Qass. Book. V'./ AMERICA. AND THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. BY FREDERICK VON RAUMER, PROFESSOR OF HISTORY IN THE UNIVERSITY OF BERLIN, &C.&C. " If we compare the present condition of our Union with its actual state at the close of the Revolution, the history of Ihe world furnishes no example of a progress in improvement, in all the important circumstances which constitute the happiness of a nation, which bears any resemblance to it."— Monroe, Seventh Message. TRANSLATED FROM THE GERMAN BT WILLIAM W. TURNER. NEW YORK: W- J. & H. G. LANGLEY, S ASTOR HOUSE. MDCCCXLVI. f* Entered accordtag to Act of Congress, in the year 1845, by J. & H. G. LANGLEY, in the Clerk's office of the District Court of the United States for the Southern District of New Yorli. S. W. BENEDICT, I'RINTER, 16 SpnctMlnet, Ntni York. TRANSLATOR'S PREFACE. This work of Baron von Raumer which has been recently pub- lished in Germany, although in good part of a didactic nature, will not it is thought be without interest for the American pub- lic, on account of the reputation which this veteran historian has already acquired, the almost personal concernment of the topics he discusses to every American citizen, and the candid and kindly spirit in which he writes. His opinions on the whole respecting the institutions, the past history, and the future pros- pects of this country, are in the highest degree favorable ; and whenever he allows himself to find fault, which is but seldom, he does it with evident reluctance, and with the air of a friend whose admonitions are wholesome, and not with the bitterness of an enemy. The comparisons too, which he makes between many of the American institutions and the corresponding insti- tutions of Europe, will be found useful and instructive. One virtue of his will not be the less esteemed on account of its rarity among writers in this country ; and that is, that he has at least endeavored to make himself well acquainted with what he has undertaken to write about. He has also shown great and com- mendable carefulness in every instance, not to violate the privi- leges of a guest by exposing to the world the confidences of private and social intercourse, — a proceeding which some writers on both sides of the water might imitate with advantage. The Author has made numerous quotations from American works ; and these I have compared with the originals, wherever I could have access to them. The delay occasioned by these verifications has unavoidably caused the publication to be post- poned somewhat beyond the expected time. I observed in the course of making them, that the Author had occasionally fallen into slight errors in the hurry of copying ; these, where I have noticed them, I have silently corrected. In every other respect, I have endeavored, as in duty bound, to faithfully render the '^ iv translator's preface. Author's meaning, whatever maybe the statements or sentiments ho puts forth ; which of course does not involve an endorsement of every thing contained in the book. Indeed I have often felt inclined to add a correcting or explanatory note, but in general have refrained from every thing of the kind : because want of time would not have permitted me to do it except in a very par- tial degree ; and because, as the Germans would say, it is rather the subjectivity than the objectivity/ of the book that will claim the attention of readers in this country. Americans will not resort to a work of this kind, written by a foreigner, and which treats of such a variety of delicate and difficult topics, to obtain minute information on matters of fact. What they will feel curious to know is, what are the opinions of an intelligent and well informed man, placed by circumstances beyond the reach of local passions and prejudices, on the various topics that have long agitated and continue to agitate the national mind. Although the Author's anxiety not to decide on hasty or one- sided grounds, but to do justice to all the valid arguments advanced on either side, may sometimes give him an appearance of wavering, it will be found that the principles of the widest liberty are every where adopted as his own. The opinions which he thus expresses are not without their value in another point of view, for those whose sympathies are not confined within the physical boundaries of their own country ; for they show us what arc the thoughts and aspirations that now engage the minds of the foremost men among our German brethren. The cheering sun of liberty is now scattering its effulgent beams over all the ^habitations of men. And as the nations turn towards its divine light, and bless its genial life-restoring warmth, they laugh the scowling despots to scorn, who would persuade them it is but a scorching and devouring flame. The Anglo-Saxon offshoot of the great northern family of nations has long basked and thriven in this sunshine of the soul. The glistening eyes of Germans and Scandinavians look upon the success and happi- ness of their more fortunate kinsmetf 'with feelings, not of envy, but of honest pride and emulation. They too are resolved to share these high privileges. Already they buckle on their armor for the field ; the notes of preparation sweeping across the Aflan- tic already meet our ears; nay, already the combat with the powers of tyranny and superstition has begun, — and who can doubt of a glorious victory at last ? Lord, hasten the day ! W. W. T. New York, November, 1845. AUTHOR'S PREFACE. In the course of my historical labors I have been led from ancient to mediseval, and lastly to modern, the most modern history of all. Here the French Revolution is usually designated by its admirers, as the highest point of human development ; while it is condemned by its opponents, as an incontrovertible proof of human folly and sinfulness. To the former, any further progress beyond what has been attained seems scarcely possible ; the latter despair of the future altogether. Neither of these views satisfied me in the least ; and the more I desired to become acquainted with the actual present and the probable future of mankind, the more I became convinced that this latter was by no means to be sought in Europe alone, and that amid the splendors and horrors of the French Revolution the Germano-American one had been too much overlooked. Eager for information, I took up in succession a great number of books of travels. But what for the most part were the representations I en- countered .'■ A country of late origin and in every respect more imper- fect than the other parts of the world, an unhealthy climate, infectious diseases, a dead level of democracy originating in a lawless and villanous rebellion, a presumptuous rejection of all the natural distinctions of soci- ety, together with shameful ill-treatment of the negroes and Indians. Politics every where a prey to party spirit ; religion split up into a mul- titude of sects ; indifference to science and art, an immoderate worship of Mammon, an eager striving after material advancement with a neglect of the spiritual and the amiable ; nowhere truth and faith, nowhere the amenities of refined social existence ; a total want of history and of great poetical recollections, &c. &c. Can it be wondered at, when a well-informed writer angrily exclaims : " I have read nearly all the statements of travellers in the United States for the last thirty years ; and it has filled me with astonishment that 1* Vi AUTHORS PREFACE. such a mass of contradiction and absurdity could have been produced on any given subject."* Since 1786, remarked John Jay, I have found scarcely six foreign travellers that knew any thing of America ;t — and this number, adds a skilful reviewer, is still too high ! Yet in spite of this censure, and of these leaders or misleaders, my longing to behold the youthful present of this remarkable country increas- ed, and with it my desire to hear true prophets discourse of a brilliant future. Still I was often told plumply and plainly by Americans (although I had carefully prepared myself and used every exertion to become a diligent learner), that " no foreigner could accurately judge or properly describe any thing American." Declarations of this kind ren- dered me more and more sensible of the magnitude and difficulty of my undertaking, and urged me to redoubled scientific exertions ; but they could not wholly discourage me. In the first place, because it can scarcely be denied, that the native who always stays at home very easily becomes partial in his views ; that travelling, on the contrary, widens and clears up the intellectual horizon. J It is not until a man has one or more times left his native land, that he can thoroughly com- prehend both that and foreign countries. Again, when native-born Ame- ricans, as is very natural, entertain different opinions on a host of topics, a traveller must also be allowed to adopt the views of one or the other. Lastly, so long as they are praised, most Americans do not require either a long residence or native birth ; it is only when this is intermingled with blame, that complaints are almost invariably heard of prejudice, ignorance, difficulty of understanding the Ameiican character, too short a stay, &c. &c. It is true nevertheless, that the observer very seldom places himself at the proper point of view for America ; hence it results that even well- wishers have frequently regarded things in a crooked, distorted, false light. Scattered and trivial anecdotes hastily caught up, have been used to characterize and even to depreciate an entire people ; and observations made in rail-cars, steam-boats, and hotels, have often been the only sources of confident representations. In their zeal against undeniable and unpleasant trifles, they fail to see any thing of the great and unparal- leled historical phenomena offered to their view ; they find fault with all that differs from what they have been accustomed to at home ; sigh after kings, courts, nobles, soldiers, orders, titles, an established church, rights * Hinton, Topography, ii. 412. t American Review, xvi. 281.— The witty Clockmaker says, in his peculiar way (p. 39) : " Wishy-washy trash they call tours, sketches, travels, letters, and what not— vapid stuff, just sweet enough to catch flies, cockroaches, aud hall-fledged gulls." X wad some Power the giftie gie us. To see ourscls as others see us I — Burns. author's preface. Vll of primogeniture, and the like ; look for routs, soirees, and perfumed fine gentlemen and dandies in the western wilds ; and reproach the Americans with all sorts of defects (of which they themselves have long been aware), without ever undertaking to show how they should be treated and removed. Perhaps I too would have fallen into the like errors, had I not been supported and instructed in the rnost obliging and courteous manner by the best informed men in every department of life. For this I here pub- licly render them my most sincere and heartfelt thanks : and if I do not name every individual among my instructors and friends, or mention every obliging act, every instructive and pleasant companionship which I enjoyed, it is by no means owing to lack of feeling, but because I must fear that repetitions, accruing on every page, would weary even the kindest reader. On this account I have printed only fragments from the Letters written during my tour, by way of addenda to the book. They have a personal although not an objective truth, and exhibit the first impressions of the moment. The demand, that I should have delineated more sharply, have written with greater piquancy, and not have shunned even the violence or ofFensiveness of caricature, is one to fulfil which would be foreign to my nature. If, notwithstanding, I have fallen into this fault against my will, I beg that it may be forgiven, and that the errors (which in a book of such varied contents are unavoidable, in spite of the most careful endeavors) may be kindly excused. As for the rest, the moderate compass of my book will show that 1 have not even desired to touch upon every topic, much less could I exhaust them. But many will probably object, as they often have done before, that I am obnoxious to a much severer censure, and am devoid of gratitude and feeling ; because I do not see the whole truth in one extreme, but endeavor to penetrate to the centre from which life and motion radiate on every side. Extremes however — as in the vibrations of a pendu- lum — show only the points of stoppage and return ; and it is not from them that the force which impels in both directions proceeds. Cer- tainly Aristotle never intended by his energy of being, thinking, and feeling, to signify a mere negation ; his energic medium was no stupid letting of oneself down between two stools, — a line of conduct which no man can praise or recommend who retains the use of his five senses. Should my book reach America, I request my readers there not to forget, that it is especially intended for Germany, and can offer nothing new to the well informed inhabitants of the United States. On that account I was obliged, among other things, to give a summary of the constitutions and a somewhat lengthy historical introduction. The lat^ ter was rendered necessary by the fact that in Europe many imagine viii author's preface. that the great confederation grew out of a rebellion, and consequently can never enjoy a sound existence or bear wholesome fruit. The peculiarities of Europe cannot be indiscriminately imitated in North America, nor those of North America in Europe. Excellences as well as defects may serve for mutual instruction and improvement. IMany at home had prophesied to me, that when I returned from the United States, I should be cured of all favorable prejudices, and bring with me an unfavorable opinion of the country and the people. How differently has it turned out ! All the trifling disagreeablenesses of the journey have utterly lost their importance ; while the truly great and wonderful phenomena and facts still remain like the sun-lighted peaks of the Alps, in full splendor before my eyes. But in proportion to the depth and sincerity of this my love and admiration, I feel it to be my sacred duty not to dissemble or cloak the dark side of the picture. In the censures I have uttered, regardless of consequences, yet according to the best of my knowledge and belief, there will be found expressed at the same time the wish for improve- ment, and foith in the possibility of such improvement. While there is but little hope of a new and more extended develop- ment of humanity in Asia and Africa, how sickly do many parts of Europe appear I If we were forced to despair too of the future pro- gress of the Germanic race in America, whither could we turn our eyes for deliverance, ex'^ept to a new and direct creation from the hand of the Almighty I CONTENTS. CHAPTER L NATURAL FEATURES OF THE COUNTRY. PAGE. Age of the American Continent— Its Extent— Seas and Lakes— Mountains— Rivers— Climate- Mineral and Vegetable Kingdoms— Prairies— Agriculture - 13 CHAPTER n. DISCOVERIES AND FIRST SETTLEMENTS. Travellers and Discoverers— Virginia— Jlaryland—New England— Carolina— New York— New Jersey— Pennsylvania— Georgia— Delaware— General State of things 22 CHAPTER HI. THE WAR TO 1763 .-.-.. - 29 CHAPTER IV. FROM THE PEACE OF PARIS TO THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. State of affairs after the War — Commerce and Duties — Right of Taxation — Stamp Act — Reso- lutions in America — Elfect in England, and Counsels there adopted — Views and Principles — Question of Right — State of Fact — Abolition of the Stamp Act — Hopes and Fears — New ,' Taxes — Duty on Tea — Tea cast into the Sea — Proceedings against Boston — New Movements —First Congress— Resolutions of the Congress— Parliament, Chatham— Lord North's Propo- sals— Burke's Proposals— Beginning of the War— Declaration of Independence — Reflections - 31 CHAPTER V. FROM THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE TO THE WAR BETWEEN ENGLAND AND FRANCE. Necessity of the War— Washington — Capture of Burgoyne— France and America— War between France and England ~- - - ---52 CHAPTER VI. FROM THE BREAKING OUT OF THE WAR BETWEEN FRANCE AND ENGLAND TO THE PEACE OP VERSAILLES. Views in England — Chatham's Deaths-Disasters of the Americans — Paper Money — Rocham- beau, Arnold, Andre — Capture of Cornwall is —Treaties of Peace — Results - - - - 62 CHAPTER VII. FROM THE PEACE OF VERSAILLES TO THE ADOPTION OF THE NEW CONSTITUTION. Loyalists — Consequences of the War — The Army — Washington's Departure — First Constitu- tion of 1778 — New Constitution^ Washington President ------.. 67 CHAPTER VIII. THE NEW CONSTITUTION OF 1787. Representatives and Senators— Rights of Congress — The President — The Judicial Power — General Regulations -...-.- 72 CHAPTER IX. THE CONSTITUTIONS OF THE SeVERAL STATES. The Territories. .---,-.. 75 CHAPTER X. THE PRESIDENTSHIP OF WASHINGTON AND OF JOHN ADAMS. Washington's Presidentship — The French Revolution — Genet — Foreign Relations — Washing- ton's Farewell — Washington's Death — John Adams — Dispute with France— Alien and Sedi- tion Bills .80 X CONTENTS. CHAPTER XI. THOMAS JEFFERSON. PAGE . Birth— Descent, and Education — Declaration of Independence — Jefferson in Paris — Jefferson President— Jefferson on the Freedom of the Press — Jefferson on Christianity — Jefferson on Plato— Federalists and Repul)licans — ^Jefferson's Principles — Jefferson on Slavery — Jefferson on Political Union — Jefferson's Administration — Jefferson's INlessage — Louisiana — Contest with the Maritime Powers— Jefferson's Private Life — Jefferson, Adams, and Washington- Jefferson's Death— Jefferson's Fame -.-----. .. 87 CHAPTER XII. THE RACES OF MANKIND AND SLAVERY. Slavery in general — Justification of Slavery — Aristotle — Ilobbes — Races of Men — Negroes, Mu- lattoes. Quadroons — Mind and Morals of Negroes — History of Slavery — Arguments for and against Slavery — Condition of the Slaves — Madison's and Jefferson's Slaves— Ills of Slavery — ' Backward condition of the Slave States — Liberia — St. Domingo — Abolitionists — Channing — Laws of the States — Abolitionists — Emaucipiition, Indemnification — Jefferson's Views — Partial Emancipation — Defence of the Colored Men — Antilles — Arguments in favor of the Slave States — Congress — Missouri and Columbia — Internal Slave Trade — Manumissions — Labor of Whites and Blacks — Ascription to the Soil — Subjection to Tribute — Dangers and Prospects . - - 109 CHAPTER XIII. THE INDIANS. Nature and Origin — Property of the Indians — Indian Characteristics — Whites and Indians — Indolence of the Indians — Cherokees — Future Prospects -------- 136 CHAPTER XIV. IMMIGRANTS. Nationality of the Americans — Immigrants, their Origin and Character — Germans and Irish — Native American Party — European Governments — Whither Emigrate ? — Advantages of the United States — Number of Immigrants ----------- 145 CHAPTER XV. POPULATION. Population — Materialism ------- 152 CHAPTER XVI. AGRICULTURE. Grain, Horticulture, Culture of the Vine — Sugar, Rice, Silk, Tobacco, Cotton — Produce and Im- provemeats --.-.---... . 155 CHAPTER XVII. THE PUBLIC LANDS. Claims of the Single States — Mode of Sale 159 CHAPTER XVni. MANUFACTDRES AND COMMERCE. Progress of Manufactures — Commerce— Imports, Exports, Tonnage — Regulations of Trade — Rate of Interest — Value of Imports and Exports -----..-. 153 CHAPTER XIX. CANALS, STEAMBOATS, AND RAILROADS. . _ . . . Jgg CHAPTER XX. THE BANKS. History of Banking— The National Bank— Opponents of Banks— Theory of Banking— Paper .VIo- iiey — Abuses of Banking — Misfortunes through the Banks — Jackson's Measures — Bank Laws — New Defects— Specie and Paper Currency— Sub-Treasury BUI— Exchequer Bill— Hopes and Prospects - --.. 574 CHAPTER XXI. TAXES AND FINANCES. Revenue and Expenditure — Internal Improvements— Surplus Revenue — Single States— Europe and America— Indebtedness of the States— Repudiation— Taxation of Single Stales - - - 189 CHAPTER XXII. POST-OFFICE - ...... 197 CHAPTER XXIII. THE TARIFF AND NULLIFICATION. Introduction nf Duties-Reasons for and against Protective Duties-Nullification-Compromise Act-Jackson .ii.d Calhoun against High Duties-New Tariff-Commercial Independence- Wages New Factories- Advantages and Disadvantages of America— Protective Duties for CONTENTS. XI PAGE. Agriculture — Raising of Taxes — False Views respecting- Duties — Clay and Webster on the TarifF— Proposals for Compromise — Evils and Means of Remedy — Smuggling — German Cus- toms-Union ...--..--.------ 199 CHAPTER XXIV. THE ARMT, MILITIA, AND NAVT. Number of the Army — Division, Officers — West Point — Army Expenses — The Militia — The Navy — Standing Armies --.---.-------- 219 CHAPTER XXV. THE LAW AND THE COURTS. Legal System— Legal Studies — The Supreme Court— Circuit Courts, Distiict Courts and Courts of Equity — Justices of the Peace — Lynch Lavs' — Mexico— Juries — Criminal Law Bankrupts — Debtors — Number of Criminals — Law of Inheritance — Marriage, Divorce ----- 227 CHAPTER XXVI. PRISONS. The Philadelphia and Auburn Systems — Reformation of Prisoners — Instruction — Female Prison- ers — Reconciliation of both Systems -..--------- 233 CHAPTER XXVn. THE POOR AND THE POOR-LAWS - 239 CHAPTER XXVni. CHARITABLE INSTITUTIONS. Lunatic Asylums — Deaf and Dumb Institutions — Institutions for the Blind — Houses of Refuge — Hospitals — Widow and Orphan Asylums ----------- 242 CHAPTER XXIX. THE POLICE. Gambling-houses, Lottery-Offices, Hotels— Drivers, Cruelty to Animals— Games of Chance- Vagrants — Firemen -■■--- _-.----. 248 CHAPTER XXX. ADMINISTRATION, CITY REGULATIONS. Self-Government — Counties — Communities — Baltimore, Boston, Charleston, New York, Philadel- phia, Pittsburg, Richmond, Washington— Change of Offices ------- 250 CHAPTER XXXI. OUTBREAKS AND PARTY SPIRIT. Murder of the MormonProphets— Anti-Rent Excitement in the State of New York— Philadelphia Riots — Disturbances in Rhode Island — On Outbreaks — Parties — Federalists, Republicans, Democrats, Whigs — Concluding Remarks ----------- 257 CHAPTER XXXII. SCHOOLS AND UNIVERSITIES. Schools and Universities— Governments and Schools — Principles of Education — America and Europe— Praise and Blame of Schools— Germans— Public Schools, Colleges, Universities— C Negro Schools — Religious Instruction— Female Teachers — Labor in Schools — Alabama— North and South Carolina— District of Columbia— College of Jesuits— Connecticut, Yale College — New Hampshire — Illinois — Kentucky — Louisiana — Maine — Maryland — Michigan— Missouri — Ohio— Pennsylvania — Vermont, Burlington — Virginia, Charlottesville— New York— Massachu- setts, Boston, Cambridge School and University — Medical Institutions, Physicians — Summary, Remarks — District Libraries --.-.-.------ 274 CHAPTER XXXIII. LITERATURE AND ART. For and against America — Freedom of the Press— Newspapers and Periodicals — Defence of Newspapers — Congress on Newspapers — German Newspapers — Periodicals — Libraries — Fine Arts, Music, Painting, Sculpture, Architecture— History— Eloquence— Webster, Clay, Calhona —Poetry— Philosophy - 299 CHAPTER XXXIV. RELIGION AND THE CHURCH. Intolerance— Church Establishments — Religious Liberty — Sects — Catholics, School Money — Episcopalians — Methodists, Divisions among them — Presbyterians — Congregationalists — Bap- tists — Quakers — Shakers — Rappists — Mormons— Universalists — Unitarians — Philosophers — Clergymen and Churches — Church Property — The Voluntary System — Societies — Bible Socie- ties — Missions — Public Worship — Camp Meetings — Revivals — Dangers and Prospects — Intole- rance ------------------ 323 / 350 Xii CONTENTS. CHAPTER XXXV. THE STATE OF OHIO. ' Settlement, Orirn— Natural Condition— Constitution— Administration of Justice— Population- Productions— Canals- Taxation and Finances— Banks— Prisnns—Tlie Deaf and Uurab— Ihe Blind— The Insane— Paup«rs— Churches— Schools— Cincinnati, Population-Swine-breeding— City Ordinances, Taxes— Churches, Schools— Lane Seminary— Woodward CoUege— Mechanics Libraries— Germans— Prospects. CHAPTER XXXVI. FOREIGN RELATIONS. Relations with Europe— The Indians— Texas— The Oregon Territory— Canada - - 366 CHAPTER XXXVII. CONSTITUTIONAL LAW AND PUBLIC LIFE. Enr«pe and America— American Political System— New Constitution— The President— Presiden- tial Election— Conventions— Presidents and Kings— Europe and America— Re-election of the President .-..-.---------" 378 LETTERS. ARRIVAL. Voyage from England to America— Nova Scotia— Boston— Journey to Washington - - 411 DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA— MARTLAND, SOUTH CAROLINA. Washington— Calhoun— Whig Convention in Baltimore— Hotels -Journey to Charleston— Charleston— Literary Club — Columbia— College in Columbia— O'Connell— Youth and Age- Sermon — Cotton Plantations — Slaves ..--.------ 416 VIRGINIA AND PENNSYLVANIA. Journey to Richmond— Richmond— Monticello, Jefferson— Washington — Statue of Columbus — Opinions on Goethe— Opinions on Byron and Shakspeare— President's Garden— Canal by the Potomac— Jesuits in Georgetown — Mount A'ernon — Baltimore— Negro Church— Fences and Bridges— Journey to Pittsburg— Pittsburg— The New Jerusalem— Journey to Cincinnati - 426 OHIO, KENTUCKY, ILLINOIS. The Ohio— Indians— Cincinrati— Columbus— Journey to Lexington— Louisville, The Kentucky — Journey to St. Louis— St. Louis— Journey to Chicago — Chicago ----- 440 THE GREAT LAKES AND NEW YORK. The Great Lakes— Journey to Buffalo — Buffalo— Niagara— Rochester— Auburn — Syracuse - 451 CANADA. The St. Lawrence — Montreal — Canada— Quebec— Journey to Burlington — Heights of Abraham, Wolfe, Montcalm - - 458 VERMONT AND NEW YORK. Burlington— Journey to Albany — Saratoga— Albany — The Hudson, Journey to New York— West Point— New York - 462 PENNSYLVANIA. Journey to Philadelphia— Germany and America— Pottsville, Hanrisburg, Lancaster — Festival in ) Philadelphia . - - . , 472 CONNECTICUT AND MASSACHUSETTS. New Haven — Hartford — Princes and Princesses — Journey to Boston — Slander of Jefferson^Bos- lon Athena;um— Custom House and Market Hull — Democracy in New England — Trade in Ice — English and American Critics — The Eiiiflish Language — Lowell — Whig Mass Meeting— Party Spirit— Harvard University — The Writing of History — Salem — Globe in the Museum — Muse- um in Boston — Liberality for Public Objects — Haydn's Creation - . . - . 473 MANNERS AND MORALS OF AMERICA. Manners and Customs — American Society— On American Vanity and Presumption — Servants and Domestics — Prosperity, Love of Gain — Temperance Societies — Eating, Drinking, and Cooking —Women 491 Appendix I. — Synopsisof the Constitutions of the Several States ..--•- 503 Appendix II. — Statistics of Manufactures in Lowell - - . . . . - . . 504 Appendix III. — Synopsis of Recitations and Lectures in the University of Vermont - - 507 Appendix IV.— Plan of Recitations in Harvard University 509 THE UNITED STATES OF NORTH AMERICA. CHAPTER I. NATURAL FEATURES OF THE COUNTRY. Age of the American Continent — Its Extent — Seas and Lakes — Mountains — Rivers — Climate — Mineral and Vegetable Kingdoms — Prairies — Agriculture. The history of civilized nations as known to us embraces a period of from three to four thousand years ; and yet, until three hundred and fifty years ago, one half of our globe remained un- discovered. So slowly were the difficulties of long sea-voyages overcome, so slowly increased the interest in geographical dis- coveries, so recently did men arrive at an intelligent conscious- ness of the necessarily spherical conformation of the earth. Even the important discoveries of the Northmen in the tenth century, excited so little curiosity, desire of information, or thirst of gain, that they sank into total oblivion.* Hence, Columbus remains the theoretical and practical discoverer of America : an effort of intellect, courage, and perseverance, such as the world never witnessed before, and which never can be repeated in a like manner. Some philosophers have maintained that America is of later origin than the old continent of the earth. It is not clear to the unlearned (nor is it, as I understand, to those really versed in such inquiries), what is meant by this. The formation of the spherical figure of the earth (if any other figure ever existed) must have been begun and continued uniformly through its whole extent ; the hand of God and his handmaid Nature did not first finish Europe, and then pass over the Atlantic ocean, in order to bring to light and embellish America also. Why should the Alps be older than the Cordilleras, and the valley of the Missis- sippi younger than Holland and the lowlands at the mouth of * Rafn, Memoire sur la d^couverte de I'Amerique, 1843. 2 14 NATURAL FEATURES OF THE COUNTRY. the Rhine ? If the w'^aters of the earth maintain a general equi- librium, they could not rise essentially higher on one hemisphere of the earth than on the other. This inferior antiquity, or later appearance, of the land of America can therefore be explained and proved, not from the gradual diminution of the waters, but only by the doctrine of the upheaval of the mountains. The Americans deny that such proof can be adduced; and it is not my province to decide the controversy. An unqualified superiority in the natural advantages of whole quarters of the globe can by no means be proved from their greater youthful- ness or greater age. In North America, it is human history alone that, as far as our knowledge extends, is brief and void, when we compare it with that of the old continent; and although we know not the age of many monuments erected in it by the hand of man, still they do not suggest the idea of such ancient and high civilisation as do, for instance, those of India and Egypt.* At least those which have been found in North America are only mounds of earth, without stones, bricks, or walls. Let us then, in conformity with our purpose, leave those primitive ages undis- turbed, to investigate the present and still existing. America extends from the 54th degree of south to the 71st degree of north latitude, and has therefore, from south to north, an extent of 7500 geographic miles. The extreme breadth of the southern half, from east to west, is estimated at 2800, and that of the northern half at 3000 miles. The entire territory of the United States of North America has, from the southern extremi- ty of Florida to the northern extremity of Maine, an extent of 24 degrees of latitude, or 1440 miles, which is about the distance from Naples to Drontheim in Norway, or from Bern to Thebes in Upper Egypt. The greatest extent from east to west is from the eastern boundary of the state of Maine in 45" N. lat. to the north of the Columbia river, on the Pacific ocean, making over 50 degrees of longitude. The most westerly states of North America, Missouri and Arkansas, reach to scarcely half w^ay be- tween the Atlantic and the Pacific. The greatest extent from east to west is about equal to that from the eastern boundary of Russia in Europe to the western coast of Ireland. The superfi- cial area of the United States has from natural causes been esti- mated very differently ; according to a moderate computation, it must amount to about 1,792,000 geographic square miles,t or from ten to eleven times as much as the superficial extent of France. * Bancroft's History, iii. 309. Doubtful in South America. t Darby, in his View of the United States, p. 57, reckons the surface at 2,257,000 Enghsh square miles, or about one-twentieth of the superficies of the earth; Tucker reckons it at 2,309,000 miles. Wliich estimate is correct ?— So long as the boundaries of the Oregon territory remain unsettled, exactness and agreement are impossible. NATURAL FEATURES OF THE COUNTRY. 15 But that of this immense region only a very small part is under tillage, while another portion is incapable of cultivation, will be shown in the sequel. If we consider the sea-coasts of the United States, the west- ern has as yet no importance ; although the Oregon region will doubtless one day obtain it, and will probably be the last land on the earth capable of being settled. But of so much the more consequence are the coasts of the Atlantic. They form gulfs of different sizes deeply indenting the main land. The first ex- tends from the Sabine river (the boundary on the side of Texas) to the southernmost point of Florida ; the second, from here to Cape Hatteras in North Carolina ; the third to Cape Cod in Massa- chusetts ; and the fourth to Passamaquoddy bay, which forms the boundary between Maine and New Brunswick. The northern bays aiford more numerous and belter harbors than the southern; and this has had an important influence on the progress of the states. New Orleans, however, near the mouth of the Missis- sippi, is of the greatest importance ; and Mobile, at the mouth of Alabama river, is also of some consequence. St. Augustine in Florida, Savannah in Georgia, and Charleston in South Caro- lina, are worthy of notice ; but they are far behind Baltimore, Philadelphia, and New York. Boston is now the principal sea- port in the northernmost gulf. 'J'he sea-coast from Florida to New Jersey is low alluvial or diluvial soil, a great part of which is swampy or sandy ; yet with proper care and industry it could be fitted for cultivation. The tide rises on the southern coasts only from 4 to 6 feet, but on the coast of New Brunswick from 40 to 50 feet;* perhaps an effect of the Gulf stream, or of still more general laws of nature. West of these lands, sinking towards the sea, arise the long chain of Appalachian or Alleghany mountains ; which in several ridges, interrupted by streams and without peaked summits, sepa- rate the eastern slope from the immense valley of the Mississippi. Far beyond this stream arise the loftier and more sharply defined Rocky mountains ; from which there stretches to the upper Mis- souri a great desert in many places impregnated with salt, which recalls to mind that of Africa. The greatest elevations reached by the Appalachian chain are found in New Hampshire, and are estimated at from 3,000 to 7,000 feet ; but the highest mountains in all North America are probably at the sources of Columbia river. According to the measurement of Mr. Thompson, the Brown mountain rises to the height of 16,000 feet; and he con- jectures that other peaks are 10,000 feet higher still.f * Darby's View, pp. 62, 66. t Greenhow's Memoir on the Northwest Coast, p. 11. There are no ignivo- mous mountains in the United States, and it is only among the Rocky mountains that proofs of volcanic action are found. 16 NATURAL FEATURES OF THE COUNTRY. But if the mountains of South excel those of North America in altitude and extent, the North American lakes are unique of their kind upon the earth. We will mention only the five largest : Lake Ontario has a superficies of 11,640 miles. Lake Erie of 7,940, Lake Huron of 1,520, Lake Michigan of 14,880, and Lake Superior of 36,000. They exhibit for the most part a prodigious depth, so that in several places no bottom has been found with 1800 feet of line. Hence they, together with their outlet the St. Lawrence, contain, as has been estimated, more than one half of the fresh water on the globe. They are girt with hills and sandy ridges, but not with mountains properly so-called. The bottom of Lakes Huron and Michigan is estimated to be at an average 300 feet below, and their surface at 618 feet above the level of the sea. An outlet for this enormous mass of water is furnished by the river St. Lawrence, running from west to east. Its sources lie very near those of the Mississippi ; and so far are they from being separated from each other by high mountain-ridges, that when the waters have been unusually high, boats of from 70 to 80 tons burthen have passed from Lake Michigan through the Illinois into the Mississippi: consequently but little assistance would be required at this place to establish a natural water communication l)etween the Atlantic ocean and the Gulf of Mexico. It has been estimated that every hour 1,672,704 cubic feet of water are poured into the Atlantic through the St. Lawrence. The tide ascends the stream about 400 miles, or half-way between Quebec and Montreal. Vessels of 600 tons sail up to the latter city, and ships of the line as far as Quebec. Although the valley of the St. Lawrence exceeds in extent every thing of the kind in Europe, this stream is far inferior to the Mississippi, and still more so to the Missouri. The former takes its rise in about 48° N. lat. and 95" long, west of Ferro; the latter in 43" N. lat. and llO'W. long. The Missouri is wrong- fully deprived of its name at its confluence with the Mississippi : that of the latter prevails .through several zones, although the for- mer brings down four times as much water and is twice as long as the Mississippi ;* it is in fact one fourth longer than the River Amazon, and if not robbed of its name, is the longest river in the world. It flows through a distance of 3,100 miles before reaching the Mississippi; and consequently down to this point it is about seven times as long as the Rhone. In common with the Mississippi, it moves from north to south in so many windings, that it is dilficuh to calculate its length.f They receive about 200 * North Amer. Review, 1823, p. GO. Mexico has fewer navigable streams and tewer serviceable harbors than the United States. t The Encyclop. Americana, art. Missouri, estimates its length to the Gulf of Mexico at 4,100 English miles. Lewis and Clarke navigated it above St. Louis 30DG miles. (Travels, p. 21.) NATURAL FEATURES OF THE COUNTRY. 17 tributaries, and water a region of immeasurable extent. If the Raab, which rises in the Fichtel-Gebirge, emptied in the African kingdom of Fezzan, it would still not have by far the length of the Missouri, but only that of the Mississippi. Between this stream and the St. Lawrence many essential differences and contrasts present themselves. The Mississippi runs from north to south in a regular stream ; the St. Lawrence from west to east, forming or passing through many lakes. The former comes from an almost polar region of perpetual ice, and descends into the country of the fig, the orange, and the sugar- cane ; the latter flows almost wholly through the same degrees of latitude. The Mississippi rises and falls to an uncommon extent at different periods of the year ; the St. Lawrence remains con- stantly at the same height, and causes no inundations. Although it receives innumerable tributaries, the Mississippi becomes no broader, but constantly deeper and deeper (or the water is dispersed by running over its banks) ; while the St. Lawrence widens into a large bay, and its bed is interrupted and embellished with countless islands. From its confluence with the Missouri, the Mississippi becomes turbid, and is constantly adding to the deposit at its mouth, which renders it difficult of entrance ;* the St. Lawrence, on the contrary, is and remains throughout, pure and clear, and is bordered on its banks by woods and fields, while the Mississippi winds its way, less picturesquely, through tracts of meadow-land and swamps. Trunks of trees, floating timber, and even whole islands torn from its banks, drive down its cur- rent or assume a fixed position ; so that a voyage down the Mis- sissippi was for a long time regarded as more dangerous than one across the Atlantic. But by means of steamboats and ma- chines of different kinds, an immense number of trees have been removed from the river, others that threatened to fall in have been cut down, sandbanks have been washed away by the application of dams ; and thus the dangers of its navigation, though not yet wholly removed, have been greatly diminished. Among all the lateral streams of the Mississippi, the Ohio is as yet by far the most important. Through a long extent of its course, mountains appear at its side ; but in fact these are only the margin of a level highland, and the deep-cut bed of the river has from Pittsburg to the Mississippi a fall of only about 400 feet in 1000 miles ; so that obstacles presented to navigation by the low state of the water in summer, may mosffy be removed by artificial means. These and other giant streams of North America, as the Mis- sissippi, either do not burst forth from lofty Alps ; or else, like the Missouri, after breaking from the mountains, they flow through * At New Orleans, the river is 158 feet deep, while there are only 12 feet over the bar. 18 NATURAL FEATURES OF THE COUNTRY. tedious plains of the same aspect, and thus present but few images of beauty to the artist's eye. Yet this very peculiarity of their conformation makes them so much the more useful, as bonds of union between great tracts of country, as the highways of a daily increasing commerce. In what manner the indus- trious exertions of a shrewd and active people have profited by, and even greatly enhanced these natural gifts of rivers and lakes, will be seen hereafter. It is sufficient here to indicate the natural peculiarities of the principal streams, and at the same time to ob- serve that, by the settlement on their banks of an enterprising race of men, the beautiful and commercially important Hudson, Delaware, Potomac, Susquehanna, &c., have been raised far above their primitive natural condition. It is an indubitable fact, that in the same degrees of latitude, the winters are colder and the summers warmer in North Ame- rica than in Europe. To this general observation, important with respect to living, to commerce, and to navigation, I will add a few particulars chiefly respecting the climate of the United States.* Hudson's Bay, in the same latitude as the Baltic sea, is even in summer full of ice. In New York (in the latitude of Madrid and Naples) the winter accompanied with ice lasts on an average one hundred and sixty-four days ; and the Delaware is frozen over for five or six weeks. New York has the summer of Rome and the winter of Copenhagen ; Quebec, the summer of Paris and the winter of St. Peiersburgh. In America, too, the climate by no means depends altogether on the degrees of latitude, but is influenced more or less by the winds, the lakes, the great tracts of land in the north, the ocean, the gulf stream, &c. In the northern parts of the United States, the medium tempe- rature amounts to about 45", and in the southern to 68" Fahren- heit.! Here the difference between summer and winter is but slight, while in the north it is immense. It amounts for instance in Florida to 10', and at Fort Snellingin the north to 56". At Key West, the southernmost extremity of Florida, the medium tempe- rature amounts in winter to 70", and in summer to 81" Fahrenheit. At Fort Snelling, it is in winter only 16", and in summer 72°. In the month of July, the heat is sometimes five degrees higher than it is even at Key West. The medium temperature of Lake Superior is " " Lake Ontario " " New Orleans " " Key West * Chiefly from the instructive work of Dr. Ferry. t Long's Second Expedition, ii. 4GG. Poussin, Puissance Amdricaine, ii. 200. Winter. Snmmer. 21" 63" SO" 72" 59" 83" 70" 81" NATURAL FEATURES OF THE COUNTRY. 19 In Quebec the thermometer sinks to 30" below zero, and rises in summer to 95° above zero. In Baltimore the thermometer rose twice in the course of eight years to 98°, and sank four times below zero.* In an elevated part of the Oregon territory, the thermometer stood at sunrise at 18°, and at noon at 92°; while a difference of 40° Fahrenheit was quite common. In Alabama it amounted in one day to 50°. The quantity of rain in different months and years is very dif- ferent. Thus there fell : In Baltimore, in August, 1817, IO5 inches. « « 1818, 2 " In Cincinnati, during one year, 44 " In Europe it rains oftener,f but not so much as in America.^ Notwithstanding the great difference above noted in the tempe- rature of the atmosphere, the climate (with the exception of some parts along the sea-coast and in the vicinity of swamps) is not prejudicial to the duration of life; or else the injurious effects diminish with the progress of cultivation,§ and through the adop- tion of judicious precautionary measures. A high degree of lon- gevity is established by the statement, || that in 1835 there were in the United States : 33,517 persons between 80 and 90 years of age. 4,477 " between 90 and 100 « 508 " aged 100 and upwards. If North America is far behind the southern continent as respects the discovery of the precious metals, it abounds to superfluity in all the indispensable and generally useful treasures of the mineral kingdom. Thus there is found : Platina, none at all. Silver, very little. Gold, in great abundance, especially in Georgia and North and South Carolina,!! east of the mountains. Copper, in plenty near Lake Superior, and at different places m the Mississippi valley. * Darby's View of the U. States, p. 389. Buckingham's Slave States, i. 243. t Greenhow's Memoir on the Northwestern Coast, p. 17. Warren's Account of the United States, i. 164. J In the northern half of the United States, the days in a year were : Clear. Cloudy. Rain. Snow. On the Coast, 202 In the Interior, 240 By the Lakes, .117 Far from the Lakes, 216 ^ Ibid., p. 273. II Amer. Almanac for 183.5, p. 91. •f Trans, of Geological Society of Philadelphia, i. 1-16. 108 45 9 77 31 16 139 63 45 73 46 29 20 NATURAL FEATURES OF THE COUNTRY. Lead^ in the neighborhood of the lakes,* in Missouri, Wiscon- sin, and Arkansas, in prodigious quantities. Iron, to superiluity in New England, New York, Ohio, Penn- sylvania, Virginia, and Tennessee. In Missouri there are even whole mountains of almost pure oxide of iron. Salt, in abundance in Illinois, New York, Massachusetts, Vir- ginia, Kentucky, Missouri, and other parts ; although a consider- able quantity is still imported from Portugal, Spain, Sicily, England, and other countries. Coal, in many places in very great quantities, e. g. in Pennsyl- vania, Virginia, Illinois, Missouri, Indiana, &c. The beds in Pittsburg alone, the American Birmingham, appear to be inex- haustible. The vegetable kingdom has reigned and still reigns in Ame- rica under two great aspects, those of forests and prairies. The forests extend from the river St. Lawrence to the Gulf of Mexico, over plains, declivities, and mountains. In Europe one can hardly form an idea of the magnitude and beauty of the American primeval forests and trees ; and while in France there are reckoned only 37 kinds of trees that grow to the height of 30 feet, there are in America 130 kinds which exceed this measure- ment, and which with the variety of their growth and foliage sur- prise and enchant every beholder. The diversity and beauty of the colors of autumn are especially celebrated. The practice of burning down the trees, which the first settlers found necessary, is constantly diminishing ; since the increasing water communications facilitate transhipment, and give the formerly worthless timber a daily increasing value. Although it may be contended that the cultivation and con- sumption of tobacco is not beneficial to the human race, yet the universal diffusion of the American potato is an undeniable blessing. Without it, many of the countries of Europe would be entirely incapable of supporting their present population, and the poorer classes would often be left a prey to hunger. Those seas of meadow-land, the prairies, which lie southwest of the great lakes and along the banks of the Mississippi, Mis- souri, Illinois, &c., are for the most part entirely destitute of trees, having been so from the beginning, or made so in consequence of natural or violent changes. For while some maintain that many forests, both in ancient and modern timcs,f have been pur- posely or accidentally burnt down, others deny the fact, because traces of coal are nowhere to be met with. I regard it as indu- bitable that the prairies on the Illinois and towards Chicago, have * On the upper Mississippi, too, 35,000,000 pounds of lead were obtained in a sin gle year. t Lewis and Clarke's Travels, p. 3. NATURAL FEATURES OF THE COUNTRY. 21 arisen from the subsidence of* the waters, and are the bottoms of ancient lakes ; nay, had the waters of the Mississippi, in the summer of 1844, risen but a. few feet higher,* they would again have been converted into lakes. Thus Featherstonhaugh (p. 120) designates the prairies in Arkansas as the beds of ancient lakes, and remarks that meadow and forest often seemed there to contend for the mastery. The soil of the prairies is either per- fectly level, or else it assumes the form of waves, and presents the appearance of a green sea which has suddenly become fixed while in motion. But to this color of the grass are soon joined the hues of a variety of brilliant blossoms ; red, it is said, predomi- nating in spring, blue in summer, and yellow in autumn. The moister parts are the resort of innumerable water-fowl, and the drier are traversed by immense herds of buffaloes. Yet even here drinkable water is found not far beneath the surface. It is easier to cultivate these meadow-lands, girt with trees at the edges, than to extirpate the giant sons of the primitive forest; these plains also offer the most favorable opportunity for the con- struction of roads, canals, and railways. With the exception of many poor or swampy places on the shores of the Atlantic, and the great deserts that lie beyond all the present settlements at the foot of the Rocky Mountains, the entire soil of the American republic admits with care of profit- able cultivation, and exhibits for the most part a superior degree of fertility. That the wild beasts are constantly forced further back, while man and the domestic animals take their place, is an incalculable gain ; and the diminution of the vegetable kingdom is no loss, as this is rarely carried further than is necessary, while a rich indemnification is presented in the prodigious store of coal and iron. Even in Maine, the state lying furthest to the north, all the necessaries of life can be produced ; and from here down to Florida and Louisiana there extends the cultivation of such a variety of articles, that the United States are better capable than any other country upon earth of forming a commercial state exclusive and sufficient for itself But as they have not wished to put into execution this unphilosophic and unpractical idea, they have naturally already attained the second rank among the commercial nations of the world. * In some of the northwestern regions, as, for instance, in the Traverse des Sioux, the water is still decreasing. CHAPTER II. DISCOVERIES AND FIRST SETTLEMENTS. Travellers and Discoverers — Virginia — Maryland — New England — Carolina — New York — New Jersey — Pennsylvania — Georgia — Delaware — General state of things. As soon as Columbus had revealed another horizon to the eyes of all Europe by means of his grand discovery, every seafaring nation sought to secure for itself a share in the nev^^ countries. The Spaniard Ponce de Leon landed in Florida in 1512 ;* Soto penetrated to the Mississippi in 1541 ; and in 1565 the Spaniards founded St. Augustine in Florida, the oldest city in the United States, but at the same time they most barbarously destroyed, out of religious hatred, a settlement of French Huguenots. In the year 1524 Verazzani undertook for France the first voyage to the coasts of the United States ; Cartier arrived at the St. Lawrence in 1535 ; and in 1608, Champlain penetrated to the lake that bears his name. More continuous and indefatigable were the enterprises of the English. John Cabot, a Venetian merchant residing in Bristol, received from King Henry VIL, on the 5th of March, 1495, a patent to discover and take possession of countries. On the 24th of June, 1497, he reached the continent (Columbus reached it in 1498, and Amerigo in 1599) in the 56th degree of north latitude, and he followed down the coast to the 38th degi-ee. This discovery was at that time equivalent to taking possession. Cabot's son, Sebastian, went in 1517 in search of a northwest passage, and on this occasion penetrated into Hudson's bay. Drake's voya- ges and plundering excursions (1577-1580) were of no lasting consequence ; and in spite of the boldness and perseverance exhibited by Raleigh (since the year 1584) in his endeavors to establish the colony of Virg^inia, so called after Queen Elizabeth, it was not till twenty years later (in 1607) that Jamestown, the oldest Anglo-American city, was founded. And even at this time every thing wore an unfavorable aspect. Among those who had ventured over there were more gold-hunters, nobles, and idlers, than husbandmen and mechanics. There was a lack of women, and numerous dissensions gave the Indians opportuni- ties for attacks and for inflicting barbarities. The aim of * The best information on all these matteis is to be found in Bancrofts History DISCOVERIES AND FIRST SETTLEMENTS. 23 the greater part was rather to amass sudden wealth, than to settle and labor. It was very correctly remarked by Capt. John Smith, the man to whom Virginia is so highly indebted, that mechanics and husbandmen were needed most of all, and that nothing was to be hoped for or gained in the country but by labor. And such, thank Heaven, is still the case ! In the two first patents for a company of adventurers, only their and the king's rights were guaranteed. In 1619, Governor Yeard- ley boldly convoked a representative assembly ; and in the year 1621, the London Company established a constitution similar to that of England ; the Governor and members of a Council were appointed by the company ; but the legislative power was entrusted to an Assembly, in which sat the councillors above mentioned, and two burgesses chosen to represent each planta- tion. Orders from London needed ratification by the assembly, and vice versa. The governor was allowed a negative, restraining vote. Judicial proceedings and the trial by jury were the same as in England. In the year 1623 King James broke up the company ; yet the rights of Virginia were not hereby diminished. On the contrary, it was distinctly declared that the governor should levy no taxes without the authority of the assembly. The designs of kings James and Charles I. to abolish the company altogether, met with failure ; nor did the last-named monarch succeed any better in obtaining for himself a monopoly of the increasing tobac- co-trade. When England, in the year 1642, demanded a general monopoly of their trade : the reply of Virginia was, " Freedom of trade is the blood and life of a commonwealth.^^ Nor could the English Navigation Act of a later date be fully enforced. But while such laudable progress was making, the introduc- tion of slaves was unhappily permitted, and afterwards even approved of by Locke. Less objectionable was the introduction of respectable females from Europe, who were disposed of at the rate of from 120 to 150 pounds of tobacco each.* Cromwell treated the colonies with good sense and moderation ; but after the restoration of Charles IL, ecclesiastical and political usurpations soon showed themselves. The high church was declared to be the religion of the state, a strict conformity in all doctrines was enjoined, force was employed against the Quakers, and a heavy finef prescribed for non-attendance at church. This intentional infringement of the rights of the people led to revolts, and under Governor Berkeley to very severe punishments. This indeed Charles II. afterwards disapproved of in words ; but he failed to grant a new patent with more ample public rights. The * Grahame, ii. 72. A pound was worth three shillings. T Fifty pounds of tobacco. 24 DISCOVERIES AND FIRST SETTLEMENTS. altered government in England since William III. operated also in a different manner on Virginia. Persecuted Catholics founded Maryland under the conduct of Sir George Calvert and his son Cecil Calvert, Lord Baltimore. He received from the crown, in the year 1632, almost unlim- ited powers ; though to these a representative constitution was annexed. These immigrant Catholics likewise gave the first praiseworthy example of general religious toleration ; although during the English rebellion political and religious disputes were not wanting. In the year 1650, twelve persons were convoked by Lord Bal- timore to form an Upper House, and from each county four per- sons were chosen for the Lower House. About 1660, Maryland was in the possession of political freedom, based on a partial ap- plication of the doctrine of the sovereignty of the people ; and in the year 1692, Lord Baltimore's prerogatives were almost wholly abolished. As Maryland owes its origin to intolerance against Catholics, so the settlements in New England were brought about by per- secutions inflicted on Protestant dissenters and Puritans.* But, as it usually happens, the persecuted also held their views to be the only right ones, and sought to enforce them by stringent laws. Charles I. was eager to get rid of the turbulent Puritans, and accordingly he here made larger concessions than he had done to Virginia. At least, from the year 1629, there was gradually deve- loped out of a charter granted to a trading company for Massa- chusetts, a constitution with representative forms, based on demo- cracy. In the spirit of this political freedom, Roger Williams demanded also religious tolerance, and said that no creed, no opinion should be persecuted. Heresy should remain unattacked by laws, and orthodoxy needed no frightful protection by means of punish- ments. To this the Puritans opposed the conviction that the state must root out all errors : thus very naturally assuming their own views to be the only correct ones. Williams, a truly pious, noble, and disinterested man, suffered on account of these princi- ples, persecution, banishment, and distress of every kind ; yet he afterwards (about the year 1638) became the founder and law- giver of Rhode Island with democratic forms and entire religious freedom. In Boston, however, the capital of Massachusetts (founded 1630), religious discussions, in which the women took an active share, continued to exist, and led to legal decisions inflicting ban- ishment on Catholics, Jesuits, and Quakers. * The first settlement was in 1620 at New Plymouth. DISCOVERIES AND FIRST SETTLEMENTS. 25 In the year 1629, arose Neiv Hampshire, and in 1636, Connec- ticut ; and in both of these, republican institutions were deve- loped. Charles I. and his ministers (Strafford and Laud) enter- tained the design of carrying out their political and religious plans in New England also ;* but they were prevented. It is also said in a petition of that colony : " Suffer us to live in the wilderness undisturbed ; and we hope to find as much grace with the king and his councillors, as God imparteth to us already." From that time forward New England remained unmolested by the king, withstood all closer dependence on the Long Parliament, and was not disturbed in its development by the favorably dis- posed Cromwell. Still, the echo of the ecclesiastical disputes in the mother-country was heard beyond the Atlantic. " Faith," it was repeated, " should not grow so cold as to tolerate errors. Polypiety is the greatest impiety, and only gross ignorance can demand liberty of conscience." This keenness and determination operated more advantage- ously in another direction, in establishing greater popular freedom and opposing oppressive restrictions on trade. In the year 1662 and 1663, Connecticut and Rhode Island obtained new charters, which fully secured municipal indepen- dence, permitted the election of public officers, extended religious toleration, and very much restricted the influence of the king and of the mother-country. Many things were already deliberated and acted upon in North America, which elsewhere were hardly thought of; such as making provision for the poor, the construc- tion of public roads,f the registering of births, deaths, &c. The zeal for schools was so great, that parents were commanded to send their children to them, under pain of punishment. About the time when the restored Stuarts deprived most of the English towns of their charters, or essentially altered them, the like danger threatened the American colonies. They stood up, however, with equal sense and spirit (with Massachusetts at their head) to defend their rights, and declared that no appeal should go from America to England. " Our connection with that king- dom," said they, " is a voluntary one ; and it has no right, either to bind us or to give away our lands, since we have acquired all by our own labor and means." The province oiCarolina, or the country between the 31st and 36th degrees of north latitude, extending from the Atlantic to the Pacific ocean (a territory equal to several kingdoms), was grant- ed by Charles II., in 1663, to several eminent noblemen. Shaftes- bury and Locke sketched a constitution, in which the latter had the chief hand, for the future state yet in embryo ; but which — * Grahame, i. 252. Bancroft, i. 44. t De Tocqueville, i. 4G. 26 DISCOVERIES AND FIRST SETTLEMENTS. like many a one framed in a similar manner — was rendered all the more unsuitable, by the endeavors of its authors to foresee and provide for all imaginable cases, and thus make it unalterable for all future times. The English system of hereditary aristo- cracy, although already sufficiently complicated, was transferred to the primeval forests of America, along with many artificial additions. The eldest of the eight proprietaries was to be a kind of sovereign, armed with numerous powers and rights, and the remaining seven were made high court dignitaries, chancellors, chamberlains, &c. They constituted, moreover, a sort of upper house, to which was joined a lower order of nobility, and other gi-adations, after the manner of the feudal system. Only the greater proprietaries received certain elective rights; while no real control whatever was granted to the people over legislation, government, and judicature. On the contrary, the Church of England was made the religion of the state, to the exclusion of every other ; negro slavery was recognized in the constitution as lawful ; and thus the laws proceeded from the most important matters, down to regulations respecting ceremonies, pedigrees, fashions, and sports. The opposition to this ill-advised constitution rose to such a pitch, that it was abolished, and forced to give place in 1G93 to democratic institutions. In the years 1719-1721, the province was divided into two states. North and South Carolina. New YorA-, which had been colonized by the Dutch, and where some Swedes had also settled, was surrendered to England in 1667 ; and in 1683 it gave itself a constitution with a universal right of voting in the election of representatives to the assembly, with which were associated a governor and council. The assem- bly alone had the right to assess taxes. Trial by jury was esta- bhshed, religious tolerance declared, and the introduction of martial law and the quartering of soldiers prohibited. When James II. refused to ratify this constitution, disturbances arose, which were not composed and put an end to before the begin- ning of the 18th century. As to the history of New Jersey we remark only that it, like New York, passed from Dutch into English hands, and Quakers likewise settled there. It was among the peculiar regulations of the province, that each of the representatives chosen by the almost universal right of voting should receive directions for his proceedings and a shilling a day, to make him bear in mind that he was a servant of the people. Slavery and imprisonment for debt were prohibited. Penn, the friend of the Stuarts, received in 1681 a grant of land from Charles 11. ; and this title, which appeared to him unsatis- factory, he strengthened by free contracts with the Indians. In DISCOVERIES AND FIRST SETTLEMENTS. 27 the year 1683, Philadelphia, the capital of Pefinsplvania, was founded. Between Locke, the lawgiver of Carolina, and Penn, essen- tial differences and contrasts are to be observed. The philoso- pher confided only in the experience of his senses, the Quaker in his inner light ; the former in the knowledge and consciousness of his own actions, the latter in divine oracles : moreover the former spoke of popular rights, and founded an hereditary aristocracy ; the latter of divine right and patient obedience, and established a democracy ; the former regarded property, and the latter the moral nature of man, as the foundation of political rights. Ne- gro-slavery was adopted in Pennsylvania, and only rejected by German settlers. Dissensions arose between the democratic party and the feudal lords, and the form and contents of the con- stitution were altered several times. The first Dutch colony in Delaware was destroyed by the Indians ; the second, founded mostly by Swedes, fell into the power of the Dutch, and in 1664 into that of the English. In 1682 the province was granted to Penn, and in 1702 it was raised to the rank of an independent colony. In 1704 and 1714, attempts to reduce to practice the intolerant principles of the Eng- lish Protestants failed, through the opposition of the inhabitants. It was not till 1733 that Georgia was founded, as a protection against Florida and the French enterprises on the Mississippi. The first charter improperly granted the lands, after the fashion of the feudal law, only to heirs male ; after its surrender in 1752, the province was reduced to a stricter dependence on the crown. These few brief and dry details are by no means designed as a connected view of the internal and external history of the North American settlements ; still they were necessary to abetter under- standing of subsequent events, and to furnish opportunity for a few general remarks. No single colony, with the exception of Georgia, was di- rectly founded under the guidance or by the support of the English government. On the contrary, they sprang up for the most part through the intolerance and injustice of the mother-country. Royalty, in spite of its sufferings and embarrassments, could not emigrate ; and an hereditary nobility and priesthood are as little capable of being transplanted as close boroughs with corpora- tions and exclusive privileges. The English revolution of 1688 was differently viewed in the different colonies ; and it was far from giving universal satis- faction, inasmuch as king, parliament, and church were not want- ing in attempts to increase their own power, and to infringe upon American rights and American customs. Believing in the om- nipotence of Parliament, they would willingly have revoked all 28 DISCOVERIES AND FIRST SETTLEMENTS. the American charters, and have framed them anew, under pre- tence of altered relations, for the sole benefit of the mother-coun- try. The loud opposition raised to their plans kept them in abeyance till the middle of the eighteenth century. And thus the intention of levying taxes by England on America was also given up ; Walpole declaring, that he would leave it to those of his successors who had more courage and were less friends to commerce than himself ; and that the free trade of the Ameri- cans brought more into the treasury than compulsory taxes could.* The charters of the newly formed States were different among themselves, and it was impossible that they could then decide on all future unknown circumstances. Even where the king possessed the greatest power, it did not exceed that which he exercised in England, and the provincial assemblies of America were assimi- lated to the English parliament. In spite of internal dissensions, and numerous feuds with the Indians, the colonies sprang up far more vigorously than those of Spain and Portugal, which were restricted by the mother-countries in every respect ; and by the preponderance of a free yeomanry — actually represented in the assemblies — a democratic power was formed, which England could not successfully control. Thus the entire subjection of the Americans consisted in not making any laws contrary to those of the mother-country, in submitting those which they did frame to the king's approval, in acknowledging the authority of his governors — within certain bounds, and in not opposing the general restrictions which Parliament placed upon their commerce. * Grahame, iii. 307. CHAPTER III. THE WAR TO 1763. Many constantly recurring feuds with the Indians exercised the vigilance and bravery of the North Americans. But of far greater importance were their wars against the French. With singular address and perseverance, these latter had established a chain of settlements and towns, extending from Canada along the Ohio and Mississippi down to New Orleans ; which girded in the English colonies, and not only prevented them from extending into the interior of the country, but even threatened to confine them to a small sea-coast on the Atlantic. On account of the war of succession in Austria, the English did but little to oppose this danger; for in those times, the slightest change in European relations and possessions was erroneously looked upon as of the highest importance; while every thing relating to America was but slightly regarded, and soon lost sight of. Nay, when the Americans did not spare the greatest exertions, and a union of all the colonies was talked of (in 1791), mutual suspicions arose, on the one hand that England was aiming at a greater centrali- zation and thereby an increase of the royal power, and on the other hand that America was seeking to render itself stronger and more independent. The neighborhood of the French, it was argued by many in England, is the best security for the continued annexation of America to the mother-country. If this danger should be ended, the notion of independence would spring up again and meet with support from France. After eight years of war, England gained nothing by the peace of Aix-la-Chapelle, in 1748; and France merely received back again what she had lost in America, viz. Cape Breton. On both sides the ensuing years of peace, from 1748 to 1756, were actively employed. While the Americans penetrated step by step into the interior, the French labored at closing up and fortifying the immense chain of posts before mentioned. The for- mer thought only of diligent cultivation of the earth ; the latter were bent on robbery, plunder, bold enterprises, glory, and con- quest. France entertained no jealousy against her American colonies, and assisted them more than England did hers. Al- though, notwithstanding this, Canada and its appurtenances had 3 30 THE WAR TO 1763. less power, it was still united, and was governed from a single point ; while the idea of a union of the North American colonies, suggested again by the increasing danger of a new rupture, and developed by Franklin, was still regarded in England as too republican, and in America as too monarchical. The assembled governors of the colonies, and ihe most respect- able members of the provincial assemblies, made the proposition, that a council for all the states should be chosen by the latter, with a royal governor at its head ; and that both together should be empowered to make general laws, and to raise money for the general defq^nce. The English ministry proposed, on the con- trary, that the governors of the provinces should from time to time convene with two of their councillors (mostly appointed by the crown), arrange general measures, erect iortilicalions, levy troops, and draw sums from the British treasury ; which should afterwards be raised from the colonies, in the shape of taxes, by virtue of an act of Parliament. The first and more comprehensive plan gave rise to misgivings in England, and the last met with still less approval in America ; for it placed the decisive power in a few hands independent of the people, afforded some assistance only from time to time, and settled the most highly important question relative to the right of taxation to the disadvantage of America.* The most zealous declared, even at that early period, that America was no more dependent on England than Hanover was. When questions of trade in Europe, and border strifes in America, gave rise, after single deeds of violence, to an open war between England and France, in May, 1756, these opposing views operated in an injurious manner, and awkwardness and negligence gave to the first military expedition a very unfortu- nate termination. It was not until Pitt came to the head of the government, in 1758, that activity and interest were exhibited on behalf of American affairs. This led, on the 13th of Septem- ber, 1759, to a decisive and incalculably important battle on the Heights of Abraham, before Quebec. Montcalm, the French, and Wolfe, the British general, both fell fighting bravely. At the Peace of Paris, on the 10th of February, 17(33, the French lost all their American possessions ; and all the country eastward of the Mississippi, including the Floridas ceded by Spain, fell to England.! Interesting as is the Seven Years' War of Europe through the personal greatness of King Frederick II., and the bravery of the Prussians, pressed upon by enemies of superior force, — singular * Jefferson's Writings, i. 6. t Spain, according to a secret article, was to be indemnified by France with th« Test of Louisiana, fiunner's History of Louisiana, p. 122. FROM THE PEACE OF PARIS. 31 in the history of the world as is the dominion acquired immedi- ately after this war by the English in the East Indies, — it still remains the most important event for the history of mankind, that from that time forth the dominion of the Romance nations in other quarters of the world crumbled to pieces, while that of the Ger- manic stock, especially in America, marched irresistibly forward. Few then perceived what must be the inevitable result ; nay, even now there are many who overlook the immeasurable importance of this development of human progress; and hence it is worthy of mention, that Vergennes,* the French minister for foreign affairs, foresaw, as early as the year 1775, the future independence of all the European colonies, and prophesied that in time to come the Germanic people would rule over South America likewise. CHAPTER IV. FROM THE PEACE OF PARIS, IN 17G3, TO THE NORTH AMERICAN DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE, IN 1776. State of affairs after the War — Commerce and Duties — Right of Taxation — Stannp Act — Resolutions in America — Effect in England, and Counsels there adopted — Views and Principles — Question of Kight — State of Fact — Abolition of the Stamp Act — Hopes and Fears — New Taxes — Duty on Tea — Tea cast into the Sea — Proceedings against Boston — New Movements — First Congress — Resolu- tions of the Congress — Parliament, Chatham — Lord North's Proposals — Burke's Proposals — Beginning of the War — Declaration of Independence — Reflections. England, during the seven years' war with France, had made very great exertions, borne an immense amount of taxation, suffered from the derangements of her trade, and plunged herself deeply into debt. It seemed absolutely necessary that her finances should be arranged, the public debt reduced, and the neglected laws of commerce again put in practice. And above all, it was con- sidered that America should lend its assistance to these necessary and wholesome measures ; since the whole war had been under- taken chiefly for its sake, and had been concluded with the gain of immense tracts of land to its almost exclusive advantage. The rejoicing and enthusiasm produced in America by this happy event were certainly very great, and its gratitude to England was natural and sincere. But this joy was partly produced by the consciousness to which the Americans had attained of the great- ness of their own power and the value of their own exertions ; ♦ Raumer's Beitrage, v. 218. 32 FROxM THE PEACE OF PARIS and to this they joined the observation, that after the destruction of the French power, English assistance for the future would seem to be no longer necessary. And, moreover, it appeared very questionable whether, during the great struggle, America had not done, suffered, and paid more in proportion than England.* While such were the feelings naturally and unavoidably enter- tained, and while the colonies were daily increasing in weight and importance, the government of the mother-country should have exercised the greatest moderation and prudence, and should have adapted its measures and demands to the new rela- tions which had sprung up. But instead of this, orders were issued in 1764 for a stricter enforcement of the English Naviga- tion and Customs Acts, which were harshly executed by the public officers ; so much so, that many manufactures were di- rectly prohibited in America, in order to secure the monopoly of them to the mother-country.f Both before and after the war, the northern colonies in parti- cular had carried on a considerable and profitable trade with Spanish America, receiving gold and silver in return for English manufactures. This was contrary to the letter, but not to the spirit of the English Navigation Act; although even then it seemed no longer adapted to the general state of things. It was wrong to discuss the mere theoretical question respecting the relation in which that trade stood to the old laws, without taking into account long custom, the advantages of the trade, the incli- nations of the people, their own power of execution, &c. It is true, the prohibition of the trade was again removed, in conse- quence of the urgent complaints of the Americans ; but it was at the same time burdened with such high duties, as to render it impossible to carry it on. Not only did new remonstrances on this turn of affairs, and on the increasing despotism of men in office, the assumptions of the military, &c. remain without effect, but England likewise imposed duties upon silk and woollen goods, sugar, coffee, wines, &c. ; all, it was said, for the protec- tion of America, although at this moment no danger threatened it. This Customs Act, which was already regarded as an innova- tion in America, was rendered doubly burdensome by a number of accessory regulations. Thus, for instance, the paper currency of the colonies w^as rejected, and payments ordered to be made in specie ; while disputes on this head were to be decided, not by the common law and with the aid of juries, but by the courts of admiralty. Formerly, all laws relative to commercial monopoly and the burdens connected therewith, had been regarded as general rules * Burke, ii. 396. I See Ramsay's History, chap. ii. Kuhfahl, i. 7. TO THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 33 of trade, and not as custom laws in particular. The regulations above mentioned, as well as others connected with them, led» however, to a closer examination of the theory and practice of systems of taxation, and to a severe scrutiny into the relations of a mother country to its daughter states. The prevalent feelings and tendencies were sufficiently mani- fested when Massachusetts, which was soon followed by the other states, declared, June, 1764, that where there is no representation, slavery reigns, and that the British Parliament had no right to tax unrepresented Americans. Thus the question relative to the rigid of taxation became the central point of all the disputes that broke forth. Both parties were agreed that America ought to contribute pro rata to the taxes occasioned by the last expensive war. But while Great Britain maintained that its Parliament necessarily and naturally possessed the right to impose taxes on all parts of the kingdom, the Americans responded, that the Bri- tish empire had grown to such an extent, and the interests of its various parts were so diverse, that it must have several representa- tive assemblies. The American assemblies, said they, are for America, what the British are for Great Britain ; and by adopting a contrary view, and one opposed to our charters, we should lose the right of taxing ourselves through our own representatives, we should be put without any reason lower than Englishmen, and be turned into subjects of subjects. In England many were at first enraged to think that the colonies should refuse to yield obedience to Britons, the conquerors of the world, or to acknowledge the omnipotence of Parliament, and help to diminish, in compliance with its decree, the great burdens rest- ing upon the mother-country. The declaration, said they, that Americans ought to enjoy the privileges of British subjects, does not contravene the right of the British Parliament to impose taxes. To such taxation every Briton, without exception, is subjected, and the American charters were intended merely as a protection against a partial levying of taxes by the king. Liverpool, Man- chester, and other English towns, which send no representatives to Parliament, could not be taxed by it according to the American views; but they, like America, are i;ir/Ma//7/ represented, and pay without offering any opposition, in which respect the Americans would do well to imitate them. The defects of the English constitution, the Americans replied, should not be held up to us for imitation. It must not be forgot- ten, that the interests of a distant and essentially different part of the world cannot be virtually represented like those of an English town, which lies close at hand. Newly arisen relations of time and place are to be attended to, and the early necessitous state of colonies furnishes no rule for their treatment after they are 34 FROM THE PEACE OF PARIS become powerful and have reached their maturity. But the inten- tion seems to be, not to extend their rights in a natural manner willi their increasing power and importance, nor even to main- tain them unimpaired ; but, from a perverse management or a self- ish jealousy, to impose upon them still heavier restrictions.* It is certain that, even at this early period, nothing but the great- est sagacity, circumspection, and moderation, without violence, could have suggested the right course of action ; but the heads of the English government were wanting in those qualities. Fear- ful that America might become weary of her fetters, they ven- tured on the dangerous experiment of loading her with yet more galling ones. In fact, there were but three practical courses to be pursued ; and these were, either that the colonies should become independ- ent, or that they should retain their legislative assemblies, or that their representatives should be received into the British Parlia- ment. The fourth expedient, that of taxing America without any representation and without participation in the legislative power, was wholly repugnant to the spirit of the British constitution. Walpole, as we have seen, had totally rejected propositions found- ed on this principle ; and there was as little propriety in appeal- ing respecting America to some former attempts, which perhaps had been successful, as there would have been in citing to Eng- lishmen the proceedings of the Star-Chamber in the time of Charles I., or the dispensing power claimed by James II. Some few, indeed, may have already entertained the idea of America's complete independence of England : but it had not yet descended to the mass of the people ; and it essentially de- pended on the wisdom of the measures next to be adopted, whether this idea should rapidly spring up, or still be repressed for a long while to come. At that time England could not and would not accustom herself to the thought of different legislative assemblies, in connexion with one executive power; and the reception of even a small number of transatlantic representatives into Parliament seemed to Englishmen as too great a favor, sup- posing it to be practicable; while the Americans pointed out that they would still be worse off than Englishmen, inasmuch as American members and their votes would be excluded from the House of Lords.f Such was the state of things, when Lord Grenville, in March, 17G5, brought forward a Stamp Act, which was to be no less binding on America than on England. :|: Its simplicity, although it comprised a countless number of topics, was extolled; and an attempt was made to weaken the opposition offered to it on the score of the sparse population and scattered dwellings in Ame- ♦ Adolphus, i. 1G2. t Grahame, iv. 200. | Grahame, iv. 195. Adolphus, i. 203. TO THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 35 rica. Charles Townshend, the chancellor of the exchequer, said on this occasion : " The Americans, planted by our care, fostered into strength and opulence by our indulgence, and protected by our arms, will not grudge to contribute their mite to relieve the mother- country from her heavy burdens." In vain was it remarked that a stamp duty for thinly peopled America was injudicious,* for the simple reason that the attendant expenses would ten times exceed the amount of the tax; while supervision, examination, and the punishment of delinquencies would be almost impossible. In vain were pressing remonstrances presented by American agents ; they were laid aside unnoticed : for first of all the colo- nies must acknowledge the unconditional right of taxation pos- sessed by Parliament, and must submit to the rule, according to which no petition against a pending money-bill could be ad- mitled.f In just indignation at this frivolous and pedantic mode of thinking and acting, Colonel Barre exclaimed in parliament in reply to Townshend, " It is not the care of England, but her intolerance and tyranny that planted the colonies; they have grown in strength by your neglect, by your interference their progress is impeded, while they have driven back enemies of every kind by their own exertions. The people are true to the king, but also jealous of their freedom ; let every one be careful not to violate it !" Notwithstanding these remonstrances, there were but about forty votes in the lower, and none in the upper House, against the Stamp Bill. To the majority it seemed perfectly natural, and at the same time but of little consequence. On the 22d of March, 1765, it received the royal assent ; and scarcely any one in England doubted but that it would also go into effect in America without opposition. But the distribution of the stamps being postponed until the 1st of November, the Americans soon recovered from their first alarm ; political clubs were formed, and in numerous publications the existing state of affairs was discussed from many points of view, and in a vehement manner. As early as May, 1765, the legislative assembly of Virginia convened, and resolved — on the motion of Patrick Henry — not to obey. They even denounced as enemies every one who main- tained, that any but the proviricial assemblies could impose taxes on the colonies. " Caesar and Charles the First," said Henry, " met their destruction,— let George the Third beware." While many applauded, and others blamed this boldness, the governor dissolv- ed the assembly ; but he could not prevent the knowledge of what had taken place from spreading abroad and inciting to imitation. In many places, as Boston, Newport, New York, Portsmouth, * Belsham, v., 181. t Hinton, i. 272. 36 FROM THE PEACE OV PARIS Newcastle, &c., the enraged multitude gave themselves up to vio- lent excesses. The stamp papers were destroyed, the houses of the stamp distributors plundered, and they themselves were burnt in effigy, and compelled to swear that they would resign their offices.* Although quiet and more thoughtful citizens disapproved of these proceedings, their views, nevertheless, were constantly be- coming bolder and more comprehensive. England, it was said, cannot constitute both head and members at the same time. Where all local principles and regulations are destroyed, slavery exists ; and as Parliament was not established, either by law or custom, for America (any more than for Ireland) as it was for England, its power in both countries cannot be one and the same ; and its omnipotence in the colonies is a thing not to be spoken of. As the legislative assemblies of the colonies — even with the king's consent — cannot make laws for England, neither can the British Parliament for America. If the rights of the king are less extensive in several of the colonies than in England, be it remembered that with regard to Maryland he expressly re- nounced the right of taxation. Connecticut and Rhode Island are complete democracies ; while other provinces possess, by their charters, the right of declaring war and concluding peace. It is to be considered, moreover, that the French made war upon America chiefly on account of England ; and that America, by commercial duties, and by the purchase of English productions and manufactures, does virtually bear a part of the English bur- dens. Supposing even — which may be doubted — that the mo- neys received would be well administered and employed in England, still the Americans can now no more consent to arbi- trary taxation for useful purposes, than could the English patriots in the time of Charles I. Among these complaints were heard others respecting injuries to commerce, the quartering on them of an insolent soldiery, the depreciation of the paper currency, &c.f The opposition acquired greater unity, and redoubled importance, by the meeting in New York (in October, 1765) of twenty-eight delegates, from nine provinces, to wit : Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, and South Carolina. They resolved, that America could be taxed only through its own representatives, and that all iheir present griev- ances should be laid before the king and Parliament. New Hampshire had promised to accede to the resolutions adopted; and the other provinces had been prevented by their governors from sending delegates to the meeting in New York. Simultaneoasly with the adoption of these political resolutions, * Ramsay, i. 111. Adolpbus, i. 210. Grahame, iv. 203, 213. t Ramsay, i. 122. Adolphus, i. 213. Hinton, i. 275. TO THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 37 voluntary agreements were entered into to purchase no English manufactures until the repeal of the Stamp Act. The most zealous efforts were made to supply — although imperfectly, — the wants thus occasioned; many things were cheerfully dis- pensed with ; and secret promises were mutually given to ward off", with united exertions, any violence or penalties which this course might entail. Such a general and well-regulated opposition produced a very great sensation in England ; and each party explained the events in conformity with its own views and aims. Mr. Nugent (af- terwards Lord Clare) remarked, that a pepper-corn in acknow- ledgment of the right, was of more value than millions with- out.* Lord Grenville maintained, that the disobedience of the Americans was very great, that the right of taxation was a neces- sary part of the general legislative power of Parliament, and that protection and obedience were reciprocal. He declared, too, that the insolence and obstinacy of the Americans arose from the party spirit and erroneous views that were exhibited in Parliament. — Mr. Pitt answered with his usual boldness : " I rejoice that America has resisted. Three millions of our fellow-subjects so lost to every sense of virtue, as voluntari y to give up their liber- ties, would have been fit instruments to make slaves of all the rest. Assert the sovereign authority of this country over the colonies in as strong terms as can be devised ; extend it to every point of legislation whatsoever ; bind their trade; confine their manufactures ; — but do not take their money out of their pockets without their own consent. That you have no right to do ; and only in a good cause and on solid grounds can England crush America to atoms." — To this Nicholson Calvert replied : " It matters little to the question whether the Americans are in the right or not, — they think themselves so."t These few sentences contain, in fact, the brief text of innume- rable subsequent discussions and explanations; they defined for years the theoretical and practical position of parties, and have — with slight modifications — so important an influence, even in our own day, that an elucidation of them in this connection can- not well be out of place ; especially as it must enable u? to de- cide respecting the truth or falsehood of the reproach, that the American republic sprang from a damnable rebellion. Respecting the relation of a mother-country to its colonies, no general system had as yet been laid down with scientific exactness ; nor were the examples in history so numerous, or of such a kind, that men could draw conclusions from them with certainty, and act accordingly. This insufficiency of the theory and * January, 1766. Parliament. History, xvi. 97-110. Adolphus, i. 225. t Raumcr's Beitrage, iii. 289. 38 FROM THE PEACE OF PARIS practice that had hitherto prevailed, led to sharp, and for the most part arbitrary contradictions ; and since none possessed that con- summate statesmanship which sees with prophetic eye into the future, and knows how to direct and control it, they lived on from day to day, wondering without reason why temporary remedies and temporary expedients, instead of leading to the desired re- sults;, brought forth constantly something new and unexpected. If a child is begotten, it does not depend on the mother's will whether it shall be born or not, nor upon the parents whether after birth it shall grow up to maturity. Every colony, says Thu- cydides with his well known acuteness, honors the parent city when the latter acts well towards it ; but it becomes estranged by unjust treatment. For those settlers were sent out not to slavery, but that they might remain on a level with them that stay at home.* The above cited declaration of Lord Clare, respecting the im- measurable importance of even a pepper corn by way of right, may in the first place be explained to mean (and so it was un- derstood by Pitt), that it is an imperative point of honor and the first of duties, not to surrender the smallest portion of one's right, but to pursue it to the cxtremest iota. This view, which trans- fers some of the littlenesses, prejudices, and follies of private life into the sphere of politics, involves whole nations in strife without reason or prospect of advantage, instead of skilfully and mildly reconciling them with each other. This declaration acquires additional weight, when understood to mean that force without right is ever powerless ; or rather that in the latter there resides a boundless power that nothing can resist. However, this theory also leads to harm, if not closely •xamined and essentially corrected. And first of all we find force opposed to ri^ht. If we here assume that forcp and ivrong- are wholly synonymous, the antithesis at least seems clear, and it may perhaps be proved, from the speculative point of view, that all wrong is in fact powerless or absolutely null and void. But for the practical point of view of historical action, this proof is without efficacy, and totally different means must be employed for overcoming wrong. There is also a second source of confusion and misapprehen- sion in the fact that the words force and viig-ht are often used synonymously one for the other, and hence the saying has crept in, \h[\\. 7nig-IU is ahvays opposed to right. But in'truth different degrees of power and might give rise to different rights ; although it is hereby by no means intended to deny that wrong may be found connected with any quantity of might, be it great or small. Great might when separated from' right, and good right destitute * De Bell. Pelop. i.34. TO THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 39 of all might, are always in a dangerous position ; wherefore true political wisdom should apply itself to both these elements, and heal their defects as completely as possible. Lord Clare insisted that boih right and might were on the side of (I'reat Britain, and cast aside the question relative to the right and might of America; and yel the main question on which every thing depended, was: What might and what right does America already possess, and what is it both called upon by nature and in a condition to acquire ? Grenville's words seemed to answer the question clearly: but that appearance was deceptive ;'for the Americans maintained that their defence during the last war had been substantially effected by themselves, and that after all the war had been brought upon them solely on England's account. Grenville's maxim also, that " Protection and obedience are reciprocal," may easily be taken to mean that obedience should cease when protection is denied. The truth of Grenville's declaration, that " the right of taxation is a part of the sovereign power," can by no means be denied as a general abstract proposition ; but in the particular concrete case in which it was applied to the British Parliament, it was only a premiss, a petitio principii. Pitt therefore very justly transferred the question to positive grounds, and showed that the form of the English law of taxation presented the most powerful arguments to induce the co-opera- tion and participation of America. But still his views were too much confined to the concrete as those of Grenville were to the abstract. For how could the law of taxation be arbitrarily se- lected from the whole body of legislation, and the Americans be made contented with such a fragment, while, according to Pitt's harsh declaration, they were to remain without right or participa- tion in any other objects of legislation? Nay more, so unable was Pitt to disengage himself from the prevalent English notions on the subject, that he would allow the Americans a voice only in direct taxation, while he claimed the imposition of all indi- rect taxes (e. g. custom-house duties) as a monopoly on behalf of England. But in this state, unsatisfactory as it was both in theory and practice, things could by no means remain. Neither the doctrine of the point of honor, nor of the exist- ence and omnipotence of a purely English right, nor yet Pitt's unsatisfactory proposal for an accommodation, could remove the difficulties that presented themselves. Mr. Calvert, therefore, very justly directed attention to existing facts. It was, he observed, of no kind of use to shut one's eyes to them, or to en- deavor to solve the difficulty by laying down general propositions, or by referring to former circumstances which were essentially different. An unprejudiced examination of the facts would have 40 FROM THE PEACE OF PARIS shown that neither old dogmas nor old laws were suited to the present state of ihings. The majority of the British Parliament mistook, on account of ihe past, both ihe present and the future^ and wished to play \he judge according to defective and disputed custom, whereas tliere was needed a new legislation for a new loorld. Let us return, after these intermediate observations, to the his- torical facts. The Marquis of Rockingham,* a very sensible and excellent man, who was placed at the head of affairs in the sum- mer of 1765, by no means participated in Grenville's views. He rather listened lo those who maintained that the complaints of the Americans, as well as of the English merchants who were very much hindered in their trade, must be attended to ; and that unconditional blind obedience was not to be looked for from men whose forefathers had left their native country and suffered the greatest hardships in order to be free.f After many parliamentary struggles, the Stamp Act was at length (on the 18th of March, 1766) totally repealed in the House of Commons by 275 votes against 167, and in the House of Lords by 105 against 71, on the ground that this tax and the mode of levying it were preposterous. | At the same time the unlimited legislative power of Parliament was confirmed by a special act, and in other places the mildness and moderation of the government were greatly extolled. This repeal of the Stamp Act gave rise in America to great and universal rejoicings; trade sprang up anew, numerous letters of thanks were despatched to England, and all seemed settled and composed. To the objection that Parliament had retained the principle of the right of taxation, and even strengthened it anew, the majority, full of gladness and hope, replied that Parliament, in order to save its honor externally, could not have acted other- wise, but that it would be too wise ever to put the principle into literal execution in America. The season of commercial restriction, however, had produced in America the proud belief that, with respect to trade, it was less dependent on England than England was on it. A small island like England, it was said, which was indebted to the Americans for the disposal of so many of its wares, should not have the presumption to seek to impose restrictions on an entire hemisphere. Such were the sentiments and views of Am(!rica. In the meantime, in the course of July, 1766, a partial change of ministry had occurred. The Marquis of Rockingham's place * Belsham, v. 177. Burke's Life, p. 183. t Atlolphus, i. 388. X Belsham, v. 532. Burke on American Taxation, ii. 401. TO THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 41 was given to a tory,* the Duke of Grafton ; Pitt, now created Earl of Chatham, being prevented by ill health from attending to business, had but little influence; and the control of the finances was entrusted to Charles Townshend, a man of splendid abilities, but of fickle and uncertain character. He thought it would be manifesting a sufficient degree of prudence and compliance, if he should refrain from taxing America directly, and merely regu- late its commerce, as had so often been done before without opposition. When he proposed accordingly, in June, 1767, to levy duties on glass, paper, painters' colors, and tea entering into the colonies, the bill was passed, almost without opposition, into a law. As soon as the Americans received news of this, they were unwilling any longer to recognize the former nice and too artifi- cial distinction, that England ought indeed voluntarily to give up direct taxation, but that to indirect taxation she was perfectly enlitled. They justly observed, that the prohibition to manufac- ture certain articles of commerce (as, for instance, hats), and the command to purchase only those of English make, undoubtedly included within themselves a tax, and the new duties would create a revenue at the expense of Americans just as much as the Stamp Act. Agreements were again entered into to import no English goods until the duties were taken off — a sort of indi- rect compulsion, which was both allowable and very unpleasing to England. The animated declarations of the legislative assem- blies against British taxation in any shape, and their open endea- vors to enter into closer connection with each other for the sake of more effectual resistance, were regarded by the governors as ftill more dangerous, on account of their formal nature. When the governors on this account dissolved the assemblies, the mal- contents formed private associations, which soon assumed a regular form, and proceeded with great applause to carry out the objests at which they aimed, and especially to support and strengthen the combination against English goods. The occu- pation of Boston and other places with English troops (Septem- ber, 1768) increased the general discontent, without adding to the power of government. The payment and quartering of troops was every where refused on the ground of existing laws, and the proposal to grant sums for the salaries of officers in perpetno was rejected, as it would place the ruling power in the hands of a few irresponsible persons. The command that all evasions of the customs should be tried and punished in England, was termed a violation of the most important principles of the British constitu- tion.! * Grahame, iv. 249. t Grahame, iv. 276. Belsham, vi. 11, 21. Ramsay, i. 150, Adolphus, i. 358. Politisches Journal, 1781, p, 53. 42 FROM THE PEACE OF PARIS In this stale of things the English government a second time changed its measures. In April, 1770, an act was passed, by 350 votes against (52, granting a partial repeal of the duties levied in the year 1767. Those on glass, paper, and painters' colors, were taken ofi" altogether ; but that on tea was raised threepence a pound. By this means, the majority asserted, the burden was diminished, while the principle was preserved. On this occa- sion Grenville remarked: My strictness was the best means; Rockingham's unconditional repeal of the taxes the next best; but this middle way is the worst of all. Others said : It is ab- surd to keep up the contention while the advantage is surren- dered. And Burke exclaimed : What dignity is derived Irom perseverance in absurdity is more than I ever could discern.* Regardless of these and similar reproaches. Lord North (who had succeeded to Townshend's place in September, 1770) declar- ed : " A total repeal of the duties cannot be thought of till Ame- rica lies prostrate at our feet!" Such vaporing was certainly unworthy of a statesman, and created a most disagreeable and exciting sensation in America. The compacts, however, against English goods were immediately dissolved, and retained only against tea. But unhappily at this time many faulty measures and unfortu- nate occurrences took place. A constitution was introduced into Canada which gave reason to fear that similar restrictive pro- visions would be imposed upon the other colonies. The gover- nor of Massachasetts lived in discord with the patriots of that province; he advised harsh measures, as was shown by inter- cepted correspondence, and made the judgec; wholly dependent on himself: these things gave rise, in March, 1777, to bloody con- flicts in Boston between the people and the troops. Thus violent opposition gradually took the place of respectful remon- strances, and there needed but one new error on the part of the English government to stir up the passions also in behalf of the American doctrines.f In consequence of the diminished export of tea to the colonies, an immense stock of that article had accumulated in the ware- houses of the East India Company; for which reason the gov- ernment gave permission to send it to all places whatever, duty free. As the remission thus granted amounted to a shilling on the pound, while the American import duty was only threepence; as ttie East India Company ordered their consignees in America to pay this latter tax, which was thus concealed in the price ; and lastly, as the price of the tea, by taking oil" the threepence and by * Belsham, V.3G0. Adolphus, i. 404. Genz Hislor. Journal, 1800, ii. 28. Burke on American Taxation, ii. JiCiO. t Ramsay, i. 172. Burke, ii. 363. TO THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 43 the recent abatement of a shilling, was brought much lower than before, it was thought that the Americans would thankfully ac- knowledge the advantages held out to them, and willingly make purchases. But, on the contrary, they said, " Shall we sell our rights like cowards for a trifling gain in the way of a tax ; shall we show ourselves meaner and more selfish than England, who evidently surrenders greater advantages for the present, in order to carry out her claims to unconditional sovereignty ?" Accordingly it was resolved that none of the tea should be bought, and that all ships laden therewith should be prevented from landing their cargoes. This was carried literally into effect in New York and Philadelphia, although not every where : in Charleston the tea was seized and kept till it spoiled ; and in Boston seventeen persons disguised as Indians threw, on the 18th of December, 1773, three hundred and forty-two chests of tea into the sea. Not a single chest landed in North America was sold there.* As soon as Parliament received the news of these events, the majority, without reflecting on the primary cause that produced them, turned their attention solely to the outrages last committed in Boston. But instead of investigating the circumstances of the transaction, and finding out the instigators and participants therein, instead, in short, of taking the fair and proper course, they imposed (March, 1774) a heavy fine on the whole city, and laid an em- bargo on Boston harbor. In vain did Chatham, Rockingham, and others, declare themselves in favor of milder and conciliatory measures; in vain did Burke remind them that at length opposi- tion v/as directed only against unjust laws, and that from this very circumstance it was evident how improper it was to condemn without a hearing, and to try to enforce constitutional principles by the military arm.f The citizens of Boston said to the same effect: " How is it possible that for the offence of individuals and before any legal investigation, an unsuitable, incalculable, and destructive punish- ment is to be inflicted upon the whole city ? How can it be required that dependence on Great Britain should outlive its justice ?" The feeling of right which advocated the propriety of indemni- fying the East India Company for the loss of their tea, on the part of those who had caused it, was now excited in a much stronger degree in favor of the innocent inhabitants of Boston ; though it was expected that a more equitable and moderate course would be adopted by England. But instead of so doing. Parlia- ment about this time (May, 1774) changed the constitution of Massachusetts in its most essential particulars. It was enacted that the provincial council, hitherto chosen by the representative * Grahame, iv. 329. f Hinton, i. 312. 44 FROM THE PEACE OF PARIS assembly, should hereafler be appointed by the crown. The appointment of most of the public officers, and the removal of councillors and judges, were intrusted to the will of the gov- ernor ; the town-meetings were made entirely dependent on him ; and not the slightest respect was paid to the contents of the old charters, to which all these proceedings were opposed. Lord North said : " If this bill does not rest on grounds of the great- est political necessity, it rests on nothing-.* And in fact it did rest on nothing ; yet 239 against 64 voted for it in the lower house, and 92 against 20 in the upper house, remaining true to the con- Adction,that severity would soon set all to rights! Allowing that the constitution of Massachusetts exhibited great defects, still it was exceedingly rash to change its form just at that moment — exceedingly short-sighted to destroy despo- tically the recognized rights and charters of an entire people, and to play the reformer so awkwardly and unjustly. At any rate it might have been distinctly foreseen that herein the omnipotence of Parliament was still less likely to be acknowledged than it was in paying the duties on tea. The third blundering encroachment of the English ministry consisted in a law passed at the same lime, to the effect that any person indicted for murder or any other capital offence committed in aiding the magistracy of Massachusetts should be tried in another colony, or in England. These measures, the blame bestowed on them even in the British Parliament, the public meetings, correspondence, and publications of all kinds, raised the enthusiasm in favor of North American freedom to such a pitch, that even the most circumspect coincided in — or at least did not venture to oppose — the assertion, that it was necessary to bear present sufferings with cheerfulness, in order to escape the great and inevitable evils with which they were threatened. The restrictions of old constitutions and govern- ments were less effectual in accustoming men to an anarchy hitherto unknown, than they were in leading to new measures which far surpassed in boldness all that had been attempted be- fore.f Thus the combination entered into by newly established committees, communicated to all undertakings and movements a rapidity, unanimity, and activity, of which no example had hitherto been given ; and which was afterwards repeated in the Jacobin clubs in another and more fearful manner. Boston bore the very heavy loss arising from the embargo on its commerce, with immoveable firmness ; and experienced every where such hearty sympathy, that even the inhabitants of the neighboring town of Salem — whither it was designed to turn * Belsham, vi. 54. t Burke, iii. GO. Ramsay, i. 217, TO THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 45 the course of trade, as a punishment to Boston, — declared, that they would consider it shameful to enrich themselves at the expense of their fellow-citizens. The proclamation of General Gage, the English commander-in-chief in Massachusetts, to the effect that the compacts against trade with England were hostile and traitorous, led merely to a controversial correspondence ; while every one acted in the matter as he pleased. The attempt to establish a new government in Massachusetts failed ; since several of the persons appointed by the king declined their offices, and others were prevented from assuming them by the people. Thus there ensued a general stoppage of all the courts and public offices, without giving immediate rise to riots, and acts of violence. When, however, the rumor was spread — perhaps intentionally — that Boston had been bombarded by the British, many thousands assembled immediately in the surround- ing country ; and all the custom-house officers and other public functionaries, including even the newly established courts in Salem, were compelled to flee to Boston. Four months after the reception of the Boston Port Bill, on the 5th of September, 1774, the delegates of twelve provinces (Georgia followed later) met in general congress in Philadel- phia ; they gave one vote to each state, and chose Peyton Ran- dolph, of Virginia, as their president. In some of the provinces the deputies had been appointed by the legislative assemblies ; in others, where the governors opposed ii, this had been per- formed by assemblies of the people on their own authority. The resolutions that emanated from the congress abounded in strong assurances of loyalty, and of legitimate adherence to the mother-country. They acknowledged the prerogatives of the crown, and disclaimed all desire of separation. But, on the other hand, they firmly maintained, that they were entitled to all the rights of native British subjects; that the late proceedings against Massachusetts were illegal and oppressive, and consequently were to be regarded as a matter of common concern to all the states. True, said they, the British Parliament can make cer- tain regulations, and impose certain restrictions intended to benefit the trade of the whole kingdom; but no tax can be levied on the Americans without their own consent ; and to them be- longs the right of devising all laws for their internal government, and of laying them before the king. The congress resolved, moreover, that the American settlers had the right to be tried by their peers, to assemble peaceably together to consider their grievances, and present petitions to the king. It was contrary to law, they said, to keep a standing army in America without the consent of the provincial assemblies, and to make the legislative power entirely dependent on a council, simply appointed by the 4 46 FROM THE PEACE OF PARIS crown. The acts respectinjy new taxes, the quartering of troops, judicial proceedings, the embargo on Boston, &c. : it was also necessary to repeal.* To this effect an able and eloquent address was drawn up to the inhabitants of Great Britain, and also an address to the king ; but at the same time — in order to give greater weight to these measures — all commercial intercourse with Great Britain was broken off until their grievances should be removed. Still the assurance was repeated, that nothing new was meditated ; and that all they sought was the restoration and preservation of their former peace, liberty, and safety. When the congress had thus performed its task, with serious- ness, moderation, order, and prudence, it dissolved itself on the 26th of October; but not until it had made the necessary arrangements for a second meeting. Every where its orders were readily obeyed ; and while the old forms of government still subsisted, they had in fact entirely lost their power and efficacy. One spirit seemed to animate all, and the enthusiasm on behalf of the public welfare exceeded all calculation. The merchants and country people submitted without demur to very strict regu- lations respecting trade, and the exportation of their produce ; and each individual assented to unwonted deprivations and new obligations. A cheerful gaiety was exhibited in the midst of all these sufferings ; for the attainment of freedom seemed wor- thy of all price. Thus all were exalted above themselves to a pitch of self-denial, devotion, and courage, which the cold pru- dence of quiet times can scarcely comprehend. Yet instructive and warning as these events and manifestations must have been to every unprejudiced observer, the Parliament newly assembled in November, 1774, agreed with the former one : thus proving that a people may be very jealous of its own liberties, while, unhappily, it seeks to destroy those of another. Individual members, it is true, pointed out to ministers, that their anticipations of an easy suppression of disturbances had turned out erroneous, and that they were threatened with the dangers of a civil war ; but the majority were still in favor of severe mea- sures ; and, among others, Lord Sandwich, the head of the ad- miralty, spoke in the most contemptuous manner of the senti- ments and power of the Americans. The partial resolutions of the congress, he asserted, would not be supported by the peo- ple ; or, at any rate, they would easily be annulled by the superior power of England. These erroneous views were in a good measure owing to the fact, that the government received their accounts of what was going on, almost exclusively from their own officials ; who were either imperfectly cognizant of the true ♦ Ramsay, i. 248. TO THE DECLARATION OF rNDEPENDENCE. 47 State of things, or else sought to enhance the value and merits of their vigilance by slandering the Americans. No one censured the views and proceedings of the ministry with greater severity and vehemence than Lord Chatham. He pledged his honor, and declared that he would own himself an idiot, if the resolutions that had been passed would not have to be repealed. When ministers retorted, that it was easy to find fault, bat difficult to make more judicious propositions, he brought in a Bill, on the 20th of January, 1775, which was designed to effect a reconciliation with the colonies. It asserted the right of the king to send a moderate army at all times into all parts of his dominions; but declared that military force should never be em- ployed to violate and destroy the just rights of the people. The legal constitution and charters should remain untouched, several harsh measures should be rescinded, and an amnesty declared for all that had taken place. A congress might assemble to acknow- ledge the rights of Parliament over the colonies, and grant a tax to the king, which Parliament might then dispose of. Direct local taxation should belong to the Americans ; from which, however, the general measures necessary for the regulation of commerce in a great kingdom were essentially distinct. " As to the metaphysical refinements," said Chatham, " attempting to show that the Americans are equally free from legislative control and commercial restraint, as from taxation for the pur- pose of revenue, I pronounce them futile, frivolous, and ground- less."* Lord Sandwich's declaration, that Chatham's bill seemed rather the work of an American (turning to Franklin, who was present) than of a British nobleman, was certainly unfounded; since the colonists, for the reasons already mentioned would have been but little gratified with the measures proposed : but be that as it may, it is a proof of passion and hastiness, that this and similar propositions of the greatest statesman in England, should be rejected at once, and without serious deliberation. The new Parliament, which, without subjecting itself to cen- sure, might have repealed many of the acts of the former one, on the contrary proceeded with hasty steps in the same course, pro- hibited the reception of any more petitions from the Americans, and declared their acts rebellious. Yet notwithstanding this more than dubious proceeding, Lord North said : " I have not the least doubt that the dispute with America will be ended speedily, happily, and without bloodshed." By way of nearer approach to this peaceful consummation, com- mands were issued to increase the number of troops in Boston, and to place a -general embargo on American trade, including * Belsham, vi. 102, 104. Genz, 1. c. p. 40. 48 FROM THE PEACE OF PARIS the fisheries in Newfoundland. It was, indeed, remarked by- some, that the restraints on the fisheries would operate also to the serious injury of Great Britain ; that such proceedings were more cruel than were customary, even against enemies ; that they would drive the American fishermen to the extremities of famine, compel them to become soldiers, &c. But the majority replied : The Americans themselves iiave given occasion for the measures complained of, and commenced hostilities against English trade. They must be shown that England is not more powerless than they ; and members must not shrink from adopt- ing such means as are the best, because leading most speedily to the desired result. Still, in order not to put an end to all thoughts of an accom- modation, or with the design of creating differences between the colonies, Lord North, in February, 1775, made the propo- sition, that if any of the colonies would grant and place at the disposal of Parliament a proportionate sum for the common de- fence of the empire, and make provision for the support of the civil government and the administration of justice within their confines, and if such grants and provisions should be approved of by the king and Parliament, — then during such contribu- tions the duties should be taken off, excepting such as might seem necessary for the regulation of trade, and the income from these should be expended for their benefit. The ministers maintained, that in case the opposition of the Americans wat: founded solely on the grounds which they pro- fessed, they must necessarily accept the proposition made them ; a rejection of which would completely prove that they cherished other and criminal designs. The whole proposition, however, met with but little acceptance even in England, and much less in America. Tlie claims of Parliament to unconditional power, it was here said, arc but awkwardly concealed ; it desires to treat with single states, in order that it may work on some by fear and on others by self-interest, and thus dissolve their union. Assent to a permanent tax leads to tyranny. England's monopoly of trade comprises wdthin itself a taxation of America ; and if the mother-country desires to obtain still more, Americans must be allowed to carry on their trade as freely as Britons. The pro- position, it was continued, contains no renunciation of the rights of taxation, and forgets that the internal government and admi- nistration of justice are wholly under the direction of American assemblies. On these and similar grounds. Lord North's pro- position, which had been carried in the House of Commons by a vote of 274 to 88,* was in America unanimously rejected. Milder proposals on the part of Edmund Burke, to redress the * Belsham, vi. 124. TO THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 49 well-founded complaints of the Americans and acknowledge their right of self-taxation, were rejected by a vote of 184 to 51.* Prophetically he said : " Force in the long run can never suc- ceed, its effect is always uncertain. It is impossible to change opinions arising from descent, education, religion, position, &c. ; two millions of men cannot be brought before a criminal court, but we must take things as they are, and hold fast to undeniable facts. Shall we destroy that which made the colonies great, destroy them to bring them to obedience ? On the contrary the Americans must be won to the constitution of the British empire. This does not require the reception of their deputies in the English House of Commons, but the recognition of their own. constitutions and of the right of self-taxation. It is by no means impossible to find out a proper position to be occupied by the American constitutions with regard to that of Great Britain ; and the fear that in case of such a concession no more money would be granted by the Americans, appears, as England itself demon- strates, wholly unfounded. But after all, the idea of drawing money from America to England is certainly preposterous. American taxes must be expended in America, and it must not be forgotten that the colonies are still of use, directly in com- merce and indirectly in war." In the meantime New York, which it had been sought to gain over by a milder treatment than common, was striving after the same rights as the other states ; and the increasing distress, aris- ing in great measure from the suppression of the fisheries, aug- mented the hatred against England. 'J'he Americans, however, with great prudence and foresight, avoided the appearance of being the aggressors ; they wished to awaken sympathy for their righteous cause, and not by passionate errors to diminish the number of their friends. But when General Gage undertook to destroy their arms and ammunition, a skirmish took place at Lexington between the king's troops and the Americans : the first blood of citizens flowed on the 19th of April, 1775, the im- mediate cause of war being the claim to impose a tax from which it was well known there could remain no surplus for England. The English relied upon their ascendency by land and sea, their wealth, military stores, and experience in warfare, upon their government directed from a single point, and the knowledge of the art of war possessed by their generals and admirals. The Americans took into the account the weakening effect of the distance between England and themselves, their more accurate * Belsham, vi. 74. Burke on Amer. Conciliation, 22d March, 1775. Works, iii. 23, Ramsay, i. 307. 50 FROM THE PEACE Of PARIS knowledge of their own counlry, and above all the righteousness of their good cause. The enthusiasm in favor of the war, not against the king but against the English ministry, was universal; and preachers, judges, public officers, the press, all labored unanimously for the same object. In a greater battle fought at Bunker Hill, near Boston, on the 17th of June, 1775, the Eng- lish it is true gained the victory over the undisciplined American troops ; but they met with such an obstinate resistance, and suf- fered so heavy a loss, that it furnished serious occasion to new councils and deliberations on both sides. On the lOth of May preceding this event, the congress had met a second time, and had drawn up vindicatory addresses to Great Britain, Ireland, and Jamaica, and also a suitable petition to the king. To this last no answer was vouchsafed, because the rebels made no ofier of subjection, and had in view only to gain time. This rejection embittered even the moderate party, who, although aiming at the establishment and recognition of a free constitution, did not regard as desirable an entire dissolution of the connection with Great Britain. The motion of the Duke of Richmond on the 10th of Novem- ber, 1775, that the representations of the congress to the king presented an opportunity for new neootiations and a settlement of differences, was rejected as before.* The old tories, the high church zealots, and the whigs, with whom the maxim of the omnipotence of Parliament outweighed all other considerations, stood united against the smaller number of those who were styled American democrats.! Five months later, on the 17lh of March, 1776, Boston was taken by the Americans ; and a few weeks afterwards, almost all the governors had fled, and the royal authority had become loos- ened to such an extent, that on the 7th of June, Richard Henry Lee, of Virginia, moved in congress to declare the independence of the North American states. A document was soon after drawn up by Thomas Jefferson, entitled the Declaration of Inde- pendence, and submitted to the examination of a committee. It was then taken up by the congress ; and having, after an earnest debate, been altered in a few points, it was almost unanimously adopted^ on the 4th day of July. It enumerates all the evils, oppressions, and wrongs, which the Americans considered themselves to have sufft^-ed from England and especially from the king and government, and declares the eternal and inalienable rights which God has given to his creatures, namely life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. * Belsham, vi. 181,204. t Dr. Johnson said : "The Americans are a race of convicts, and ou