 
 [Article VIII i] 
 
 Excessive bail shall not be required, nor excessive fines imposed, 
 nor cruel and unusual punishments inflicted. 
 
 [Article IX ^] 
 
 The enumeration in the Constitution, of certain rights, shall 
 not be construed to deny or disparage others retained by the 
 people. 
 
 [Article X^] 
 
 The powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitu- 
 tion, nor prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to the States 
 respectively, or to the people. 
 
 1 First ten amendments proposed by Congress, Sept. 25, 1789. Pro- 
 claimed to be in force Dec. 15, 1791. 
 
Co7istitiitioji of the United States xxi 
 
 Article XI ^ 
 
 The Judicial power of the United States shall not he cotistrued Exemp- 
 
 to extend to any suit in law or equity, commenced or prosecuted ^ion of 
 
 against one of the United States by Citizens of another State, or ^^^^^^ . 
 by Citizens or Subjects of any Foreign State. 
 
 Article XII 
 
 The Electors shall meet in their respective states, and vote by New 
 ballot for President and Vice-President, one of whom, at least, method of 
 shall not be an inhabitant of the same state with themselves ; they electing 
 shall name in their ballots the person voted for as President, and ^^^^^^nt. 
 in distinct ballots the person voted for as Vice-President, and tiiey ^^ super- 
 shall make distinct lists of all persons voted for as President, and ^f ^^^ jj 
 of all persons voted for as Vice-President, and of the number of Sec. I, 
 votes for each, which lists they shall sign and certify, and transmit ^^' 2-) 
 sealed to the seat of the government of the United States, directed (Proposed 
 to the President of the Senate ; — The President of the Senate ^^^- ^2' 
 shall, in presence of the Senate and House of Representatives, open glared in * 
 all the certificates and the votes shall then be counted ; — The force Sept. 
 person having the greatest number of votes for President, shall be ^^» 1804.) 
 the President, if such number be a majority of the whole number 
 of Electors appointed ; and if no person have such majority, then 
 from the persons having the highest numbers not exceeding three 
 on the list of those voted for as President, the House of Represen- 
 tatives shall choose immediately, by ballot, the President. But in 
 choosing the President, the votes shall be taken by states, the repre- 
 sentation from each state having one vote ; a quorum for this 
 purpose shall consist of a member or members from two-thirds of 
 the states, and a majority of all the states shall be necessary to a 
 choice. And if the House of Representatives shall not choose a 
 President whenever the right of choice shall devolve upon them, 
 before the fourth day of March next following, then the Vice-Presi- 
 dent shall act as President, as in the case of the death or other 
 constitutional disability of the President. • The person having the 
 greatest -number of votes as Vice-President, shall be the Vice-Presi- 
 dent, if such number be a majority of the whole number of Electors 
 appointed, and if no person have a majority, then from the two 
 
 1 Proposed September 5, 1794. Declared in force January 8, 1798. 
 
xxii Const it utiofi of tJic United States 
 
 highest numbers on the list, the Senate shall choose the Vice-Presi- 
 dent; a quorum for the purpose shall consist of two-thirds of the 
 vrhole number of Senators, and a majority of the whole number 
 shall be necessary to a choice. But no person constitutionally 
 ineligible to the office of President shall be eligible to that of Vice- 
 President of the United States. 
 
 Article XIII 
 
 Abolition Section 1. Neither slavery nor involuntary servitude, except as 
 
 of slavery, a punishment for crime whereof the party shall have been duly 
 
 (Proposed (.^5J^yj^,^^^(J gjiall exist witliin the United States, or any place sub- 
 
 1865. De- j^ct to their jurisdiction. 
 
 f ^^^ ^ ^^*^^^on 2. Congress shall have power to enforce this article by 
 
 IS, 18t>5.) appropriate legishxtion. 
 
 Article XIV 
 
 Citizens of 
 the Uuited 
 States — 
 
 Section 1. All persons born or naturalized in the United States, 
 and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United 
 protection States and of the State wherein they reside. Xo State shall make 
 of. (Pro- Qj. enforce any law which shall abridge the privileges or imniuni- 
 K^lW^^^ ties of citizens of the United States; nor shall any State deprive 
 Declared any person of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law ; 
 in force nor deny to any person within its jurisdiction the equal protec- 
 f;!^;'^' tion of the laws." 
 
 New basis Section 2. Representatives shall be apportioned among the several 
 
 of repre- States according to their respective numbers, counting the whole 
 
 sentation number of persons in each State, excluding Indians not taxed. 
 
 in Con- -g^^^ when the right to vote at any election for the choice of elec- 
 
 (Supersed- t<^r^ ^0^' President and Vice President of the United States, Repre- 
 
 ing part of sentatives in Congress, the Executive and Judicial officers of a 
 
 Art. I. sec. State, or the members of the Legislature thereof, is denied to any 
 
 ' ^ ' "^ of the male inhabitants of such State, being twenty-one years of 
 
 age, and citizens of the United States, or in any way abridged, 
 
 except for participation in rebellion, or other crime, the basis of 
 
 representation therein shall be reduced in the proportion which 
 
 the number of such male citizens shall bear to the whole number 
 
 of male citizens twentj'-one years of age in such State. 
 
 . Section 3. Xo person shall be a Senator or Representative in 
 Congress, or elector of President and Vice President, or hold any 
 
CoustiiKtioH of t/ii! Vniti-ii States xxiii 
 
 office, civil or military, under the United States, or nndei!' iiuy Disabili- 
 State, who, having previously taken an oath, as a membeii' O'f Con- t'csof oflft 
 gresE, or as an officer of the United States, or as a meinbeV 6f ^nV ^^"^ ^ T)' . 
 State legislature, or as an executive or judicial officer of any State, rebelliott.' 
 to support the Constitution of the United States, sluiU liave 
 engaged in insurrection or rebellion against the same, or given aid 
 or comfort to the enemies thereof. But Congress may by two- 
 thirds vote of each House, remove such disability. 
 
 Section 4. The validity of the public debt of the United States, Validity of 
 authorized by law, including debts incurred for payment of pen- ^'^^ debt, 
 sions and bounties for services in suppressing insurrection or re- 
 bellion, shall not be questioned. But neither the United States 
 nor any State shall assume or pay any debt or obligation incurred 
 in aid of insurrection or rebellion against the United States, or 
 any claim for the loss or- emancipation of any slave; but all such 
 debts, obligations and claims shall be held illegal and void. 
 
 Section 5. The Congress shall have power to enforce, by appro- 
 priate legislation, the provisions of this article. 
 
 Article XV* 
 
 Section 1. The right of citizens of the United States to vote Voting 
 shall not be denied or abridged by the United States or by any ^\^}^^^ of 
 State on account of race, color or previous condition of servitude. ^^^^ ^ g 
 
 Section 2. The Congress shall have power to enforce this article 
 by appropriate legislation. 
 
 Article XVI 
 
 The Congress shall have power to lay and collect taxes on in- Income 
 comes, from whatever source derived, without apportionment *'*^- 
 among the several states, and without regard to any census or 
 enumeration. 
 
 Article XVII 
 
 The Senate of the United States shall be composed of two Sena- Direct 
 tors from each State, elected by the people thereof, for six years; ("lection 
 and each Senator shall have one vote. The electors in each State 
 1 Proposed February 27, 18();» Dochired in force IMarch liO, 1870. 
 
xxiv Constitution of the United States 
 
 shall have the qualifications requisite for electors of the most 
 
 numerous branch of the State legislatures. 
 
 Method of When vacancies happen in the representation of any State in 
 
 election. ^^ Senate, the executive authority of each State shall issue writs 
 
 Temporary of election to fill such vacancies : Provided that the legislature of 
 
 appoint- j^^jy State may empower the executiv^e thereof to make temporary 
 
 appointments until the people fill the vacancies by election as the 
 
 legislature may direct. 
 
 This amendment shall not be so construed as to affect the elec- 
 tion or term of any Senator chosen before it becomes valid as part 
 of the Constitution. 
 
 ments. 
 
Table of Presidents 
 
 XXV 
 
 TABLE I. PRESIDENTS 
 
 Name 
 
 State 
 
 Party 
 
 Year in 
 Office 
 
 ViCE President 
 
 I George Washington 
 
 Va. 
 
 (Fed.) 
 
 1789-1797 
 
 John Adams 
 
 2 John Adams 
 
 Mass. 
 
 Fed. 
 
 1797-1801 
 
 Thomas Jefferson 
 
 3 Thomas Jefferson 
 
 Va. 
 
 Rep. 
 
 I 801-1809 
 
 Aaron Burr 
 George Clinton 
 
 4 James Madison 
 
 Va. 
 
 Rep. 
 
 1809-1S17 
 
 George Clinton 
 Elbridge Gerrv 
 
 5 James Monroe 
 
 Va. 
 
 Rep. 
 
 1817-1825 
 
 Daniel D. Tompkins 
 
 6 John Q. Adams 
 
 Mass. 
 
 Rep. 
 
 1825-1829 
 
 John C. Calhoun 
 
 7 Andrew Jackson 
 
 Tenn. 
 
 Dem. 
 
 1829-1837 
 
 John C. Calhoun 
 Martin Van Buren 
 
 8 Martin Van Buren 
 
 N.Y. 
 
 Dem. 
 
 1837-1841 
 
 Richard M. Johnson 
 
 g Wm. H. Harrison 
 
 Ohio 
 
 Whig 
 
 1841-1841 
 
 John Tyler 
 
 lo John Tyler i 
 
 Va. 
 
 (Whig) 
 
 1841-1845 
 
 
 II James K. Polk 
 
 Tenn. 
 
 Dem. 
 
 1 845-1 849 
 
 George M. Dallas 
 
 1 2 Zachary Taylor 
 
 La. 
 
 Whig 
 
 I 849-1 850 
 
 Millard Fillmore 
 
 13 Millard Fillmore i 
 
 N.Y. - 
 
 Whig 
 
 1 850- 1 853 
 
 
 14 Franklin Pierce 
 
 N.H. 
 
 Dem. 
 
 1853-1857 
 
 William R. King 
 
 IS James Buchanan 
 
 Pa. 
 
 Dem. 
 
 1857-1861 
 
 J. C. Breckenridge 
 
 16 Abraham Lincoln 
 
 111. 
 
 Rep. 
 
 1861-1865 
 
 Hannibal Hamlin 
 Andrew Johnson 
 
 1 7 Andrew Johnson 1 
 
 Tenn. 
 
 (Rep.) 
 
 1865-1869 
 
 
 18 Ulysses S. Grant 
 
 111. 
 
 Rep. 
 
 I 869- I 87 7 
 
 Schuyler Colfax 
 Henry Wilson 
 
 19 Rutherford B. Hayes 
 
 Ohio 
 
 Rep. 
 
 1877-1881 
 
 Wm. A. Wheeler 
 
 20 James A. Garfield 
 
 Ohio 
 
 Rep. 
 
 1881-1881 
 
 Chester A. Arthur 
 
 21 Chester A. Arthur 1 
 
 N.Y. 
 
 Rep. 
 
 1881-1885 
 
 
 22 Grover Cleveland 
 
 N.Y. 
 
 Dem. 
 
 1 885-1 889 
 
 Thomas A. Hendricks 
 
 23 Benjamin Harrison 
 
 Ind. 
 
 Rep. 
 
 I 889-1 893 
 
 Levi P. Morton 
 
 24 Grover Cleveland 
 
 N.Y. 
 
 Dem. 
 
 1893-1897 
 
 Adlai E. Stevenson 
 
 25 William McKinley 
 
 Ohio 
 
 Rep. 
 
 1897-1901 
 
 Garrett A. Hobart 
 Theodore Roosevelt 
 
 26 Theodore Roosevelt 
 
 N.Y. 
 
 Rep. 
 
 I 901-1909 
 
 Chas. W. Fairbanks 
 
 27 William H. Taft 
 
 Ohio 
 
 Rep. 
 
 I 909-1913 
 
 James S. Sherman 
 
 28 Woodrow Wilson 
 
 N.J. 
 
 Dem. 
 
 1913- 
 
 Thomas R. Marshall 
 
 TABLE II. PRESIDENTIAL ELECTIONS 
 
 Year 
 
 Successful 
 
 Chief 
 
 
 Electoral 
 
 
 CANOmATE 
 
 Opponent 
 
 
 Vote 
 
 1789 
 
 Washington 
 
 
 
 Unanimous 
 
 1792 
 
 Washington 
 
 
 
 Unanimous 
 
 1796 
 
 Adams 
 
 Jefferson 
 
 
 71 to 68 
 
 1800 
 
 Jefferson 
 
 Adams 
 
 
 73 to 65 2 
 
 1804 
 
 Jefferson 
 
 C. C. Pinckney 
 
 
 162 to 14 
 
 1808 
 
 Madison 
 
 C. C. Pinckney 
 
 
 122 to 47 
 
 1812 
 
 Madison 
 
 De W. Clinton 
 
 
 1 28 to 89 
 
 1816 
 
 Monroe 
 
 King 
 
 
 183 to 34 
 
 1820 
 
 Monroe 
 
 
 
 231 to I 
 
 1824 
 
 Adams 
 
 Jackson 
 
 105,321 to 155.872 
 
 84 of 2612 
 
 1828 
 
 Jackson 
 
 Adams 
 
 647,231 to 509,097 
 
 178 to 83 
 
 1832 
 
 Jackson 
 
 Clay 
 
 687,502 to 530,189 
 
 219 to 49 
 
 1 Raised from the vice presidency. 2 Elected by House of Representatives. 
 
XXVI 
 
 Table of Congress since 1865 
 
 
 PRESIDENTIAL ELECTIONS. — Continued 
 
 
 Year 
 
 Successful 
 
 Chief 
 
 Popular Vote 
 
 Electoral 
 
 
 Candidate 
 
 Opponent 
 
 
 Vote 
 
 i8s6 
 
 Van Buren 
 
 Harrison 
 
 761,549 to 736,6561 
 
 170 to 73 
 
 1840 
 
 Harrison 
 
 \'an Buren 
 
 1,275,017 to 1,128,702 
 
 234 to 60 
 
 1844 
 
 Polk 
 
 Clav 
 
 1,337.243 to 1,299,068 
 
 170 to 105 
 
 1848 
 
 Tavlor 
 
 Cass 
 
 1,360,101 to 1,220,544 
 
 163 to 127 
 
 1852 Pierce 
 
 Scott 
 
 1,601,474 to 1,380,576 
 
 254 to 42 
 
 i8s6 
 
 Buchanan 
 
 Fremont 
 
 1,838,169 to 1,341,264'- 
 
 174 to 114 
 
 i860 
 
 Lincoln 
 
 Douglas 
 
 1,866,352 to 1,375.157 ^ 
 
 i8g to 123^ 
 
 1864 
 
 Lincoln 
 
 McClellan 
 
 2,216,067 to 1,808,725 
 
 212 to 21 
 
 1868 
 
 Grant 
 
 Sevmour 
 
 3,015,071 to 2,709,615 
 
 214 to 80 
 
 1872 
 
 Grant 
 
 Greeley 
 
 3,597,070 to 2,834,079 
 
 286 to 63 ' 
 
 1876 
 
 Hayes 
 
 Tilden 
 
 4,033.950 to 4,284,885 
 
 185 to 184 
 
 1880 
 
 Garfield 
 
 Hancock 
 
 4,449,053 to 4,442,035 
 
 214 to 155 
 
 1884 
 
 Cleveland 
 
 Blaine 
 
 4,911,017 to 4,848,334 
 
 219 to 182 
 
 t88S 
 
 Harrison 
 
 Cleveland 
 
 5,440,216 to 5,538,233 
 
 233 to 168 
 
 i8q2 
 
 Cleveland 
 
 Harrison 
 
 5,556,918 to 5,176,108 5 
 
 277 to 145 
 
 i8q6 
 
 McKinley 
 
 Bryan 
 
 7,104,779 to 6,502,925 
 
 271 to 176 
 
 IQOO 
 
 McKinley 
 
 Brvan 
 
 7,207,923 to 6,358,133 
 
 292 to 155 
 
 1904 
 
 Roosevelt 
 
 Parker 
 
 7,623,486 to 5,077,971 
 
 336 to 140 
 
 1908 
 
 Taft 
 
 Brj-an 
 
 7,678,908 to 6,409,104 
 
 321 to 162 
 
 I9I2 
 
 Wilson 
 
 Roosevelt 
 
 6,293,019 to 4,119,507 
 
 435 to 88 
 
 TABLE III. CONGRESS SINCE 1865 
 
 Number 
 
 
 Senate 
 
 House 
 
 
 
 Years 
 
 
 
 
 
 Speaker 
 
 Congress 
 
 Rep. 
 
 Dem. 
 
 Rep. 
 
 Dem. 
 
 39 
 
 1865-1867 
 
 41 
 
 II 
 
 145 
 
 40 
 
 Schuyler Colfax 
 
 40 
 
 I 867-1 869 
 
 42 
 
 II 
 
 143 
 
 49 
 
 Schuvler Colfax 
 
 41 
 
 I 869-1 87 I 
 
 58 
 
 II 
 
 151 
 
 78 
 
 James G. Blaine 
 
 42 
 
 1871-1873 
 
 57 
 
 17 
 
 138 
 
 103 
 
 James G. Blaine 
 
 43 
 
 1873-1875 
 
 47 
 
 20 
 
 194 
 
 92 
 
 James G. Blaine 
 
 44 
 
 1875-1877 
 
 43 
 
 29 
 
 107 
 
 168 
 
 Michael C. Kerr 
 Samuel J. Randall 
 
 45 
 
 1877-1879 
 
 36 
 
 39 
 
 142 
 
 151 
 
 Samuel j. Randall 
 
 46 
 
 1879-1881 
 
 32 
 
 44 
 
 129 
 
 148 
 
 Samuel j. Randall 
 
 47 
 
 1881-1883 
 
 37 
 
 38 
 
 146 
 
 138 
 
 John W. Keifer 
 
 48 
 
 I 883-1 885 
 
 40 
 
 36 
 
 124 
 
 198 
 
 John G. CarUsle 
 
 49 
 
 I 885-1 887 
 
 42 
 
 34 
 
 120 
 
 204 
 
 John G. Carhsle 
 
 50 
 
 I 887-1 889 
 
 39 
 
 37 
 
 153 
 
 168 
 
 John G. Carlisle 
 
 51 
 
 I 889-1 891 
 
 39 
 
 37 
 
 166 
 
 159 
 
 Thomas B. Reed 
 
 52 
 
 1891-1893 
 
 47 
 
 39 
 
 88 
 
 236 
 
 Charies F. Crisp 
 
 53 
 
 I 893-1 895 
 
 38 
 
 44 
 
 126 
 
 220 
 
 Charies F. Crisp 
 
 54 
 
 I 895-1 897 
 
 42 
 
 39 
 
 246 
 
 104 
 
 Thomas B. Reed 
 
 55 
 
 I 897-1 899 
 
 46 
 
 34 
 
 206 
 
 134 
 
 Thomas B. Reed 
 
 56 
 
 I 899-1 901 
 
 53 
 
 26 
 
 185 
 
 163 
 
 David B. Henderson 
 
 57 
 
 I 901-1903 
 
 56 
 
 29 
 
 198 
 
 1,53 
 
 David B. Henderson 
 
 58 
 
 I 903-1 905 
 
 58 
 
 32 
 
 206 
 
 174 
 
 Joseph G. Cannon 
 
 59 
 
 1905-1907 
 
 58 
 
 32 
 
 250 
 
 136 
 
 Joseph G. Cannon 
 
 60 
 
 I 907-1 909 
 
 61 
 
 29 
 
 222 
 
 164 
 
 Joseph G. Cannon 
 
 61 
 
 1909-1911 
 
 60 
 
 32 
 
 219 
 
 172 
 
 Joseph G. Cannon 
 
 62 
 
 1911-1913 
 
 51 
 
 41 
 
 162 
 
 228 
 
 Champ Clark 
 
 63 
 
 1913-191S 
 
 45 
 
 51 
 
 I27« 
 
 290 
 
 Champ Clark 
 
 1 Entire Whig opposition, 4 candidates. 
 3 Breckenridge, 845,763, Bel), 589-581. 
 5 Weaver, 1,041,028. 
 
 2 Fillmore, 874,538. 
 
 ■* Total opposition vote. 
 
 •> 18 Progressives. 
 
Tabic of Chief Justices xxvii 
 
 TABLE IV. CHIEF JUSTICES OF THE SUPREME COURT 
 
 Name 
 
 State 
 
 Appointed by 
 
 Years 
 IN Office 
 
 I John Jay 
 
 New York 
 
 Washington 
 
 1789-1795 
 
 2 John Rutledge 
 
 South Carolina 
 
 Washington 
 
 1795-1795 
 
 3 Oliver Ellsworth 
 
 Connecticut 
 
 Washington 
 
 1796-1800 
 
 4 John Marshall 
 
 Virginia 
 
 Adams 
 
 1801-1835 
 
 5 Roger B. Taney 
 
 Maryland 
 
 Jackson 
 
 1836-1864 
 
 6 Salmon P. Chase 
 
 Ohio 
 
 Lincoln 
 
 1 864-1873 
 
 7 Morrison R. Waite 
 
 Ohio 
 
 Grant 
 
 1874-1888 
 
 8 Melville W. Fuller 
 
 Illinois 
 
 Cleveland 
 
 1888-1910 
 
 9 Edward D. White 
 
 Louisiana 
 
 Taft 
 
 1910- 
 
 TABLE V. THE STATES 
 
 
 Became 
 
 Land 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 Rank in 
 
 1910 
 
 
 
 c 
 
 
 
 
 
 Member 
 
 Area. 
 
 Population 
 
 I-] 
 
 .2 
 
 ■§ 
 
 ^ 
 3 
 
 d 
 
 c 
 
 State 
 
 
 
 
 
 42 
 
 
 +^ 
 
 _o 
 
 j= 
 
 
 or 
 Union 
 
 Square 
 Miles 
 
 1910 
 
 i 
 
 J2 
 
 3 
 
 "3 
 
 3 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 
 
 w 
 
 
 
 c 
 
 W) 
 
 Ti 
 
 
 
 
 
 ^ 
 
 ^ 
 
 03 
 
 < 
 
 W 
 
 
 ^ Alabama 
 
 1819 
 
 51,279 
 
 2,138,093 
 
 12 
 
 18 
 
 30 
 
 17 
 
 48 
 
 27 
 
 Arizona 
 ^Arkansas 
 
 1912 
 
 113,354 
 
 204,354 
 
 3 
 
 45 
 
 42 
 
 47 
 
 30 
 
 46 
 
 1836 
 
 52,525 
 
 1,574,449 
 
 9 
 
 25 
 
 35 
 
 32 
 
 43 
 
 31 
 
 California 
 
 1850 
 
 155,652 
 
 2,377,549 
 
 13 
 
 12 
 
 II 
 
 25 
 
 4 
 
 6 
 
 . Colorado 
 ^Connecticut 
 
 1876 
 
 103,658 
 
 799,024 
 
 6 
 
 32 
 
 31 
 
 29 
 
 9 
 
 21 
 
 1788 
 
 4,820 
 
 1,114,756 
 
 7 
 
 31 
 
 12 
 
 40 
 
 5 
 
 19 
 
 v' Delaware 
 
 1787 
 
 1,965 
 
 202,322 
 
 3 
 
 46 
 
 41 
 
 44 
 
 35 
 
 47 
 
 Florida 
 
 184s 
 
 54,861 
 
 752,619 
 
 6 
 
 2>2> 
 
 37 
 
 38 
 
 34 
 
 41 
 
 v7 Georgia 
 
 1788 
 
 58,725 
 
 2,609,121 
 
 14 
 
 10 
 
 24 
 
 5 
 
 44 
 
 22 
 
 Idaho 
 
 1890 
 
 83,354 
 
 325,594 
 
 4 
 
 44 
 
 43 
 
 34 
 
 19 
 
 43 
 
 j Illinois 
 ^ Indiana 
 
 1818 
 
 56,043 
 
 5,638,591 
 
 29 
 
 3 
 
 3 
 
 I 
 
 8 
 
 3 
 
 1816 
 
 36,045 
 
 2,700,876 
 
 15 
 
 9 
 
 9 
 
 8 
 
 10 
 
 12 
 
 Iowa 
 
 1846 
 
 55,586 
 
 2,224,771 
 
 13 
 
 15 
 
 18 
 
 2 
 
 21 
 
 7 
 
 I Kansas 
 ^i Kentvicky 
 ^. Louisiana 
 
 1861 
 
 81,774 
 
 1,690,949 
 
 10 
 
 22 
 
 14 
 
 6 
 
 24 
 
 15 
 
 1792 
 
 40,181 
 
 2,289,905 
 
 II 
 
 14 
 
 20 
 
 21 
 
 42 
 
 17 
 
 1812 
 
 45,409 
 
 1,656,388 
 
 10 
 
 24 
 
 19 
 
 27 
 
 39 
 
 26 
 
 > Maine 
 
 1820 
 
 29,895 
 
 742,371 
 
 6 
 
 34 
 
 27 
 
 35 
 
 22 
 
 33 
 
 ^ Maryland 
 
 1788 
 
 9,941 
 
 1,295,346 
 
 8 
 
 27 
 
 15 
 
 31 
 
 36 
 
 18 
 
 "i Massachusetts 
 ^ Michigan 
 
 1788 
 
 8,039 
 
 3,366,416 
 
 18 
 
 6 
 
 4 
 
 37 
 
 2 
 
 5 
 
 1837 
 
 57,480 
 
 2,810,173 
 
 15 
 
 8 
 
 7 
 
 14 
 
 17 
 
 10 
 
 Minnesota 
 
 1858 
 
 80,858 
 
 2,075,708 
 
 12 
 
 19 
 
 13 
 
 10 
 
 20 
 
 9 
 
 >i Mississippi 
 
 1817 
 
 46,362 
 
 1,797,114 
 
 10 
 
 21 
 
 34 
 
 15 
 
 45 
 
 36 
 
 n] Missouri 
 
 1821 
 
 68,727 
 
 3,293,335 
 
 18 
 
 7 
 
 10 
 
 7 
 
 32 
 
 8 
 
 Montana 
 
 1889 
 
 146,201 
 
 376,053 
 
 4 
 
 40 
 
 36 
 
 36 
 
 16 
 
 34 
 
 Nebraska 
 
 1867 
 
 76,808 
 
 1,192,214 
 
 8 
 
 29 
 
 25 
 
 9 
 
 25 
 
 16 
 
 ( Nevada 
 
 1864 
 
 109,821 
 
 81,875 
 
 3 
 
 48 
 
 46 
 
 46 
 
 27 
 
 48 
 
 ^ New Hampshire 
 
 1788 
 
 9,031 
 
 430,572 
 
 4 
 
 39 
 
 28 
 
 41 
 
 13 
 
 39 
 
 4 New Jersey 
 
 1787 
 
 7,514 
 
 2,537,167 
 
 14 
 
 II 
 
 6 
 
 32 
 
 7 
 
 II 
 
 New Mexico 
 
 1912 
 
 122,503 
 
 327,301 
 
 3 
 
 43 
 
 47 
 
 45 
 
 40 
 
 44 
 
 - New York 
 
 1788 
 
 47,654 
 
 9,113,614 
 
 45 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 12 
 
 3 
 
 I 
 
 "■ North Carolina 
 
 1789 
 
 48,740 
 
 2,206,287 
 
 12 
 
 16 
 
 23 
 
 20 
 
 46 
 
 29 
 
 North Dakota 
 
 18S9 
 
 70,183 
 
 577,056 
 
 5 
 
 37 
 
 44 
 
 II 
 
 18 
 
 35 
 
 •1 Ohio 
 
 1S03 
 
 40,740 
 
 4,767,121 
 
 24 
 
 4 
 
 5 
 
 4 
 
 6 
 
 4 
 
XXVlll 
 
 Tabic of the Territories 
 
 THE STATES.— Co«//«z*:'(f 
 
 
 Became 
 
 Land 
 
 
 H 
 
 
 Rank in 
 
 1910 
 
 
 
 q 
 
 
 
 
 State 
 
 Member 
 
 OF 
 
 Area, 
 Square 
 
 Population 
 1910 
 
 I 
 
 1 
 
 3 
 u 
 
 3 
 3 
 
 1 
 
 A 
 "S 
 
 
 Union 
 
 Miles 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 C3 
 
 'I 
 
 3 
 
 ^ 
 
 
 
 
 
 W 
 
 
 1 
 
 < 
 
 W 
 
 i 
 
 Oklahoma 
 
 1907 
 
 69,414 
 
 1,657,155 
 
 10 
 
 23 
 
 40 
 
 19 
 
 31 
 
 24 
 
 Oregon 
 
 1859 
 
 95,607 
 
 672,765 
 
 5 
 
 35 
 
 ?,?, 
 
 30 
 
 15 
 
 28 
 
 '^ Pennsylvania 
 
 1787 
 
 44,832 
 
 7,665,711 
 
 38 
 
 2 
 
 2 
 
 13 
 
 23 
 
 2 
 
 Rhode Island 
 
 1790 
 
 1,067 
 
 542,610 
 
 5 
 
 38 
 
 16 
 
 48 
 
 II 
 
 32 
 
 "'' South CaroHna 
 
 1788 
 
 30,495 
 
 1,515,400 
 
 
 
 26 
 
 32 
 
 16 
 
 47 
 
 38 
 
 .South Dakota 
 "^ Tennessee 
 
 1889 
 
 76,868 
 
 583,888 
 
 5 
 
 36 
 
 45 
 
 22 
 
 26 
 
 37 
 
 1796 
 
 41,687 
 
 2,184,789 
 
 12 
 
 17 
 
 26 
 
 24 
 
 37 
 
 23 
 
 Texas 
 
 1845 
 
 262,398 
 
 3,896,542 
 
 20 
 
 5 
 
 17 
 
 3 
 
 38 
 
 14 
 
 / Utah 
 
 1896 
 
 82,184 
 
 373,351 
 
 4 
 
 41 
 
 39 
 
 41 
 
 14 
 
 40 
 
 \ Vermont 
 
 1791 
 
 9,124 
 
 355,956 
 
 4 
 
 42 
 
 38 
 
 39 
 
 12 
 
 42 
 
 ^ Virginia 
 
 1788 
 
 40,262 
 
 2,061,612 
 
 12 
 
 20 
 
 22 
 
 26 
 
 41 
 
 20 
 
 Washington 
 
 1889 
 
 66,836 
 
 1,141,990 
 
 7 
 
 30 
 
 21 
 
 28 
 
 I 
 
 25 
 
 West Virginia 
 
 1863 
 
 24,022 
 
 1,221,119 
 
 8 
 
 28 
 
 29 
 
 }>?, 
 
 ?,?> 
 
 30 
 
 Wisconsin 
 
 1848 
 
 55,256 
 
 2,333,860 
 
 13 
 
 13 
 
 8 
 
 18 
 
 28 
 
 13 
 
 Wyoming 
 
 1890 
 
 97,594 
 
 145,965 
 
 3 
 
 47 
 
 48 
 
 43 
 
 29 
 
 45 
 
 
 
 2,973,830 
 
 91,641,197 
 
 531 
 
 
 
 1 Report of Russell Sage Eoundation. 
 
 2 Census report for 1904. 
 
 TABLE VI. THE TERRITORIES 
 
 Territory 
 
 Area, 
 Square Miles 
 
 Population 
 
 1910 
 
 1900 
 
 Alaska 
 Hawaii 
 Porto Rico 
 Philippine Islands 
 
 590,884 
 6,449 
 
 3,435 
 115,026 
 
 64,356 
 
 191,909 
 
 1,118,012 
 
 63,590 
 
 154,001 
 
 953,243 
 
 7,635,4261 
 
 1 1903. 
 TABLE VII. THE SECTIONS (1790-1860) 
 
 
 Population 
 
 Senate 
 
 House ^ 
 
 Date 
 
 
 
 
 
 Free States Slave States 
 
 Free 
 
 Slave 
 
 Free 
 
 Slave 
 
 1790 
 
 1,968,455 
 
 1,961,372 
 
 14 
 
 12 
 
 55 
 
 46 
 
 1800 
 
 2,684,616 
 
 2,621,316 
 
 16 
 
 16 
 
 76 
 
 65 
 
 1910 
 
 3,758,910 
 
 3,480,902 
 
 18 
 
 16 
 
 103 
 
 78 
 
 1820 
 
 5,152,372 
 
 4,485,819 
 
 24 
 
 24 
 
 123 
 
 90 
 
 1830 
 
 7,006,399 
 
 5,848,312 
 
 24 
 
 24 
 
 141 
 
 99 
 
 1840 
 
 9,733,922 
 
 7,334,433 
 
 26 
 
 26 
 
 135 
 
 88 
 
 1850 
 
 13,599,488 
 
 9,663,997 
 
 32 
 
 30 
 
 144 
 
 90 
 
 i860 
 
 19,128,418 
 
 12,315,372 
 
 36 
 
 30 
 
 155 
 
 91 
 
 1 The representation in the House is that based on the census of the year 
 mentioned, including only states in the Union in that year. 
 
INDEX 
 
 Abolitionists, the, 335-336, 342, 
 
 367 ; see also Slavery. 
 Acadia, 87, 90, 94, 98. 
 Acts of trade, see Navigation acts. 
 Adams, C. F., 391, 420. 
 Adams, John: before 1797, 135, 146, 
 158, 183, 185, 223. 
 biography of, 243. 
 portrait of, 242. 
 president, 242-247. 
 Adams, John Q. : before 1824, 261, 
 275, 288, 290. 
 portrait of, 296. 
 
 president, 295, 296, 297, 298, 305. 
 Adams, Samuel, 146, 147. 
 Admission of new states, 220, 334, 
 
 map opposite page 538. 
 Agriculture: in colonial times, iio- 
 III. 
 after Civil War, 458-460. 
 chart of, 458. 
 
 exports of products of, 460, 556. 
 Aguinaldo, 507. 
 Aix-la-Chapelle, treaty of (1748), 
 
 94, 95- 
 Alabama, 285, 375, 418, 419, 439, 
 
 541- 
 Alabama, the, 420. 
 
 Claims, 420. 
 Alaska, 509. 
 
 boundary, 484. 
 Albany Congress, 97. 
 Alexander of Russia, 275. 
 Alexander VI, Pope, 26. 
 .\lger, Russell A., 507. 
 Algonquin Indians, 12, 44, 55, 78, 
 
 269. 
 Alien acts (1798), 244- 
 Allegheny River, French forts on, 
 
 95- 
 Alliance, French (1778), 174-175, 
 244. 
 
 Farmers', 462-463. 
 
 Holy, 289-290. 
 Altgeld, Governor, 560. 
 Amendments, see Constitution. 
 America, naming of, 29 (maps). 
 
 American Association, 150. 
 American Federation of Labor, 559. 
 American party, 358. 
 Ames, Fisher, 236. 
 
 Amnesty, after Civil War, 433, 435. 
 Anderson, Major Robert, 381-382. 
 Andre, Major John, 180. 
 Andros, Sir Edmund, 79, 80, 81. 
 Anglo-Saxons, in colonies, see Col- 
 onies, Enghsh, people of. 
 AnnapoHs Conference (1786), 200. 
 Annexations of territory, 183-186, 
 253-256, 288-289, 331-332, 
 341-344, 502, 509. 
 .Antietam, battle of, 410-41 1, 413. 
 Anti-Federalists, 203. 
 Anti-Masonic party, 300. 
 Anti-rebate laws, 556 n. 
 Anti-trust laws, of the states, 551 ; 
 
 of the U.S., 529, 552-554, 555 «• 
 Appalachian mountains, 7, 9. 
 Appointments to public office, 301- 
 
 302, 467-469. 
 Appomattox, 425. 
 Apportionment of representatives, 
 
 202. 
 Arbitration, industrial, 561. 
 
 national, 488-490, 535. 
 
 treaties, 515. 
 Aristotle, views of, 21. 
 Arkansas, 334, 384, 417, 435, 439. 
 Armada, Spanish, S3, 34, 36. 
 Armstrong, John, 262. 
 Army: after 1 801, 250. 
 
 American dread of, 138, 192. 
 
 in 1763, 137. 
 
 in Civil War, 382-383, 387-389, 
 429. 
 
 in Revolutionary War, 162-164, 
 175, 192-193. 
 
 in War of 181 2, 270, 277. 
 
 since 1898, 498, 503, 504. 
 Arnold, Benedict, 155, 163, 172. 
 
 treason of, 179-180. 
 Arthur, Chester A. 
 
 portrait of, 465. 
 
 president, 465, 476. 
 
XXX 
 
 Index 
 
 Articles of Confederation, see Con- 
 federation. 
 
 Ashburton treaty (1S42), 313-314. 
 
 Asia, trade with, 19-20, 225, 514, 
 557- 
 
 Assemblies: beginnings of, 43, 49, 
 52, 60. 
 development of, 92-93, 144. 
 
 Assistance, writs of, 134-135, 145. 
 
 Assumption of state debts, 234-235. 
 
 Atlanta, capture of, 421-422. 
 
 Atlantic slope, 7, 8, 9, 161 ; see also 
 England, colonies of. 
 
 Austerlitz, battle of, 260. 
 
 Australian ballot, 469-470. 
 
 Austria, 289. 
 
 Ayllon, Lucas de, 31. - 
 
 Bacon's rebellion, 74. 
 Bahama Islands, 26, 389. 
 Balboa, Vasco de, 30. 
 Ballinger, 510, 529, 535. 
 Ballot, reform of, 469-470, 533. 
 Baltimore, city of, 219, 274, 382, 538. 
 Baltimore, Lords, 59, 60-61, 82-83. 
 Bank: first U.S., 236-237, 279-280. 
 
 second U.S., 279-280, 307-310. 
 Banks, colonial, 114. 
 
 present national, 391, 485. 
 
 Western state, 280, 309, 328. 
 Baptists, see Churches. 
 Barbar>' war, 276-277. 
 Bear Flag RepubUc (1846), 346. 
 Beauregard, Gen. P. G. T., 385- 
 Beef, embalmed, 503. 
 Belknap, W. W., 445. 
 Bell, John, 372-373- 
 Bemis Heights, battles of, 172-173. 
 Bennington, battle of, 171. 
 Bering Sea controversy, 484. 
 Berkeley, Sir John, 69. 
 Berkeley, Sir WiUiam, 73-75- 
 Berlin Decree (1806), 264. 
 Bermuda Islands, 389. 
 Bill of rights (1689), 81. 
 
 national, 208. 
 
 state, 160. 
 Black Hawk War (1832), 303. 
 Black Hills, gold in, 457. 
 Blaine, James G. : character of, 466. 
 
 poUtical leader, 464-466. 
 
 portrait of, 466. 
 Blair, Montgomerj', 384. 
 Bland- Allison Silver Act (1878), 
 457, 479- 
 
 Blockade : in Civil War, 5S3, 38^- 
 
 393- 
 in War of 1812, 272, 282. 
 Blockade rimners, 389, 420. 
 Blount, James H., 486. 
 Blue laws of Connecticut, 57. 
 Board of Trade, 84, 12S, 130. 
 "Body of Liberties," 53. 
 Bonds, sale of: in Civil War, 391- 
 
 392. _ 
 in war with Spain, 502. 
 Bonne Homme Richard, the, 177. 
 Bonus Bill, 282. 
 Border states, 354, 377-378, 383- 
 
 384-412. 
 Boss, political, 301, 570. 
 Boston: city, 81, loS, 135, 140, 146, 
 
 148, 149, 219. 
 in Revolution, 154-155, 156. 
 map of, 154. 
 massacre, 146. 
 port bill, 148. 
 tea party, 148. 
 Boston News Letter, 1 20. 
 Boundaries of U.S., 185, 255-256, 
 
 289, 343-344. 347, 502, 509- 
 Bounties: paid by England, 132, 
 
 134, 138. 
 paid on sugar (1890), 476. 
 Boxer movement in China (1900), 
 
 515, 519- 
 Braddock's defeat, 98. 
 Bradford, Governor William, 49. 
 Bragg, General Braxton, 411, 418- 
 
 419. 
 Brandy wine, battle of, 1 70-171. 
 Brazil, Portuguese in, 27. 
 Breckenridge, John C, 372-373- 
 Brewster, William, 48. 
 Bristow, B. H., 445. 
 Brooklyn Heights, battle of, 167. 
 Brooks, Preston, 360. 
 BrowTi, General Jacob, 273. 
 Brown, John, 360. 
 Br>-an, WilUam J., 481-482, 507, 516, 
 
 538. 
 Buchanan, President James, 358, 
 
 360, 366, 372, 374-375, 377, 
 
 382, 395- 
 Buell, General D. C, 404, 411. 
 Buena Vista, battle of, 345. 
 Buffalo, Pan-American exposition at, 
 
 526, 569. 
 Bull Run, battles of, 384-385, 396,' 
 
 410. 
 
Index 
 
 XXXI 
 
 Bulwer (Clayton) treaty (1850), 
 
 S10-511. 
 Bunker Hill, battle of, 154-155. 
 Burgoyne's expedition (1777), i6g, 
 
 171-173- 
 Burlingame treaty (1869), 562 n. 
 Burnside, General A. E., 411. 
 Burr, Aaron, 246, 256-257. 
 Business, see Commerce, Industry, 
 
 Panics, Prosperity, Tariff. 
 
 Cabinet, the president's, 213. 
 
 Cable, submarine, 323. 
 
 Cabots, the, 28. 
 
 Cabral, 27. 
 
 Cabrillo, 31. 
 
 Calhoun, John C. : 279, 288. 
 
 and extension of slaverj^ 341, 351. 
 
 and nullification, 305, 306. 
 
 portrait of, 351. 
 California: admission of, 349-352. 
 
 conquest of, 325, 334, 346-347. 
 Calverts, the, 59-61, 82-83. 
 Camden, battle of, 179. 
 Campos, General, 495. 
 Canada: attempted conquest of 
 (1812), 271, 272. 
 
 conquest and government of, 
 99-101, 137, 149, 155-156. 
 
 disputes with, 483, 484, 485- w. 
 
 reciprocity with, 535. 
 
 settlement of, 87-88, 93. 
 Canals: Erie, 318, 321. 
 
 other state, 318-319, 321. 
 
 proposed national, see Isthmian 
 Canal. 
 Canary Islands, 25. 
 Canning, George, 290. 
 Cape Verde Islands, 26, 27. 
 Capital of the U.S., 234-235 ; see 
 
 also Washington. 
 Caravel of Columbus (picture), 26. 
 Carleton, Sir Guy, 156. 
 Carolina, 75-76 ; see North Carolina, 
 
 and South Carolina. 
 Caroline, Ft., 34-35- 
 Carpet baggers, 441-442. 
 Cars, private, and the public, 554, 
 
 556 n. 2. 
 Cartier, explorations of, 32. 
 Cass, Lewis, 348. 
 Catholics, see Churches. 
 Caucus, use of, 295, 300. 
 Cavite, 409- 
 Cemetery Ridge, Gettysburg, 416. 
 
 Census, 202 ; see Population. 
 
 Centennial exposition, 548. 
 
 Central America, 28, 30, 355, 487, 
 
 510-514- 
 Cervera, Admiral, 500-501. 
 Champlain : Samuel de, 87-88. 
 
 portrait of, 87. 
 Champlain, Lake, 94, 155, 156, 161, 
 
 169, 171, 273. 
 Chancellorsville, battle of, 414. 
 Channing, Edward, 354. 
 Charles I, and the Puritans, 46, 50- 
 
 51- 
 Charles II, 63, 74, 77, 79. 
 Charles V, of Spain, :i2>- 
 Charleston, 76, 108, 148, 156, 178, 
 
 371, 375. 381, 389, 424- 
 Charlestown, Mass., 154-155. 
 Charter colonies: control of, 128- 
 129. 
 
 map of, opp. 82.' 
 Charter of Privileges, Pa. (1701), 71. 
 Charters: of 1606, 40, 44. 
 
 revocation of, 44, 78-79, 128-129. 
 
 sea-to-sea, 42, 50, 56, 75. 
 Chase, Salmon P., 206, 356, 373, 
 381, 440. 
 
 impeachment of, 251-252. 
 Chatham, Lord (\Vm. Pitt), 98, 
 
 99, 142. 
 Chattanooga, campaigns around, 
 418-419. 
 
 map of, 418. 
 Checks and balances in U.S. gov- 
 ernment, 205-207. 
 Cherokee Indians, 302. 
 Cherry Valley massacre, 178. 
 Chesapeake, the, 259, 269. 
 Chicago: exposition at (1893), 569. 
 
 strike in (1894), 560. 
 
 see also, 372, 481, 536, 538, 567. 
 Chickamauga, battle of, 419. 
 Children's Bureau, 537. 
 China: Boxer movement in, 515, 519. 
 
 loan, and "dollar diplomacy," 
 542 and n. 2. 
 
 integrity of, 519. 
 
 republic of, 520. 
 
 trade with, 19, 225. 
 
 treaties with, 519 n. 
 Chinese exclusion, ^2 n. 
 Churches: Anglican, 77, 80, 115, 
 116. 
 
 before Civil War, 367. 
 
 Catholic, 60, 81, 116, 223, 224. 
 
XXXll 
 
 Index 
 
 Churches: early national, 223, 225. 
 other colonial, 53, 116. 
 Puritan, 46, 50-Si, 53-54, 8°, 
 114-116, 224. 
 Cibola, seven cities of, 31. 
 Cincinnati, 220. 
 Cincinnati, Society of, 193. 
 Cities: colonial, 108. 
 diagram of, 566. 
 government of, 331, 442-443, 
 
 569. 
 growth of, 219, 331, 566. 
 Citizenship, 190, 240, 361, 448. 
 Civil Rights acts, (1866) 437, (i 87 5) 
 
 450 n. 
 Civil Service reform, 444, 467-469, 
 
 527- 
 Civil War: causes of, 378-380. 
 changes during, 447-451. 
 conditions affecting, 386-395. 
 cost and results of, 425, 428-429, 
 
 447-451- 
 prosecution of, 399-429. 
 summary of campaigns of, 427- 
 428. 
 Clarendon, Earl of, 63, 75. 
 Clark, expedition of Lewis and, 255. 
 Clark, George R., 178. 
 Clay, Henry : as political leader, 
 275, 279, 288, 296, 297, 305, 
 307, 308, 342, 351- 
 character of, 270. 
 compromises of , 287, 307, 35o-35i- 
 portrait of, 351. 
 Clayton-Bulwer treaty (1850), 510. 
 Clermont, the, 317. 
 Cleveland, President Grover : first 
 term of, 465-467, 468, 470- 
 471, 475, 486. 
 portrait of, 467. 
 
 second term of, 478, 479, 480-482, 
 486, 489-490, 495-496, 560. 
 Climate, 3, 4 (map). 
 Clinton, De Witt, 318. 
 Clinton, Sir Henry, 156, 173, 177, 
 
 178, 182. 
 Coaches, 121, 228-229. 
 Coal: labor controversies, 561. 
 
 production of, 458. 
 Cod fisheries, see Fisheries. 
 Coinage, see Silver. 
 
 free, 227-228, 457, 481. 
 Cold Harbor, battle of, 422. 
 Coligny, Gasper de, 34. 
 Colleges, 1 19-120, 572. 
 
 Colombia, negotiations with (1903). 
 
 511, 527- 
 Colonial policy, American, 507-508. 
 Colonies: American, 508-509. 
 Dutch, 65-68. 
 
 English, government of, 92-93, 
 124. 
 industry in, 110-114. 
 other conditions in, 1 15-122. 
 people of, 1 04-1 10. 
 relations of, to Great Britain, 
 
 70, 83, 127-152. 
 settlement of, 36, 41, 48-50, 
 56-57, 59, 64-65, 70, 91. 
 French, 32, 34, 86-89, 93, 100. 
 Spanish, 31, 35, 289. 
 Colonists and Indians, see Indians. 
 Colorado, 562, 572. 
 Columbia, District of, see District. 
 Columbia river, 343, 344. 
 Columbia, S.C., 424. 
 Columbian exposition (1893), 569. 
 Columbus, Christopher, 21, 24-28. 
 
 portrait of, 25. 
 Columbus, Ky., 401. 
 Commerce, Dep't of, 554. 
 Commerce: colonial, 110-112, 131- 
 135- 
 diagrams of, 258, 458. 
 early national, 202, 232, 325. 
 interstate, 199, 317-322, 463-464, 
 
 552-553. 
 interstate commerce act, 463-464, 
 
 528, 553, 556. 
 later national, 450, 457-458, 556. 
 neutral, 240, 257-266. 
 under Confederation, 197 -198, 225. 
 see also Panics, Railways. 
 Commission government, 571. 
 Commission, 552. 
 
 Committees of Correspondence, 147. 
 Committee on Rules, 532. 
 Common carriers, see Railways. 
 Commons, house of, 143-144. 
 Communism in colonies, 41, 49. 
 Compact theory of the Constitution, 
 
 205, 245, 303, 374. 
 Compromises : in Constitutional 
 Convention, 201-203. 
 Missouri (1820), 286-288. 
 over nullification (1833), 306-307. 
 over slavery, (1850) 350-353. 
 (1861) 375, 377- 
 Comstock Lode, 457. 
 I Concord, battle of, 154. 
 
Index 
 
 XXXlll 
 
 Conestoga wagons, 121, 122. 
 Confederacy, Southern : character 
 of, 376, 3S3, 386, 387, 390, 
 393-394- 
 failure of, 425, 447-448. 
 formation of, 375-376. 
 leaders of, after 1865, 433, 439. 
 restriction of territory of, map 
 opp. 427- 
 Confederation: Articles of, 158, i8g- 
 192. 
 character of, 190-192. 
 critical conditions under, 192-199. 
 formation of, 159, 189. 
 Confederation, New England, 57-59. 
 Congregationalists, see Churches, 
 
 Puritan. 
 Congress: Albany (1754), 97-98 
 during Confederation, 183, 1S9- 
 190, 191, 192, 195, 196, 198, 
 200, 204. 
 First Continental (1774), 149. 
 Second Continental (1775), 157" 
 
 160, 163, 165, 176. 
 Stamp Act (1765), 141. 
 Congress, under Constitution : Ap- 
 pendix, 
 and colonies, 512. 
 and reconstruction, 434-441, 445- 
 
 447. 450- 
 creation and organization of, 201- 
 
 202. 206, 210-212, appendix, 
 
 table III. 
 increase of powers of, 227, 279- 
 
 281, 447, 450, 506, 553, 554- 
 powers of, over slavery, 287, 336, 
 
 356, 361, 371-372, 412, 450. 
 Conkling, Roscoe, 464-465. 
 Connecticut: colony of, 16, 55-56, 
 
 58, 64, 73, 77, 80, 83. 
 state of, 160, 193, 195, 199. 
 Connecticut Compromise, 201-202. 
 Conservation: Policy, 529; and the 
 
 Distribution of wealth, 573 ; 
 
 of Human Life, 574. 
 Constitution of the United States: 
 
 first twelve amendments of, 
 
 208, 247. 
 formation of, 200-203. 
 implied powers of, 237, 281, 449" 
 
 450. 
 later amendments of, (13th) 436, 
 
 448; (14th) 438, 448-449; 
 
 (15th) 439, 448; (i6th) 541; 
 
 (17th) 541. 
 
 method of amendment of, 207-208. 
 
 ratification of, 203-204. 
 
 sources of, 208-209. 
 
 theories concerning, 204-206, 303, 
 304, 314-315, 447. 
 
 see also Unwritten constitution. 
 Constitution, the, 272. 
 Constitution, written, 160, 189, 
 
 204-209, 448, 576. 
 Constitutional Union party (i860), 
 
 371- 
 Constitutions of the states, 160, 328, 
 
 534 «• 2. 
 Continental congresses, see Congress. 
 " Continental line," 163. 
 Continental money, 165-166. 
 Contraband of war, 240, 257, 412. 
 Convention: nominating, 300, 342, 
 371-372. 
 
 of 1787, 201-203. 
 
 state, 160. 
 Convicts in colonial times, 106. 
 Conway cabal, 176. 
 Cooke, Jay, 558. 
 Corinth, Miss., 401, 404. 
 Corn, see Maize. 
 Cornwallis, General C, 169, 179, 
 
 180-182. 
 Coronado, F. V. de, 31. 
 Corporations : bureau of, 554. 
 
 control of, 551-555- 
 
 development of, 550-551, and n. 2. 
 
 tax, 544. 
 Correspondence, see Committees. 
 Corruption, 530-531, 570- 
 Cortez, Hernando, 32. 
 Cosmographie Introductio, 29. 
 Cotton, importance of, 339-340> 
 
 386, 390, 556 n. 3. 
 Cotton gin, 222, 339. 
 Councils of the colonies, 123. 
 County government, 122-123. 
 Courts, colonial, 123. 
 
 national, see Supreme Court. 
 
 state, 251. 
 Cowpens, battle of, 181. 
 Crater, at Petersburg, 423. 
 Crawford, W. H., 288, 296. 
 Credit Mobilier, 444-445. 
 Creek Indians, 274, 302. 
 Criminals, 117. 
 Crittenden compromise, 377. 
 Cuba: American protectorate over, 
 516-517- 
 
 insurrections in, 494-496. 
 
XXXIV 
 
 Index 
 
 Cuba : other relations A^-ith, 26. 
 proposed annexation of, 354-355- 
 recent relations with, 502, 505, 
 
 516-517. 
 war in, 498-502. 
 Cumberland Road, 282-283, 318. 
 Currency: before Civil War, 113- 
 114, 227-228, 280. 
 since Cival War, 392-393. 455- 
 456, 479. 483- 
 Currency Act (1913). 546. 
 Customs, collection of, 132-135, 
 145 ; see also Tariff. 
 
 Daguerreotype, 323. 
 Dartmouth College case, 281. 
 Davis (explorer), 35. 
 Davis, Jefferson : as president of Con- 
 federac3% 376, 387, 394, 422. 
 
 biography of, 376-377. 
 
 portrait of, 376. 
 Day, WiUiam R., 483- 
 Debt : imprisonment for, 329. 
 
 national, 232, 233-235, 391-392, 
 
 454- 
 Debtors' laws, 329. 
 Declaration of Independence, 157- 
 
 160. 
 Declaration of Rights, (1661) 77, 
 
 (1765) 141, (1774)149-150. 
 Declarator\' Act (1766), 142. 
 Delaware, 67, 72, 204, 384. 
 Demarcation, line of, 27. 
 Democracy: in colonial times, 52- 
 
 53, 56, 92, 122-123, 129. 
 in early national period, 284, 292, 
 
 299, 326-329. 
 in recent times, 563-565, 577- 
 Democratic party, see Parties. 
 Deposit of public moneys, 309. 
 De Soto, F., 32. 
 Detroit, 94. 
 Dewey, Admiral George, 499-500. 
 
 portrait of, 500. 
 Diaz, 518. 
 
 Dickinson, John, 189. 
 Dingley Tariff (1897), 478. 
 Dinwiddle, Governor, 95. 
 Diplomacy: after 1820, 289-291, 
 
 341, 347, 354-355, 483-491. 
 before 1820, 184-185, 240-243, 
 
 252-255, 263, 275. 
 Direct primar>', 532-533, constitu- 
 tional amendment, 541. 
 Direct taxes, 202, 236. 
 
 Discovery of America, 24-30, 37. 
 District of Columbia, 234-235, 273- 
 
 274,336,350-353,412. 
 Disunion, see Secession. 
 Doctors, colonial, 114. 
 "Dollar diplomacy." 520 n. 
 Dollars, see Silver and Currency. 
 Dominion of New England, 79. 
 Donelson, Fort, 402-403. 
 Dongan, Governor, 69. 
 Dorchester Heights, 156. 
 Dorchester venture, 49. 
 Douglas, Stephen A., 355-356, 360, 
 
 368-369, 372-373, 426. 
 portrait of, 356. 
 Drafts, 388, 394, 395- 
 Drake, Sir Francis, 34, 35, 36. 
 Dred Scott decision, 360-361, 363, 
 
 366-367, 369, 371, 395- 
 Duane, W. J., 309. 
 Duquesne, Ft., 95, 97, 98. 
 Dutch : commercial rivalrj- of, with 
 
 England, 34, 63-64. 67. 
 in Connecticut, 55. 
 in Delaware, 67. 
 in New York, 65-68. 
 Dutch West India companies, 65. 
 
 Early, General Jubal, 423. 
 
 East, trade with, 19. 
 
 East India Company, 34, 148. 
 
 Edison, Thomas A., portrait of, 568. 
 
 Education: after 1800, 329-330. 
 in colonial times, 11 8-1 20. 
 
 Educational land grants, 330, 
 
 El Caney, battle of, 501. 
 
 Elections: qualifications for, 123, 
 327-328; see also Suffrage, 
 reform of, 469-470. 
 
 Elections, presidential, appendix, 
 (1789) 209, (1796) 242, (iSoo- 
 1801) 246-247 (map), (1824- 
 1825) 295-297 (map), (1828) 
 298-300, (1832) 308, (1836) 
 311, (1840) 311-313, (1844) 
 342 (map), ('1848) 348, (1852) 
 353, (1856) 358, (i860) 371- 
 373 (map), (1864) 426, (1868) 
 443, (1872) 444, (1876) 445- 
 447 (map), (1880) 464-465, 
 (1884) 465-467, (1888) 475, 
 (1892) 476, (1896) 481-482 
 (map), (1900) 507, (1904) 527, 
 (190S) 530, (1912) 538, and 
 map, 539- 
 
Index 
 
 XXXV 
 
 Electoral ''college," 207, 209. 
 Electoral Commission (1876), 445- 
 
 446. 
 Electoral Count Act (1886), 471. 
 Electricity, use of, 322, 568. 
 Elizabeth, Queen, 33, 47. 
 Elkins Anti-Rebate law, 556 ». 
 Emancipation: after 1829, 335, 411, 
 413- 
 before 1829, 221. 
 completion of, 433. 
 proclamation of (1863), 413. 
 Embargoes: 260-262. 
 results of, 262-263. 
 Emigrant aid companies, 359. 
 Emigration, see Immigration. 
 England: after 1760, 135-137, 143- 
 144, 150-151, 183, 240, 391. 
 colonies of, 9, 36, 40-159; see 
 
 Colonies, 
 conditions in, before 1760, 19, 
 
 IZ, 63-64, 80-81, 127. 
 contests of, with France, 86, 88, 
 
 89-90, 94-101. 
 dispute of, with colonies, 135-15 1. 
 first war of, withU.S., 154-186. 
 government of colonies of, 92, 
 
 122-123. 
 minor controversies of, with U.S., 
 before War of 1812, 198, 226, 
 232, 239-242, 257-265. 
 second war of, with U.S., 269- 
 
 275- 
 since i860, 343-344, 390-39i, 420, 
 455, 483-484, 488-490, 510. 
 treaties of, with U.S., 183-186, 
 240-242, 275. 
 Enlistments, 163, 387, 388. 
 Enumerated articles, colonial, 64, 
 
 132, 133- 
 Eratosthenes, views of, 21. 
 Ericsson, John, 317. 
 Erie Canal, 318, 321. 
 Erie, Lake, battle of, 271. 
 Erskine treaty, 263. 
 Essex, the, 272. 
 Europe, see names of dif event 
 
 countries. 
 Eutaw springs, battle of, 182. 
 Excise taxes, 235, 250, 393, 455, 502. 
 Executive departments, 212-214. 
 Expansion, 575-578; see also Ter- 
 ritorial growth. 
 Exploration, in America, 30-36, 
 37, 87-89, 255. 
 
 Expositions, 569 n. ; see also Pictures, 
 
 568, 569, 570, 571. 
 Expunging resolution (1835), 309. 
 
 Factory system after 1810, 323. 
 Farmers' Alliance, 462-463. 
 Farms, number of, see Agriculture. 
 Farragut, Admiral David G., 405, 
 
 419. 
 Federalist, the, 204. 
 Federalists, 204, 237-238; see 
 
 Parties. 
 Federal system of government, 205- 
 
 206, 447-450, 576. 
 Ferdinand I of Spain, 25. 
 Ferguson, Major, 180. 
 Field, Cyrus W., 323. 
 Filibustering in Congress, 476. 
 Filibusters, in Cuba, etc., 354-355. 
 Fillmore, President Millard, 348, 
 
 352, 358. 
 Finance: in Civil War, 383, 391- 
 
 394, 428-429. 
 in Spanish war, 502. 
 in times of peace, 212, 233-237, 
 
 454-457, 478-483. 
 in war of 181 2, 280. 
 Revolutionary, 164-166. 
 under Confederation, 191, 198- 
 
 199, 236. 
 see also Debts, Paper money 
 
 Tariff, Taxation. 
 Fiscal bank bill, 313. 
 Fiscal corporation, 313. 
 Fish, Hamilton, 443. 
 Fisher, Ft., 419-420. 
 Fisheries, northeastern, 6, 49, 90, 
 
 III, 183, 184, 185, 483-484- 
 Fiske, John, quoted, 99. 
 Five Forks, 425. 
 
 Five Nations, see Iroquois Indians. 
 Flag, first American, 159. 
 Florida: exploration in, 30, 31, 32. 
 state of, 303, 334, 439, 445. 
 territorial changes of, 100, 196- 
 
 197, 253, 255, 288-289, 332. 
 Folk, and corruption, 571. 
 Foote, Admiral A. H., 404. 
 Force Acts, (1808) 261, (1833) 307, 
 
 (1870) 441. 
 Foreign affairs, see Diplomacy. 
 Forts, French, in West, 88, 94. 
 Forty-niners, 349. 
 Fox, Charles, 183. 
 Fox, George, 69. 
 
XXXVl 
 
 htdex 
 
 France: ally during Revolution, 
 173-175. 182, 183, 185. 
 Civil War and since, 390, 391, 488. 
 colonization by, 87-89, 93. 
 during early national period, 225, 
 238-239, 243-244, 253-254, 
 260, 265, 2S9. 
 European, 18, t^T), 86, 93, 96, 173, 
 
 238. 
 explorations by, 10, 16, 87-89. 
 wars of, with England, 86, 89-90, 
 94-101, 136. 
 Franklin, Benjamin: after 1775, 158, 
 173-175, 183-185, 201, 229. 
 before Revolutionary War, 98, 
 
 139, T42. 
 biography of, 173-174. 
 portrait of, 174. 
 Franklin, "state" of, 196. 
 Fredericksburg, battle of, 411. 
 Frederick the Great, 169. 
 Free coinage, see Silver, 475. 
 Freedmen's Bureau, 436-437, 439. 
 Freeport debate, 369. 
 Free silver movement, 480. 
 Free Soil party, see Parties. 
 Free trade, 305-306, 324-325. 
 Fremont, John C, 346, 359, 412. 
 French and Indian wars, 89-90, 94- 
 
 100. 
 Friars' lands, control of, 509. 
 Friends, see Quakers. 
 Frobisher, Martin, 35. 
 Frontenac, Count of, 90. 
 Frontier, 219-220, 326-327. 
 Fugitive Slave Act (1850), 350, 352- 
 
 354- 
 Fulton's steamboat, 317. 
 Fur trade, 6, 88, 94. 
 
 Gage, General, 154-155. 
 
 "Gag resolutions," 336. 
 
 Gallatin, Albert: 250, 275, 283, 318. 
 
 portrait of, 250. 
 Galveston, commission government, 
 
 571. 
 Gama, Vasco da, 20. 
 Garfield, President James A., 464- 
 465- 
 
 portrait of, 464. 
 Garrison, William Lloyd, 335. 
 
 portrait of, 335. 
 Gaspee affair (1773), 147. 
 Gates, General Horatio, 172, 176, 
 179. 
 
 Genet, Edward, 239. 
 Geneva award, 420 n. 
 Genoa, commerce of, 19. 
 Geography, influence of, 2-1 1, 161, 
 399, 405-407. 
 maps showing, i, 4, 5, 11. 
 George III, loo, 136-137, 150, 159, 
 162. 
 portrait of, 136. 
 Georgia, 91, 178, 194-195, 302-303, 
 375- 
 Civil War and Reconstruction in, 
 421-422, 424, 439. 
 Germans, immigration of, 355. 
 Germantown, battle of, 171. 
 Germany, 19, 457. 
 Gerry, Elbridge, 243. 
 Gettysburg, battle of, 415-416 (map). 
 Ghent, treaty of (1814), 274-275. 
 Gilbert, Sir Humphrey, 36. 
 Gin, cotton, 339. 
 Goethals, Col. G. W., 513, 514. 
 Gold, mining of, 325, 457, 510, 542 
 
 n 2. 
 Gold Democrats (1896), 481. 
 Gold reserve, 479. 
 Gorges's lands, 57, 78-79. 
 Gorman- Wilson tariff act (1894), 477- 
 Gourgues, de, 35. 
 
 Government : development of na- 
 tional, since 1787, 447-450, 
 484-486; see also Congress, 
 President, and Courts, 
 during the Revolution, 160-161. 
 local, 122-123, 328. 
 national, in 1787, 206-207. 
 of the colonies, 92-93, 123. 
 present colonial, 508. 
 state, since 1787, 328, 533, 534 «., 
 
 563. 
 territorial, 195-196, 348, 354, 356. 
 under the Confederation, 190-191. 
 Governors: colonial, 92-93, 122, 
 129, 144. 
 French colonial, 93. 
 state, 160, 328. 
 "Graft," see Corruption. 
 Grand Army of the RepubHc, 429. 
 "Grandfather" clauses for voters, 
 
 564 n. 
 Granger railway laws, 462-463, 551. 
 Grant, President Ulysses S. : biog- 
 raphy of, 402. 
 campaigns of, 401-404, 416-419, 
 422-425, 431. 
 
Index 
 
 xxxvii 
 
 Grant, President Ulysses S. : politi- 
 cal career of, 443-445, 464, 
 467. 
 portrait of, 402. 
 Grasse, de, Admiral, 182. 
 Great Britain, sec England. 
 Great Lakes, 8. 
 
 Greeley, Horace, 330, 412, 444. 
 Greenback party, see Parties. 
 Greenbacks : constitutionality of, 
 455-456. 
 issuance of, 392-393, 455, 483- 
 see also Paper money. 
 Greene, General Nathanael, 163, 
 181-182. 
 portrait of, 181. 
 Green Mountain Boys, 155. 
 Grenville, George, 137, 138, 139, 
 
 142. 
 Gresham, Walter Q., 479. 
 Guilford Court House, battle of, 181. 
 
 Habeas Corpus, writ of, 83, 394, 
 
 395, 426. 
 Hague Peace Conference, 516. 
 Halifax award, 4S4 n. 
 Halleck, General Henry, 404, 410. 
 Hamilton, Alexander : biography 
 
 of, 213. 
 general, 200, 201, 204, 237, 241, 
 
 242, 256. 
 portrait of, 213. 
 secretary of the treasury, 213, 
 
 226, 233-237, 265. 
 Hamilton, Andrew, 120. 
 Hamilton, General (British), 178. 
 Hancock, General Winfield S., 464. 
 Hanna, Mark, 527. 
 Harper's Ferry, 406. 
 Harper's Weekly, 443. 
 Harrison, President Benjamin, 475, 
 
 485, 486. 
 Harrison, President William Henry, 
 
 17, 269, 271, 311-313. 
 Hartford Convention, 277-278. 
 Harvard College, 119. 
 
 view of, 119. 
 Havana, 100, 496, 522. 
 Hawaiian Islands, 486, 508. 
 Hawkins, Sir John, 35. 
 Hay, John, 482, 505, 520, 528. 
 Hayes, President Rutherford B., 
 
 445-447. 
 Haymarket riot, Chicago, 560. 
 Haynes, Senator Robert, 303-304. 
 
 Hay-Pauncefote treaty (1901), 511, 
 
 514- 
 Helper's Impending Crisis, 368. 
 Hendricks, Thomas, 470. 
 Henry, Ft., 402. 
 Henry, Patrick, 131, 140. 
 
 portrait of, 140. 
 Henry, Prince, of Portugal, 20. 
 Henry IV of France, 86. 
 Henry letters, 269. 
 Hessians, in Revolutionary War, 
 
 158, 162, 168, 171. 
 High cost of living, 545. 
 Hobkirk's Hill, battle of, 181. 
 Holding company, 551 n. 2. 
 Holland : colonies of, 6, 65-68. 
 
 general, 48, 177, 183, 225. 
 Holy Alliance, 289-290. 
 Homestead Act of 1862, 459-460. 
 Hong Kong, 499. 
 
 Hood, General John, 422, 423-424. 
 Hooker, General Joseph, 414. 
 House of Representatives, 202, 206, 
 
 285-286, 296. 
 Houses, colonial, 108-110. 
 Houston, General Sam, 341. 
 Howe, Admiral, 167, 175. 
 Howe, General William, 155, 156, 
 
 167, 168, 169, 170, 171. 
 Howe's sewing machine, 323. 
 Hudson Bay Co., 65, 343, 344. 
 Hudson Bay territory, 90. 
 Hudson, Henry, 65, 87. 
 Hudson, Port, 418. 
 Hudson river, 65, 161, 167-168, 
 
 169, 179. 
 Huerta, 518. 
 
 Huguenots in America, 76, 105. 
 Hull, General, 271. 
 Hunter, General, 412. 
 Huron-Iroquois Indians, 87. 
 Hutchinson, Governor Thomas, 140, 
 
 146. 
 Hutchinson, Mrs. Anne, 54. 
 
 Idaho, 540, 543. 
 Illinois, 284, 368, 475. 
 Imago Mundi, 21. 
 Immigration: diagram of, 565. 
 
 during colonial times, 52, 92, 
 104-105. 
 
 early nineteenth century, 333. 
 
 recent, 521, 564-566. 
 Impeachment of President Johnson, 
 439-441. 
 
XXXVlll 
 
 hidex 
 
 Impeachments, 251-252, 533 n. 
 Impending Crisis, 368. 
 Imperialism, 497-498, 507. 
 Implied powers of Congress, 237, 255, 
 263, 281, 449, 45°, 508, 553- 
 Impressment of seamen, 240, 259, 
 
 270. 
 Inaugurations, (1789) 210, (1801) 
 247-248, (1861) 380, (1893) 
 (cut) 479- 
 Income taxes, 393, 455, 477, S4i, 545- 
 Indented servants, 106. 
 Independence: achieved, 184-185. 
 Declaration of, 157-160. 
 results of, 221-225. 
 second war of, 269-275. 
 Independent treasury, 309, 311. 
 India, contest for, 96, 100. 
 Indian territory, 303. 
 Indiana, 282, 284. 
 
 Indians: and Whites, 14-17, 36, 
 302-303. 
 important conflicts with, 16-17. 
 
 77-78, 100, 220, 269, 274. 
 location of tribes of (map), 12. 
 minor wars with, 16-17, 55, 87, 
 
 303- 
 numbers and character of, 11-14. 
 removal of, 17, 303. 
 see also under names of tribes. 
 Indies, trade with, 19. 
 Indigo, III. 
 
 Industrial Workers of the World, 562. 
 Industries: colonial, 11 2-1 13. 
 
 early national, 226-227, 262, 278, 
 
 304, 323-325, 378. 
 recent, 450-451, 453-454, 457. 
 460, 550, 558-563, 572. 
 Inheritance, laws of, 124, 224, 329. 
 Inheritance taxes, 502. 
 Initiative, 533. 
 Insular cases, 507. 
 Insurgent movement, 531. 
 Intendants, French, 93. 
 Intercolonial wars, 89-90, 94-100. 
 Interlocking directorates, 546, 555 n. 
 Internal improvements, 282-283, 
 
 328. 
 Internal revenue, see Excise taxes. 
 Interstate commerce: 199, 317-322. 
 Acts regulating, (1887) 463-464, 
 556; (1890) 556; (1906) 
 528, 555-556. 
 Commission, 528, 556 n. 
 Intolerable Acts (1774), 148-149. 
 
 Inventions, 322-323, 568. 
 
 Iowa, 334. 
 
 Irish, immigration of, S33- 
 
 Iron, manufacture of, 133, 323, 458, 
 
 551, 556 n.4. 
 Iroquois Indians, 12, 15, 67, 69, 87, 
 
 90, 97, 193. ^ 
 Irrepressible conflict speech, Sew- 
 ard's, 370. 
 Irrigation, national law (1902), 527. 
 Isabella, Queen, 25. 
 Island No. 10, capture of, 403. 
 Isthmian canal, 510-514, 527. 
 
 diagrams of, 513. 
 
 tolls, 514. 
 
 view of, 512. 
 Italy, dispute with (1891), 521 n. 2. 
 
 Jackson, President xA.ndrew, mili- 
 tary career of, 17, 274, 282, 
 288. 
 political career of, 296, 297, 298- 
 
 302, 306-310, 314. 
 portrait of, 299. 
 views of, 297. 
 Jackson, General T. J. ("Stone- 
 wall"), 408-410. 
 Jackson, Governor, of Missouri, 
 
 quoted, 383. 
 James I, 40, 43, 47. 
 James II (Duke of York), 68, 69- 
 
 70, 79, 81. 
 Jamestown, 41-42, 74. 
 Japan, relations with, 520-522, 
 
 565 n. 
 Jay, John, 183, 184, 197, 204, 214. 
 portrait of, 241. 
 treaty by, 240-242. 
 Jefferson, Thomas: biography of, 
 248-249. 
 general, 147, 158, 159, 195, 213, 
 
 222, 224, 227, 237. 
 party leader, 237-238, 242, 245. 
 portrait of, 249. 
 
 president, 246-249, 253, 254, 257, 
 259, 261, 263. 
 Jena, battle of, 260. 
 Jesuits, 88, 93. 
 Jews, 223. 
 
 Johnson, President Andrew : and 
 Congress, 431, 432, 433, 434" 
 441. 
 character of, 432. 
 impeachment of, 439-441. 
 portrait of, 432. 
 
Index 
 
 xxxix 
 
 Johnston, General A. S., 403. 
 Johnston, General Joseph E., 385, 
 
 408, 417-418, 421-422, 424, 
 
 425- 
 portrait of, 385. 
 Joliet, Louis, 88. 
 Jones, Commodore Paul, 177. 
 Judges, 123, 130, 144, 207. 
 Judiciarj^, national, see Supreme 
 
 Court. 
 Judiciary act of 1789, 214; of 1801, 
 
 247, 250. 
 
 Kalb, Baron de, 179. 
 Kansas-Nebraska Act (1854), 356- 
 
 358, 363. 
 Kansas: struggle for, 359-360. 
 
 trusts in, 552. 
 Kaskaskia, Ft.. 178. 
 Kearsarge, the, 420. 
 Kenesaw mountain, battle of, 421. 
 Kentucky: in Civil War, 384, 411. 
 
 resolutions of (1798-1799), 246. 
 
 settlement of, 178, 220-221. 
 Kidd, Captain, 112. 
 King, English: and colonies, 53. 
 
 and parliament, 50-51, 81. 
 
 and Puritans, 43-44, 47, 50-51. 
 King George's War, 94. 
 King William's War, 89-90. 
 King's friends, 137. 
 Kings Mountain, battle of, 181. 
 Kitchen cabinet, Jackson's, 302. 
 Kitchen, colonial, 109. 
 Klondike, see Alaska. 
 Knights of Labor, 559. 
 "Know-nothing" party, 358; see 
 
 Parties, political. 
 Kosciusko, 163. 
 " Ku Klux Klan," 441. 
 
 Labor: Department of. 537, 554. 
 
 Disputes of, with capital, 559-563. 
 
 in colonial times, 113. 
 
 legislation regarding, 562-563. 
 Labor party, platform of (1872), 
 
 444. 
 Labor unions, 559-560. 
 LaFayette, Marquis de, 163, 182. 
 
 portrait of, 182. 
 LaFoUette, R., 531. 
 Lake Erie, battle of, 271. 
 Land cessions of the states, 194-195. 
 
 map of, opp. 185. 
 Land laws of colonies, 124. 
 
 Lands, public, 124, 282, 309-310, 
 315, 320, 325-326, 529, 535 
 and n. 2, 573. 
 Lane, Ralph, 36. 
 La Salle, R. C, Sieur de, 88-89. 
 Laud, Archbishop, 51. 
 Law: colonial, 123-124. 
 
 early state, 222, 223, 224, 327-329. 
 
 recent state, 532-534> 54i, 55i. 
 563. 
 Lawrence, Kan., 360. 
 Law's Mississippi Bubble, 89. 
 Lawyers, colonial, 114. 
 Leadville, Col., 458. 
 Lecompton constitution (1857), 360. 
 Lee, General Charles, 177. 
 Lee, General Robert E., biography 
 of, 409 n. 
 
 campaigns of, 385, 409-411, 414- 
 416, 422-425. 
 
 portrait of, 409. 
 Lee, R. H., 158, 203. 
 Legal Tender Cases, 455-456. 
 Legislature: colonial, 92, 123, 141. 
 
 state, 160, 328. 
 Leisler's rebellion (1689), 82. 
 Leon, Ponce de, 30. 
 Leopard, the, 259. 
 Lewis and Clark expedition (1805) 
 
 343- 
 Lexington, battle of, 154. 
 Lexow investigation, 570. 
 Libby prison, view of, 425. 
 Liberal Repubhcans (1872), 444. 
 Liberator, the, 335. 
 Liberty: civil, 53, 83, 120. 
 
 political, see Suffrage. 
 
 religious, see Religious freedom. 
 Liberty party, see Parties. 
 Liberty, seizure of the, 146. 
 Liliuokalani, Queen of Hawaii, 486. 
 Lincoln, General Benjamin, 178, 
 
 199. 
 Lincoln, President Abraham : biog- 
 raphy of, 368-369. 
 
 death of, 426-427. 
 
 debates of, with Douglas, 369. 
 
 emancipation by, 411-413. 
 
 portrait oi, frontispiece, 381. 
 
 president, 373, 380-381, 382, 383, 
 395, 396, 408, 411-413, 426- 
 427. 
 
 views of, on union and slaverj', 
 369-370, 380, 412-413. 
 Little Belt affair, 269. 
 
xl 
 
 Indc\ 
 
 Livingston, Edward, 307. 
 Livingston, R. R.. 158, 253-254. 
 Loans, government, see Finance. 
 Local government, sec Cities and 
 
 Government. 
 Locke's Fundamental Constitutions, 
 
 75- 
 London Company (1606), 40, 41, 43- 
 
 44. 
 Long Island, battle of, 167-168. 
 Lookout Mountain, battle of, 418, 
 
 419. 
 "Loose construction" of the Con- 
 stitution, see Implied powers. 
 "Lords of Trade," 84, 128. 
 Louisburg, 94, 98. 
 Louisiana: changes in (i 763-1 802), 
 
 100, 232, 253, 274. 
 French colony of, 89. 
 purchase of, 253-256, 286-288, 
 
 332, 361. 
 state of, 375, 435, 439, 442, 445, 
 
 564 n. 
 Louis XIV of France, 89, 90. 
 Louis XV of France, 94. 
 Louis XVI of France, 238. 
 Lovejoy, Elijah, 335. 
 Lowell, J. R., quoted, 427. 
 Loyalists, revolutionary, 164, 17 8, 
 
 179, 180, 184, 1S5, 197-198. 
 Lundy's Lane, battle of, 273. 
 Lyon, Capt. N., 384. 
 Lyon, Matthew, 245. 
 
 MacDonough. Captain Thomas, 
 
 273- 
 Machine, political, 300, 532-533, 570 ; 
 
 see also Spoils system. 
 Macon Bill, No. 2, 264. 
 Madero, 518. 
 Madison, President James, before 
 
 1809, 200, 201, 204, 212, 224, 
 
 234, 236, 249. 
 president, 263, 264, 270, 274, 
 
 288. 
 Magellan, Fernando, 30. 
 Mails, 122, 229, 330. 
 Maine: boundary dispute of (map). 
 colony of, 57, 58, 78-79- 
 state of, 286, 313-314. 
 Maine, destruction of the, 522. 
 Maize, Indian, 5-6, 15, no. 
 Manassas Junction, Va., 385. 
 Manila, 499, 500, 502. 
 Mann, Horace, 330. 
 
 ^lanufactures : chart of, 458. 
 
 colonial, 11 2-1 13, 133. 
 
 earl.v national, 262, 324. 
 
 protection of, 279, 304-305; see 
 also Tariff, after 1S60. 
 
 recent, 451, 453, 45S, 556-557- 
 
 taxes on, 393. 
 March to sea, Sherman's, 424. 
 Maria Theresa, 96. 
 Marion, General Francis, 179. 
 Marquette, Father, 88. 
 Marshall, John, C.J., 243, 247, 
 251, 281, 302. 
 
 portrait of, 251. 
 
 work of, 251. 
 Mary, Queen, see William III. 
 Maryland: in Civil War, 384, 411, 
 433- 
 
 settlement of, 59-61, 72, 82-83, 
 189, 200, 209, 224. 
 Mason, John, 57. 
 Mason and Dixon's line, 72. 
 Massachusetts: colony of, 56, 57, 
 59, 76-82. 
 
 in revolutionary period, 141, 146, 
 148-149, 150, 151, 154-156. 
 
 settlement of, 50-54. 
 
 state of, 160, 193, 195, 199, 204, 
 219. 
 Massachusetts Government Act, 
 
 148. 
 Massacre, Boston, 146. 
 Matches, friction, 323. 
 Maximilian, Emperor of Mexico, 
 
 488, 518. 
 Mayflower, 48. 
 Mayflower compact, 48. 
 McClellan, General George B., 
 385, 408-411, 426. 
 
 portrait of, 410. 
 McCuUock vs. Maryland, 281, 308. 
 McDowell, General Irvin, 385, 408. 
 McHenry, Ft., 274. 
 McKinley, President William, 469, 
 481-483, 507-509. 
 
 character of, 526. 
 
 portrait of, 483. 
 McKinley Tariff (1890), 476. 
 McMaster, John B., quoted, 219 n. 
 Meade, General G. G., 414, 415. 
 Memphis, Tenn., capture of, 404. 
 Menendez, Pedro, 34-35. 
 Merchant adventurers, 48. 
 Merchant marine, see Shipping. 
 Merrimac, the (1898), 500. 
 
Index 
 
 xli 
 
 Merrimac and Monitor (1862), 407. 
 Merritt, General Wesley A., 500. 
 Mexican War, 344-347. 
 Mexico, 341, 343, 344-347, 487, 518, 
 
 542. 
 Michigan, 271, 320, 334, 458. 
 Midnight judges, 247. 
 Milan Decree (1806), 260, 264. 
 Miles, General N. A., 501. 
 Military Reconstruction Acts, 438- 
 
 439- 
 Militia, use of, 138, 151, 154, 235, 
 
 382. 
 Mills Tariff Bill, 475. 
 Mining, 457-458; see also Gold, etc. 
 Ministers, colonial, 114. 
 Ministries, English (1660-1782), 137, 
 
 142, 145, 183. 
 Minnesota, 360. 
 Minute men, 154. 
 Missionary Ridge, battle of, 418. 
 Missions among Indians, 32, 88. 
 Mississippi basin : contest over, in 
 
 colonial times, Q4-95, 100. 
 during early national period, 178, 
 
 184, 232, 252-257, 274. 
 French in, 10, 88-89. 
 geography of, 4, 5. 7-8, 32. 
 in Civil War, 399-405, 4it)-4i9 
 
 (maps). 
 Mississippi Bubble, 89. 
 Mississippi River, navigation of, 
 
 184, 185, 196. 
 Mississippi (state), 284, 375, 404, 
 
 416-418, 439. 
 Missouri, 284-286, 334, 383-384, 
 
 433, 529- 
 Missouri Compromise line, 287, 348, 
 
 355-357, 362, 377- 
 Missouri compromises, 286-288 
 
 (map). 
 Mobile, battle of, 419. 
 Molasses Act (1733), i33- 
 Money, see Currency, Paper money, 
 
 and Silver. 
 "Money trust," see Trust. 
 Monitor and Merrimac, 407. 
 Monmouth, battle of, 177. 
 Monopohes, see Trusts. 
 Monroe, President James, 253, 254, 
 
 289-291. 
 portrait of, 290. 
 Monroe Doctrine: original, 277, 
 
 289-291. 
 present, 488-491, 509. 
 
 Montcalm, Marquis de, 98, 99. 
 
 Monterey, Cal., 346. 
 
 Montgomery, Ala., 376. 
 
 Montgomery, General Richard, 155, 
 
 ^Montreal, So- 
 
 Monts, de, 87. 
 
 Morgan, General Daniel, 163, 173, 
 
 181. 
 Mormons, 563 n. 
 Morrill tariff (i860), 391, 393. 
 Morris, Gouvemeur, 201, 203. 
 Morris, Robert, 201, 227. 
 
 portrait of, 191. 
 Morse, S. F. B., 322 (portrait). 
 "Mugwumps," 466. 
 Murfreesboro, battle of, 411. 
 ]\Iusk.hogean Indians, 13. 
 
 Napoleon I, 244, 253-254, 264, 266, 
 
 273, 289. 
 Napoleon III, 488. 
 Narragansett Indians, 78. 
 Naivaez, P. de, 31. 
 Nashville, battle of, 423-424. 
 Nast, Thomas, 443 (cartoon). 
 Nation, American: 2, 205, 576-578. 
 after Civil War,. 447-451. 
 relation of, to states, 205-206, 
 
 578. 
 National Banking Act, (1863) 392, 
 
 (1913) 546. 
 Nationality : contest of, with state 
 
 sovereignty, 204-205, 340, 
 
 378, 379-380, 447. 
 increase of, after 1815, 275-284, 
 
 292, 298-300. 
 National road, 282-283, 321. 
 Naturalization Act (1798), 244. 
 Natural resources of the United 
 
 States, 3, 6-7 ; see Mining, 
 
 Agriculture, etc. 
 Navigation Acts, colonial, 63-64, 74, 
 
 78, 131-135, 157- 
 Navy: in Civil War, 389-390, 402, 
 
 404-405, 407, 419-420. 
 in Revolutionary War, 176-177, 
 
 182. 
 in Spanish War, 496-502. 
 in War of 1812, 271, 272-273. 
 Nebraska Bill, 355. 
 Negroes, 432-433, 436-437, 438, 
 
 441—442, 448; see also 
 
 Slavery. 
 Negro suffrage, 439, 564 n. 
 Netherlands, see Holland. 
 
xlii 
 
 Index 
 
 Neutrality : proclamation of, 239. 
 
 rights of, 240, 257-265, 276. 
 Nevada, 457. 
 New Amsterdam, 66, 67-68. 
 
 view of, 66. 
 New England: colonial conditions 
 in, 104, 105, 110-113, 115, 
 116, 119, 122—123. 
 during national period, 221, 224, 
 
 261, 277-278, 345. 
 during revolutionary period, 150, 
 
 158, 160, i6g. 
 first settlement of, 44-59- 
 map, 58. 
 
 political problems of (i 660-1 691), 
 76-83. 
 New England Confederation, 57-59- 
 New France, 87-88, 93, 100; see also 
 
 Canada. 
 New Hampshire, 57, 79, 160, 308. 
 New Haven, 56. 
 New Jersey, 69, 130, 168-169, 178, 
 
 199, 210. 
 New Mexico, 334, 347, 350, 352, 
 
 534 » 2. 
 New Netherland, 65-68. 
 New Orleans, 89, 100, 253, 274 
 (map), 521 n 2. 
 capture of, 404-405. 
 New Sweden, 67. 
 
 New York: colony of, 65-69, 73, 82, 
 83, 114, 120, 122, 130, 145. 
 since 1783, 191, 193-194, 199, 209, 
 
 224, 318, 319, 466. 
 state of, in Revolution, 160, 167- 
 168, 169, 171-173, 179; map 
 of, 167. 
 New York City: before 1775, 108, 
 112, 141, 148. 
 corruption in, 442-443, 570. 
 in Revolution, 161, 167-168, 169. 
 since 1783, 210, 331, 566-567, 
 570. 
 New York Sim, 330; Tribune, 330, 
 
 408,412; Times, 44i. 
 Newburgh address, 193. 
 Newfoundland, 90, 484; see also 
 
 Fisheries. 
 Newport, R. I., 177. 
 Newspapers, 229, 329-330. 
 Niagara, 94, 273. 
 
 Nicaragua canal, see Isthmian canal. 
 Nicholson, Governor, 82. 
 Nicollet, Jean, 88. 
 Nobel Peace Prize, 516 n., 528. 
 
 Nominating conventions, 300. 
 Non-importation agreements, 142, 
 
 146. 
 Non-intercourse acts, 263-264. 
 North : and state sovereignty, 255, 
 278, 303-304- 
 border wars of, 89-90, 94-100. 
 colonial problems of, 76-84. 
 comparison of, with South (1861), 
 
 386-395. 
 industrial development of, since 
 
 1865, 457-460, 550. 
 industrj' in (colonial), 110-114. 
 opposition of, to slavery exten- 
 sion, 285-288, 347, 352, 357, 
 359. 366-367. 
 Revolutionary War in, 154-157, 
 
 167-173, 177- 
 settlement of, 44-59, 65-73. 
 transportation problems of, 461- 
 
 464. 
 war in (1812-1814), 270-273; 
 map, 271. 
 North, Lord, 145, 151, 175, 183. 
 North CaroHna, 28, 181, 193, 195, 
 
 196, 204, 234, 439. 
 Njorthern Securities Case (1904), 
 
 529, 553- 
 statistics of (1790-1860), ap- 
 pendix. Table VII. 
 
 Northwest territory, 195-196. 
 
 Nueces River, 341. 
 
 Nullification, (1799) 246, (1814) 
 27S, (1828) 306-307, (1832) 
 315, (after 1850) 354. 
 
 Officeholders, 129-130, 223, 328. 
 
 Oglethorpe, James E., 91. 
 
 Ohio, 220, 271. 
 
 Ohio valley, struggle for, 94, 95, 98. 
 
 178. 
 Oil, see Petroleum. 
 Olney, Richard, 489. 
 Ontario, Lake, 94, 272. 
 Orders in Council, English (1806- 
 
 1807), 260. 
 Ordinance of 1787, 195-196, 223. 
 Oregon : state of, 445. 
 
 territory of, 343-344, 348. 
 Oregon, the, 499 n. 
 
 view of, 499. 
 Orinoco River, 28, 490, 492. 
 Orleans, Isle of, 100, 253. ^ 
 
 Ostend Manifesto, 354-355- 
 Oswald, Richard, 184. 
 
Index 
 
 xliii 
 
 Oswego, Q4. 
 Otis, James, 135. 
 portrait of, 135. 
 
 Pacific Ocean: commerce of, 514. 
 control of coasts of, 35, 291, 343- 
 
 344, 346. 
 in colonial times, 30, 35. 
 recent political problem of, 521, 
 522. 
 Pacific railways, 444, 460-461. 
 Paducah, Ky., 401. 
 Paine's Comwo» 5c;z5e, 158. 
 Pakenham, General, 274. 
 Palma, President of Cuba, 517. 
 Panama, Republic of, 511-512, 527. 
 Panama Canal, see Isthmian canal. 
 Pan American Congresses, 487. 
 Panics, (1819) 324, (1837) 310-311, 
 324, (1857) 325, (187.5) 454, 
 558, (1893) 558, (1907) 530, 
 5S8. 
 Paper money : Civil War, 392-3Q3, 
 455- 
 colonial, 114, 131. 
 Confederation, 198-199. 
 present, 455-456, 481, 483. 
 Revolutionary, 165-166. 
 Parcel post, 537. 
 Pardon, see Amnesty. 
 Paris, treaties of, (1763) 99-100, 
 
 (1783) 183-186, (1898) 505. 
 Parker, Judge Alton B., 528. 
 Parkman, Francis, quoted, 13-14. 
 Parliament: and the colonies, 83- 
 84, 131-133, 138, 139-140, 
 144-145, 148-149- 
 and the king, 50-51, 81. 
 Parson's Cause, 130-131. 
 Parties, political : Anti-FederaUst 
 (1787-1788), 203. 
 Anti-Masonic, 300. 
 Constitutional Union, 372-373. 
 Democratic (1828-1854) : his- 
 tory of, 298, 301, 308, 311- 
 313, 314, 342, 348, 353, 357- 
 principles of, 297-298. 
 Democratic, since 1854: general 
 history of, 359, 371-373, 426, 
 444, 445-447, 454, 464-467, 
 476-480, 481-482, 507, 528, 
 538, 544- 
 on slavery, 358, 360, 371. 
 position of, on tariff, 464-465, 
 474, 544- 
 
 Federalist: fall of, 277-278 
 formation of, 237-238. 
 history of, 242-243, 245, 246- 
 247, 254, 261. 
 Free Soil, 348, 353, 358. 
 Greenback, 456. 
 Know-nothing, 358. 
 Labor, 444. 
 Liberty, 342. 
 "Mugwumps," 456. 
 National Republican, 297, 298; 
 
 see also Whig. 
 Old Republican (to 1828) : forma- 
 tion of, 237-238. 
 history of, 242-243, 245, 246- 
 252, 255, 263, 270, 279, 295- 
 297. 
 People's (PopuHst), 481. 
 Prohibition, 466. 
 Republican : formation of, 358. 
 general history of, 359, 371-373, 
 426, 443, 444, 445-447, 464- 
 467, 474, 481-484, 507-509, 
 534-539- 
 position of, on slavery, 358-359, 
 
 371, 372. 
 position of, on tariff, 464-465, 
 476-478. 
 Whig: principles of, 297. 
 
 history of, 308, 311-313, 314, 
 342, 348, 353, 358. 
 see also Elections, presidential. 
 Parties and the government, 577. 
 Patroon system, 65-66. 
 Paulus Hook, capture of, 178. 
 Payne-Aldrich tariff, 535, 542. 
 Peace Congress (i 861), 377; see also 
 
 Hague Peace Conference. 
 Pea Ridge, battle of, 384. 
 Pemberton, General J. C, 417-418. 
 Pendleton Act, 468. 
 Peninsular campaign (1862), 408- 
 
 409- 
 map of, 408. 
 Pensacola, Fla., 89, 288. 
 Penn, William, 70-71. 
 
 portrait of, 70. 
 Pennsylvania: boundaries of, 72-73 
 (map), 
 colony of, 70-73, 105, 114, 116, 
 
 117, 120. 
 rebellion in (1794), 235- 
 state of, 221, 235, 319, 415-416, 
 458. 
 "Pennsylvania Dutch," 105. 
 
xliv 
 
 Index 
 
 People of colonies, 104-106. 
 
 People's Party, sec Parties. 
 
 Pepperell, William, 94. 
 
 Pequod Indians, 55. 
 
 Perdido River, 2SS. 
 
 Perry, Commodore, and Japan, 521. 
 
 Perry's victory on Lake Erie, 271. 
 
 Perryville. battle of, 411. 
 
 Personal liberty laws, 354, 374. 
 
 Pet banks, 309-310. 
 
 Petersburg, siege of, 424-425. 
 
 Petitions, slavery, 336. 
 
 Petroleum, 456, 556 n. 4; see also 
 
 Standard Oil Company. 
 Philadelphia, 71, 148, 149, 219, 235. 
 
 during Revolutionary War, 157, 
 169-171, 177. 
 
 exposition in, 569 n. i. 
 Philip II of Spain, 33, 34, 3S- 
 Philip, King (Indian), 16, 77-7S. 
 Philippine Islands: acquisition of. 
 503-504, 506-508, 509. 
 
 discovery of, 30. 
 
 government of, 508-509. 
 Pierce, President Franklin, 353. 
 Pilgrims, 48-49. 
 Pinchot, 538 and n. 2. 
 Pinckney. C. C, 201, 243, 246, 247. 
 Pinckney, Thomas, 242, 252. 
 Pine tree shiUings, 77. 
 Piracy in colonial times, 112. 
 Pitt, William, see Chatham. 
 Pittsburg, 220, 559. 
 Pittsburg Landing, 403. 
 Pizarros, 32. 
 
 Plassey, battle of (India), 100. 
 Piatt Amendment (Cuba, 1901), 
 
 519 »• 
 Plattsburg, battle of, 273. 
 Plymouth colony, 48-49, 78, 82. 
 Plymouth Company, 40, 44. 
 Polk, President James K., 342, 345, 
 347, 354- 
 
 portrait of, 346. 
 Polygamy, 563 «. 2. 
 Pontiac, conspiracj' of, 16, 100, 138. 
 Pools, railway, 551 n. 2. 
 Pope, the, and America, 26. 
 Pope, General John, 403, 410. 
 Popham colony, 44. 
 Popular sovereignty, 348, 355^356, 
 
 359. 360, 369. 
 Population: (1750) 104, (1800) 218, 
 32s, 326, (1850) 331-333. 
 (1861)386,(1910)566-567. 
 
 Population, density of (maps), (1750) 
 104, (1800) 218, (1850) 332, 
 567. 
 Port Hudson, 418. 
 Port Royal, S.C, 404. 
 Portages, Indian, 10, 11. 
 Porter, Commodore David D., 405. 
 Porto Rico, 505, 506, 507-508. 
 Portugal, 20, 26, 27. 
 Postal savings bank, 537. 
 Post Office: administration of, 122, 
 229, 330. 
 corruption in, 445, 546. 
 extended service, 466, 537. 
 Potomac River, 200. 
 Poverty, 573. 
 
 Prescott, Colonel William, 154. 
 President : election of. 206, Appen- 
 dix, Tables I, II. 
 powers of, 207, 300, 395, 449- 
 450. 
 President, the, 269. 
 Presidential dictatorship, 395. 
 Presidential elections, sec Elections, 
 
 presidential. 
 Presidential Election Act, 470. 
 Press, free. 120. 
 Prices, 545 n. i. 
 Primary reform, 532-533- 
 Princeton, battle of, 169. 
 Princeton college, 120. 
 Printing press, 323, 330. 
 Prisons, 329. 
 
 Privateering, 272. 389, 419-420. 
 Proclamation line (1763). 100, 193, 
 
 219. 
 Proclamation of Emancipation, 413. 
 Professions, 114-115. 
 Proprietary government, 59, 70, 75- 
 Prosperity, 324-325, 5 5 8. 
 Providence, colony of, 54-55 ; ^c^ 
 
 Rhode Island. 
 Prussia, 96, 225, 289. 
 Ptolemy, views of, 21. 
 Public debt, see Debt, pubHc. 
 Public lands, see Lands, public. 
 Public Occurrences, 120. 
 Public schools, see Education. 
 Puget Sound boundary, 484 n. 2. 
 Pullman strike (1S94), 560. 
 Puritans: in England, 43, 46-47, 
 50-51- 
 in New England, 50-59. 76-79, 
 104. 
 Pythagoreans, views of, 21. 
 
Index 
 
 xlv. 
 
 Quakers, 69-71, 76, 222, 336. 
 Quartering Act, (1765) 140, (1774) 
 
 149. 
 Quebec Act (1774), 149, 193. 
 Quebec (city), capture of (1759), 99- 
 Queen Anne's War, 90. 
 
 Railways: consolidation of, 320, 
 
 551,555, map opp. 556. 
 control of interstate, 463-464, 471, 
 
 553, 555- 
 control of state, 461-463, 471, 553. 
 earliest, 319-320, 386, 400. 
 importance of, 322. 
 West and, 444, 460-461. 
 Rainfall, 4. 
 
 Raisin River, massacre at, 271. 
 Ralegh, Sir Walter, 36 (portrait). 
 Randall, Samuel J., 476. 
 Randolph, Edward, 79. 
 Randolph, John, 252. 
 Rates, railway, diagram of, 462 ; 
 
 see also Railways, control of. 
 Reapers, first, 323. 
 Rebates, railway, 461, 556 and n. 
 Recall, 534. 
 
 "Reciprocity," 478, 480, 517, 535. 
 Reconcentrado policy, 495. 
 Reconstruction : and Congress, 436- 
 
 438. 
 military, 438-439. 
 presidential, 434-436. 
 problems of, 432-434. 
 results of, 441-442, 447-451. 
 Redemptioners, 106. 
 Reed, Thomas B., 532. 
 Referendum, 534. 
 "Regulators" (1774), i47 '^• 
 Religious freedom, 54-55, 60, 71, 
 
 76, 91, 116, 196, 224-225, 
 
 329- 
 Religious intolerance, colonial, 53- 
 
 54, 76, 81, 91, 116. 
 Removals from office, 249, 301-302, 
 
 440, 470-471- 
 Representation and taxation, 141, 
 
 143-144- 
 Repressive acts (1774), 148-149. 
 Republican party, see Parties, polit- 
 ical. 
 Requisitions on states, 165, 191. 
 Resolutions, Kentucky, 245-246. 
 Restoration (1660), 63-65, 73. 
 Resumption of specie payment, 
 
 455-456- 
 
 Revenue, see Finance, Tariff, Taxa- 
 tion. 
 Revolution, American : causes of, 
 135-152. 
 chief military events of, 167-173, 
 
 178-182. 
 conditions affecting, 161-166, 173- 
 
 175- 
 results of, 223-225. 
 treaty concluding, 183-186. 
 Revolution of 1688, English, 81. 
 Revolutions of 1689, American, 80, 
 
 81-84. 
 Rhode Island : colony of, 54-55, 
 58,64,77,78,80,83,147. 
 state of, 160, 198-199, 203, 204. 
 Ribaut, Jean, 34, 35. 
 Rice, 6, 133. 
 Richeheu, Cardinal, 88. 
 Richmond, campaigns against, 407- 
 
 409, 422-425. 
 Rivers in Civil War, 399-401, (map) 
 
 400. 
 Roads, local, 121, 228, 320, 321. 
 
 national, 321. 
 Roberval's colony, a- 
 Rockingham ministries, 142, 183. 
 Rocky Mountains, the, 7, 255, map 
 
 and n. 
 Roosevelt, Theodore : character of, 
 526-527. 
 portrait of, 526. 
 president, 507, 526-530. 
 presidential candidate, 538. 
 Root, Elihu, 504, 528. 
 
 portrait of, 503. 
 Rosecrans, General William S., 385, 
 
 418-419. 
 "Rough Riders," 505. 
 Round Top, Gettysburg, 415. 
 Royal colonies, control of, 92, 129. 
 "Rule of 1756," 240, 258. 
 Rum, III, 139. 
 
 Russia, 289, 343, 391, 509-510. 
 Russo-Japanese War, 528. 
 Ryswick, treaty of (1697), 90. 
 
 Salem, witchcraft, 117. 
 Salisbury, Lord, 489. 
 Samoa, 485. 
 Sampson, Admiral W. T., 499. 
 
 portrait of, 498. 
 San Domingo, 26, 254, 444. 
 San Francisco, 19 15, exposition view, 
 571- 
 
xlvi 
 
 Index 
 
 San Jacinto, battle of, 341. 
 
 San Juan, battle of, 501. 
 
 Sandford vs. Scott, 360-362 ; see 
 
 also Scott, Dred. 
 Sandys, Sir Edwin, 43. 
 Sanitary Commission, 389. 
 Santa Anna, President of Mexico, 
 
 340, 341, 346. 
 Santiago de Cuba, 500 (map). 
 Santo Domingo, 490. 
 Saratoga, surrender at, 173. 
 Savannah, 178, 424. 
 Savannah, the, 317. 
 Schley, Admiral W. S., 499. 
 Schools, see Education. 
 Schuyler, General P., 171, 172. 
 Scotch in America, 76. 
 Scotch-Irish in America, 105. 
 Scott, Dred, case of, 360-362, 363, 
 
 366-367. 
 Scott, General Winfield, 345, 346, 
 
 353, 374- 
 Seal fishery, Alaskan, 484. 
 Sea to sea charters, 42, 50, 64, 75, 
 
 91, 193- 
 Search, right of, 240, 259-260. 
 Secession, causes of, 339-340, 378- 
 380. 
 early suggestions of, 255, 307. 
 failure of, 433-434. 
 progress of, 373-377, 383-384- 
 Sections, Appendix, Table VHI. 
 Sedition Act (1798), 245. 
 Seminole Indians, 303. 
 Senate : organization of the, 202, 
 206. 
 powers of, in appointments, 440, 
 
 471. 
 powers of, in treaty, 285, 286. 
 Senators, direct election of, 541 . 
 Separatists, 46, 47, 48-49. 
 Seven Years' War, 95-100. 
 Seward, William H. : political leader, 
 373, 380-382, 391, 431, 488. 
 speeches of, on slavery, 351-352, 
 370. 
 Sewing machine, 328. 
 Shays's Rebellion, 199. 
 Shelburne, Lord, 183, 184. 
 Shenandoah Valley, in Civil War, 
 
 405-407, 408, 423. 
 Sheridan, General P. H., 423, 425, 
 
 488. 
 Sherman John, 421 n., 456, 483. 
 Sherman, Roger, 158, 201. 
 
 Sherman, William T., character of, 
 
 421. 
 campaigns of, 404, 421-422, 423- 
 
 425- 
 Sherman Anti-Trust Act (1890), 
 
 552-554- 
 Sherman Silver Act (1890), 478-479. 
 Sherman's march to the sea, 424. 
 Shiloh, battle of, 403-404. 
 Ship-building, colonial, 111-112, 113, 
 
 132. 
 Ship-money, 51. 
 Shipping, 111-112, 420, 556-557, 
 
 and n. 
 Short ballot, 533. 
 Silver: Act of 1873, 456, 457. 
 
 Bland-Allison Act (1878), 457, 
 
 479- 
 coins before Civil War, 228. 
 first coinage act, 227. 
 Free Silver movement. 480-482. 
 law of 1900, 483. 
 mining of, 457. 
 
 Sherman Act (1890), 478-480, 
 558. 
 Six Nations, see Iroquois. 
 Slave trade, 35°, 353- 
 Slaver>': aboHtionists and, 335- 
 336, 367- 
 aboHtion of (1865), 432-433. 
 colonial, 107-108. 
 discussion over, in convention, 
 
 202-203. 
 during Civil War, 411-413. 
 emancipation, after 1776, 221- 
 
 222, 335. 
 extension of (1844-185 7) (maps), 
 
 362. 
 importance of, to South, 339~ 
 
 340- 
 in compromise of 1850, 350-353. 
 in connection with Civil War, 369- 
 
 370, 377-380. 
 in Dred Scott case, 360-362, 363, 
 
 366-367. 
 in Kansas-Nebraska Act, 355- 
 
 358. 
 in Missouri discussion, 284-288. 
 introduced, 42, 91. 
 question of extension of, to ter- 
 ritories, 195, 196, 340, 345, 
 347-363- 
 see Fugitive slaves. Emancipation. 
 Sloat, Commodore, 346. 
 Slum problem, 569. 
 
Index 
 
 xlvii 
 
 Smith, Captain John, 41-42. 
 
 portrait of, 41. 
 Smith, Joseph, 475. 
 SmuggHng, colonial, 134, 146, 148. 
 Social conditions, (1750) 105-107, 
 (1800) 218-223, (1850) 329- 
 334, (later) 563-575, 5^3 
 n. I. 
 Social reforms, 221-225, 329, 537. 
 Soldiers: American, 163,^ 192. 
 British, 162. 
 Northern, 388-389, 429. 
 Southern, 387, 429. 
 Sons of Liberty, 141. 
 Soto, Hernando de, 32. 
 South: and secession, 307, 373-376, 
 378-380, 447-448. 
 and slavery, 335-336, 339-340, 
 347, 351, 354-355, 357, 359, 
 361-363, 367-368, 371-373, 
 378-379, 448. _ 
 and state sovereignty, 245-246, 
 
 303-307, 379-380, 447. 
 and the tariff, 305-306. 
 conditions in, no, 119, 121, 123. 
 railway map of, 400. 
 recent progress of, 459. 
 reconstruction in, 431-442, 445- 
 
 447- 
 resources of, in war, 386-391, 393- 
 
 394- 
 Revolutionary War in, 156, 178- 
 
 182 ; map, 180. 
 settlement of, 34-37, 40-44, 59- 
 
 _ 61, 73-76, 91. 
 social classes in, 105-107. 
 statistics of (1790-1860), Ap- 
 pendix, Table VII. 
 war in, 381-429. 
 
 war maps of, 401, 403, 406, 417, 
 418, 428. 
 South America, 27, 28, 29, 487, 489, 
 490, 557 ; see also Monroe 
 Doctrine. 
 South CaroHna, colony of, 76, 107, 
 108, III. 
 in Revolutionary War, 156, 164, 
 
 178-179, 180-182. 
 nullification in, 305-307. 
 general, 193, 195, 382, 439, 445, 
 
 564 n. 
 secession of, 373-374, 395- 
 South CaroHna Exposition, 305. 
 South Dakota, 458. 
 South Sea, see Pacific. 
 
 Sovereignty, disputed between na- 
 tional and state, see Nation. 
 Spain: colonies of, 31, 289. 
 
 controversy with, over Florida, 
 
 197, 232, 288, 289. 
 discoveries by, 24-30. 
 dispute with, over Mississippi 
 
 River, 196, 252-253. 
 European, 18, 25, 33, 343. 
 explorations by, 30-32. 
 treaties with, (1795) 252, (1819) 
 
 289, (1898) 502. 
 wars of, with England, 90, 91, 94, 
 
 100, 177. 
 war with, 494-504. 
 Spanish-American Republics, 290, 
 
 487. 
 Speaker of the House, Appendix, 
 
 Table III. 
 Specie circular, 310. 
 Specie payments, resumption of, 456. 
 Spoils system, 301, 314, 467. 
 Spottsylvania, battle of, 424. 
 Stage coaches, 122, 229. 
 Stamp Act (1765), 139-143. 
 Stamp Act Congress, 141. 
 Siar of the. West, the, 382. 
 St. Augustine, 35. 
 St. Clair, General, 220. 
 St. Lawrence Basin, 8, 10, 87, 99, 
 
 100. 
 St. Leger, Colonel, 1 71-172. 
 St. Louis, 384, 571, 570 (view of 
 
 exposition) . 
 Standard Oil Company, 461, 551 n. 
 
 J and 2, 552. 
 Standish, Captain Miles, 49. 
 Stanton, Edwin M., 381, 440. 
 Stanwix, Ft., seizure of, 172. 
 Stark, General John, 171. 
 " Star- Spangled Banner," 274. 
 State sovereignty, 190, 204-205, 
 245-246, 303-304, 376, 379- 
 380, 447. 
 States: admission of new, 220-221, 
 334, 534 n. 
 constitutions and governments of, 
 
 160-161, 328, 534 n., 551. 
 first organized, 160. 
 local governments of, 328. 
 political and social changes in, 
 221-225, 326-329, 551, 533- 
 
 534, 541- 
 position of, under Confederation, 
 190-191, 199. 
 
xlviii 
 
 Index 
 
 States : reconstruction of southern, 
 432-439. 
 relation of, to nation, 205, 447- 
 
 448. 
 statistics of, at present. Appendix, 
 Table V. 
 Steamboats, 317, 31 8, 321. 
 Steel trust, 551 ; see also Iron. 
 Stephens, Alexander H., 375, 376, 
 
 377- 
 Steuben, Baron, 163, 176. 
 Stevens, Thaddeus, 434 (portrait). 
 Stevenson's engine, 319. 
 Stocks, punishment by, 116. 
 Stockton, Commodore, 346. 
 Stone River, battle of, 411. 
 Stony Point, capture of, 178. 
 Stowe's Uncle Tom's Cabin, 354. 
 "Strict Construction," see Constitu- 
 tion. 
 Strikes, 559-562. 
 Stump speaking, 312. 
 Stuyvesant, Governor Peter, 67, 68. 
 Subsidies, proposed ship, 556-557. 
 Suffrage: in colonies, 52, 56, 77, 
 123, 144. 
 in England, 143. 
 
 movement toward universal, 223, 
 327, 328, 331, 439; map of, 
 327-. 
 recent restrictions on, 438, 439, 
 
 577-578. 
 woman, 572. 
 Sugar Act (1764), 138-139. 
 Sullivan, General John, 168. 
 Sulzer, Governor, 533 n. 
 Sumner, Charles, 359 n., 434. 
 
 portrait of, 359. 
 Sumter, Ft., 375, 381-382, 396. 
 Sumter, General Thomas, 179. 
 Superstition, 116. 
 
 Supreme Court: chief justices of. 
 
 Appendix, Table IV. 
 
 creation of, 207, 214. 
 
 during war and reconstruction, 
 
 395, 434, 435, 446, 449, 450. 
 
 early decisions of, 214, 280. 281, 
 
 361. 
 photograph of, 536. 
 recent decisions of, 476, 479, 507, 
 
 553. 
 Taft appointments, 537. 
 Surplus, distribution of, 310. 
 Survey of public lands, 326. 
 Swedes in America, 67. 
 
 "Swinging round the circle," John- 
 son's, 439. 
 
 Taft, William H., 534-537 and n., 
 538. 
 portrait of, 535. 
 Talleyrand (French minister), 254 
 Tallmadge Amendment, 285. 
 Tammany, 300, 442. 
 Taney, Roger B., C. J.. 309, 361. 
 Tariff: Board, 544, n. 2. 
 
 changes, 455, (1882-1888) 474. 
 compromise tariff (1833), 474. 
 Custom Court of Appeal, 544.^ 
 Dingley tariff (1897), 478, 
 double tariff, 544 n. 
 earliest, (1789) 212., (1812) 279, 
 (1816) 278-279, (1824) 304, 
 (1828) 304-305, (1832) 305, 
 (1842) 324. 
 general, 494. 
 
 Gorman-Wilson tariff (1894), 478. 
 McKinley tariff (1890), 476. 
 Morrill tariff (1861), 391, 393. 
 Payne- Aldrich tariff, 542. 
 proposed (Confederation), 191. 
 tariff in politics (1880-1892), 464, 
 
 465, 475, 476. 
 Underwood tariff, 544. 
 Walker tariff, (1846) 325, (1857) 
 
 325. 
 war tariffs (1862-1864), 393. 
 Tariffs, special, for colonies, 512. 
 Tarleton, Colonel, 181. 
 Taxation: early national taxes, 212, 
 235-236, 265. 
 England's dispute with colonies 
 over, 135, 139-143, 144-146, 
 147-148. 
 since 1S60, 393, 454-455, 502. 
 see Tariff, and under names of 
 different kinds of taxes. 
 Taylor, President Zachary, 345, 348, 
 
 349, 350, 352. 
 Tea, tax on, 147-148. 
 Teachers, colonial, 114. 
 Tecumseh, 17, 269, 271. 
 Telegraph, electric, 322-323. 
 
 marine, 323. 
 Telephone, 568. 
 
 Tennessee: 196, 220, 284, 435, 438. 
 Civil War in, 399-404, 411, 418- 
 
 419. 
 map of (1862), 403. 
 Tennessee River, 399-404. 
 
Index 
 
 xlix 
 
 Tenure of Office Act (1867), 44°, 
 
 470-471. 
 Territorial changes before 1783, 
 
 67-68, 90, 100. 
 Territorial growth since 1783; map 
 between 508 and 509. 
 
 Alaska (.1867), 509. 
 
 boundaries (1783), 185 (map) 
 313-314, 331. 
 
 California, etc. (1848), 347; map 
 of, 345- 
 
 Floridas (1795-1821), 288-289. 
 
 General, 331-332, 363, 575- 
 
 Hawaii, 486. 
 
 Louisiana (1803), 253-256; map 
 of, 255. 
 
 Oregon (1846), 343-344. 
 
 Philippines, Porto Rico, etc. (i8g8), 
 502, 50s, 506. 
 
 Samoa (1899), 485. 
 
 Texas (1845), 340-343 ; map of, 344. 
 Territories: government of, 195-196, 
 508. 
 
 present statistics of, Appendix, 
 Table VII. 
 
 slavery in, see Slavery. 
 Texas: controversy over, 256, 2S9, 
 341, 343, 344, 350, 352. 
 
 state of, 332, 334, 439, 552. 
 Texas vs. White, 344. 
 Thames, battle of, 271. 
 Thomas, General George H., 402, 419. 
 Three-fifths compromise, 202. 
 Ticonderoga, Ft., 155-157, 171- 
 Tilden, Samuel J., 443, 445-447. 
 
 portrait of, 445. 
 Tippecanoe, battle of, 269. 
 "Tippecanoe and Tjler too," 313. 
 Tobacco: cultivation of, 42, no. 
 
 regulations about, 64, 74, in, 132. 
 
 trust, 555- 
 
 use of, as currency, 113, 130- 
 Toleration Act of 1649 (Md.), 61. 
 Tonnage Act, 212. 
 Tordesillas, treaty of, 27. 
 Tories, see Loyalists. 
 Toscanelli, 24. 
 
 map of, 24. 
 Towns, New England, 56, 122. 
 Townshend, Charles, 137, 144, 145. 
 Townshend Acts (1767), 144-146. 
 Trade, see Commerce. 
 Trade routes with East before 1492, 
 19-20. 
 
 map of, 20. 
 
 Trafalgar, battle of, 260. 
 Transportation, see Roads, Canals, 
 
 Steamboats, Railways. 
 Travel, 121-122, 228-229, 317-322. 
 Treasury, department of, 213. 
 Treasury notes, see Paper money. 
 Treaty : Aix-la-Chapelle (France) 
 (1748), 94- 
 Arbitration (1897), (1903-1905), 
 
 509-510. 
 Chinese (1869-1894), 562 n. 
 Clayton-Bulwer (England), 510- 
 
 511- 
 Colombian (1903), 511. 
 Cuban reciprocity (1903), 517. 
 Erskine (England) (1809), 263. 
 Florida (Spain) (1891-1821), 289; 
 
 see map, 255. 
 Guadalupe-Hidalgo (Mexico) 
 
 (1848), 347; map of, 345- 
 Hawaiian (1876), (1893), 486; 
 
 map of, 486. 
 Hay-Pauncefote (England) (1901), 
 
 511, 514- 
 Jay's (England), 240-241. 
 Louisiana (France) (1803), 254- 
 
 256; map of, 255. 
 of alliance with France (1778), 
 
 174-175- 
 of Ghent (England) (1814), 274- 
 
 275- 
 of Ryswick (France) (1697), 90. 
 of San Ildefonso (France and 
 
 Spain), 253. 
 of Washington (England) (1870), 
 
 484 and n. 
 of Westminster (Holland) (1675), 
 
 68. 
 of 1800 (France), 244. 
 Paris (France) (1763), 99-100, 
 
 map opp. 100. 
 Paris (Spain) (1898), 505; see 
 
 map opp. 505. 
 Paris (1783) (England), 183-186, 
 
 map opp. 185. 
 Pinckney's (Spain) (1795), 252. 
 Texan annexation (1844), 341 ; 
 
 map of, 344. 
 Utrecht (France) (17 13), QO, 
 
 map opp. 90. 
 Webster-Ashburton (1842), 313- 
 
 314; map, 314. 
 with Panama (1903), 5ii; n^ap 
 
 of, 513- 
 Trent, affair, 390-391. 
 
Indtw 
 
 Trenton, battle of. io8. 
 Trevett n\ Weeden (1786). loS. 
 Trusts : control of, 54^. 
 "money trust," 540. 
 organization of, 550, 551 and n. 1 
 
 and J. 
 see also Railways. 
 Turgot (French minister), 17,^. 
 Turner's insurrection, 335. 
 Tweed Ring. 442-443; cartoon of, 
 
 443- 
 Tyler. President John, 300, 312, 313, 
 
 34,^- 
 ''Tyranny of Andros," So. 
 
 Uncle Tom\^ Cabin, 354. 
 Unconstitutional laws, 3O2. 450 ;;., 
 
 477. 
 "Underground railroad," 354. 
 Underwood Tariff, 544. 
 Unemployment. 573. 
 I'nion : Albany jilan of, Q7-08. 
 
 during Revolutionary- period, 141, 
 147, 140-150. 157- 
 
 under the Confederation, iqo-ior, 
 
 IQQ. 
 
 under Constitution, see Nation. 
 
 United States, see Constitution, 
 Congress, Nation. President, 
 Supreme Court. States, etc. 
 
 University of Pennsylvania, 120. 
 
 Unwritten constitution, 231, 440. 577- 
 
 Utah, 563 «., 572. 
 
 Utrecht, treaty of (1713), go. 
 
 V.AC.\, Cabeza de, 31. 
 
 Vallandigham, C. L., 426. 
 
 Valley Forge, 171, lyb. 
 
 Van Buren, President Martin, 208. 
 
 311, 313. 34-^ 34S. 
 portrait of, 311. 
 Vancouver, explorations of. 343. 
 Venezuelan boundary controversy. 
 
 48S-4S9. 
 Venice, trade of, 19, 20. 
 Vera Cruz, Mexico, 340. 
 Vergennes (French minister), 173, 
 
 184. 
 Vermont, 221. 
 Verrazano, G. da. 3,2. 
 \'espucius, Americus. 20. 
 Vetoes, presidential. 308. 437. 430. 
 
 440- 
 Vicksburg. campaign against, 41D- 
 
 418; map of, 417. 
 
 \'incennes, 178. 
 
 \"irginia : Civil War in. 384. 405- 
 411. 42:!-4^3. 4-M-4-'5- 
 colonial conditions in. 107, 110. 
 
 113. no. 
 colony of, 30, 40-44. 73-75- 05- 130. 
 during Revolution and Confed- 
 eration. 1 00, 1O4, i8i. 182. 
 180, 103. 104- 
 later state of. 200, 204, 200, 24(1, 
 
 4o5. 43Q. 442. 
 map of (18(11-1865'), 406. 
 Virginia plan of union. 201. 
 Viri^iitius, 405. 
 Virtual representation. 143. 
 Voltaire, quoted. 71. 
 \"oters. see Suffrage. 
 
 W.ai.dseemui.ler's geography, 29. 
 Walker. Tariff (184(1). 3^5- 
 Walpole. Horace, 134. 139. 
 Wages. 545 ;/., 573. 
 War: Civil, 381-429. 
 
 Indian, .vcc under Indians. 
 
 Revolutionary. 154-182. 
 
 second with England. 2(19-275. 
 
 with French, 89-90. 94-100. 
 
 with ^Mexico, 344-347. 
 
 with Spain, 494-504. 
 
 ,v(\' also under separate names. 
 War department, defects of, S02-S04. 
 "War Hawks." Clay's. 270. 
 Washington: Ft.. 168. 
 
 map of (1814). 272. 
 
 state of. 572. 
 
 treaty of (1871), 4S4. 
 Washington, city of: creation of, 
 234-235- 
 
 capture of, 273-274. 
 
 defense of. in Civil War, 384. 405- 
 407.408.410.414. 
 Washington, George: portrait of, 
 211. 
 
 character of. 163. 210. 
 
 in convention of 1787, 201. 
 
 military leader, 95, 156, 167-171, 
 176. 179, 1S2. 
 
 president, 210, 213. 214. 233-243. 
 Waterloo, battle of. 27(1. 278. 
 Wayne, General Antliony, 17, 178, 
 
 220. 
 Wealth, distribution of, 573. 
 Webster, Daniel, 279. 303, 313, 331, 
 351- 
 
 portrait of, 351. 
 
Index 
 
 Webster : views of, on union, 303- 
 
 304, 351-352. 
 Webster- Ashburton treaty (1842), 
 
 313-314- 
 West, the : agriculture in, 458-460. 
 Chinese in, 562 n. 
 Civil War in, 399-405, 416-419. 
 Clark's conquest of, 178. 
 democracy in, 326-328. 
 disputes over navigation of Mis- 
 sissippi in, 196-197, 252-253. 
 early settlement of, 196, 219-220, 
 
 281-282. 
 free silver movement in, 480-482. 
 government of territory in, 195- 
 
 196, 220. 
 importance of, 256, 283-284, 482. 
 internal improvement in, 282-283, 
 
 328. 
 land cessions in, 193-195. . 
 legislation in, 328-329. 
 mining in, 349, 457-458. 
 Mormons in, 563 n. 
 problems in (1789), 232. 
 public lands in, see Lands, pubHc. 
 railway problems of, 460-463. 
 settlements excluded from, 100. 
 slavery controversies in, 284-288, 
 
 341-343, 347-361. 
 states formed in, 221, 334. 
 strikes in, 560. 
 territorial acquisitions in, see 
 
 Territorial growth, 
 transportation in, 317-322. 
 war in (1812-1814), 270-271. 
 West Indies: English, trade with, 
 
 III, 133, 139, 198, 241. 
 French, -lOO, 240, 258. 
 Spanish, 100, 197 ; see also Cuba 
 
 and Spain. 
 West Point, 179-180. 
 West Virginia, 384, 433. 
 Weyler, General, 495, 496. 
 
 Whigs, English, 137, 150. 
 Whigs, see Parties. 
 Whisky insurrection, 235. 
 Whisky Ring, 445. 
 White, Governor, 37. 
 White Plains, battle of, 168. 
 Whitman, Rev. Marcus, 344. 
 Whitney's cotton gin, 222. 
 Wilderness, battles in, 422. 
 William III of England, 81. 
 William and Mary College, 119. 
 Williams, Roger, 53-55. 
 
 portrait of, 54. 
 Wilmington, N.C., 389, 419-420. 
 Wilmot Proviso, 347-348. 
 Winthrop, Governor John, 51. 
 Wilson, James, 202 (portrait). 
 Wilson, Woodrow, quoted, 394. 
 
 portrait, 2. 
 
 elected to presidency, 538. 
 
 character and policies, 541 and n. 
 
 party and business policies, 542. 
 Wilson ("Gorman) tariflf (1894), 477, 
 Wilson, W. H., quoted, 400 n. 
 Wisconsin, 334. 
 Witchcraft, 1x6, 117. 
 Wolfe, General James, 99. 
 Woman, legal position of, 329, 571. 
 Woman suffrage, 571. 
 Writs of assistance, 134-135, 145. 
 Wyoming, 572. 
 Wyoming Valley, 73, 178. 
 
 "X.Y.Z." letters, 244. 
 
 Yale College, 120. 
 "Yazoo claims," 195. 
 Yeardley, Governor, 43. 
 York, Duke of, see James II. 
 Yorktown, capture of, 182, 408. 
 Yuan Shi Kai, 520. 
 
 Zenger case (free press), 120." 
 
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