s««5^:r. ' 1 LIBRARY OF CONGRESS DDDD5ba7445 ^ <> *'TVT' ,G y K U. " • II o -:* 'h^ % • ^^-n^. ^ov^ :^ • "^ J. * ^ •^ C * spa //CCi:, ■» ^ jiS s <5nsM^'^* "V 'o>^- V-S' <> *' .Vi* ,0 <5 x/^ V • "^^ - • • • *W ■'^ « . k - J\ ^ • • » - .X FACTS FOR THE LABORING MAN: BY A LABORING MAN. [COPY-RIGHT SECURED.] ^ NEWPORT, R. 1. JAMES ATKINSON, PRINTER 1840. ' y\'<" FACTS FOR THE LABORING MAN : BY A LABORING MAN. The following series of FACTS originally appeared in the columns of the Herald of the Tiities, Newport, R. I., and are recommended to the serious consideration of every man in the Nation into whose hands they may fall. Annexed will be found a ^ew of the many testimonials which have been given in favor of the articles. [From the Providence Journal, of M.ij- 2d.] "The concluding number of this admirable series of political articles, was published in tlie Newport Herald of the Times, of Thursday. The whole imbodies perhaps the best exposition of the end and aim of the real design and inevitable effect of the doctrines of the Administration that has ever appeared. We very much desire to see this series pub- lished in a form cheap enough for general circulation. A hundred thousand copies might be distributed with immense effect. The people will read them because they are FACTS, and tJie facts provep, the conclusions follow immediately of course. WHIG COM- MITTEES and TIPPECANOE CLUBS would not expend the necessary sum to better political advantage." [From the New York Courier and Enquirer, of April 25th.] "The admirable numbers of Narragansett should be put in a cheap pamphlet form for universal circulation. We do not wonder that in the light of such FACTS, the electors of Rhode Island gave such a large majority against the Administration." [From the Same, of Rlay 9th.] "Facts for thk Peoplk. — We have already alluded to a series of able papers issued under this title in the Newport Herald of the Times. The concluding number of the scries appeared in that paper of Thursday last. We fully agree witli the Providence Journal, in the opinion that these papers imbody THE BEST EXPOSITION of the financial policy of tlic present Federal Administration that has yet appeared." Newport, R. I., May 23, 1840. We, the underwritten, have read the articles signed Narragansett, which ajipeared in the Herald of the Times previous to our late (Rhode Island) election, and earnestly recom- mend their republication to the patronage of AlA. THE WHIGS OF OUR COUNTRY. The information which these articles give — the exposures which they make, as to the causes which have hrouglit the country to its present disastrous slate, and to its still more disastrous prospects, by the maladministration of the General Government, under General Jackson and Mr. Van Buren — have liad a. powerful effect upon the popular mind here ; and have contributed much to the great success of our late election, and we have no doubt they will have the same effect upon the People, luherevcr they may be read. For no candid, reflecting mind, we think, can fail to see, after reading tiiis exposure, that the fabric of our National prosperity, such as it existed when Jackson came into power, lias been entirely destroyed by him and Van Buren ; and Uiat tliere can be no hope of returning prosperity till that fabric is restored. John II. Ci.arkf,, ^ Thomas J. Stead, I Representatives to the General Assembly John Whipple, j from Providence. Charles Jackson, J James F. Simmons, Representative from Johyiston. ( liite Sointor " ASHER ROBBINS, < '" Consrosa I from R. I. , ^ B. Hazard, Represcntaiives to the General He.nry Y. Cranston, )■ ./hscmbly of Rhode Island, Richard K. Randolph, from JVcwport. George G. King, George Bowen, Nath'l S. Ruggles, Member of the Senate of Rhode Island. Entered according to Act of Congress, in tlic year 1840, l>y James Atkinson, in the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the District of Rliode Island. FACTS LABORING MAN [From tha Newport, R. I., Herald of the Tinieg, February 13, 1840.] No. 1. " Ncbcr 1x1 ?ooil time in dis country, Massa, till corn be pi^sarcen a bushel, and pork pissateen a pound;" as Cudjo gaid, who bought his corn and sold his pig.'' Extract from a dialogue between Sambo and his master. " Nig5er don't build cliimbly in Guinf.a, Massa, as white man do." «' How do they build thoic, Sambn.' " " 'Gin him at top, Massa, and m:ikc him striiiglit down to de ground."* Extract from the same. " Wish, Mnssa, every body dead cep Massa and Sanilio." " VVIiy so, Sambo .' " " Cos, don Mossa and I set up shop, and sell gooib like de berry debil."* Extract from Mr. Va7i Baren's Message, 1839. " Our people will not Ion? be insensible to tlie extent of the burdens entailed upon thorn l>y the falw readers will f ,il to perceive a great similarity between tho principles they incul- cat",an(l the leading doctrines of :^'r. Van Buren and his supporters. Tlio hiSoring man is told that bis labor will conlinne high, while the articles ho consumes will be bought low. Does not the price Cn Ijo fixed as the fiir value of the corn, as compared with pork, vvliicb he was obliged to pur- chase in order to fit bis pig, and which he again sol I in llio shape neral cor- rectness, and the writer begs at the same time, that where they are not familiar with the facts as regards the local examples presented, they will apply the same rules to those cases of the same nature with which they are better acquainted, and not l>e discouraged from seeking the truth, by the astonishing, and seemingly impossible results they disclose. If they apparently encroach on the reW(BDs, in Ihi'ir meadures lo proirole III" prosperity o( the coiinlry.' And Is not the constant hnrpi'i-; ii'xmt one class of citizens hcinj; taxed for the Piipport of nnothor, aptly illustrated by the negro i^ainl)0, who wi^'hcd every body dead bnl his niistor iw\ himself, Hint thev might engross all business to thoniselvi's.' not p-roeivin;, thai if ;ill others wi-re d.ad, (in olhrr \iords uniiblc 10 do hiisinesR,) there would bo notliin; I It to do; it ri'ipiiring hu-liii-ss lo in ke husincss — the business of one class nocvesurily inuking business for another — and so round and round thi; circle. BY A LABORING MAN. 5 system" (of Mr. Van Buren,) and has advanced and retrograded, precisely as it has been the policy of the people to protect or destroy it. As tliese lacts may not be familiar to all, before I proceed to illustrate their truth by exam- ples in figures, I will first call llie attention (more particularly of liie laboring man) to a hasty sketch of°the prominent eras in the financial history of our country, commencmg with the close of the revolutionary war; at which period, the resources of the country were completely ex- hausted by the unparalleled efforts of our devoted forefatliers, in the war of liberty, to defray a part of the expenses of wliicli tliey were obliged to issue bills of credit to the amount of more than I()0,()00,l)UO of df.llars. and which, owing to the poverty of the country, the national gov- ernment were unable to redeem. These bills, known by the name of Continental money, were used as a circulating medium, and became almost the only currency; b(^ing made a legal tender in payment of debts by act of Congress. They gradually depreciated in the hands of the public, and eventually lost their entire value. By constantly passing from hand to hand, and, at each transfer, depreciating slightly in value, it probably bore as lightly on the people as any other species of tax would iiave done, althougii its precedent should be avoided, and can only be defended on the principle of extreme necessity, and the extraordinary occasion that produced it. It was a part, and a small part, of the [)rice of our independence. Un tile Hd()|)tion of the constitution by the thirteen original states, the country was left with- out a leii-al currency except silver and gold, and that not sufficient in quantity to supply a tithe of what was necessary to make the necessary exchanges of the products of industry. From sheer necessity, a system of barter was adopted — diflerent articles assumed the character of a currency — and the most prominent staple products of some sections of the country, even acquired the name of money ; and property was sold with a stipulation that the payment should be made in "cash," (the term applied to corn or some other staple,) with as nmch gravity as if it really meant gold or silver, the only constitutional currenc3^ Such was the scarcity of money, that even respectable tiioi)keepers were in tlie constant habit of paying for their daily family wants in goods, and went to market duly prepared with change, in the shape of small parcels of tobac- co, snuff", sugar, rice, itc., answering in value to the denominations of coin, even down to the smallest fractions. Although the general or Federal government never acknowledged this species of currency, such was the urgent need, that the State Governments (prohibited by the constitution from issuing bills of credit) were obliged in many instances to submit to public ne- cessity, and receive their taxes in " kind," as it was called — in other words, the products of Industry — and instead of s|)ecie, (which some of our MODERN RULERS seem to think scarcely an equivalent for their services,) the scrrrints of tlie people at that time were content to receive their compensation in the shape of a bag of meal, a few deer skins, with muskrat or mink skins by way of change, or some other " domestic comf(:)rts " of the same nature. This oppressive state of things remained until after the commencement of the French revolu- tion in ITLIO, which soon involved all Europe in one general war. Hitherto the ports cf the Uni- ted States had been open to the products botii of Agriculture and Manufactures of all the na- tions of Europe, — who received scarce any of our own in return, and those loaded with heavy imposts. The whole revenue of the United States from all sources was less than four millions of dollars annually. Our neutralit}' soon gave us the carrying trade of the civilized world, — and the drain from the productive classes necessary to keep on foot the immense armies of the despots of Europe, opened an endless market fijr the products of our soil. A sufficient paper currency, based on a proper foundation, to sup]>ly tho. place of actual capital, was all tli(> country now needed to unite and call into action tlie industry and enterprise of the people, and enable them to reap the advantages before them. Tiie following year, 1701, Conoress chartered the Bank of the United States, with a capital of Ten Millions of Dollar.s, to continue twenty years. A circulating medium, sufficient for the wants of the then limited population and territory, was 8up])lied — (jnickly followed by the busy hum of industry throughout the land. The products of every branch of agriculture found a ready market abroad, and superseded the necessity of a Tariff for the protection of industry at home. Not only were the exports of the country suffi- cient to pay fi)r the imports of manufactures and other " foreign comforts," necessary to supply the wants of the people — but such was the balance of trade in our favor, that during the con- tinuance of the non-intercourse act, which preceded the last war with Great Britain, exchange had fallen to 15 or 20 per cent, below par. As the business, the population, and extent of the country increased, state Banks had been from time to time established to meet the wants of the country. At the expiration of the charter of the United States Bank, in 1811, Congress declined re- newing it, and it proceeded to wind up its concerns. Exchange on England being so far below par, consequently inducing the importation of specie, was extremely favorable for the operation. The destruction of all commerce by the action of war, which was declared against Great Britain by the United States in 1HI2, and the want of manufactories to supply our mili- tary and naval establishments with clothing and other necessaries, caused the coin to be smug- gled to Canada and other depots of British manufactures, and our people were literally clothed by their enemies, and at a profit that went far towards reinii)ursing them the expenses of the war. Our Banks were quickly drained of their specie, and obliged to suspcmd — in which they were countenanced by both the people and the general government. The country in a state of active hostilities, and left destitute of coin, called for excessive issues of Hank paper, which was Still further stimulated by the demands of government; nearly their whole dependence for the G FACTS FOR THE LABORIxNG MAN: immediate payment of the expenses of the war, now resting on Bank issues, in the absence of which an equivalent to the old Continental currency, would have been unavoidable. Peace at length came, and found the country loaded with a debt of 123,000,000 of dollars. The wars of Europe had ceased, and eacli nation had resumed its peaceful occupations, and instead of requiring our produce to consume, or our shipping to transport their own, they had both to spare. Our resources from commerce were thus cut off, and the most pressing wants of the country could only be supplied by a circuitous trade, for the purpose of exchanging a few of our staples for the products of distant climes, which when brought home must be again reshipped to Europe, to exchange for articles of necessity — thus paying the expense of two exchanges to accomplish one. TJiere being no protective duties to shield our manufactories in their infancy, the British capitalists were enabled to keep a constant supply of manufactured goods in our markets, to the full extent that would sell, which, after absorbing in remittances what lew articles were wanted from the United States, operated as a constant drain on our specie, not a dollar of wliich was ever returned. Exchange rose from 20 to 25 per cent, above par. The old system of barter was again being resorted to, and it became an established custom in many parts of the countrj', to demand cash at the shops for all European articles, at the same time that exchanges were made for country produce, payable in "American goods." P'oreign "comforts " became unknown to the laboring man except l)y hearsay, and were knov/n to him in some neighborhoods only by the significant term of " boughten goods," meaning they must be paid for in money, a commodity beyond his reach, and only in the hands of his wealthier neighbors. Labor v.'as paid almost entirely in '• kind " — in other words, with its own products. Again, for the second time, such were the sufferings of the country, that Congress, urged by necessity, adopted almost simultaneously those two great measures of relief, a Tariff for the pro- tection of our domestic industry, and a National Bank for the protection of our domestic cur- rency, (or in other words amounting to the same thing, for the regulation of commerce,) render- ing both independent of foreign power, — two measures, under the operation of which, for twenty years, no industrious citizen, blessed with health, could justly call himself poor, — two measures which were rapidly elevating, and if persevered in, and properly guarded and regulated by wise legislation, would raise this country to a pinnacle of greatness, beyond what was ever yet conceived of in the pages of romance — not that false greatness which centres in the person of a despot, at the sacrifice of millions of his fellow-beings, but that true greatness which promotes the good of all, and like the gentle dews of Heaven distils its quiet blessings alike on rich and poor. — At this time, there was less than fifteen millions of coin in the United States, without means to increase it. The Bank issues amounted to over One Hundred Millions of Dollars, and the experiment was now to be tried, whether under these circumstances specie payments could be resumed. The United States Bank commenced operations in 1817. A simultaneous effort was made by all the Banks to resume, aided by about three millions of specie furnished by the National institution, which in turn was aided by the public funds, and en- couraged and countenanced by the representatives and government of the people. The effort eventually proved successful, although for several 3'cars the event seemed doubtful. Through a temporary mismanagement of the National Bank in its infancy, much injury was occasioned. In some sections of the country, paiticularly the West, nearly every state institution was prostrated. The sufferings of individuals were great, and in many districts there was almost an entire change in the holders of propert}'. After five or six years, things assumed a healthy aspect. The notes of the United States Bank being received in payment of Government dues, gave them a uniform value over the whole Union — while the notes of the State Banks, being received in deposit not only at the mother Bank, but also at each of its twenty-five branches, and frequent settlements being required, and the balances paid in coin, operated as an effectual check to over issues. Those branches reaching over every part of the country, and being more par- ticularly located at the great connnercial points, where the foreign exchanges concentrated, which tliey were allowed by their charter to deal in, (it being the interest as well as the duty of the Bank to furnish a uniform currency,) put it in their power effectually to check the sjiirit of speculation or overtrading at the outset, and thereby prevent excessive imports of foreign goods over our exports, thus creating a balance to be remitted in specie, sure to fall with greatest weight on themselves. Was the currency deficient at one point, to supply the necessary wants of a healthy trade, orders were given from the mother Bank to the branch in that quarter, to extend to a certain extent its discounts, sure to be followed to a like extent by the adjacent slate institutions. By the tiuic the expansion had supplied the wants of the connnunity in that quarter, indications would jjerhaps ap[)ear in an oi)posiie direction of too nnich expansion, and a disposition to overtrade begin to manii(:'st itself. Orders would be issued to contract the circulation by withholding discounts to a certain extent, necessarily followed by the state institu- tions, and tlius the lever being elevated at one end and at the same time pressed downward at the opposite, an equilibrium was soon obtained. So exact was the working of this system, that exchanges from the extreme points of the Union seldom varied more than one half per cent. To show the facilities the United States Bank possessed to enable them to detect an excess of paper issues, in any particular section, it will be enough to state that the payment and disburse- ments at the mother Bank and branches on account of govertnueiit and individuals, did not prob- ably amount annually to less than twice the sum of the wIkjIo currency of every description in the States — and as tlie notes of all the solvent state institutions were received in deposit, and of course in payment of debts at her counter, a speedy detection and consequent check of any BY A LABORING MAN. 7 undue issues of particular institutions, were sure to follow. Owing to the shipment abroad, and transfers at home, of many of our staple crops, occurring at particular seasons of the year, it was necessary there siiould be corresponding facilities aflorded by the Banks while the process of exchange of products was going on, which frequently caused sudden e.xpansions of the curien- cy — svu-e to be followed by corresponding contractions — in time to check excessive imports, and to induce a partial return of the price of our exports in specie — to strengthen the basis of our currency, which required constant addition as the labor of the people rose in value, as our productive territory extended, and the products of the soil, the mine, and manufactory, in- creased. — But these periodical revulsions wore so tempered by the timely forcwarninga of their approach, through the contractions of the currency, as to be scarcely felt by the com- munity, and were as necessary to the sound health of commerce and trade, as tlie periodical How of the seasons are to the full development of the products of the soil. Such was the unparalleled prosperity produced by this system, acting in concert with the pro- tection of our industry, which had been increased in 1S24, and again in 1S'J8, (a prosperity not confined to one section, but extending alike over all,) that during the administration of John Q. Adams, from 1825 to 182'J, a period of four years, the exports of our domestic produce had so increased that the revenue derived from imports and other sources, not only deirayed the ex- penses of the national government, amounting to over l'2,IM)0,0fl0 dollars annually, but the suni of $45,303,643 had been applied to the payment of the principal and interest of the National debt. And during the succeeding term of Andrew Jackson, comprising eight years, and ex- pirinn-the fourth of March, 1837, (one year only after the expiration of the charter of the Bank,) the expenses of tlic National Government, now swollen by the administration of the friends of " reform " to about $40,000,000 annually, had not only been paid, but the balance of the na- tional debt, amounting to 5rt,:!G'2,l35 dollars, had been extinguished, and a further sum accumu- lated in the treasury of 41,000,000 of dollars; 24 millions of which had however accrued from the unprecedented sale of public lands, induced by orders issued fVom the Treasury department encouraging the western depo.sit banks to extend their discounts based on the public money. Martin Van Buren's administration commenced on the fourth of March, 1837. His predecessor's annual message, the ])reviuus December, three months only before, announced to a confiding people the following gratifying intelligence, and in these words — " Experience continues to realiro tlio expectations entertained, as to the capacity of tlie State Banks to perform tlie duties of fisciil agents fur the government. — At the tiniu of llie removal of tlie deposits, it was alleged l)y the ad- vocate:) of the Bank of tlio United States, that llie State Banks, whatever mi^lit be Ike reirulatiun.i of the Treasuiij de- partment, could not make tlie transfer required by the government, or ne^otiat-: the doineilir cxchaugr.s of the cuuiUry. it is now wM a.iccrtaiiicd, tli it the real domestic exchanges, through discounts hy the United States Bank and its 25 Branches, were at least o?ic (/aVd less than those of lliu Deposit lianks for nn equal period of time — and if n com- parison bi! instituted between the amounts of service rtiidered by those institutions, on the bioader ba-is which has been used by the advoc:ites of the United Stites Bink, in estimating what they consider the domestic e.xchangeg transacted by it, the result will be still mure favurable to the Deposit Banks." Again the message says — " In the same manner have nearly all the predictions turned out in respect to the effect of tlic removal of the depos- its — a stop unquestionably necessary to prevent Iho evils which it was foreseen the JJaidl ilself would eudoavor to create, in a Bnal struggle to procure a renewal of its charter." On the 4th day of March, 1837, one year precisely af^er the expiration of the charter of the National Bank, and ninety short days only (winter days) after the flourishing announcement of the falsehood of the predictions of its advocates — as contained in the above extracts of Gene- ral Jackson's message — Martin Van Buren assumed the Presidential chair. He came into ofHce under a pledge to support the national policj' and doctrines of his predecessor — to trend in his fuotstfips. Ninety days more had scarcely elapsed before Congress was especially convened by a Proclamation of the President, informing them of the total failure of the Deposit Banks in the perfirmance of their duties as fiscnl agents [Treasury or revenue agents] to government, and requesting Congress to devise waj's and means to meet the national expenditines, which finally ended in the emission of nineteen millions of Treasury notes. Tiie state of the national finances since, and the deplorable state of the country', is well known to all. And now again, for the tliinl time, we have come to an era in the financial history of our country. Again we are without a National Bank ; an institution as necessary to regulate the Bank issues and exchanges, and tlii'reby the commerce of the country, as that a federal government should have a general (though limited) superintendence over the afl'airs of the separate and independent States. As well may we, as a commercial people, dispense with the one as with the other. As it must be tiresome to the reader to dwell so long on one suliject, the writer will, for the present, defer following it fiu-thcr, and proceed to the illustration of the advantages and disad- vantages of Mr. V.m Buren's '• False sj'stem," as compared with the periods when Banks, Rail- roads, &c. &c., were in their infancy. Railroads and Steamboats having grown in a great measure out of the " False system," tlie writer will compare the cost of travel now with what it was before their introduction. In these calculations he will call the value of a man's time one dollar per day, which is about the average of the labor of the country, though officers of the general government, including mem!)ers of Congress, earn much more, say eiffht or ten dollars per day, and consequently this additional item should be considered as respects their travelling. 3 FACTS FOR THE LABORING MAN: Former cost of a journey from Boston to Baltimore, and return. By stage to Providence, one day, ^ 00 Dinner un road, 50 Supper anil loilgin^ in Providence, 1 00 Stage to New York, three days, 18 00 Two nights' lodging on the road, at 95 cents, 50 Eight meals victuals on the road, at 50 cents, 4 00 Supper and lodging in New York, 1 00 Stage to Philadolphia, (one hard day's work,) 9 00 Breakfast and dinner on the road, 1 00 Supper and lodging in Philadelphia, 1 00 Stage to Baltimore, two days, 10 00 Slay one day, and return —nine days in all — time, $1 per day, 9 00 58 00 Keturn to Boston, same, ■ 58 00 * $116 00 About eighteen days — boots worn out from walking in the mud — a heavy cold from expo- sure — incapable of business tor some days. Cost of journey from Boston to Baltimore, and return, under the " False system." Leaves Boston, 4 o'clock, P. M.,by Railroad cars to Providence, 3 hrs $2 00 By Railroad to Stonington, thence Steamboat, or Steamboat from Providence direct,. 5 00 Tea on board of Steamboat, 50 Arrives in New York at 7 or 8 next morning, has whole day to attend to business — board and lodging, 2 00 Leaves in Steamboat next morning for Philadelphia, via Aniboy, thence Railroad,... 3 00 Thence to Baltimore, in the evening, by Railroad, 4 00 Breakfast and dinner on the road, 1 00 Two days' time, 2 00 19 50 Return, same, 19 50 $39 00 Returns fresh and hearty. — Absent less than four days. — Spending one day in Baltimore and one in New York. Showing a saving of" Domestic comforts," in favor of the "False system," of seventy-seven dollars each trip of an individual — his tax for " si.\ty cents" payable in " Foreign comforts" being at the same time included in the price of his passage — the Railroad and Steamboat lines themselves bearing all the deprivations of " Foreign comforts " necessary to meet the interest due by them to foreigners. — On this line of travel alone on an average for 312 days in the year, allowing those wlio slop at the various points on the route to count only in proportion to the distance tlicy travel, are probably equal to not less than 1 -50 passengers daily, (in the winter less, but many more at other seasons,) which is a clear saving in iavor of the " False system " of 11,550 dollars per day, or 3,GO;5,tiO0 dollars annually. If we take into consideration the former unavoidable delays and losses, and incidental e.xpenses, occurring from various causes, which those who formerly travelled on this route will readily comprehend, it will, I think, be conceded that the savings and additions of " Domestic comfort," on this road alone, will pay the annual interest to the amount of at least one half of the " Foreign comforts " we are deprived of, amounting to sixty cents for each individual annually — or about one silk glove each for a grown person — a humming top for a lad — a figured fan direct from Paris for a miss, just in her teens — and a doll direct from Nurembnrg for a child — or (b}' a little inevitable inecpiality in distribu- tion,) perhaps a copy of Adam Smith's Wealth of Nations for Mr. Benton — Munchausen's Tales for Mr. Van Buren — Don Quixote de La Mancha (by Cid \ln.mct Barn and Jell ij) for General Jackson — and a Chinese puzzle for Mr. Woodbury. Let this calculation be affixed to all the improvements of travel and transportation in the Union, introduced by the " False system," even including all '^ the splendid but in vui.n[i instances prqtitless Railroads and Canals,'' which Mr. Van Buren speaks of, and it will probably be found, (although their proprietors may not xea\i great prof Is,) that after tlie interest of the foreign debt, amounting to ,f 1(1,(100,000 annually, lias been paid, there will still be a balance of one htmdred millions of dollars or more, of" Domestic com- forts " yearly in the people's favor — iii which they all share directly or indirectly — as the de- crease in the cost of travel and transportation necessarily decreases the charges on business, and consequently cheapens the articles of general consumption in the same ratio. This is a principle which experience lias long settled, qttite as satisfactorily as the one Mr. Van Buren thinks so well established, as announced to the world in his last message in the following words : " It is moreover an esliiblished principle — that the supply of the precious metals will always be found adequate to the uses for which they are reiinircd." Now there is this objection to this cherished dogma of Mr. Van Bnren's, that though true, it admits of two solutions. — if tlie " precious metals " should not happen to come to the wants of the people, the wants of the people must be diminished to the quantity of the " precious nietals." Like the iron bed of Procrustes, if the bed does not tit the man, the man must be made to fit the bed. To illustrate the effect produced by the " False system " on a smaller scale, as regards rail- roads, and which will apply more generally to the laboring classes — the writer will suppose a person, living in the neighborhood of Stonington, formerly had occasion to go to Providence, BY A LABORING MAN. 9 distance about 50 miles — the same calculation (with variation of circumstance) will apply equally well to other locations. Mode before the "Fal.se system" was introduced — no stages then running between those places — uses his own horse and waffoti. l^eavcs Stonington early in the morning, roads bad ; arrives in Providence next day ; stays there one night ; leaves next day, and reaches home the 4th day at night. 4 ilnys' lioird nt ono doll ir per (lay, $4 00 3 nights' lod^'iii;; iit 'JS conU, ?.'> Keeping ofliorsc '.i iii^hta al 5U cents, 1 50 Oruiii for horse '.i d iy9, ."SO Wo.ir and u()0,0()0 dollars into the national treasury, as a bonus for its privileges — all of which stipulati')ns were performed to the letter on the part of the Bank — and have never been denied by friends or foes. During the whole tinie the public money remained in its care, not one dollar was lost — neither were the people sub- jected to one dollar ofe.vpense for its disbursement. — But on the contrary, besides the bonus the |>eople's government received as before staled, the business of the country was greatly benefited by the whole amount of the surplus revenue being diffused, by the bank and its branches, throughout the Union, by discounts, and thus answering the same purpose as so much extra Capital. In September, 1833, General Jackson ordered the public deposits to be discontinued in the United Stales Bank, and after the Isl of October to be placed in state institutions. — Congress had decided in the immediate preceding session against their removal, by a vote of 10!) against to 4G in favor. The then Secretary of the Treasury, Mr. Duane, was displaced — he refusing to act contrary to the expressed will of Congress — and Mr. Taney was appointed in his j)lace, to fill the department, for the only purpose of removing the deposits, as it would seem from his quick succeeding appointment by General Jackson for life, to a seat in the Supreme Court of the United States. In the following Congress, the House of Representatives, by a large majority, decided the removal of the deposits to be injudicious and uncalled for, and by a majority in the Senate it was denounced as an act of usurpation on the part of the President. Upon this arbitra- ry assumption of power by the Executive, whose individual popularity enabled him thus to set at defiance the will of Congress, a panic seized tlie business community, which, acting in con- junction with the embarrassments produced by the curtailments of the issues of the United States Bank necessary to meet the deficiency of a basis for discounts of 10,000,000 dollars, which government were now daily drawing from their vaults, caused a universal stagnation in business, followed by the ruin of thousands. Such was the demand for money to meet home engagements, that exchange on England fell as low as 100, (the nominal par,)*^ which is not far * Tlie nominal value pl.ired on thn pound sterling; in the United States, (hy custom,) is .$4,40 els., to which add nino per cent, exchange, iind we have $4,80, as near as may hi-. — To this sum add tme per cent, more fur CO days intorest, (the time necessary to g'?t fundi from England,) and we have about $i,S^ ct3. the real par value of a pound sterling, or sovereign, in dollars and cents. The exchange between the United States and Franco, (the second nation in point of commercial interest we deal with,") is estiniateil in francs — twenty of which mikoa French Nipolcon, answering in value the nearest to the British sovereign of any French coin — the sovereign luing ofalxiut S.*) francs value, hut varying with the exch inge : — For iostance, if France (us n nation) is indebted tu England, the demand fur British Tunda to pay the debt causes the sove- 10 FACTS FOR THE LABORING MAN: from nine per cent, below the real par value, allowing the pound sterling to be \vorth $4,85, which is about the real worth of sovereigns, (answering to the pound sterling,) for coinage at our mints. This state of things was much aggravated by the attempt of the President to destroy the credit of the Bank by the most violent and abusive attacks — both on its solvency and manage- ment, these being seconded and added to, by the organ of the Executive, the Globe newspaper, and responded to by n)ore than a hundred presses, difl'used throughout the United (States, under its influence and subsisting on Executive patronage. — A run was secretly made (by a broker in New York, since high in the confidence of Government) on a branch of the Uni- ted States Bank at Savannah for more than ^00,000 dollars, with the evident intention of break- ing the Bank — but which the President of the mother Bank at Philadelphia was fortunately apprized of, in time to remit sufficient specie to prevent the catastrophe. The run was preceded by the declarations of President Jackson and his satellites, that the United States Bank was then insolvent ; and had the effort to break the distant branch succeeded, a simultaneous rush would Jiave probably been made by both public and private depositors and bill holders, through- out the Union, on all the branches as well as the mother Bank — and thus by coercing a stop- page of specie payments, in a measure, the executive charge of insolvency would have been established. The ruin which must have followed, would have been incalculable. Tlie State deposit Banks were now requested to extend their discounts to the public, based on the Government funds. They were, however, kept within bounds, by the action of the Uni- ted States Bank, notwithstanding its crippled powers — until, as a preparatory step to winding up its concerns as a national institution, it commenced disposing of its Branches by transferring their assets to the state Banks, and receiving therefor the obligations of those incorporated in- Btitutions. As these branches were from time to time gradually disposed of, leaving less and less check on the local Banks, they in the same proportion expanded their issues, until the disposal of all the branches being accomplished, and the existence of the United States Bank terminated, they broke loose from all restraint, and stimulated by designing politicians, (of which more may be said at some future time,) to extend their discounts, a spirit of wild speculation was engen- dered, beyond any precedent in our history. New bank charters were readily granted, based on fictitious capital — (especially in those states where legislatures were of the dominant Jackson party, and more particularly at the west,) whicii following the precedents set by the older insti- tution.s, Bank paper became literally as plenty as rags. Such was the spirit of speculation that the sale of public lands which, until 1835, had never reached 4,000,000 of dollars, in that year amounted to about 11,000,000. Seemingly to prevent the public's taking alarm from tliis ex- cessive increase of sales — the Secretary ot the Treasury in his annual report, stated the sales for that year at about one third of the real amount only, and the succeeding year, 1836, tiie year the charter of the United States Bank expired, the sales increased to the enormous sum of '24,000,000 of dollars. In May, 1836, Congres.s passed an act for the " apjwrtionment among the several States, according to the ratio of their representation," of all the surplus revenue that might be in the Treasury tlie next January, exceeding 5,000,000 dollars, in quarterly instalments, to commence the 1st oi" Janu- ary, 1837. This division was apparently contrary to the wishes of the Executive, from some yet undefined cause, but as it was agreeable and in accordance with his own recommendation to Congress in a previous message, he could not refuse liis signature to the Bill, more especially as there was every probability of its becoming a law by its passage through both houses, with a two thirds majority in case of its being returned to Congress with his Veto — (that number being sufficient without the President's signature to constitute a law, agreeably' to the constitution.) — The recommendation of the President, in accordance with which Congress acted, was the first President Jackson ever addressed to that body, December, 1829, before probably the idea had been suggested of the political uses the surplus revenue might be applied to, speaking of which General JacUson says — " It appears to me that the most safe, jiist, and federal dispo.'iition wliich could he made of the sttrplus revenue, would he in apportionment among the sm^eral Mates accnriiinir to their ratio of representation — and elioiild this measure not he found warranted by the constitution — that it would be expedient to propose to the states an amoiidmt^nt au- thorizing it." So it seems that this measure of distributing the surplus revenue, was considered of sufllcient importance by President Jackson, in 1829, even to warrant the altering of the constitution of the United States, provided it was necessary, although some few years at'ter it was denounced by himself and his satellites as a most heinous measure of his opponents. It appears by the report of the Secretary of the Treasury, that on the first day of January, 1837, there was a surplus in the Treasury (and consequently nearly all deposited in the banks) reign to rise in value in Franco in proportion to its demand for remittance — and from the same cause the N.npo- loon depreciates in value in Knglaiid. — If, on the contrary, England becomes indebted to France, the Napideon rises in value in Enijland in proportion to the di inand for French funds for remillanco, iind the sovereign decroa.ses ill value in France — and this, as a pencral rule, liolds good in ri'pard to the exchanges of all commercial nations. — A frunc is 20 sous, (French cents,) and a five franc piece of the French, corresponds nearly in value to our dollar, when e.\chango is at its real par — the dollar, however, is worth rather tlie most. To enable the laboring man to understand the quotations of exchange on Franco as quoted in the public prints, it is lufficient to look at the following table of French coins : — 5 centimes make one sous, or cent. 20 sous, or 100 centimes, muke one franc. .■) francs, or 100 sous, make one 5 fniiic piece. 2U francs, or 4 five franc pieces, one FicDcli Napoleon. BY A LABORING MAN. H of 42,408,859 dollars, which, afier reserving 5,000,000 dollars as required, left 37,408,850 dollars to be deposited with the states — a sum exceeding the whole specie in the vaults of the deposit banks, by nearly three times its amount. This, as will at once be perceived by those who are at all acquainted with Banking principles, placed tliose institutions entirely at tlie mercy of the men wlio controlled the deposits. It did not necessarily follow, that the division of the surplus revenue among tlie slates, should seriously injure the deposit banks if a proper course were ado|»ted to divide it. The money withdrawn from the banks was not to leave the country, but on the contrary, in many instances, need not liave been moved from their own vaults. The Secretary of the Treasury by simply requesting eacli depository oi'the public money to jiave ])laced its quota retjuired for some particular state, (where the competent representative of tliat state should direct,) by a given day, anticipating the period granted by the law of Congress for paj'- nient to the slates, a sutHcient time to admit of a draft being remitted from the Treasury depart- ment, in case the depository did not perform its duty — it would probably have benefited rather than injured the business of the country — as l)y the purchase of bills of exchange and amica- ble arrangements between the banks of diH'erent sections, it would have enabled the debtor states to have appropriated their share to the liquidation of their debts, and in many instances without even moving the funds. But the course adopted was the very one that a designing man would have used, had he intended the destruction of the banks, and attended (whether by acci- dent or design, the writer may attempt to show at some future time) with all the necessary pre- paratory measures to produce not only a partial but a general prostration of those institutions throughout the slates. The Secretary issued his dral\s on the deposit banks for the amount due the states quarterly, amounting to over nine millions of dollars, and forwarded them to the proper authorities appointed in each state to rectiive their proportion. These drafts of course were pay- able in specie, or its equivalent, and which tlie state of the exchanges would necessarily cause to be demanded in many sections of the country, and might be in all. This made it necessa- ry that the Banks should be prepared for tlic icorst, and a curtailment of discounts commenced, ruinous to the business of the country. — Preparatory to each separate demand for the quar- terly instalments, which, as before stated, exceeded 11,000,000 of dollars, in the expanded state of the currency the Banks were probably obliged to call in three times that amount of circu- lation, as they had no assurance but that the specie, which formed its basis, might be taken from them by the Secretary's drafts, as it frecjuently was. It is a fact well known to those who travelled on the great thoroughfares for some time previous to the iirst suspension of the Banks, that immense quantities of specie were constantly passing and repassing on the roads, and thus kept in tninsUu* In order to give a correct idea of the et!ect this would have on the Banks, when ex- tended in business, we may suppose two vessels sailing in a brisk gale, with all their canvass spread to the wind, suddenly compelled, by some extraordinar}' cause, (suppose, for instance, by order of pirates who have them in their power,) to make an immediate interchange of ballast, by means of intermediate tenders — a few hours only would be necessary to make the transfer, but while the tenders were passing and repassing each other, in order to accomplish it, the ves- sels would inevitably capsize, and perhaps founder, unless the}' took in a great part of their canvass. — Thi.s is precisely the situation the Banks were placed in, when the Secretary, by his transfer orders, placed their specie (or ballast) in transitu. The people were called upon to pay in their debts, (in other words to take in the canvass,) which, while endeavoring to do, tlie ships already careening from the wind, were struck by one of Redtield's " circular " flaws, and all went down together. The seaboard Banks would probably have been able to maintain their position by great sacri- fice of individuals, (they having much less of the public money in their keeping than the western and south-western Banks, in ])roportion to their means,) were it not that General Jackson (in imi- tation of his assumption of power in the case of the removal of the deposits) had issued an order, shortly after the rising of Congress in 183G, requiring specie to be paid for the public lands. This order, better known as the '' specie circular," had been rejected by a unanimous vote of the Senate a few months before, and was again rejected the ensuing session, by more than a two thirds majority of both houses of Congress. The bill for its repeal did not pass until a few days before (Congress adjourned, and to prevent its becoming a law, General Jackson evaded returning it to Congress before they rose, and continued to keep it in operation until the succession of Mr. Van * Transitu, tho Lttiii for "transition." The writer has used this word for the reason that thi" public have be- come familiar with its iipplicution to tho subject now treated on, to which it was probably first applied l)y some member of the Executive departments, or member of Congress, whilst in Wasliington. It may not be known to all, that in that city there are kept for sale, at the Bookstores, [which are more particularly patronized by ('on»ress,] littlo ' prinier-lookiiijj pamphlets, corresponding in size to the smallest of children's books, [al)out the size, for instance, of a " Who killeil Cock Robin f " but without pictures.] — Thcss pamphlets contain quite a number of Latin phrases, with lb(tir tritnslition in English. It is very common for a member of Congress [espeiially anew member,] when about to deliver himself of a speech, to purchase or borrow one of these little books, and by dint of study, acquire tho m'^aning in English of these Latin phrases ; sometimes to the e.ttent of five or six of them. Tho spelling and pro- nunciation ari' more difTieult of acquisition, but that does not so much matter, as the spelliiig is copied into the print- ed speech from the little book, and tho pronunciation is not heard by those the speech is intended for — and those who do hear it cannot (most of thom) exactly say whether the Lntm words are properly accented or not. — Those phrases are distributed at distances corresponding with the length of the speech, and form ns it were the rallying points or climaxes — the intermediate space being filled up in plain Yankee English, to match as near as the subject will admit of; and in this way a striking contrast [if not ellect] is often produced. By this means members of Cnngreu are frequently enabled to astonish the public with a display of learning which their constituents wore before totally un- conscious of their possessing, and who are thereby sometimes themselves led to place a higher estimate on their Rep- resentatives' talents, for the very reasons that should produce a contrary effect — true greatness beii)g almost univer- sally attended by simplicity io dress, manner, and speech. 1'^ FACTS FOR THE LABORING MAN: Buren, who, pledged to " walk in the footsteps of his predecessor," (and prompted by Mr. Ben- ton, of whom more anon.) still continued it in force. This order falling suddenly on the com- munity, when the enormous sales of tlie public lands in 1836 had arrived at their highest point, was the means (as General Jackson says in his last annual message to Congress, DecemberG, 1836) " of conveying into the interior large sums of silver and gold," subtracted mostly from the vaults of the seaboard banks. Notwithstanding the mania of speculation commenced early in the year 1835, from causes before stated, the powers of the United States Bank (even alter bereft of most of its branches) were still sufficient to enable it to exercise a salutary influence over the foreign trade, and to keep within tolerable bounds our imports, until the close of the last commer- cial year of its existence, which expired the 30th of September, 1835. This, Mr. Woodbury, in his last report on the state of the national finances, incidentally but innocently corroborates : — " Thus in 1831, 1832, and XH^'i, prnspero^is but not speculating years, in the interior scarcely a .single loss is supposed to have happened among receivers, thouiih some were then reported for suit on previous defaults, and the sanie may be said of collectors then and in 1835, prosperous but not speculuting years on the seaboard." To show how exactly the regulation of our foreign trade has gone hand in hand with the exist- ence of a national bank, with sufficient powers to control it through the exchanges, the writer would refer the laboring man (in which term he includes practical farmers, and who, he knows by long experience, prefer looking at facts rather tiian labored arguments) to the Sccretaiy of the Treasury's last report, to examine for himself He will there find, that during the existence of the first National Bank, which included in its term of existence 1'.) commercial years, commencing the 1st of October, 1791, and expiring the 1st of October, 1810, the excess of our imports over the exports amounted in the aggregate to about 282,000,000 of dollars, in round numbers, or about 15,000,000 of dollars annually. This was during a period when, in addition to the freight and profit on our exports, we received a very large sum for freighting the products of foreign nations — we having the carrying trade of nearly all Europe during the wars following the French revolution, as before staled. The proceeds of this carrying trade, of course should be added to our exports, which lessen the balance probably five millions a year — about what the profits and freights of exports would pay. From the 30th of September, 1810, to the 30th of September, 1816, were six commercial years — embraced in the period between the expiration of the charter of the old United States Bank and the commencement of ihe new. In those six years, the excess of our imports over our exports amounted in the aggregate to 159,000,000, or 20,500,000 dollars annually. This was a pe- riod when we were, a great part of the time, at war, and reaped no profit from the carrying trade at all, but depended entirely upon our exports to pay for imports. Taking this into considera- tion, the excess of our imports was at least twice the amount over our exports, during the period we were without a national bank, as compared with the period of its existence. Again — From the 30th of Septentber, 1816. to the 30th of September, 1835, were ID commercial years, embraced in the period of the existence of the late United States Bank — we find the im- ports to exceed our exports ]!)9,000,000 of dollars in the aggregate, or 10,500,000 dollars annu- ally — about what the freights and profits on outward cargoes would probably pay. From the 30lh of September, 183.5, to the 30th of September, 1839, embracing a period of four fears, we are again without a national bank to regulate our connnerce, either Domestic or 'oreign. — In those four years, we find the aggregate of our imports over our exports to be about 128,000,000 of dollars, or the enormous annual sum of 32,000,000 of dolhars, exceeding more than threefold the average of the excess of imports over the exports for the nineteen pre- ceding years, as stated. Thus it will be seen that our foreign trade was kept within bounds until about the close of the commercial year ending 30th of September, 1835, five months before the expiration of the char- ter of the tjnited States Bank, which expired March 4, 1830. But now with no longer a national institution, to watch, with its Argus eyes, the state of our exchanges, both foreign and domestic, and by the action of its branches maintain an equilibrium, and at the same time pre- vent over issues of the State Banks — the ragmg spirit of spetiulation communicated itself to our foreign trade, and our imports increased for the year ending 30th September, ]83(i, to 18!l,!)80,035 dollars, being an excess over the imports of the preceding year of 40,0i-'4.2!t3 dollars, and an excess over the exports of the same year, (1836,) of the enormous sum of (il ,31G,!i()5 dol- lars. From which sums, after deducting the cost of freight and profit, (on exports,) together with what State and corporation bonds or stocks which miglit have been remitted and sold in Europe, and applied to the payment of Railroad Iron and other imports, or the proceeds drawn for by bills of exchange, and thus applied to the payment of imports — there could not remain a much less balance than 15,000,000 of dollars to be remitted to Europe in specie. The Atlantic B.anks were obliired on the one hand to furnish the coin for the European demand, and probably more than half the same amount for the purchase of the public lands, through the operations of the specie circular — heavy deposits being kept in the mints of the United States at the same time, under the pretence of coinage. All these circumstances, added to the mode adopted in the division of tlie surplus ; the heaviest drafts also being made on the eastern deposit banks, without regard to the relative amounts as compared with the western and south-western — altogether proved more than they could bear, and after a sacrifice of thousands of individuals, they were obliged to suspend. So e.xactly were the demands, by the Treasury drafts, graduated to the ability of the depositories, that the Mississippi depn.sit banks (the first which suspended) stop|)ed only two or three days preceding those of New York — which were quickly followed by nearly every bank throughout the Union —leaving about 24,500,000 dollars of thepublic money in their pos- BY A LABORING MAN. 13 BPssion — all of whicli lias, however, since been paid, willi the exception of 1,150,000 dollars, which will prob;ib!y be \MUii the ensuiiij]; year. By the Secretary's report to Congress, at its extra session, in 1837, it appears that immedi- ately after the suspension, (the re|)ort being made June 15th,) there were in the Deposit Banks 24,571,707 di)ll:irs of the public money — of which sum 1;},55I,'M1 dollars were in tlie Deposil Banks of the Western and South- Western States ; in some of which tlie ])ublic dcjiosits greatly exceeded the capital of th<; Banks, even afler their suspension — as for instance ihe Bank of the state of Michigan, at Detroit, had at that [)eriod .>j^t)".il,'.t'JJ,'2"2 of liic public money, wiiile ita wliole capital was but -4.50. 000 dollars. There are curi third the amount in the vaults of the Deposit Banks at the time of the payment of the first instalment of the surplus to the states. — With these data, the writer will just call the attention of the reader to an extract from General Jackson's message to Congress, December, 18"il). It will bo remembered that previous to this message there had been no visible political interference by the Federal Executive with either the currency or the Banks. Speaking of the public debt, General Jackson says — " 'I'lu' piiyincnt on account of tlio pulilic liolit, inuJo on llio first of July la'^t, was $8,715,462,87. It was appre- hon til III it till! .iuildni wilhrlruwiil ofso laryo a suui frmn the Haiiks in whicli it wiis d 'posited — at a time of UN- US (J.V I j PRKSSUllI'' in llio money market — might cause much injury to tlie interests dependi;nt on bank accoMimoria- tiuiH. But this evil w.u WHOLLY averted by an earlv aniiiipatiori oflt at the Troa^ury, aided by the JUUICIUUS arrun-imenu of the OFFICIiR.S OF THE BANK OF THE UNll EI) STATEl-.'' It will be observed that the sum thus paid by the United States Bank, in addition to the ordi- nary disbursements on account of Government, was of itself nearly equal to a quarterly instal- ment of the surplus revenue required of the Deposit Banks, and to more than double the amount of the specie in the vaults of the United States Bank, at the time the payments were made. During ihe sus[»ension of the Banks, the foreign debt of the country was materially lessened by ahi|)inents of produce to be applied to its payment; and in the succeeding spring of 18IJ8, the principal Banks of New York, having hired abroad and imported a large amount of specie, declared their readiness to resume cash payments. At the expiration of the charter of the United States Bank, its stockholders had obtained a charter from the State of Pennsylvania, for a Hank, to be called the United States Bank of Pennsylvania, with a capital (if the writer mistakes not) of 28,000,000 of dollars — being the same amount of capital as that of the Uiiiled Stales Bank, with the exception of 7,000,000 dol- lars of stock owned by the Federal Government, which the State institution has since cancelled by arrangement with the Secretary of the Treasury. The charter of this bank gives it no priv- ileges over other State institutions, and its only resemblance to the National United States Bank is in its name. The assets of the National Bank were transferred to the State Bank, which also became liable and responsible for its debts. A very large proportion of those assets, as has been shown, were debts due to the United Stales Bank from incorporated institutions, and indi- viduals in the South-Western Slates. — This was a section of the country where a large j)ro- pt)rtion of the exports for foreign markets were produced, consisting mostly of cotton ; and there being but little capital in that quarter afler the National Bank had closed its branches, the facilities afforded by the local institutions were insufficient to supply the medium required to make the shipments necessary to expedite the exchange of j)roducts. The United States Bank of Pennsylvania, in its own defence, was necessitated to step forward and lend its aid. in order to be enabled to collect its debts to the amount of many millions in that section. They made large cash advances on cotton, which they shipped to Europe to be sold with the understanding anil agreement, that the balance of the sales, afler deducting the expenses of freight and charges, should be applied to the extinguishment of the old debts. These advances were generally made to Slate Banks indebted to the United States Bank of Pennsylvania, on account of the purchase of the Brandies of the United States Bank, as before stated. — These Banks were again in turn enabled, by these advances, to make their collections from individual debtors by the same process. At the time the New York Banks announced themselves ready to resume, large amonnts of this cotton remained unsold in Europp. — The President and directors of the Pennsylvania Banks Bnw the d mger e.f a premature resumption, and advised it should be delaved, until one crop more could go forward, and thereby cancel the balance still due to Europe, The New York Banks, 14 FACTS FOR THE LABORING MAN: ur^cd on by the federal supporters in the state legislature, and the threats and cajuk-ry of the Federal Executive and its adherents, (particularly Mr. Benton,) determined upon resumption — which the Banks ol' Pennsylvania reluctantly acceded to — hoping to sustain tiieir new position from a favorable turn of circumstances. — The dependence of the United States Bank of Penn- sylvania was mostly on the sales of cotton in Europe. Her resources from collections at home to any extent beinrr rendered hopeless, from the circumstance of so large a part of her funds beincr loaned in sections where they could not be collected without causing ruin to whole communities, and, moreover, owing to the clamor raised against the Bank, and the abuse heaped upon it by the Federal Executive and its organs, in many parts of the country, it began to be viewed as aii outlawed institution, and a fair subject for plunder. Under these circumstances an attempt to coerce, by legal means, the payment of debts to a large amount, would probably have ended in the loss of all. The new impulse given to trade by the premature resumption of specie payments by the Banks, based on coin hired from abroad for a limited period only, quickly to return to Europe, from whence it came, without a central power to regulate its action — added to the decrease of duties on imports under tlie operations of a falling tariff, now almost entirely counteracted by the expansion of the currency, again swelled our imports for the year ending the 30th of September, 1831), to 157,C08,5G0 dollars, exceeding in amount the preceding year 43,892,15(3 dollars, and ex- ceeding the exports of the same year (1839) by the immense sum of 39.250,55(5 dollars — thereby creating anotlier lieavy drain for specie to adjust the balance due in Europe, in addition to the amount now about being repaid by the Banks, which had been hired in accordance with tlie Bubtle plans of Messrs. Benton and others, in order to coerce a general premature payment of specie, to furtlier their sinister designs in producing a second suspension, and thereby creating a disgust in the minds of the people against the Banking system. The corn crops of England for the year 1833 came in about 5,000,000 pounds sterling (nearly 25,000,000 dollars) short of an ordinary average — consequently that amount was required to be purchased of other nations. Through the Bank of England and its agencies, the slightest variations in the course of trade and the exchanges are detected. — Owing to the diminished demand for British manufactures on the continent, the foreign exchanges were already in a precarious slate (poised on an equilib- rium) — and but ill prepared to meet a contingent call to the amount of the imports of grain required, every dollar of which was to be paid for in specie, mostly from the vaults of the Bank. While laboring- under this heavy drain of coin, the prospect suddenly burst upon its Directors of a further demand of 12 or 13,000,000 of dollars, to supply the place of that amount of opium owned by British subjects, justly confiscated and destroyed by order of the Emperor of China. — In this poisonous drug, (altliough a contraband article in the Chinese dominions.) an illicit trade had been carried on for many years — and through tlie bribery of the revenue oliiccrs at Canton and other places in China, it had been applied to tlie payment of teas (and other Chinese prod- ucts) in place of specie, which would now be tlius unexpectedly required to fill its place — as teas (and otiier Chinese products) in some shape would inevitably be imported into the British dominions in sufficient quantities for the consumption of tlie people. Menaced with the pros- pect of this new and extraordinary demand, the Directors of the Bank of England found it neces- sary for the safety of the institution to enforce at once a rigid curtailment of its circulation, and an increase of the rate of interest — with the twofold object of lessening the price of the raw niaterial, (in common with other property,) and thereby enable the British manufacturers to sup- ply their fabrics at a price sufficiently depreciated to admit of more extended competition abroad ; and also to counteract the tendency of the flow of specie to tlie United States, induced by the high rate of interest paid on their State and Corporation securities. As trifling as the contin- (Tent calls of specie for the payment of the importation of grain and teas may seem, it was, as thua Btated, sufficient to derange the whole trade of the British Empire ; and probably the efforts made through the Bank to regain the specie abstracted from England by these demands, caused a fall in the price of American products in her markets to the amount of not less than 20,000,000 of dollars * — while the necessities of her merchants and manufacturers compelled them to make still further shipments of goods to our already overloaded markets, which were sold for (he most the market would afford, and remitted to England in specie — these operations bein^ much fa- cilitated by the expansion of our currency, now no longer regulated by a National Bank of the United States, or protected by a corresponding tariff'. In this way, the Bank of England made her power to b<> felt from our great commercial cities (through the currency) to the most remote liamlet of the Rocky Mountains. — The cotton lield in Europe by the United States Bank of Pennsylvania, of course shared the fate of other merchandise, and was not only greatly depre- ciated in value, but owing to the pressure of the times, large sales could not be effected without Btill greater sacrifices. — That institution has been charged with purchasing and shipping cotton on its own account, exclusively, with what truth the writer knows not.— If by purchasing small parcels, wiiich would have otherwise been sacrificed, the directors could have seen a pros- pect of sustaining, in any degree, the price on the immense quantity they already held, the * Mr Van Burcn eayn, (as before stHtod,) " that the preciou.s mctnls will always be found adequate to the uses for wl.icl fhrv are r.Mmirrd." The revulsion tl.at the recovery of ,.-rha,.s 30,000,000 dollars caused Great Britain, .a ft tiufi eommentary on the text- especially as after reduc.r.g the prico other products and productive abor, to the amount ..f hundreds of inillionR, in order to recover the specie, by waj-m^ a war of low prices — LM!;lun cents. Owing to the improved mode of manuihcluiing and stricter economy, about 6 yards are now made from the pound wiiere 4 were formerly. Say (i y;iriis at G cents, i.< 3G contj 1 pouiiJ of cotto.i at 15 coals, 15 Leaving the manufacturer to pay vva^os, wear of inac.liincry, buiKlinj; ami profit,.. .21 cents instead of iftl S'l as formerly ; — being less than one sixth, while the wages of Uie above classes are now fourfolded. The writer has liimself paid liundreds of boys and girls, of that age, instead of 4"i I') •')() cents, as formerly, two dollars and board ; and in manj' instances, girls earn by weaving frum '\ to 4 dollars over their board. — With these data we will compare the lal)orer of the present day with tlie laborer of earlier times — as regards his wairi-s and the manufacturer's profits. Formerly the lad received fitly cents per week, and otiier labori'rs in proportion, and ))aid say 35 cents for the mannfa''tnred article — thus receiving about 1 yard and 4-l((tlis for his week's work. — Under the burdens imposed by tlie " False system," he receives .'Ji^ per week, and i)ays f) cents for the cotton cloth, or 'S.\^ yards for a week's work — beinir an advance on his wages when paid in money fourfold, and wlien paid in manufacturer's goods more than 22 fold. These are t'le laborers, who are plundered by the rich, as they are told by their dear friend Martin Van Huren, and fi/s firar friends the locos and loafers who infest every street corner, country Inn, I'ost O.'Hce, and grog shop, from Maine to Georgia. The laboring man is told that since the introduction of tliis " False sysloin," a great part of his earnings are filclied from liim by (what they are pleased to call the rich) his employers. If this be really the case, tliere is no class n's, is fourfold what it formerly was in many parts of the country before the erection of manufactories. — We will suppose then, that all other classes have reaped only an equal benefit with the manuficturinir laborer. We will estimate the population of the United States I.') ,000. 000. one half of whom are prob- ably as capable of labor as the lad or lass of IG years of age, making 7,500,000 laborers, which at 50 cents per week, as formerly, makes the whole earnings in one year (over their board) l!)5.000,000 of dollars. This would, before the "False sj'stein," purchase of the manufacturer's product, saj', By Rul'; of 'J'lireo : If 35 cents purchase 1 yard; what will 195,000,000 00 cents purchase.' 35 )105,000 ,000 00 .5.')7,149,a''.7 Thu< the wholt' l:ilior of the people, exclusive of thrir hoard, would furinerly purchase nf the inanufacliircr's prod- wi" .557,1 1),857 yards of cotton cloth. ITiKJur the "f"(;'.v« sy.tem,^' the wau'o* of 7,5')0,001 laborers at S2 00 per week, exclusive of hoard, is 790,001,000 of doll irs — which will purch ne of the manufacturer's product by the same rule of three — sav, if 6 cents purchase 1 yard, what will 780,000,01)0 00 purchase .' 6)780,000,000 00 13,000,(X)0,0 )0 yds., from which deduct the amH the Liborers' wa"C9 would have purchased before t]i» " False system,".. .5.57,142,8.57 12,413,8.57,143 yards ^oods, or their value gained by the laborer of the country in one year by the introduction of a " False system " — provided he is as well paid by others as he is by the manufacturers. But this is not 18 FACTS FOR THE LABORING MAN: one half the country has gained — tlie price of board (which is also i)aid) is nearly double what it formerly was, on account uf the increased value given to the farmer's products — every descrip- tion of which is made to count in the production of domestic goods — from his beef, pork, grain, wood, poultr}', to the spare vegetables from his garden. — Whereas formerly, a very small part of the staple products of his farm only could be sold tor cash at any price. — This is one ol'tiie '■ burdens " of Mr. Van Buren's " False system." It is true that the irhole labor of the country is not expended in the purchase of these goods, but the rule will hold none the less true, for the amount tliat is used — and as far as the business of the manufacturer goes, it is shown by this that the industrious classes, instead of being oppressed by the manufacturer, are actually receiving of him for one day's work, as much as they formerly received for 22. — Can the laboring man ex- pect his good friend, the Loco gentleman, with his segar, and glass of grog, who instructs hi:n in the science of political economy, to do better for him than this .-' The v.riter will most sincerely commiserate the laboring man's situation when his dependence rests on such a foundation — i'vv as far as his experience goes, that class of beings are only liberal when using other people's money, which they are generally known to be cxtremel}' lavi.'ih of, when it comes within their reat-h. After showing that the " domestic comforts" of tlie laboring man have been increased 22 fold by the operations of the " False s^'stem," as regards the cotton manufacturer, we will now compare its relative bearing on the planter of the south. Formerly the cotton planter re- ceived 10 cents per pound for his cotton, and paid either the English or American manuiacturer at the rate of 35 cents for a yard of cotton goods, such as described. It will not, the writer trusts, be denied that by the inevitable laws of trade, the price of the lesser quantity of any article of merchandise in market, must be governed by the price of the greater quantity of the same or similar article. — And as the English supplied almost the entire quantity of cotton goods consumed in the United States, ])revious to the passing of the Tariff for protection, the price of the American goods must have been governed b\' the jnice of the English, and could not, there- lore, have been sold higher in proportion to their value. With this principle in view, it will be seen that it was of no importance as regards the truth of the results shov.'n below, whether tlie planter purchased American or British goods. Formerly one yard of cotton goods, costing 35 cents, required 2^ lbs. of cotton at 10 cents to pay for it. Under the '• False system," the price of cotton, from 1830 to 1839, has averaged probably about 15 cents per pound — say 3.f, lbs. of cotton at 15 cents is 52A cents, with which the planter will now purchase of the American manufacturer, (the same cloth being nov.' G cents per j'ard.) G) 52.^ {!<% yards of cloth, thus receiving nearly nine times the amount of the manufacturer's prod- uct for the same quantity of cotton he formerly received. This manufacturer the friends of the cotton planter accuses of being a '• Pirate," robbing him of his property by means of a " False .svstem." The ditl'erence formerly between the price of one pound of cotton in the state received from the planter, and the manufactured article", as before shown, was $1 130 ; or the American and English manufacturer received 32^ cents of the planter for the manufacture of each yard of oloOi. Under the " False system," it has also been shown, that the manufacturer receives for the manufacture of one pound of cotton, in the raw state, 21 cents, or 3.^ cents per yard, a trifle more than one tenth on each yard formerly paid by the planter — the jiound of cotton now milking G yards, whereas it fermerly made 4, as previously shown. We will now see how this aflects^lie prosperity of tlie south on a large scale — as compared with former times. We will suppose the whole annual crop of cotton at the south to have uniformly been 1,500,000 bales, more to be sure than it has averaged during the term of years included in these calculations. But this will not var^' the results, as just in pro])orlion to the yearly crops, the same rules will ajjply, whether larger or smaller, and tlie comparisons be equally true. I'revious to the " False system," 1,500,000 l):ilcE of cotton at 400 pounds, (uljout tli(; average.) -100 f)00,000,000 lb.«. wliicli at 10 cent.s perpoui«l, the former price, is .«CO,000,000 — this v.oul'l tlicn purchase of the American or British ni:iinifactnrcr in cotton sliirting, say If yS cuts purchased 1 yard, what would §(iO,000,OilO 00 cts. purch:.se ? 35 )60,000,000 00 17J,24a/)00ofyard3/ Under the "False system," 1,500,000 bales of cotton, 400 lbs. each bale, •103 600,000,000 pounds at 15 cents per lb. is 90,000,000 of dollars, which will purchase under the " burdens imposed by th« False Rvsteni," say If ti cents purchaso I yard, nhat will 9,000,000,000 of cents purchase.' 6)9,000,000,000 1,500,000,000 yards. The whole cotton crop would now purchaso fifteen hundred millions of yards, from which Bubtract the amount the same crop of cotton would formerly purchase, say J,.')00,nO 1,000 yards under " false system." 171,'342,.500 yards, before " faUe system." 1,323,757,500 yards BY A LABORING MAN. 19 more purchased by thi? planter's annual crop of cotton under the " False i5ystom " than fonnerly — or just in that proportion as far as he uses the iroods of tiie " Pinilical " niaiiuCacturcr of the north. The amount the planter's crof) of cotton will purcha.se under the "False system" beinfr 1,500,000,000 of yards. This at ;}5 cents per yard, the price formerly paid by the planter, (say) 1 ,:>0.'),OOII,000 yards. 35 cents. 7.')l)0,000,000 ■1.=)0.),IJ00,000 amotmt.s to 0-i'>,(100,OUO,00 (five hundred and tweiUy-five millions of dollars.) — Now by turning (o a table of the imports aiid exports of the United States, you will find that for a period often years previous to the pas- sajT"' ot llie Tariff for protection of Home labor, and a charter for a Bank for the protection of our Home rurrency, (one being the bones and sinews of domestic indu-^^try, the other its life blood.) and both equally necessary to its full and healthy action, the wiiule exports of domestic products from the United States from the tJOlh of September, ]80(!,lo the '.Wth September, I8l(i, to have amounted to the sum of 34i>,760,3'j0 dollars; shouing that the whole exports of the Uni- ted States for the ten years preceding- the Tariff, would not purchase of foreigners but about two thirds the amount of cotton goods whicii one year's crop of cotton ojiJij w'lU purclia.se of our own manufiicturers under tlie (iperations of a " Va\se system," which, if Mr. Van Buren is to be believed, is entailing great burdens on the planters, and |)utting a large iiroporlion of their earn- ings in the pockets of the " pirdticat" manufacturers of the north. It is true this crop of cotton is not all applied to the payment of goods, but as far as the planter uses or needs them of the manufacturer, the rule holds good in the same ratio. 'I'he writer knows of no method to get at the exact quantity of cotton goods consumed in the United States, but as Mr. Woodbury, in hia last lucid report, iul'orms that there has been an " increased public taste " for them of late, he thinks it probabh^ the average consumption in the United States lor every purpose — cloth- ing — bedding — furniture, and the endless variety of uses cotton cloth is now applied to — is not less than live dollars for each individual. Tiiis gives for the whole population of the United States, seventy-five millions e.tpended in cotton goods — domestic and foreign — which is proba- bly rather an under estimate than over. — This sum will pur<;hase, at this time, of the goods on which these calculations are based — ]'2r)0,000,000 yards, as shown below, (say) irC cents purchase 1 yard, what will T.'SjOOOjOOJjOO cents purchase .' C)75,000,OOJ,00 ] ,2."i0,009,091 y-irds, iillowin:; that wo used this quantity formerly, it would amount at .?5 cents p. r yard to 437 ,.500,01)0 dolls, as thus shown, l-.'50,00i.l,000 yds. at 35 cts. 6950,000,000 3750,000,000 amount to «37,5I0,000,00 - which sum is nearly one hundred millions more than our whole exports would have paid for in the ten years preceding the passage of the Tariff. — But as the United States have nearly doubled in population since that period, we will call the consumption then one half what it is now, and we .shall then find that all the e.\ports for six years would not have furnished each in- dividual the same quantity of foreign cotton ''comforts," they now use in one j-t-ar. The great secret of the ■• increased public taste," is in the increased ability possessed by the great body of the people to buy. Our wise statesmen in Washington would be sur|)rised if they could see what a curious effect that |)roduces. The writer of this article once took a jjoor family into his em|)loy who had so little •' taste " fir dress, that two boys of 10 to 14 years old went entirely naked in the summer, not a rag, — not even a " rag bank bill " about them. — Before they com- menced working they were furnished each with suits of clothes, and as strange as it may seem, as soon as they were placed in a situation to earn their living, their wants kept constantly in- creasing; and they gradually- acquired a "taste " for most ol the "comforts," bi)tli foreign and domestic, of civilized life, and ni>w wear not only cotton cloth, but have acquired a •' taste " for Broadch>lh coats. Now should any thing occur to lessen the earnings of these young men in any considerable degree, (a specie currency for instance.) the writer has no doubt their " taste " for the " comforts " and luxuries of civilized life, will retrograde — in the precih-e ratio their abil- ity to gratity their wants diminishes. This is a principle, as it seems, but little understood by such characters as Mr. Woodbury. Formerly, the 1,'J-jO.OOO.OOl) yards of cotton cloth now consumed in the United States would cout 437 ,r)00,()00 dollars; Under the " False system," it now costs 75,000,000 dollars, showing a gain in " Domestic comforts," in the cost of what cotton goods are now u^n^d by the people of th.e United States, to the amount of :U)7,.^00,()00 dollars, which divided among the whole population of 15,000,000, gives each individual about ;j^l24,20 cents in '• Domestic comforts," to pay them for the depriva- tiiin of GO cents of ■' Foreign comforts," of which Mr. Van Buren says each person is deprived by the workings of a '• Fal.se system." Examine for yourselves, and see if these calculations are correct, and, if they are, all the expoits of the United States at the present time for four years 20 FACTS FOR THE LABORING MAN. would not pay for that one article of annual consumption, cotton cloth, at the price it was before the introduction of the " False system." Messrs. Almv, Brown, and Slater, first commenced the manufacturing of cotton in the United States. Their first manufactory was near Providence. — Since making the foregoing state- ments, the writer has obtained the prices their goods formerly sold at, from a gentleman well known in the town of Newport, and in the Stale generally, and whose statements may be lully relied upon. He was connected with their manufacturing establishment from about the year 1601 to about 1811 ; and has since that time been extensively engaged in both the manufacturing and selling of dry goods of most descri])tions — which has enabled him not only to give the prices, but the comparative value of foreign with domestic cotton goods — as will be shown below. Messrs. Almy, Brown, and Slater's regular price lor cotton yarn. No. B.J, was 6s. or $1 per pound. — No. 1;^ was Gs. 6d. or $1,11 per pound. This yarn has been worth of late years from 18 to 25 cents. The price of bed-ticking was t)s. or $1 per yd., now worth 18 toSOcts. Shirting J yd. wide, made from No. 12 yarn, 2s. Cd. or 42 cts. per yard — none so coarse now made. Shirting J yd. wide, made from No. 16 yarn, 3s. or 50 cts. per yard — but little so coarse now used. Shirting J yd. wide, made from No. 18, 3s. 3d. or 54 cts. per yard — this description now sells for 8 cents per yard at wholesale, and 10 cts. at retail. These were the established prices, subject to a deduction of from 6 to 10 per ct. when any considerable quantity was taken by the purchaser. The raw material was then called saw-ginned cotton, and was worth from 8 to 10 cts. per lb. The prices of India cottons (hum-hums) during the same period, were as follows. They were imported in bales of 100 pieces each — three qualities in each bale. Callapatty Baftas, J A. 20 ps. 4-1 yd. wide, at 33J cts. per yard. Chillaltitti Baftus, { B. 30 pn. 4-4 yd. wide, at 2f) cts. per yard. Baftas, I C. 50 pa. 4-4 yd. wide, at 20 cts. per yard. 100 piecci. These goods compared nearest to the cotton shirting in appearance, now selling at 8 to 10 cts. per yard, as above; but would not wear quite one half as long. Moso Sannahs J A. 20 ps. 3-4 yd. wide, at 25 cts. " " t B. 30 pg. 3-4 " at 20 cts. «' " I C. 50 ps. 3-4 " at 17 cts. 100 pieces in each bale. These were very inferior goods, and compared in appearance with the lowest priced printing cloths of the present day, selling from 4^ to cents per yard. The prices affi.xed are the retau prices, from which 25 per cent, must be deducted, to get the wholesale price. Patna gurrahs, 1^ yard wide, were sold at 14, 17, and 20 cents. These were a much coarsei and poorer article than would now be used at our poor-houses, but wore at that time so much used, that they were considered the leading article with store-keepers: so much so, that the comparative cheapness of any particular shop, in the eyes of the public, rested mainly on the price they sold gurrahs ; consequently they were sohl at about cost. This article would not now sell at any price, such a " taste " have the people acquired, from some cause, for superior goods. It will be seen that these prices will nearly compare with the price affixed on the style of cotton goods, which the preceding calculations are based upon, and which are valued at 35 cents per yard. It is about the same article as was sold by Messrs. Almy, Brown, and Slater, at 42 cents per yard, which was probably the price of rather an earlier date. Now, the writer ap» peals to all who will take the trouble to ascertain for themselves, if the preceding statements are not true. Are they not known to be so to most.' And yet the laborers of the north are told that the men — most of whom are laborers themselves, whose untiring industry, enterprise, and skill, have produced this state of things — are plundering them of their earnings, and are also robbing the planters of the south. Tiiese are the men who are plundering the pLiblic, while the nian"^ ufactured article, the product of their capital and industry, has fallen to one sixth its former j)rice; while the price of labor, as far as they employ it, is fourfold, and the produce of the farmer, and staple of the j)lauter, has increased in value .50 to 100 per cent. The writer of this article is not engaged in the manufacture of cotton goods, and does not depend, at present, on any thing but the soil for his K\ipport; but his heart sickens within him, when he contemplates the high and palmy state tlie industrious classes are about to fall from, in the United Slates, to wliich they havo been raised through the operations of a system, calculated precisely to place the honest poor man on a par with the wealtliy ; in other vvords, a system that possessed all the advantages capital can confer, without its cost. A poor man's character was his capital, with which, when combined with perseverance and industry, he could bid defiance to the overgrown capitalists, who control all the business in sjiecie countries, in which the poor man is sure to die in the same state of degradation and poverty in which he was born. What has elevated the laboring man in this country so much above the same class in any other country known.-* What but the cf)mliination of the credit system and the tariff for the prdtection of his labor.' The credit system has enabled the poor man to enter the field in competition with the rich, and the unfettered mind, buoyant and vigorous, has stopped at no point, but has constantly advanced BY A LABORING MAN. 21 in improvoiTiont. The tariff lias protected the home markets from the floods of foreign goods, wliich, whether sold high or low, drain the country of its currency, and thus derange th.; business, and prostrate- tlie industry of the peojile, to a luindred times th(! amount. If, without a tariff, tin; American manufacturer could secure the home market to himself, by selling as low as the foreigner, it would, perhaps, be sufficient. The superior activity and ingenuity r.f the Americans, would enable them to compete fairly with the cheap labor ot" the broken-spirit(;d laborer of Europe; but this will not secure the homo market. The English capitalist can send his goods to our markets at a less expense, even lor transportation and freight, than many of our own manufacturers; and every yard he sells, not only takes the place of the same amount of domestic goods, but he requires his pay in money, the lilt' blood of business. The individuaiss who purchase goods, are as ready to buy the foreign as tiic American, at the same price, and therefore the foreigner is as likely to sell the same amount of goods in our markets that the American manufacturer can; the American consequently finds his goods leil on hand, and diminishict tlieir industry ; wi- should, in a great measure, do witliout the comforts of life, lor the want of ability to purchase them. For our clothing, the great body of the j)eoiile would have to return to the old mode of domestic manufacture, Ijy which, as before stat( d,7()0 persons did the work of two of the present day. Practical men will see this must be the result of the abandonment of the ])rotective system, however it may be ridiculed by hair-brain<>d theorists, like many now holding conspic- uous places in "the councils of the nation." To employ labor-saving machinery to any extent, requires a combination of capital and industry, which will soon be broken up, without a steady and sure market at some price or other for tlu; articles made. And if our markets are opened to foreigners, while theirs in turn are closed to us, we shall be precisely (as f.ir as it relates to our manufactures) in the situation of two hostiU' cities, the one strongly walled and defended at every point, the other entirely exposed, and destitute of defence — open to the incursions of their protected enemy at all ])oints, and at any moment, and subjected to continual harassings; or we should be like two farmers, whose (>statos are s<'parated only by a public liighwaj'. Farmer Thrifty has enclosed his farm, and effectually prevented the incursions of his neighbor's cattle. Farmer Easy allows his to remain oi)en and ex])osed. Farmer Thrifty turns his sheep and young c.ittle into the highways, as often as he sees the grass on his neighbor's farm rising to a green bite: which is no sooner eaten off, than he again takes them into his own enclosure, where they ure entirely protected by sufficient fences to prevent a re.'taliation of Farmer Easy's starving cattle. This, I presume, is Mr. Van Huren's idea of the true "system," or free trade; especially as it would be imposing ''heavy burdens" on Farmer Easy to obligi! him to fence his farm. Should our illustrious Chief Magistrate, when passing that way, com|)are the ajipearance of Fanner Thrifly's cattle with that of his neighbor Easy's, he would, judging from some foreign as well as homo experience of the writer, have a pretty tolerable idea of the comfortable appearance of the great body (d" tli(> i)eople of a country whose industry is protected, and also that of their neighiiiirs, who are in the full enjoyment of a free trade, all the advantages of which are reaped by one side only, as in the case of Farmer Tliritty. The opposers of the tariff at the south say tln^y would have their goods cheaper, were it not for the tariff. The writer has shown that they now get nearly nine times as many goods of their own countrymen, for the same quantity of cotton, as they formerly received from for- eigners; and be it remembered, that their own countrymen have been driven into the business of minufacturing by the south. They were opposed to the system, until encouraged by its adoption to invest their capital in manufactures, which they have now done; and it has become t'le business of the north to manufacture the cotton, as much as it is the business of tlie south to raise it. And now, when the manufacturer has reduced the price of the cost of nunufacture to 21 cents for six yards, while tliey formerly received, before the tariff, $1,30 23 FACTS FOR THE LABORING MAN: for the manufucture of 4 yards, say 3^ cents now, instead of 32^ then, and at the same time liave advanced the pknter's cotton 50 per cent, in price, lo! and behold! the friends of the planter, who first originated the tariif, turn upon the manufacturer, and call him "a pirate." Since the commencement of the manufacturing of cotton in the United States, the improve- ments in machinery have made greater advances in one year than they had done before in ten. in England there was more labor than employment, and"on that account, it was extremely diffi- cult to introduce labor-saving machinery; and the discouragement thrown upon its iiitroduction, palsied the inventive genius of the people. The tariff, in connection with American manufac- tures, compelled the English to adopt improved inventions in machinery, in order to enable them to cojnpete with tljc United States, not only in their own markets, but, in many iiistances, in those of foreign countries. So much were the laboring population in England opposed to the introduction of labor-saving machinery, that many manufactories were much injured, and much niaciiinery destroyed by tiie populace, in the attempt to introduce its use, from an impression that its application would be injurious to the laborer. At this day, the competition of the American manufacturer is severely felt by the English in Soutli America, Mexico, Canton, and other markets, especially for the coarser qualities of cotton fabrics ; a positive proof that they are made as cheap here as in Europe. The manufacturers at Manchester have even copied the stamps of American goods, on account of their being better than their own, and preferred in foreign markets. So long as England supplied tiie whole world at her own price, it was not necessary to introduce labor-saving machinery. At any rate, the call for it was by no means urgent, and entirely opposed to the wishes and the prejudices of the people. In America, the contrary state of things existed. As soon as the business of manufacturing was fairly estab- lished, labor was wanting to supply the demand, and a great stimulus was applied thereby to the natural inventive genius of the people, the effects of which are apparent to all. Without this competition, there is no good reason to suppose that labor-saving machinery would have been introduced to any thing like the extent it has been ; and we should have now been probably paying the British far more for goods than the present prices. But if we make goods cheap enough to compete with the British in foreign markets, where there is no discrimination in duties, the question may be asked, then, why need protection .-" The writer, referring to what ha.s already been said on that subject, would ansv/er farther, for the same reason that a mechanic requires a shelter to v/ork under in a variable climate; or that a farmer needs a fence around ills cornfield, in a neigliborhood where hogs and other destructive animals are allowed to run at large, whose nature is not only lo cat, but to wantonly destroy. NARRAGANSETT- [rrcm the Nevvpoit, R. I., Herald of the Time.s, filiirch 5, 1840.] Farther Effects of Mr. Van Buren's "False 8i/stem,''' as iUuslratcd in the Mamifacture of Wool, ^^c. S^c. The writer of this article commenced the manufacture of coarse goods,, called linsey woolscys, which are used principally for negro clothing at the south, about the year ldl5. lliis v.-as be- fore the introduction of any woolleu machinery into the neighborhood, excepting carding ma- chines, lie has since continued te manufacture negro cloths for the southern markets until recenily, and has followed the business, through nil its stages of improvement, from its com- inencement. The method he pursued in manufacturing the goods, at its earliest stages, was to purchase the cotton 3'arn for the warps, ready spun. The wool was carded by water machinery into rolls, and in that state put out to spin in families in separate quantities of about 25 pounds. Each parcel would make from 50 to 75 skeins of yarn, for wliich four cents were paid for each Bkein when spun. At that time, tlie writer emjjloyed from 75 to 100 spinners, generally one only in a family. Three skeins were considered a day's work, and a woman consequently rnrned Y2 cents per day 'I'here were, at that time, liundreds of females who could f:nd no em- ployment, and it was considered a gre;it favor to get work, even at that low rate. 1 hose females who had learned to weave, and culd afl'ord to purchase a loom, did somewhat better; but their number was STnall in proportion to t'le other description. The wages a woman received for spinning would probably amount to from 5 to 10 dollars in a year, and was gener:illy ex- pendecl in some article of dress, perhaps a calico gown for the mother or oldest dauahter, and a little cotton cloth. Tlie wages of the common m;m laborer was mostly paid in farmers' produce, estimatv'd at four pounds of salt pork or one half busliel of corn for a day's v.'ork, and board, or the value of the corn in some other article, corn being the "cash" of tiie poor man at that pe- riod. The very best of laborers, strong and active young men, received from seven to eight dol- lars per month, and boarded, for the season, consisting of seven of the warm montlis, or from five to si.K dollars per month for the year, including the winter. As late as the year 1620, the writer hired tv.'o excellent laborr-rs, during the suiinner months, to work on a farm, for twenty-five cents each per day, for all kinds of work required, excepting mowing grass, during the season of which their wages were double. The wages of a family of seven persons, as de- scribed below, would be poniething less than the following estimate for one year ; — BY A LABORING MAN. 23 F tlier of tlio family works on a farm for §.'> por niontli for the year, iind boardcii, is S"'' 03 KKh'st son, 520 years of n-jo, works for $7, ami Ijoanled, 84 03 EldcKl day^litcr works out at 50 cents per week, and boiirdi d, 2r> OS Mother of the family carm l>y spinning 10 00 One d.iu;;!itor, 15 years old, iiotliiii^ to ilo. Ono Hon, 13 years old, works out for \:U hoard. One dauj;liter, 11 years old, nothing to do. SI80 00'' Out of this sum, rent for house waa pTid, and scliool-bill of children, provided they were sent to school, which was not oilon tJie ciisc. 'I'lioUbimds of families of this description subsisted entirely on the choaiK'sl food, knew but little of domestic comfort, and nothing of foreign "com- forts," e.\cppt perhaps a little mola.'sses occasionally. Tlie wife and children were generally clothed in tow cloth of the coarsest quality, and frequently miserably clad, so much so that it was a common circumstance for the greater part of a family, particularly the femtiles, to ulisent themselves atltlu^ iS-pprfWch of a stranger, or even neighbor, decently clothed. The writer has wiliicssed this in hui|drt'ds of instances, and has often delayed his entrance into those dvvellings of the poor for a few minut(^s after an- nouncing his approach, to aflord time to the inmates to prepare, and thus spare a pang to the honest pride yet struggling in the bosom of hopeless povertj'. Not only were the fimilics of the common laboring man of this period clothed in tow cloth, but so were most of the families of the farmers. Tliey each raised their own llax. wjiich was manufactured by the iamily. This was done from sheer necessity. The whole exports of the Nortlu^ni and Eastern States, that could he applied directly to the payment of European goods, did not then probably exceed hve millions of dollars annually ; and the consequence was that all foreign manufactures became cash articles. The importer being obliged to [>ay cash for the first cost, the retailer, in turn, was oblisred to pay the wholesale dealer in the same coin, which he, in turn, depended upon receiving from the consumer. The consumers, (with the exception of those connected with foreign commerce, and a few other wealthy citizens, who engrossed the n)oney of the country,) having neither i)roduce nor labor that would sell to any extent for cash, were consequently debarred from the use of foreign goods. The tiirmers were therefore obliged to make their flax and woo] into cloth by the domestic process, some parts of which, as before shown, required the work of 700 ])ersons to perform what two will do with the improvitl maclr.neiv of the j)resent day, and wliich, but for the combination of tariff and credit, would not probably have been introduced f)r centuries to come. As well might we plant an acorn in the uiiddle of Broadway, the principal street in New York, and expect it to grow to a tree, without a fence to guard it, as to expect that a business re- quiring the experience and capital (or its nearest eciuivalent, credit) that manufacturing by improved machinery does, should be able, without protection, to compete with the establish- ments of old countries surrounded by all the necessary conveniences and accompaniments. But to return from this digression. The negro cloths manufactured by the writer, at this period, were sold at about 'yO cents jht 3'ard, both before and for a short time after the tariff of 181G. Although Uie laborer was so poorly paid, there was no profit derived from the manufac- ture. The impulse given by the tariff of iflG caused sosne more labor-saving machinery to be introduced; and, in IS20, a small manufactory for carding and spinning by machinery was erected. As labor-savinij; machinery continued to improve and to be used, the price of labor gradually rose, and the value of the'manufactured article tell. I'he first female the writer ever employed in a uianufactorv he paid one dollar and a quarter per week, and the woman boarded herself. This was in about tiie year 1820, from which time until 181?.") or 183G, labor of every description has constantly advanced ; and, at the latter period and since, a family answering to tlie one before described would earn as follows : — Father of ihc fnnily would reeeive $14 por month, and hoardod,. SIPS 09 Elilest son, 'JO yeiirs of ii;:o, §17 per inoith, and bo:irdnd, (in many in9t:inces, dout)lo this sum,) 2;)4 00 Ehltst danf;lilcr, ft:2 prr week, and boarded, (in minv in.^t mcos, nearly doublp this sum,) 101 00 Daughter, 15 yoirs of a^n^ SJ} 5) cts. per week, and boards herself at lionie, (as before,) KiO 00 8nn, 13 years of a!;p, $1 per week, and hoarded, 59 00 Mother and youngest daughter keep lionse, $058 00 Thus showing that the same description of family that formerly received iJilSO for a year's services, now. under Mr. Van Buren's " false system," receive $658, or nearly four times the amount; at the same time that the wages of the laborer have so much increased, such has been the effect produced by labor-saving machinery, experience, and strict economy, stimulated by domestic competition, that the article of manufacture has fallen more than one half; the same * 'I'his sum i.i far more than niost funiilics of this description earned at that time. Pinco makini out this st'itcmonl, the writer has received the following letter from an aged gentleman, who baa been a jiractical farmer nearly all bis life, and whose statcmetts can be fully relied on ; — « i>»,.,„.t».) i.-:„™ " South Kingston, 2d mo. 22, ISiO. ** Kespectea Kinsman, ' ' " My son informed mn thou wished I would give tliee what information I could respecting the pviie of la'inr sonic years ago. He mentioned the lime I lived in Philadelphia. While I lived there, I hired so lllle day lalior, that I have no recolliTtion whatever respecting it ; hut I well rcnicmlier, before I wi-nt ti-ere. vvliicli was in 1797, I hired good hands to lal)nr upon the f«rm for three doll.irs per month, and, in h ly-linrvpsl, lor 2() cents per s we j)aid foreigners for them some twenty years since, — an amount greater than the exi)orts of our do- mestic products would liave then paid for in a quarter of a century. At the same time, such has been the impulse given to every branch of industry, by the protection of our labor from foreign interference*, that, after adding this immense wealth yearly in our own nianufiictures, our e.x- porls have nearly doubled in the same time. The; value of our domestic mainiCaclures, amounting to, say $!:}00,0()0,()00 annually, is almost an entire addition to our national wealth, — it hehig the produce of our labor, both in the manufacture and the sii|)plying of the materi- als, the proceeds of which are diffused over every part of the Union, and paid for by the products of labor most congenial to each section, — giving life and animation to the trade of the whole * After the m'lniifacturing business became well establislind in Rhode [.aland, the dommd for friujije laborers wna BO groat, that travelling agents were cmphiyiul by many nianuf.ictnrers to visit the Islands and out of the way |il,;ce9, to procure families to work in the mills. Alany imligenl females were, by ibis oort, would not atlord the same comftrts, even if we should add to this amount the GiJ cents' worth of foieign '-comforts" each person is deprived of by the workings of a "false system," which that profound economist Martin Van Buren so pathetically laments. Could the enemies of the •• false system " succeed in destroying it, and break up the manufac- turing business in the United Stales, there would be an end to the prospcritij of ivmj section of the Ihvon. Even supposing we could find a foreign market for the same amount of our products, now consumed by tliose who are engaged in the thousand various grades and branches of that business, from the nature of agriculture, a small part of the population of a country only can bo etiiciently employed, and but for a part of the year. Men of weakly constitution, women, and children, can be of but little service in tilling the soil, while they are as capable of working in a manufactory as the strongest men. During the long war with Napoleon, when England was contending for her existence, a child of ten or twelve years of age, employed at home, by the aid of machinery, earned suliici(Mit to pay, e(iuip, and keep in the field abroad, an able-bodied soldier, hired from the specie despots of the continent; and thus these children aided not a little, by their humble labors, to subdue the conqueror of the world. But for her manufacturing and banking system, England would have probably been overrun by the armies of France. When driven by necessity, she sent her specie abroad, and, in lieu of it, coined her iionor into gold, and made her internal exchanges, for more than twenty years, entirely with a paper currency, based on integrity alone. If the farmers of th ■ manufacturing stiites will turn their attention to the subject, and mako out a list of the articles they now yearly di.spose of, they will find that not om; quarter tho amount would bear transportation to foreign countries, even if they would receive them. They raise but few of the staples that will answer to send abroad. These are now confined to tho south and west, and, even of these, the- northern and eastern states probably consume at least one half they have to spare. New England alone consumes about 1,UUI},();)0 barnds of flour annually from the west — a greater amount than is taken by all foreign countries in th(> world. The manufacturing states cannot consume less than 40,000,01)0 dollars of tjio cotton, rice, tobacco, sugar, and other products of the soutli, and not less than :}0,000,000 dollars worth of the farmers' wool — one article alone. Foreign nations already receive from us as many of our products as they can pay for at; their present prices ; and, if w^e send them more, the only effect will be in the sime ratio to lessen their va ue abroad, without materially increasing the aggregate amount received. The world is by nature a prodigal, and spends all it has to spare; we can only get our proportion of what surplus it has to spend, send to other nations as much as we will. There is a very general idea prevailing, that people consume in proportion to their wants, instead of their ability. Nothing is more ernmeous, as tlie writer has before endeavored to show. The wants of mankind are mostly artificial, created by the ability to gratify them. When driven by necessity, a full-grown man may be sustained by twopence worth of bread a day. Doctor Franklin proved this in his own person. And more than half tho population of many specie countries exist, at this present time, up-iii a ti^w ounces of bread, and perhaps a little vegetable broth, or water porridge, each day. In proportion as the labor of a i)eople is advantageously and geni^rally employed, and they are allowed the benefit of their earnings, in the same proportion will their ability be to buv, and, as a general rule, consume. Their neces- sities will be first provided for. then the articles most indispensable to their comfort, and, after all these are supplied, they will commence the use of what are called luxuries. Jt was supposed by many at the time the tariff laws of 181iS were passed, that it would prevent the importa- tions of foreign goods to such an extent as to render direct taxation necessary for support of government. So far from this being the case, by its encouraging tho manufacturing business, full employment was given to the labor of the country, and at a high price. The consequence was, that the great body of the people were enabled to consume not only twice or thrice as much of domestic products as formerly, which were thus enhanced in value, but also to become competitors in the market for foreign goods; and, under high duties, the imports increased. And this will alwa3'S be the case, just in ])roporlion as the production and manufacture of all those articles are encouraged by a nation netressary to give steady employment to all classes of its population. The more articles a community produce and maniificlure themselves, the more they will have to dispose of, and the greater will their ability be to buy of others; and, should their industry produce articles sufficient to satisfy every known want at home, artificial wants would increase, and cause the importation of something or oilier to the amount of their surplus products — even if ship-loads should be sent to the Straits of Babelmandid, and exchanged for cargoes of Arabian sand. In ancient times, it was customary to reckon distance by time. This is perhaps the most rational mode ; and, when men become wiser, it is possible the price of an nrticle of produce or manufacture will be reckoned by time. Unless there is some peculiarity of soil or climate necessary to the production or iinnufactnre of an article, we shall say that which requires one day's work of a man in one country, costs as much as it would provided the same day's vork 3 ~^> FACTS FOR THE LABORING MAN: was expended in another country. It is true the laborer may not roup the same benefits him- self iVoin liis labor, expended in one country, as he may in another; but the real cost of the article will, nevei theless, be the sasne. " Here lies the difference." The laborers, for instance, of the United States, enjoy the full benefit of their wages, while the laborers of Great Britain, for iiist nice, have not only to earn a sufliciency to support themselves and families, but are cniu- pellfd at the sa;ne time to support at least one fourth of then- neighbors in idleness, and wlio live at ]>erhaps ten times the expense they do themselves. There can he nothing acquired by man ne( jquired by man necessary to satisfy even his simplest wants, without more or less labor. It was so ordained by his Creator from tlie beginnino-. It follows, of course, that those who purciiase the products of the laborers of Great Britain, in that same proportion indirt-ctly pay for the support of those idlers ; and yet the people of tlie United States are told they can atf'ord to send tlieir rav.- materials more than three thousand nnles across the ocean, and, v.'hen manufactured, bring them back, and get their goods cheaper than when made at home. The writer believes tint it will be adinitled by all, that an American mechanic can make as good machinery as any foreigner, and that our American laborers can do as much with it in a given time as those of any other country. It will also be admitted that we have sutiicient water power and coal to impel any amount of machinery whatever. With all these advantages, our purchasing the minufactures of foreigners, in preference to making them ourselves, amcuntsr to the same tiling as if we should send say one hundred of our own manufacturing mechanics and laborers to Great Britain, under the impression that they could there make goods tor us cJicaptr than at home. ', .In the first place, we nmst be at the expense of transporting our cotton, our wool, our iron ore, and other raw materials, across the ocean, all of which mast pay a duty on their arrival in England. We must tlien be at tlie ex()ense of sending our Hour, our rice, tobacco, sugar, molasses, beef, pMrk, butter, lard, cheese, poultry, mutton, veal, corn, rye, barley, lumber, wood, potatoes, apples, turnips, cabbages, hay, straw, beans, peas, fish, and the countless variety^f articles, the produce of our soil and labor, that are consumed by the laboring man, and necessary for his comfortable support. We shall not only be obliged to pay the ex- pense of transporting those articles across the ocean, but, when they arrive, be subjected to pay a lieavy duty on all of tliem, not only for the necessary support of the British government, but also for an immense number of idle aristocracy, who subsist on liie interest of the public debt, and a vast number of other idlers, as before slated, who, while they consume more than their proportion, at the same time produce jiolhing themselves. Under this stale of things, is it possible that we can ])ay another return freight for the manufactured goods in addition, and yet have them made ciieaper there than at home" What signifies the price the British goods can be bought for in specie.' All the specie we have in tlie United States would not purchase supplies sufficient for the subsistence of our population to exceed two wee/is. The true jirinciple is not how much money an article costs, but iiow much time or labor, or how much of the product of labor, we pay for it. On this princi])le, which is the correct one, we siiriU find that what apparently costs one dollar in Europe will ire- qucntly require ten dollars" vvortli of our products to pay for. Our sending so many products abroad instead of using them at home, it is true, would make a great show of business, but it would be upon the same principle that the Indian rolled the stone up hill to see it roll down again. The cost would altogether be a tax on our own industry. The writer has already shown that the i;lanter pays but tiiree and a half cents per yard for the whole expense of manufacturiiig a yard of coarse cotton goods; many descriptions do not in reality sell for more than two and a half cents per yard beyond the cost of the raw material. Iiow is it possible to get tiiem tniirk cheaper, even should Ihe foreign laborer work for nothing? It would not, in thnt case, vary tiie price to exceed one cent per yard at the most; and the only means of essentially reducing the price of the manufactured article, will be by the reduction on the cost of the raw material. This will no doubt be the effect of a specie currency, and an abandonment of the tariff. And, in that case, the foreigner wiil probably get our products for the one half they now do, while theirs will come cheaper to us only in the same ratio as our decreased ability to purchase shall cause a less consumption, and consequently a less demand. In that case, by the immutable laws of trade, a reduction in price will be the consequence, although to probably but a very small amount, as the quantity of foreign goods consumed in this country is but sarill compared with the consumption of the whole world ; and tlie price will of course only be reduced in proportion as the aggregate demand of all the nations of the earth combined is lessened. By turning to a price-current, say of 1816 or 1817, we find that the ()rices of most foreign articles disconnectfd with manufactures, were much higher at that period than tliey have been under the '• false system." (.'oTo;,' was tlicn wmili, |i(>r poiiriil, frmii 9^ to T5 crnt». ."^lol s cents per day, which was about the wages of Uiat pi'riod, would purchase about one pound of coffee, or one half gallon of molasses, or less than two p;}unds of sur lias receiveJ, for 240 busheU of corn, or the same in pork fitted foni it, iit 50 cents, ]oo 00 He pays, fm 10 huslieU of sail, at 75 cents, 7 50 Sll"} ,50 *tus showing a gain, on ten bushels of salt only, of §112,50 in favor of the "false system," 28 FACTS FOR THE LABORING MAN: with which to nieot the deprivation of foreign " comforts " to the extent of sixty cents annually for each individual. Tlie writer is not certain wiiat tl)0 exact prici s of those articles liave been in recent years in Ohio ; but a. little variation from the prices stated will not materially vary the results. TJie Honorable Thomas H. Benton tells this farmer that he (the farmer) is a much-abused man, being subjected to an odious tax on his salt. In a letter some time since addressed to his enlightened constituents, he informed them the weight of a bushel of salt sliould be increased by law, — something like thirty pounds, if memory serves, — and says the price of a bushel will not be enhanced a fraction by the operation. This same honorable gentleman, in making some remarks on the subject of salt duties, in the United States' Senate, a few days 8'nce, said that, when the speculators in salt wished to get an exorbitant price, they '■• per- iuadcd" the proprietors of the salt-works to discontinue their business. '■'■ Pr.Ts^iudr.d!" this was the very word lie used. What good-natured men these salt-makers must be ! When a nation's welfare is in the hands of such men as this, what can we expect but disgrace and ruin? This is tlie man who is destined to succeed, in the regular order of the succession, to the presi- dency — provided Mr. Van Buren is reelected. Tiiis is the man who has been plotting, for years, to destroy this "false system" of credit and home-labor protection, under tlie operations pf wliich this country has grown up to be the envy and wonder of the world. Free of debt, inarching on to greatness with unexampled rapidity, producing and manufacturing, within her ovi'n vast territories, nearly every articl(> of necessity and comfort, ajid enabled, by the excess 4tif her products, to supply tlie liumblest of her citizens with articles 6f luxury only enjoyed by the rich of the most highly favored of other climes. Since the election of Andrew Jackson, the expenses of the national government have been increased nearly fourfold ; notvi'ithstanding whicli, our Chief Magistrate, and his loving Secre- tary of the Treasury, yearly issue tiieir carefully worded messages and reports, to prove the deep solicitude they t'eel in the dear people's money. Not satisfied with this, Mr. Van Buren, witli paternal kindness, admonishes them all individually to curtail their expenses, as the gov- ernment is doing. Those who have seen a maudlin toper preaching sobriety to his hearers, or have heard a spendthrift lecturing on the virtues of economy, may Ibrm a pretty correct idea of the practice, as compared with the precepts, of our most honest President, who, in imitation of an ancient Roman custom, should henceforth be called " Honestls." But, while we hear so much said about the people's money, we hear but little said about the people's time or labor; the loss of wliicii, in comparison with the loss or executive waste of their money, is, as regards the latter, but dust in the balance. It has been shown that a family of seven persons, of the description of people Mr. Van Buren says are most oppressed by the '-burdens entailed by the false system," now earn, in one year, $6')8, a part of the family being boarded by those they work for ; as will be seen by reference to the preceding calculations. To get the whole gross earnings of the family, the fair price of this board must of course be added; in which case we shall find the following icsult to be the whole sum of their year's gross earnings: — Labor and board, as before shown, §658 Ho:ird of f.ithir of 111'' family, $1 75 per week, iU Bouril of cidpst son, do., 91 Hoard of eldest diiu^jbter, nt $1 .5'J per week, 78 Board of youngest .sou, at $1 per week, o'i Total, $»70 It thus appears that the whole earnings of this family are TiTO dollars each 3'ear, including their board. From a reference to the individual members who compose this family, it will be con- ceded, that, as regards sex, age, and capability for labor, they will not more than average with the whole population of the United States. With these data, calling the present population of the United Stales 15,000,000, we find, by the rule of three. Say, If 7 earn $970, what will 15()030!)0 970 IO.iilll()0(IOJ ]3j:)00000 7)i4.'i.'iooano?o $9ll7t<.57l4'28 ^'thal the whole value of the productive labor of the United States amounts to more than 2078 millions of dollars annually. As far as the laborer is employed in agriculture and manufac- lurinar, it is fair to presume that those blanches yield double tlie amount of the laborer's hiie ; it being customary, in many parts of the country, to imjirove hind, and the proceeds to be divided between the landlord and tenant, in equal shares. Allowing this rule to hold good as regards all hranclies of business, this sum must be doubled to give us the annual products of our nalicmal wealth. But as, from sickness and other causes, there is much time lost, and as many individuals are lazy and add nothing to tlie coinmon stock of wealth, but, on the ccmtrary, sfpiander and destroy the products of others' labor, — among which class Mr. Van Buren and his hundred llioiisatid ofiire-holding friends hold a consjiicuous station, — we will deduct, from the sum of labnr. r)78.(K)0,00(l dolbirs, ;\ui\ call the interest, and return of capital invested, ",1000,000,000 dollars only. We shall then Jiave left 1500,000,000 dollars, as the wages and board BY A LABORING MAN. 29 of productive labor of every d.'scriplion, whicli is probably near the truth; to wliicli add tho returns of capital, and we have 'J.')()(l,(H)0,()tH> dollars, as the annual products of our national wealth. This is about 8,0()0,(M)I) dollars cacli day ; thus showing that one and a half days' labor of the people is suificient to have paid the expenses of the Federal (ioverninent for one year during the administration of J. Q. Adanis, which was about 12,()U0,0()() dollars annually ; and also that two and a half days' work of the people is sutficicnt to meet the expenses of misgovernment, this present and last year, of Mr. \'an Burcn's administration, amounting to 18,'J8(I,()II() dollars, as estimated by Mr. Woodbury, and corroborated by Mr. Van Buren in his annual message, and by botii declared to be sutUcient for the present year, provided Congress did not make e.xtrava- gant appropriations. Hut, as both of those immaculate worthies have already informed Con- gress, altiiouirji no appropriations have yet been made, lliat the treasury will be bankrupt on the tiftli of .March next, live days hence, unless tliey are authorized by Congress to issue about 5,000, 000 dollars in Treasury Notes, with the privilege of reissuing the same as often as Mr. Secretary Woodbury or his masters choose, — it will probably be nearer the truth to estimate the expenses of the Federal Government, for the present year, at 40,000,000 dollars, or )iv(! days' work of the people. Mr. Van Buren, in his recent communication to Congress, asking for money, lays the blame, as usual, to the banks ; wliile Mr. Woodbury, probably for the sake of variety, signifies he should not have b(^eu obliireil to ask favors of Congress, were it not for the iut'Tlerence of obstinate juries, who would not allow him to tax the merchants to an extent the exigencies of the state required. This he seems to tluiik particularly hard, especially since he has learned from Constantinople, the capital of the Turks, whose country is the only one of importance in the world that is blessed with a Sub-Treasury upon the plan about to he adopted in the United States, that it has been the i)ractice there, from time immemorial, to levy contributions on all Jews, merchants, and othei persons obnoxious to government, to any extent the Grand Viziers, Pachas, Basliaws, Agas, and Janizaries of the Grand Turk please, and to enforce their payment by the free use of the bastinado and bowstring. There is probably not less than one third of the labor of the country paralyzed at the pre.sent time, and as the same amount of capital must lose its productive character also by this circuin- Btance, the daily loss to the whole country is not less than 2,700,000 dollars, while the whole amount of money owing to the government by the former deposit banks, about which we hear so much, is but iil(l,141t,'.K(-l, as .Mr. Woodbury himself states, in his last annual report, being about 4 hours' work of the people. Is not tliis adding insult to injury indeed ? Supposing th(> labor of the country to have been paralyzed since the commencement of Mr. Van Buren's administration to the amount of (J months for the whole population, (rather under than over the real amount probably,) and it appears the total loss, when estimated in money, is l"2r)0 millions of dollars, a sum sufKcient to pay for all thi; rail-roads, canals, and steamboats, in the United States; and then leave a balance, the interest of which alone would pay the iicccssiirij expenses of govern- ment forever. In case this lost labor had been applied to such improvements, they would not have cost the country in reality one farthing, although it would probably have made .some trans- fers of the property of the rich into the liands of the laboring poor. The statesmen who think theie is no other species of wealth but silver and ffold, will ridicule this, and exclaim there is not specie enough in the world to paj' one month's labor of its inhabitants, at this rate. True, and a fanner migiit as well value the product of his wheat field by the cost of the sickle with which it is reaped, or the aggregate value of the produce of his farm bv the cost of his ploughs and other tools necessary to tdl his land, as that a rational man should estimate the wealth of a nation sole- ly by the amount of specie u.sed to make the exchanges of the products of its labor. A sufficient currency is as essential to the advantageous combination of the capital and industry of a nation, and also to enable the people to reap its products, as tiie sickle is essential and necessary to the farmer to reap liis grain, without which it would soon perish and be lost to man and beast. But the sickle does not bear a greater relative value to the fields it from year to year is iised to reap, thin does a currency to the value of the aggregate wealth of a nation it from year to year is used to diffuse. ^Vithout sufficient fools, the land of the farmer must go unimproved, let him have any niimhrr of Inhorrrs ; and without a suHicient riirrcncij the energies of a country will stagnate and become dormant, let its rcsoiirns be what they may. Dail}- labor, the great and true wealth of a nation, is essential!}' different from any species of accumulated wealth. A persoii may have a barrel of flour to sell — day an.er day passes without a purchaser, but when eventually sold, and the price pa il. the difference is but trifling whether sold a week earlier or later. But a i)Oor man, having his day's labor to sell, must meet with a purchaser in the morning, otherwise, when the day is |)ast, his properly has totally vanished with the setting sun, and is lost to himself and his country, never to be regained. The " false system " of Mr. Van Buren was perfected by men who were practical in tlveir views, and of liberal and expanded minds — the exact opposites of the miserable, selfish, cunning, pe'.tifogginir characters who now sway the destinies of this country. Led on b}' the intuitive genius of FIknkv (^i.av, whose name will ever slaiul high in the annals of his country, while his miserable slanderers will be remembered only to be execrated, a system was perfect(>d in which all the great interests of the country were so happily blended, that for years, a day's lal)or was not lost to a poor man who was willing to work, while a ready sale awaited the products of every section of the country. This, with otlier causes before shown, has been the secret spring of the htherto unexampled prosperity of this country over any other known. The people have been left to follow that pr)fession which best suited their iiiclinilions or talents, unobstructed by law or custom; and while their industry has been protected from the baleful influence of a com- J^O FACTS FOR THE LABORING MAN: petition with the laborers of oppressive governments, who give nearly all their earnings to an idle aristocrncy, our credit system, as before stated, has given our citizens all and greater ad- vantages than those of other nations receive from t!ie capitals in silver and gold their task-mas- ters possess — and which is the real engine, in fact, that enslaves them. Credit is the criterion or thermometer of civilization and liberty. — It sinks below zero where vice and barbarism prevail, and it expands and rises in communities, in the precise ratio as they have advanced in tiic paths of knowledge, liberty and virtue, and where confidence exists be- tween man and man. — In no country on earth had it expanded to so great an extent as in this — and never in any country on earth beside, had the great mass of the community enjoyed such advantages, or been so highly elevated in character, as in this. — In the genial moral climate, its high altitude so U'uly indicated, poverty was unknown. — The laboring man, who in other countries scarcely earns his daily bread by ceaseless toil, had here attained to a point where his labor not only furnislied his family with the necessaries and comfiirts of lill?, but he had suf- ficient leisure to cultivate his mind, and to improve his higtser ficullies. Modern improve;nentu in the arts were fast doing away the necessity of excessive labor, and the justice of our laws and institutions divided the advantages obtained equally between the poor and the rich. — The ex- changes of the various products of ditierent sections were made at once to the best advantaoe, and not suffered to waste and decay; waiting for the over-cautious movements of usurious specie capitalists, as in former times. The high moral standard the community had attained to, rendered the use of specie almost unnecessary, and that most expensive njedium of exchange, the use of which to any great extent is in fact a tax tiiat barbarism pays to civilization, was in a great measure dispensed with. — The exchanges of labor were made with far greater safety in a paper currenc}', resting on a basis of 20,000,000 dollars only, than they are now made with about the same amount of paper, resting on a basis of more than HO,000,()CO dollars. — This was the Btate of things when the people, run mud with prosperity, in an evil hour elected Andrew Jack- son, a semi-barbarian, to the Presidency. His election was the signal for the assembling of the most desperate and corrupt spirits of the nation around him — anci the measures they instigated him to pursue, laid the foundation for tlie ruin of his country, now about to be completed in the rez^fH of his successor, Martin Van Buren. God grant the people may, om; and all, yet see the gulf that yawns beneath the precipice, on the brink of wliich they now stand, — in time to avert their fate. — One step more and all is lost. — The keystone will be placed in the arch, the chain Viill be rivetted. It is said the ducks from Lake Erie, that float in the river above the Falls of Niagara, are at first unaware of the downward tendencv' of the current in which they swim. — They gradually approach the falls, and while they feel themselves more and more impelled by the insidious stream, they yet feel no apprehension — trusting to use their wings when necessary. They are carried into tlie rapids, but still they fear no danger, foolishly supposing they can fly at any moment; but when, scared b}' the roar of the iiilis, they at lengtli attempt to rise, they find, alas ! that the current has become too rapid for their wings, and after a short and fruitless strug- gle, they are precipitated into the abyss below. Let tlie people of tliis country lake warning from their fate. They too, like these simple ducks, have been beguiled from the smooth waters of Lake Erie, by almost imperceptible degrees, into the swift currents of Niagara. — They liave already reached the whirlpools and the rapids — the hoarse roar of the resistless cataract is sounding in their ears, and warning tliein of their danger. — Let tliem fly while yet they have strength to contend with the stream, or they will soon reach a point I'roin which it will be in vain to attempt to rise, but will be, in spite of their struggles, precipitated into a gulf from which they will never ascend. NARRAGANSETT. [From the Newport, K. !., Iliruld ulllie Tiiiif s, March 12, 1810.] Further Effects of 3Ir. Van Bnrrn's " False Si/ stem," as connected with Banks, "Bank Hags," Sub-Treasury , Specie Currency, S^'c. S^'c. Extract from the speech of Mr. Buchanan, of Pennsylvania, in the United States Senate, on the Bill for a Treasury independent of the people, in reply to Mr. Clay, of Kentucky. " RudiiKP our nominal to the real staiiiiarii of prices tlirousliout tlie worlil, anti you covf-r our country with hUssingj end heiK'lUs, I wish I could .fpotik in a voic-e loud enou;;h to he heard throughout Now lOnglund, beriinse, if the ATTENTio.N OF THK M.\ viF ACTUiiKRs could oncc he dir'ctiii to the suhj ct, their own iulelli^'ence :iud n ilive sagacity would leacli thi-nr how injnriou.:ly they are atl'ected by our hlo.itcd Bunliiiig aud credit system, and would enable theui to ipply the proj)er corrective." In the preceding communications the writer has endeavored to show some of the effects of the " False system," (ns Mr. Van Buren has been pleas(>d to style it,) as connected with internal improvements and the manufacturing of cotton and of wool, as far as the latter article is used for negro clothing, which is of but little importance, it is true, in comparison with the whole business of the woollen manufacture. But the writer has confined his illustrations in figures to those branches only with which he is practicnlly ae([nainte(l, as he is well convinced that the only knowledge safely to be relied on is that derived from actual experience alone. Had any doubts remained in his mind on this point, they would have been effectually expelled upon witnessing BY A LABORING MAN. 31 ihc blighting cfTfcts producod on our national prosperity since the management of its affairs ha« been intrusted to thi' administration now in power — whose wickedness and lolly, since they have jissuined the reins of government, may be likened to a crazy-headed madcap, mounted on a strong horse that he has succeeded in cajaling into an impassable bog, which he is nevertheless resolved to cross, in spite of the oil-repeated warnings of the neighbors, who are better acquainted witli its danirerous sloughs. He has succeeded, by alternate coa.ving and spurring, in exciting the noble animal to make several d':'sperate efforts, — each of which has only plunged hun deepi^r in the raud. — The rider still persists in urging him on, regardless of the sufferings of his e.\hauated steed, and tlie entreaties of tiiose who commiserate his condition, and wiiom he bespatters with filth as often as they attempt to approach for the purpose of assisting in a return to the sliore. Tiie horse, liowever, at length begins to manifest more reason than the man, and has come to a dead stand still, with his eye obliquely turned on his unfeeling master, with the intention, as it is shrewdly su-spected by the bystanders, of watching a favorable opportunity of dislodging him in the mire, and returning himself to the safe ground he has been beguiled from by his treacherous rider. Most people are too apt to look at the great questions of linancc/connectcd with government, as being disconnected with and independent of the sauie |)rinciples of cause and effect that control the concerns of individuals, when in fact tiie results are dependent on precisely the same causes. There are instances of an individual character in most neighborhoods that go to prove, tlint the same f|ualific.ations that insure success in a small business, will generally ])roduce the same re- sults on a larger scale. In (act, it is well known, that a large proportion of the wealthiest men in tlie United States began the world with notliing; commencing on an exceedingly small scale, and gradually extending their business, as their experience and means increased, while their minds were of "that cast, as to expand with the magnitude of their operations, and thus enable them to coiui)rehend and control a largo business, with as much ease as they had formerly done the ons of trilling importance. And as a general rule it will be found true, that just in the same propor- tion as men have ]>roved themselves qualified to manage to advantage small affairs, the}- will in the same degree succeed when their field of action is enlarged ; provided the steps that lead on are not too hastily taken. Whereas the class of m(>n who proved themselves incapable of man- aging a small business to advantage, are almost sure tafnil, vi'hen they attempt to act on a more extensive scale, whether the principle be applied to a retail store-keeper, a wholesale merchant, a private banker, a Secretary of the Treasury, or a President of the United States ; let their party ' politics be what they may — and the same results will be produced, whether it be the assignment of a pedler for the benefit of his creditors, or the bankruptcy of a nation for the benefit of a usurper and his hundred thousand executive officers and slaves. The present administration is coniposcd mostly of men whose individual histories demonstrate, tliat so far from possessing the qualifications necessary to manage the affairs of a nation, they were not even capable of prosecuting an ordinary business with success. In fact, it is well known to all who have taken the trouble to ascertain the truth, that many of the men who now e.xerciso a great influence over the destinies of tliis country, were bankrupt both in character and purse, before they were admitted into a share of the Government, and the spectacle is e.xhibited ti an admiring world, of tiie whole wealth and prosperity of a great nation being indirectly placed at the disposal of men, who would not have been thought trust-worthy for the payment of a pair of boots where they were best known. ~ The cause of so many corrupt characters being now connected with government, is very plain to those wlio think and examine for themselves. One of the first political principles established in tlie lute reign of Andrew Jackson was, that the I'resident and his officers should all constitute wiiat he was pleased to denominate ■' « unit;" in other words, tliat from the highest of the Secretaries in Washington, to the lowest bluodhuiind whipper in Florid i, tliey sliould all be as the body of one man — of which the President was to be the head, and whose will was to be a supreme law to the mrmhrrf: of tlie hiidij. Mr. Van Buren was probably the originator of this doctrine, he being Secretary of State at that time. Most of the remaining members of the cabi- net, however, refused to acknowledge it, so far, at least, as it was carried b}' the President, who insisted not only upon his right to control their political cn'cd, but also insist."d on being al- lowed to regulate the social intercourse of their families. These members were dismissed on their refusal to call on a lady of General Jackson's acquaintance, and to save appearances, Mr. Van Buren retired with the rest — but was almost iin;nediately appointed minister to the Court of St. James, with a salary amounting to nearly double the one attached to the Secrelarisliip he had just resigned. This doctrine being thus enforced, all future aspirants to office made their applications with a perfect understanding of what was expected of them. Under tliis arrano-ement, it became next to iainossible that an Itonorahle man should obtain an appointment, under the Federal govern- ment, of any importance, and ifhe by accident did, he would soon be obliffed to relinquish either liis office, or his hmesty and independenc(> — as in the nature of thinirs, it is universally known, that all men's views will more or less differ on many subjects — both of a political and of a private nature The inevitable effect of this was, as it proved to be, that an honest man was disciiarged from office as often as he allowed his sense of right to coiitVict with the will of his superiors — while the unprincipled office-holder would conform to any thing, however wrong, rather !han relinquish the office, the emoluments of wliich enabled him to live in idleness. (Witness, fir instance, the disiuissal of Mr. Duane for refusinir to re^nove tiie Public deposits from the United States Bank, contrary to the expressed will of congress, as has been before stated ) The 32 FACTS FOR THE LABORING MAN: establisliment of tliis principle was tlie first important step taken in tlie grand scheme originated in tlie early part of Andrew Jackson's despotic reign, lijr consolidating all the state governments into one central, federal government, and to perpetuate it in the hands of the reigning dynasty and their delegated successors; — the first of whom, after General Jackson, was to be Martin Van Buren ; the next Thomas H. Benton, who will undoubtedly succeed Mr. Van Buren, if rei'lccted, (and who, if elected, the writer of this article firmly believes, will be the last President the United States will ever have,) that being agreeable to tiie terms of the contract originally entered into — as may be gathered from a variety of circumstances, some of which will be gone into more fully hereafter. This principle of action in connection with the cunningly devised dogma of Mr. Van Buren, '■'■that rotation in office is a sound democratic jirinci/ilc," and also the one as e.xpressed hy his particular friend Governor Marcy, that '■'■to the victors belong the spuils" — was by skilful management soon made sufiiciently etfective to turn the scale of power in favor of the executive branch of the Government. It being thus established tliat "the spoils," or money of the people, belonged to the Executive, and that it was to be obtained only by those who should prove themselves most subservient and eficctive in its support — operated as a pre- mium on dishonest}', to the extent of the whole revenues of the country, and great numbers of corrupt and unprincipled characters were soon seen wending their way to the seat of govern- ment. It being impossible to create offices fast enougii to supply the demand, the disappointed applicants were dismissed, with the understanding, tiiat in case their future conduct should give fiuthcient evidence of unreserved devotion to tiie Executive will, they should each be supplied eventually with an office, and if not with one created for their especial benefit, that agreeable to the established principle of "rotation in office," they should be provided for by the removal of some other incumbent, who would perJiaps be sufficiently gorged with plunder, or who migiit evince a want of devotion or energy in dischargring his duty at the polls, in lecturing, or in any other way where the interest of the Federal Executive should be at stake. This cunningly devised plan effectually detained all these floating, unprincijjled characters on the side of the party in power, for the reason that they stood an equal chance of obtaining office under the existing administration, — as they would in case of a change, with the additional security that the depraved characters most of them possessed, would be a recommendation with the present Executive; whereas that circumstance might defeat their expectations, were honest men again placed at the head of the nation's aflairs. Under this stimulus, office-seeking has become an established profession, to acquire wliich, a regular apprenticeship is served under the Federal Executive by vast numbers of idle and unprincipled men in all parts of the country. By thus making it their constant study, they become as expert as Chinese jugglers in the art of deceiving the people, and in using them for their own and their Master's purposes. It has been observed in Europe that those American politicians who are most clamorous in their devotion and love of the people at home, — are the most abject and cringing in the presence of the aristocracy abroad. This is perfectly in accordance with the great principles of" Cause and Effi^ct." In the United States the people are, as yet, the source of power, it is not the people, but THKiR POWER these debased characters reverence — and when they are transported to a country where they find this power lodged in the person of a despot, they at once transfer their abject devotion to him. It is the same disposition manifesting itself under different circumstances. Being utterly devoid of principle, they pretend all things to all men, and arc as ready to adopt one sentiment as another, provided it will equally advance their own interest, without regard to the good or evil effects it may produce on the community at large. Since Andrew Jackson was elevated to the presidency. Executive officers have been constantly nmltiplying, for the two- fold purpose of rewarding its adherents, and also that by means of tlie salaries attached to the appointments, its officers may be enabled to render more efficient aid at the polls than wlien acting simply in their individual character. If any reader should doubt the truth of this, the writer will simply refer Iiini to the case of the Custom House in the City of New York. — During the administration of John Quincy Adams, according to the re])ort of a conmiittce of v.'hich Mr. Benton was chairman, and Mr. Van Bunm a conspicuous member, the number of Custom Mouse •ifficers in New York amounted to 174, and the aggregate of their salaries amounted to '^\ 19,t)G2,;30 ccTils,- — This was held u[) to tlie peo])le, by the friends of reform, as a monstrous and alarming abuse ol' Executive power. This too was at a period when the revenue collected from customs at New York, amounted to over 13,000,000 of dollars. The whole revenue from customs col- lected for the commercial year 1827 Ix-ing 19,712,000 dollars, i;5,217,(j'J5 dollars of which accrued at the port of New York; and for the year 1828 the whole revenue collected from customs nmouiited to 21,.')00,000 dollars, i:},7'ir),2-17 dollars of which were collected at the port of New York. Mr. Woodbury, in his hist annual report, estimates the whole revenue to be derived from customs this present year, at If), 000, 000 of dollars, of which, as will be seen by comparison with the preceding, about !> or 10,000,000 dollars will be paid at the port of New York. This is probably full one third more than will be actually received, it is true this is less than has been received heretofore, but at no time has the revenue received at New York exceeded the amount in the aggregate paid during the term of J. Q. Adams, for any four years together; or if it lias, it iiuisl have been to a vc!ry trifling amount. Without then any actual necessity for the increase of officers of the Customs at the port of New York, how does the ease stand with our virtuous reform-rulers.'' — In 1838, these officers had l)een increased from MA to 414 in number, and their salaries had been increased even in a greater ratio, and at that period amounted to $409,602,32 cents, or nearly fourfolded, which was the exact amount Mr. Benton and Mr. Van Buren predicted would be the sum when the country BY A LABORING MAN. 33 should be robbed of its liberties by some future President.* It is not without reason tliat ihcae B;iliiries hnve been increased in a s^reater deforce than the number of otKcers, a,s il is a fact well known that a lar^e assessment is now habitually made on every government otfieer in that elty, as well as elsewhere, to be used in brihinjr and purchusmj- vole.s for the e.\ecutive ; and thus assisting to corrupt and degrade the people [)reparatory to tiii'ir beiug surrendered as slaves into the hands of the Federal K.\ecutive. These Federal otlicers are the most prominent patriots at the polls, and so bold have they become, that a i'ew weeks since, a demand was formally made to the city authorities, retjuiring them to remove, without even assigning any cause, sotne in- dividuals from otlice olmo.xious to the party. This demand was signed by about MO pt^rsons in all, Forty-six of whom wire Federal Errrulire ojficers. This was llie precise mode the Jacobins commenced showiiiij their power in Paris immediately preceding the French revolution. ']"he powi'r of the President has in tiiis way so e.vtended itself that there is not a locul election in the most distant village in the Unicni, where tliese Federal olRcers are not the most cons|)iciiou9 person:iges — and report regularly to their superiors the exact extent of Presidential inliuence, as displayed in the election of a pound keeper or the appointment of" a I log Reeve. (Jiir worliiy Chief Maifistrali', not content with empldynig this vast numlier of disinterested friends ot" Ihu people in the cliaritablc work of assisting in their election, has lately favored us with a new class of teachers, in the shape of travelling lecturers — among which a Mr. Rant(nil from Boston stands most conspicuous in the State of Rhode Island. In this charitable work Mr. Bancrofl, the * 'Til sliow liow Hfll .Mr. Van Biiron and .Mr. Bcntun unilerstooil tliu use tli.it nii^lit be made of llie pitroiiage of tlie I'rfsi'lont, aiil liow it iiiislit bn cxtiMidcU to tin- alxorliiiig of i\ll th'; [lowcrs of tbi; govoriiiiK-nt, and evoiituiilly le:id to a »u'>versioii of the lilicrties of tlio peopli-, the writrr will cull the iitti'iition of ilio reader to the cxtractii below — ciinlaiiied in a roi>ort of a coiniiiittee to tlio Sen ile of the United St..tes — and would ask all who penile Ihcni to enli- ivor to cxariiiiie the ficts candidly, and see if the same course e.xactly his not been pursued since the election of Andr.nv J.ickson to the I'residency, iia the Coinmilteo inform the Semite will be pursued by some future t^xccutive who seeks to enslave the ])euplc. FRO.M THE OFFICAL RECORDS. In the Senate ofthe United Sl.ites, May 4th, 182(5, Mr. Behton, from the select Committee to which wni; referred the proporiitioiH without jar or friction. Parties would be unknown, and the movements ofthe politic. il machino wonll but litile more ili~tuil> the p issions of men than they are dislnrbeil by the operations of I be grentliwa of tho tnuleriil world. Hut this is not the ca-se. The scene shilts from this imaginary legion, where laws eveciitc theni- gelves, to the theatre of real life, wherein they are executed by civil \ind niilit iry officers, by armies anil navies, by couits of justice, by the collection and disbursement of revenue, with all its trai i of salaries, jobs and contracts ; and in this aspect ofthe reality, we behold the working of patronaoe, and di.scover the reu^'on why so many st.ind ready, ill any country, and in all ages, to Hock to tho standard of powkr, wheresoever, and liy whomsoever, it may .le raised. " The patronage ofthe Feder.il governmunt at the beginning, was founded upona revenue of twoniilliuns of dollars.* It is now operating upiMi twenty two millions, and, within llie lifetime of many now living, must opi-rate upon lirty. The whole revonnft mu>t, in a few years, be wholly applieuble to sulijects of patron ig". — .\t present, about one half, ■ay tea millions of ii, ^re apprupriatcil to the principal and interest of the public debt, which, from the nature of tho object, involves but littl ■ patron. ige. In the course of a lew ye irs, this debt, without great niisman igenient, niuf publi : mimey in their hand*, and the number of olijects to whicb it is applicable ; but as each person employed will have a circle of gre iter or less di.iinetcr, of wliicb he is the centre and the soul — a circle composed of fi lends and rrlaliori", and of individuals eniployed by himself on public or on private account — the actu I iiK^rease of feder 1 power and patron ige by tho du;ili''ati(m of th e revenue, will be, not in tho aritbmi'tical ratio, but in geometrical progression — an increase almost beyoii I 111.' power of th' mind to cdculiteor to comprehend. " The Committee think it lighl to a'temiil to give an idea ofthe greatness of this power of patronage by referring to an example in a single city. They will take the city of New York, and a single lirani-h of tho federal patronage in that city : and to avoid mi.stake or error, will limit their reference to a work of unque-tion dil" an:hority upon this su'ij'ct — the ' Ulce Book ' of the Republic, which correspon Is with the ' Red Book ' or' monarchies, and will read from pages 41, 43, 4H, 41,4.'>, 4ii, of that growing little volume." fThe-i follows a list of names, commencing with Jcniaih in Thompson, Collector, salary 4,0)0 doll.irs — and ending with Tlioinas Brannan, porter, sulaiy 18J dollars, in number, all loU, 174, with an aggregate sahry of SH'^iO 2,39 CClUs.] * THE REPORT THEN PROCEEDS. " .\ formidiblo list, indeed '. formidable in niimh'rs, and still more so from the vast amount of mon'-y in their bands. Tl e I'Mion of such a body of men, supposing them to be ;iiiim ited by one spirit, must be tremendous in an election ; B'l I 'h it they will he so animated, is a proposition too pi lin to need demonstralion. Power liver a in in's sitp.ibt, h s always been lielJ and admitted to bo power over bis wri.L.t The Presilent has ' power ' over the ' ort' of debtor merchants to the amount of ten niilliona of d.dl irs per .»nmum, aijil over the daily support of an iminense number of individiiils, prof'ssion il, inech iiiic il, and d '\ I .boring, to whom they cam anil wri.L exten l,or diny, a v..lu ilile priv;ite as well as public |>atronage, according to th I part which they shill act in state, as well as in federal, elections. Ktill this is only a branih, a mere prong of fi'il ral p tronage, in the city of New York. Trie same government has in the same city a branch ofthe United St tei B 1 ik, wielding a capit il of many million.i ; a I irge inili'arv, naval, and post-office est iblisbnient ; a Jndiiiary, with ila ap;i-o)ri iti! officers ; presses, which print the laws ami pii'dic advertisements, and a longlit of contractors and jobbers," [Tills Commrtfe consisted of THOMAS II. BK.NI'ON, MVRTI.N VAN BURKN, RicHtRu M. Johmsow, M 'ssrs. Macon, White, Findley, Dickorson, Hidmes, and Hayne, all friends of Gener.il Jack.soi>, except Mr. Hohiies.J * From the 4th of Mirch, '9!), to the 31st of De-em''er, '91, a period of almost three yeo'--, the whole amount of the revenue ofthe federal government was only $4,41(:<,yi2. f Federalist. 4 34 FACTS FOR THE LABORING MAN: C'l'lk'ctor nt Boston, and Isaac Hill, of New Hampshire, it is said, are also engaged. Jt is said that Mr. Rantoul inlormed the people of South Kingston, tliat a dollar is as good as fifty lor an ox, provided all other things are in proportion, and that under the same circumstances a penny a day is as good as a dollar for a laborer — this doctrine being inculcated pieparatniy to the in- troduction of the boasted specie currency and Treasury inde|)endenl of the people. This is a very seductive but at the same time fallacious theory, as the history of mankind lias ever proved. In all civilized countries, as the writer has before stated, where the products of labor are lowest, there is the most suii'ering among the peo|)le ; for there will the pkice or labor be still Lower i.n proportion. As the principle that governs in this is of an exceeding subtle charac- ter, it can be much better illustrated in figures tlian in words, which the writer will proceed to do after a few prefatory remarks, and requests the close investigation of the subject from every farmer, mechanic, or laboring man, ol' every description, into whose hands this may chance to fail — as he believes it is the silent operation of this principle that has ever enslaved and IMPOVERISHED THE GREAT BODV OF MANKIND, AND RENDERED THE MANY SUBSERVIENT TO THE FEW IN all COUNTRIES, AND IN ALL AGES OF THE WORLD. It will be remembered by most readers, that the watchword of the Executive minions, has hitherto been, that the rich were robbing the poor. This cry is now changed, and, as will be perceived by the E.xtract from Mr. Buchanan's speech, preceding this communication, that they now insult the manufactureis of New England, whom they have hitherto sought to destroy, by calling on them to join and assist the administration in lessening the price of the labor of the Baine class of people they have hitherto accused them of robbing. It is fortunate that the leading members of the administration have been compelled by cir- cumstances to confess in part their real intentions — with regard to the introduction of their boasted Sub-Treasury. Mr. Calhoun, Mr. Walker, Mr. Buchanan, all in turn have declared in the Senate of the United States its effect will be to lessen the cost of production by lowering the price of labor. Mr. Calhoun emphatically calls on tile manufacturers of New England, to unite with the south in bringing about a reduction of the price of labor to a sufficient extent to enable them to compete with the manufacturers of Europe, in foreign markets. Mr. Walker declares that sugar can be raised in Cuba for one cent per pound, whereas the cost of slave labor in Louisiana and Mississippi is so great that they can scarcely afford the article for six cents per lb. ' Mr. Buchanan, in addition to the preceding quotation, in the same speech as published in the Globe, Ihe ojjicial government paper, further emphatically expresses himself as fol- lows : " On Friday hint, irhen I vmj wrTjtrclcilly addressed the Srnntr, I stated a jirincifle cf political er.vtiomy which I shall ni.in read frinn the bunk — (( ;.< tlii.-', 'that if you duvible the amou.nt or the necess.vry cibcui.atino WEDIUM IN ANV COUNTRY, YmU THEKEBV DOUBLE THE NOMI.NAL PRICE OF EVF.KY ARITCLE — IF, WHE^ THE CIR- CULATING MSDIUM IS FIFTY MILLIONS, AN ARTICLE SHOULD COST ONE DOLLAR, IT >VOUI.D COST TWO, IF, WIIHOUTANY INCREASE OF THE USES OF ACIBCVLATING MEDILM, THE l}UiNTITY SHOULD BE INCREASED TO ONE HUNDRED MIL- LIONS.' The same effect irvuhl be iirvduccd wkelJier the rircalutiiig medium were spcac, cr conreit.h't bank fiap r, iitiiigUd iritli specie. It is the INl'KEA.-^ED quantity of the medmni, not its character, that produces this effect. Of course I ieare vut irredermablc hank piipir.'^ Mr. Buchanan is among the most respectable, and also, next to Mr. Benton and Mr. Wright, is perhaps the most prominent leader of the administration in the Senate of tlie U. States. No one can doubt his authority to speak the sentiments of the party, at least as far as Messrs. Ken- dall, Benton, Blair, Si Co.,* see fit to intrust him with their secrets. But if any reader should doubt this, hear the government organ, the Globe. In commenting on Mr. Buchanan's speech, its Editor says — " TliiH oveLiiii;;'^ Glo!)o is earichei with Mr. IJ'.ichinia's fine refutalion of Mr. C'l:iy's set spnecli, to destroy tlie nd- Kiiiiistr.itioii, uiul to ri'esialili-ili !i luUioiiiil li:mk, and nil itx kindrol |!(dicv. We lic:ird Mr. Burhairjii lliroushimt its dtlivKry, willi iinnlhujed deliirhl, and we li.^lieve no SOUND 1)E \I()tJK.'\T will rise from ns i-ebusal without feflim; all his coNVicriONs in the ooodnkss of his cause confirmed." We here have it distinctly' avowed by Mr. Buchanan, and the doctrine f?eliberately endorsed by the Executive organ, the Globe, (the editor of which paper, Francis V. Blair, is so identified with the administration as to be in the habit of calling its adherents in both houses of (.^ongress his nil II,) that to double the quantity of the necessary circulating meditim in any country will also double the value of the products of labor, and consequently, by the same rule reversed, if you diminisli the circulating medium one half, you lessen the price of the products of labor one half — or in that same proportion, let the increase or decrease of the circulating medium be more or less. This principle is strictly true, and that circumstance alone makes it ajipear strange that it should ever liave been advanced by the leaders of the Executive party. The writer has before estimated the wliole value of the productive labor of the United States to amount to l.'>0(),()()0,000 dollars annually. It is this labor that gives value to the accumulated capital of the country, which was also estimated at 1000,000,000 of dollars annually ; but as the products of industry are much less at the present time in both value and amount than when the country was in a more prosperous condition, (as has been bi'fore staled,) from want of employ- ment not only as it regards tlie labor of the people, but also on account of much accumulated capital being unproductive, from the closing of manufactories, workshops, &c. iVc. &c., we will for this reason call the whole annual valui> of the products of the country ir)()(),000,()00 dollars only. The writer will remark that it is not necessary that either this or other estimated amounts used in these calculations shall be eiuclly correct, (as it is impossible the precise value of our * Isaac Hill, of Nrw llonipshire, and Silas W'liglit, of New Vork, In ing tlie two silent pnrtncrs of this company. BY A LABORING MAN. 35 products, &c. can be arrived at,) as just in the same proportion will tiic efiects produced be, let the real amounts be what lliey niuy. We will call the wiiole Bunking- (Capital of the United States at the present time 5(10,000,000 of dollars, and the whole amount of their notes issued at 100,000,000 dollars — we will also call the whole amount of specie in the United States 100,000,0(10 dollars, for the sake of round num- bers — althouifh the quantity now in tiie country is not prc>bal)ly over two thirds of that amount. Tiiis makes an aggregated of paper and specie circtdating nied.um amounting to I20U,000,(/(jO of dollars. The present average rate of interest is not less, as all will admit, tiian G per cent, pi^r annum. The Banks have loaned out their whole capital, say .'jOO,000,000 of dollars, which at per cent. is :50,000,0()0 dollars ; they have also loaned 100,000,000 dollars of their notes or "Bank rags," (as .Air. Van Buren and his friends call them,) which at G per cent, amounts to (),()00,000 of dol- lars, making an aggregate interest of ;'G,00(),000 of dollars annually, to be paid by the products of" labor in some shape or other There is no getting awaj- from this, deceive ourselves as wo may — this beinir a tax which the ])ro(lucts ot' labor iin/.st jjiiij for the use of capital, labor alone bi'inn- the source of all wealth, without which capital itself becomes useless and pro- duces notlnng. We will now se<; what jiroporlion of the productive labor of the country it will require to pay this interest, to find which divide the value of the whole annual amount of pro- ductive labor by the interest due; the Banks. liitcresl dim AnniLnl amcuni of 3(5,(W"()O0) loOd'oOO,()6T) ( 41 and over. Thus under the "false system " of Banks and " Bank rags," one forty-first part of the whole product of the |)eople's labor is expended in paj'ing the interest due the '■• arist^Ctatic" stock- holders of the Banks. We will now compel these Banks, by the operations of a Sub-Treasury, to keep their " rag promises to pay " at liome — by paying out, in lieu of them, what snecie they have in their vaults ; and by receiving the balance in payment of dues from their debtors. The stockholders o(" these Banks will then iiave loaned to tin; community their capital stock < «,/y, amounting to .'300,000,0n() dollars. The writer believes no one will contend that the rale of interest irill he icsseiicd \>y this opi'ration. We will therefore call the rate of interest the same as before, G per cent., which juakes tiie sum to be annually paid t!ie Bunks by the products of labor, j||i3i),(!00,(i00. The circulating medium of the wIkjIo country will now be lessened one ii.ilf; consequently the products of labor will be diminished one half in value, as Mr. Buchanan states. We nnist then divide !i-r'>>c 'liie Aniiiiil rtinniiiit (say) 30,'^.0fij'(i00 ) 3^^'o'(r0,<'>00 ( 10 and over. These stockholders, it now si-ei is. receive nearly one tenth of the products of the people's labor On the oti'.er hand, we will n iw suppose that instead of the one hundred millions, the Banks should issue ;V :0,OJO,000 dollars of llieir '• rag pr >inises to pay " — (not that the writer would ap- prove of such a course in the present slat*' of society, as he considers a medium in all thltiirs best.) — this added to their c:ii)ital st ck a;;inunts to 800.0(10,000 dollars, which at G per cent, interest is 48,0:'0.0l)0 dollars, arinu dly. The c rcul ting m-'dium being now double what it was in the first calculation. — the products of labor are of course doubled in value by Mr. Buchanans own show- ins, which is correct. The !)roduct of labor now :imounts to the sum of 3000,000,000 dollars, which divide by Die interest 48,000,000. Ii»'-r^«l '\w\ Aninml .imniiut Hi- Built. of preople will amount, as before stated, to 1500,000,000 dollars. Divide Expciisi-Bor Proiliictaof lM,v.rMTii"iil, l,l..ir. 40,()0(),000 ) 1500,000,000 ( 37, and it thus requires one thirty-seventh part of the products of labor f()r the sup[)ort of government. We will now lessen the circulation one half, and as before stated by Mr. Buchanan, the prod- ucts of labor are reduced in price one half, or to 750,000,000 dollars; while the salaries will undoubtedly remain as high as Uiey now are. Divide Envnji » of Pmiliicls of (iuvrni . < HI. lat>o--. 40,000,000 ) 7.^)0,000,000 ( 18, and we find it now requires one eighteenth part of the product* of labor to support governmept. BY A LABORING MAN. 87 Again, reduce the circulatinjr niedium one half, and the price of the producta of labor falls to 375,UUO,000 dollars, as coniesseci by Mr. Buchanan, which divide by EipenBes of Pmliictsi of Goveriinieii(. l;iltt>r. 40,000,000 ) 375,000,000 ( — and it requires ONE NINTH part of the products of the PEOPLES LABOR to SUPPORT GOVERNMENT! Tlius showing that with a circulation of iiUOjOOOjOOO dollars, the expenses of the federal gov- ernment absorb one. thirli/sircntli part of the products of industry, which at their present prices, amount to 40,0(»0,()()0 dollars. Siioiild our Bank jKiper currency be expelled, and the circulating niedium be reduced to ]()(), 0(10, 000 dollars of specie, it will require about o.nk f.ightek.nth part of the products ol' the labor of the country to support government, or at the present valuation, rtO mii.i.io.ns dih.i.ars! ! And in case the circulating medium should again be brought down one half, onk ninth part of the annual products of industry, will be tiliynrbid by THE GOVERNMENT, which at present prices is equal to lG;i,000,000 of dollars, thus EOURP'OLDING tiie salaries of the E.xecutive officers, whose Tiumlurn have already been nearly F(.)URFOLl)EI), as has been siiown by the foregoinir extracts from Mr. Benton's report. This will be, in the langu.'ige of Mli. VAN BU- REN aifd MR. BENTON, increasing the E.xecutive power in a "GEOMETRICAL PRO- GRESSION '" with a rni^cancc indeed. If the President is now able to cf)ntrol the elections through his Federal officers, which is pre- cisely what Mr. Benton and Mr. Van Buren said could and WOUJjD be done,* ichat can he, not do, when, instead of 40,000,01)0 dullars being placed in his hands, that sum is increased to 100,000,000 dollars .' It will be at once perceived that the result is not varied in the least, whether the price is added on in money, or a deduction equivalent to it be made from the |)rice of the products the money is expended in purchasing. If to this sum be added all the expenses of state and municipal government, and also the interest paid by the debtor portion of the community to the creditor, as before stated, all who will investigate the suljject, must inevitably see little would soon be left in the hands of tiie pro- ducing classes. The interest ])ai(l by the debtor portion of the community would, a great part of it, be added to the principal of the office-holders and capitalists of the country, from the cir- cumstance that a much less amount in money would be required for their support in a contracted state of the currency, than when expanded, as betbre shown ; and it is believed that no man is so ignorant, as not to be aware of the utter impossibility of discharging the principal of the debt, under the same circumstances. On the contrary, the effi'cl of contracting the currency to any extent at |)reseut, will be to ruin entirely a great proportion of those in debt, and thus throw their property into the hands of the wealtiiy, or tiie office-holding aris'ocracy. To show the insidious, but sure workings of this principle on a smaller scale, we will suppose a man to possess '20,000 dollars in bonds and mortgages, which, at 6 per cent., gives him an interest of ]2il0 dollars each year. Thi.s, at the present prices of labor and its products, we will suppose to barely support his family in idleness. We will call the price of labor and board one dollar per day; the interest of his money then purchases I'JOO days' labor. We will now suppose the circulating medium reduced one half, — as Mr. Buchanan says the products of labor will then be reduced one half in value — and six hiindred dollars will tlien support his family in idleness. Should labor fall only one half, (which will, however, inevitably fall more than that ])roportion, as will be shown hereafter,) it will then require but .s-x Imndred dollars to purcliase I'JOil days' lab()r. Tiie remaining six hundred dollars will now be added to the principal, which will then go on increasing in amount from year to year, at the expense of the laboring and producing classes, (whether they are in debt or not.) of every description, from the farmer and mechanic to the broken-spirited widow, who toils with her needle from the dawn of day until midnight by the couch of her sick child, which is, perhajis, dying for the want of the most ordinary comforts of life. But just in proportion as the reward of labor falls, Mr. Van * WImt iMr. Rcnton iiml Mr. Viin Biirtn one- lli'in^ld of siioli a [lowor as tliis iriny pcrliiips bii gatlierod from the following extract from tlic samo report before (|iiote(l. It will lie remembered thai J. ft. Adams was tlion President, and it would seem from tlie langiiiigo of the Report, that lliey feared he would use the aunie means to perpetuate his power, thai ha< been since adopted, by themselves, to a greater extent than they then predicted. " The whole of this grent power will centre in the president. Tlio king of Englaml is tho ' fountain of honor ; ' the Pre-iilent of the United Sr^tates is the source of patronage. He presiilns over the entire system of federal nppoinlmpnt«, jobs, and contra-ts. ile has ' power ' over the ' support' of the individuils who administer the system. — He maket and nnnakfs them. He chooses from the circle of his friends and supporters, and may dismiss them, and, upon all the principles of bun>an action, irill dismiss them, as often iis they disiippoint his expectations. His spirit will animate their actions in all the elections to state, and foleral offices. ThiTe may lie exceptions, Init the truth of a general lule is proved by the exception. The intended check and control of lhescn:ite, without new constitutional or statutory provisions, will cease to op"r ;te. Piilronage will penetrate this body, subdue its copacity of resist.ince, chain it to tb" car of power, and en ibb' the pnsident to rule as rasili/, anti much more securely with, than without, the nominal cbec'« of the senate. If the presidint was himself the otTiccr of the people, electeil by them, and responsilde to them, thera would he /«.♦.• danger from Ibis concenlratinn of mII power in his bund ; but it is the business of stitesmen lo act upon things as they are, nnd not as they wonlil wish them to be. We must then look forwiird lo the time when the public revenue will be douhled ; when the civil and military officers of the federal government will bo (Hiadbuplf.d ; when its influence over individuals will be multiplieil to an indefinite extent ; when the noniiimtion by the presirlent can carry ami tmin through the Sen ile, anil bis recommendation can carry any wtasurt through the two houses of Con- gress ; when the principle of pul)lic action will l>e open and avowed, the prrMileat tranU my vvie, and I irani his pulrnn- a«e ; lioill VOTE as he wishes, nnd he will give m' the nffie.e I irUh fur. What will this be but the government of on* man? and whil is the government oditie man hut a mnnarchiil Names ;ire iiutbing. — The nature of a thing is in ill euhstance, and ihe name soon accommodites itself lo the substance. The first Roman emperor was styled emperor of the repiihlir, nnd the last French emperor took tho same title ; and their re8|>ectivc countries were just ua osseotially vwnarchical before us after the assumption of these titles." 38 FACTS FOR THE LABORING MAN: Buren's salary will be increased, and he will be able to add, in imitation of the crowned princes of Europe, an empty carriage of state to his retinue, as lie exliibits himself in his present English curridge and four, attended by his imported outriders, dressed in tlieir splendid liveries, the badgKs of sLivtrtj ; thus, already by his senseless parade, evincinu- not only Jus love for the "dear ])eople," but hkewise his resjiect fur tiie simplicity of our republican habits and institu- tions. In tliis way, also, by rendering the I'resident of the United States contemptible in the eyes of tiie more consistent aristcciacy of Europe, whom he glories in imitating, he brings dis- grace on his country abroad, and, at tlie same time, sets an example of folly and extravagance before his weaker brethren at home. But to return ; we will suppose that instead of the circuhiting medium being reduced one half, it is doubled in amount, a.s before stated, to say 400.()U(),(.(,(J dollars; the products of labor are now doubled in price, while the annual interest of the 'H ,1,1)0 dollars ren.ains 121 dolliirs, the same as before. This will now purchase, by the rule betore applied, but the products of (jdO days' labor nuly, being but one half the amount consumed by the capitalist's i'amily lonnerly, as has been before shown. So far from being now able to add one half of his income yearly to his capital, as in the contracted state of the currency, he in fact is compelled either to become a producer himself, or subsist his family on one lialf of the pruductg oi' otiicrs' labor he formerly did. The results here .sliuun are — That when the caculatmg medium amounts to 50,000,000 dollars, the annual interest of 20,OOJ dollars, at 6 per cent., wtll purchise the products of 4800 days' labor; or it requires the constant labor of about s xletn persons to pay the annual interest of the capitalist! When the circulating medium amounts to 100,000,000 dollars, the annual interest of 20,000 dollars, at G per cent., will purchase the products of 2400 days' labor; or it requires the constant labor of about eight persons to pay the annual interest of the capitalist! ! Wiieii the circulating medium amounts to 200,0i;0,000 dollars, the annual interest of 20,000 dollars, at per cent., will purchase the products of 1200 days' labor ; or it requires tiie constant labor of about fyiir persons to pay the annual interest of the capitalist! ! ! When the circulating medium amounts to 400,000,000 dollars, the annual interest of 20,000 dollars, at G per cent., will purchase the products of 000 days' labor; or it requires the constant labor of ubuul. TWO PERSONS only, to pay the interest of the capitalist! ! ! ! From tlie foregoing it will be readily perceived, that the character of an cxjmndfd currency is to diffuse the products of industry am^ng the jNIANY^, in the same proportion, as it is the char- acter of a contrucleil. currency to cimcciUiulc the property of the country, and the products of labor, into the hands oi' the FEW ; and the present and past history of bluropean countries goes to prove the truth of this principle, as may be more fully illustrated hereafter. It will also be seen, that, in the contracted state of the currency, it matters not how xiiiali the sum of the debt may be, that is due from the debtor to the creditor class of the community in the commiuccmcid, as, by the inevitable operations of this principle, it will go on increasing in a greater and greater ratio, until nearly the whole property and products of the industrious classes will be eventually swallowed up, as has been before slated. On the other hand, it will be perceived that, in case a people were sufficiently virtuous and enlightened to sustain a highly expanded currency, it would matter but little how large the debt iniglit be from the debtor to the creditor class of the community in the conimcucctiii/il, as by the diffusive character of the currency, the idlers property would soon be caliau.slcd, and the prod-__ ucts of labor be distributed, as they should in justice be, and shared in the precise proportion each individual has contributed towards their production, or by their exertions have administered to the comforts and well being of mankind. The misfortune is, that while the prevalence of vice and ignorance in the world has afforded opportunities to prove one cflrcme of this principle, in a tliouxand instances, the necessary virtue and intelligenci' of a whole community, sutii- cient to prove the truth of the opposite to any extent, has occurred bat once in the history of mankind ; and even that peojile are about to fail in proving its full benefits, from the lack of Buliicient stability to withstand the intoxication occasioned by the excess of prosperity, produced by only the partial developments of its good. The writer has before stated, that in all civilized countries, as the products of labor fell in price, the /-(ior/z^/ of labor fell in a still greater proportion. He will now proceed to illustrate this seeminij paradox. In all civilized countries, there is in use some species of circulating medium, the value of which, as a standard of exchange, is established by law ; and in all civilized countries there are the two classes, creditors and debtors. We will suppose that the fixed amount of interest to be paid by the debtor to the creditor class of the community in the United Statt's, together with their proportion of the expenses of gov- ernment,* should amount to 100,000,000 dollars annually ; at the same time, the circulating * It will [iro'intity be piTceivcd nt once by most readers, iliiit the roliitivo proportion of that part of the capital of a country which in loaned (inl on interest, will pay townnl^ the expenses of ?iivernincnt, in ciise of eijiial taxation, is in the proporliiiii its aimiiiil inlrrrsl. 'ii'iirfl lotho wholr' sum of tlie ainnial priidnct.-i of lihor and the hil inre of iicciiniul.itcd capital i(iiii')ini;d, nfl r dcilie tin^ the nnioiint of interest paid hv the proiln-t-" of hi'ini. The whole annuil products of labor hiin;; l.'i'lO.OO ),lin:» dcdtir^, and the whole annual interest pnid hein;' f;n,000,nOO dollars, the proportion is there- fore as t)!),M01),ll')() is to l-14!),n;)l),OI)n didl irs — or the produ'^ts of l.ihor, in connection with the fi.vcd ciipilal, )iays about 24-251 lis of the taxes for the support (d'sovernme'it — or just in this proportion as the inle.reiit of the capital loaned and value if tlie. prmhirU of labor, may he ir to each otlwr. The circiihitinj niediuni of nnv country adds nnthing directly to the productive capitnl of the country, vnlrsx nold to a fore rii peoph', any more thin the y;iril--lick of the shopkeeper atlds to the qinntily of his stock ofKooils — they being boih uslaldished by l.iw as nieusures — the one mea.suring the value of a piece of broadcloth, the other its length — and BY A LABORING MAN. 39 modimn amounts to 230,000,000 dollars, as bef.tre stated; the products of the labor of the country wc will value, as before, at l.')i)i),()0i),01IJ dollars annually; the whole population of the United States at I. "),()( )0, 00( ) ; coiiseqiiently, if the productive classes received the icholi: product of their labor as its reward, without deduction, it would ajnouul, on an average, to lUO dollars each person for a year's work and board. But as there is nothiiiir to be procurt^d necessary to supply the animal wants of man, but by the e.xertion of more or less labor, the iplinlc interest, and a ecrii lariri; proportion of the expenses of government, must first be deducted from tho value of the airirregate product of labor, and tho bu'uiicc left will be its whole reward. 'J'hus, say $l.'>',li),l)()i),l)i).) wiiole aiiiount of products, 100,OOl),OOU interest, and expenses of government. 1400.000,000 dollars li'fl as the jw/n^f^ of labor ; which divide by the whole population of the United Stales, and the proceeds will give the average value of products received by each inilividual. Populniion. Rfwarl of UU,t. (say) 1 5,000,000 ) 1 400.00 J.OOO 9'^ d )11 irs X\ cents is the reward (or that same proportion of its products) of each person's labor in this state ot' tiie currency. We will now suppose, as before, th.it all the •■ Bmk rai>s " are taken out of circulation, and the 100,0l)l),0QU of specie remains the only medium of" exchange. Tlie circulation is now rediici'd one half, and consequently the products of labor are reduced oik; half in |irice, while tiie annual interest to be paid remains the same, as also will most probably be the expenses of government; we then have liToO, 000,000 value of products of labor, 100,000,000 interest, and expenses of government. ^•i-JO,0;)0,0(tl) whole reward of labor; whish a:f lin dividi; by the whole popMlation of the United btates, and the product will be what each individual's average share will amount to. Whule n-«Mr.l Popiil.tinii. i.f liLor. 3 CIS. (say) l."j.000.003)(i50,00'J,00')(4.{ 33 Thus, while the price of the product of labor is reduc(>d one half, as Mr. Buchanan states, the rtxi'scs of li':).n' arc redacL'd cjiiji^ierably ia:)ra thin one half, being in the proportion of ;§oO to $43 33 cents. In cases the circulating medium is again reduced one half, or to 50,000,000 dollars in specie, the whole value of the products of labor will amount to 37.'>,O00,000 dollars From which deduct 100,000,00!) interest, and expense of government. 27r),000,000 whole reward of labor; which again divide by the whole population, and the product is the share each individual will receive by average. Whole pro-Uict Pop.il^.lii.n. oflihor. $ CIS. (say) 15,000 ,000 ) 1275,000,000 ( 16 33 Thus again s'.iowing that, while the price of the products of industry is lessened one half in value, the wages of the laborer have fallen in a still greater j)roportion, beinf as ,*;25 is to $ld 33 cents. It is true the whole 15,000,000 of the people do not all labor, but it will be remembered that these estimates of the value of labor, are based on an average of a family of seven persons of dilfi-reiit se.ves and ages. Tliis valuation also includes the labor of practical farmers, maniifiic- turers, *fcc. »fcc., and even capitalists are often laborers or producers. The results shown by the above illustrations are — Tiiiit when the circulating medium or currency amounts to $200,000,000, each hihnrer works for the sup()ort of government, and the use of c:ipl!al, about twrnf.ij-onr. dnys out, iif ench yrtir .' When the circulating medium is reduced to 100,000,000 dollars, ettr/t lahorrr works for the BUp;>')rt of government, and the use of capital, about tlirtij-four daijs out of each year ! ! Wh^'n the circulating medium is reduced to 50,000,000 dollars, each laborer works for the sup- port of government, and the use of capital, about EKiHTY DAYS out of each ije.ar ! ! I Or, just in that proportion, let the circulating medium of the country expand or contract more or less — of course this rule does not apply to sudden and violent fluctuations. — These may be l)Otli 'leiiu' ei|imlly ii'^coss iry in llio traiHiiclioii i>l' liii-iiii"-s, while a currency ol' [iiipcr, or i yurro- vidi- 1 tliey :ir(! tiui! in tlitir characters, are as u-scfui as if both were of gold. But if a slio;)ke('(ior lia I all th< y ird- 8tic';s i;i ihp world in his possession, or a nation hid all llie specie, the useful stock of the pro;iv produce a orns or bl ic';b rrie^, but even then it requiros labor to gather them. The ncirest approach to any thing ."leing ttC'iuired with- out 1 1'lor, tli:it the writer has ever seen any uccount of, was perhaps in the cuso (ifmemory serves' of Thomson, th« Hritiili poet, who ono morning was observed with his hands in his pockets, endeavoring to ent anappl • as it hiing oi the tree — but it is doubtful whetiier more labjr of his muscles was nutroallj expended than woiU liavo been had ha first reiicheil forth his lumil and picked the d:ingling fruit. 'J'he acr.iim ilntinii of jxi^t latiur is the rirk man's capital. Tb ■ irrs'iit ability tolubor is the jinor man'.i capriiduct!, (if their own (the peoples) labor — and answering in character to many of the office- 11)1. lers of tVe present day in the United States. — England, with her present " false system " of Credit, Banks, and home labor protection — her people laboring, as they undoubtedly are, under many wrongs, and burdenc-d with an enormous public debt — (mostly contracted in the defend- ing lhcinselv(s and Europe against the ambition of Napoleon) — is now able to support in com- piritive comfort a population of more than three times its former amount, while the government IS ahnost entirt'iy controlled by the moral power of the people, — and the voice of the meanest oppressed subjec is made to be heard and listened to in both House.s of her parliament and in the p;ilace of her C^ueen. To prove that priws will occasionally fluctuate under other systems, as well as our own " false system " of " credit," " Banks and rags," the writer will call the attention of the reader to the BY A LABORING MAN. 41 following extracts from Wade's " History of the Middle and Working Classes," which also goes to provf wtial lio has bft'ore asserted, tliat tlie wages of labor always fall in a greater proportion than the price of its products. Wade says — " While llie people were in a state ol'sluvery, it may be readily conjectured, flmt their diet wouM lie the mere ofTiil anil relume ol'thcir niuaters ; and no more of it Ilian wjs nece.ssuty to enabli' theiii In support their daily toil. At Ihis period, tlie food ot'laliorers co!i.il furniture consisted of a brass pot, valued from one to three shillings ; and a bed valued from three to six shillings. " The variations in the prices of commodities were great and sudden, arising from the absence of commercial middle- men, whose pursuits, though often viewed with prejudice, tend to produce a regular and eiiuahle supply of the most essential articles of consumption throughout the ye.ir. The trade of a corn dealer seems to have been unknown ; nor except in the Abbey-Granges do wo meet with instances of corn being collected in l.irge quantities.* The natural con- sequence must have been, tint the firrners, without capital, disposed of their crops at moderate prices, soon after the harvest; purchasers who looked only to their immediate wants, having corn cheap, were naturally wa.steful and im- provident in the consumption ; the price, therefore, almost invariably rose as the year advanced, and was frequently at an enormous height just before harvest, when the supply of the preceding season was nearly exhausted. Stow relates, that in 1317 the harvest was all got in before the 1st of September ; and that wheat which had before been at 4/. the quarter fell to li.<. 8'/.. a twelfth pirt of the price. A reference to tables of prices furnishes abundant proof of the ex- treme misery of thee times, in whii-h, the only buyers of corn were the consumers; and no monopolists, as lliey are termed, interfered, who, by the aid of superior capital, purchasing the redundant produce of one year, made a provisi^ for the scarcity of another." From the lowest price of wheat here slated, it will appear that the laboring man would receive about '3 quarts fir each day's work — but flour was an article the laborers of that period used as seldom as those of our coutitry at the present time do a service of gold plate. A quarter of wheat consists of". 8 bushels. ^ One poun wrote in the reign of Henry VI., speaking of the French peasantry, says, ' Tliay drink wat.y, thay eate apples, with bread ri^-ht biown, made of rye ; they eafe no flesche, but, if it be selden ; a littelj larde. or of the entrails or beds of beasts sclayne lor the nobles or merebaunts of the lond.' " NARRAGANSETT. [From the Newport, R. I., Herald of the Times, March 19, 1840,] No. 6. Further Effects of Mr. Van Burrn's " Fahc System" as displayed in his false Statements to the People, and also of his Secretary, Levi Woodbury's — both forming a " Unit," irith Remarks on the same, 4'r, i^v. tS^'c. Extrncts from Mr. Van Buren's Message to the two houses of Congress, December 24, 1939, — l.">,000 copies ordered to be printed, without accompanying documents, 5000 cories with doc- uments, for use of the people : — * Sir F. Eden's State of thb Poor, vol. i. p. 18. 42 FACTS FOR THE LABORING MAN: " The nineteen millions cf Treasury notes, autliorlzed l)y tlie art of Consress of 1837, and tlie modification tlicreof, witli u view totlio indulijence of m;rcli..nts on tlitir duty l, it appears that from tiie fourth of March, lc:?7, which was the day Mr. Van Buren assumed his duties as president, up to the date of the report of the committee, (about tVi'o years,) the fol- lowing list of Federal Executive officers were proved to be defaulters to the amount stated, be- sides jnany others of a previous date : — B. R. Iloscrs, Oi)cloiisjiu, L:i § f;,G34 Jlav a'l, I^S?. J. \V. Slcvensoii, Caloim, 111 43,294 Miiv •'), 1«37. S. \V. Ufu.l, Grtfu 15av, I0,H20 June' 29, 1837. G. U. Bovil, ColuiDl.iis', .Mi 00,937 Au?. 31, 1837. A. S. Thurston, K.y West, 2,622 Jan. 22, 1838. Geo. \V. Oiven, .Mjl.ile, 11,173 July 2.5, 1838. S. SwartwDut, Now York, 1,2A5,705 '. ... 1838. W^n. .M. I'fice, " 75,000 18:j8. I*. ( -l.ilikrs, Grcon^l)ur», La 12,459 1838. VVm. l.vnn, Vandaliii, III 55,%2 1838. S. Y. s; (lit, Ja. kson, .\li 12,.'i50 1838. J. L. l)uniL-l3, Opriou^iiis, La 7,280 1S38. J. T. Pollock, Cravvfonlville, 111 14,691 1838. M. Neville, (.inc-innuti, 13,781 1838. M. J. All m, Tall.ihassi e, 2H,691 1838. U. T. Brown, Sprinjjtitld, III 3,000 1838. I. T. Caiiby, Crawfoidville, 37,013 1838. Total, !S1,62I ,802 Truth told with tlie intention to deceive, is the worst species of falsehood. The writer will leave ihe reader to make his own comments on the preceding statements, and begs he will add this deceptive means of acquiring power, adopted by tiie present Executive, to those other methods he has previously enumerated — this subject being more particularly connected with the writer's remarks on the "sound democratic rule '' of " rotation in office," and the premium otli'red for dishonest and unscrupulous executive tigents and officers. Martin Van Buren has the honor of originating another mode for the purpose of obtaining the suffrages of a vast body of foreigners in the United States, of which little hiis been said. It is perhaps known to most readers, that a very \arw proportion of tlie Emigrants who come to this country from Europe, are of the most oppressed and ))overty-stricken class. God forbid thai we should refuse them an asylum, but at the same time, they should not be allowed to interfere with our elections and institutions until they have resided in the United States a suf- ticieiit time at least to become acquainted with tlie principles of our constitution and govern- ment. The unfortunate people have, most of them, grown up under established despotisms, which are entirely independent of the ^reat body of tlie people, and their rulers, not being at all beholden to them f)r their power, of course do not consider it necessary to use any flattery or manifest any particular interest in the well-being of their subjects, as they are able to control all by means of the standing armies, and the possession of the public revenues, which despots now do, and in all ages ever have controlled. When these people arrive in this country, they look upon the President of the United Slates as h.'inir, or Emperor, and have no idea of any other power than his. They do not understand why he should profess more regard for their welfare than the tyrants they have just escaped from — unless he really feels and is sincere in what he says — and when told that these extraordinary professions are frequently made with the view of getting their suffrages only, it strikes them as a thing impossible that so gieat a man as they 44 FACTS FOR THE LABORING MAN: have been taught from their infancy to believe the ruler of any nation mvst be, would conde- ecend to ask aid from such poor creatures as they themselves are. But on the contrary, in the menial spirit produced by the constant pressure of poverty and degradation which they have previously been subjected to, they ascribe all the professions of kindness from the Executive and his minions to pure condescension, and pi'y for the poor furtigner. In this waj', tliese poor, de- luded men are made use of to overthrow and subvert the very institutions and laws that protect them, and are seduced to assist in bringing about a change of things which must inevitably, if not soon cliecked, end in a despotism similar to those they have but just esc.iped from. This class of foreign voters deserve commiseration rather than reproach, and it sjiould be made the business of all true friends of their country to instruct this portion of the population in tlie prin- ciples of self-government, as laid down in our constitution, and generally understood in the United States. This course, universally followed, would do more to correct the present evils of the times than all the arguments that can be put forth to the people from our statesmen, or through the public press — but few of which are heard or read by this class of people. Unless a majority of a people are sufficiently enlightened and well informed to be capable of governing themselves indiridiiaUy, it is in vain to e.xpect them in the aggregate to sustain a free form of government: sooner or later it must fail, and the people reap the inevitable punishment awarded by the laws of nature to vice and ignorance — an urhitiurij government preceded by a state of anarchy, — in spite of all the physical cfibrts they may make, as it is only b}' the moral power that a free government can be for any time sustained. The tendencj' of the moral standard of this country has been downward for the last 10 or 12 years. The wickedness of the head has made the whole body sick. As before stated, there has been a constant premium offered on dishonesty by the Executive since Andrew .hickson was first elected. The question since has not been, as in better days, " Is an applicant for otHce hon- est — is he faithful to his trust ^ " — but these questions have been reversed — " Is he disliunest — — can the President depend upon his serving him, rather than his country — and to do this will he be ■unfaiihful to his trust .^ " This doctrine has had its effect. — We can scarcely move with- out being reminded of it. The adherents of the Executive, far and near, make no secret of de- claring that tliey have no belief in any man's acting from a sense of duty ; but that all are alike governed by their own individual interest, and that the only object the Whig party have in de- feating the election of Mr. Van Buren, is to secure the '' spoils." This sentiment must be stayed in its progress, or as sure as there is a connection between " cause and efft'ct," our country will Roon become a " bvword and a term of reproach " to the " nations of the earth." Ths operations of nature and the great causes that influence the affairs of mankind, depend mostly on principles quiet and noiseless i.n their progress, but which move with resistless power, and which cannot, to any extent, be stayed by physical force — although they may be influenced and guided by the moral powers of man. The tide of the sea will ebb and flow in its season, regard- less of the commands of an Alexander or the chains of a Xerxes — although the mightiest army should be drowned in its swell, or the proudest navy should be stranded by its fall. The tempest may rage, and the unseen wind may lash and vex the ocean until it roars aloud, and from the tops of its mountain waves s])eaks to the thunder on tiie very threshold of its home in the clouds; the fleets of the world may be wrecked and scattered as straws on its bosom, or they may I'ounder and go down in its depths, — still the great, silent, and perhaps unknown first cause, is at work, and the waters ebb and flow regardless of the conflict on their surface, which is merged in the greatness of its quiet and irresistible power. Such are the great principles that govern mostly the aflltirs of men ; the noise and the tumult of mankind are but as the storm on the ocean, and will do as little towards controlling the great causes that lead to a naticm's greatness or degrada- tion, as the thunder and tempest will do towards controlling the tides of the sea. The writer has endeavored to show some of the effi'cts produced on our elections by the estab- lishment of the political doctrines of the ^'■unil " — the '• spoils," and " rotation in office," and also by the dece[)tive language and statements of the president and his officers, particularly as applied to foreigners, lie will now endeavor to trace one other secret principle of action which Martin Van Buren has used as an auxiliary to establish himself in power. If there is any one feature in the institutions ofour country more to be prized by every Ameri- can citizen than another, it is that imbodied in that part ofour constitutitm which sa3's — " Congress shall mahe no hnn respecting the estalilishment of religion, or prohibiting the free extrr.isc thereof." And the writer hopes and trusts, that as bad as things with us now undoubtedly are, the day is yet far oft' in whii-ii anv person shall he molested in the exercise of his religion, let his creed or mode of worship be what it may. The source of religion is not to be reached by physical power, and any attempt to interfere with the freedom of conscience, in however slight a degree, by legislation or executive usurpation, should be met by the people and be put down at once. But as it has been deehired from a liigli source, that it is by '• constant watchfulness alone," that the freedom of a r»'|)uhlic can be maintained, — it becomes every American citizen, who wishes well to his country, to counteract, as much as lies in his power, any attem]>t that may be made by designing men to turn the [x-culiar tenets of any particular religions sect to political account, and to check the at- tem|)t when made, in the bud, or this means of acquiring power may be soon made use of to an extent but little dreamed of at present. It is perhaps known to most that a very large proportion of the emigrants who come to the United States, profi^ss the IlomHn Catholic religion ; and should this liappen to fall into the hands of anv of that sect, the writer wishes it distinctly to he understood, that it is not with any inten- tion of lessening any individuals of that faith in the estimation of their ft .low-citizens of other BY A LABORING MAN. 45 denominations, that the subject of their religion is hero referred to — as he would be the last to permit tiieir religious rigiits to lie interfered with. So far as the writer's observation extends, he has every reason to 8uppo.se there are as many sincere worshippers of the Deity among tliat re- ligious sect, both as it regards the priests and the people, as of any other denomination of pro- fessing Ciiristiaus — there undoubtedly being good and bad among all denominations. But it will readily be admitted by those who have i)aid attention to the sul)ject, that there is a most entire and all-absorbing devotion in the Catholic clergy to the e.\tension of the peculiar tenets of their religion — which, whether from a sincere desire "to promote the good of men, or the love of power, or of both, it is unnecessary to inquire — as it is enough to have it admitted, which the writer believes will readily be done by all wiio have e.\amined the question, that such is the fact. Since the decline of the power of the Romish Church, the catholic priests in a body, acting under their sujjreme head at Rome, ever stand ready to seize on the most trifling circumstance to ad- vance the caiise of tiie Clmrch, regardless of the effects produced on m;;tters of exclusively a temporal nature. Their peculiar doctrine of confession enables the priests to understand the secret motives and springs of action of the individual members of their flocks, which they are thereby enabled to control, — while they themselves being subject to the direction of tlu'ir superior Cler^-y and Bishops, and they again acting under the orders of the supreme head oftiie Cliurch, the Pope at Rome — it becomes a matter of course that the whole Church may readily be brought to act as one man on any subject their spiritual head may choose to direct. This was a source of power which the shrewd and cunning M.irtin Van Buren foresaw might be turned to great political account, and was at once seized upon by him, and at a favorable juncture a skilfully worded letter, as given below, was addressed to the head of the Catholic Church.* By this mas- ter stroke of policy, Martin Van Buren probably secured not less than 100,000 votes. The or- * tt seems that a 'lispiite hud oi-curred in Phihi l-lphi i hetween two ofRciiitin-; priests, wlio ha;l both .solicitRil the inti-rfercnco of the Fedcril Executive to sctth- their dilficulty with his Holiness the Pope. It is h:ir(lly jiro'iahle that the f> imcrs ofour coiistitulioii ever .inppos'd th ^t a case could occur in which the President of lliu United States should ho called upon to assist in si'ttlin; di'Iicnlli^'S or disputes brtweon its own citizens by an appeal to a foreign power. Put Mr. V:in Buren, wlio was then .Secret. iry of State, evidently considered the opportunity ot" injr.-itialing himself with the people of the C tholie, roliijion too good to ba lost. lie forthwith found means to open a correspond- cnro with the ronit of his Holincis the Pope at Rom;. The writer knows of no means of ^ittin^ at tbe conimence- ment of this eorrespon lencf, and it was pro'm'dy managed in such a way as to render full developments impossi'jle ; but it is evident that tlie following iiotjs, puhlislied in Niles's Register, August 2, 1834, are a continuation of a prece.d- ing written or verbal correspondence. Mr. Cico^nani to Mr. Van Buren. " Rome, May 8lh, 1830. " Yesterday 1 had a pnrticiilnr audience from his Holiness, in my official capacity of consul of the United Htatcs of America in Rome. His Holiness received me in the mo-it benign manner, and e.xpresseil the most favorable sentiments for the 1,'overnMient as well as fur the nation of the United States of America. He s lid th it he was favorably inclined to the United States of America, Iteiauie the C itliolir; people enjoy the same protection iis the other citizens of differ- ent creeds, ani rogaril to the ri;bts of conseience — that of perf'Ct l.bertii, co-ilrailislingnishiid from tolerition : that they enjoy an entire exemption from coercion in every |>os- si'ale sliap?, upon tbe score of reli:,'ioiis faith, and that they are free, in common with their fellow-citizens of all other sects, to adhere to, or adopt the creeds, and practise ihe worship best al ipieil to their reason or prejudices, iiinl lliit there exists a perfect unity of faith in the United St ites amongst religionists of all prnfessioiH, as to the wisdom and policy of that cirdin il fe tare of all our con.stitutions and frames of government, both those of Ihe United Stati s and the separate States of the Union, by which this inestimable right is forin:illy recognized, and the enjoyment of il ii>- viol ibly secured." It would be very cratifying to the writer, to lie able to ascertain the mode in wliifch the previous commnnintion be- tween .Mr. Viin Hnren and his Holiness hid been curried on. It wis pro'ia'ilv commenced by r'-r/ia/ comiTiunieatinns from so-iie of Mr. Van Hiiren's friends, who might hive been on a visit to Itnly at tint lime. It is evi.f'nt from the Stress the IlaUaii Consul lays on the passage particalarlu and rrpealedlu, that much weight had been given to the sul>- 46 FACTS FOR THE LABORING MAN: dinary Irish, cspeciitlly., look to their priests for both spiritual and temporal advice, and their word is by them generally considered the law — and the writer has no reason to believe but that the advice the priests give is generally the best the case will admit ui" as regards the personal inter- ests and well being of tlie individuals of their Hocks. But this does not vary the results that may be produced in a political point of view. A gentleman perfectly conversant witli the subject of the internal improvements in Pennsyl- vania, intbrmed the writer in Philadelphia a few years since, that j)revious to the last Presiden- tial election, there was for some time a great diversity of opinion among the thousands of Irish laborers employed on the canals, railroads, and various public works of that State, with regard to whicii was the best man for the Presidency, IMartin Van Buren or Gen. Harrison, there being a large portion of tliein in favor of the latter candidate. He also staled, that a lew days before tile choice of Electois, tiiere was a general movement of the Priests along the line of canals and railroads, and that as they passed, all political discussions were hushed in their rear among the workmen, who afterwards almost to a man voted for Jilarlin Van Butch! The writer has heard an anecdote of sometiiing of this nature, which occurred on the Stoning- ton railroad, wliile it was making, a few years since, the circumstance of which some readers may p(jssibly be acquainted with. A contractor had, in an unguarded moment, used some harsh expression to the Priest while making his periodical round. 'Phe Priest bore the insult passive- ly, and without much if any remark — but the very next day a large proportion of the con- tractor's best laborers left his employ, without assigning any cause, and he was unable to prevail upon them to resume their work, until he privately apologized to the Priest, when the laborers directly after returned. — Finding the intluence of the Priest among the laborers to be so great, some time afterwards, when there was a great scarcity of hands, this same contractor haiidi-d this same Priest a ten or a twenty dollar bill piicately, and simply remarked that he should be glad to iiave ten or twenty more good hands. Nothing was said in rej)ly, but in a day or two, the hands were supplied at the expense of the neighboring contractors, who probably did not suspect the real cause of these men's leaving their employ. There are many other societies that are liable to be made use of in very mucli this same way, for political purposes, and if the writer is not very much mistaken, there is at this present linje a plan organizing at Washington by JNIessrs. Kendall, Benton, Blair, and Co. for the pur|)ose of obtaining the votes of a large proportion of the religious society of Methodists, to meet the Pres- idential election four years hence. Most men are too apt to think political movements and events are produced by accidental causes, when in fact nearly all of importance, of late years, have been the result of deliberate plans, but little suspected by the peo[)le at large. They have been arranged and perfected by political men, whose incomes are derived from tlieir salaries, and being thus left at leisure, they occupy their time in turning the whole United States into a political cliess-board, which they place as it were before them, and like gambling sharpers, secretly play its diversity of interests and prejudices against each other until they ascertain, almost to a certainty, the leading moves that will insure success. In this, the present men in power are much assisted by the strict organi- zation of the Executive oifice-holders throughout the Union — and who report every circum- stance of importance to their superiors, as oiten as it occurs. To show to what an extent this system of espionage has been carried, it is perhaps sufficient to state, that the chief otHcer of a Rev- enue Cutter in Newport,a few years since, as the writer has been informed, had, after drinking rather freely, made some allusion to the President, or some of his friends, not altogether respectful — when a fi'W days after he received a letter from the Secretary of the Treasury, quoting, verba tim, the words the revenue officer had used, and it was afterwards supposed he had been over heard by an eavcs-droppi.r who was listening at the window, and who immediately repcrlc^d the conversation to the Secretary at Washington. The plans of these men are generally too deeply laid to be fully comprehended by the great body of the peoj)le, wlio treat as ridiculous, and absurd, the remote causes to which political re- sults are frequently ascribed, and from whicli they really originate. The peoi)le cannot conceive, for instance, how the present bankruptcy of the country, can have grown out of General Jack- son's simply removing a sum of money from one bank to others — Ihey think so great an eft'ect must have been produced by a cause of corresponding magnitude. — They reason like the citi- zens of London, in KW), who, when K},2(.)0 dwelling-hou.ses, cov(^ring 4;5(J acres of land, w-tg consumed, could not conceive of so great a devastation being caused by a fire kiadlod by as.'. ^le spark. It is not unfrequontly the case that tiie results jiroduced by these political gamblings are ap- parently of directly a contrary nature from what an inexperienced person would suppose would be produced on seeing the first moves of the gamblers on the chess-board. For instance, at the present time, it is thought strange by many that the Executive should per- severe in keeping a consul at Havana, who, it is believed by man}', is accumulating a fortune by iect of inin-ff.rencK in ■politics — nnd the wrilur, in reailiiig it, was rciiiinJod of the following anecdote, which was pub- lislied ill the pipcrii not lon^' 8ince: — An Irish ostlur caind to confi s< to hi^ prii-st — nfii>r conlV-ision, ho w:is ahont to retire, when his confessor askfld liim if he Ind eonf.is.sod all. — P.it rick r^'l'li"^'! 'i" had. — The piiet he hud " greased Iha horses' teeth to prevent their eatiii,' sriiii."— Mis eonlessor rcprini inded him sharply, anil asked him how ho came to do it w«m— when he had stated in his list confession tiiat he had never heen guilty of such a crime.— Patrirk re- pented of his fault, and confessed he never should have thou;lit of such a crime, if his honor had aai first mentioned it to him. BY A LABORING MAN. 47 connic'uig at tlic African slave trade. — It is known that tlie slave trade, at the present time, is carried on to a greater extent on tiie coast of Africa, tlian it has been for any former period, (wiih ihe exception of about tiiree hundred miles of coast now under tiie jurisdiction of liie American Colonization Society, who have by the most praiseworthy exertions annihilated the accursed trallic within t!ie bounds of their colonies — tlie extension of which promises to be the only sure remedy for tiiis cryin:; pvil.) — This trade is mostly carried on iu Amenean vessels, and under the American flair, tilted out from tiie Island of Cuba. From accounts that are to be relied on, there has not passed uii hour, probably not tweniij consecutive minutes, for the last year or two, in which the ear of eternal and retributive .Justice has not heard tlie last groan of some dying African, as it has ascended from that den of darkness and misery, the hold of a slaver, over which waved the American flag. The family of the consul at Havana has some influence at the Si)Uth, and the llxecutive no doubt derives some support from them — but this is not apparently of sutlicient conse(|uence to counteract tl»e loss of votes that will be produced by the disgust his conduct has so generally excited. But should Martin Van Buren, after having thus encour- aged this trade, send out some armed vessels at a favorable juncture, (to meet the next Presi- dential election,) and they should succeed in capUiring a dozen or twenty of these American slavers, vvliich the consul at Havana may have assisted in sending to tiie coast of Africa, the eclat the Administration would acquire by the act would be prodigious, and he would jjrobably receive the votes of thousands for tlie very conduct, which, wlien viewed in all its |)arts, siiould doom him to the execration of all mankind. The writer does not mean to be understood that there is any plan of the kind now in |)rogress — or that the President or Consul are guilty of the charge of conniving at the slave trade, but supposes this case only in illustration of what has been iiefore stated. We are too ajit to suppose men great, because they have attained to conspicuous stations. This does not necessarily prove them so. It is full as likely to prove that those who placed them there are little, as it is to prove that they tliemselvos are great; and most of us prefer ac- knowledging others to be great, rather than to confess ourselves to be little. To those who right- ly think, .Martin Van Buren's exaltation in political life is no proof of virtue, or even of superior talents. His whole soul, from his earliest youth, in common with many of his political associ- ati^s, has been bent upon acquiring otlice ; and all experience goes to jjiove that the most ordi- nary mind can scarcely fail in ultimately obtaining its ol)ject, however high, if in early youth a determination is made and is prosecuted witii perseverance, and an unscrupulous disrcgurd of right, in the means adopted to attain it. A truly great man will be great a.^iong great men; of this class were George Washington and Benjamin Franklin. Were a majority of the world composed of Wasliingtons and Franklins, the low cunning of such men as Martin Van Buren would avail but little in deceiving them. During the revolutionary vvar, Aarou Burr was at- tached t) the staft' of General Washington, and came to reside with him in his family. In less than one week, his intriguing character was penetrated by the noble Washington, and he was dismissi>d his house; yet this same Aaron Burr came within a few votes of being elected Presi- dent of the United Slates. He failed, however, in attaining to that station, and during his after life was de.'jpised by all, and died neglected. Siipjiose lie had iieen made President, — would a change of tlie few votes, more or less, necessary to have elected him, also have changed his character, and thereby made him great ? For some time during the revolutionary war, Aaron Burr was intrusted with the command of a part of the army stationed between New Yoik and Allniny, and acquitted himself to the satis- faction of his country. While holding this command, he subjected the territory under his mili- tary jurisdiction to a strict espionage, having adln-rents and officers who acted as spies in all parts of tiie country, and who reported regularly to him the sentiments of every man of impor- tance, and of all other events which he wished to be informed about. He arranged the inhabi- tants into three classes — the Whigs, who were tlie friends of liberty ; the Tories, who were opposed to the people, and in favor of tiie King; and a third class he called the neutrals, who took part with neither side. This system gave him great advantages, and at that time, it prob- ably proved of real service to the country. This was the germ of the same system of espiona^ that .Slarlin Van Buren and his friends liave since adopted, and which has proved so effective in cnilroHing the elections. The immense number of office-holders in the pay of the Executive, — many of whom have but little ta do but to become informed of their neighbors' sentiments and affairs, which are regularly reported to their superiors, — enables their masters to apply the proper means to produce the desired results. This was never perhaps more fully displayed than iiiime- diatv'ly preceding Martin Van Buren's election to the Presidency, when there were great num- bers of new officers appointed at important points, without any necessity, as far as the business of the country was concerned. About this lime, a great accession was made to the Custom House officers in New York. iVIartin \'an Burim was the protege and disciple of Aaron Burr, who instructed him in the first rudiments of p iliticil science, and in the arts of deception. Aaron Burr placed him in a lawyer's otfice in New York, and from time to time assisted him with his advice, even after he became Secretary of State under Gen. Jackson. This is well known to men now livinif in the c'.ly of New York. Martin Van Buren obt lined the Presidency by the same species of intrigue and political manoeuvring that hid so nearly elevated Aaron Burr tf) the same station some years before. Where lies the difference in the character of these two men.' It maybe con- tained in a ntit shell. The one was successful, and was called " a patriot." The other was unsuccessful, and was considered '• a knave." 4S FACTS FOR THE LABORING MAN: Further Extract from Mr. Van Bur ens last Message, Dec. 24, 1839. " From the results of inquiries m ide by the Secretary of the Treasury, in rejard to the practice among them, I am enabled to state that in TVVEi\TY-TWO out of TWENTY-SEVEN foreig";! GOVERNMENTS, from vvhicli un- doubted infiirniation has been obtained, the public muiicij.i have been kejit in the charfjc of public officers. 'J'liis ron- currence of oiiiiiion in favor of that system, is perhaps us great as exists on any (luestimi of internal adniinistralion." Further Extract from Mr. Woodbury's Report, Dec. 24, 1839. "Out of TWENTY-SEVEN GOVERNMENTS, in respect to whicb accurate statements have been obtained — and which include almost eoenj important ciedtied cuuutry in the world, — TWENTY-SIX seem to prohibit any private use of the public money either by collecting or disbursing agents. In SIX C,\SES only do the deposit agents appear to he allowed the use of public funds, and that only when these agents are BANKS, and the money is ))lac€d with them in general deposit. In a great majority of these governmsnts, the eniploynient of public funds for private pur- poses by any agents whatever is not only prohibited, but punished by severe penalties, such as inivrisonment, or the G.'\LLEYS, the PENITENTIARY, and in some instances DEATH." Leaving Mr. Van Buren and his loving secretary again to settle the contradictions involved in these extracts, the writer would ask the reader to pause a moment ere he proceeds fartlier ; let him abstract his tlioughts as much as possible from the misty sophisms that are every where meeting liis eyes and ears, and ask himself wliat all this means, l^ook again at those words, "gallcijs," "ptn/tentiarij" and '■'DEATH ; " how came they there? Why sliould they be named in connection with the safe keeping of the revenues of the United States, l.iat for 17 years were intrusted to that " Monster," the U. S. Bank, without any other guarantee for their safe keeping than the moral character of its managers, and yet not one cent was lost to the people? Those managers, as well as most other Bank Presidents, Directors and Stockholders, have long been denounced by the federal executive as "swindlers." If even our '■'■ su-indlcis" have kept the pubfic money safe, is it possible that it has becotne necessary to ask advice of the Grand Turk, as Martin Van Buren has done, and then with the most unblushing impudence to parade it be- fore the American people as an argument in favor of his Sub-Treasury':' Is it possible that it has come to this, that we are obliged to ask advice from the despots of Europe and of Asia, whose people are not yet even considered to be within the pale of civilization, with regard to the njode of keeping our money? Is it possible tiiat after all the parade made by the Executive about the HONESTV of his officers, " selected from the people," he should thus resort to threats of " Pknitkn- TiARy," " Galley," and " Death," to insure its safety? Hear what Martin Van Buren him- self says, in his message addressed to Congress, at the special session of Sept. 1837. In con- trasting these '^sicindling" banks with his own public officers, Martin Van Buren says — " Sucli Banks are not more able than the Government to secure thn money in their possession against accident, vio- lence, and fraud. The assertion that they ate so, must assume that a rmi:U in a bank is stronger than a vault in tho Treasury, and that directors, cashiers, and clerks, not selrn ted by the Government, nor under its control, are more worthy of contidence than otiicers selected FRtJ.M THE PEOPLE, and responsible tu the Ouvcrnment — ollirers, bound by oflicial oaths and bonds for a faithful peiformance of their duties, and constantly subject to the supervision of Congress." Is there any American citizen who has the heart of a man beating in his bosom, that can read this extract from Mr. Van Buren's message, without feeling his face to suffuse with indignation, and his soul to sicken with disgtist? — " Selr.cled from the people! " — The people of the United States, whose intelligenct; has been appealed to on every occasion by this same Martin Van Bu- ren, thus have their understandings insulted by being told that these public officers must be honest because they are '^ selected fiom the people." The plain English of this is, that the class Martin Van Buren means his address to operate upon, are considered by him to be either knaves or fo:ils, or both — there is no other construction whicii can be put upon his expression when closely examined. '■'■ Selected from the people!" Why, Benedict Arnold himself was "Wrrted from till', people." If any one doubts this, let him go to New Haven, where his identical sign is still displayed over his former grocer's shop. T.'ie long list of public defaulters, already enume- rated, were all '■' st.ltcted from thf. people" — as also were those who selected tliem. The Post Master General is '^ selected from the people," and so were a long list of defaulters — the records of whose peculations were destroyed by the burning of the building of the Post Office department at Washington. The Secretary of the Treasury is '■ selected from the people" — and so were the long list of defaulters, tlie records of whose peculations were destroyed by the burning of the building of the Treasury drpartrnent at Washington. — The incendiaries who burned both of these departments were " selected from the people," and if the truth is ever ascertained, so will it probably appear were those who selected them. It is by such " claptrap " appeals to the intelligence of the people as this, that we have been humbugged by such men as Martin Van Buren for the last 10 or 12 years. — And it is high time that the people of the United States, one and all, should arouse lliemselves, and prove to the hypocrites in power, that they possess at least intelligence enough to see through their disgusting flattery, and that they also possess sufficient power as yet to displace an administral'on that has cajoled the people of this country to the brink of ruin and despotism. If the people will do (his, and hereafter adopt as a general rule, that they will trust no man, let his politics be what they will, to manage their public affairs, who has not proved himself both capable and trustworthy in the management of private concerns, and who sustains an unblemished character beside — the country will be safe, and its prosperity will soon return. But it will be in vain to expect our public aflairs to be well managed, unless a thorough change in our system is carried out. Prac- tical and honest men must mit only be placed in the E.vecutive department and subordinate offices, but i)raclical men must also "be ])l:ic.d in our legislative departments — men who under- stand in what consists the permanent good and prosperity of a nation — men who will be capa- ble of representing every profession and class of people in the country — and practically so too. BY A LABORING MAN. 49 — Tlicre should be f.irmprs for the farming intorost, — i)lanters for the planting, — merchants for the coininercial interest, — nianuractiirers I'or the manufacturing, — mechanics for the inccliani- cal — and fin illy, eocry interest should be representi-d by practical men, in proportion to the im- portance of its bearing on the general good of the counlry. Instead of the great interests of our country being jeopardized by llie action of Congress on the crude suggestions of some addle- hea(l<'d or harebrained theorist, no legislatiin sh )u!d be attempted whatever until its eflecta 6hould be clearly ascertained by a thorough investigation of ihose jjnictlcuUy acquainted with the Bubject. The British parliament have long since adopted this rule, and dare not, and would not if they dare, pass any act that would tend in the most remo e degree to derange or injure any interest whatever — no, noteven that of the huckster women in the streets of London, until they had first appointed a commiltee to wait on them to obtain all the practical infurniation possible. In the Hjuse of Ilepresentatiycs at Washington, tliere are about 5i"2U me^nbers, about 1G(J of whom are Attorneys at law — and probably as gfeat or a greater proportion of the same profes- sion in the Senate. The profession of a lawyer is as respectable as that of any other, and it is periiaps best on many accounts that a so.'newhat larger proportion of that profession sliould be elected lo Congress than of most other professions or occupations, but a proper medium should be observed in all tilings. Most of this great body of Lawyers, have but little more opportunity of becoming acquainted witii the great interests of the business portion of the community, than the ordinary day laborer. In fact, the writer knows many laboring men who work out by the day for their living, who, he believes, are much more capable of representing tlie great interests ol'this country in Congress, than many men now there, and who are dignified witii tlie name of Lawyers, but in fact are really notliing but pettifoggers. This last class of men arc periiaps the most dangerous we can send to Congress. They are generally to be sold to tlie higliest bidder, and are sure to acquire a full stock ot impudence in the practice of their profession, which makes them ever ready to act upon any crude notion that may be put in their heads ; many of them have acquired a glibness of tongue, which, with a little smattering knowledge they have perhaps picked up by the i)ractice of law in a country village , and from the reading of the Globe and other iiewsjiapers at the neighboring Post Oilice or inn, enables them to pass for what are called frcat mm — when in reality they have scarcely common sense enough to know the difference I'twwn prolit and loss, and who will inevitably bring ruin and confusion with tliein, whether Ihr'y are intrusted with public or private concerns. Suppose there sliould be, for instance, one hundred farmers living on the Island of Rhode Island, who were ill the practice of hiring 300 laborers every year to assist them in improving their firms. Suppose these jivrmers should, from some unaccountable caprice, conclude to hire UOO Lawyers and pettifoggers as a part of these laborers. What think you would be the conse- quence.' The writer will venture lo say, from a long experience in the business of agriculture, that b-'fore the summer was half over, the whole business of the farmers would be brought to a stand. If these pettifoggers were set to hoeing, they would more than likely mistake the corn for the weeds, and destroy the corn and nurse the weeds, and in order to conceal their ignorance, tiiej would declare that they cut up the hill of corn on purpose, they btnng conscivnliouslii oppo.rd to all monopolists. — They would probably be too lazy to put the bars and fences up after them as they passed about the fariii, and after the cattle had destroyed the meadows, they would coolly confess th;it they lt>l\ the bars down on purpose, as they were cnnscicntiuuslij in fiivor oi' fret tratli'.. — They would soon set the farmers and their old and faithful servants by the ears, and finally, after having, under one pretence and another, obtained every spare dollar the farmers had lel\. and after having compelled them to mortgage their farms to pay their wages and the losses their own conduct had occasioned by the loss and destruction of their whole crop, they would cease work altogethi'r, and devote their whole time to the spreading of malicious reports abroad of the Bankruptcies of their employers, precisely as the pettifoggers in the Senate of the United States are now doing with regard to the individual Stales they represent, and which they themselves, in connection with the E.xeeutive, have reduced to their present impoverished condition. As ridiculous as the foregoing supposition may a|)pear, it is in reality not so ahsuril, as that we should confide all the great and complex interests of the country into the hands of these same men, who would bring such certain destruction on a business so comparatively simple as that of agriculture. To show more fully the danger of sending men to Congress who are ignorant of the common principles of trade and business generally, the writer will make a few extracts from the late speech of Mr. Walker of Mississippi in favor of the Sub-Treasury, one of the leading great men of the administration. Mr. Walker says — '■Tlie iinioHit of I ilior nuis" dpp-'nd upon Hip ninrkcts for its pro lucls. Tlic30 marljets are, FIRST the FOREIGN, enJ PECONDLY the DOMESTIC M.MtKETS." Mr. Walker ought to know tint the domestic market of this and of most other civilized countries, is probably equal to 15 or 'ZQ times the amount of the /orcjo'7t market. Again Mr. Walker says — " Th.' II t iiiMii I PKOI-M r»p >■! the i:i'i(inil i idintrv, is tli' truest m -asu e o;"lhjna.'io.ia' "■ai;w — and lliese PROP- IT.-^ are almost utterly anuiliil.Ueil liy the li.VMf I'API:R SYSTEM." To illustrate this idea of Mr. Walker's fully, we will suppose the present price of labor with board to be one dollar per d:iy — and flour to be worth eight dollars per barrel. A merchant goes into the market and purchases one thousand barrels of flour, costing in the aggregate 8,000 dol- lars. This he sendi abroad, ana receives the net sum of 10,000 dollars in return for it — therebj iiiaking a profit of '2') per rent, in his shipment, or 2)00 d ll:rs in the airrregate. We will now suppose the specie system to be adopted, the labor to fall to fifty cents per day, 50 FACTS FOR THE LABORING MAN: and the flour to fall to five dollars per barrel. This merchant now purchases the same quantity of flour for 5,000 dollars he formerly did for 8,000 dollars. This flour he sends to a foreign market and sells f jr 8,0!)() dollars net. The merchant now receives 3,000 dollars as his profit, or about .sixty per cent. This is the species of profits such men as Mr. Walker says enriches a country. What they mean is, that it enriches the capitalists — but in Yea.hty impmerislies the country, as shown in the preceding illustration, — the last of which goes to prove that on the 1000 barrels of flour the capitalist, with less than two thirds the amount of capital used in the first instance, gains 1,000 dollars — the farmer and the laborer lose 3,000 dollars, one thousand of which is gained by the merchant ; the balance of 2,000 dollars is lost to the laborer or producer and the country at large. The decline in price of our own products of industry at home, must inevitably lower their value abroad — as in that case a sufficient quantity (provided we can fur- nish them) will inevitably be sent abroad to supply foreign markets at the lowest profits th(>y can be atforded. Competition in business will always produce this eflect. Mr. Walker again says : " By the official returns upon the files of tlie Senate, it appears tliat, from the ]st of October, 17S9, to 30tli Septom- ber, 1839, the totality of our exports was $;i,5.)7,829,951, and the totality of our imports during the same period, was §4,339,713, t)-19, bein^' an excess against us of imports over exports of S7Sl,&83,l 98; and this vast sum, approaching near one thousand millions of dollars, is, in truth, hut a p:;rt of the bounty paid to foreign industry by debasing our currency, and thus yielding up to them, to so vast an extent, both the foreign and domestic niarUet. In addition to this vast sum, the diminished exports, the decreased profits upon their sale, and the decreased products of every kind, will make the national loss from the bank paper system, at least two thousand millions of dollars. We have seen that the total excess of imports over exports, from ist October, 1789, to 3:ith September, JS39, was $781,883,(.98, the whole of which, except $l'Jt),l).w.0-21, occurred from 1791 till 1811, and liom 1816 till 1834, during the wretched career of the two Banks of the United States ; and with the exception of $7I,5L0,171, it may all bo truly said to have occurred during the dominion of a United States Hank, for the jiiesent United States Bank, under its new charter, has inflated prices, currency, and fictitious credit, tblly as much as any of its predecessors. One thing, however, is certain, that it is all the risult of our bank paper system. Another fact is also clearly proved, that neither the first Hamiltonian tarifi', nor the tariff of 1816, nor that of 1824, nor yet even that of 1898, arrested this ruinous excess of imports over exports. JNo, sir; it is not a high tariff that we want, but the most limited revenue duties with a .ypecie policy that is to rom- niand for us our owh, as well as foreign markets, that is to advance all interests, in every section of the Union, and make it the interest of all to encourage free trade." The writer does not remember of ever having seen a passage, in so small a compass, contain- ing so many absurdities as the foregoing extract from Mr. Walker's speech. With regard to the excess of imports over our exports, the writer has previously shown in his second communica- tion, that'the excess of imports over and above the profits of our exports, most if not all occurred at the two periods we were without a National Bank — which can readily be proved by refereitce to the Secretary of the Treasury's report. Mr. Walker seemingly laments the fact, that from the year 1789 to 1839, the imports into the United States had exceeded the exports $78l,883,6n8, — nearly ALL of which excess he says occurred '■• during the wretched career of the two B(i7tl;s of the United Stales." Now it seems the excess nf imports over our exports has been mo^^tly paid for in some way or other, as even Mr. Van Buren himself does not pretend to say we are indebted to foreign nations to exceed two hundred millions of dollars — which if the whole of this sum is deducted from the excess of imports, leaves a balance of 581,883,Gr8 dollars, a great part of which must have been paid for liy the PROFITS on our exports, and that too, as Mr. Walker says, wiien their price at home was inflated by the " icrttchtd liunks." Mr. Walker seems here to reverse his rule with "regard to " the net annual PROFIT upon the national industry being the truest measure of its gains," — but on the contrary seems to sup- pose irrcat profits to be a real loss. Is it not therefore evident that he is entirely ignorant of the subject he attempts to illustrate.' Mr. Walker attributes the greater part of this excess of im- ports to the "wretched United States Bank." The writer is happy to have it in his power to show how a part of this ruinous excess of imports over our exports occurred, with wliieh the United States Bank could have had hut little to do. Some years since, during llie wars of Bolivar, the writer well remembers that a ship sailed from New York with 1,000 barrels of flour on board bound to the Pacific ocean. The flour cost in New York five dollars per barrel, or 5,000 dollars I'or the whole cargo. The ship arrived atCalhio, (the port of Lima, tlie capital of Peru,) immediately after a blockade of that port had been raised. The flour sold f/r one, lumdred diilhirs per harrel, the sales amounting in the aggregate to 100,(100 dollars. The imports in this ca.se exceeded the exports to the amount of '15,000 dollars, which agreeably to Mr. Walker's last rule, was a loss to the United States to that same amount. Admitting that Mr. Van Buren's assertion is true, that the United States is indebted to foreign nations to the amount of two hundred millions of dollars, Mr. Walker's statements may be best explained by imbodying them in an account current as follows — United, Stat(S in Account icilh. Foreign JVations i DR. For this amount oi' imports received from all fortign countiies from the 1st of Oct. 1789, to the 30th of idept. 18;;9, amounting to $4,339,713,649 (as per Mr. Walker's statements.) United States in Account with Foreign JVntiovs, CR. For the amount of exports at their cost in the Uiiiird Slair.i, from the 1st of Oct. 17t9, to the 30tli of Se|it. IK39, amounting to $3,557,829,951 (as per .Vlr. Walker's statements.) To freight of the products of European nations and their rolonies, done by .American shipping for about 20 years durini; the long w rs iifN polenn, {ws iirrrerd .siune liiiir) 100,000,000 Amount allowed Ilia United Stales by agreeinenls at various times with Ihe merchants and traders for freiL'ht and profit oi px|)OrtR, aironnts as agreed to 4S1,883,C98 Amount due by the Uniled States lo I'oreigiiii.ilinns ihis day, the 'Mlh of Dec. 18:19, as per Mr. Van Buren's message 200,1100,000 $4,339,713,649 BY A LABORING MAN. 51 Goods and Sjiccie on Hand in the United States this Day, included in the above Account, hut not yet disposed cf. Amount of spcnic, according to Mr. Tliomns H. Benton's stiitnnicnt, (ho being the head clerk of tlio specie dejiirtinent,) now un Imnil, Sy!',OUO,Unn. From which deduct iiinount on hand Isi (Jet. 17^9, 5 millions, ,«8."),nOO,0(!0 Silk Velvet iind other ornaments for the republican pcople'it Chair of stale, in the House of Ueprescn- latives, as per .Mr. Speaker I'olk's account, uhicli was paid by the people 2,500 (siiid chair being nearly as good as new.) One English carriage, liveries and ornamental furniture for Mr. Vnn Buren, the people's candidate (nearly new) S-'ijOOil Cotton and woollen goods), silks, ribbons, toys, wine, chessmen, l)nckgamnion boards, chandeliers, and a. variety of other useful and ornajnental articles, now in the hands of dealers and storekeepers, and mostly new, estimated ut 75,003,000 Total, SIGO,0a7,.'i0O Which sum deduct from amount due foreign nations, as jier .Mr. Van Buren's message .'5fiOO,0;)0,(l)'l Deduct goods on lian.l mO,0«7,r.03 i5;J9,973,5'JU For the balance of 39,973,.'S()0 dollars the people of the United State.s havinn; nothing to show, but a parcel of trorlliless canals, railroad.s, steainhoats, niaiuifactories, " Marhle Banks," &c. &c. NARRAGANSETT. [From the Now|>ort, R. I., Herald of the Times, March 25, 1840.] Mr. Van Burin's " False System,^'' as displaijcd in his false Statements to deceive the People, continued. Extract from Mr. Van Biirrn's Mcsaoire of Dec. 2i, 183D. (Repeated.) " From the results of i1i(|uirios made by the Secretary of tlie Treasury, in regard to the practice among tliem, \ am pnabled to state, that in twenty-two out of twenty-seven /nrcin-ri o'ojj/T/unenfs, irom which undoubted information has been obtained, the public moneys are kept in clnrge of pnlilic oflicers. This concurrence of opinon in favor of that system, is perhaps us great as exists on any question of internal administration." Extract from Mr. Secretary Woodbury's Report. (Repeated.) " Out of twenty-seven iTOvernmenti, in respoct to which accurate statements have bnen obtained, and which include ulmost every IMi'OKTA.'VT CIVILIZED coHiitrij in the world, — twenty-six seem to proliil)it any private use of the Iiubll? money, either by collecting or disbursing agents. — In six cases only do the deposit agents appear t« be allowed the use of pu'jiic funds, and that is oily when tliose agents are BANKS," and the money is placed with tliein in general dep )sit. — In a great majority of thosa govcrnm;nts, th3 employment of public funds for private jiiirpo'es liy any agents whatever, is nut only prohibited, but pu'iisbeil bv severe penalties, such as imi)risonnienf, or the (J.M.I.HYS, the I'ENITKNTIARV, and in some instances DEATH." If Mr. Van Buren is really ignorant of the fact, the writer would inform him, that if he will recur one or two centuries back in the history of mankind, he will find a much greater " cnurnr- rr.nrc " in the mode then practised by '■forciirn rrdrfrninnits," with regard to the keeping of the " public moneys," than even at present. He will find that until liberty made some considerable progress in the worU, " the public monnjs " were always kept in the hands of the tyrants and their officers — and that our forefathers in England, were the first to wrench this powerful weapon from the hands of tiie king, which has been imitated by other nations in Europe just in propor- tion as the liberty of the people has advanced, and the power of their rulers has declined. The writer has now before him the official returns relating to these ••foreign irovcrnmenfs," as reported to the Senate by Mr. Woodbury. — From an e.xamination of these returns, the writer thinks he can conclusively show, that Mr. Van Buren and his faithful Secretary Mr. Woodhiiry, have either made slranire mistakes or are most egregiously ignorant of the geography of tho world. — It appears by Mr. Woodbury's own confession, that without any legislation of Congress on the subject, he had on the 7lh of August, 1S".>S, addressed circulars to most of" our ron.mis at the most important ports in foreign countries," requesting them to answer (in the language of one of tlie consuls) a " string of (picslions" relative to the luodo of collecting, keeping, and ilis- bursing the public moneys as adopted or practised by the governments under which they resided. On the 4lh of Jan. 183!1, Mr. Van Buren's friends in the Senate, after having privately re- solved that their ruaster, (to u.so his own language on a former occasion, as before quoted, ) the President, could '• rule as easily, and much more serurrli/, with than rrilhont the nominal cheek of (/ic .SVff,f;<«," proceeded fartli(>r, and /»/&//>/?/ resf>lved — "That tlie Secretary of the Treasury be directed to communicate to the Senate any authentic information he may recently have received •n respect to the modes of keepin? and disbursinof public moneys \n foreign countries." On the 31st of Jan. 1S39, Mr. Silas Wright made a report to the Senate of Mr. Woodbury's 'Cport — containing the answers he had received from tlic U. States consuls abroad up to thai date, as follows — Jamaica, Cuba, Ilaiuburg, Bremen, France. London, Liverpool, Glasgow, Dublin. The letter of Mr. .Aspinwall, tho consul at London, the Capital of tlv greatest and wealthiest nation on earth, — is contained in three paeres. The reply to Mr. Woodbury by Mr. Brent, consul at Paris, the Capital of the second nation in importance in Europe, is contained in one 52 FACTS FOR THE LABORING MAN: jx-'gc. The answer of Mr. Trist, consul at Havana, the Capital of a provincial Island of Spain, wliich is perhaps ihe most impoverished and degraded Christian country on eartli, occupies SIXTY-EIGHT PAGES. The writer remembers, when quite youn§, being forcibly struck upon reading- the account given by some, traveller of the inscriptions on a stone wliich was placed on the suiiuait ol'tlie Pyrenees mountains, to denote the bcjundary line between France and Sjiain. — Spain was at that time, as it is now, a weak, impoverished and degraded nation. France was then, as it is r.ow, one of the most wealthy and powerful nations of Europe. The Spanish side ol' the stone was inscribed and emblazoned with every species of bombast and hioji soundrng- titles and phrases setting forth tlie greatness and importance of the Spanish monarch and liis liingdoui. — On the French side of the stone was simply inscribed the ancient name of France, in four letters, "GAUL." — The circumstance had been nearly forgotten until upon reading consul Bjenl's short letter, and comparing it with consul Trist's long list of emblazonry, the inscriptions on the stone of the Pyrenees were forcibly recalled to the memory of the writer. On the 27th of January, lb4U, Mr. Wright made a further report of Mr. Woodbury's rfport, which he informs tlie Senate " are additions to information \ipon the same subject laid before tiie Senate, and printed by its order during its last seasion." These returns are liom the follow- ing places, viz : Jamaica, Bourdeaux, Cassel, Carlhagena, Cuba, Vienna, Munich, Paramaribo, Hamburg, Berlin, Genoa, L;iguira, Bremen, Elbertield, Leghorn, Peinambuco, France, Stockholm, Naples, St. Salvador, London, Copenhagen, Constantinople, Rio Janeiro, Liverpool, Antwerp, Smyrna, Montevideo, Glasgow, Frankfort, Mexico, Equator, Dublin, Lei])sic, Tampico, Halifax. These Mr. Woodbury declares to be all the official returns received, and out of tiiese Mr. Van Buren has managed to select T\\'K^t\-'&'e\tl^ •• foreign gorcrninaits." It is evident that they (Mr. Woodbury and Mr. Van Buren) do not consider each of these individual cities or Islands as constituting a ^'fureign gorcrnmtmt'' of itself, because in that case, they would make the number amount to :i(J, instead of twenty-seven, as they stale. — Again, if the provincial governments are counted, the number will not correspond with Mr. Van Buren's and Mr. Woodbury s estimates. In an •' abstract " in which Mr. Woodbury has condensed the returns of the Consuls, it would appear that he had attempted to classify and to designate those coun- tries he considered "fortdgn guvernmants," by thvii being placed in italics, as follows — Great Briltiin (ind Irrluiiil, France, jJuslrid, Prussia, Sweden, Prussia, Dcnmurii, Belgium, Germany, Saxony, Klecturalc of Hesse Cassel, Bavaria, Italy, Eiirnpean Turkey, Jisiadc Turkey, Mexico, jVew Grenada, Surinam, Venezvela, Brazil, Uriiguuy, Equator, and JYaca. Scotia. But this arrange- ment fiuls in producing the magic number 27 — as it makes but 24 •^foreign gurerntntuts " in all. And moreover by this classification, Mr. Woodbury has deranged the whole balance of power on the three continents. He has created a new kingdom of Prussia. He has dismem- bered the I'urkish Empire by splitting it in two. — He has disorganized Germany. — He has im- bodied all the independent states of Italy into one '■•foreign goccrnvtent," and to cap the climax, Mr. Woodbury has dismembered the British Empire, and has created a '■'■foreign government" out of l\w Kingdom of A^oru Scotia. It does really apprar that Mr. Woodbury knows as little of History and Geography, as he does of finance, and that Mr. Van Buren is in the same pre- dicament, unless they wilfully concocted the report of the Consular returns for the express pur- pose of mystifying and deceiving the people. In I'xamining Mr. Woodbury's "Abstract" of the returns of the Consuls, the writer was reminded of an anecdote told of a boy in Hartford, who left tlie town one fine suinmer's morning with a quantity of hats, to dispose of in the neighboring CDuntry. Alter riding all day, he returm-d in the evening, and with an air of great importance depicted on his countenance, gravely remarked to his master, '•that, lie had no idea the world icas so extcns ve." Mr. Wooilbury seems to have suddenly become acquainted with the same fact, and appears totally b)st in contemplating itovernme.nts" named ; but. as that Island has become tlie Beau Ideal ei'Mr. Bi'iilc)ii and the friends of .Mr. V;in Buren, and is constantly being paraded befliro the American jieoplc as a pattern wortliy of their imilntitm, it is perhaps ri'jfht t') admit it to count one among the ■'■foreign governments," which makes their whole num- ber twenty-four instead of twenty-seven, as Mr. Van IJuren states, but which is probably as near the truth as he can conveniently ap[)roiieh. Shoiiljl the writer, however, be mistaken in the clas.siflcation of the '■• foreign govcrnnunts," he slumld be glad to be informed of any mistakes, and would do all in his power to correct them. It is jierhaps known to most that it is a promi- BY A LABORING MAN. 53 ncnl foaturo in. tlic Sub-Treasury l)ill, lately passed in the Senate of the United SUtos, that after a certain specified time nothing- whati'vcr is to be joccived for public dues of any kind, except gold and silver coin — no paper whatever, not even tnasurj iiulcs or govcrnmciU paper ! — These returns have been obtained from our Consuls, and are paraded b}' Mr. Van Buren before the people, as an inducement for tlieni to be willing to adopt this Sub-Treasury bill, and aa proving that most other nations are now living under the operations of a similar state of things that itTs calculated to produce. So fiir from this, it appears by Mr. Woodbury's official reports that, with tiie exception of Turknj, which is neither a Christian nor civilized country, there are but six countries or independent governments in Europe where this slate of things exists in fully and they are most of ihem among tlie smallest governments known. The only six governments, in fact, in Europe, where specie is eidiisicdij required for public dues, as shown by Mr. NVood- bury himself, are Hamburg, Bremen, Hesse Cassel, Sardinia, Tuscany and Frankfort, containing in tile aggregate not over :i-^,000 square miles, or when all the six countries are put togetiier, they are about one half as large as some of our individual states, and also contain in the aggre- gate but 5,90^2,000 inhabitants — about 07ic liocntij-cisr/uh part of the population of Europe only. Tlie writer will now attempt to give a slight sketch of the most prominent characteristics of these ^'■forcioii governments," in order that the reader who has not previously had an opportunity to acquire sutlicient information to judge of tlie deceptive character of Mr. Van Buren s and Mr. Woodbury's allusions to them, may be better qualified to give their statements the weight they deserve, commencing with the exclusive specie countries. First — Hamburg is one of the free cities of Gcrmanj', one of tiie old Hanseatic league in Lower' Saxony, seated on the north bank of the Elbe river. This '■•foreign government" is probably about the size of a tolerable Kenlueky farm, and contains 115,000 inhabitants. The old Hamburg Bank was established in this city, in 1610. Mr. John CuUibert, the American Consul at that place, informs Mr. Woodbury, that " Tlie financiil system of Hani')urg is, as far .as is known, very siinplo, as may I>b suppo'^ud from so small a territory. The wliolo iiiiiount of llie H.uiibur^ coined money, is uliuu: fonr und u liulf uiilliuns of marks current, or une miUwn two htindrel anl cig.'Uy-two Ikotisand fine ImndreU dJlars ; (llie odd cents arc not •riccu ;) ;uid except under viry extr.ior- din iry cir nim-liin>;es, not more than one Itulf o( that amount is in circulution, and all duties, taxes, and cxrise vtit-tt !:a piiiil in Hamburg currency. 7Ve consequence is, t'tat it incariaUlij conunaiuls a praniani of ON£i to 'I'URliE per •centum." Mr. Cuthbcrt also says that the person receiving this money from government seldom circu- lates it, but takes it to a money changer or broker, and sells it for other money, which passes amonir the people at par. This is a Sub-Trcasurij Bank, on a small scale, to be sure, but still u is a Suh-Trcasitry Bank. It will however be seen that in so small a territory, even a limited amount of a specie currency would be sutliciont to make a great amount of exclungcs, as the sr.mc sum could be used eight or ten times in one day to pay dirterent debts or amounts; whereas in an extensive country, liko the United States, a man who, for instance, living in Boston, and wishing to purchase a piece of land in Illinois, would collect his specie, (say 10;)0 dollars,) and keep it out nf circulatlim perhaps for six months before he purchased and paid for his land. This si:iie lOilO dollars in so small a place as Hmiburg, would in that time have perhaps paid one million dollars of debts — or made exchanges to that amount. The amount of currency necessary for a country, depends as much upon the extent of terri- tory its business is dilFused over, as it does on the amount of business done or the number of ita inhabitants. This is again aff.'cted by the facilities of travelling, and the consequent means possessed by the people of making quick remittances. Were there no railroads or steamboats in the United States, it would probably require double the amount of currency it now does to do the same business. Currency represents the value of every article of use, and it bears the same relative position to the wealth of a nation, as do the tools of a mechanic or a flirmer to t/ieir wealth, which are worth nothing in themselves only as they are applied to other useful purposes. A farmer requires a wagon to carry his grain to market, as mucli as he does a currency to get his pay for it when sold. Provided he lives one mile from market, ho will perhaps get six loads of grain there in one day ; if he lives six miles from market, he will require six wagons to fet as much grain carted in\he same tiaie as before ; and precisely so as it regards a currency. — f, fir instance, a merchant in New York has a payment to make in the city, he draws his check in the morning and pays the debt. — The person receiving the check again pays other debts with it, and so on to perhaps ten times the amount of the first check, in the same d.ay- Tlie same merchant having fundi lying in St. Louis, gives his drat"t for the amount. Tlie money at St. Louis consequently lies idle until the draft reaches there, the time of wliicli may be varied by tlie facilities of communication. — Without railroads or steamboats it would probably be three times or more as long in reaching St. Louis as at present, and consequently require three times the amount of currency to do the same amount of business. Those men v.'lio look at things in their true light, and whose minds are sufficiently expanded to understand llie relative bearing tlie great moving principles of a countrv's prosperity have on each other, will readily perceive tint in the simple saving of currency alme, the railroads, canals, steamboats and other iiicilitlea which have grown out of our •' False Sjs'cm," as Mr. Van Buren calls it, will more than com,- pensate fir their whole cost. From the fa'.ilitics also of remittance a paper currency possesses over a specie one, the reader will readily comprehend the great advantages it possesses, especially for distant payments. — There is also a corresponding tendency in a contracted specie currency to 54 FACTS FOR THE LABORING MAN: cautrurt the minds of the communities using it, which renders it far less efficient in making ex- changes. For instance, Squire Hunks shall have in his desk one hundred dollars in specie, and also one hundred dollars of sound bank bills, which he considers as good as specie, and which he can readily obtain for them by riding two miles to the Bank. — Nevertheless, sucli is the nature of man, that he will readily lend his one hundred dollars in paper to his neighbor, when at the same time, rather than part witli his specie, he would probably tell a direct falsehood, and deny having it; more especially as, if it was known he kept specie by him, it might excit(^ the cupidi- ty of bad men to rob his house. — This last circumstance is of itself a powerful argument against a specie currency. It is much better to prevent crime than to punish it. Men are by nature , weak, and liable to temptation, and thousands of murders and robberies would occur were the people of this country in the habit of keeping their money in their houses instead of the Banks. It has often been stated, that the convicts of man}' of the small principalities and kingdoms of Germany, are sent regularly to this country, there being contractors who agree to deliver them here for so much per head — about 2o to 30 dollars each person. These convicts, to a man, are in favor of a specie currency, if the writer is not rei-ij muck mistaken, and pcriodicall}' hurrah lor '^ Jurkson,^' " Van Buren,," " Bc/itoii," and " Down with the Bunks." 2nd — BREMEN is a duchy of Germany, in the circle of Lower Saxony. It formerly belonged to the Swedes, but was ceded to the elector of Hanover in 1719. It contains :2,100 square miles, and the population amounts to about 170,000, which includes the city of Bremen, its capital, which stands on the Weser river, and has a population of 40,000. Rlr. Joshua Dodge, United States Consul at Bremen, writes Mr, Woodbury that •' in the free and Hanseatic Qity of Bremen, and the small territory thereunto belonging, all taxes and duties composing the revenue of the state are always collected in cash, and all the laws respecting the same mention that the amount must be paid in gold, meaning the Bremen currency." Mr. Dodge also says that the surplus revenue, " which for the moment may not be wanted, he (the Treasurer) deposits, for account of the slate, with the deposit and discount oflice, and takes it back when wanted for disbursements. The deposit and discount ofhce of this city, called discount casse, is a kind of bank established here by a number of private shareholders, who take dej)osits of money, and discount bills of exchange, and who, with a capital stock of 600,000 rix dollars, are responsible for the money deposited with them." The territory of Bremen is considerably less than one half the size of the State of Connecticut. 2rd — Hesse Cassel is a small German state, containing 4,350 square miles, being somewhat less than the State of Connecticut. Its population amounted to 545,000 in 1(^17. Baronsfield, the acting United States Consul at this place, writes Mr, Woodbury — that "the collection of public revenues is always ell'ected in ready money, either in gold or silver, both, however, according to a lawful tariff; therefore no particular guidance is required in that respect from the public autiiorities." Perhaps the best commentary upon the "foreign government" of Hesse Cassel as a pattern for the United States, will be simply to say, that it is the German state from which the British government hired the soldiers called Hessians, employed against the Americans during the revo- lutionary war. — If the writer remembers rightly, they were let to the King of England for five pounds sterling per head, for each year they were kept in his service, and the King of England was bound to pay about twenty-live pounds sterling or 120 dollars ibr each soldier killed in battle. These soldiers were raised by draft, and were valued by this "foreign government'' at about t!ie price of an ordinary horse mr//. This is Mr. Van Buren's " PATTERN " "/orcj^t goccrniucut " for America. " lloio arc the migldtj fullcn! " Ath — Sardinia is a Kingdom of Italy, consisting of the Island of Sardinia, Piedmont, Savoy, Nice, Genoa, and some other small territories — the Sardinian States contain in all 21 ,CG2 square miles and 3,980,000 inhabitants. — Turin is the capital. Mr. Robert Campbell, United States Consul at Genoa, writes — " The revenue of this country is collected by persons appointed by the King, and is paid in the current coin of the state; that is, in silver and gold, /or we have NO BANK vor any sort of paper numry.'' "There are no pa mp/ih'ts or books on this subject; indeed it is not likely that the gorrinnmt tcuuld permit any thing of this sort." This is another specie pattern of a "■ foreign government " for us Americans — the people are not even allowed, it seems, to turn their " rags " into books, while we have gone so far as to turn our •■ rags " into money. The writer passed througli a great part of Sardinia some time since, and witnessed daily more poverty and wretcjiedness than he had seen in his \yhole previous life in the United States. There was not a village he passed, but what was swarming with ragged beggars. If a penny was thrown to them, they would collect in crowds from all quarters, im- mediately, and absolutely obstruct the passage of the horses. Tlie roads were lined with beg- gars, men, women and children. In this •' foreign government " there are no banks, vo manvfac- tories, vo railroads, and no canals, io "burden" the people with a "false system," and they enjoy all the blessings of a " Sub-tkea.siiky " in perfection — and yet the writer can truly say, that lie scarce saw a well-dressed farmer or laborer, in riding some hundreds of miles along the winding shore of the Mediterranean through this Kingdom, The officers of government were as thick in every village as ofice-seeker.i are at Washington, and wer(> always gatidily dressed, mcstly in uniform, and were evidently looked upon, by the people generally, as a superior race of licings to themselves. Madiime Stark, a lady who passed many years in different parts of Italy, and whose writings are highly uj)proved of, in speaking of some parts of Sardinia, says, " The children look un- BY A LABORING MAN. 55. healthy, and seem to bo wholly occupied by watching piirs and goats, and followinjr mules and carriages, to collect dung for manure : tiie food of these poor mountaineers is ckcstnut bread, hog's lard, and snow water, and when the chestnuts fail, famine ensues." Not only arc the poor so oppressed in this specie country, iiut the writer has been informed (and lias no doubt of its truth) tliat the pro|)rictor of the soil, or Landlords, in some districts had seriously determined to abandon their lands to the government, unless they could obtain a re- duction of ta.\es, as even after grinding the poor tenants to death, they did not in many instances receive enough rent to pay their taxes. A man in Sardinia, and in Italy generally, wlio has prop- erty, never works himself; and the writer was frequently amused, both in this and other Italian states, in seeing the astonishment depicted in the countenances of the ragged bystanders upon his occasionally assisting iu some slight work with his own hands. The wages of labor are not only exceedingly low, but there is not work at any price for a great part of the iiopulalion. The government discourages all kinds of business that tend to elevate or enrich the people, and seeks to keep tiicm in a degraded and ignorant condition, that they may be contented in their state of servitude and poverty. A strantrcr was a short time since imprisoned in Sardinia for more than a year for simply lending a subject of that ''fort:ii(i'c : every lialiitation or ware- Iiou'^o in the city is eslimateil at its annual value to the owner, ami on this rent, and which crrtainly is iierer /<■*.« than itrj real product, the tax is affixed, which in Leghorn is 17 per cmt. on the annu il amount oftlie rent of each hahitablo huililing or warehouse ; thu>, if nnmnaUy pro lu'ing $111 rent, ,«;I7 are dii- to the Goveriiinont. The Collector of the t'u ironer.il receiver of all tax 'S. The taved are compelled to carry an I pntj, cvrnj thrrc mmit'i-; azreatet pirt of the tot il annual in tlirij tlir.in.sciecs produced, or hiiiicsl ij tinned, the writer is satisti.'d, from clost^ observation, that the whuje evil would have beea remedied, and we should I'.ave had bread enoojrli and to spare without the necessity of import- \ng a siii^r'e -rraiii — although it would probably have been at the sucriiice of the lives, bij sLuT' villi III, oj at least three (juiirters of the ojjife-src'.irs, ojji e-holdem, and political dcinairugiirs in the country, from Martin Van Buren downward, and who yearly inilict j^realer evils on tiic country 111. in all the famines have ever done since its fust setlleun'iil to tlie present day. Tlie writer firmly bel;eves that there is no law in existence that has a more beneficial efiect on society, of that tend.i njore to preserve the best institutions of our country, than the pa.ssmjf of a law would have, makinjr otHce-seeking a criminal offence, and punishable by fine and iniprisouinent. A cuiijinnal oJ[jicc--:caker shjuld be considered in the same liglit as a coiijirmal diiuilnird, and ha should be placed in a situation where he could no longer disturb the peace of society, and at the sami' time be set to work and made to earn an honest living, instead ot" j)reying on the public, as tliour.uiili of this race of worthless beings now d>» — and wno, to a man, are ever ready to sacri- fice tlie best intei-ests of their country to those who will pay them best. Tlie writer is serious in the foregoing suggestions, as he firmly believes the class of men alluded to, let their party poli- tics be what they may, arf6:)tIio most dangerous, as regards our republican institutions, of any in the country. From the n'nt'ure of his business, it has been necessary that the writer should have been al.iDst constantly eng;iged in travelling for many years past — and he has particularly observed this class of men, and has universally found them to be unprincipled, and at the same time, generally insinuating in their manners, and particularly gifted in the arts of deception, which they have no djubt acquired by constant practice. 'I'he writer fancies he can almost desi<;-nate them as they pass him in the street, from a peculiar Jesuitical or sinister e.\pressior» of countenance they al,nost invariably possess; and he would earnestly recommend to every far.iier, mech mic, and laboring man, to avoid their company as tliey would the author of all evil, wh )se children they are. But to return from this long digression, to Mr. Van Buren's specie patlcrn for America, the Gkani) Duchy ok Tusca.ny, whose ruler is absolute, and where the people pay a spc^cie tax on their beets and pinsnips, cncinnticrs and radishes, as stated by our consul at Leghorn, which stalement the writer can readily believe, as he was himself informed at that place some months since, that so rigorous were the governiuent officers, that a poor woman on a visit from the coun- try to [jeghorn, was stopped at tiie gate, and a morsel of bread which she had brought witii her for her dinner was taken from her, it being considered contraband. Tusc my is, nevertheless, perh;ips the least e.xce[)tionable of any of Mr. V'an Buren's " Sjicci» Pattkrn " '^foreitrii gorcniiiicnts'' — but the writtr observed, in jinssing through Tuscany in several ditferent directions, th it the people were nearly all ragr, the Grand Duke, and themselves. 6.'/( — FR.^N KF(JRT on the JHnlnc is a fortified city of Germany, and is situated on the river Mime. -At the gener:il peac(? in l3l4, Frankfort was declared the permanent seat of the German Diet. It contains 4 J,!K)v> inhabitants, anil is chiefly noted for being the birthplace of the great Gerinin writer and poet Goi-.ruE.and also of the iloriiscmi.DS, the great Jew Bankers, who by the operations of the principles heretofore attempted to be illustrated, of interi'st and low prices, amas.sed into their hands peihiips nearly as great an amount of specie as there is at this time in circulation in the United Suites. — There were five broiJiers of them in all — one, res:d"d in Paris, one in London, one in Amsterdam, one in Frankfort, and the other in Vienna, if the writer remembers c rrectly. The writer most particularly calls the attention of all readers to the following extracts from Mr. Ernest Schwendh^r's (United States consul) letter to Mr Woodbury. His remarks with regird to the Pri ssian trensiinj notes, illustrate some of the effects which will undoubtedly be produced by the Sub-Treasury scheme now in progress in the United States, in a very clear and fore ble manner, and tlie evidence of the consul is not to be doubled, from the circuiiisl;ince that he ciileil for exchuiiga u-'iiiist coin ; hut azredhlt to luw» 6 58 FACTS FOR THE LABORING MAN- the. moirty of all the pnymrnt.f for public duel \s to consist in TtIE?E TREASURY NOTES. This very law, how- over, wliicli tends to slrori;»lln;n the credit of those notes, at lumic and iibroiid, cannot lie rig-idly enl'orccil, for as Ihey aff^lA,J'ur iiiircaiUUe upci'utWHs and for truvllerj, a Aii,l)lV Mfr(7. The writer of tliis article was in Cincinnati, in Ohio, in the summer of 1819. It was at a time when nearly all the local banks in Ohio were broken, or had suspended specie payments, from circumstances which have been more fully stated in the first of these communications. When about to return home, the writer, with a great deal of difficulty, provided himself with about 200 dollars in specie. — The only way he could obtain this sum was to purchase it of individuals, in sums of from one to five dollars at a time, and pay in the local bank paper and tiie city corporation tickets (which he had received in payment for manufactured goods) at about any premium the sellers of the specie chose to ask — from 30 to 50 per cent. — When his specie, mostly in silver, was collected, (which required nearly two weeks' time, with the assistance of several friends,) he found it both inconvenient and dangerous to carry even so small a sum on horseback, which was the method by which he proposed returning to the east. He therefore decided to turn this specie into United States Bank bills — the branch of which institution was the only solvent bank in the city of Cincinnati — and, with two other exceptions, in the State of Ohio. — He was surprised to find that the officers of the bank refused to give him tiieir bills in exchange for tlir. ."/iccir, and he was obliged to take it to a broker's office and sell it for Uitited Stales Uank bills at tico and one half jur cent, discount on tlu^ specie. This was the only favor of any description the writer ever asked of the United States Bank, first or last; and as smgular as some may think these circumstances, they are in all their parts strictly true. — Men who look on the superficies of things only, may not see any possible reason why the specie was not as good to tlie bank as their own bills — hut a little examination will make the reasons plain. — The west at that time was lieavily indelited to tlie east, which had caused eastern funds of every description to be sent to tlie Atlantic cities. If the United States Bank at Cincinnati had received specie in deposit, the bills paid out in lieu of it would have immediately been sent east, and the branch bank m ChuMimati would liave been compelled to have sent tlie specie to the mother Imnk in Philadelphia, at a cost of 2 or 3 per cent, to redeem them. Will not the sub- treasury drafts be as good for remittance as the bank bills of the old " Swindling monster," think you .' As even the U. Statos Consul who liw.i at Frankfort on the Maine, does not seem himself to think that the institutions of that " small /orc/i/7t government" are a suitable "yaltcrn" for larger states, the writer will leave it without further remark — and proceed to give a sliglit sketch and synopsis of the bill which has been lately hurried through tbe Senate of the llnited Slates, called the Independent Treasury bill — and which has, no doubt, been hastened linough that body for fear its passage might be deli'aled by the arrival of newly elected Senators, or by instructions received from State Legislatures — more especially as Mr. Silas Wright, one of its prime movers and chief supporters, in voting for it, knew himself to be acting directly contrary to the declared sentiments of three quarters of his constituents. The draft of this bill is exceed- ingly cunningly worded and carefully drawn up. Its most dangerous features are insinuated wiali a seeming carelessness into sections of apparently trifling importance — but which wilJ BY A LABORING MAN. 59 place a power in" the hands of the President but little dreamed of by the great body of the people. As his been before staled, the control of the cuir(;ncy of a country, especially of one so commercial in its character as the U. Stales, is much nion-^ dangerous to the liberties of the people tliiiii evan the holdiiiir of the sword. The writer will now endeavor to explain some of the leading- features of the Sub-Treasury bill, whieii consists of :2S sections, most of whicli, how- ever, are of but little importance, and are evidently intended to blind the reader, and to pre- vent his perceiving tiie secret springs of the machine, from their being enveloped in so umch chatr. Section 1st — Provides, that secure fire-proof vaults and safes shall be prepared in the new Treasury building', now erecting at Washington, which, with suitable rooms attached, shall be the Treasury of the United States — to be under the control of the Treasurer of the United States, wliu shall keep all tlu public moneys that shall come into his hands. Sectio.v '2d — I'i'irida:, th it the U. States Mint in l*hiladeli)hKi, and the Branch Mint in New Orleans, shall be the places of deposit for the public moneys at those cities — and the treasurers of said Mint? are to have tiie custody of the same. Skctio.v 3d — Provides, that vaults shall be made in the Custom Houses at New York and Boston, and the public moneys deposited there shall be placed in the custody of Receivers General — to be appointed from time to time. Skctio.v 4th — Pr .ctdcs, that vaults and olRces shall be provided at St. Louis and Charleston, and Receivers General are to be appointed. Skctio.w 5lh — Provides, tliat the four Receivers General at New York, Boston, St. Louis and Charleston, shall lie appointed by the President, with the consent of the Senate. Section Glii — Prohibits the usin^ or loaning of the public money by any of the Receivers General, Treasurers, etc., and places them all under the directions of the Treasury department. Section 7tii — Begins to disclose the cloven foot, and |)laees all. the iiali-Trc.asvry officers at the disfiosul of the PRESIDENT, wiio is authorized through his '• umt," Uie SccriLirnj of the Treas- ury, to require such bonds of the sub-treasurers as he thinks fit, and from '■'■time to time renew, slrvnirthsn, and increase the ojjici-d bonds ; " " any law in reference to any of the official bonds of any of the said officers to the contrary notwitiistanding." This, as will be at once seen, gives the President entire control over all the keepers of the public money, and of course over the money itself. Section 8th — Provides something further about bonds, and other/«Z dc vol. Section 9th — Requires all the subordinate receivers of public moneys to pay the same into the Great Receiving Offices, as ollen as the Secretary of the Treasury or the Post Master Gen- eral may direct. Section lOtli — The plot thickens fast, and it is enacted — "That it shall be lawful for the Secretiirij of the. Treiisuri/ to tiunskeu. the moneys in the hands of any depository hereby consti- tuted, to the Treasury of the United Slates; to the M:nt at Philadelphia; to the Branch Al/nt at New Orleans ; or to the offices of either of the receivers general of public moneys, by this act directed to be app linted ; to be there safely kept, according to the provisions of this act ", and also to TR.\NsrER moneys in the hand.s of any o/jc depository constituted by this act to any of/tcr depository the safety ,ol" the public moneys and the convenience of the puldic .s7;cf(re shall seem to him to require ; which authority to transfer the moneys belonging to the Post Office Department is also herebv conferred upon the Post Master General so far as its exercise by liim may be consistent with the provisions of existing laws; and every depository constituted by this act shall keep his account of the money paid to or deposited with him belonging to the Post Office Department separate and distinct from the account kept by him of other public moneys so paid or deposited, — And for the purpose of payments on the public account, it shall be lawful for the Treasurer of the United Sillies to draw upon any of said dejiositories, as he may think most conducive to the puldic interests, or to the convenience of the public creditors, or both." It will be seen that the President, through his officers, by the powers granted him in this sec- tion, can transfer all the public moneys or any part of them from New York to St. Louis, or to New Orleans, or from any one point to another, that " the public scrrice shall SEEM to him to rcqa'>re," [Eukati'M — For "■public service" read Pkesiuent's seiivice,] thus giving him the complete control of the exchanges — while he has at the same time power to draw through his treasurer on any of thest; depositories he may think proper in i)ayment of demands on the public. Archimedes, the ancient Mathematician, said, that if Ik; could find a fulcrum on which to rest a lever, he would lltl the world. The writer of this article believes that Mr. Van Buren must be very weak indeed, if, with the powers conterred on him in this one section of the Sub-Tre;isury bill alone, he cannot iirmage to rule in the U. Stales as long as he chooses, and then appoint his suncessor — provided he is allowed a year or two to get tlio machine in complete operation. By this one clause, the whole banking system of the United States will be placed as etreclually under the control of the Executive, as it mould hare been had Mr. Van Buren it Co. succeeded, in l-^'i), in inducing '■'■ JVick BiddJc " to place the United States Bank, with its 25 branches, into the hands of the Executive for the same purpose. Section 11th — Agtiiii places all the public moneys in the United States subject to the draft of the Treasurer of the United States, and r(>qnires each d<'pository to make such returns as the Secretary of the Treasury or Post Master General may direct. Section 12th — Authorizes the Secretary of the Treasury to appoint special agents, with such compensation as he himself shall fix. fe,r the purpose of examining the books, returns, and ac- counts of the officers, public moneys, ^c «S:-c. «5>;.c. 60 FACTS FOR THE LABORING MAN: Section 13lh — Provld-s, tliat one class of public ofiicers shall examine the books and accounts oi' anolh r cluss, to kfcj) tlicm hoiifst — ay, '■'honest, us the world i^oes." SectioiN 14th — Requires allelic receiving othcers to obej' the orders of the Secretary, and authorizes them to lure additional clerks, witii the said Secretary's consent, and also to provide additional fire-proof chests cr vaults, &c. &c. Si^cTioN 15th — Provides, tiiat the Secretary shall vfithdraw the public moneys from the pres- ent depositories. — There are, however, none, present to withdraw. Section 16th — Is rather more mystical than usual, but if tlie writer understands it correctly, the Secretary of the Treasury is authorized to designate the depositories where payments ef public dues sliall be mad^ by tiie public ofiicers and debtors. Section 17tli — Requires eacli receiving officer to keep in writing an amount of the description of currency received, or disbursed, and his using or loaning any part of it is declared felony, and punisJiable by fine and imprisonment. Section Idtli — Procid: s, that until offices are built and vaults constructed, the Secretary of the Treasury may contract lor suitable rooms and vaults — the expense to be paid by the U. States. For insiance, if tiie President of the Bank of America should be the receiver general at New York, the Secretary of the Treasury will have tiie power to hire vaults in that institution, or the Manliuttan, if necessary — or the same with regard to tlie Commonwealth or Lafayette Banks in Boston, should eitlier of their present or former presidents be appointed Receiver General at tiiat point. Sec I ION 19lh— Enacts, that after theSCth day of June, 1840, one fourth part of all public dues slvill be paid in tlie " legal currency " of the United States; after the 3utli of June, 1^41, one other founh part; after the 30th of June, 164:2, one other fourth part; and after the 3iasury, or other officers of Government, at the places where they are payable, '■ UNLESS" tliey " can exchirniri said, drafts for g Id and silver at par "' — if at a premium, of course it will be a perquisite of the officer, for his accommodation of the " Public service," (tor wiiich again re:id " President's service,") and also a reward for his laudable efforts in promoting " the circula- tion of u metallic currency " — as these drafts with proper management will always be above par, from the same causes that the Prussian 'freasury notes are above pnr — there will, it is presumed, be 111 gr(>at difficulty in procuring the specie for them, without resorting to a demand on the ilep^silories of tlie sub-treasury on which they may be drawn, more especially as the iieighbnrino- blinks may be much more convenient to procure the specie from, than a public depository which peril ips is Pi or 1500 miles distant, and which the;' President's scrcice " rendered it necessary the draft slnuld be drawn upon. Section '22ud — Enacts, that no distinction in funds shall be permitted in payments of public dues. Section y:^r J — Enacts. " tliat it shall be the duty of the Secretary of the Treasury to issue and publish reguliitions to enforce the speedy presentation of all Governm(>nt dralts for payment at the |)lace where payable, and to prescribe the time, according to the different distances of the depositories fi-om the seat of Governiiicnt, within which all drafls upon thiMU, respectively, shall be presented for payment ; and, in default of such presentation, to direct any other mode and place of payiiumt which he miy deem proper. But in all those regulations and directions it dh ill be the duty of the Secretary of the Treasury to guard, as far as may be, against those drafts being used or thrown into circulation, as a paper currcmcy or mi^dium of exchange." It will be si'cn by this section that the President has the whole power, through his " unit," the Secretary of tin; Treasury, of naming the mode of payment of any transfi-r or other drafts not presented in the prescribed time at the dep isitory on which they are drawn. The writer has Beldoiii been deceived in his conclusions with regard to the intentions of either the past or the liY A LAaoiUNG MAN. 61 present administra'/ion — excepting when lie has supposed their stcitcmenta to the people to mean what by a. plum iiiUr/jrvtatiuu tlie language in whicli they are made wuuid seem to imply. From this section, he would suppose the PiesiUent, througii his Secretary, would so order the payment of these drails as to operate ratiier as a reward to tne delin(iuenls than otiierwise — perliaps pro- vide that they shall Le paid at one grand central point, suppose lor instance at Washington — which may be made to correspond wilh Benin in Piuxsia — and where tlie treasures ot silver and gold drawn from the eouulry and the Banks, may be coneenlrated. tftxrioN 2Jth — (Jives annually -JUJU iU)llars of the '■'■ :>pvil:> ' to the Receiver General at New York, and also increases the ])rfsent salaries ol'the treasurers at the mints. Notwithstanding thi; provisions of the ;:i'ind section prohibiting any distinction being made in paj'inents of public dues, iSKerio.N 2oth — Authorizes the pnyment fur public lands, at any public or private sales, to bo made in the Ircigiiiti s ii.-i iji/.-<, given for the deposit of specie at particular points he, tho treasurer, is permitted to designate. It is provided, that these receipts shall be received only of or for the account oi ihose. who lirst received them ; but there is no provision in the section which makes the treasurer accountable for any variation from its provisions. — In fact it must be per- ceived by all who e.vaniine this Sub-Treasury bill, th;it while there is a great tlourish made about fines and iinpris'Hiinent, in sections of but little importance, there is a singular Ibrbearance dis- played in this respect in the' most important sections, and where, in case of delinquency, the crime must rest with the higher ollicers. Skction "Jlith — PioL-idcs, that 10,000 dollars, shall be expended in providing rooms, vaults, &c. for the receivers, under the direction of the Secretary of the Treasury. Skctio."* 27ih — Appropriates an indetinite sum of money to meet any further expenses that may occur from the |)assage of the Sub-Treasury bill. Skt rioN "i-th — Rcp.'aU all former acts that may come in conflict with the provisionsof the act creating a Trvtistu-ij indificiidciU uf die People. And so this third " exjjciiiiiciit " or " expedient," or " soil K.ME " of Alartin V.iii lUiren and his friends, to get the entire control of the currency closes. At the meeting of Congress last Uecember, it was thought the Whigs would have a siirticient majority in the llousi; ol' Representatives to prevent the passage of this insidous bill. To oblaia a majiirity, the aduiiuistralioii excluded from their seats live out of the six Whig members froia the Slati? of New Jersi'y, and who |)n!sented the legal credentials of their I'lection. Notwith- etandiiig this, on the election ol tiie speaker ot the House, it still a[)peared, that a majority tor the administration w;is doubtful — and means were applied of so in t sort, effectual enough to induce a number of southern members who were supposed to be under the influence of Mr. Calhoun to take the side of the administraiion. As is well known, the Executive has lately called upon Congress to furnish means to pay tlie expenses of governineiit., which to prevent the people from tliorouglily iindersiaiiding, until after the next presidential idection, the jiarty in piu'er pr<)|)i)se t> raise by a new issue (d' Treasury notes, which measure they will now, probibly, be able to accomplish, as, o:i the principle that " minflu malits right, " the majority have not only excluded the live legal representatives Iroin New Jersey, but have admitted the same number ot supporters of the adminislraiion in their places, :ind thus, by this sjtecies of shifting balliist, have made the same as ten votes more for the adiniiiislralion than it would have had under the legal orgaiiizition ot' Congress. There is nothing now to privenl the jjassage of tiie SnIiTreasnry bill, uiiles.-; the executive and its minions sliould conclude that the present B.ink- ru[)lcy of the Treasury, will prevent the p ivvers confern'd by the bill being brnughl to bear ia time to meet the exigencies of the next Presidential election. It Congress should, however, allow the Exi cut ve to issue any considerable amount of Treasury notes, the Sub-Treasury bill will j)rob- ably i)e pis.sed at the present session. Jiidiring, however, fiMin late indicitlons, the writer is led to suspect, that a different plan is about being resorted to, to secure Mr. Van Buren's re-election by his friends and supporters, now rendered desperate, from the fear of frettinur themselves into another rage, similar to that tliey experienced thf last winter. If necessary they will receive further instruc'ions to so order things, (than which nothing is easier done,) that some outracre shall be coinmilted on the ground of Ihi' disputed territory — by which blood sh ill be spilt, when the President and his frends w.II be at once seized with a nost ILihj sentuiirnt of Patriotism, and all classes and parties will be called up mi to rally around their Coininaniler-in-Chief. Martin Van Boren, to assist in the defence of their coiinlrv. The millions of" Treasury notes," it will become necessary instantaneously to issue, in event of such 62 FACTS FOR THE LABORING MAN: a war, will afford a fine opportunity to merge the present bankruptcy of the {rovernment ; and the iiuniense expejiclitures of money by governineul, incidental to a state of war, will enable the executive to greatly extend its influence, and at the same time I'urnish a cloak for any mob vio- lence tha party may think it necessary to exert at the ensuing Presidential election. Judginor from late speeches in Congress by leaders of the Executive party, and especially from Dr. Duncan's excessive plaudits in praise of the virtuous and patriotic jHarrisburg moh, (who, as he stated on the floor of Congress, compelled the Whig members of the Pennsylvania leirislature to jump out of the windows,) and from other signs of the times, the writer believes that the plan of carrying elections by mob violence will become a standing measure with the minions of power the ensuing fall, especially in the state of Pennsylvania. Should it so turn out that the issue of the Presidential election should depend upon the electoral vote of that state, the writer believes there will be such scenes enacted, at the polls within its borders, as have never yet been witnessed in the U. Stales. The present men in power are mostly composed of a class whose •whole dependence is upon office, and who, if they are deprived of their places, will be ranked among the lowest and the vilest of mankind, and they will not stick at using any means to re- tain tlieir power, however unjirincipled and violent. Should the administration be really desirous of maintaining peace, nothing 13 easier done. Tlie difficulty about the boundary line of a nation may be as readily adjusted by the parties, without a resort to war, as that the disputed boundary of a farm should be settled between two farmers, without a resort to law. There is no more honor implicated in the one case than in the other. In cither case, if the parties cannot agree themselves, it is better to leave its decision to a third party. If two i'arms adjoining siiould have been improved in common ibr centuries, and the dividing line was crooked, and enveloped in forests and swamps — it would be very likely that a ditffculty would occur with regard to tracing the exact boundary, and if the parties were wise, a mutual forbearance would be observed until a third party could be called in to adjust the difficulty. — By resorting to the law, perhaps ten times the value of the disputed land would be expended by each party, besides destroying the peace of their lives. — Just so with the boundary of Maine and New Brunswick. — The disputed line is very crooked, and runs through a mountainous region, enveloped in forests, and it is no doubt difficult to ascertain its course to a fraction — but may easily be amicably adjusted by the display of a proper degree of mutual forbearance by the parties, until a third party can be agreed upon to adjust the difficulty. By the Executive's placinga man, for instance, of Gen. Scott's known abilities, prudence and courage, on the frontier in Maine, all danger of a hostile collision for the present, would be obviated — and peace, if desired, may be readily maintained. It IS very seldom that the real causes of wars are developed or announced to the people, whose blood and treasure are expended in waging them. When the government of a nation or nations are placed by circumstances in a situation from which they wish to distract the attention of the people, they generally resort to an expedient something similar to that adopted by mischievous men in getting up a dog fight. These men simply place two dogs in front of each other, and after mutually directing the attention of the one to the other, slyly tread on their tails, when they fly at each other's throats, and after blood is once spilled, even their masters cannot sepa- rate them. If these were sensible dogs, they would mutually turn round and throttle the design- ing men who sought to embroil them in a fight, merely for their amusement. It is evident that Great Britain is averse to a war with America at this time, and therefore her doo's tail will not be pinched — but as it is of the Bull breed, it may at the same time be made to fight, if attacked by any other dog whose tail may be cunningly trod upon, vi'hether by Martin Van Burcn or any other treacherous friend or master. The only European country from which Mr. Woodbury has made returns, that demands gold and silver exclusively for government dues, excepting the six before mentioned, is Turkey — which is a large empire extending over part of Europe, Asia, and Africa. Most of the countries which comjjose this empire border on the Mediterranean and Black seas. The inhabitants of this " PATTKRN furcisrn government" profess the Mohammedan religion, and their laws permit each Turk to have four wives — whom they keep confined in what they call Harams. — The men shave their heads, wear long beards, and also wear white Tiii'i)an3. This ^'■forrign government," however, allows none other but a genuine Turk to wear a white Turban. — The ruler of this " PATTERN " is called the Grand Seignior — who is the absolute master of the lives and goods of his subjects, and whoso heads ho has been in the iiabit of removing, with as little ceremony as the crazy Emperor Paul of Russia used to remove the hats from the heads of his subjects. Mr. John P. Brown, United States Consul at Constantinople, the capital of the Turkish empire, writes Mr. Woodbury, that — " Till revenue of llii.s Ciipitiil is collected in specie, botli gold and silver, l)y tlie Custom Houso officers, and llio cliicf of cacli corporate trade or guild, whose bankers are responsible to the government for the amount, vvliich rs known." " Until qnite lifcly, the ndministrntion of each province and source of rcvenno was sold or rented by the govern- ment to Pa h >3 for one year, ciiher payable in lulvuncc, or guaranteed to the trensury by Ainiirican bunkers, in whose solvency tlio government could lru, which completed the downfall of Napoleon. — On the evening the battle comiiii'nced, a ball had been given t ) the Biitish and other officers of tlie allied army in Brussels, and they were hastily su:nm')ned to the figiil by the roar of the distant cannon, which was first heard by the Duke of Brunswick, who perished on the fiebi, as did many other of the offio'TS in the same dresses they wore at the ball — they not beiiicr allowed time to change tliein. — W the writer remembers correctly, more than 100,000 men fell in the engagement, and were 64 FACTS FOR THE LABORING MAN: bui-led in trenches on Uie ground vvheie tlu-y ffll. — Many men, women and cliildnn, to this day, are occupied in pioliiniT up bulLts, regimental buttju.-, and other lelics of llie battle, on the luxuriant fields where it was fought, and dispose of them to llie numerous visitors wiio Irequeat tlie spot from all parts of the world. But a stranger can perceive nothing on the grcjund more tlian its superior verdure to denote the spot where such terrible carnage raged so short a time since. In passing over the field the writer picked up a solitary jaw boire — but whether it belonged to a cominon soJd'ur or an Einpirur he was not sufficiently skilled in anatomy to decide. He was informed, however, that nearly all the bones had been collected from the field, and had been sent to England to be ground up lor manure, and were mostly used to manure turnip fields. — A fine cummeutary on military ^lory indeed. The bones of a full grown hero would probably produce a dozen good sized turnips — alas for the folly of mankind! Mr. TJiomas H. Barker, United States Consul at Antwerp, the chief connnercial city of Belgium, writes to Mr. Woodbury that payment of revenues " is required to be made in specie, or in the bills of a Bank.ng Institution established at Brussels, entitled, " Gc.nniil Assoc in liuii fur the. Eiicourngemcnl of i\.\TioN ai. Industry ,' which institution is the general financial ;igent of the revenues, and the sole depf)sitory of the [lublic moneys, there being in reality no treasury in the Kingdom. Mr. Barker also says — "The Government does not exact any security from the gove;iiment bank, nor does the bank pay aiuj iiUcrisl for the use of the public funds deposited witii them — the m,iriii character of the institution is their onl}' guarantee." 'I'liis '•patleni" will not do. ^^ Moral ckaractir !'' why, that was the same species of security given by the old " Uid ui S:atcs inonsttr:' — if Mr. Buiker wishes to retain his appointment, the writer would admonish him to say but little about ^- moral rliaractir" in his despatches to Washington, it is like talking about halters in the house of a man whose father was lianged — and Mr. Woodbury and his master would rather hear of a tlu.usand ■' Galleys," '■ Penitentiaries," and •'■ Dialhs," than to hear of one '■'■moral cliai-adcr." It is the ghost of such a thing that haunts them. ^iid. Saxony is a modern kingdom in the north-eastern part of Germany. It comprises an area of 7, Ids square miles, with a population of 1 ,'^H7,0l)(J. Leipsig (or Leipsit;) is its capital, containing about ;}0,UO() inhabitants. Mr. Flugel, United States Consul at Leipsic, writes Mr. Woodbury that "the public revenues of Saxony are paid in Prussian currency, as the most current money in trade ; the other direct or indirect duties are discharged in Saxon currency, either in specie, or partly (to the half) in treasury bills of the State, no otliers being in existence." In speaking of the safij keeping of the public moneys, the consul says — "The best security against misuses is, the good character of the functionaries, their oath, surety in specie, or in pub- lic funds, and fin-j.l\y a good salary," which hist guarantee Mr. Woodbury has placed in italics, in toiien of approbation, it is i)resumed. Bit Mr. Flugel should be careful and not s;iy too much about '■•go d ciiiiracter," in his despatches. — It will answer well enough for liim to talk about '■'■good salaries," hut not about '■'■gooil cliaractirs" — the latter are seldom found in the possession of members or olHcers of Mr. Van Buren's administration — the former are exceedingly plenty, and are yearly increasing, especially as the Presidential election approaches. The writer has before stated that the Custom House officers, under John (iuincy Adams, at the port of iMew York, numbered 174, while their salaries amounted in the aggregate to $li;i,t)(J:i, or about !|b7;{ dollais for eacli individual ! Ill Id:',-), the Custom House officers at the same port of New York, amounted to 4!4, and the aggregate of their salaries was increased to ,d man will ever be found filling these o;iic.s.^ The thing is as impossible as that th.- rays 'if the sun should mingle with darkness. And moreover, it is never intended such men shall hold these offices Mr. Van Buien and his ass )ciales would feel themselves but ill at ease in the presence of such men. The French have a proverb which implies something like this — that '■ the world makes a man what it l^elieves him to be,' — than which a more important truism has seldom been expressed. MiJst men's characters are formed by cinumslances, and if the h-;bits, customs, or institutions of any community single out any particular class or calling, and habitually treat and consider tlvm as knaves, thi-y will soon become so, even were tliey previously evt-r so honest. Every etate paper that has been issued from the government, since the election of General Jucksun, to CY A LABORING MAN. 65 the people, wliile they Ir.ivc been full of expressions of unbounded confidence in the intelligence of tlie people, have contained at the same time the inherent evidence that Ihc writers of them liad no belief in the iiUcgritij of man. Whole classes of the community have been denounced as worthless, and as A/p/.W/o-j-, who, if they were compared, as individuals, with the men who denounced tliem, would ap|)ear like angels when contrasted with demons. And yi't this constant and unremitting stream of slander has njt been without its effect even on the charac- ters of many of our purest and most honorable citizens. In confirmation of the trutli of the French proverb, many have been degraded in tiieir own estimation, and have become in rcalitij what the E.xecutive and his minions accused them of being, at a time when they were perfectly innocent of the charges made against them as a class. Pope, who well understood human na- ture, says — " Vice is a inoiwlcr of so frigiitful mien, Ai to bn liatcil, iieeils Imt to l)C scon ; Y«t ecen too ot'i, f.iinlliar Hitli lier fii"e, We first endure, Itieii rirv, then EMUllACE." Witness, for instance, the effects produced on our banking system. When General Jackson came into power, this syslem might be said to be almost perfect. Probably tlu- whole losses by the Hanks that the people had been subjected to for the ten years previous, both in individual and t.he public business, did not amount to the interest alone they would have been subjected to on a necessary amount of specie currency for si.x months. Tlie public money was kept safe without no/se, and without cost, and was always ready at any point where it was needed. In l&-i'.), an attempt was made by the friends of Gen. Jackson to get the control of the United States Bank far jiolitic/il purposes, (of which more will be said hereafter.) They Jailed, however, in tlie at- tempt, and upon the receipt of Mr. Biddies UECIDl'^D letter, dated July Idth, l.S:2.), in which he tells the E.xecutive that the " thuk relation of the Bank to the fraverninrnl, is that of an im- partiiil and independent friend, .not a paktisan," it was determined at Washington to destroy the Bank, to pave tiie way for an institution more subservient to the views of the then E.xecu- tive, and the /«<(//■(•; crpi: tunts. Tiie Bank was forthwith charged with being guilty of interfering in electi:)ns, while the truth was, its rifustd so to do was the very reason that caused the charge to be made, viz , the refusal to lend itself to the E.xecutive to be used as a pomticai. machine. The constant abuse and contumely heaped by the E.xecutive and its minions upon the conduct- ors of that Bank, and more recently upon all otiiers connected with Banking institutions, has in a great measure destroyed tiie high character their managers as a class formerly possessed. And whenever these institutions have been of late years solely in the hands of the minions of the Executive, they have been almost sure to be plundered, or used as po'itical viuchincs. For the truth of this, the writer appeal.^ to thi; public in every section of the country. Witness, for in- stance, the Li Fayette and the Commonwealth Banks of Boston, and the Manhatlan Bank in New York — all managetl by tlie most unscrupulous adherents of the present and past adminis- trations, and a host of otiiers. In fact, nearly, if not quite all the losses of the public money by our banks, have occurred in those institutions where the Executive had managed either to insin- uate its own adiierents, or in the language of a ■'^Dutlicrn friend of the ad.ninistration, had "de- bauched " those who already posse.ssed their control. The effect of this evil influence is not contined strictly to banking or to party limits, but there has been a looseness engendered in every department of business, from the same causes, and many men who would otherwise have lived and died honest, have been degraded in their own estimation, by the constant torrent of abuse poured upon llieni as a class, by the E.xecutive and its organs, and they have been gradu- ally prepared to yield to temptation, and have disgraced themselves and country, by the betray- ing of important trusts committed to them. Some time since, at a public dinner of the friends of the present administration in Boston, a partisan of Mr. \^an Huren's gave as his toast the fnllowin^; sentiment — "Christianity and the Banks ; ni'iy their doimfuU be spcdy." Ten or twelve years ago, this sentiment could not have been spoken or read in an assembly of the viost degraded part of our ])opulation, without calling forth an expression of indignation from nil. But now, so familiar have the public become with sin in high places, that such a sentiment would in many assemblies tind advocates, and nearly all would read and pass it by without probably noticing it, even in thonght. All experience goes to prove that an increase of jjunishment also increases crime. It is quite as necessary to reward good actions as it is to punish bad ones, if we wish to elevate the moral ch-iracler of a community. Tlie public moneys would be much safer in the hands of men whose lives have borne witni'ss to thiHr inlegritj-, without any guarantee at all, than they would be when placed in Iron Safes and Vaults, though secured by a thousand keys, intrusted to men whose honesty is guaranteed only by the fear of ^'- imprisonmcvt, oallevs, and DEATH." .Minost the only truth the writer ever remembers to have seen in the government organ, the Globe, is its motto — " The tcorld is frorrrncd too mnch." From experience derived from the pursuits of business, which has brought the writer in contact with almost every description of men, for many years past, he would prefer, were he about commencing business at this time, that all laws should be entirely done away for the collection of debts; and he has not a shadow of doubt that business would be done much safer than it is at present. The moral character of the community would soon rise to a point that fraud would be unknown in the country. The discharge of all pecuniary obligations would soon be eonsiilered something sacred, and when once departed from, would render t!ie delinquent an outcist wherever he went. Besides, there is a principle in human nature, which would iiiipel a debtor always to pay in the absence of any 66 FACTS FOR THE LABORING MAN: means or attempt at coercion. Even gamblers and blacklegs will pay their illegal debts, con- tracted at the gaming-table, sliould they be compelled to steal the money to pay them with, at tlie risk of being sent to the penitentiary for the tliefl. But to return to the " Puttcrns." ■Jrd. Denmark is a kingdom lying in the north of Europe, consisting of North and South Jutland, part of Holstein, and several islands lying at the entrance of the Baltic sea; wliich, with Iceland, a distant island belonging to Denmark, comprise, in all, 22,000 square miles, and contain about 1,900,000 inhabitants. Denmark has also possessions in Greenland, in the West Indies, the Feroe Islands in the Northern Ocean, and some other small colonies. Copenhagen, built on a morass, is the capital ofDenmark, and contained, in 1826, 90,000 inhabitants. In 1807, the British government, while at peace with Denmark, sent a fleet of 17 ships, and bom-' barded Copenhagen for three days, and carried oft" more than thirty sail of the Danish fleet, and all the naval stores ; alleging, as a reason for so base an act, that the French would other- wise po.ssess themselves of the same fleet. Mr. Hambro, United States Consul at Copenhagen, writes Mr. Woodbury, that "The funds botli paid and received for public dues are the silver dollars; whereof 18A make one mark of fine silver, or in notes of equal value with the silver dollar. In the duchies, there is still prevailing the mode of calculating by old currency, 375 rubles currency being equal to 200 rubles silver." The inhabitants of Denmark are very poor, but are probably better ofl" in their circumstances, than any '■'■foreign government " yet described. 4th. Naples, or the Two Sicilies, is a kingdom consisting of the southern extremity of the Peninsula of Italy, and the Island of Sicily. It is about 300 miles in length, and 100 in breadth, and contains 32,000 square miles, and a population of 6,800,000. Naples is the capital, and contains 350,000 inhabitants, 30,000 of which, it is supposed, nightly lodge in the streets. Mr. Hammet, our old and worthy consul at Naples, in his answer to Mr. Woodbury, says, '• The rev- enue here is collected in the hard coin of the country, in Spanish dollars, at 125 grains each, or in htink polizze, payable to the person who has deposited the value, and transferable by endorse- ment. The bank i.'isues each polizze only against the deposit of the value. The minister of finance directs the kind of funds to be received." " The public funds in the bank, and expended by the treasury, where it is presumed there is no risk." Again Mr. Hammet says — "There are three banks in Naples, S. Giacmno, S. Spirito, and Delia Pieta. They are under a regent, and depend from the government. The last two make advances on fawns for a year. They arc all institutions more for convenience than speculation. Their polizze., granted only against value, are chosen for easy keeping and payinenls, in preference to hard money. There is no doubt the extensile circulation of sucli polizze leaves always a large amount of specie in the bank, of which the government can avail itself lohmcver its icants require.'' This '■'■ pattern foreign government" would suit Mr. Van Buren extremely well. The govern- ment banks here described are very similar to the '■'■Sub-Treasury Government Bank; " only in Naples the government receives their own paper in payment of public dues, which the framcrs of our Sub-Treasury Bill refuse to do. Our future Executive will, however, be enabled by its provisions ti avail itself of the specie in its vaults, as readily as '■'■can" the " Pattern foreign government" of Naples. The people in this kingdom are miserably poor, and thousands go nearly naked, while public officers, princes, priests, and monks, are as plenty as locusts, and live on the best of the land. 5th. Bavaria is a kingdom of German}'', containing 32,000 square miles, and 3,000,000 inhab- itants. Munich is the capital of Bavaria, and contains 60,000 inhabitants. Mr. RuedorftVr. Consul for the United Stales at Municli, writes Mr. Woodbury, that '■' AH goods which come from foreign countries must be brought to tlie Custom House, and the duly is paid in Bavarian or Prussian money. The cashier is accountable for all funds that he receives, and he has, further, the order to send them, as soon as he has the sum of 500 florins, to the department of the treasury." Bavaria is ranked, in point of power, among the foremost of the secondary governments of Europe. King '• Otiw," tlie present Tyrant of Greece, is a prince of the house of Bavaria. 6lli. SwEOKN is a Cf)ld and barren kingdom in the north of Europe, nearly enclosing the Baltic sea. It is 1,000 miles long from north to south, and 300 broad trom east lowest; in- cluding Lapland, it contains 343,000 square miles, with a ])opulation of 3,500,000. Stockholm, situated on a bay of the Baltic sea, is the capital, and contains about 100,000 inhabitants. Mr. Arfwedson, United States Consul at this place, writes Mr. Woodbur}-, that "All kinds of rev- enue in this country are collected in Swedish money, cash, cither by bills of the Bank of Sweden, or in silver." '■ The cashiers of the different departments, viz. the Custom House, the Post Office, etc., are ordered to deposit the funds collected immediately in the Bank of Sweden, at Stockholm, against receipt." This is a government bank. A woman's wages in this '■•foreign government" is about six dollars a year. It is stated as a fact, that foundered horses are unknown in Sweden, owing to their being kept standing on per- forated boards, without litter. If this is so, the writer thinks it would be well to ^^ Pattern" after this •\foreign. residential elections. 8th. AUSTRl.A is an extensive empire, lying in the central and southern part of Europe, and consisting of several ancient kingdoms, duchies, and republics, and contains 3U0,UOO square miles, and 'J8,(JU0,000 inhabitants. Vienna, situated on the Danube river, is its capital, and contains 290,000 inhabitants. In answer to Mr. Woodbury's '■'■string of questions," Mr. J. Randolph Clay, Secretary of Legation at Vienna, ha.s, in imitation of Consul Trist, made him- self a decided partisan, and has occupied ten pages in proving the great advantages of the system pursued by Austria in the management of its internal aiiliirs, and in the collection and disburse- ment of its revenues. His remarks, the writer would suppose, must bo particularly grateful to Mr. Woodbury and his master. On the very first page, Mr. J. Randolph Clay says, "The colh'ction of the indirect ta.xes is intrusted to a distinct class of otBcers. 1 have not been able to ascertain the e.xact amount derived from this branch of the revenue, but the want of such information is of little consequence, as I am told the treasury is not benefited by them, as their collection, owing to the GRKAT NUMBER OF OFFICERS employed, co.sts MORE than the indirect taxes produce, and it is ccen asserted tliat tiie government woujil gain by abolishing them. If it be asked why thev are continued, the answer is, that, acting upon the principle that a GREAT NUMBER OF OFFICJ-^RS employed in the service adds strength to the STATE," — Buonaparte said he was the '■•state.' — Mr. Benton calls Buonaparte a "■great man." — Quere — did Mr. Benton ever dream of becoming tiio "^T.VTE.^" — "the government retains thereby a class of FAITHFUL ADIIERENTS,^who would be thrown out of employment, and left UNPROVIDED for, by the abolition of the indirect ta.vcs." Well done, Mr. .1. Randolph Clay, you have owned the truth by proxy for Mr. Van Buren. " Great numhcr of officers strengthen the state " — "faithful adherents unprovided for ! " Well done, again, Mr. J. Randolph Clay. How wonderfully pleased our American fanners will be to pay their taxes, for the sole purpose of providing for Mr. Van Buren's or Mr. Benton's •\faithful ADHERE^JTS." Austria is a "PATTERN" worth imitating; she does nothing by halves. It seems that even an American, by breathing the atmosphere of serfs and slaves for a short time, forgets the sentiments of freemen, and really thinks it a very commendable policy to appoint public officers for the express purpose of making '■ faithful adherents " of government. It must have been in imitation of this " Pattern," that the revenue officers at New York, as before stated, have been appointed. Mr. J. Randolph Clay further says, "The revenue is collected at Vienna, and tiiroughout the empire, in silver, or in notes of the Bank of .Austria, wliich are re- deemable in specie at any time at the Bank of Vienna, or its branches; ul the whole financial operations of the empire are under the direction of the Minister of Finn : •(■ After a long description of the Bank of Austria, and other remarks o.. i lo mode of keeping and disbursing tlie public money by the "foreiirn government" of Ausuia, Mr. J. Randolph Clay s.^ys, "The foregoing remarks will siiow, that the Austrians have, in fact, a 'SUB- TREASURY ' system, under the control of the Minister of Finance, and that the public funds are collected, disbursed, and expended, without the aid of a National bank." So it seems, according to Mr. J. Randolph Clay's statement, that Austria is enjoying all the benefits of a ^'■Sub-Treasury Systrrn," altliough, as he describes it, the Austrian Sub-Treasury is not one half as bid as is the '• Sub-Treasury system" about being adopted in the United States. Austria is divided into 12 provinces. In writing of Hungary, one of them, Mr. J. Randolph Clay says, "The population is divided into five classes, viz. CLERGY, HIGH NOBLES, PETTY Nour.Es, inhabitants of towns, and peasants. Among the great privileges enjoyed by the nobles and clergy is that of exemption from all taxes. The peasants, on the contrary, are not only deprived of all civil rights, but besides the onerous services they are obliged to render to their lords, such as t ) labf>r 104 out of 'Mo days, and to pay to the lord the 0th part of the whole produce of the land, they pay the tithes to the clergy, and beur, together with the inhabitants of towns, (not nnble,) all the expenses of the state. The situation of the Hungarian peasant is, therefore, miserable in the extreme ; he tastes the very essence of .oppression — the support of a government in which Ik^ has no voice. The Austrian govern- ment is not chargeable witli tliis state of things, as it existed before Hungary was annexed to the empire, and the Constitution of tlie province precludes any intervention of the General Government in behalf of the peasantry, without the consent of the diet. The members of the diet, being all chosen from the higher orders, dinar to their old privileges, and as the burden 68 FACTS FOR THE LABORING MAN: does not press on themselves, have nn sympat'ny for the peasants. * * * * In Transylvania, likewise, only the citizens of towns and peasants pay." Mr. J. Randolph Clay says tliat the Bank of Austria is not a government hank, although Jie admits the emperor apjjoliUs its president, to prevent abuses. J. Randolph Clay represents the " Sub-Treasury "" system of Austria as beiiisr almost perfect, and says that the reason tliere is never any surplus money in it, is owing to the "■immense nuvibcr of officers, a standing arm ij, and abuses in other departments." Venice is one of the provinces of Austria; in which part of Austria, the people are, perhaps, as comfortable as in most sections. The writer was in the city of Venice some montiis since, and, in passing over tiie bridge called the Rialto, he observed in the shop windows, small, square pieces of pork, cheese, &c., of different sizes, but generally very small, (many of them not larger tlian some of our hungry office-seekers would swallow at one mouthful,) there being a label attached to each, with the price affixed. The price marked struck the writer as being very low, supposing it meant so much a pound. .His interpreter, however, informed him it was the price of an ounce, there being but few who were able to purchase such luxuries by the pound. An ounce or tv.o of pork would grease bread enough for a large family. Venice is mostly intersected by canals, answering to streets, and boats called gondolas, are used to convey people to different parts of the city. Having engaged one of these boats, and observing the boatmen to be eating their dinners, the writer requested his interpreter to tell him what it con- sisted of. Without ceremony, they showed him all they had, vvliich consisted entirely of Indian corn bread, made of a small kind of yellow corn, or niuize, common in Italy. They had nothing to eat with it of any description; and j^et these men were considered among the most favored class of the Venetian laborers. The Austrian currency is composed mostly of adulterated silver, with so bad an alloy, that, in counting a small sum, the hands are rendered quite black. To get this exchanged into pure silver, a large premium must be paid. It has been stated by the advocates of a specie currency, that its introduction w"onld prevent losses by internal e.xchanges. This is a great mistake, at least so far as the writer's e.xperience in specie countries enables him to judge, in an expend- iture of a few thousand dollars in specie countries, the writer lost more by exchanges, than iie had done in the United Slates on a business amounting to many hundred thousand dollars, previous to the war on the banks. Gold is always at a standing premium in France and Italy, one and a half per cent, over silver, on account of the convenience of carriage and keeping; and, until bankers had established a correspondence throughout Italy with France and England, robberies and murders were of constant occurrence on the higliways, owing to travellers being compelled to have so much specie with tliem. The plan adopted now by strangers who visit Italy and Austria is, to deposit their funds in London or Paris, and obtain from the bankers in those cities circular letters of credit, addressed to the various bankers on tiie route they intend pursuing. And at each town of importance tiiey get what money they immediately require, for which they pay the current rate of exchange, which varies weekly, and also a banker's com- mission of one per cent., and frequently some other trilling charges. If, again, gold is taken, whicli is often necessary, one and a half per cent, additional premium must be paid. Since the adoption of this mode of providing funds by travellers, robberies are of rare occurrence. If our delic lie rulers werf compelled to receive tiieir salaries in a specie currency, similar to that of Austria, they would find their hands would be more soiled witji its handling than they arc by the "JVtIiij hank hills" they pretend so much to despise. Trieste, on the Adriatic sea, is the principil seaport of Austria, from which immense quan- tities of rags are exported to England and the United States, as are also a great many from Italy. There are tv/o reasons for this; one is, that Italy and Austria are almost exclusively specie countries, and therefore the rags are not needed to make '^ rag bills;" another reason is, that the people are so oppressed and ignorant, that they use no books or paper for scarcely any purposes. It is said to be a fact, that the rags wiiich are brought from these specie countries, require twice or thrice the washincr and cleaning before be'ing manufactured into paper, that tliose do that are collected in the llnited States or in England, where tiie '■'■false system" of credit exists. Tho fact is, rags are rags in specie countries. The people arc so poor, that they wear their clothes as long as they will any how hang together, and long after they will bear washing. In many provinces of Austria, the farmers, called serfs, belong to the soil, as it is termed, on which they stay, and are sold and transferred with the land. Upon the whole, the writer is of opinion, that the " pattern " ^'foreign giirtraaienl " of Austria, would be in greater favor with Mr. Van Bureii and h\s ^'■faithful adhir( nts," th-Mi w'lih iho pi:o/ile oi' ihe United States. Tlie Austrian "Sub-Treasury system " docs not, however, admit of an issue of as many transfl'r and other drafts, necessary to make a circulating medium, as Mr. Van Buren would like. That difficulty is. however, completely obviated by the bill for a treasury bank, now before Congress, which has been rejected by the ])eople and their representatives three different times, but which will now probably be carried into effect, " despiii- tlieir himentalion." 9tli. France is a large country in Europe, .7)3 miles in length, and 420 in breadth, and contains 107.400 square miles. In ItJ^O'llie population amounted to ;50,4-")l,lH7. Paris is its capital, and is situated on both sides thi^ Seine river, and contained, in 18:51, 774, :?:1S inhabitants. France wa^ mostly in the possession of tin- Romans for some centuries after the Christian Era. From 4.30 to 4.')2 it was ravaged by the Huns under Attila, who was defeated by Merovieus at Orleans, with the loss of ■2)0,000 men. In 402 Clovis wns crowned king, and was the fust of a race of 17 kings, hi 737 Charles Martel became king. In 732 Pepin was crowned king, and was the BY A LABORING MAN. 69 first of a race of 13 kings. Pcpin was succeeded by Charlemagne the Renowned, crowned in 800. In Df^i) llugli Capet became kinjr, and was the first of a race of 14 kincrs. In 13:34 the crown devolved on Philip of Valoi.s, who was the first ol'a race of 7 kings. In 14S)8 it d(>volved on the Duke of Ork'ans, the crafty Louis the Eleventh, who very much resembled Mr. Van Buren in his nianceuvres, and was the first of a race of G kings. In 15d9 Henry of Bourbon was crowned king, in whose line it continued until tlio beheading of Louis the Si.xteenth, on the 21st of January, 17'.I3. A repubfican form of government was now attempted, as well as its handmaid, a paper currency; but the people lacked suil'icient virtue and intelligence to sustain eitlier, and in 1603 they elected Napoleon Buonaparte Consul for life, who managed to have hunseif proclaimed Emperor of France, in May, 1804. On the 3d of May, 1614, Louis the Eighteenth ascended the throne. In 18^24 Louis died, and Charles Pliilip, Count of Artois, was Clowned king. In July, 1S30, he was expelled for encroachments on the rights of the people, and Louis Pliilippe has since reigned. Tlie irovernment of France, at present, approaches nearer to that of England, than any country in Europe. During tlie military despotism of Napoleon, a specie currency was adopted and supplied by the plunder of nearly all of the sur- roundincr nations, including the churches of Spain and Itiilv, from which immense amounts of gold and silver were obtained for coinage. But, altliough tlie laws for the collection of the rev- enues in that currency is still nominally in force, custom has abrogated them, and (Switzerland e.vct'pted) I'Vance stands now next to Enjrland of any country in Europe, as regards tlie liborality of her iiislitutions. Mr. Daniel Brent, United States Consul at Paris, writes Mr. Woodbury, that '-The revenue in France ought to be universally collected in specie, and if the accountants take bills, ttc, they always do it at their own risk." * * » * » "The Treasurer is the only kee|)er of the public funds. Until lately, there was no surplus; but now there is a heavy one, wliich is deposited at the Bank of PVance, and for whicii it does not receive any interest, althoiitrli the. hank has the vnjoiimcnt of the, inonci/^ ' — an old '' Mossricn " ! Mr. Anderson, Secretary of Legation at Paris, writes Mr. Woodbury, that "The h/uik notes of the B/inIc of France, are reirarded as drafts on Paris." " When there is a want o)i paper on Paris, the receivers general forwiird their surplus in specie by the stnge lines." A larire standing army is ke|)t in the jiny of tlie government of France, on a plan somewhat similar to that lately ])roposed for the United States by Mr. Van Buren, through his '■■unit," the Secretiry of War; and the plan for which, the writer has no doubt, has emanated from Thomas II. Benton, who looks forward to tlie time when he shall be able to perfect and control both it and tlie public purse — and thereby make himself the *' (jrcat man," and Emperor of a Western Empire, in imitation of Napoleon Buonaparte, whose character lie so much venerates, and so often alludes to. Mr. Benton, however, will never make a Buonaparte; although he may a Robespierre, should circumstances favor the full development of his schemes. — The peo])le of France are perhaps better off than any Continental country in Europe except Switzerland, but they are nevertheless generally very poor, and not to be compared with the same class, in America, in point of the enjoyment of the comforts of life. The price of labor, on an average throughout France, is at the present time from 10 to lU cents per day, and the laborers board themselves. — They of course can afford to eat but little animal food. The farmers and laborers wear shoes made of wood. Interest of money is from four to six per cent. Calling the average rate five per cent., and the average day's labor and board 13 cents, and it will require 11^2 days' work of a man to jiay the annu.il interest of .^)00 dollars, whilt>, in Ameiicri, calling the rate of interest (i per cent., and the price of labor and board one dollar jier day, 30 days' work and board of a man will pay the annual interest of .'jOO dollars — showing the American lal)orer to be better off, by more than six f)ld, than tlie French Inborer. This rule of interest, and price of labor and its product, is perhajis the most correct standard to test the comparative advantages enjoyed in any country, as regards the capitalists and the productive classes. Tlie exp-nses of the French Government in 16'.].), amounted to 970,3r)iJ,224 francs, or nearly 2 )0.00l),(»()0 dollars, which was 500,000 dollars more than the revenue for the same period. This would absorb the products of about 1500,000,0011 days' labor of the productive classes — while in t'.ie United Stales the same sum would require the products of only 200,000,000 days' labor, being les-; than one sixth part the labor that is re(piired in France to pay the same amount. — The day laborer in France probably gives not less than two days' work out of every three, for the support of irovernment and an idle aristocracy, and for the use of capital — but Ikat is nolhuiir compared with what they give in some others of Mr Van Buren's "P.\ttf.rn " " Foiciui 12 cents per day, and the laborer boards himself In the German States, it is something less than in France. 10th. Great Britain and Ireland are two islands, lying on the western const of Europe. Gnvit Britain cimprlses England, Scotland and Wales, and is ."iSO mil(\-i in length an i from d!) to :'•()( in breadth. In 1'3I, Great fJritain cnntained 13,H!t4,571 inhabitants. Ireland lies west of Great Britain, from which it is separated by the Irish sea and St. George's channel, and is 3m0 miles in length, and about 110 in breadlli, and contained, in 1831, 7,73l,3')5 inhabitants. These two islands constilote what is called the Kingdom of (]reat Brifaln and Ireland. The tot i| population of the British Empire tlirou;rliout the world, includin:; nil its colonies in Europe, Asia, Africa, New Holland, and America, amo\ints to about 150,000,000 iiihabiiants. London, situated on the Thames, is its capital, and contained, includinir its suburbs, in the year 1700, a population of ((74.350. In the year 1800, one century later, it contained !1()7,448 inhabitants; and in 18 !I, it contained 1.474,06D inhabit ints. London may truly be said lo be the centre p lint or heart of the world's commerce. When Enjrjand commenced encourarrlnir and fosterinsj her present credit and proteclive policy — called '• /(cr /a/sc system" by Mr. Benton, (who 70 FACTS FOR THE LABORING MAN: probably put the same phrase in the mouth of Mr. Van Buren,) it was denounced by some of her statesmen — who predicted the most disastrous consequences, especially to commerce, from its adoption. So far ironi these predictions having been fulfilled, that apparently little insignificant Island King-dom, at this time, probably engrosses a greater amount ol the commerce of the world than all of the other nations of Europe combined — and together with the United States of America, the only other country on earth where credit and Banks exist to any extent, probably engrosses more than one half of the world's commerce. These are the two countries which are said to be laboring under a "False Si/ston," ruinous to commerce, manufactures, and agriculture, — but which, with a population (excluding colonies) of less than 40,000,1)00, now possess more shipping, more manufactures, and e.xporl more products than all the nations of the world besides combined, containing an aggregate population of more than 8f)0,000,000, and nearly all of them enjoying the blessing of a specie currency, and free from the burdens imposed by a '■ False System." The man who will wilfully adopt theory for such experience, is worthy of being a supporter of our present "pure and virtuous" administration. The writer has no doubt tliat such men as Mr. Buchanan, Mr. Walker, and Mr. Woodbury, know no better than what they say on these subjects, owing to a want of sound sense and jreneral information — but it is not so with those prime movers, Messrs. Kendall, Benton, Blair, and Co. They well know that the measures now in progress at Washington, are calculated to produce the directly contrary effect they pretend, and that if carried out tliey will reduce the people of this country to a level with those of Continental Europe — while at the same time, those attached to the government will be elevated to the same position as the aristocracy in those countries. As has been before stated, the people of Great Britain are at this time laboring under many heavy burdens. Besides their industry being taxed for the support of an established priesthood, a hereditary nobility, and of an expensive government, they have to pay the annual interest of an enormous public debt, which on the 5th 'of January, 1839, amounted to £701,347,090, or $3,0.")4,4G8,9]'>, the annual interest and charges on which amounted at that time to 137,210,410 dollars. This debt was mostly contracted during the long war with Napoleon, when England (with most other European coun- tries) was striving for her very existence, and was not only obliged to support her own share of the general war, but was also necessitated to subsidize many of the impoverished specie countries on the Continent, to enable them to sustain themselves. So far from the magnitude of this debt proving the protective and credit policy of England to be a "false system," the ability she possesses to 3'early pay its interest goes to prove the direct contrary. — The revenue of Great Britain for 1838, from all sources, amounted to $250,197,400, and her expenditures, including interest of the public debt, to 252,318,187 dollars — being about 50,000,000 dollars annually greater than that of France; notwithstanding which, the English laborer is in much better circumstances than the French, or any otiier laborer in Euro])e, with perhaps the exception of those of Switzerland — although, when compared witb the same class in America, they appear miserable indeed. In England, the price of labor is full double what it is in France, while the expense of living is only about one quarter greater. It is considered that a Sovereign or $4,85 cents, will pay for about as much in England as a Napoleon, about 4 dollars, will pay for in France — as regards the necessary articles of consumption. In travelling through England, the stranger is forcibly struck with the great indications of weallli he sees in eveiy quarter, and the neat appearance of the cottages of the poorer classes, and the air of comfort tiiey possess. Notwithstanding the great amount of suffering and priva- tion which there undoubtedly exists, owing to the provision of the poor laws, beggars are seldom seen, and almost every person met is comfortably clothed. Tliere are no doubt many individu- als suffering under deep privations, who are unconsciously passed by the stranger, and who manifest no signs of their real situation, from a laudable sentiment of pride, possessed by the poorer classes of the iMiglish in an eminent degree, and which sentiment is cherished and fos- tered by the national institutions. This pride is not without its benefits, and is no doubt fre- quently the means of sustaining many, for whom the world would otherwise prove too hard, and whose spirits without its aid would break down under the load they are necessitated to bear. To confirm this, the writer will relate an anecdote, which he is well aware will scarcely be believed by many, but which is nevertheless strictly true. Some months since he made a hasty tour through a considerable part of England, and a small part of Ireland and Scotland. In Ireland, the people ap|)eared to be as badly off as in any Continental country lie had seen ; but it was very different in England and in Scotland. In Edinburgh (in Scotland) the writer ]uirchased a pair of boots, and had those he had before worn done up in abundle and thrown into the post chaise, intending to give thein to the first person he saw whose appearance indicated need of them. Me was anxious to get rid of them as soon as possible, as it was the custom to cliange these post chaises every 5 or 10 miles, and all the baggage consequently was changed at the same time, and there was be- sides but little room to put it. From Edinburgh he proceeded through the south of Scotland to Carlisle, in the north-west of England, and from thence tlirough Kendal, Preston, Manchester, and Leeds to York — stopping several nights and some days on the route, and travelling several hundred miles — during which time he did notsec one man, to whom he dared to offer the boots, (so comfortably were all clad,) for fear of wounding his feelings ; and he at length threw them out of a railroad car whilst in rapid motion, opposite a person who was sitting in a desponding attitude on a fence near York. This circumstance is more singular as the counlry passed through comprised many 'innunicturing districts, where the greatest amount of suffering prevails. In Fraiicr', the writer could not have proc(M'ded one stage before he wo\ild have been surrounded by begirnrs, whose supplicant looks, and desolate appearance, would have afforded him aniple proof of their destitute circumstances, and of theit consequent readiness to iiave received the boots. BY A LABORING MAN. 71 And in Italy not a man scarcely could have been met, unless he was a prince, a priest, or a gov- ernment officer, who would not liave run the risk o^"his life to have obtained them. Mr. Thomas Aspinwall, United States Consul at Loudon, writes Mr. Woodbury that — *' The revenue is collected at tlie port of Londoji in coins of the realm. Bank of England notes and E.Ycliequer hills, by direction of the Lord Commissioners of the Tn^asury. Excheipier bills are never paid in, unless when at a discount in the market. Payments to tlic amount ot' Jice pounds and upward, are almost e.'^clusively made in bank notes, and smaller payments in com." " The Bank of England is by law the Banker of the government, and the principal de])ository of the revenue of Great Britain. It is responsible for the safe keeping and for regularly account- ing for all j)ublic balances, for the integrity and fidelity of its own oflicers, but not for loss by civil commotion." — Again Mr. Aspinwall says — '• Bank notes being a legal tender throughout the Kingdom, payments may be required in them, or else in coin. But in ])oint of fact, payments are generally made in whatever happens to be the ordinary currency of the place." This it seems is the mode adopted in collecting and in keeping the public revenues of the great- est commercial, the greatest manufacturing, the greatest agricultural, (in proi)ortion to its terri- tory,) and the wealthiest nation on earth — collecting and disbursing yearly revenues to at least tw(-lve times the amount received in the United Stales — and that too without the cost or loss of a penny, and without the intervention of " Iron Safes," '• Vaults," sub-treasuries, '• imprison- ment, ^alleys, or death." It is this system being practised, by the British government, and which is nearly or quite simi- lar to tliat formerly practised in the United States, which has called down such anathemas on the '■'false si/stcm " of tiiat country as well as our own, from such men as Thomas II. Benton and Martin Van Buren. Let us pause and ponder for a moment, and ask how it is, that Ihosc two nations, that are thus burdened by these '-false sijsUms," which are so ruinous to trade, to eonmierce, to manufacto- ries, to agriculture, and to the welfare of man, should have hapjjened to lake the lead of all the nations of the earth in respect to them all ? — What advantages does England possess over other nations of Europe, excepting in her institutions.' What advantage does the United States pos- sess over otlier nations in America, excepting in her institutions ? Destroy them, and we siiall soon be reduced to a level with others. It is the inslitutions of a country that, in a great meas- ure, form the characters of its inhabitants. It matters but little what may be their descent. Bring a hundred children from all parts of Europe, from England, from France, from Spain, from Ital}', from Russia, even from Turkeij, and let them be brought up in New England, and they will become Yankees. On the contrary, carry a hundred children from New England to Italy, let them be brought up, or grow up, or covi.e up with the children of that country, and ihcy will, in their habits, become Italians. Their variety' of dispositions would be manifested in ways cong(!nial to the institutions of the country in which they live. The nobler and better des of dccciviiiir them, llad these same men been educated in Rome, the same ruling passion for the acquisition of j)ower would have impelled them to have become lii/pocrite.s in religion, instead of hypocritical ''• lovers of the people,'' and they would probably have been among the most zealous of the Popish monks — walkin which our consuls have tcritten tlie most. In fact, that source of information would appear to be f the only one they possess with regard to them. The tone and character of Consul 'I'rist's re- marks carry conviction to the reader's mind, tiiat he is a man entirely unacquainted with business, and who imagines himself to have found a " marc's nest," as often as he is informed of the mode pursued by business men in the most common and daily transactions of life. Consul Trist writes Mr. Woodbury — " TliiMiicoino ol' the public treasury 13 collected altojetlior in ^oZartment furnishes ave.ssel of war, the coiiunaudor of which receives one half per cent, for tlio trouble and responsibility attending his charge." Mr. Trist says, there is no currency known in t!ie blessed Island of Cuba but gold and silver — and from his foregoing remarks, it is evidently emphatically a specie country, and that the agency of " mural character" is no more relied upon as a security for the safety of the public money, intrusted to the three key keepers, than it is in the provisions of Mr. \'an Buren's plan of a Sub-Treasury, by which the President is made the keeper of the key keepers, and of course the money must be safe. Mr. Consul Trist, in speaking of tiie credit in Cubti, says, '•' Her feet rest not on a quicksand, but upon arock;" and after describing the great amount of imports and ex- ports ofihe island, which, he says, in the last year (1837) amounted to ^'.22,940,357 of imports and ^"20,345,407 of exports, (a ruinous excess of imports, as Mr. Walker would say;) thus compla- cently soliloquizes — " These are tolerably sure evidences of a stato of active industry and prosperous credit. Nor are they less steathj tiian active. Tlicy exhibit no altcroations of feverish excitement and prostration, now rising to tlie energy of delirium, now sinking to corrc'spondent enervation. — The sudden stoppaj;e of the curriMit of busine.-, and, at their best, sui-h that the most valuable products of the soil will scarcely bear the cost of a land-carriage of fifty miles; the plough in universal use, all over the country, from ils remotest settlement to the fn'lds under the very walls of the capital — such that, if a wagon-load of them were emplir'd out at the door of any backwoods settler in our country, they would not be dc'cmcd by him of any possible value, unless it were as firewood and old iron. These are a few of the particulars, whereof a much longer catalogue might be presented." It seems the "gleaming" regulator of this charmed island does not consider roads or ploughs cither "things" or "men," else it would regulate them better. By its beneficial regulation of the negroes, the necessity of the use of ploughs, and such like costly "things," is probably |)retty much dispensed with. On this subject, hear what Dr. Madden says, as published, not Jong since, in the Boston Recorder : — "The Cost of Sugar. — l)r. Madden, the travcllf^r, now one of the mixed commission at Havana, under the treaty for th' suppression of the slave trade, and at present in this country on behalf of the .^mistad, — stated, while in this city, one or two observable facts touching the production in Cuba of this necessary of life. He states, from his own pt^r.sonal observation, that, during the neason of cultivition, about eiirlit iiidnthg in the year, the slaves are worked •1 WEWTV hours out of the Iwcvtijfonr. They iirj." When General Jackson came into power, the bills of the United States Bank passed in every part of the United Slates, and even in Europe and Asia, at par — and exchanges between the North and South seldom varied to exceed one half per cent. — Gen. Jackson said (or was cajoled to sign) that the poor man was robbed of his earnings by this oppressive rate of exchange, and forthwith he and his friends adopted measitres lor the purpose, as they said, of remedying the evil. Tlie effect of their " Erpaiments," " Expcditiits,'' and " Schemes" on the prosperity and the currency of the country has been, as is known to all business men, to derange and to utterly destroy both, and now Mr. Van Buien,Mr. Benton, Mr. Walker, and Mr. Calhoun — a precious assemblage — propose to the people of the United States as a panacea for all their sufferings, that thej' should adopt the specie currency of the " charmed'" Island of Cuba, in wliich it seems, by Consul Trist's own showing, a dollar cannot be changed without a loss of 20 cents, or one fifth part of its value. There really must be some initch icork, or •' charm." about the Ishind of Cuba, as, notwithstanding all this, it seems Consul Trist never yet met with a person who had visited the United States who was not disgusted with its " shorking" currency. It is said by some that the history of the world, so Jiir as its study is essential to the statesman, is comprised in the rise and fall of the Roman Empire. They who have closely watched the prog- ress of events in the United States for the last 10 or 12 years, may add anotlier leaf to the histo- ry of man as developed in the annals of Rome. — The progressive steps of vice and debasement in our country, have been far more rapid than ever was witnessed among the people of that em- pire. In the palmy days of Rome, the simple exclamation, " I am a Roman Citizen," was suffi- cient to secure respect and protection in the inost barbarous nations of the earth. — So it was for centuries, until the people by degrees surrendered their liberties into the hands of Tyrants. Ten years since, he who could call himself an .American Citizm was respected merely from that cir- cumstance alone, throughout the world. The credit of our merchants was as unsullied abroad as the fiiine of our Washington. Now, alas, how changed ! Instead of being the admired " putlrrn " for the world, t!ie traitors whom we have selected for our servants, have assumed the attitude of our rulers — and point to the people of a province of the most degraded Christian nation on earth, and bid us to imitate them. Imitate them in what! In their mode of warfare which originated in tliat island to hunt and exterminate, with bloodhounds, the remnant of the poor Indians, who had fled to the mountains to shield themselves from the tortures and cruelties of the demons in human shape, whom they had welcomed to their once happy shores? No! for in this Martin Van Buieu has already imitated them, by importing from that island a whole regiment of bloodhounds to tear and devour the women and children of a noble tribe, whom the base intrigues of himself an i' what it is produced for in Louisiana — and he expressly and emphatically declares, that it is " FROM THEIR CURRENCY the expense of raising their products is so SMALL." — This currency, he states, is " entikelv mkt.\llic " — yet such is the opinion these men have of the intelligence of the people of the United States, that while they advocate the introduction of a specie currency, they inform them it is not their intention to lessen the price of their labor. Hear again what Mr. Calhoun, another /;t7/ar of Martin Van Buren's administration, said to the Senate, (as reported in the Globe,) on the same day that Mr. Walker made his remarks as quoted above — " If we must use credit, I would infmitely rather use onr own than that of Banks. But as to the currency, I concur almost in every sentiment which has been uttered by the Senator from Mississippi, [Mr. Walker.] — He could not do better than to contrast our own state with that of Culia. Cuba is now in a flourishing condition, while the St;ite of Mississippi is in a state of extreme distress. That Senator cannot push the specie curioncy farther than I, if the country were out of debt. I wish simply, if there must be a temporary credit, that the Qocernment should use its own credit." It seems these two friends and supporters of Martin Van Buren are pretty much agreed with regard to the effects of the introduction of a specie currency. The fact is, that the'^Executive had become so imboldoned by the success it had met with in its experiments on the credulity of the people, that they had no doubt of being able to convince them, by means of pensioned, itinerant lecturers, in aid of their own speeches and arguments, circulated throughout the United States ''S FACTS FOR THE LABORING MAN : by means of the government organ the Globe, and its satellites, that low wages were as benefi- cial to the laboring man as high, provided all other things were in proportion. They trusted that the people had not intelligence enough to perceive the paradox tliat was involved in their proposition. In tliis, however, they were mistaken — and some five or six weeks after Mr. Bu- chanan's, Mr. Walker's, Mr. Calhoun's, and other speeches, advocating the lowering the price of the products of industry, and consequently of labor itself, had been delivered, the friends of the administration discovered that they had gone too far — and in imitation of what they had repeat- edly done on former occasions, attempted again to retrace their steps. Just about the same time that Mr. Buchanan accused Mr. Davis of falsitying his speech, and denied ever having spoken the sentiments which had been attributed to him, it was observed that Mr. Rantoul, a travelling lecturer in the service of the government, made the same deniuts with regard to the same doctrines of low prices he was accused of having previovsly promulgated. This circumstance goes to prove the strict organization of the party, as the writer has before stated, and it is most probable that, immediately upon the Executive finding that the doctrine of low tcages could not be made palatable to the people, Mr. Rantoul as well as Mr. Buchanan, and other friends of the Executive, were instructed to disavow and repudiate their /or7?(c/- sentiments on the obnoxious subject. This was the precise course that was pursued by the Executive and its minions with regard to the Banks. If in their persecution of those institutions, they became aware of having pushed tlieir measures farther than the people were prepared to support, they would fall back to safer ground — and disavow, for instance, ever having said they " had the banks on the hip, and that it was best to keep them there " — and then b~y means of insidious doctrines, infused into the minds of the people through their official organs, and Executive minions and agents, gradually prepare the people to support them in further attempts to destroy those institutions. This, too, was the precise mode that was adopted with regard to the prosecu- tion of the Sub-Treasury scheme, and this is the mode that will be pursued, (provided Martin Van Buren is re-elected.) until every valuable institution in the country is made either to bow itself to the dictation of tlie Executive, or to perish under its persecution. These banks were first flattered and cajoled until their confidence was obtained — then betrayed, and then in the language {the practical langiiage) of Mr. Buchanan, became the '• castaways " (as he calls them) of the administration ; who are now laboring night and day to destroy what little remaining credit these poor " castaways " have left, tliat they may make them willing instruments in their vile hands, or consign them to a violent death — yes, Mr. Buchanan, a " VIOLENT DEATH." What means such slander as this, Mr. Buchanan, when applied to these ipoor " castaimijs" — used by yourself in your speech on the Sub-Treasury Bill, in the Senate of the United States, Jan. 22, 1(S40 .'' — "■ JJfter the revulsion in 1837 — after the banks had hlmcn up, and left the gotern- mcnt WITHOUT a dollar, the President found it necessary to convene Congress." — Can you read this paragraph without recoiling even from yourself at its falsehood, fllr. Buchanan; when you must have known at the time you asserted it, that at the meeting of Martin Van Buren's especial session of Congress, in 1837, these poor " aistawaijs " had not only repaid every dollar due to the Federal Government, which had been put in their possession for the «.T,/;7-e5S purpose of" debauch- ing " them, but that their faithless lovers had obtained from them, in addition, more than one mil- lion dollars belonging to the States, as shown by Mr. Woodbury s own statement to Congress at that time — in which he saj^s there are remaining in deposit, in all tlie deposit banks, but }^8,1GG,492 — while he expressly states there were^0,3G7 ,214 dollars due the States, and which sum had been deposited in the banks.' The man whose faithless lips can thus slander the poor deserted ^^ castaways," is a fit supporter and instrument of the present Executive. N\RRAGANSETT. [From the Newport, R. I., Herak! of tliG Times, .April -33, 1840.J No. 11., Further Effects of Mr. Van Buren's "False Si/.>itcm," as illustrated by his Connection loith the " Albany Regency,'" and his subsequent Attack on the Banks, S^^c. ^'c. Most renders are perhaps familiar with what is called a "power behind the throne," which is very apt to exist in corrupt goveriimeiits, and is generally wielded by irresponsible persons, v.'hose machinations are mostly liid from tlie people at larare. Of such a nature was that of the far-famed ^^ Mbanij Regency," the members of which for many years, as is well known, success- fully controlled the political destinies of the State of New York. This secret combination, which very mucii resembled the Jacobin Club, so terrible in the French revolution, was organized by Martin Van Buren about twenty years since, and consisted of the following members: — MARTIN VAN BUREN, (who was its chief originator.) Sii.AS Wrkhit, (present Senator in Congress.) John a. Dix, (late Secretary of State.) AzAKiAH C". Fi.AGG, (late Comptroller.) Thomas W. Olcott, (President of Farmers' and Mechanics' Bank at Albany, called the Re- gency Bank.) EowiN CuoswELi., (Editor of the Argus.) BY A LABORING MAN. 79 Wm. L. Makcv, (late Governor.) Green C. Branson, (Judije of Court.) Reuben H. Walworth, (Chancellor.) Hrnrij Seymour, deceased, (lale Canal Commissioner.) Julin P. Cushman, (Judge at Tro}'.) Benjamin F. Butler, (lato Attorney General.) Benjamin Knotcer, (fatlier-in-la\v to Gov. Marcy.) Jiime^ Porter, f Register in Chancery.) Samuel Benrdsleij, {oi ^- Perish Credit, Perish Commerce" memory.) The above fifteen constituted the '^Regency'" — to wiiich was uttaclied a number of subordi- nates — who were not admitted to share fully in the secrets <>i' i\n- Club — among wliom were Gen. Iluhhell of Itiiaca, Levi Beardsley of Utica, Lott Clark of Lockport, ami others. In the first caucus held by the members of the Regenc}', Mr. Van Buren, in a speech addressed to them, stated Ills plan to be, tliat a majority of the regency should decide upon the course of policy to be pursued, and that the minority should acquiesce in the decision, and support the measures proposed by the majoritj', whether they were right or whether they were icrong. Upon the avowal of tliis bold and dangerous doctrine, a (jentlouian juescnt rose, and stated to the caucus, tliat he could not subscribe to any such plan as was proposed by JNIr. Van Buren, and tliereupon left the room. Tiie writer has been told, and he believes it to be true, that Messrs. Wright, Dix, Flagg, Olcoit, Croswell, and Marcy, were called together on every political measure of impor- tanoe, and were the most ultra of the concern, with perhaps the e.xception of Mr. Van Buren, their hcvid, who, agreeably to his " non committal " principle, worked even more secretly, if possi- ble, than the others. Tlie writer has also been informed, tiiat the meetinTs of the club were generally held in a little back parlor of the Mechanics" and Farmers' Bank at Albany, Mr. Olcott being President of the same, and its directors being composed exclusively of the members of the Regency club. In a short time the club became as powerful in the State of New York, as was the revolutionary Jacobin club in France — and from all accounts, its members were quite as unscrupulous in adopting measures to advance themselrcs to political power. Among the vari- ous secret means used by the Regency, none perhaps proved so efiective in controlling elections as that which was afforded by tlie Banking system. By means of an e.xact system of Espionage, heretol"ore described by the writer, as having been originated by Aaron Burr, who probably in- structed Martin Van Buren in its principles, the Albany Regency informed themselves of the business and political character of every man of importance in the State. If it was discovered that a Banking institution, in Oswego for instance, was in the hands of men who were not sub- servient to the Regency party, a war of persecution was commenced against them. As the IMechanics' and Farmers' Bank at Albany acted as a collecting Bank, Mr. Olcott, its President, acting in conjunction witli the ultra members of the Regency in its direction, could readily collect a large amount of bills issued by the Selected Victim, which were forthwith sent to Oswego and the specie demanded for tliem. This course would be again and again repeated, uniil the directors of the persecuted bank, finding they could not do a banking business to any profit, imder sucli sudden and unreasonable calls for specie, would perhaps send a deputation to Albany to learn the reason of such conduct on the part of the managers of the Regency Bank. They would accordingly wait on Mr. Olcott, its President, an4 state their grievances. He, in turn, would manifest great conmiiseration for tlie bank at Oswego, and express his " regrets " for the course the officers of the Farmers' Bank felt themselves compelled to pursue — assign- ing as a reason, that the Directors of the Farmers' Bank had not sufficient confidence in tiie present managers of the Oswego Bank to warrant them in holding their bills, and thus jeopard- izing the property intrusted to their keeping, by the stockholders of the institution over whi( h they presided. In the course of a desultory conversation, it would perhaps escape from Mr. Ol- f'oh, as if by accident, that if Squire Pettifogger, or Squire Bribery, (or some other friend of the egency, living perhaps in Oswego,) was a director of the Oswego Bank, more confidence would ,:.obably be placed in its m .nagement by the directors of the Farmers' Bank. Nothing would be said about politics, and should the deputation see the cloven foot, it would be shown in such a way, that proof could not be obtained of its existence. On their return to Oswego, the favorite Squires of the Regency would i)robably be appointed as directors in the bank, and then all diffi- culties would be at an end — the bank at Oswego would lend its aid to the Regency in control- ling the elections, and, in turn, would be patronized by the President and Directors of the Farm- ers' Bank in Albany. It was by means of the secret influence exercised by this Regency, that Martin Van Buren acquired the name of " ;//Y/:,r/V/etoral votes placed a balance of power in his hands, which he could use as he saw fit, and which the friends of General Jackson found it necessary to propi- tiate, as was fully proved by Martin Van Buren's being selected as Secretary of State — and on his resigning that place, being sent to England as Mmister, from whence, however, he was re- called, from the circumstance of tlie Senate's refusal to ratify his nomination, on account of the disgrace he had previously brought on tlie American name by his attempt to negotiate with the government of Great Britiin, purely on pnrty grounds. Fie was, as is well known, afterwards selected by the friends of General Jackson as candidate for Vice President, and elected by them to fill that station, and subsequently to the Presidency by the same influence. There is every reason to believe that Martin Van Huren aspired to be tlie successor of Gen(>ral Jackson, at the time he was selected for Secretary of State, and that he then determined upon so FACTS FOR THE LABORING MAN: using the same means to insure his election and to control future events, as he had so success- fully used to elevate himself to the chief magistracy of an individual State. Analogy would teach him that if one Slate could be governed tiirough the Banking system, the whole could — and that if the Mechanics' and Farmers' Bank at Albany, acting simply as a collecting Bank, could make him Governor of the State of New York, the control of the United States Bank, with its yS Branches, reaching over every section of the Union, and controlling all the State institutions, could readily be made the means of elevating him to the Presidency, and of securing t!;e succes- sion to a member of the Regency, as it had done in the case of Governor of New York, as shown by the election of Wm. L. Marcy on the resignation of.Gov. Van Buren. The work v/as soon commenced, and the unprincipled men who had been called to the aid of Genera! Jackson's administration, afforded ample and ready instruments for the advancement of any intrigues or conspiracies, however base. Acting by the samis rule that had been adopted by the Regency, a distant victim was selected on which first to commence operations. •^— The same end was tobe gained in the one case as in the other, viz., to place the selected institution under the control of his creatures ; but the means to be applied, owing to circumstances, were necessaril}^ different in their character. ''The Branch of the United States Bank at Portsmouth, was selected for the Jirst victim. At this tim.e, the Cabinet of General Jackson consisted of Mr. Van Buren, Secre- tary of State ; Mr. Ingham, of Pennsylvania, Secretary of the Treasury ; Mr. Branch, of N. C. Secretary of the Navy ; Mr. Eaton, Secretary of War ; Mr. Berrien, of Georgia, Attorney Gen- eral ; and of Mr. Barry, Po.st Master General. — the last-named officer being adm.itted to a seat in the Cabinet for the first time under Gen. Jackson. ISAAC HILL, at this time, was second Comptroller in the Treasury department. From the official records it appears that on the 11th of July, lb'29, about three months after Mr. Van Buren had been called to h.is station under Gen. Jackson, a letter marked ■" Confidential " was addressed to Nicholas Biddle, President of the U. S. Bank, and signed hy Mr. Ingham, Secretary of the Treasury, but which, from its Jesuitical character, must have been written by Amos Kendall, Martin Van Buren, Isaac Hill, or tlie d 1. The writer of the letter informs Mr. Biddle that he " herewith transmits a copy of a confidential letter, received from the Hon. Levi JVoccUnirtj, Senator cf the United States from New Hamp- shire, containing a complaint against the President of the Branch Bank at Portsmouth. Com- plaints of a similar nature have also been suggested from other places, particularly Kentucky and Louisiana. TItcsc, when presented in a more distinct form, will also be presented to you ! " It will here be perceived that the complaint was made by Mr. Woodbury, a creature at that time of Isaac Hill's, and that the Secretary of the Treasury was prepared with others of the same nature, to be presented in turn, should the conspirators meet with success in their first attempt to get the control of the Portsmoutli branch — to be followed, no doubt, in rotation until the whole of the branches were placed in the hands of the creatures of Mr. Van Buren — in imitation of the Country Banks in New York, which were in the same manner placed under his and the Regency's control through the agency cf the Farmers' Bank at Albany, as before described. Mr. Ingham's letter contains many cunning expressions, and among otlier things, he informs Mr. Biddle that he considers " the only safe guide to test the justice of such complaints is the public opinion of the vicinity from which they emanate." The enclosed complaint from Mr. Woodbury is addressed to the Secretary of the Treasury, and is also marked "confidential," and bears date at Portsmouth, June 27, 1S29, — in which he states that " The new President, (of the Portsmouth Bank,) Jererniah Mason, is a particular friend of Mr. Webster, and his political character is doubtless well known to you." Mr. Woodbury further says, " Of course, my sitvation is such as to deprive me of much personal knov.'ledge of Mr. Mason's administration of the Bank concerns ; but never, on any occasion, have I laiown coimplaints so wide and hitter, as in the case now under consideration." "Under date of July ]8lh, Mr. Biddlo answers Mr. Ingham's letter, and conclusively s! '. ■ that many of the charg.-s made in Mr. Woodbury's complaint are untrue, but slates that he ii ;'J sub- mitted it to the Board of Directors, " who will not fail to examine the allegations of Mr. Wood- burjf, and, should they appear to be well founded, to apply an appropriate corrective." It is evident from the tone of Mr. Biddle's communications of this date, with the Secretary of the Treasury, that the Directors of the United States Bank strongly suspected the approach of a wolf in sheep's clothing — and the principles of action heretofore pursued by the Bank are stated in the most able and convincing manner. Mr. Biddle informs Mr. Ingham, " That the success of the Bank, whntever may be its degree, is entirely due to two fundamental principles in its administration : First, tiiat in the choice of its agents and the distribution of its loans, it should be wholly hidijf'rrent to political parties; and second, that in all its operations it should be totally independent of the officers of the government." He again says — "" Tlie Bank has a!w:iy:) kcjit itself aloof from all political cnnmctiun mtk the govcmmntt. ; and wliilo, in whatever concorns its approp/iutfi diitios, it h:i.s yielded tlie most ready and faitliful sijpi)ort to all the officers of j;ovurnniei)t, it has, at the same time, mainlnined the most entire independence of them. Their respective powers and duties are .•issignod to them by the same common authority — the laws of the country. Beyond these limits, it has never sought nor desired, nor would it v.vi-r have pcrwiltcd, (iiiij connection with the /rovcrmneHt, nr ami interftmice on its port — content with heinj the FRIEND of every administration, but the PAR'IMSAN OF NONii." * * * * "The footing, therefore, on which the intercourse between the Bank and the government, has always been distinctly plaeed, the only safe basis for the country, the government, or the Bank, is simply this: — 'I'he Bank h,w given the most cor- dial and decided cooperation in all the financial operations of the f^overnnicnt ; it has taken especi;il care, as a point cr,ually of duty and of delicacy, that none of its agents should abuse their trust, by injustice towards the existing administration or its friends, being always ready to .".pply the most decisive relief against such a perversion of its power. On the other hand, the government has uniformly and scrupulously forborne from all interference with the concerns of the Bank." ♦• * * *," In fact, their very ability to serve any administration, wuuld he ]osi hy suht-er- vicncy to it ; and the true relation of the Bank to the government is that of an iiiqiartial and independent friend, not a IMKTIS.VN." BY A LABORING MAN. 81 Tlie frank and manly exposi- of tlie principles and conduct of the managers of the Bank, seems to have struck the ct.nspirators aback; and, in Mr. Ingham's reply to Mr. Biddle, under date of July '2-5, he confesses that he "was not prepared for so conjitlatt an assertion of the universal pitritij of the Bank and all its branches, in practice as well as principle, as is to be found in your (Mr. Biddle's) letter." It seems it was decided, by the Directors of the Bank, that Mr. Biddle, with one of the Cashiers, should proceed to P;>rtsmouth and investigate in person the ehiirges preferred against Mr. Mason, and that he was absent at the receipt of Mr. Ingham's letter of the 2M inst. On Mr. Biddlc's return to Thiladelphia, he again addressed a letter to Mr. Ingliam, in answer to his of the 23d. In speaking of Mr. Ingham's first letter, covering tiie complaint of Mr. Woodbury, Mr. Biddle says — "Your letter was iiiinieiliatcly followed by tlie comnuinicntioii of ono subscribed 'ISAAC HILL, Srcond Cnmp- trolkr (if the Trca./' GE.\ER.\N J.^CKSON m J^eio Jliimp diirr.' In answer to your letter, you were apprized that the complaints of Air. Woodbury would be duly u-xarnined, and tliat the Bank'liad unilbrmly, and it was 1)elievnd succussfiilly, endeavored to prevent the abuse of its power to p-irty purposes. 'STour reply, of the 23d of July, tre.its this e.xeinption from political bias as a moral im- probability ; and, in an allusion to a Ro:jr!,'estion that the IJuik was disinclined to the int'-iforence of the government in these matters, you declare th it ' it ij not deemed transcending theju,st obligations nftiie dpnrtment tu which is assigned the direction of the rdations betwcvt the iroiternnient and tlic Bank, to swsgr.st its views as to their proper management.' You speak of the ' action of the GOVERN.MENT on the rank, and t'lal vf the rank on those witliiii- the sphere of its INFLUENCE;' and. finally, you remove the impression thiit those were ««/;/ your private sentiments, of which the friendly purpose might justitV "the cojiimunication, bv stating that your ^r.^t letter contained '■such an avowal of the views of Vu: AD.MlMS'lRATlON, a^ could not fairly be IJIlSUiNDEKSTOOD.' " Mr. Biddle also declares, in this letter, that the charges preferred against Mr. Mason were found to be entirely groundless, and that he was therefore re-elected to the presidency of the branch at Portsmouth. On the receipt of this letter from Mr. Biddle, the conspirators, through Mr. Ingham, seem to have adopted another course ; and, in his answer, under date of October 5th, 182i>, they attempt to balUj the Bank into acquiescence, and threaten them with the power of the ADMiNiSTR.\Tioy, which, he says, may be exerted in the appolnlinent of five directors, and " in the wirnnK.vwi.\G of the PUBLIC DEPOSITS," and in many other modes. The managers of the Bank, however, stood their ground firmly, alike against the cr/jo/cj ?/ and the threats of the'iT perfidious enemies; and Mr. Van Buruii was compelled to abandon his plan of rendering it immediately tributary to his schemes of ambition. In examining tlie correspondence and documents that were brought to light on this subject, by subsequent legislation, it is curious to observe the coincidences ; for instance, Mr. Woodbury's complaint against Mr. M;tsfin, addressed to the Secretary of the Treasury, is dated June aTth, at PoKTSMou rii ; again, Isaac Hill, whose creature Mr. Woodbury w;i.s, in a letter from Wash- ington, dated I7th of July, and directed to J. N. Barker and John Pemberton, Esquires, at Philadelphia, (who were probably government directors of the Bank,) says — "I now, agreeably to mij sugirc^lioii when I saw you in Philadelphia, send you two petitions to the President and Directoi-s of the Bank of the United States," «&c. Isaac Hill further says that he has recently spent several weeks in New Hampshire; and one of these petitions is dated June 27, 1829, at Portsmouth, where he no doubt then was, and bears the same date as Mr. Woodbury's letter of complaint to Mr. Ingliam. This petition simjily calls lor the removal of Mr. Mason, the President, and is signed'witli fifty-eight names. The other petition is dated June 29th, two days after the other, and was probably got up at tlie seat of government in New Hampshire, as it is signed by fifty-seven persons, who, Mr. Hill says, are the most respectable members of the New Hampsliire Legislature. This petition calls not only for a removal of Mr. Mason from the Bank, but also for that of the whole of the directors, and requests tliat Messrs. Isaac Waldron, Titus Salter, Thomas W. Penhallow, John Ball, John S. Jenniess, James Cushiisan, Richard H. Ayer, Joseph W. Haven, John Harvey, and William Pickering, may be appointed in their places. Isaac Hill also states, in his letter to Philadelphia, that he forwards a letter of com- j)laint from Joiiu S. Jenniess, Esq., a respectable merchant of Portsmouth, as he says, and who, it seems, was nominated by the friends of the conspirators to fill the place of a director in the Bauk as soon as those already in could be removed. In all this busine.'^s, it is probable that Mr. Inghain did not i'ully comprehend the real intentions of Mr. Van Btiren or his Second Comp- troller, Isaac Hill. He appears to have been a plodding, heavy-moulded man, very similar in character to Mr. Woodbury, though not so stupid. He was, moreover, said to be friendly to the succession of Mr. Calhoun to the Presidency. It seems that Isaac Hill had managed to get an order fioni Mr. Eaton, the Secretary of War, for the removal of tiie pension agency from Ports- mouth to Concord ; and the pension fund, hitherto constituting part of the i)ublic deposits in the United States Bank, was ordered to be withdrawn, and deposited in a bank at Concord, of wh.ich Isaac HilL had been president a short time before, and until he accejited an appointment at Washington. The correspondence, with regard to this arrangement, was mostl)' carried on by a Mr. James li. Edwards, who took the responsibility to order the jniblie money about, seem- ingly as he chose, under his simple signature, and who was probably a clerk or pension agent under Mr. Eaton in the War Department. Mr. Henshaw, of Commonwealth Bank memory, had also adopted the same course, and made deposits in a State Bank in which he was in- 8 82 FACTS FOR THE LABORING MAN: terostcd, whicli had been ordered by law to be deposited in the United States Rank. From New York, also, a large sum had been ordered, by the same Mr. Edwards, to be phiced in Mr. Van Buren's rfirency Bank in Albany. In justice, however, to Mr. Cass, the subsequent Secre- tary ol" War, it IS hut right to say, that he restored these deposits to the United Slates Bank, and declared tliat they had been illegally removed from its keeping. It is perhaps altogether impossible to trace the secret movements of Mr. Van Buren for some time alter the refusal oi" the United States Bank to become his tool. He, however, probably still retained a hope that it might eventually be corrupted, in case a renewal of its cliarter should be found to depend on the will of President Jackson ; whom, it was well known, he at that time almost exclusively controlled ; but, in case it would not eventually yield, its destruction was decided upon. The organization of President Jackson's Cabinet did not at all suit Mr. Van Buren. The men who composed it were most of them cither inimical to his designs in regard to the suc- cession, or lukewarm in their advocacy of his claims. The friends of Mr. Calhoun, then Vice President, were disposed to jiush his nomination as candidate for the next term after President Jacksiin's four 3-ears had expired ; and Mr. Ingham was perhaps disposed to second them. Major Eaton knew but little about politics or any thing else, and cared for no one but Jackson ; while Berrien and Branch were much too high-toned in their characters to suit Mr. Van Buren's purposes. In short, he decided upon an " explosion'' of the Cabinet. The first step to be taken was to render Mr. Calhoun, Mr. Van Buren's rival, obnoxious to the President. For this pur- pose, a Mr. Hamilton, of New York, a conspicuous character in Tammany Hall, was employed to fi-rret out proof of Mr. Caliioun's conduct while Secretary of War under Mr. Monroe's administration ; and, by dint of travel and inquiry, enough facts were collected to give coloring to the chitrge that Mr. Caliioun had, while a member of Mr. Monroe's Cabinet, urged the propriety of arresting and trying Gen. Jackson for his conduct in the Seminole War. Whether this was true or not, is not essential, as it was sufficient to entirely alienate the old General from Mr. Calhoun, to whom he felt under much obligation in consequence of Mr. Calhoun's having withdrawn himself ns candidate for the Presidency in \&IA, and had given his aid to the election of Gen Jackson. This preliminary step being taken, on the 11th day of April, 1831, Mr. Van Buren tendered his resignation as Secretary of State, and, in his letter of resignation, made it to be distinctly understood, that it was in consequence of its being expected of him to become a candidate lijr the presidential chair al'ter the retirement of General Jackson, when his second term should expire; and stated that, under those circumstances, he did not wish to embarrass the present administration by his continuance in office at Washington. It is well known that a prejudice existi^d, in the minds of the people, unfavorable to the accession of a Secretary of State to the Fresideiipy, as it had been of sucii common occurrence that it began to assume the aspect of a regular succession ; and Mr. Van Buren probably supposed, among other things, it might injure his future prospects. About the same time, Major Eaton resigned his situation as Secretary of War, giving as his reason that he never wished the station, and that he had always intended to resign the first favorable opportunity. On the 18th of April, Gen. Jackson gave Mr. Ingham a gentle hint to remind him of his wishes, by connnunicating to him the resigna- tion of Mr. Van Buren and of Mr. Eaton, two of his brother '■'■viiits." Mr. Ingham, being himself satisfied with his situation, could not fully understand what was wanted; and, accord- ingly, he addressed a note to the President, requesting more explicit information. This-the old General readily furnislied ; and Mr. Ingham agreed to resign as soon as he should have per- fected a ri'port on weiiihts uud ineasttrcs he was then engaged in. Gen. Jackson, finding his letter to Mr. Ingham so efficient in explaining his views and wislies, despatched copies of the same to Mr. Br;)nch, of the Navy Department, and also to Mr. Berrien, Attorney General, who forthwith resigned their places. The "■unit" was now dissolved, with the exception of Mr. Barry, the Postmaster General, whose services could not be dispensed vi'ith in that department, especially as that otlicer h;id already run his department in debt to the amount of several hun- dred thousand dollars, in his endeavors to bring about a '■'■Jackson rtforvi." In this dis- posal of the •' unit," Colonel Johnson, our present Vice President, was the principal agent employed, and was very useful in |)rf)ducinif the results desired by Mr. Van Buren. For rea- sons generally well known, the families of Messrs. Branch, Ingham, and Berrien, refused to associate with Mrs. Eaton, who was a favorite with Gen. Jackson, and who was probably inno- cent of the charges made against lier character, but which, nevertheless, were the cause of her being d(>nied access to the soirees and parties usually' given by the mi'inbers of the Cabinet at Washington. Of this circumstance much use was made by Mr. Van Buren. In an exposition of Mr. Branch, published in the Roanoke Advocate, and dated Enfield, August 2'2, 1831, in speaking of his forced resignation, Mr. Branch saj's — " Mr. Vail Huron, also, I have rrason to lirliovp, nrjiMl tti(> ailoption of tlii-t nie.isurc. Tliis crnlleman had dis- covored th;it tho Ihri'O iin'iiilKra of llie ("^nhiiiol, aftiru arils cjccIimI, (hsiJtiineil ti) hicomo tools to siiliservo liis airibitious anpirhii's, an:l ho deteniihiiMl to loavo ihom as little power to defcMt his mat hiiialions us pos-^ible. It i.s s:iid to be a pari of his character to ti h r.itr politically no ono who will not enter, heart and soul, into measures for promoting his own aggrandizement, lie had hecoine latterly the nlm'rr vftlir Prriidnd. How he obtained this inlluenci! mijilil be a aubjuct of curious and entertaining inquiry. Hut I sh:ill not pursue it. I may add, however, that, amimg tho moans employed, wore the masl lirrutrd and aioiis attention to Mrs. Eaton, and unceasing efforta to l>rin„' her into nolico, cpeciilly with the faniili purposes intended, could not, perhaps, have been ^- selected from the people" by Mr. Van Buren. In a speech delivered in ConoTess by Mr. Br)nd, of (^hio, about two years since, Mr. Bond stated that there was a paper "reported cr filed' by one of the committee of this house, which showed that, on the :50lh of November, 1S>(), this same Francis P. Blair was indebted to the United Stales Bank in the sum of .' The importance of the principl- involved in the inquiry, vk-hctlier it will be proper to recharter the Bank of the United Stiiles, requires tliat I should again call the attention of Congress lo the subject. Nothing has occurred to lessen in any degree the dangers wlsich many of our citizens apprehend from that institution, as at prcxeist organized. In the spirit of improvement and compromise which distinguishes pur country and its institutions, it becomes us to inquire, whether it he not possible to secure the advantages afforded by the present Bank, through the agency of a Bank of the United Slates, so modified in its principles and structure, as lo ohoiatc cunslitationul and otktr objections." Notwithstanding this tempting overture, the Bank did not bite, being no doubt aware from the beginning of the existence of the barbed hook which lay concealed under the specious bait. It was, as has been before stated, that tlie explosion of the '■'■unit" cabinet was brought about by the intrigues of Martin Van Buren — and Amos Kendall became the confidential adviser of Presi- dent Jackson, and Francis P. Blair was selected as editor of the executive organ, the Globe. Francis P. Blair was a deadly enemy to the Bank, from a cause heretofore stated. The directors of the Banlc had tacitly confessed that they considered 237 dollars in notes and certificates, signed by other men, to "be of greater value than his (Francis P. Blair's) obligations for more than 20,000 dollars, and tliey had proved their sincerity by having cancelled his obligations to that amount on the payment of the trifling sum first mentioned. This was an injury not to be for- given, and from tliat day to this Francis P. Blair has never ceased to vilify the Bank with all the variations of abuse and falsehood, that the most malignant of men could use and invent. The writer was informed some years since by a respectable old clergyman, who resided in Washington, that he boarded in the same house witli Amos Kendall or Francis P. Blair, or with both, in the year 1831 ; and that he frequently saw them together. — He further said, that Blair's conversation related almost exclusively to the United States Bank ; — that he frequently said it must be fut down, and another Bank put up in its place. Tliis other Bank, he stated, Blair some- limes called a " Treasury Bank " — sometimes an " Exchequer Bank " — sometimes a " Gorern- ment Bunk" — and sometimes a " Bank of Holland." Some time since the writer observed a long and a particular account, in the Globe newspaper, of the " Bank of ..Amsterdam," (the capi- tal of Holland,) and it brougiit at once to his mind the old clergyman's story of Blair's ^^ Bank of Holland." Mr. Benton's malignant hatred of the Bank is well known to every body, and it is probable tiial after Mr. Van Buren became convinced that the directors of that institution could not be induced to lend themselves to the furtherance of liis ambitious schemes, he determined upon consigning tlie Bank to Kendall, Benton, and Blair, to bo dealt with as they saw fit- — with the understanding, however, that Mr. Benton should not be brought forward as a candidate for the Presidency, until liis own term sliould have expired. With this understanding, Mr. Van Buren loft the United States some time in the monlii of July, 1831, as minister to the Court of St. James, being named to that mission by General Jackson, as was his ordinary practice during the recess of Congress. At the next session of Congress, in December following, tlie nomination was rejected in the Senate, (as befoie stated,) on the ground that Rlartin Van Buren, while Secretary of State, had attenii)ted to negotiate, on the West India trade, with the government of Great Britain, through Mr. M'Lane,our then minister in England, purely on party principles. The stockholders of the Bank were now about petitioning Congress for a renewal of their charter. In President Jackson's annual message, delivered Dec. 10, 1831, he says — " Entertaining the opinions heretofore expressed in relation to the Bank of the United States as at the. present nrgaii- Ued, t felt it my duty in my former messages frankly lo disclose them, in order that the attention of the legislature and the people should be seiiRonably directed to that important subject, and that it might be considered and linally disposed of in a ninnn<;r b('st calculated to promote the ends of tbc constitution, and subserve the public interests. Having thus conscientiously disihirged a constitutional duty, 1 deem it proner on this occasion, without a more particular reference to the views of the subject then ex])re8sed, to leave it for the present to the investigation of an enlightened people and their representatives." , BY A LABORING MAN. 85 To read the above extract one would be led to sup[)Osc that General Jackson was composed of the pure milk of Jmnian kindness, and that he was perfectly satislied that tiie " cnlifrhlrncd people and their ruprrscntatizes' should dispose of the Bank as they thought proper. Bat murk the re- sult. On the SJtli of January, lti'.'i2, less than one month after the delivery of tiie President's message, Mr. Dallas presenti-d to the Senate of tiie United States a uienioriul from the stock- holders of the United States Bank, res[n'ctfully petitioning that the charter of that institution ;Bhou. a be renewed. After mature deliberation, a bill for the rccharter of the Bank passed tite Senate on the 11th of June, by a majority of eight voles, and was concurred in by the House of Representatives, by a vote of ll)7 to tio, and that, too, after the investiiration of the allUirs of the Bank b}- a committee, appointed by Congress for that express purpose. This bill was sent to the President on the 4ia of July, who, on tiie lOtli of the same month, relumed it with his Veto, notwithstanding his former expressions of obedience to the will of the people and of their repre- sentatives. The committee appointed on this occasion was composed of a majority of adminis- tration members, among whom was the notorious C. C. Cainbreleng, a subservient tool of Mar- tin Van Buren, and of the Kitchen Cabinet. This conimiltee was appointed on the 14tli of March, ISovi, and Mr. Clayton made the report of the majority to Congress on the l?Oth of April following, while Mr. Adams made a report for the minority on the 14lli of May, 1632. Every American citizen wiio wishes to become acquainted with tlie nature of the charges preferred against the Bank by General Jackson and his adherents, sliould read these reports. A more in- famous mode of investigation, was never perhaps adopted by a court of inquisition in Spain or Porlu^;al during the dark agi's — and yet the managers of the Bank came forth from their hands unscathed and wholly iree from reproach. The only charge preferred against them, which ad- mitted of a particle of suspicion, was the loaning of a sum of money to Webb and Noah, at liiat time joint Editors of the iS'ew York Courier and Enquirer — and even the conduct of liieBank on this occasion, upon mature deliberation, will perhaps demand praise rather than censure. It appears from the evidence contained in the oOicial reports, that James Watson Webb was Editor of the Courier and Enquirer, a paper favorable to the administration of Gen. Jackson, and also that an article appeared in its columns on the 8th of April, liS31, advocating the re- charter of the United Slates Bank, which, from lime to time, was followed by other articles of the same character. It also appears that Mr. Webb was indebted at that time to the National and certain other Banks in the city of New York, to quite a larffe amount, and that on the Cou- rier and Enquirer continuing to advocate the le-charter of the U. S. Bank, Ihi^se Banks not only compelled Mr. Webb V:> pay up all his accommodation paper, but refused to discount his business paper as before, giving him distinctly to understand the reason to be his friendliness to the U. S. Bank. This statement was fully corroborated by the evidence of two of the Presidents of the City Banks, (.\lbert Gallatin and Mr. Wright,) who were summoned by the committee for the express purpose of disproving Mr. Webb's statements. Finding his resources thus cut off, on the ninth of August, 1631, Mr. Webb applied to the U. S. Bank for a loan to the amount of 2l),0()() dollars, and he was furnished with a letter of recommendation by Walter Bowne, Mayor of New York, and formerly a director in the U. S. Bank, and, if the writer mistakes not, a de- voted partisan of Andrew Jackson's. Mr. Webb frankly stated the cause of his refusal by the New York City Banks to the President of the U. States liank. The security offered was con- sidered satisfactory, and the paper was discounted, and which, with oilier discounts, made some months after, amounting in all to about .52,000 dollars, has every dollar been paid. How stands Francis P. Blair's account with the Bank.-' is that paid.' No I it has been sliown to be settled by the payment of a little more than one cent on the dollar — and yet this is the man who has fulminated more falsehoods about this transaction of liie Bank, than perhaps any other person in the United States, with the exception of Kendall and Benton. If the security offered by Mr. Webb was not sutBcient to warrant the Bank in loaning the money, what docs Mr. Blair think of his own cme per cent, security .' The official record also shows that Mr. Noah was about purchasing into the Courier and En- quirer, and that to raise money for that purpose he placed notes in the hands of Silas E. Bur- roughs, a wealthy merchant of New York, to the amount of $l,"),000, besides interest — who agreed to have them discounted lor the interest and 2.^ per cent, additional commission, for guar- antee — transactions of whicli nature are daily and hourly taking place in New York. After Mr. Burroughs had held these notes for some time, it seems he himself became in want of funds, and bad them discounted at the United States Bank, by giving some additional collat(?ral secu- rity ; and it appears by tlie records that neither Mr. Noaii nor Webb had any knowledge of these notes being in the possession of the U. S. Batik until after the committee of investigation was appointed. With the exception of this sum, Webb and Noah's loan of the Bank amounted to but about $35,000. To account for the conduct of the National and other Banks in New York, in the business of Webb and Noah, it is sufficient perhaps to state, that the U. S. Bank stood mucii in their way, from the circumstance that it never received more than G per cent, interest, whereas the State Banks of New York were allowed to take 7 on all paper discounted by them. And moreover, m the event of the United States Bank 7tot being re-chartered, the deposits of the public money would probably be made in tlie State Banks, which subsL'quent events jiroved true, and tliis very National Rank complained of by Mr. Webb, was afterwards selected for that purpose. An altompt was also made to criminate the President of the Bank through the testimony of Reuben .M. Whiliiey, (who appears to have been the Titus Gates of the Kitchen Cabinet,) a man well known on the borders of Canada during the late war with England, to which power he had 86 FACTS FOR THE LABORING MAN: taken a sort of Jialf oath of allegiance, in order to be allowed to remain in Canada, his business being, as it is said, of such a nature that it required him to divide his time about equally between the U. States and that province. This pious man undertook to make a charge of embezzlement against Mr. N. Biddle. The President of the Bank was confronted with Mr. Whitney, and de- clared that every word of Whitney's statements was untrue; and it was afterwards proved to be so by jive witncssr.s, and also by written evidence. As a last resort, Whitney summoned a Mr. Wilson Hunt in his behalf, who, so far from confirming Whitney's statement, manifested great surprise that he should expect him to corroborate statements of which he had never before heard. Mr. J. Q. Adams, who was of the minority of the committee, was so struck with the manner of this witness, (Whitney,) and the character of his statements, that he was induced to ask him, " what had been his motive for giving the testimony, and whetlier it had been voluntary or solicited," &c. &c. These questions Whitney attempted to evade, by pretending not to rec- ollect whether his testimomj had been voluntary, or asked of him ; but upon being hard pressed with further questions, he at length acknowledged that he had brought a [cttcr of recommendation to Mr. Clayton, the chairman of the committee, from Mr. BENTON — yes, from Mr. BEN- TON ! a member of the Kitchen Cabinet — that is the very name given on the official records, and that is probably enough to reveal the cloven foot. It was by such means that the Kitchen Cabi- net attempted to destroy the Bank, and to prevent its re-charter. The representatives of the people were, however, at that time sufficiently free from executive dictation to enable them to act agreeably to the dictates of justice; and the good of the country, and the re-charter was granted to the Bank, as before stated, quickly followed by the Veto of the President. Whatever might have been the object of the conspirators beibre, it was evident that the de- struction of the Bank was now fully determined upon — and the Executive, acting under the influence of the Kitchen Cabinet, was made to fulminate every species of abuse and falsehood concerning that institution. Fearful that the re-charter of the Bank would repass both houses of Congress, by a two thirds majority, at their next session, the greatest exertions were now made to prevent such an event, and among other means used, it was determined to remove the public deposits from the vaults of that institution, under a pretence of its insolvency, and ac- cordingly the President, in his 4th annual message, delivered to Congress the 4Ui of Dec. 1832, in speaking of the U. S. Bank, is made to say — " Sucli measures as are within the roach of tlie Secretary of the Treasury have been taken tn enable him to judge whether the public doposit.s in that institution may be regarded as entirely safe ; but as his limited power may prove inadequate to this object, I recommend the subject to the attention of Congress, under the,^7'm belief that it is worthy of their .serious investigation. An inquiry into the transactions of the institution, embrachig the brandies as well as the principal Bank, seems called for by the credit which is given throu;.'hout the country to many serious clrirges im- peaching its chaiacter, and which, if true, may justly excite the apprehension that it is no longer u. sufe depository of the money of the people." Notwithstanding this grave assertion of the President, it is well known that the only com- plaints that had ever been made conveying the most distant doubt of the solvency of the Bank had emanated from the Executive, the Kitchen Cabinet and their minions. The removal of the deposits was decided upon, no doubt, not only with a view of weakening the United States Bank, but also with the intention of placing the control of the public money in the hands of the Executive, to be used as the Kitchen Cabinet might see fit. In 1829, while Martin Van Buren was Governor of New York, a law had been passed com- pelling all Banks thereafter chartered in that State, to pay aia annual tax of one half per cent. on their capitals, for six years from the time of their charter. The fund arising from this tax was to be placed in the hands of the Comptroller, (viz., AZARIAH C. FLAGG, one of the regency, and, nf course, under MARTIN VAN BUREN 'S control,) to be held as security for any losses that might occur to the public by the '■'safetyfand Banks." Three commissioners were also required to be appointed by law, one by the State, (the Jllhany Retrency,) the other two by the safety-fund Banks, any one of whom could, by complaint to the Chancellor, (viz., Reu- ben H. Walworth, another of the regency,) cause an injunction to be issued against any one or all of the confederated Banks. This law, it will at once be seen, added greatly to the power the ^^ regency" already possessed over the Banks, as before described. It is probable that on the failure of Martin Van Buren's plan of subjugating the United States Bank, it was the intention of the conspirators to destroy that institution, and then to establish a great National Bank, to be located in the city of New York, and to be organized on principles that would place it as com- pletely under the control of the Federal Executive as was the Regency Bank at Albany under the control of Martin Van Btiren. But owing to the clamor the conspirators had been com- pelled to raise in every part of the Union against all National Banks, in order to break down the existing Bank of the U. States, they were obliged to dispense for the time with the project of such an institution, and they probably concluded to adopt a system as near that employed by the Albany Regency as circumstances would permit. At the meeting of Congress in Dec. 1832, that part of the President's message relating to the safety of the public deposits and the charge of insolvency against the U. S. Bank was taken into consideration by Congress, and after mature deliberation, it was decided that the charges were without foundation, and that the removal of the deposits was uncalled for, by a vote of 109 to 46, being more than two to one against their removal. By the report of an agent employed by the Treasury department to investigate the situation of the Bank, it was shown that " the liabilities of the Bank amounted to $37,296,050, and the fund to meet them to $7i»,.593,870, making an excess of $42,2D6,!120." The charge of insolvency in the face of sucii facts, was too glaring even to be persevered in by the desperate characters who had instigated its insertion BY A LABORING MAN. 87 in the message of the Presiflent, and the old charge against the Bank of electioneering was again resorted to, and on this ground it was resolved to remove the deposits, regardless of the will of Congress, twice so ein[)halically expressed. It was either at this period, or directly after the deposits were reinf)ved, that a broker in New York was employed to make tin- run on the Savannah Branch alluded to by the writer in a previous number. It was sii|)posed at the time that this broker was employed by Amos Kendall, he hopintr to find this distant branch unpre- pared to meet a call for a heavy amount of specie, and that by causing it to suspend, a general run would be made by bill hohiers on all the branches at once, as well as on tlie mother Bank, and thus cause the greater part to suspend, and thereby prove the charge of the Bank's insol- vency, made by the President, to be true. It is hard to conceive of such turpitude e.\isting in human nature, that, fur the sake of gratifying vindictive malice, or will, or for the acquisition of power, a plot should be conceived and acted upon, the success of which would causi; ruin to thousands of innocent persons, and produce a universal stagnation of business throughout the Union. But from a close observation of the policy and measures that have been pursued, the writer is convinced that History bears record of but few men so corrupt and desperate in their characters, as ever h;iving existed in any age or country, as are those who have ruled the desti- nies of this country sinc<; tlie elevation of Andrew Jackson to the Presidency. With regard to the plot to break the Savannah branch, the writer has been informed that the broker emploj'ed had collected about 300,000 dollars of the bills of the Savannah branch. Maurice Robinson, of the branch Bank in N. York, became aware of the sudden disappearance of the bills from circu- lation, and gave Mr. Biddle notice of it. — The Directors, well knowing the unprincipled char- acters who were seeking the destruction of the U. States Bank, suspected something wrong, and immediately despatched a large amount of specie to the branch in Savannah, which had scarcely arrived before the bills were presented and the specie demanded for them. It is said the mis- creant who presented them, finding the attempt to break the branch had failed, begged to be allowed to take the bills back, which request was, however, denied him. The friends of the administration, to hide the baseness of this transaction, stated the specie was wnntcd for the pur- pose of establishing a Bank in Georgia. — Tlu; whole circumstance of the case, however, proved the falsehood of this pretence. — This same broker is the man that Martin Van Buren rewarded with a loan of more than 170.000 dollars, taken from the Custom House in New York some months since. Whether Martin Van Buren was himself accommodated with a loan in return, to be used in his speculations at Oswego, or elsewhere, the writer does not know, but he was informed some time since in New York, that during his (Martin Van Buren's) electioneering tour the last summer, he was closeted for the considerable part of a night at the Globe Hotel, in that city, but for what purpose the writer is not informed — but he will venture to say that the words p'ist services, were thought of, if not used, in the course of their night's conversation. Perhaps there are some men in New York who can inform the public whether any of Mr. Van liivirens friends or relations were accommodated about this time by a loan of money from Beers or not. The writer strongly suspects that this was the case, but does not know it to be so. On the 4th of March, 1S33, Gen. Jackson was installed for the second term in the Presidential chair; and on the Gth of June following, he left Washington in company with Martin V^an Buren, then Vice President, and others, on a tour through the Northern and Eastern States. Mr. M'Lane, then Secretary of the Treasury, refused to become a tool for the removal of the deposits, but owinof to his being a good political friend of Martin Van Buren's, he was merely translated to the head of the State department — now rendered vacant by the appointment of Mr. Livingston, minister to the court of Versailles. And Mr. Duane who was known to the conspirators as a strong opponent of the Bank, was appointed in his place. — It would seem that the members of the Kitchen Cabinet took it for granted, that Mr. Duane would be as unscrupu- lous as themselves, in the use of the ineans to destroy the Bank. In this, however, they were mistaken. Mr. Duane had been in office but a few weeks when he discovered that he had other men to serve besides the President. — In a letter or address dated Feb. 20, 1834, Mr. Duane, speaking in reference to the removal of the deposits, says — " I then comiilcied liim fPrC'^ident Jackson) thi' mere instrument oT men .iround liim, who were unworthv of his confi lencc, and believed that lie had l«)conie the executioner of their vengfunce against all who had cliecked tneir ra- p.icily." Mr. Duane again says — " My commission hora the ihite of May 99th, 183.?, and on the 30th, I reached Washington. After waiting upon the President, on the no.vt d:iy, I went to the Treasury Ueparlmont, and took the oiitli of offif e on the 1st of June. On thd evenin;< ofthit day, Mr. Reuhen M. Whitney called upon me at my lodgings, at the desire, as he said, of th.' President, to make known to me what had been done, and what v)a.s to be done, in relation to the United gtateif Bank. He stated, thit the President had concludi.'d to take upon himself the responsibility of directing the Secretary of the Treas- ury to rfmovc^ the public, deposits from that Bank, and to transfer them to St.ite Banks ; that he had asked the mem- bers of the cabinet to give him their opinions on the subject; that the President had aaid — ' Mr. Taney and Mr. Barry had come out like men for the removal ;' that Mr. M'Lane had given a long opinion against it ; that Mr. Cass was supposed to lie against it, but had given no written opinions; and that Mr. Woodbury* had given an opinion which was ' yi;s ' and ' no ; ' that the President would make the act his own, by addressing a paper or order to the Secretary of the Treasury ; that Mr. Amu.t ICnulaU, who wa^t h'p/k in the PrexidrnCs confidfitcc, vas nowprfparini^ that paper ; that there had been delay, owing to the affair nt Alexandria , hut no doubt the President would soon speak to me on the subject ; that the paper referred to, would be put forth as the Proclamation had been, and would be made a ralliiinir point ; that he (Mr. Whitney) had, at the desire of the President, drawn a memair or exposition, showing * It is due to this gentleman to state, that I subsequently learned ho was opposed to a removal, prior to July, 1834, find was for only a gradual change afterwards. »S FACTS FOR THE LABORING MAN- that the measure might be safely adopted, and that the State Banks would be fully adequate to cll the purposes of government. He then read the i-xposilion to me, and as 1 desired to understand matters so imjiortant and so sin;,'ulaily presented to me, 1 asked him to leave the paper with me, which he accordingly did. He also read to me divers let- ters, from individuals connected with State Banks [regency]. The drift of his further observations was to satisfy me that the executive arm alone could be relied on to prevent a renewal of the United States Bank Charter." *********** " On the next evening, (Sunday,) Mr. Whitney again called on me in company with a stranger, whom he introduced as Mr. Miiws Kendall, a gentleman in the President' ■■i contidenco, and v'ho would give me any further explanation, tliat I might desire, as to wiiat was meditated in relation to the United States Bank, and who then called on me because he VJos about to proceed to Baltimore. I did not invite, nor check communication. Very little was said, and perhaps be- cause I could not wlioUy conceal my mortification at an attempt, apparently with the sanction of the President, to re- duce me to a mere cipher in the administration." *********** " The President left Washington on the 6th of June. During his absence, further circumstances came to ray knowledge, which induced me to believe, that the removal of the deposits was not advocated with any view to public utility, but urged to accomplish selfish, if not factions purposes. I sought no intercourse with those who, I felt satisfied, had an undue influence over the President, at least in relation to the grave questions connected with the removal of the deposits. Whenever any of them called on me, there was no hesitation in urging me to accord in the proposed measure. It was contended that the removal of the deposits would be made a rallyitttr point, at the opening of Con- gress, or a flag up, for the new members. Whenever I urged a recourse, in the first instance, to Congress^ or the Judi- ciary, such a step was scouted, and delay represented as hazardous. " I had heard rumors of the existence of an influence at Washington, unknown to the constitution. The conviction that suck an influence existed, at least in relation to the matters then pressed upon me, was irresistible. I knew that four of the six members of it, before I became a member of it, had been opposed to any present action in relation to the deposits ; and I also knew that/our of the siz members of the existing cabinet entertained the same views. I felt satisfied, not only that the President was not in the hands of his constitutional advisors, but that their advice was suc- cessfully resisted by persons whose views I considered at variance with the public interest and the President's fame." All the efforts of Kendall to induce Mr. Duane to remove the deposits proving without avail, on the 4th of July, General Jackson suddenly returned to Washington. For some weeks after his arrival, every inducement was again used to prevail upon Mr. Duanc to remove the deposits, and to place them in the State Banks, as arranged for by Amos Kendall, but without success. At length finding that Mr. Duane could not be prevailed upon to remove theiu, without an act of Congress being passed requiring such a course, he was accused by the Globe of being an em- issary of the Bank, and abruptly dismissed on the 23d of September, by General Jackson, and Mr. Taney was appointed in his place for the express purjwsc (as stated by the writer in a previous number) of removing the deposits, which were accordingly ordered to be placed in the State Banks selected by Aiuos Kendall after the 1st of October, 1833. It will be remembered that in General Jackson's last annual message, he was made to doubt the solvency of the Bank In his next message, delivered December 3, 1833, he is made to ac- cuse the bank of being too solvent and rich. The average amount of government deposits in the United States Bank was at that time about ten millions of dollars — consequently, on the removal of the deposits, the bank was obliged to call in its circulation to about the same amount — more especially as the charge of insolvency from the President and his minions had not been entirely without effect in causing runs on the Bank. In this message, after making the most flimsy and false charges conceivable against the Bank with regard to the use of their money in influencing the elections of the country, Gen. Jackson is made to say — " At this time the efforts of the Bank to control public opinion through the distresses of some, and the fear of oth- ers, are equally apparent, and if possible more objectionable. By a curtailment of its accommodations, more rapid than any emergency requires, and even while it retains specie to an almost unprecedented amount in its vaults, it is attempting to produce great embarrassment in one portion of the community, while through presses known to have been sustained by its money, it attempts, by unfounded claims, to create a panic in all." This was no doubt the language of the Kitchen Cabinet — and to show the nature of the testi- mony used to prove the charges of electioneering brought against the Bank, as well as the prac- tice of its accusers in the same respect, the writer will refer the reader to the following docu- ments brought in evidence against the United States Bank. It will be remembered by the reader, that Mr. Ingham, in his first letter to Mr. Biddle, after informing him of the nature of the coiuplaint brought against the United States Branch Bank at Portsmouth, says further — " Complaints of a, similar nature have also been svggcsted from other places — particularly KEJ^TUCKY and LOUISMKA." As tlie attack made on the Bank at Portsmouth did not succeed, the complaints were never brought forward. It has been shown that the principal agent in concocting the charges against the Bank at Portsmouth was ISAAC HILL, one of the members of the Kitchen Cabinet, and that Levi Woodbury was the principal tool made use of then, as he ever has been since, by the conspirators. In an address dated Green Spring, 5th June, 1832, from Mr. Ingham, former Sec- retary of the Treasury, and published in the American Sentinel, he discloses the origin of this charge — in alluding to which Mr. Ingham says — "This charge is substantially contained in the following letter, which then made its first appearance in writing, though often repeated orally some time before. — Mr. Gilly Cuddy, who had offered to prove the facts, and invited a request to that effect in the letter referred to by Mr. Kendall, afterwards declined the attemi)t. "4th Auditor's Office, 2.1d Novemeeb, 1829. " Dear Sir:— In the summer of 1828, I was informed by Mr. ,of Frankfort, that on the Sunday preceding the election in 1825, it was determined by two directors of the United States Branch Bank at Louisville, where he then resided, to appropriate $250 of a certain contingent fund, or secret service money, belonging to the Bank, of which fund they had the control, to aid the party called the old court party, in carrying tho elections in Jefferson county. Mr. further stated thav.f 100 of the money was put in the hands of himself and another gentleman on that d;iy, that they went to Shippingspor* and opened grog shops with it, and hired hacks to carry up voters ; that the balance was put into ths hands of others for like purposes, in Louisville ; that they did employ with that money all the hacks in the place, and to use his own expression, ' did a main business on Sundiiy.' " Not being authorized to use this information on Mr. 's authority, I requested Mr. Oilly Cuddy to prove it, if possible, through other channek, and these ate facts to which he alludes. Very respectfully, •' S. D. Ingham, Secretary of Treasury. AMOS liENDALL." BY A LABORING MAN. 89 It appears by this, that two out of the three chargea against the United Slates Bank were brought by members of the Kitchen Cabinet ; wliom the other cliargc with regard to Louisiana was made by does not appear,, but tiie writer lias but little doubt that it emanated from the same source. Who Mr. GUhj Cuddy is the writer knows not, but it is a droll name for a white man. With regard to the Mr. , of Frankfort, in Kentucky, the writer knows of no ether person from that place except Francis P. Blair — and as Kendall had been a schoolmaster in that State, it is probable that he there formed his acquaintance with him, and it was no doubt through Kendall's means that Blair was brought to Washington to edit the Globe, in 183L It is said that while Kendall resided in Kentucky he was subjected to a severe fit of sickness, and that his life was probably saved by the kind and assiduous attention of the wife of Henry Clay — this probably accounts for his malignant hatred of Mr. Clay, on the same principle that caused Blair to hate the Bank, viz. — on the principle that " smatl favors make friends, and great fa- vors make enemies," especially, as before stated, when conferred on malicious and malignant men. If Mr. Blair is the witness alluded to in Kendall's letter, it shows that /our of the Kitchen Cabinet at least were concerned in making the charges against the Bank. It seems that Mr. Gilly Caddy declined "■the attempt" of proving the truth of Kendall's charges against the Bank. But had the conspirators succeeded in accomplishing their ends in their attack on the Portsmouth branch, by means of "public opinion" manufactured for the oc- aisiori by ISAAC HILL, through the "friends of General Jackson in S^ew Hampshire," they would doubtless have adopted the same course in regard to the charge made by Kendall against the branch in Kentucky, agreeably to tlie rule contained in Mr. Ingham's first letter to Mr. Biddle, as before stated, that, in the absence of other proof, " theunhj safe guide to test the justice of such complaints, is the puhlic opinion of the vicinity in which they emanated." The following Precepts and Letters, published in Niles's Register, August 4, 1832, will show the course of deception pursued by tlie Kitchen Cabinet, and hoxo free from meddling in the elections of the people, were the officers of General Jackson's jnirc " reform " administration at that early period, which has gone on increasing to such an extent that it is now avowed openly in Congress by the minions of the Executive, that all officers of Government should e.xert them- selves to the utmost AT THE POLLS, in favor of the views of their master, the President. Pi-ecept. Practice. Eztract from the Inaugural Mddrcss of President Jackson, Circtdar from the Commissioiur ufthe Qcncral Land Office, 4tfe March, 18-i9. Mr. Hayward. "The recant demonstration of public sentiment in- " Sir :—T send you tlie 2d number of the 'Extra Globe.' scribes on the list of executive duties, in characters too It is only one dollar tor 30 numbers. As it is of the gbeat- legiblo to be overlooked, the tusk of reform ; which will est importance in tlic approaching contest for the presi- require, particularly, the corr.-^ction of those abuses that dency, that this pap"r should bo circulated and read in have brou