£y25 .3V HOLUNGER pH8.5 MILL RUN F3.1343 Albany Atlas Extra, April ii, 1850. .897 REMAEKS OF HON. SILAS M. BURROUGHS, OF ORLEANS, IN ASSEMBLY, JAN, 2a AND FEB, 13, 1850, OV THE ilESOLUTIONS RELATING TO THE SUBJECT OF SLAVERY. ALBANY: ft. a. VAN DYCK, PRINTER— ATLAS OFFICE, 1850. audibly in i-upport of their dvvn resriluiions — Not one man iea appearances deceive me? Dare they even whistle Yaiikre Doodle to console them- selves ? I am surprised, gentlemen, at your lack of courage, at this change ot front, this general dismay and consternation in yiur ranks; it will excite surprise in and nut ol this Hou-e. If it be the in'ention to make an entire surrender ol the Eveat v»hig party ot the North to the demand of Ztcharv Ta>lor, hor'-e, foot, standard and all, and that without demanding terms, without de- cent articles of capitulation, and all this at the mere will of the President— if you will thus sur- render your fiee-soil yirinciples, if you are pre- pared Ithus to dig your political graves — and I warn you that such will be the efTeit of this sui- cidal act of siiirender — without even a sho^v of resistance, let the rogue's march be played at your vetieat; and your political graves be so deep that no dream of resurrection may ever pene- trate its black and dismal depths. Do I mistake the purport and design of the President's late Message? Unkirtunately, Sir, there is no room or chai ce to mi.-take it, it is a total and complete surrender to all ihe dern-tnds of the South. 1 had hoped that the President would III some small degree res()ect the opinions and wishes of the North upon this subject, but that hope has been annihilated by this message. I read its contents with pain and mortification, and I venture the assertion that there is not a man in this State or this Union w hose heart beats right to the cause of Freedom who did not read that message with pain. Sir, what does it tell us? Does it not virtually recommend an uiicon ditional surrender to southern di( tation ? I a.sk what more was ever deir;anded by the youth? — Nothing. The whole prayer of the South is ex- pressed in three li'tle woid-, " let wt alone.'"— Sir, this message is in complete harmony with the views of the gentlemen from New Y.irk, (Mr. Monroe,) who has said so much in prai.-e ol ♦* masterly inactivity." The South claims it is a constitutional right lo settle our Territories and carry their slaves with them; they demand delay time to get into these Territories with their "domestic iiii,titutio7i." President Taylor says: " Seei-sr, then, that the sulject wh ch now excites such painlul ^■ ii'sations in the country, will inthe end certainly be settle i>y the silent effect of causes, inde|*n Jent of the action o' ' ongress, I again iubmi' to j our wisiloni the po- licy lec umended in my Annual Mes.'age, ot awa.ting the salu'i y opeiations or these causes, believing that we shall tliu- ivoid the creation of geogrnphical paities. and secure tl. Iiarmony and feeling so necessary to the bene- ficial acuuu of our political system." Read this whole message, glean from its stu- died ambiguity its true import and intent, the design which it was intended to subserve — and what is it? "Let llie Svutii a/one, leave this matter to be adjusted by time, aided by Ihe " s£- /(■«/ ffffct of caUKfs inilfpeiident of the action iij Coiisrfss " What, sir, is to be the result of this '^silent fff^ct of causes iii'lrpenilent of the action oj Confirtss ?' 1 he honorable gentleman from Albany (Mr Nott) has in a very eloquent manner told us w hat the re.sult would be : he has very properly referred to the speeches ot South- ern gentlemen to give point and significance to this subject. In the speech of Mr. Clingman of North Caro- lina, delivered in the House of Representatives, at Washington, occurs this remarkable passage : — " The iden thbt the conquered people rhould be permit, 'ed to e'we law to the co queiors, is so preposterously ah. surd, that I do not intend lo argue it. Doubtless, these people would be willing, not only to < xclude Elaviholders, but all other A meric^ns, if, by a simple vole, they were al- lowi d to do so. I may remai k lurther, that but lor the an- ti slavery ngit.tion,« ur southern slaveholders woti'dhave can ied their negroes into the mines ot ( alilornia in such numbers, that I have to doubt but that tlie niajDiity there would have made it a slaveholding Slate We have been deprived of all chance of this by the Northern movements, mid by the iciion of this House, which has, by Noiihein votfs, repeatedly, from time to lime, passpd the VVilmot Proviso, so as in eftect to exclude ourinstitutions, without the actual passage rl a law for that purpose It is a m»re larce, theiefore, without giving oui- people time to go into the cc uiitry , ii they desiie to do so, to allow the inilividu. als iheie, by a vote, to exclude a whole class of our citi- zens. This would imply that the teiri'oiy belonged to the people the'e exclusively, and not to aU the people of the United States." It will not be denied that Mr. Clingman speaks the sentiments of Ihe South, that he truly de- dares their opinions ; and it is a significant fact, that he fully endorses and approves the message of the President. In his speech upon this very message, occupying one entire page of the Union newspaper, not one word ot dissent to Ihe P.esi- dent's message is to be found. I understood the gentleman from Erie, (Mr. Ford,) in his speech yesterday, to say "that slavery would not tie ex- tended irito the territories, except by positive en- actment." Agreeing with ihe nonor^hle gentle- man from New York, (Mr. Moivhoe,) the gentle- man from Erie is also in lavor of "nia.sttr/i/ inac- tivity " 1 may be allowed to congratulate the "independent party" that he is so well sustained by the gentlei' an from Eric, by the President's message, by Mr. Clingman and the entire Snuth. What, sir, is the position ot the '^IniJtpfiidt7it Party" on this fl^or ? Is it notwdl known to be in direct hostility to what the sentiment of the whig party was sup[)osed to be three days ago ? — Was It not understood that he would not stipfiort the resolutions of the minority? Is it not well known that the gentleman entirely agrees with the South upon this subject, and opposes agita- tion with a zeal surpassing all agitation here, and without any parallel, .save in the South ? We were furnished yesterday with a strong argu- ment in tavor of adopting some resolutions upon this subject. What was that argument ? It was fashionable! Jt was fashionable ! That was the reason. I commenil the gentleman to vot£ on this question "because it is Jaslnonable !" And why is it fashionable? I wili answer that ques- tion. It is because the people entertain a deep seated and abiding feeling hostile to the exten- sion of slavery. Will you trim your sails to catch the popular breeze ? Will you set your sails os as to suit the popular wirut ? And fh«*n deal ho fabely — so treacherouxly with the public mind as to say that you vote to accord with public opin- ion, bpcaiise it is "fasfiiatialile .'" I coinnifiid the people to consider the import of the.ne words. I coniliieiid to llio^e who love freedom and hale oppression to weiuli tliein well ; and I .•otnmend the i;entleman Iroin Rrie (Mr. I'i'RD.) to his coi\- stituenls to answer tor i|ie>ie words. This sub- ject then, in certain quar'ers, afier all the pre- tences that we have heard lor the last three years is simply tolerated by some gentlemen because it is ^^fa-hianable ! !" My memory, sir, is not Ireachprous, nor am I fornetl'ul entirely of the pa».t. I renieinber the position in which this matter stood three years ae;o. I recollect that when \ve were at war with MeNico, a proposiiion was tietore the N.iiiooal Letjislature to borrow a certain snin of money I" can V on the war, or raiher to brini; about pe^ice It was expected thai with peace we should obtain a lariie amount of territory from Mexico; Ibis money was intended to secure such a result. — ^Vhen that propo-'ilion was under considi r.ition in the Congress of the Uni'ed States, a proposi- tion wa-> made as a condition ot the loan intended to acqu re territory, that slavery should he forever |)roliihited in such territory if acquired This was objected to as likely to embarrass the novern- menf, and if persisted in that it would iiiflict up- on the country the U'ineces«ary continuance of the war Whilst I did not choose to impeach the intentions of those v^ho introduced and urs;ed that Proviso, I agreed with those who thoujiht it un Tiecesary, inexpedient, and premature. I thou:iht it would be time i nongh when we had acquired the territory and shduld form a covernment tor it. wouhl he redeemed. Tfie people relied unoo liiese pledijps— A«wv//v relitd u/imi thrm — and Uave lo the country their (.upiiorl, ih^ir treasure and tfieir blood. Th'-v now ilemniul ih^f iheie promi-!es shall he perlormed — these pleilges rc- deem'il ; and they t'ave a right to expect anJ de- mand llieir fulfuiient. The«e pledijes were made in honorable places, bv the serv lilts of the t.eople, noon whoin they relied. Is there a man in the Norib so base, 60 recreant to truth and honor, as to i;ive such pledges and dare to defraud the people by refiig- i'.j; to redeem them .' h my recollection at fault? n.) I mistake history.' is the recor.l true.' — Who, tlien. aciirtif as a public servant, "hall dare 10 di-obev ih" voice of ihe people? Yet I hear aenllemen in this lla'.l clsimintr that ac'mn.even now, U preinntiire. Tlie KHntleinan from Erie (Mr Ford.) insist-* that action is " Unnecessary and preninlure" H there is one sentence in ihaf uenlleman's speech (all wriiien wiih pecu- liar care,) entitled to ihe credit of beinit drawn with skill and care(ulnes«, it is (h t in which he deprecates action a- "premature" and ontimely. Permit me to ask when the lime will an ive when xciion uimn fnis siibjef't will not be prem \ture.' The gentleman from New York (.Mr Waters,) said that nature had estabiishe.l her l.iws upon this subject ; that the hills and plain* of this fair land cried out again-t slavery ; that slav.-ry could not be planted there, owinii to the soil and cli- mate ot the country, and this neiuleman, too, in harmony with ttie '' iiuUpendent party," pre- fers to leave this matter to the '• silent workinpfs of natural causes" Hut I heir to know if ihesie Irtws of nature were not established more than six thousand years aiio, and on what spot of God's to provide against the introilu tinn of slavery. I earth have they been respected. Shall we wait recollect quite well that an honorable senator from for the silent operation of the " laws of nature" this Slate (.Mr. Dickinson.) then took this view ot which have been so Ions; in operation, and which the question — that it was preuiature, but that il terriiory should be acquired, he would then be ready to letjislate in accordance wiih the opinions of the North to prevent the extension of slavery. Our leading public journals held the same Ian guage, and opposed the Proviso ajjainst slavery simply because it was premature. This was the argument, and at the same time these journals pledged their oppositi(m lo the extension of sla- very, if territory should be acquired, and asserted that the North w^ould act together as one man against the extension of slavery. It was theonly course which could put down or quiet putilic feeling. The freemen of the North said with (uie voice : " IVe will not have this teiritory if it is to be slave territory." \Ve said to them, "let u- acquire this country and it sliall be free. The have a' yet failed to establ-ish the principles of freedom and justice, or shall we ourselves act.' If I understand the liw ol nature, one importatit element in the creation of this law is, that it shall be recognized by man, on whom it acts. By nature, I understand the universe and the sjsfem of laws by which it is governej. By that term I understand God himself is represented. By what meani does Deity act.' By ibe feeble agency of man— so [ have been accustomed to be- lieve. But it seems now that the "silent opera- liim" of the law of nature in some mvs'erious manner, is to accomplish this great work of re- lorm, and that there is no necessity for action on our part. But leaving the visionary phylosophy of gentlemen, let us consult tarts, ind see if it be not iniended to violate these laws of nature. In potent voice of the North will be respected — the | the South they avow the intention locarry slaves advancing spirit of the age will guarantee the su premacy ol tree principles The North will act together; there will be no discord here. VVe shall all think, and act, and vo'e alike ; no dis- cordant vt'ice shall be heard in the North. \Ve will give to this territory, when we have ac- iquiied It, a free republican government, //ro/jf<»i<- i/i": nldvery forever " No man's memory can be so (rail as ttiat he can have forgotten this. I ac- cepted those promises. My course has been re- gulated by honest expectations that these fair promises would be peifyrmed ; that these pledges to these territories; large numtiers of slaves are air.-ady there. Slaveholders uflirm that t.he Con- stitutiiin of the Uiuled Slates, secures lo them the light tocarry iheir property with them into these territories— to establish their "domestic institu- tions" there. They pretend that the "Heaven- born institution of negro slavery is one ot their inalienable rights," and that Congress has no power to legivlate ag.jnst this right. They pro- claim their inteiiiion to establish slavery ih.-re at every hazard. They tell us that tiiey intend no. thing short of a dissulution ot the Union, unlesa 6 we accede to their views. We have read re«i<)|u tions adopted in one of their State If gis'atures, callihs: tipon the Governor for information as ti "whether the arms of the State were in trood re pair, in suitable condition to meet the emert'Cii cy." We sit here tamely, and hear this, and some gentlemen "put their trust in the silent workines of the laws ol nature ! ! !" The men of the South trust to };on(i muskets and "keep tlieir po^\der dry." This is all well if thev intend to dissolve the Union by force of arms. That would be quite a serious undertakinjj, and should not be attempt- ed without verv careful preparation. Some gen- tlemen of the Snuth insist that "ihe Union is al- ready dissolvfd." They mu-it give the matter a spiritual interpretation. The secret is probab'y hidden from us fnim want of faith. All recol- lect the famous prediction of Father Miller some years ago, that the end of the world wis at hand The appointed day and hour for the rata>itrophe passed, and we were "nnscorchi'd" hut the true believers insisted that the event had actually tak- en place, and eave the prediction aspirilu 1 in- terpretation, which left us all unharmed, and their faith undisturbed. If the dissolution of the Union has already ta- ,ken place, it has been quite a harmle-^s atf.iir. — If it is yet to be accomplished by arms and l)lood, it is a serious matter to contemplate, and it is well we should have timely notice, of the day fixed upon for (he event. But, sir, I am no alarmist. The gentleman from New York {Mr. Monroe) who enjoys such a passion of terror upon this subject, has succeeded in communica- ting the paroxisms to but few. The gentleman from New York (Mr. Waters) said yesterday, that there was no necessity for pa'^singany resolu- tions upon this subject ; that public opinion did not demand action, and that all the public opin- ion we had to guide us was the newspapers So far as my knowledge of public opinion has gone, I have observed that the newspapers never lead the public mind, but are alw.iys behind it, and il often happens that the greatest incubus on the public miud are those very newspapers. ']"hey refuse to reflect the views of the people, and stifle a just and honest expression of them, to gratify olil prejudices or accomplish private ends. The gentleman who thus characterise public' opinion, who finds it nowhere but in the news paper, cannot be very well acquainted with the people. Pro slavery men in the Ncrtli, not d.ir- ing to meet this question of sljvery extension fairly, are ever shilling the issue, reading us lont; homilies about abolitionism, fanaticism, &c. — The gentleman from New York indulges, also, in an episode on negro suffrage, in hopes to divert the attention of his whis friends from the ques- tion before us by reminding them of old errors, doubtless hoping to save them from cornmitiinga still greater error in acting upon this subject — He points them to old majorities and to the pre- sent minority, to their former power, and theii present weakness, and attributes all their mislor- luries to their blunders in supporting slavery agi tation. Let me remind that gentleman that the Whigs have never lost ground in coiisequence of their zeal for the spread and maintair'ance of free principles, but from a distrust lodged in the pub- lic mind, that their professions were empty of uieaninsi — unsupported by intention, and I know nothins better calculated to deepen this convic- tion of distrust, than the course of the gentleman from New York, and those who act with him. — Must this subject be forevfr embarrassed by false issues and sophistry.' When will gentlemen learn to look at the matter in its simple form, as the people reirard it ? What connection h^s abo- lition with this subject .' and what has negro suf- frage to do with the matter.' The question, gen- ilerned, conimended to your consideration is sim- ply this: — Are\ou in (avor of extending slavery to free territory, or are you opposed to it? If you are in favor of slavery, speak out plainly, and not attempt to hide your real sentiments, by feign- ed issues and false pretences. If you are opposed to it let your votes and speeches be directed with honest efiTor', to the simple question. Do you, gentlemen, who encourage Southern principles on the tree soil of New York, tear the people, — fe.ir Ihe popular voice .' It is well to consult your tears when ninety-nine out of every hundred are aijainst you, and a little more prudence might lead you to acquiesce in the public mind, which you will find cannot be misled by false issues, or deceived by false pretences. Some gentlemen eiitertained us with the opinion that in estab- lishing a provision to prevent the extension of sla\ery, we should but be re enacting a law of nature. This law, I suppose, was in existence when we had slaves in this State. Slaves thro'- out the Union (with Ihe exception of a single Slate) slavery in every valley and upon every barren mountain; — the same "law of nature" was then in force, the same "silent causes" were then at work, but a law was found to be necessary to extirpate slavery and prevent its existence. Another artrument upon which great stress wag laid and great reliance placed, was, that weshoultj "embarrass the administration," "embarrass Gen. Taylor.'' The gentleman made his peroration orj this point, and some notice should perhaps be taken of it. Two years ago it was proclaimed throughout the North that General Taylor was a free soil man; that he would sanction and op- hold Northern sentiment upon this subject ; his letters were cited as proof. Who has loraotten his famous Signal letter, in which he endorsed the sentiment of an out-and out opponent of sla- very and slave evtension. The whigs of the North then claimed that an ordinance was neces- sary to prevent the eqiension of slavery, and avowed themselves to be the true friends of the " Wilmot proviso." They scoffed at the doctrine of " non-inierftrence," and demanded a prohibi- tory ordinance. 'I'ne friends of General Taylor claimed that he would be true to the North ; and I would ask their attention to the resoluiions adopted by them in the legislature of ]S4S and 1S49, unanimously demanding a prohibitory or- dinance asiainst slavery extension and instructing Congress to take immediate action. Now your Whig President a.«.ks you to " stave off " the sub- ject and leave it to ihe '^'^ silent effect of natural causes." And you, who but three days ago were charuing democrats with an intention to ^' stave o(f'' the question, to "y/?r ourselves, and be- sides this, ask to be permitted to transfer to these territories a species ot projierty possessed by ihem, the existence of which we esteem prejudi- cial to the welfare of republican communities. — This is the question in a simple form, and we are called upon to say whether we are v\illing to prejudice our just and equal claim to occupy ihese territories, or whether we will consent to the introduction of chattel slavery, and virtually exclude ourselves from these territories. Com- moD justice to ourselves foibids that we should 10 do this ; a decent regard for the ri>;lit8 oi posteri- ty also foibids it. In the South thpy tell lis, do this or we will break our relation with you ; we will dissolve the federal compact. In thie North we reply that we have considered the subject well, that we are well disponed to our brethern in the South, hut that we will not consent to the fornier nor permit the latter ; we will neither ol- lovv the introduction of slavery, nor will we per- mit the dissolution of the Union to take place. — We fiave a right equal with the South in these territories, and we have also a right to all the benefits resulting from the union of these States Our riahls in the territoriesshall not be impaired by the introduction of slavery, and our rights to the advantages of the Federal Union, secured by the ciinsiitution, if disturbed by force, we will maintain by all necessary means. We say by these resolutions, that we will maintain the intfg- rity ot the Union — it is our solemn duly to do this, and to pledge our lives, our fortunes and our good name to sustain our glorious Union. Our fa'hers "plei'ged their lives, their fortunes, and their honoi" to secure the freedom of these Slates. — They established our Federal Union of Republi from which I have not jet entirely recovered. — In entering upon the discussion now, I do not propose to go fully into the merits of the ques- tion, but simply to call the attention of the House to a few of the mistakes made by gentlemen who have taken part in the debate. There has been so much said, that I should probably commit errors if I should select the remarks of any particular gentleman as the subject of comment. I do not intend to take up the subject in detail, neither my health nor strength of voice will permit it if I entertained the wish. I shall content myself with a simple correction of a few errors, and a brief allusion to some well known facts pertinent to the question, which, for some unaccountable reason, a few gentlemen in this House seem to have wholly forgotten. One gentleman had said that this proposition of " Free Labor, and Free Soil, was a modern whig abolition scheme to get votes." This remark was made by one gea- tleman in this House, who professes to belong to the democratic party, and assumes to be familiar with the history and principles of that party ; and there are upon this floor some ten or twelve oth- ers, some of them associating with the whig par- can StHles, Theend (or which they labored is leg- ty, and others of the number with the democra- ibly written in the Declaration of Independence. That end was the achievement, and establish- ment upon a safe and enduring basis of the na- tural lights of man— these rit;hts Ihey have enu- merated in that immortal instrument, the Declar- ation of Independence, to which they fearlessly attached their names, at every peril. Embar- rassed by tyranny in every form, by laws at war with the first rights of man, and by the presence of institutions and social relations in harmony only with tyranny, they resolved upon a glorious reform. That reform was begun by agitation — the Goddess of liberty conceived in agitation — was born in the fearful strife of conflicting opinions ; her swaddling clothes were Ihe banner of freemen uplilied in the cause of truth and humanity — her cradle was rocked in the storm of battle; fed of the blood of her nursing mother, she grew to maturity in the whirlwind of war, and when aweet peace succeeded the din of battle, she pre- sided in our councils. Of fair proportions, and capitivating beauty, benignity and love radient in every feature, she pointed our fathers onward to the consummation of the work so gloriously be- gun. That work was the elevation of the down- trodden millions of the world — the emancipation of man. To us is committed the sacred work of carrying forward their heaven-born designs. — Shall we falter in the discharge of a duty so hon- orable—so consonant with our prosperity and happiness? A duly hallowed in its origin, pleas- ureable in its execution, and by every circum- stance made imperative upon us ! REMARKS In Assembly, February 13, on the Slavery reso- lutions. Mr. BURROUGHS said :— When this subject was under consideration a few days ago, I wa^^ obliged to ask the indulgence of the House, to permit a postponement of the discussion for a few days, on account of indisposition. I was thei. laboring under the pressure of a severe cold, tic party, who give the abolitioni.sts proper, all the credit, or all the blame as it may chance, of opposition to Slavery, and Slave extension. I claim that hostility to Slavery is a democratic sentiment ; that the fathers of this Republic so regarded it : thai the Declaration of Independ- ence asserted this doctrine, and that our Revolu- tionary fathers. South as well as North, acknow- ledged Slavery to be an evil, and that in laying the foundation of this government, they intend- ed Ihe ultimate extirpation of human slavery.— The history of the country not only proves this, but it abundantly shows, that the work of eman- cipation was begun by the very men who assisted to frame the government. And although an evil of great magnitude, and so firmly fixed upon the country, so interwoven with the interests of al- most every class of society, such has been the constant persevering efforts of these great and good men, that Slavery, then spread over the whole country, (a single State excepted) is now limited and confined to less than half of the pop- ulated part of the country. Formerly slavery ex- isted upon the shores of Ontario and the banks of the St. Lawrence. It has now receded to the line of Virginia, and the spirit of Emancipation which has always existed throutihout the Union, has deep root in the heart and conscience, ot the great body of the people South of that State. Washington had no love tor Slavery. Jefferson was opposed to it, and all the great and good compatriotscf these illustrious men of the revo- lution, united with them in the wish and ex- pectation, that Slavery should fade away, as soon as the safety of the two races, would admit of its extinction. The ordinance of 17S7, excluding slavery from all that territory north of the Ohio river, is proof upon this point clear and indisputable. The agitation of the question, and the abolition of slavery, in the Northern States, is additional proof, if it were needed. Who were the men first to raise their voices in this great State in fa- yor of the emancipation of the slave ? Among 11 them, one I well rempnibor, *' than whom N***' York can boast no prouder sun, no j)urpr patriot, no better man." \Vh<) i;nar(le(l )oiir interests and lead you on to prosperiiy? Wlio stood t)y you amid the storms of war, overthrew the spirit o( facti(>n, nave to the caii-e of yonr distrarled, des- pondinu Cdunfry, all that he wa«, — all that he had to ijive, his lile, his (orfune and his tame — Who has ("oriiotten Daniki. D. Tompkins I ! ! ? — To the honor of the Slate it shoulcl he spoken that this was not then made a party question ! — Men si)oke their opinions unawed hy threatened proscri()lii)n; spoke as the people thoiifjl t; the apo- iog'ists of slavery were fietce as at this d.ty in their opposiiion to tree principles, hut they had not learned the art of dissimulation now so effectually employed hy some ahettors of slavery; who while they Kive " aid and corntbrt" to the South, hope to save the approbation of the Ireemen of the North, under ttie newly discovered pretence that it is not constitutional to legislate u|)on the sub ject. Sir, this constitutional dotibt is a modern invention, and I am apt to believe found its ori- gin in the minds of a few men to whom the " diff'ution of this domefttic viatitution'" was not very objectionable. There may be, and doubtless are, those \vho are honestly opposed to the extei:- sion of slavery, and would do all in their power to prevent it, who entertain doubts as to the rightful authority of Congress over this subject Sir, I bow with great respect to every such hon- est man. DuritiK the years 1S19 and 1S20, when the admission of Missouri into the Union as a Slave State, was under consideration in Congress, theiquestion produced great excitement, arid was freely and generally discussed among the people throughout the Union. The Legislatures of the several Stales then thought it expeiiient to in- struct their representatives in Congress upon the quesiion. In this State, the people were united and nearly unanimous then in their opposition to the extension o( Slavery. It was not a party question, no one thought of miking it a question of political division. A few members ot the Le- gislature of ttiis Stale, four in the Assembly and six in the Senate, were not opposed to the exten- sion of slavery — the records before me show liiis — and of this number, four resided in the city ol New York, two in its vicinity, one in Delaware couniy, and the other thiee in the central [)art ol the Slate. Out ot the city of New York public opinion was as sound and public policy as strohg as now ; and slavery had then but four ahetiors even in ttie city of New York, always so inti- mately indei.tified by its commercial interests with the South. jXovember 13, 1820. The following Preamble and Resolutions were adopted by the Assembly of this State: " Whereas, the Lrgjslaturc of this Stale, nt tlie Ijst ses- sion, (iiii instruct then Senators, aiiil n quest tlieir Hepre. seniblives in Co: gress, to oiipose Ihf admission as a State, into the Union, auyteiriioiy comiirised within the origi- nal bsuinJaries ul the United Males, w ituoul making tiie prohiliilion ot slavery therein, an indi.-pensal le coudilioii ot adniission; and, whereas, ihis Leyisiaiure is nii|iie>seil ■with the coi reiUi ess ot the sentiments so communicated to our Senulorsand K- iJiesentatives, Theretoie, " Kesolved, (il the honorable the senate ccncur herein,) That this Legislatuie does wpprove of the pn ciphs con. tained m ihe reso.uuons of the last sessio^i; and, lurthei, if the provisions contained in any pro|)Osed constitution ol a new State, deny to any citizens ol the e:iijtiog states tbe privilegeii aiiil iiiiniuiiities ol ci'izcn'tof men n«w «lHle, that Mirh prcpo^cd consiitnution thuiild not be ocreiitcd orronlinnud; (lie name, in tin- opinion ol ijiin I.PKJilaturi*. lielng vol I liy the roinliiiilion til Iho United Slaic. And ilint our Heii'lorstio ln«tnn-leil, on I our Uc|ire«ent..tiTe« in CongrcsK be ivipieaied, to une their utmom exeriioni to prevent tlio acceptdiico andconlirmatiou of any aucb con- siilutlon " Ke.tolvpil. (ifllip honorable the Senate concur herein.) 'I'lmt tlie Trehident ol Die Senate, and the ^'peaker ol the A-.xcnihly, do ciiu'-o ropien ol tlie'e lenolii lions, duly rer. tilled tiy Ihfin, to ti./ Ir.in-mitled to the Scuaiora and Ue« presenlativesin Congress from this slaie." The vote was, For the resolutions 117 Ag.iinst them, 4 The four members votiiiij in the negative were. Win A. Davis and y"/i« Swartiroiit, uf the city of New York, Krastus Hoot, of the county of De- laware, and Jonathan Demming, of the county of Onondaga. The same preamble and re.solutions passed the Senate November l.*), 1S20,— 23 Senators voting in the affirmative, and C in the nenalive. Those who Voted in the negative were Jonathan Day- ton, Walter Bowne, John Townsend and John Sifferts, from the Southern District, and John L Miller and John T. Moore, Irom the Middle Dis- trict. The question was not then embarrassed by con stitutional doubts. From the dawn o( our na- tional existence up to the year 1S46, this consti- tutional right had been recognized — had received what minht be properly termed universal a'sent. During the years 1S47 and 1S43, the Legislature of this State adopted resolutions declaring oppo- sition to the extension of slavery — affirming the power of Congress to prevent it by positive ordi- nance, and insisting upon the necessity of imme- diate action. Is it wise, is it expedient, now to reverse the settled policy of this State .' Is it fit that we should attempt to thro v doubt upon a question so long settled— so long acquiesced in liy the people of the whole Union. By what au- thority shall we do this ? do the people demand that we shall reverse the deliberate judgment of the nation .' Do our constituents ask or expect that we should retrace our ste))s and take up the (institution as though it were an original ques- tion, anil look after doubts to be placed in the way of their wishes — to bl ck the wheels of the advancing car of progress — to stay the march of Freedom. Let us consult the records of our coun- ty conventions. What have they done .' Has a single county convention in this State, held dur- ing Ihe canvass in 1S49, adopted resolutions de- nying the power ol Congress to legislate upon the subject of slavery.' if so, I have not read the re- cord. Has any gentleman on this floor any know- ledge of such record .' Sir, in almost every coun- ty in this Slate, at the conventions held to nomi- nate candidates for members of the Legislature, resolutions have been adopted expressly affirming Ihe power of Congress over this subject. In the couniy of F.rie, and I regret the gentleman (Vora that county (Mr. Ford,) is not in his seat, a very tari;e Democratic convention was assembled on the day that Keiillemaii received his nomination, resolutions were reported to the convention, by the Hon. H. K. Smith, one of the most able and eloquent supporters of General Cass in western New York. One of the resolutions introduced by 12 that ymtkmaii, and iulopied hy the ronventinn a" ext)re>lTORy,nnofiuliilii>ii, at tliry h' coiiir stairs te»d '• In fur in n no-re jietfecl Uiiiim. nUihlith jusHc, ensure domestic traiipiilily, jiroviile fnr the romvion defence, prjinue the generitl wellitre, ami secure the blest, ingt of lilieily In uursrlces and our jioalerity." Mr. Dick iiidon said it was due fn the nrraiinn, that "h]A vieiva sti(i\ily addini; the elorinetit (ireainhle to llie Cnrislilulion of the United Stales. At a Democratic Cotivenfion, held at Rome, on the Ifith of Aulmh', Is^li), Mr. Dirk in-son -iaid in a speech belore llie Coiu'entinri, that he was n|i- posed to slave extension ^"he^e are his word- quoted froT. his printed speech, donhtless writ- ten out by himsejl ; — " On this tcrritorin/ sfavf ry que''ti(»}, my pi>s>tiou m this : I nm, a.i n>t iriili- vidtial am/ a It vi^latur, not in fnnor of the tr- trnsion of s/nrtrt/, biit out ami out, ii/i and tloirn, live or the, I nm opiio'oil In its extiitsioti [Applause] That in umUrstooil, I nupfhi.ie" Sir, I heard that sjieech delivered; 1 heard the words which I have quoted ottered bv the honorable Senator. I witnessed Ihe thuiiderinu applau-ie which lollmved. It was a democratic coti- vention! assembled to consider this great question. When (he honorable Senator uttered thit senti- ment, I remembered his vote to admit Oreenn with a prohibition ai-ainst slavery in her organic law — a vote reconnizins: the constitutional pow- er of Congress. Take this declaration and the former vote, )dace them under each other, and let me ask who will venfi-re so far to impeach the intesrity of Daniel S. Dickinson a.s to deny that he will vote topROHiniT the extension of slavery, when called upon to do so by instruc- tions fiom the Legislature of the State which he represents. Sir, it is slander without a jiarallel to bring such a charge. His worst enemies could not suspect him of this, without believing him capable of descending to any depth of treach- ery — to himself atid to the State which he rep- resents Sir, in all our democratic journals, in this State and throughout the North, opinions hostile to the extension of slavery have been de- cla>"'?d and often reiterated durinii; Ihe last three years. Here is an example Albany Argus, Jan. 19, 1S47 : " The (lift'renre between the an'ajnnist proposition is, I not in the |iniicipie asserted -/or all cnnc.ar in Ihe pra/ntsi- lion that slavery ought rot to lie expended (.). or rei oai^i^ed in, Ihe veiv leniti'ry -inn WilKN the question stiall be mooted and acled upon " In the same paper I find on the 22d day of Jan- uary, 1347, a long editorial, from which 1 make thefollowinK extract: " Bui why, we ask,'" says tlie Troy Whig, albiding to Mr. f. Ieing ol the country. At a period ol wnr wlien all the energies of the nation ought to b.? directed to the prompt and encgetic apf licalion of war means, and to a visorous proseru ion of ■war measures, to throw into the discussion a qurs:ion, which has ever been an element of division and sec- tional feeling, and a fiuitlul source of contentmn and e.\> excitement between two great section-; of the Union — can serfe no good purpose, must throw emhirrassmcnts into our councils, and must retard and interrupt iaJispeosable measures for the prosecution ot the war. " VVk woi'LD i-iioMiBiT iLAVt nv iiieVHiy (' rritury— and we would moot tli>' q'leiiliiiii wbenrvor Ihe liTrDon iihitii hive hi-cn ni-qnlreil. mid upon il^admimion biln the Union, eiili.i o« a S I A IK or TKUItl lOltV We would no' at- lin)|it to do it >i.iu'- li. r iMfce, wliili- il wonll »i-arrely fail to i'iiili:irrn<« the Ailniniiit'n'ion. on I |i'i'nt>7.i- or retard llie IcitlpcnRnlde nc'ion ol (.ongres* Bid Ihe goveriiineot, it could »crvo no iniinediaiu good purpose. On the 2S h of J inuarv, |s|7, a rPHolufion was under con^iileraiion in the Senate of this Slate; vhich F quote : — "npsolvid. That ifany terri'ority l< hereafter acq'iired •ly the t'hl'ffl^siaies or annexed ihi-relo, the art by which Mirli icrri'iry Is nrquip-d or annexed, wliatevi-r such net mjy bi', Bhould contumnn uiiaberalilc 'nn lann-ntal arlcle or provision wheu'liy slavery or involuntary »crviiudi', o\o 'lit as a imiiislimi-nt lor crime, sliall lie f.irevcr excluded Irum the teirilory HC irhefher the Select Coinnnitee of the Jlssernb/y to be ajipointeU upon the subject of Slavery shotil'l be advised what resolutions to report In the H'litse'" Alter some consultation as to the propi iety of such a course, a motion was made that a committee of eight — four from the Senate and tour from the Assembly — should be appointed, tc be constituted by the a|)pointinent of equal mem- bers from each of the former divisions of the party, with a view to consider the matter. Tiii- {^ave rise to debate, which was chit fly to the ef- fect that the question was not to be treated as a party question; that there were differences ot opinion among our constituents tipon this sub- ject, and it was understood on all hands that it was not intended or proposed to make the sub- ject a political ffs^ The Hon Mr. Brandreth of the Senate took this view of the matter, "that gentlemen must be entirely at liberty to act as individtials, according to their several views, their must be no restraint or attempt to restrain or control private opinion upon this question ; that we were all opposed to the extension ot sla- very, but not unanimous es to what should be done; that there were honest difTerewce of opin- ion upon this point, and those honest o()lo!on^ every democrat would respect and tolerate." 1 responded to that sentiment, and stated substan tially,that at all our recent meetings among demo- crats throujihout (he Slate, as far as I was advis ed, it had been agreed to be recognized as good policy, that diflerence of opinion upon this sub- ject should not constitute a ground of political discrimination: that some members of the dem- ocratic party were opposed to any action, and d'.^.bled the right of Congress to act upon the sutiject: some believed that Congress had the power to prevent the extension of slavery, but doubted the expediency of interfering : while others held that Congress possessed full power over the subject, and regarding the crisis at prcsetit requiring action, insist ihat there is the most urgent necessily for immediate, positive prohibitory legislation. That in a large majori- ty ot the cuuQties of this state, at the conventions held to nominate memtiers of this le^isl iture, re- solutions had been adopted expressly declaring that Congress had lull power over the subject, and should immpfliately provide against the ex- tension ot slavery; and that members holding seats here were pledged to their constituents to suppoit such views, arid couhl not do otherwise than vote for strong resolutions upon the sub- ject. That lor myself, I was so instructed by a unanimous vote of the convention at which I was nominated, and I was pledged to such course by every consideration of duty as a repre-entative and respect to my own opinions ; and that no ac- tion ot this caucus could alter my obligations. — My duly was imposed by an authority higher than all others — the anthority of my constituents, unanimously given; and that I had no ritjht to disobey; that a large majority of the members present were siniilarly situated, and could not honorably do otherwise than vote in accordance with the resolutions adopted in their county con- ventions. That the gentleman from Westches- ter, and those who were similarly situated, would of course vote so as to express their own views md the views of their constituents, and no de- mocrat had any riaht to call in que.-lion their votes, nor was it to be presumed that any one would attempt to do so. That it had been well settled, in various demo- cratic assemblages of this State, met with special reference to this subject; that private opinion .vas to be tolerated without question, and that not being held a party question, every man was expected to act upon his own views. That I did not suppose this meeting intended to adopt any different rule, if it did, then it certainly was demanded that the circumstances of the me«'ting should be more formal. That I did not under- stand that any one proposed to introduce any inno- vation in the democratic creed, or pre>crit)e any new test. With this understanding, 1 did not object to the appointment of a committee to cun-ult as to what the Assembly committee should report, hut whatever that report might be, every man would be entirely at liberty to vote for himself aiid his constituents, as he should jud^e best without question ; and ttie caucus 1 did not sup- pose or believe could intend otherwise. To such sentiments, thus expressed, in terms the most distinct, no man objected. No sir, not one man. Not only was there no objection made, but the Hon. Senator from the 7ili Distiicl, Mr, Brandreth, responded to the sentiments thus ex.iressed by myself as being in all respects just and comm.enf the rnmrniltee olijiTfed, that it' it wr»» done, /le " woiihl make a minority report " Tfie committee then adjourned to a snh-ieqiient day; ond at the second meeelinu the same memher in- BJsted upon the course which he had pnr«nee I pursued in caucu*, I propose to state briefly wt^at I saicl, and gentlemen etiall have the full benefit of the statement. When the question was about to be put " on agreeing Ih^it the resolutions should he reported by the Assembly Commiitee," I rose and said: " That I had but to reiiernie the opinion^ which I had presented to the former meetinsj: that it was due to myself and to others who agreed with me in opinion, to say, that the reso lutions did not expressly declare (he power oi CoiiKress, and were equivocal, and loV their un- certainly tlid not meet my cordi.)! approval — That they did not deny any ouinion which I en tertrined or which my constituents hold, and I should not object to the committee recioriint them, though 1 preferred a resolution affirminL' the power ot Congress expressly, and niiisl vnte iti the House for such a resolttlivn, if ojffrred l/i/ any one.'' The hon. gentleman trom St Lu\- reiice, Mr. Dart, Mr Horton, and several others loo numerous to name or be remembered, reiterated substantially the same views. Whtn the vote was taken, I was standing on the floor, and was no doubt understood as voiing in ttie al- firmative. I did uot intend to oppose the repori. It was riot necessary tl at I should: several had claimed that they ghoul. I vote for a resolution affirmative of constitutional power. No man had ventured to deny or call in question that right ; and it would have been denying to others a rmht which I claimed fur myself, to insist that they sliould positively recos^mze a power on wnich 'hey ent.rtained d..iil)N. I acted then as 1 -hall tct to diy — recognized the rinht of oihem lo vote lor their own opinionH and insisted unon that ruht for myself Sir, what is the point to which exception it taken { What is the difTerence hetweeci itu- peg- rilniion of the gtmileman from New Voik (Mr. KaY.mond.) as amend'il hv tne nenllemrn from H''rkiiner ( Mr. Hoot), and the resolu'ion cdered by the Kentleipari from Krie .> Simply ihii. the lormer expressly aflirmg the power of Cruisiregs over ttiis siihjeci; the la'ier is ihouirhf to he equi- vocal on that point. Thf)iinh the Kenilem;iii fiom F'rie claimed in caiicu-, th.if " a fair intrr/trrta- tion of hi^ rexoluliun wonhl recognize Ihf r.on- itiluiins and ^nothing tlse' — not a word les- — not a word more— is not an" afler thouiht'* in.ide for effi-ci on I he part of some nix or eight members on this floor, to serve the priva'e pur' /'osrs of » /eiv men. And regard in;; it pertinent lo the controversy, let us see what consriuc- lion others have already put upon the acts of thig "Caucus" Fir) tentlemen mean to bring this charge of bad faith ai;ain8t i-veiy man wtio votes tor any other than the cau- cus resolutions} If so, they will h.ive a /(/- tie dishonor to divide among themselves, 1 ap- prehend, for several of thesu same gentlemen have niven us to understand, in language not to t)e mistaken, that they intend votint lor the DOX- ology to Gen. Ta\lor. Immortal Jupiter! what sacrifices will not gentlemen make for the love Ihey have of their precious "honor and good faith"' Sir, who are these champions of "/lonor" who presume lo bring charges of bad faith, in view of all that was said and dune in caucus, and since. 16 up to this time. I would like to see the man I who (tares to call my honorable friend from Her kimer, (Mr. Root) a "dishonorable man." Show me the man, who will bring this charge of di^*- honor agiinst my friend from Greene, (Mr Green ;) and I will send him to that KentlemenV \jprinht, intelligent, iiidifjnant constituency in the county of Greene, to repel the slander, and drive it down the throat of the base accuser. — Not less than thirty democrats upon this floor, fully endorse and sustain all that the honorable gentleman from Herkinrier and Greene, have done Will you brand all these as dishonorable men ! ! .' And who is the man — who are the men that mean to do this? They should be men whose •• word misht stand against the world!!!— but who are they! ! I? I shall let, your emphatic silence answer— and leave the "unmoving finger of scorn," to point at him who shall venture up- on such an experiment. I must not omit to express to the House my thanks lor their patient attention this afternoon To a portion of the House I owe an apology for occupying so much time in relati(m to a caucus in which it is to be presumed they cannot have taken any interest. To thesfeadlast men of this House I will not omit to express my thanks for their fidelity to the cause of human liberty, at a time when it has been deserted by professed friends, and the timid consulting their tears, leave patrins to doubt what the is-ue will be. 1 have to express my hit^h admiration of the very able and eloquent speech of the gentleman froaa New Vork, (Mr. Raymond,) and althouah I cannot concur in all the views expressed therein, no one can more admire the love of human freedom ^vhich indited, and the genius which produced it. That gentleman seems to suppose thir'. from a has- ^ ly reading of the President's Message, I had de- rived'impressions which would not be sustained by a more careful perusal. I have only to repeat ^ I hat several careful readings of that document have served only to deepen my first impressions of the design of the author ; and although the gentleman Irom'N. Yorjc labors with great skill 10 convince himself and'.others that the Message IS not hostile to the spirit of these resolutions, his logic is unequal to the task — the inference is larger than the premises. I should be gl*d, if time and strength would allow, to review the Mes- sage of the President with greater care, but hav-^ , ing already occupied the time of the committee'x] longer than I had intended, 1 will yield the floor (o others. Note.— It is a significant fact th^l ike principal expoun. iler ot wtiat wtis saiJ and done in caucus, was .\lr. Bishop 1)1 Ma li^on, who was not ptesent at either metling ; yet he comes lorward to bring cliaiges against mombers lor infi- deliiy to tlie caucus and makes himself the " standing wit- uess" io prove the charge ; not unlike otUer •' standiiig witnesses," tes.il'ying to matters ot which he had no know. ledge. Mr. Brownell, another expounder of the caucus, tho' elected as a Democrat and professed friend of Kree poii, In his speech repudiates the right of instruction — denies hat it is democratic doctrine, and characterises the reso. lutioDS as intended for " Buncombe," and humbug, at best. LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 008 917 715 7 <^^ LIBRARY OF CONGRESS llllill 008 917 715 7 #