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S P K K C H 
 
 SENATOK C 1). DRAKE, 
 
 Dclivcrcil ;n Si. I.tniis, Xovcmber 4tli. u'^yo. 
 
 The rditical Situation in ^[issouri — The Betrayal of 
 
 tlie Republican Party — Carl Shurz and 
 
 Gratz Brown Displayed. 
 
 Fellow-Citizens of St. Louis : Return- 
 ed from a five weeks' canvass ot a large por- 
 Mon of our State, I greet you with the pres- 
 age of victory. Next Tuesday need have no 
 gloomy aspect for the Kepublicans of Mis- 
 souri. It will be signalized to them by the 
 triuronh of honesty, principle and ripht over 
 one of the most audacious schemes ot polit- 
 cal knavery known in the history of Amer- 
 ican politics. 
 
 NATUKB OF THE CONTEST. 
 
 The pending conflict is not, as heretofore, 
 between the KspublleaQ party and the Dem- 
 ocratic party, but between the Repub- 
 lican party in Its integrity, and what 
 my senatorial colleague. General Schnrz, 
 assuming to lead It, calls the "German ele- 
 ment," with a retinue of former American 
 Kepublicans. who have for years hung upon 
 the skirts of that "element," and fattened 
 on oliices bestowed by the Radical party.and 
 are loth to give them up ; and a part of the 
 Democracy, who have been deluded by Gen- 
 eral Schurz, B Gratz Brown, Thomas C. 
 Fletcher, John McNlel, Bacon Montgomery, 
 and others of that ilk, into the belief that 
 some great good Is to come to the Democrat- 
 ic party from placing the State government 
 of Missouri, for two years to come, under the 
 influence of men whom that party have for 
 years denounced as guilty of heinous crimes, 
 rather than in the bands ot a man against 
 whose integrity no charge has yet been suc- 
 cessfully made. 
 
 ATTITUDE OP THE DEM0CU4CY. 
 
 A part of the Democracy, I say ; tor nothing 
 is better known to pvpi-v man who sees and 
 uear9",Than that the Bolters' ticket,headed by 
 B. Gratz Brown, has no more hope of receiv- 
 ing the entire D<imocratic vote of this 
 i^*'^^e, than T havu of recelvintr that vote in 
 lbi2 for l*re3ld«nt of the United States. 
 Days ago the Mia^ourl Kepablican tolled 
 rh» knpii or th« bolters' cause, when it said 
 tliHt t-ve'v ln»m'-cratic vote iQ the State 
 wwuld bo netued to elect Brown. Kven then 
 it. was certain that Brown would fall short 
 Uy ttiousauds of receiviug th« wholo Demo- 
 
 cratic vote of the State; to-day it is more 
 probable that the deficiency will exceed than 
 fall below twenty thousand. That is the 
 death warrant of the bolters ; let them look 
 for an undertaker. 
 
 THE GERMAN ELEMENT. 
 
 What Is that "German element" of which 
 General Schurz has frequently spoken? Is 
 It the entire mass ot onr Gprman-Amerlcan 
 citizens? By no means. Koither is It the 
 entire mass of that class ot those citizens 
 who have heretofore constituted so largt 
 and valuable a part of the Radical party of 
 Missouri. But it is that portion of tbem 
 who have unguardedly, and tor themselves 
 unfortunately yielded to a leadership which 
 must and will be disastrous to any political 
 party that submits to it; for It lacks 
 sagacity, discretion, and discrimina- 
 tion of principle, and is selfish, grasp- 
 ing, self-suflicient, and imperious. It 
 is that leadership which has made its fol- 
 lowers habitual dictators and bolters, and 
 has finally attempted to disrupt the Repub- 
 lican party of Missouri. It is with that lead- 
 ership ana its followers thatour preset t con- 
 flict Is, and not with the rest of our Germa:i 
 citizens, nor yet with the Democracy, as a 
 party. 
 
 THE HESUKKECTED LAZARUS OF MISSOURI 
 POLITICS. 
 
 GeneralSchurz and that "German ele- 
 ment," so far as Identified with him, are de- 
 serters from the Republican camp, who, in 
 league with a portion of what he calls the 
 "common enemy," are waging deadly war 
 upon the Republican party of this State 
 But for his and their desertion, B Gratz 
 Brown would never have been the resurrect- 
 ed Lazarus of Missouri politics, nor would 
 other men, supposed to have departed the 
 life political, have reappeared as advocates 
 ot a new species ot liberality, which 
 "Proves Its doctrine orthodox 
 By apostolic blows and knocks" 
 against Its old friends. When sucii deserters 
 wago war iipoiuny l»arlyi 1 wag<5 war ui><ni 
 Itiein, 
 

 .9 , 
 
 ' T say .iRHln, (hat tlio Reimbllcaii party of 
 Missouri 18 atniggliug with tlio leaders aud 
 hauRers on of that "German elemeut" who 
 w»Te of that party, but are now out ol It, 
 aud promineatly with General Carl Schurz, 
 who wa8 of it, but is now out of It; and who. 
 boasfiDji of being a "life-long Repnblican," 
 did not love his party well enough to save it 
 when he might, but hastened, while wearing 
 its highest honors, to slay it when he sup- 
 posed he could. 
 
 SCHURZ'S JUSTIFICATION. 
 
 My friends, such a deed calls for justiflca- 
 tioc. and General Schuiz is to-day, as he 
 has been for weeks, offering it before the 
 people of Missouri. Let us examine It, 
 searchingly but fairly. If be is right, we 
 are wrong; if be is wrong, we are right. 
 There is no middle ground. 
 
 As all know, his justification centers in 
 the question now before the people for their 
 decision next Tuesday, in regard to their 
 ratiQcation of an amendment to the consti- 
 tution of Missouri, removing the disfran- 
 chisement of the late rebels. 
 
 THE ENFRANCHISING AMENDMENT- 
 
 Though there never has been a moment of 
 time since that amendment was propostd by 
 the Legislature that its adoption by the peo- 
 ple was in the least doubtful ; though its 
 adoption by at least twenty five thousand, 
 and more probably by fifty thousand major- 
 ity, was as certain as the coming of the day 
 of election ; he used the pendency of that 
 amendment as the occasion and apparent 
 cause for his desertion of and hostility ;to a 
 party to which he owed the only Gflicial ele- 
 vation of his life by the people, and to the de- 
 fense of which he was bound by every obliga- 
 tion ot gratitude. Ue found a fit accomplice 
 in B. Gratz Brown, who likewise had worn 
 that party's high honors. They were well 
 mated, 
 
 CAUSE OF THE BOLT. 
 
 As I said, the desertion by General 
 Sshurz and his followers from the Re- 
 publican State convention, bringing distrac- 
 tion and division Into the Repub- 
 lican party, was ostensibly connected 
 wivh the peading constitutional amendment 
 enfranchising rebels. The majority of the 
 committee on resolutions in that body, of 
 which committee General Schurz was a mem- 
 ber, and of the majority of which he was one, 
 reported a resolution on that subject ; while 
 the minority of the committee reported a 
 substitute therefor. The only essential dif- 
 ferences between the two were these : The 
 majority resolution declared that the time 
 haa come for the enfranchisement of rebels, 
 and recommended the amendment to the 
 people for their approval and adoption ; while 
 the resolution reported by the minority did 
 not declare that the time had come, but left 
 It to the whole people to decide that point ; 
 and upon that question recognized the right 
 of any member of the party to vote his hon- 
 est conviction. The convention adopted the 
 latter resolution ; aud for that reason, and 
 that alone, so far as appears on the surface 
 of things, a portion of the convention bolted 
 from It, and organized a hostile convention, 
 over which General Schurz presided, and 
 which brought out the ticket headed by B. 
 Gratz Brown. 
 
 DECEPTION, MISREPRESENTATION, FRAUD. 
 
 Fellow citizens, the history ot American 
 polities records no such llagraut act of de- 
 sertion ot party for so trivial and unjustUi- 
 abie a cause. That it should have been done 
 upon so slight a ground, is conclusive proof 
 that the parties eugaKed in It had as much 
 predotenniiifid that a S(^para^Ion sliotild 
 be forced, as the wolf in the faOlo had prede- 
 
 JX.PO 
 
 tenulued a qHarrol with tho lamb. The 
 cause alleged stood upon too flue a point to 
 hold it. Did the bolt from the convention 
 really decide that the time for enfranchise- 
 ment had come? Assuredly not; for that 
 question was, at last, to be decided by the 
 people at the ballot-box. Did the bolt help 
 to settle that point? Not In the least; for 
 still the people were to settle it. Did the 
 nomination of the Brown ticket decide the 
 question? By no means ; for there Is no con- 
 nection between the election or non-election 
 of that ticket, and the adoption or rejection 
 ot the amendment. That ticket might be 
 elected and the amehdment defeated, or the 
 amendment adopted aud the ticket 
 defeated. There was eg fitting of the 
 means to the end; and the reason was 
 that the end really aimed at was not the one 
 held out to view. The whole transaction 
 was one of deception, misrepresentation, 
 and fraud. The people were to be cheated 
 with a false pretence in furtherance ot a to- 
 tally different and much less worthy pur- 
 pose. 
 
 HOW THE DEFECTION IS JUSTIFIED. 
 
 A necessity was laid upon the contrivers 
 and perpetrators of such an act, to justify it 
 before the people. What Is their justification? 
 It is two fold ; first, that the adoption ot the 
 amendment enfranchising rebals Is a matter 
 ot principle; a^d secondly, that the Republi- 
 can party stood pledged to remove the dis- 
 franchisement of rebels, and that the Repub- 
 lican State convention repudiated that 
 pledge, and therefore the minority of the 
 convention had no resource but to abandon 
 a party which would not stand up to Its 
 pledge. 
 
 THE BROWN MOVEMENT LACEING IN DISCRIM- 
 INATIjN OF PRINCIPLE. 
 
 Let US briefly examine these attempted de- 
 fences ot this act of desertion. I have said 
 that the leadership ot the German element 
 lacks discrimination of principle, and no 
 better proof of the fact could be found than 
 in the assertion that the adoption of the 
 amendment enfranchising rebels Is a matter 
 of principle. It their disfranchisement was, 
 in the first place, wrong, then principle re- 
 quired Its removal; it it was right, then its 
 removal is only a question of policy and ex- 
 pediency, not ot principle ; or, in General 
 Schurz'a own words, it Is an "act of grace;" 
 and an act ot grace is dictated not by princi- 
 ple, but by the "quality ot mercy." Two 
 years and a quarter ago, General Schurz was 
 a member of the committee on resolutions 
 of the Radical State convention; which 
 committee reported without dissent, and the 
 convention adopted without dissent, a reso- 
 lution which affirmed "that the enfranchise- 
 ment of those who engaged in, aided or sym- 
 pathized with rebellion, was not only a 
 legitimate and just consequence ot their 
 own conduct, but a necessary measure tor 
 the safety of the loyal people of this State." 
 
 SCHURZ QUOTED AGAINST HIMSELF. 
 
 By his own declaration, then, the disfran- 
 chisement ot rebels by our constitution was 
 right. The removal of that disfranchise- 
 ment, then, is not a matter of principle, any 
 more than is the exercise ot the pardoning 
 power by the executive— each Is a mere "act 
 of grace." This Is enough on the point of 
 principle. No principle demanded that Gen- 
 eral Schurz and his followers In the late con- 
 vention should trample under foot the very 
 lirst principle of all voluntary associations 
 ot men. that the majority .shall govern, and 
 demand ot the majority to Mubinit to tlm 
 Miinorlty. or snlior thti eoiisfiirnfinens of 
 iiioir boll fiom the parly. 
 
 i a 
 

 TUJJ I'LEDOIC or ISGS. 
 
 The second is tlieir great grouud— the 
 pledge of the party, and tbe repudiation of 
 
 ^ that pledge by the coDventlon. No more 
 <* than the other ground will it bear examlna- 
 ^ tion. General Schurz bases the pledge upon 
 
 ^•o the res ilutlon ottered by him in the Reoubii- 
 can National convention of 1863, at Chicago, 
 and which was adopted by that body in these 
 words: "We favor the removal of the dis- 
 qualifications and restrictions imposed upon 
 tne late rebels, in the s<ime measure as tbe 
 spirit of disloyalty may die out and as may 
 be consistent with the safety of the loyal 
 people." What pledge Is there? If any. 
 when and by whom was it to be fulflllea ? 
 Did it relate lo State disfranchisements, or 
 to national dlsqualificati nsand restrictions? 
 No man of unoiaaed jadgmewtcan read the 
 words and construe them into a pledge; but 
 if they were intanded as such, i is plain that 
 that National convention did not assume 
 to speak authoritatively in regard 
 to disfranchisements imposed by different 
 States ; and consequently chat its words had 
 another reference . 
 
 FOURTEENTH AMENDMENT RH3TRICTI0N3 
 
 That other reference was to the disqualifi- 
 cations and restrictions imposed on rebels 
 by the fourteenth article of amendments to 
 the Constitution of th« United States, which 
 relate to holding oflice and not to voting, 
 and which may be removed from any Inai- 
 vldual by an act of Congress passed by a 
 two thirds vote of both houses. Whether, 
 therefore, in any given case the spirit of dis- 
 loyalty had died out, and disqualifications 
 and restrictions could be removea consist- 
 ently with the safety of the loyal people, 
 was a matter for Congress to decide The 
 whole effect of General Schurz's resolution 
 was to make known to Congress and tbe 
 country that thfJrBepublican party ol tne na- 
 tion favored the' removal of those national 
 disqualifieations and restrictions whenever 
 the circumstances stated in that resolution 
 were found to exist. 
 
 SCHCEZ'S, INTERPEBTATION OF HIS CHICAGO 
 KESOLDTION 
 
 When, in a joint discussion with General 
 Schurz recently at RolU, I presented these 
 views of his Chicago resolution, he rejected 
 thera, and insisted that hia resolution was 
 meant to cover, and did in fact cover the 
 whole ground of disqualifications, rpstrlc- 
 tlon, and disfranchisements. State as well as 
 National. He did not see the pitfall he dug 
 for himself in taking that position : but you. 
 my friends, will see it lu a moment, as I 
 point it out to jou, 
 
 that National conveution was held on tbe 
 20th of May, 1868 
 
 On the 16th of July following the Radical 
 State convention of Missouri was held, 
 of which General Schuiz was a member. 
 
 He was also a member of the committee 
 on Resolutions of that body, which reported 
 without dissent the following resolution, and 
 the convention adopted It: 
 
 ■That while we believe that the disfran- 
 chisement of those who engaged in, aided, 
 or sympathized with rebellion, was not 
 only a legitimate and just conse- 
 quence of their own conduct, 
 but a necessary measure for the safety of 
 the loyal people of this State, we cherish no 
 revengeful feeling towards those who fought 
 In fair and open battle, though for an un- 
 just cause, and stand ready to restore to 
 cbem every political privilege at the earliest 
 moment consistent wtta State and national 
 safety." 
 
 KiU A NICE DISTINCTION. 
 
 Now, my friends, you see that that resolu- 
 
 tion is very dilloront from l.lio ono adopted 
 at Chicago. The Chicago resolution did not 
 name dtstiuallficatlons and restrictions Im- 
 posed by States, while this resolution could 
 refer to nothing but the disfranchisements 
 imposed by the constitution of thii State. 
 Which does General Schurz hold to be the 
 pledge of Missouri Republicans, that made 
 by the National conveotion. without men- 
 tion of Missouri, or that made by the party 
 in Missouri speaking for itsell? If there is 
 a ditlcirence, does be not know that the last 
 expression controls and sets aside the flrsr; 
 
 THE CHICAGO VS. THE .JEFFERSON CITT PLAT- 
 FORM 
 
 It he meant the first to bind the party, why 
 did he destroy its effect by procuring the 
 adoption of the last? Can he rescue it from 
 the destruction which he himself wrought, 
 by now claiming for it a meaning and a pur- 
 pose which, less than two mourns after its 
 passage by the national convention, he, by 
 the very act of assenting to the other resolu- 
 tion, showed that he did not consider it to 
 have? Observe, that while the Chicago res- 
 olution favors, under designated circum- 
 stances.'the removal of the disqualification* 
 andie3trictlonslmp:s2d upon the late rebelp," 
 —not this or that class, but any and all of 
 them— the resolution of our own State con- 
 vention singles out one class only, viz: 
 "Those xohofovr/ht in fair and open battle.'' 
 and expresses readiness, under certain cir- 
 cumstances, to restore to them their political 
 privileges. What did General Schurz 
 mean by that discrimination? If 
 the Chicago resolution was the 
 party's pledge, did not he himself 
 directly violate it by the Missouri resolution 
 restricting the pledge to the single point of 
 favoring the Confederate soldier in prefer- 
 ence to ether rebels? And shall be now jus- 
 tify his treason to his party by Its alleged 
 repudiation of a pledge wnich, more than 
 two years ago, he had himself dishonored? 
 
 THE PITFALL SCHDRZ DUG FOR HIM3ELF. 
 
 Behold, my friends, the pitfall which ihis 
 bolting leadr-r dug for himself, and fell into 
 headlong ! Who can lift him out of it? Who 
 will venture upon such a dead lift as that? 
 
 After this exposure of the utter hoUowuess 
 of the pretexts upon wtich the desertion of 
 their party by General Schurz and his fol- 
 lowers Is attempted to be justified, there Is 
 only one shadow in the picture which needs 
 to be deeuened, to bring out m bolder prom- 
 inence Us hideous features. Men may de- 
 sert a party for some object which is to live 
 and bear fruit, but this is the' first Instance 
 within my knowledge Iff such desertion tor 
 an object which Is to die with the day of 
 election, and can bear uo fruit, before or 
 after that day. 
 
 THE PLATFORM OF A DAY. 
 
 The bolters letc tne convention oacause it 
 refused to adopt a platform making the 
 support of the rending cointltiuional 
 amendment a test of party fidelity. If that 
 platform were t < live after the election, and 
 guide the incoming administration, there 
 might be some show of Justilicitlon for ad- 
 hering to it with such dogged tenacity ; but 
 It will live only until the close of the polls 
 next Tuesday, and then sink out of sight 
 forever Whether the ameuament oe adopt- 
 ed or rejected, the platform will then cease 
 tob?. 
 
 If tne sole object of the bolters was to se- 
 cure its adoptioa, was It not as much in their 
 power to urge that iHSide of the party as out- 
 side of It? 
 
 3BPABATINQ THE CHAFF FRO.M THE FLOUR. 
 
 The convention did not ostracise any man 
 fir favoring It. The whole flel 1 of ptl'ort for 
 

 it was letd wide open for all. Not a straw 
 was laid In the way of any man's exerting 
 all his powers in its favor. The most un- 
 bounded freedom of opinion and action was 
 accorded to all. Ought not this to have been 
 enongli? It was enough for all true Repub 
 licans, but not for those wolves in sheep's 
 clothing, who had come Into the Republican 
 fold only to devour and destroy. They de- 
 manded a platform which must Inevitably 
 fall to dust on the day of election, and be- 
 cause the majority cared net to feed on such 
 dead sea fruits they bolted. Well, my friend s, 
 bolting In this case, as in the miller's work, 
 will separate the chaff from the Hour. Here- 
 after we shall know the flour of the party ; 
 the chaff we commit to the winds. 
 
 THE BOLT A BID FOR REBEL VOTES. 
 
 Thus I have briefly considered, and I be- 
 lieve, exposed the vapid ness of the pretexts 
 upon which the desertion of his party by 
 General Schurz and his followers is sought to 
 be defended. I turn now to what I believe 
 to be the real meaning of that nefarious act. 
 You, as Republlcans,and many of you as citi- 
 zens, whether Republicans or Democrats, 
 will, I think, see that they more nearly con- 
 cern you, ihan you may have yet thought. 
 
 la the first place, the bolt is a bid 
 for the votes of the late rebels when they 
 shall have become enfranchised. Every- 
 where throughout the State the claim of 
 Brown to the support of the Democracy is 
 urged on the ground of his having been the 
 first Republican to urge the enfranchisement 
 of rebels ; and the celebrated Planters' house 
 meeting of November, 1866, is pointed to as 
 proof of his priority of rank among the lovers 
 of the rebels. Fellow-citizens, I denounced 
 that meeting at the time as a proposition to 
 sell out the Radical party of Missouri, and 
 time has justified that denunciation. The 
 bolt from our State convention was the legit- 
 imate outcome of that meeting. 
 
 THE TERMS OF SALE. 
 
 The time for a seli-out bad not come in 
 1S66, but it came in 1870. The terms of the 
 sale were the betrayal of the RepubllcaH par- 
 ty by Schurz, Brown & Co.. in consideration 
 of the support of the Democracy, who should 
 in this election have no State ticket of 
 their own, but join their forces 
 with recreant Republicans to rout the 
 Republican party, which bad made those 
 recreants all they are. This is the whole 
 story in a sentence— and such a story ! Can 
 the annals of political cunning, duplicity, and 
 treacherv, outside of New York city, show 
 its equal? 
 
 A SCHEME OF VAULTING AMBITION . 
 
 But, In the second place, there is, in my 
 unhesitating belief, a scheme of vaulting 
 ambition under this whole betrayal of our 
 party, the like of which has nowhere else 
 been seen. Carl Schurz is the acknowledged 
 leader of the "German element" heretoiore 
 In the Republican party of Missouri. You 
 know, and every Republican in the State 
 knows, how imperiously that '"element" and 
 its hangers on have for years lorded it over 
 the party, in its conventions, city, county, 
 district, and state Its leaders have always 
 and everywhere held it up before the party 
 as a compact and resolute mass, of one will, 
 which. If yielded to, would go with the party, 
 but. If opposed, would bolt. And It has bolt- 
 ed, time and again, when its aid was immi- 
 nently needed. 
 
 THE GERMANS AS BOLTERS 
 
 In 1861. when, with war at its bight, 
 the late of the country seemed to 
 bang upon the re-election of Mr. Lincoln, 
 he •German element" bolted from our Radi- 
 cal statu coaviiution, iind wfiHt into thts 
 
 movomout in favor of Fremont for the presi- 
 dency, and called themselves the 'Radical 
 Democracy." In 1865. when the fate of this 
 State hung upon the adoption by the people 
 of our preseut constitution, the same "ele- 
 ment" voted against that constitution, giv- 
 ing in this county alone 6000 majority against 
 it, upon the pretext that it contaioed the 
 word iohi>.e» In 1868, when an amendment 
 to that constitution was proposed, striking 
 out of it that word, and giving the ballot to 
 the negro, that same "element" voted 
 against it, and voted it down. 
 
 SCHURZ TO CARRY TaE GERMANS OVKU TO THE 
 DEMOCRACY. 
 
 Such an "element," moving in such com- 
 pact mass, is a mighty newer in the hands of 
 him who can wield it. General Schurz is sup- 
 posed to possess that capacity. He speaks and 
 writes to them in their mother tongue, and 
 can reach them as no American can. And, 
 occupying that vantage ground, I believe 
 that he has conceived the daring thought, 
 now that this power over the Republican 
 pa'ty is broken, of carrying over the whole 
 "German element" of Missouri, In future 
 elections, (not, however. In this), to the De- 
 mocracy, and wielding over that party the 
 scepter, under which RepubUcans refuse 
 longer to serve. And, in my opinion, his 
 ambition does not stop there. I believe 
 that he has nurtured the more daring 
 thought of marching the entire German 
 mass of the Republican Germans of the 
 United States over to the Democracy, to se- 
 cure the election of a Democratic President 
 in 1872, over whose administration he may 
 exert an influence as supreme, as his aid in 
 its election was efficient. It is the old idea 
 of "a power behind the throne greater than 
 the throne itself ;" which throne, under the 
 constitation, h ecan never himself fill. 
 
 THAT DARK HINT OF 1869. 
 
 Is my belief on thts point unreasonable? 
 It General Schurz dees not mean this, 
 what meant his dark hint in February, 
 1869, jnst before taking his seat in the Sen- 
 ate, when, in answer to New York Germans, 
 who had presented him an address, he spoke 
 of ' new ties'' to be formed by him in the fu- 
 ture and of his "arriving at dilferent con- 
 clusions from those held by the persons who 
 had then addressed him?" 
 
 My friends, I see in the position of General 
 Schurz to-day the outcropping of those 
 "different conclusions," and the beginning 
 of the formation of those "new ties." Time 
 will show whether mv vision is straight or 
 not If time shall vindicate General Schurz 
 so much the better for him, so much the 
 worse for me. When, however. I opposed 
 his election to the Senate, I staked all upon 
 my declared j udgment that his election would 
 be the beginning of dissension in the Radical 
 party in Missouri, and time has shown me 
 right. I leave to time the proof of the cor- 
 rectness of my present belief. 
 
 TAKING ALL AND GIVING NOTHING. 
 
 Can Gen. Schurz exercise such control ever 
 his German fellow-citizens? Time must setl le 
 that question, too. I do not believe he can. 
 I regard them as an Intelligent people, who, 
 though confiding In their German leaders, 
 are yet Independent thinkers, who mean to 
 promote the interests of their adopted coun- 
 try ; and the day will come when they will 
 overwhelm with confusion, as they did 
 Frank Blair in 1861, those who wonld lead 
 them into political associations adverse to 
 their interests and their principles. There 
 is a broad line of demarkation and separa- 
 tion between Republicans and Democrats, 
 which bolting Republican leaders may pass, 
 but oyer whidh they can hwdly drag tUw 
 
masses of llio Goniuiu pooplo. It will bo 
 time enough for the Democracy to p.xult over 
 that reinforcement wlien they get ic- They 
 have not got it jet, as is shown by the pres- 
 ence of the bolters' ticliet in this county for 
 the county officers, contesting every inch of 
 the ground wich the very Democracy whose 
 aid they invoke to elect Brown. They are 
 willing to take all they can get from the 
 Democracy, and to give in return— nothing. 
 I congratulate the Democracy on a bar- 
 gain which, to use one of Gratz .Brown's 
 Hassinal phrases, is so truly "iug handle- 
 wise." 
 
 THKBOLT A FREE-TRADS MOVEMENT. 
 
 But to proceed to the third and last secret 
 of the bolt from our convention. I have no 
 more doubt than of my existence, that that 
 bolt was a free trade movement. Its leaders, 
 its candidates and its newspapers are all of 
 the free-trade school, which. openlv, through 
 the organism of a league in New York City, 
 using without stint or limit the money of 
 foreigners to subsidize the press and fill the 
 laud with its emissaries, is aiming to break 
 down the industries of America, that the in- 
 dustries of England and ContinentalEurope 
 may be built un upon their ruitis. This, my 
 friends, is much less a question of capital 
 than of labor. Capitalists are few, laborers 
 are many: and ho who would subordinate 
 American to European industries strikes at 
 the multitude, with whom labor is a necps- 
 sity. as well as at the few whose capital is, 
 of choice, employed in manufactures. 
 
 AN IMPLACABLE FOE TO FREE TR4.DE. 
 
 I do not tor a moment hesitate to avow 
 that I am a life-long opponent of any and 
 every policy which degrades American labor 
 to the level of European labor. I recognize 
 to the fullest extent my obligation to cher- 
 ish and protect American industry before 
 any other industry in the wide world. I am, 
 therefore, as you, citizens of Missouri, ought 
 to be, the implacable foe of free trade, for It 
 means free ruin to American labor; and 
 whatever means that, means dire ruin to our 
 country. Of pecessity, then, on this point, I 
 must stand wdirect antagonism to General 
 Schurz, Gratz l^rown, the Missouri Demo- 
 crat, and all the rest of the free traders, big 
 and little, 
 
 THE TARIFF. 
 
 This necessarily brings up the question of 
 the tariff, upon which indulge me with a few 
 words. They must be few. but I will try to 
 make them tothe point The national gov- 
 ernment needs and must have a large 
 annual revenue. Shall that revenue be 
 derived from internal taxation, such as we 
 have bad for the last five or six years, and 
 which has borne so heavily upon the people ; 
 or shall it ba got throueh duties on imports, 
 where, so little does any man feel the pay- 
 ment of his share, that not one person in a 
 thousand knows that he pays a cent of it? 
 Every man in the nation will say. abolish 
 the Internal taxation as far as possibl*, and 
 raise the needed revenue through the tariff. 
 
 EVILS OF NON-PROTBCTION. 
 
 But, it may be asked, what Rind of a tariff? 
 There is a low taiift. which raises the re- 
 quired revenue by swelling the Imports, and 
 just as they swell, the country is drained of 
 gold to pay for them, and at the same time 
 our own factories are shut up. and their 
 work-people turned out of employment, to 
 beg or starve. 
 
 That is the free traders' tariff, and I am 
 agalLstit. 
 
 OBJECTIONS TO EXCESSIVE DUTIES. 
 
 Then ihere Is what, forty or fifty years ago, 
 was known as a high protective tariff, 
 which It'Vled hi^U dntlos on foreign Koodx 
 
 competing in tho Aiiioriciui market 
 wilh American ROodP, for the purpose 
 of protecting the manufacturers of the lat- 
 ter against that competition, without regard 
 to whether more revenue than the govern- 
 ment needed was raised thereby or not. I 
 am not for that kind of tariff. 
 
 THE HAPPPT MEDIUM. 
 
 There is a third descripMon of tariff, 
 framed to raise the revenue needed by the 
 government, and no more, through an ar- 
 rangement of the duties not on one dead 
 plane of uniform rate, but with such dis- 
 criminations in fiivor of American industry 
 as will give our home manufacturers a fair 
 chance in our home market, so as not to bn 
 driven out of it by those of KD!»laad or any 
 other foreign country. That la the tarltf for 
 me, and ougnt to be for every American, and 
 ray friends, It will be tor the ereat mass of 
 the American people. North and South, East 
 and West. 
 
 TAKING CARE OF AMEKICAN INTSRE3TS. 
 
 The hue and cry of tree traders will avail 
 them nothing against a tariff based on that 
 common sense idea. We must take care of 
 American interests, ard most especially 
 of American labor, or they will be driven 
 to the wall. It, in doing so, some men grow 
 rich, shall they t.herefore be pulled down? If 
 so, what becomes of the labor they employ, 
 at wages higher than England, Germany, or 
 France pays, and which eievaie the Ameri- 
 can artisan and mechanic above the ariisans 
 and mechanics of any other couotrj? 
 
 THE MONOPOLISTS. 
 
 But the great argument of the free traders 
 is in a perpetual and insane outcry against 
 "monopolists." In this country there are no 
 monopolists except patentees c.f inventions. 
 A manufacturer who invests millions of cap- 
 ital, and employs thousands of hands is not 
 a monopolist, unless he have the exclusive 
 right to invest capital and employ bands in 
 that particular business. If others may free- 
 ly go into the same business, there is no mo- 
 nopoly. But, my friends, suppose that a 
 tariff, with incidental protection, does raise 
 up American monopolists— which I utterly 
 deny— the low tariff of the free traders raises 
 up monopolists in England and Contioentai 
 Europe, to fatten on the downfall of Ameri- 
 can industries; and would you rather send 
 your money abroad, to the ruin of our own 
 people and the enrichment of foreigners, 
 than to keep It at home to build up Ameri- 
 can interests? Free trade is American pro- 
 tection to foreigners; a tariff, with discrim- 
 inating duties, is American protection to 
 Americans. I am agstinst the former, and 
 for the latter ; and it is a bold and false as- 
 sertion to say that Missouri I3 for free trade. 
 Whenever the time comes for her to speak 
 she will speak out for the protection of 
 American industry and intf-Tests. 
 
 FREE TRADE HOSTILE TO THE INTERESTS OF 
 MISSOURI. 
 
 It was, in my opinion, to aid In betrajing 
 her into the follies and fallacies of free 
 trade that General Schurz and his followers 
 bolted from our convention. Against that 
 maneuver I invoke the opposition of every 
 man who desires to see the Illimitable nat- 
 ural resources of Missouri developed. She 
 has enough within her to make her, within 
 twenty years, in wealth and population the 
 second State in the Union, if not the first: 
 and shall it not be brought out? 
 Why not make her, with her boundless 
 mineral wealth, the mineral center of the 
 United States, if not of the world? With 
 free trade triumphant, that wealth will lie 
 there undeveloped, as it has through the 
 ages of the past ; with a Lario such as I fa- 
 
vor, it will roll out lor ages to como. Down, 
 theD, with free trade, say 1. 
 
 But I can give no more time to thii great 
 subject. It will hereafter come before the 
 people for discussion, when I may be heard 
 upon it at leoRth. My present purpose has 
 been to expose the secret springs and con- 
 cealed under-currents of General Sehnrz'a 
 bolt from our convention, as they appear to 
 me; and having done that I pass toother 
 topics. 
 
 THE BOLTERS' CANDIDATE FOR GOVERNOR. 
 
 Ic was not enough lor General Scburz to 
 bolt in favor of a platform which had but 
 barely two months and six days of life possi- 
 ble to it, but a ticket for State ctiicars must 
 be nominated upon that platform. He pro- 
 claimed in the convention, before he left it. 
 the llxed purpose ot his game in these words: 
 
 "Some suca nlatform will go before the 
 people of this Si^ate at the next election, and 
 a candidate ivill go before the people for 
 their suffrage who does not by his known 
 opinions, associations, and public record 
 give the lie to what is declared in the plat- 
 form upon which he is nominated." 
 
 And such a platform the bolters have pre- 
 sented to the people, with a candidate upon 
 it in the person of B. Gratz Krown I have 
 examined the platform and now propose to 
 look at the candidate. 
 
 B GRATZ BROWN AS A ' LIBERAL " 
 
 He IS put forth as a Liberal. la what does 
 his liberality consist? Simply in knocking 
 in the head the party that made him ail he 
 ever was politically, and rushing into the 
 pale of a party which, having a surplus of 
 men of its own to elevate, will have no use 
 for him af tar this "base use" to which they 
 put him now. But he and they can settle 
 that hereafter. 
 
 He is put forth with a challenge to all to 
 scrutinize his record as a Liberal. I have 
 heretofore accepted that challenge, and giv- 
 en his record to the world. I found in it 
 some curious things. 
 
 CDRIOUS SCRAPS OF POLITICAL HISTORY. 
 
 In 1863, when he was a candidate for Unit- 
 ed Stares senator, and Radicalism was, like 
 John Brown's soul, marching oh. he hurled 
 perpetual disfranchisment at the rebels, and 
 proclaimed against them "the fullest meas- 
 ure of RETALIATION." 
 
 In 1864, after his election to the Senate.and 
 when he was looking forward to a re-elec- 
 tion, he again cried aloud for the perpetual 
 disfranchisement of rebels. 
 
 In that year, too, the Cleveland conven- 
 tion, called and engineered by him, and 
 which nominated Fremont for the Presiden- 
 cy, declared in favor of the C0NFI3CATI0^f 
 ot the lands of rebels, and their distribution 
 among thu soldiers and actual settlers. 
 
 In 1865, while still looking for a re-elec- 
 tion, he wrote thus: "I am one of those who 
 have from the beginning believed that the 
 loyal and the disloyal can never live in Mis- 
 souri together, and the latter must he forced 
 to depart, and I believe that reglstrarioa is 
 the otily mode that will accomplish it." 
 
 A FEABFOL QUARTETTE. 
 
 My friends, a reader of certain newspapers 
 Iq Missouri during the last six years, would 
 suppose that he who now addresses you en- 
 joyed a monopoly ot savage and devilish 
 nate toward rebels; but here is a Haleite to 
 whom I take off my hat. Gra'z Brown has 
 written down such words as I never wrote 
 in regard to i-eteels. His creed was summed 
 up in the fearful quartette: 
 
 REi"a.LIAriON. 
 PERPETUAL DISFRANCHISEMENT. 
 
 CONFISCATION. 
 
 BANISH MKNT. 
 
 WUO IS TUB REAL "IIATEITEV" 
 
 J yield to him the supremacy of hate. 
 When I wrote the suffrage 
 article of our constitution, imposing disfran- 
 chisement upon rebels, I placed there 
 authority in the Legislature to re- 
 move that disfranchisement after the 
 first day of January, 1871; but Gratz 
 Brown was for perpetual exclusion of 
 rebels from the ballot-box. And yet be is 
 now the Liberal, and I am called the "Hate- 
 ite." 
 
 He is the candidate of the so-called 
 Liberals, in support of an amendment 
 which, in terms, pronounces eternal disfran- 
 chisement against any who hereafter engage 
 in rebellion; while he Is not willing to let the 
 temporary disfranchisement of.former rebels 
 under our constitution last till next New 
 Year's day ; and for that he is the Liberal, 
 and I am called the "Hateite." 
 
 CIRCUMiTANGES ALTER CASES. 
 
 But, alas for the tntirmlty of poor human 
 nature. It is too true that "circumstances 
 alter cases." This Liberal candidate's hate 
 and love come and go as his personal inter- 
 ests dictate. He hates when it is profitable, 
 and loves when it is gain. In 1863, '64 and '65, 
 with the Senate chamber in view, ha 
 breathed the hot breath of vengeance and 
 retaliation; now with Missouri's executive 
 mansion in sight, he "roars you gently as 
 any sucking dove." 
 
 ON THE ROAD TO THE DEMOCRACY. 
 
 Fellow citizens, it stands out as a plain 
 and incontestible truth, that it was only 
 after Gratz Brown had lost all hope of re- 
 eectlon to the Senate, that he doubled on 
 his track, and faced toward the Democracy. 
 He saw that his vocation as a political 
 double cylinder wringer of the Radical par- 
 ty of Missouri was gone. He had wrung the 
 last drop out of that party, and he tooR up 
 his line of march to the Democracy, to 
 wring the last drop out of them, if he can. 
 From that Planters' House meeting in No- 
 vember, 1866, you may date Gratz Brown's 
 purpose to abandon the party which he saw 
 no longer needed him, and se^^a new field 
 in a party wiere he thought he might find 
 a high place. Frank Blair had already 
 traveled that road, aud Gratz Brown follows 
 him. 
 
 SATAN REBUKING SIN. 
 
 But, my friends, how does this Liberal 
 candidate avoid the effect of his record 
 of hate# which I have placed be- 
 fore the people of Missouri? He admits it 
 all true ; ana how does he turn its edge? He 
 says the circumstances have changed, and 
 so have his feelings. That, I suppose is true ; 
 but why should he In the same speech, call 
 me an "apostle of hate," when I, in drafting 
 the constitution, in the mid&t of the war, 
 foresaw that the circumstances would 
 change, at the very time that he was fulmi- 
 nating perpetual disfranchisement, confisca- 
 tion, and banishment against rebels? 
 
 THUNDER STEALING 
 
 Which shows the more liberal and Chris- 
 tian spirit, he who, surrounded by all the 
 bad and bitter passions of the war, looked 
 through the lurid clouds to the end, and pro- 
 vided for only a temporary disfranchise- 
 ment, or he who then proclaimed perpetual 
 disfranchlsament, and changed his ground 
 only when circumstances changed? And 
 what credit are he and General Schurz and 
 the whole company of the bolters entitled to 
 for advocatingtheenfranchisementof rebels 
 at the exact time I had fixed, nearly six 
 years ago, in the constitution, for that en- 
 franchisement to be conferred by the Legis- 
 lature? Are they not stsallng my thnndei ? 
 
-7— 
 
 "NOT WISKLT r.tn' TOO WBLr, " 
 
 IJiit, luy friends, why TurtUer pursue the 
 iirRument? Why further depict the cause- 
 less treason aud shameless apostacy of men 
 whom the great Radical party has heretofore 
 "loved, not wisely but too well?" I leave 
 them here and hasten to the conclusion. 
 
 NO OPPOSITION BETWEEN REPUBLICANS AND 
 THE AJIENDMENT3. 
 
 Were It in any degree true that the election 
 of the bolters' ticket is necessary, or even 
 tends, to secure the enfranchisement of 
 rebels, I could see something to be gained by 
 the advocates of enfranchisement In break- 
 ing from party preferencps and party 
 obligations to vote for that ticket. But it is 
 not in any degree true that the election of 
 that ticket Is necessary or tends to securo 
 tbat end. Every man's vote on enfranchise- 
 ment is distinct and separate from his vote 
 for oflieers. Nor is there any ground of ap- 
 peal to Democrats to vote the bolters' ticket 
 because of opposition by the Republican 
 party to the pending amendments. No such 
 opposition has been anywhere developed. 
 Oovernor McClurg has declared that he has 
 made none: I have just concluded an ex- 
 tended canvass in the Interior, in the course 
 of which I have made none: and I am not 
 aware that there is In the Republican party 
 anywhere any organized or concerted oppo- 
 sition to those amendments. 
 
 WHY DEMOCRATS SHODLD NOT VOTE FOR THE 
 BOLTERS' TICKET. 
 
 If, then, Republicans break from their 
 party affinities to vote for that ticket, they 
 do it with the full and certain knowledge 
 tbat their act is one of needless hostility 
 to their party. It Democrats vote for it, 
 they do It with three great facts 
 plain before their eyes, viz: that they 
 do not thereby aid the enfranchisement :that 
 they do thereby aid to put back Into influ- 
 ence and power, In our State government, 
 for two years to come, men whom they have 
 for years bitterly and boundlessly denounced 
 as guilty of heinous crimes ; and that they 
 exclude from that government, during that 
 time, a man whose public and private char- 
 acter are above all reproach, or even suspic- 
 
 ion— who li.i^ .vliuluisloi'od tlio ivtTPtnniont 
 honestly, capably.aud faithfully— and anainst 
 whom the present war is waged, in a largo 
 measure, because he Is too clearsighted to be 
 deceived by the specious arts of knavec, and 
 too honest and true to be tainted with oMiclal 
 corruption. 
 
 A FINAL APPEAL. 
 
 Republicans of St. Louis! my final appeal 
 is to you. Your party is one whose princi- 
 ples, history, and aims, demand;your respect, 
 your admiration, and your devotion. Its rec- 
 ord is one of untarnished brightness. Its 
 principles demand the acceptance of all 
 good and true men. Its nurposes Include 
 the best good of all. It wields its power in 
 no spirit of oppression, Iniustlce, or wrong. 
 It has shown Itself the friend of the down- 
 trodden and the abject. Freedom Is Its 
 watchword, its aim. Its love. It has proved 
 Itself th«i bulwark of your country. When, 
 in some future day, its history comes to be 
 written by an Impartial hand, as the histo- 
 rian will place Abraham Lincoln by the side 
 of George Washington, so beside the Revo- 
 lutionary hosts who brought the nation Into 
 life he will place the Republican hosts of this 
 period who saved that life in its deadliest 
 peril. Of that great organization we, m 
 Missouri, are a part. We are assailed by 
 foes within and foes without. Treachery 
 undermines, while the open adversary bat- 
 ters. Our Renubllcan brothers throughout 
 the nation look upon the conflict with anx- 
 ious solicitude. It treachery triumphs here 
 it will burrow elsewhere: it we crushit kere. 
 it will hide Its head there. As we 
 were the advance guard of Radical- 
 ism during the war, so now are we in 
 the front of this great struggle by this great 
 party against Internal feud and external at- 
 tack. Let us be true to our high position, to 
 our great trust, and to our noble history. 
 Lat us, as one man, press firmly forward In 
 the line of duty, following the bright old 
 standard of our RepuTjltcan organization, 
 and again it will blaze In victory— the victo- 
 ry of honesty, truth and Justice, over fraud, 
 falsehood, treachery, and carruptlon. 
 
LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 
 
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 LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 
 
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