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 Rise and Reign of tbe 
 
 Inurbntt (iUgarrljg 
 
 By Joseph C. Manning 
 
 of Alabama 
 
 ^<y 
 
 September^ lOO/f. 
 
 " Continual aggression is a necessity of a false position." 
 — Hon. John Hay. 
 
 ROBERTS « SON, PRINTERS, BHM 
 
Tzis 
 
 CONTENTS 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 Thk Antk-BelIvUm Politic ai. South 3 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 vy The P01.1TICA1. South at Present 7 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 The Backing Behind the Oi^igarchy 14 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 The Democratic Race Issue 18 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 C0NC1.US10N 24 
 
Rise and Reign of the Bourbon Oligarchy 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 THE ANTK-BEIvLUM POI.ITICAI, SOUTH. 
 
 " The compromises on the slavery question, inserted in the 
 Constitution, were among the essential conditions upon which 
 the Federal Government was organized. If the African slave 
 trade had not been permitted to continue for twenty years, if it 
 had not been conceded that three-fifths of the slaves should be 
 counted in the apportionment of representatives in Congress, if 
 it had not been agreed that fugitives from service should be re- 
 turned to their owners, the Thirteen States would not have been 
 able in 1787 ' to form a more perfect union.' These adjust- 
 ments in the Constitution were effected after the Congress of the 
 old Confederation had dedicated the entire Northwest Territory 
 to freedom. The ancient commonwealth of Virginia had, for 
 the good of all, generously and patriotically surrendered her title 
 to the great country north of the Ohio and east of the Missis- 
 sippi, which today constitutes five prosperous and powerful 
 states and a not inconsiderable portion of a sixth. This was the 
 first territory of which the general government had exclusive 
 control, and the prompt prohibition of slavery therein by the 
 Ordinance of 1787 is an important and significant fact. The 
 ante-slavery restriction would doubtless have been applied to 
 the territory south of the Ohio had the power existed to impose 
 it. The founders of the government not only looked to the 
 speedy extinction of slavery, but they especially abhorred the 
 idea of a geographical line, with freedom decreed on one side, 
 and slavery established on the other. But the territory south of 
 the Ohio belonged to the Southern States of the Union, — Ken- 
 tucky to Virginia; Tennessee to North Carolina; Alabama and 
 Mississippi to Georgia, with certain co-extensive claims put for- 
 ward by South Carolina. When cessions of the Southern terri- 
 tory were made to the general government, the States owning it 
 exacted in every case a stipulation that slavery should not be 
 
4 Rise and Reign of the Bourbon Oligarchy 
 
 prohibited. It thus came to pass that the Ohio river was the 
 dividing line. North of it freedom was forever decreed. South 
 of it slavery was firmly established. Within the limits of the 
 Union as originally formed the slavery question had therefore 
 been compromised, the common territory partitioned, and the 
 Republic, half slave, half free, organized and sent forth upon its 
 mission." — Blaine's Twenty Years In Congress. 
 
 Students of American history are as conversant, no doubt, 
 with the formation of the Union as they are with the revolt of 
 the Colonies and the coming into political existence of the 
 Thirteen States. This chapter is begun, however, with the 
 above quotation from " Twenty Years In Congress, " by James 
 G. Blaine, that, from reading this clear and terse language, it 
 may be the more distinctly recalled how the States of the South 
 had their beginning in the Union of States. North of the Ohio 
 " freedom was forever decreed " and " south of it slavery was 
 firmly established. " The one section of the Union had become 
 in a fact a free government, with government by the consent of 
 the governed. The spirit of 1776, that of no taxation without 
 representation, had come into actual political life. The States 
 of the South, the other section, went forward upon the mission 
 of master and slave, of free men and human chattels. The 
 States north of the Ohio found their industrial and social condi- 
 tions just what free government and free men may evolve. 
 Continued in the system of chattel slavery, the States south of 
 the Ohio saw the resultant growth of the slave holding power 
 reaching into every relation and condition of Southern life. In 
 the North the industrial conditions, and the natural result of its 
 free environments, developed the steady supremacy of popular 
 government and the rise of a statesmanship close to the hearts 
 and homes of the whole people. The government of the States 
 of the South was dominated by "foremost citizens" of what 
 had come to be a slave holding aristocracy. The citizen of the 
 ante-bellum South who was not a member of the slave holding 
 regime was in evidence neither in political nor social life. 
 Even the old-time plantation darkey, the chattel slave, breathed 
 from the master the lofty spirit of disdain for the common herd 
 and the slave gave expression to this sentiment of superiority by 
 reference to the common whites as ** poor white trash." The 
 
Rise and Reign of the Bourbon Owgarchy 5 
 
 ordinary white, without slaves, was practically a mere political 
 camp follower of the slave holding lord of immense agricultural 
 possessions. The poorer whites who had cast their lots imme- 
 diately about the princely holdings of the slave owner were as 
 much a nonentity, were as pliant to the domineering decrees of 
 the slave master, as were the slave subservient and acquiescent 
 to the orders of the slave driver. The aristocracy of slave own- 
 ing wealth was the dominant and the domineering influence in 
 church and state. The pulpit and the press, the law-making 
 and the law-executing powers, had behind them the motor 
 power, the driving wheel, the controlling sentiment of the slave 
 holding regime. In no free government, in name, had a distinct 
 class so entrenched its hold upon governing authority and no 
 oligarchy ever came into existence in, as alleged, a " land of the 
 free and home of the brave" that held tighter grip upon the 
 weal or woe of the whole people and their destinies. After 
 reading pages to follow it will be seen whether or not the South- 
 ern " democracy " has been, in the historic years passing, any 
 the less disposed to yield its tenacious hold upon the throat of 
 the Southland, so long subjected to the reign of the bourbon 
 political despotism. 
 
 True it is that prior to the great civil war there was develop- 
 ing, here and there, a tendency of independence among the 
 masses and immigration brought to some of these States south 
 of the Ohio many men inclined to revolt and particularly in the 
 mountain counties of Kentucky, Tennessee and Alabama there 
 were those who hoped for disenthrallment from the dictatorial 
 reign of bourbonism. These men of the common people, and 
 here and there a more thoughtful and sane slave owner, were 
 not so yielding to the arrogant domination of the slave holding 
 oligarchy. It was from the hearts and homes of these brave 
 men that eminated opposition to and protest against the revolu- 
 tionary and fiery movement of secession, that was precipitated 
 by the slave controlling interests, and be it to the credit of these 
 brave and patriotic men, who dared to aspire to a true democ- 
 racy, that their contentions and expressions for just principles 
 was the planting of the seed from which has sprung a strong 
 growth of sentiment for popular government until now there are 
 thousands in the South who are come to believe that real dem- 
 ocracy means that the people shall rule and that an actual dem- 
 
6 Rise and Reign of the Bourbon Oligarchy 
 
 ocrat is one who insists that a fair and honest ballot should be 
 inviolate in their hands. The power of the oligarchy over the 
 whole people of Alabama was not so strong, in fact, at the verge 
 of the war of the Rebellion, for the managers of the secession 
 cause dared not to refer the Ordinance of Secession back to the 
 people for ratification. The putting of Alabama out of the Union 
 was by a method that is tainted with the usual shadow of politi- 
 cal force hovering over the achievements of the leaders who 
 have, more than once, brought question and dishonor to the 
 name of the so-called ** democracy" of t"he South. Secession 
 by Alabama was not, indeed, popular expression of the public 
 will at the time. The fiery and adroit appeals to the masses 
 finally worked up the people to indulgence in this radical course. 
 Strange it may appear that the system of chattel slavery in the 
 South should produce a political condition in which the 500,000 
 slave owners dictated to and dominated over the 7,500,000 
 whites of this section at that time. Strange it is, but passing 
 strange will it become, when further looking into this Southern 
 condition, to realize that the great masses of the South have 
 not yet been aroused and delivered from the political serfdom 
 into which thej^ fell before the yoke of servitude was taken from 
 the necks of the humble blacks. 
 
Rise and Reign of the Bourbon Oligarchy 
 
 CHAPTER II, 
 
 THE POLITICAI. SOUTH AT PRESENT. 
 
 The present political South is the progeny of the old politi- 
 cal South. The war of the Rebellion wrought the change from 
 the South of chattel slavery; it abolished this pernicious insti- 
 tution and wiped out the viper of secession, which preyed upon 
 the body politic, but there is prevalent today a slavery of dis- 
 franchisement by State Constitutional subterfuge and a system 
 of peonage by the chicanery of employing legislative enactment 
 and there yet obtains the same defiant spirit characteristic of 
 the slave owning aristocracy — the despotism of reign or ruin, of 
 dominate or destroy! It is alive in the old leaders of the slave 
 owning oligarchy, many of them present leaders — and this sen- 
 timent is breeded in many of their sons — that theirs is the God- 
 given right to control, and to "boss," and that the maintenance 
 of their power, by whatever recourse under high heaven, is jus- 
 tifiable and "politics!" To the extent that the slave holding 
 oligarchy found palliation, through its pulpit and press, for 
 holding the colored race in servitude, just so does this progeny 
 of the slave owning aristocracy now endeavor to exonerate and 
 excuse their political usurpation and their theft of political 
 authority. Their recent turning from the manipulation of elec- 
 tions returns and outrages at the ballot box to domination by the 
 shrewdness of Constitutional trickery, and the divers other 
 "legalized" methods known only to and characteristic only of 
 the Southern alleged "democracy," is an intended salve to 
 ease strictured consciences and, also, a cloak by which the hope 
 is had that the real political depravity of this regime of now may 
 be to some extent disguised and the wrath of a righteous national 
 public sentiment thereby avoided. 
 
 The negro in slavery was subservient, humble, burden-bear- 
 ing, ignorant. To the master he was as property. He was 
 treated as such by the slave-driver. The slave was housed, 
 clothed in a manner, and fed. So was the woik-horse housed, 
 harnessed and driven; the negro slave and the working horse 
 each being treated with as much humane consideration as the 
 
8 Rise and Reign of the Bourbon Owgarchy 
 
 other. The lash was applied to both. The black child was 
 sold from the black "mammy" just as was the colt sold from 
 the mare. In the opinion of the many who held slaves it was 
 wrong to permit any intellectual growth upon the part of the 
 slave and the law made it criminal to teach a negro to read or to 
 write. Such an enactment as this at least "graced" the penal 
 code of Alabama. It has been related that in the South of 
 slavery frequently an apt colored man who had stolen a knowl- 
 edge to write suffered the loss of the fore-finger and the thumb 
 from the right hand! Is it at all shocking that there is at pres- 
 ent a governor of a Southern commonwealth who would declare: 
 "I am just as much opposed to Booker Washington's, with all 
 his Anglo-Saxon reinforcements, voting as I am to the voting 
 by the cocoanut-headed, chocolate-colored, typical coon w^ho 
 blacks my boots?" Does it appear out of the reasonable trend 
 of things that Mississippi should put a Vardaman in the highest 
 position of state, the government there of today being but the 
 offspring of its Jefferson Davis oligarchy of slavery of yesterday? 
 Who can doubt that the expressions of Vardaman, uncloaked 
 with any evasive sophistry and hypocricy, is but the undis- 
 guised sentiment of the more discreet of the political type honor- 
 ing him and to which he is a member in high rank? This man, 
 opposing the education of the negro, is but constructed like one 
 of those who, before him, took the knife and shorn the hand of 
 the helpless slave of the fingers God had placed there to be 
 directed by an educated and uplifted mind! 
 
 In the contemplation of chattel slavery not alone must there 
 be considered the wrongs inflicted upon the oppressed blacks 
 growing out of this inhumane institution. The hardships, suf- 
 fering and wrongs heaped upon the blacks were terrible, but 
 the institution of chattel slavery effected to bring about a 
 condition by which whites of the South have come to endure a 
 yoke of political serfdom and of political outrage beyond the 
 power of language to portray. Popular government has become 
 prostrate, the voice of the people in representative government 
 has been silenced, and force, fraud and strategy has been 
 enthroned. The strength of press and ministry, of law-making 
 and law-executing authority has been thrown to the aiding and 
 abetting of a political despotism that has employed every avail- 
 able agency, but the right, to fasten its hold upon the governing 
 
Risk and Reign of the Bourbon Owgarchy 9 
 
 power. The people of these Southern States have not been, 
 from the beginning, the only sufferers because of the desperation 
 of the leaders of the bourbon oligarchy. In their extremity of 
 madness for domineering, the leaders of the oligarchy have 
 reached the knife of rashness to the very heart of the nation and 
 drawn its blood on more than one field. When the terms of re- 
 entrance to the Union were accepted, even then these party con- 
 spirators against popular government, no sooner had they 
 attained position in the grand old Union, commenced to execute 
 designs by which the hands of the power of the oligarchies of 
 the South might again be replaced to the throat of popular and 
 representative government in the South and soon again other 
 forms of revolution, and riot and reign of terror, were employed 
 to hoist the political pillage of this regime upon the liberties and 
 national rights of the masses in the states south of the Ohio. 
 The present result of this reign of the bourbon oligarchy is that 
 its injurious and spurious effects reaches so far into the welfare 
 of the general government that whites North, as well as South, 
 are coming to feel the poisonous sting of the bourbon "democ- 
 racy" political serpent. 
 
 Ample illustration of the revolutionary temperament of the 
 Southern "democracy" is afforded in the example of the Rebel- 
 lion. That the spirit of govern or overthrow by force did not 
 die when secession failed, that the determination to dominate is 
 as strong now as then, it is only necessary to refer back to recent 
 political events in some of these states during these years not 
 long since gone. Violence and fraud was, seemingly, a pastime 
 employed in the Reconstruction era, but we find that crimes 
 against the ballot have been just as brazenly perpetrated when 
 these oracles of the Southern "democracy" were not called upon 
 to count out and to intimidate "carpet baggers" and "niggers." 
 The theft of the governorship of Alabama from Hon. R. F.^Kolb 
 a native Southerner and an ex-Confederate soldier, demon- 
 strated indisputably the fact that the oligarchy is resolved not to 
 yield political control and that no one except an agreed upon 
 member of the regime shall be permitted to be elected to ofiice 
 in the States which they fasten down with hooks of daring des- 
 potism. Captain Kolb had been permitted to be elected to the 
 office of Commissioner of Agriculture of Alabama by the "dem- 
 ocracy." but the leaders of the machine rebelled against his 
 
10 Rise and Reign of the Bourbon Owgarchy 
 
 ambition for higher place. Popular before the people, more so 
 than any man of his party in his time, the masses favored his 
 aspirations and encouraged his candidacy for governor; and 
 the white counties favored his nomination and he secured the 
 delegations to the state convention. He was "figured out" 
 there. He made his appeal to the electorate. The result was 
 that the "democracy" was "saved" by immensely padded 
 returns from the sixteen black belt counties in Alabama popu- 
 lated largely by blacks and that enormous fictitious majorities, 
 from these counties, were employed to overcome and to annul 
 the majorities honestly polled by the whites in the forty-five 
 white counties of the State — counties populated almost exclu- 
 sively by whites. Returns were recorded for the "democracy" 
 from black belt precincts where the polls were not in reality 
 opened and where the formality of an election was dispensed with. 
 Upon the day of the "official' ' count the majority of votes for Kolb 
 were scaled down in the white counties, where the "democracy" 
 controlled the returning boards, by the throwing out of the vote 
 of many precincts voting Kolb majorities and this was necessary 
 to overcome the revolt against the machine even though 
 the black belt had already "done its duty." There is not an 
 informed man > in Alabama who will not, perhaps, confess to 
 the election of Kolb in 1892 by a tremendous majority. The 
 supporters of the Kolb ticket were mocked at and defied. The 
 bourbon leaders boastingly asserted: " Yes, we counted 3^ou 
 out and we will do it again, if necessary, and what are you go- 
 ing to do about it? " 
 
 The present Populist candidate for President, Hon. Thomas 
 E. Watson, had an experience in congressional politics in his 
 district not very much unlike the gubernatorial campaign and 
 election experience of Captain Kolb. The ballot box stuffers of 
 Richmond county, Georgia, so much overdid it, however, that 
 Mr. Watsons' opponent was compelled by the notoriety of the 
 steal to become ashamed to accept the so open-handed stolen 
 political goods. When the election managers of Richmond 
 county, the one black belt county of the Congressional district, 
 employed to annul the votes of the other several white counties 
 voting majorities for Mr. Watson, these men were counting out 
 a native Georgian who is the peer in intellect of any man living 
 or that has ever lived in that commonwealth. His honesty of 
 
Rise and Reign of the Bourbon OIvIGarchy 11 
 
 purpose and his patriotic intent has only been equaled by his 
 superb courage in standing out against the organized body of 
 political highwaymen in his district and State who have robbed 
 him and his fellow citizens of their manhood rights. 
 
 But why recount these political outrages? Who is it that 
 does not remember the election of Hon. H. Clay Evans to the 
 governorship of Tennessee in 1894 and how he was defrauded by 
 the " official " count when the face of the returns showed his 
 election, even after the election had been one of highhanded 
 corruption and fraud upon the part of the " democracy " in the 
 counties of the black belt of that State where the unscrupulous 
 ballot box stuffer could **get in his work." The history of 
 Goebelism in Kentucky is not ancient history, either, and the 
 nagging of a free people there to almost desperation, because of 
 the revolutionary acts of the oligarchy, forms a chapter not soon 
 to be forgotten. The "democracy" has much to say of the 
 murder oi Goebel, but it overlooks the crime of raping "the 
 goddess of liberty " of which he, and his cohorts, were guilty. 
 Years will not efface from the name of this State of govern- 
 mental outlawry, parading in the cloak of "democracy," the 
 shame and disgrace brought upon this commonwealth. If 
 Goebel were assassinated, lynched, or what not, is it not 
 " democracy " to meet out summary punishment for unspeaka- 
 ble crime? Why, then, this horror of "democracy" that the 
 " democracy's " own has come home to them ? 
 
 Is this a government of free men ? Is there not such a 
 thing as the sovereignty of the people and the nationality of the 
 citizen ? It is said by the patriotic orator upon the national 
 forum that this land is not a despotism governed by a king, but 
 a republic in which every citizen is a sovereign. What citizen 
 has the right, then, to deny to another a right he demands for 
 himself? The ballot is the scepter of our sovereign citizens' 
 kingly authority. It is the source of our governing power. To 
 strike down the ballot, therefore, is to strike a blow at America's 
 only king. It is treason to our republican form of government. 
 It is insult to the nationality of the citizen, it is treason to the 
 nation ! Does not the republic owe it to itself and do not its 
 free men owe it to the republic to protect to every citizen his 
 right by reason of his sovereignty and his nationality ? Native 
 white men of the South, men with blue eyes and straight hair, 
 
12 Rise and Reign of the Bourbon Owgarchy 
 
 have had their ballots thrown out, annulled, miscounted. 
 Majorities have been overridden, scoffed at ! The great mass 
 of voters in the South have been dashed back into sullen silence 
 and into hopeless acquiescence and, under present conditions, 
 they are as helpless as are the blacks upon whose necks the 
 bourbon heel was long since pressed. 
 
 Why nominate State and Congressional candidates to 
 oppose this regime ? Their past record justifies the assertion 
 that these oligarchists would hold elections in hogsheads and 
 stuff the ballots in with pile drivers, and then swear to the re- 
 turns ; and, further, the local courts would be no terror to their 
 overt acts, this course being " necessary " to uphold their partic- 
 ular brand of " white supremacy. " Candidates for Congress who 
 oppose the oligarchy are counted out and denied the certificate 
 of election and forced, if seated, to inaugurate an expensive con- 
 test and frequently the taking of the testimony is attendent with 
 the risk of one's life. The price is too great. The experiences 
 of Hon. William F. Aldrich, of the Fourth Alabama district, 
 the facts being upon records of Congress, bear out this conclu- 
 sion. Three times elected, three times counted out, three times 
 seated upon contests, one time held up at the point of drawn 
 weapons to accommodate his opponent, who took this occasion 
 to inflict bodily punishment upon him, — these are not at all 
 pleasant enough experiences to inspire many men to espouse the 
 cause of good government in the South. Yet, there are those 
 who advocate ''letting the South alone" and leaving to the 
 oligarchists of the South " the adjustment of these local condi- 
 tions! " There is but one peaceful recourse for rightful settle- 
 ment of this suffrage situation in the States of the South. That 
 recourse is for the nation to protect to every citizen his national 
 rights when infringed upon by the powers dominating the State. 
 The prolonging of the meeting this issue is but leaving to the 
 people of the States of the South the other possible resort to 
 desperate measures, which public sentiment will not sustain and 
 which step conservative men will not pursue or advise. Astute 
 indeed is the appeal that comes up from these oligarchists to be 
 permitted to go their own way in their own methods. These 
 men are not pleading for "the South," they are begging for 
 themselves. The liberties of the masses South are crushed be- 
 neath the feet of these tyrants, whose prating hypocrisy does 
 
Rise and Reign of the Bourbon Oi^igarchy 13 
 
 not voice the will of the oppressed of this section. This appeal 
 by the bourbon oligarchy goes upward to the North at a time, 
 also, when the " democracy " South seeks to engraft itself upon 
 the general government to the extent that the padded " demo- 
 cratic ' ' South may fasten its hold upon the nation precisely as 
 it has upon the States of the South. 
 
14 Rise and Reign of the Bourbon Ougarchy 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 THE BACKING BEHIND THE OLIGARCHY. 
 
 The real backing behind the oligarchy controlling the States 
 of the South, when disclosed, may be plainly seen to be the 
 machine, the shell, the " loaded dice, " not the masses of the 
 people. It is a characteristic of the cunning and shrewd 
 "democracy" to speak of itself as " the South. " Let it be 
 seen right here what part does the "democracy" consume of 
 this scope of space and breadth of area they pretend to fill. The 
 State of South Carolina is a "shining" example. The 
 "democracy" of the State of B. R.Tillman sent to the Con- 
 gress in the election of 1902 its entire delegation of seven mem- 
 bers upon a combined " democratic " vote of 29,343. The total 
 vote returned for all candidates was 32,185. The white voting 
 population is 130,374. The total voting population of the State 
 is 283,325. The lact is evident from this showing that the 
 white vote of South Carolina is not in evidence as supporting 
 the oligarchy in this State. There is a " taking to the woods " 
 of the masses of whites, to say nothing whatever of the colored 
 voting population that is cowed down and terror stricken into 
 voiceless pathos. Might a colored man dare to speak for his 
 rights under the Constitution of the Republic in a State where it 
 is not dared, except to meet the assassin's bullet, for the white 
 editor of a great daily newspaper to cry out against a dishonora- 
 ble condition and as equally bad state of deviltry leadership? This 
 situation is quite sufficient to halt the self-respecting citi- 
 zen of the North from allying himself with a " demo- 
 cracy " South such as lives and has its being in South Car- 
 olina. If " democracy " means that the people shall rule, then 
 what is the "democratic" party in South Carolina? The editor 
 who dares to become the defender of real democracy must be 
 borne to the tomb. The voter who may cast a ballot to estab-. 
 lish republican government is counted out. The republican 
 who dares to speak out for it is "an enemy to the South" and 
 "a foe to white supremacy." The whole vote of the "democ- 
 
Risk and Reign of the Bourbon Owgarchy 15 
 
 racy" degenerate State of South Carolina, for all electoral tick- 
 ets in 1900, was but 50,815. 
 
 Mississippi leads the van of the oligarchical governments of 
 the South, and her "favored son," Hon. John Sharpe Williams, 
 seated himself in the Congress in 1902 upon a vote of 1,433. No 
 opposition — of course not! Who would oppose anything or any- 
 body "democratic" in Mississippi? One Mississippi member 
 "broke into congress" in the election of 1902 with the mere 
 handful of 1,146 votes. Of course this was all that was "neces- 
 sary." The entire delegation from the State of Mississippi was 
 elected to Congress upon a combined vote of 18,058. This State 
 has a white voting population of 150,922, the total voting popu- 
 lation being 349,177. From "democracy" to oligarchy, from 
 oligarchy to Vardaman is the Mississippi situation. What a 
 condition! 
 
 The great State of Alabama may challenge comparison with 
 these two States, perhaps, for the oligarchy has done "what it 
 could" for "white supremacy." The total number of males of 
 voting age in Alabama is 232,294 whites and 181,471 blacks, 
 making, in all, 413,862. Alabama's oligarchy polled, in the 
 gubernatorial election of 1902, 67,649 "democratic" ballots for 
 governor and there is a vote of 24,190 accredited to the republi- 
 can candidate. There were 2,980 colored citizens permitted to 
 register and participate in this election. 
 
 As compared with the congressional districts in States of 
 the North, the Southern method is an easy road to Congress 
 when traveled by the oligarchist representative. In the Xlth 
 Ohio district, represented by Mr. Grosvenor, there were 42,611 
 ballots cast for both candidates for Congress. This is only 
 24,233 more ballots than were required to elect the entire Miss- 
 issippi delegation. Mr. Grosvenor received 28,124, while it 
 required only 1,433 votes to seat Mr. Williams. Mr. Cannon, 
 of the XVIIIth Illinois district, received 22,941 ballots in 1902, 
 while his democratic opponent received 15,254 ballots, and the 
 prohibition candidate in Mr. Cannon's district makes a showing 
 of 1,166 ballots. The prohibition candidate appears to lead Mr. 
 Williams in getting out his followers to the polls. In the Xth 
 Indiana district, represented by Mr. Crumpacker, the vote for 
 all congressional candidates, in 1902, was 46,158 or 13,973 more 
 ballots than were polled for the entire South Carolina delega- 
 
16 Rise and Reign of the Bourbon OIvIGarchy 
 
 tion. Thus it does seem that the real backing behind the 
 oligarchy of the States of the South is not such as to entitle the 
 leaders of this regime to arrogate to themselves the spokesman- 
 ship for "the South" and to assume to themselves the speaking 
 of public sentiment of and for the actual South. 
 
 The bourbon "democracy" of the South, with its "white 
 supremacy" shell, is but a whited sepulchre of political preten- 
 sion. It may endeavor to whitewash itself without, but within 
 it is full of the decayed bones of a secession "democracy" and 
 the tainted garments of a corrupt oligarchy. Posing as the 
 keepers of the ark of the covenant of "white supremacy," these 
 oligarchists have usurped the government of the States of the 
 South from whites and blacks. The bourbon regime finally took 
 the loaded political black belt dice with which to encompass the 
 overthrow of the uprising of whites in rebellion against the 
 "democratic" machine. The movement of this political des- 
 potism is now Northward. To the Southland the oligarchy has 
 accomplished its height of political oppression. Its despotism is 
 supreme. Popular government is here buried in the mire of 
 bourbonism and only a Vardaman could pile on more political 
 filth. Shall rights of men of the North be further invaded and 
 encroached upon and become, sooner or later, so poisoned with 
 political pollution as has become the South? 
 
 The apportionment prior to the civil war, conceding to the 
 South three-fifths of the slave population to be counted in the 
 representation basis, then made three slaves South equal to five 
 whites North in the general government. The present status of 
 the oligarchists is the usurpation of the representation of all 
 blacks and a majority of whites and the leaders of the minority 
 regime of force and fraud, while denying the suppressed vote 
 any voice in the government of the States, insist upon it as right 
 that the North should permit the oligarchists to misrepresent 
 this immense population in the affairs of the republic. The 
 negro is taxed, but is not a voter in state or national elections. 
 The "democracy" claims that it would be taxation without rep- 
 resentation to cut down "the South's'' representation in the gen- 
 eral government ! Is it that these leaders of this reprehensible 
 condition believe that they can fool part of the North all the 
 time? How long will the patience of a patriotic people, who 
 gave to the nation a Lincoln and a Grant, be so trifled with? 
 
Rise and Reign of the Bourbon OIvIGarchy 17 
 
 The method by which the "democratic" oligarchy fastens 
 its hold upon the *' democratic " machine in Alabama, 
 and the condition is the same in other Southern states, 
 is the basing of the representation in the conventions 
 of the party and in the Alabama legislature upon an 
 apportionment embracing the disfranchised blacks in the black 
 belt counties and thereby prohibiting the control of the party or 
 the legislature by the white counties of the states. Tallapoosa 
 county, in Alabama, with a white registered vote of 4,006 has 
 only two members in the House and ^ senator, it requiring a 
 district of this and one other white county to name a senator, 
 while the black belt county oi Lowdnes, in the same congress- 
 ional district, with a white registered vote of 1,061, has two 
 members in the House and one state senator! There are not 
 more than twenty-five registered colored voters in Tallapoosa 
 county and only about fifty colored registered voters in lyowdnes. 
 In "democratic" conventions in Alabama Tallapooso county has 
 seven votes and Lowdnes eleven. Thus it is apparent how and 
 why the strength and the supremacy of the black belt oligarchy, 
 even within the lines of the boasted party of "white supremacy." 
 
18 Rise and Reign of the Bourbon OIvIGarchy 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 THE DEMOCRATIC RACE ISSUE. 
 
 It is the endeavor of the leaders of the "democracy" in the 
 South to have it appear to the North that the soul issue of para- 
 mount importance to the South is the alleged race issue. Much 
 talking, and more editorial matter, is indulged in concerning 
 the "necessity" of preserving the domination of the "democ- 
 racy" in behalf of the "white supremacy." It requires votes to 
 win with in elections, where conditions permit votes of sufficient 
 number to win, and to win the majority of votes South in oppo- 
 sition to the "democracy" must come from Southern whites. 
 The "democracy" pretends to speak for "the South" and yet 
 this oligarchy, without the votes of a majority of whites, is the 
 self-esteemed only preserver of good government and the inter- 
 ests of whites of the South. The inference is to be had that the 
 oligarchy is apprehensive that if they permit the majority of 
 whites to control that the states of the South will post haste be 
 "black supremacy" and terrible to contemplate! Why this dis- 
 trust of the Southern white people? From Mississippi, where 
 the negro is without any voice whatever in government, most is 
 heard about the jeopardy of "white supremacy." There arises 
 from Mississippi an amazing tirade of abuse of the negro and the 
 onslaught upon him is terrific. Just how the "white suprem- 
 acy" of the oligarchy may be affected in Mississippi by the negro 
 is beyond understanding, for the ballot is solely in the hands of 
 whites and the machinery of elections is absolutely in the con- 
 trol of the oligarchy. The governor of this state is not 
 only opposed to the negro being permitted to vote, but he as 
 vehemently insists that the colored man should not be educated. 
 It will be recalled that the opposition to the Blair Educational 
 bill came from the representatives in Congress from the South 
 and the measure was rejected because it would help the educa- 
 tion of blacks in the South and, furthermore, hasten the awaken- 
 ing of illiterate whites to their political thralldom. One mem- 
 ber of Congress from Alabama opposed Federal aid to education 
 upon the grounds that education caused the white farmer boy to 
 
Rise and Reign of the Bourbon Oi^igarchy 19 
 
 get too proud to work in the sun and turned him from the plan- 
 tation ! Deep down behind this sophistry the real reason lay. 
 It has always been the spirit of bourbonism to suppress the 
 possibilities arising before the poorer whites of the South and to 
 beat them backward instead of aiding them onward. Yet it was 
 the poor whites of the South who were forced to the front in the 
 war of secession and did the principal battling; the Confederate 
 State of Alabama, with other States South, having passed an act 
 exempting from conscription for service in the war the large 
 holder of chattel slaves ! To now inflame these poor whites 
 again to further subservience to the oligarchy, vulgar abuse of 
 President Roosevelt is indulged in, by Mississippi leaders especi- 
 ally, and the election of President Roosevelt, it is declared by 
 the whole "democratic " Southern press, means the putting of 
 the negro over whites. This is not done that it is needful now 
 to keep the negro down, but because it is determined as essen- 
 tial to the plans of keeping the oligarchy up. The President 
 has pursued the policy of President McKinley in the matter of 
 Southern appointments except that he has seen fit to appoint 
 certain democrats to positions in the South. It appears that the 
 oligarchy deems it necessary to create great furor upon the ne- 
 gro question that either they may bolster up their regimes or 
 else force the present President to turn over the whole Federal 
 patronage to the advocates of the " democratic " race issue in 
 the South. 
 
 There is no movement possible upon the part of the dis- 
 franchised negroes of Mississippi to be elected to ofiice or to cap- 
 ture the government of the commonwealth. Although the Hon. 
 John Sharpe Williams is advocating this general government 
 giving the right of representative government to the Phillipine 
 natives, yet his appeals in this regard have not, as yet, aroused 
 or "inflamed" the colored citizens of Mississippi to beseech 
 him to lead a movement in behalf of the rights of more capable 
 colored men nearer home. The Mississippi oligarchy is appa- 
 rently safe and secure, as far as the manipulation of the electo- 
 rate is concerned, and the mere handful of voters have it all to 
 themselves. This eternal and unceasing wail about the " nig- 
 ger, " however, continues to go up and appeals to the passions 
 of the lawless are made until the incited to vengeance white mob 
 
20 Rise and Reign of the Bourbon Oligarchy 
 
 shoots the convicted victim of crime as he stands between the 
 courts and the gallows. 
 
 The race issue in national campaigns is brought into play- 
 by the Southern " democracy " for purely partisan usage and 
 this usage is a cowardly sham to turn the voter North from clear 
 insight into the real suffrage condition South as it really and 
 vitally effects not only the liberties of whites South, but, also, 
 the suffrage rights of whites North. The extent of this race 
 issue in Mississippi is that the negro is employed by the oli- 
 garchy as a political scape-goat and that he, in his unfortunate 
 condition, is employed to condone and to cloak the political 
 rascality of those who usurp the control of government from 
 both whites and blacks. 
 
 This unending imposition upon the whites of the South and 
 this political treatment of the colored race of the South, upon 
 the part of the " democracy, " is to be censured in the strongest 
 language. How wonderful it is that whites are so misused and 
 aroused beyond reason to the extent that the welfare of their 
 homes and their liberties are invaded as the consequence of this 
 Southern misgovernment now dominant solely by reason of this 
 imaginary "democratic" race issue? How strange it is that 
 Southern white men wall become crazed with passion and in 
 certain localities become a band of murderers because of a purely 
 "democratic" race issue sentiment that appeals to supposed 
 conditions absolutely inexistent? The manner in which wrong 
 doing by an individual member of the colored race is taken up 
 to arouse popular sentiment adverse to the whole race is unjust 
 and without any palliation. It is cruel, it is shameful, to visit 
 the crime of one upon all. It is infamous to so ingeniously 
 work up the sentiment of lawlessness as against the colored race 
 to the wide-spread extent that this inflamed feeling reaches out 
 and finds formation in mobs and goes further to the extremity of 
 resulting in death to the innocent because of the crime of the 
 guilty. There is a race issue to this extent in the South and 
 this was demonstrated not many weeks ago in Georgia when the 
 thirst for vengeance against the whole race led to the shooting 
 of an old colored man as he sat, harming no one, in his own 
 humble cabin home. Then, perhaps, there may be found some- 
 thing of a race issue, in fact, to the extent that the rule of the 
 oligarchy in Alabama, and other Southern States, has developed 
 
Rise and Reign of the Bourbon Oi^igarchy 21 
 
 the system of peonage, when the old oligarchy of slavery thought 
 not of other forms of servitude than chattel slavery. In chattel 
 slavery, however, the submissive blacks slept in the cabin un- 
 chained, in peonage they are housed in the chain-gang stockade. 
 
 There were, by census reports, 57,310 white prisoners in the 
 United States in 1890, while the number of blacks were 24,277. 
 It appears that both races supply violators of law. It is true, 
 however, that the offenses of the colored race are not to as 
 great extent of a grave order of crime as newspapers South 
 would have it believed. The larger number of offenses are of 
 little moment as compared to the crimes of whites and, consider- 
 ing that there are now 9,312,585 colored persons in the United 
 States, the number imprisoned is not so bad a showing for a 
 people out of bondage, with their poor opportunities and envi- 
 ronments. There are whites, as well as blacks, who commit 
 horrible acts of violence. White men hold up trains and blow 
 up banks. Mobs are not incited, however, to shoot down whites 
 indiscriminately. Neither is the whole white race damned by 
 adverse public opinion because of the sin of the white individ- 
 ual. It is not true of the colored race, unfortunately for them 
 and for the efforts of those among this race who strive, amid 
 difficulties known only to God and them, to raise the standard 
 of their people. The " democratic " race issue is most unchari- 
 table in that lawlessness of the lawless is visited upon the strug- 
 gles of the many to elevate and to uplift to higher and loftier 
 standard of citizenship. No people look with more horror to the 
 results of the awful crime of rape than the better element and 
 the predominating members of this race and they keenly feel 
 that the committing of this crime by some one brutal member of 
 this race puts an intolerant burden of race hate upon all. Their 
 leaders and preachers are crying out against this crime, which, 
 although seldom it may occur, is heralded far and wide and 
 brings hardships to all this people. 
 
 There is much to be said for the negro of the South that is 
 not denunciatory. Henry W. Grady knew this and he gave 
 utterance to these facts. It is not necessary here to recount the 
 wonderful progress of this people but a few years ago in servi- 
 tude. It is needless to tell how the chattel slave, illiterate and 
 in poverty, turned his career to the life of a free man. Begin- 
 ning in ignorance and want, he has risen to education, to prop- 
 
22 Rise and Reign of the Bourbon Oligarchy 
 
 erty and to usefulness. The cabin of the slave has produced 
 one of the world's greatest personages now upon the arena of 
 life. Colored homes, colored farms, colored schools, colored 
 churches, colored banks, colored stores, colored teachers, colored 
 doctors, colored lawyers, — this is evidence that this race has not 
 been wholly in idleness and depravity! Not of inflammatory dis- 
 position, the black man guarded and cared for the homes of those 
 of the whites absent fighting to keep him in servitude. He raised 
 supplies on the black belt farms to go forward to feed the men 
 struggling on the battle field to keep him in chattel slavery. 
 Out of his taxes today are taken funds to pay pensions to the 
 Confederate soldiers who fought to overcome the benefactors of 
 his race. These black men are not members of any newspaper- 
 correspondent created "Before Day Club" and the South knows 
 this creation of fiction is an infamy and a slander. These men 
 are not terrors to representative government nor to the South. 
 They are not considered by the people of the South, whose opin- 
 ions are entitled to respect, as a menace to the state or nation. 
 Their labor made the wealth and really sustained the homes of 
 the old slave-holding aristocracy. Their toil is today contribut- 
 ing much to the wealth and to the happiness of Southern homes. 
 The true white men of the South are not such political cowards 
 that they fear the domination of this people as is pretended by 
 the "democratic" press. It is shameful, it is disgraceful, to 
 make this race the "democratic" foot ball for the gratification of 
 political spleen and the venting of partisan rancor. It is a sin, 
 before God, to so enlarge upon the crimes of the few to the 
 injury of all. It is unpardonable to so persecute an humble 
 race that there may be sought to hide behind the flood of abuse 
 heaped upon it the political chicanery of a governing regime 
 that is fat with despotism and with fraud. 
 
 Social equality as between the races is the esteemed strong- 
 est string upon the "democratic" race issue harp. An unceas- 
 ing cry goes up from the mouths of these leaders of the regime 
 of oligarchism about their "awful" pretended apprehensions that 
 themselves and their families may be compelled to associate 
 with a "nigger." It is known of all men that the law of this 
 republic has nothing whatever to say or do with any man's 
 selection af his personal associations. This is entirely with the 
 individual. For that matter, there is not such a thing as social 
 
Rise and Reign of the Bourbon OIvIGarchy 23 
 
 equality among the whites in this country. Just why the recog- 
 nition by the President of the attainments of the greatest leader 
 of the colored race, at a White House luncheon, should be so 
 shocking to the sensibilities of some is explained, perhaps, 
 upon the theory that this act upon the part of the President was 
 considered as legitimate, when the only type of social equality 
 traceable in some places in the South is of the productive form 
 of "illegitimate." Whatever be the form or the section in 
 which it exists, social equality as between the white and black 
 races is a matter of personal will and not of national legislation. 
 Judge Parker and other Northern democrats may commune in 
 church on Sundays with colored members, but little is said in 
 Southern newspapers of what others than President Roosevelt 
 may feel inclined as a matter of individual right to do. The 
 election of either Parker or Roosevelt will have no effect upon 
 social equality as between the races, but "democratic" success 
 may effect social equality to the extent that the soup house may 
 again come into necessity and bring to a social level the usual 
 number of jobless men of which a "democratic" administration 
 is wonderfully overproductive and upon this plane both whites 
 and blacks have met both South and North. 
 
24 Rise and Reign of the Bourbon Owgarchy 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 CONCLUSION. 
 
 That method of political fortification by intimidation and 
 coercion and that characteristic of election manipulation, bred 
 by the conditions consequent from the springing up of a South 
 of slave -holding aristocracy, is a living and daring force today. 
 The institution of chattel slavery poisoned the every branch of 
 governmental institutions of the South. The pernicious system 
 produced industrial and social conditions the inevitable conse- 
 quence of which was the formation of a slave owning aristocracy 
 and as a natural result the growth of a slave holding oligarchy. 
 That the 500,000 slave owners could plunge the South into 
 secession and drench the nation in blood is no paragon of 
 wonder when we weigh present conditions with this situation of 
 the past. 
 
 Reference has been made to the bourbon oligarchy of the 
 three states of Alabama, South Carolina and Mississippi. 
 Observe that the entire population of these three states, accord- 
 ing to the last census, is 4,720,283 and yet the combined vote 
 for the "democratic" delegations to the Congress in 1902 is but 
 115,475. The whole vote accredited to all candidates for Con- 
 gress from these states is but 175,435. To total voting popula- 
 tion of these three states is 1,046,364. The white voting popu- 
 lation alone is 513,591. The total voting population being 
 1,046,364 and the combined vote of the three states for the 
 "democratic" delegations to the Congress being 115,475, it is 
 apparent that the ' ' democracy' ' in these commonwealths was with- 
 out the ballots of 930,889 persons of voting age in support of 
 their cause in this congressional election. The white voting 
 population being 513,591, and the vote polled being 115,475, it 
 is evident that 398,116 whites of voting age were not "demo- 
 cratic" participators in this voting. These three states of an 
 entire population of 4,720,283, with a polled and governing vote 
 of 115,475, are representative of the general prevalent condition 
 in the present South of political intolerance. 
 
 Just preceding the civil war, for a Southern citizen to 
 
Rise: and Reign of the Bourbon Oligarchy 25 
 
 declare himself as opposed to secession was then to be branded 
 as "an enemy to the South." The word "traitor" finally 
 became a rather mild epithet compared with other terms applied 
 to the calm and conservative citizen who deplored the rash and 
 rancorous course of those making way for plunging the nation 
 in war. As it was then, it is now, for the pressure of intoler- 
 ance and of abuse lashes the masses and coerces them further 
 and further into submission to as merciless a dictatorship as ever 
 dwarfed a state or silenced popular government. To protest 
 now. against the methods of this regime is to invite a torrent of 
 wrathful censure and to turn loose the flood-gates of terrific 
 assault from prostituted papers. The motive is to crush out and 
 to annihilate any formidable opposition of zealous leadership 
 that rises up to "a source of annoyance to the peace and har- 
 mony of the state!" Under this condition of usurped power it 
 is often that "reptiles may crawl to heights where eagles can not 
 soar." It is not strange, then, that the solidity of this fortified 
 reign of fraud may throw every branch of its governing authority 
 to protect and bolster up its existence. 
 
 At this time the extreme bourbon press of the South is 
 insisting that the continuing in office of President Roosevelt 
 means the enforcing upon the South, or an effort to do so, of 
 social equality as between whites and blacks. President Roose- 
 velt is even denounced as "an inflamer of the negro" by many 
 of the "representative" newspapers of the "democracy" in the 
 South. The national "democracy" could have added nothing 
 in the campaign book to the campaign of slander and villifica- 
 tion that has been waged upon President Roosevelt b}^ the 
 Southern "democracy" and certainly it was not needed to place 
 any personal attacks in this book in order to arouse abuse of this 
 great leader. Of course it is avowed that Southern white men 
 who support President Roosevelt and the republican cause are 
 "enemies to the South." Appealing to low prejudices, distort- 
 ing of facts, miscounting and over-counting ballots — this is the 
 democratic aptitude. There is no high-planed discussion by the 
 "democracy" of the actual issues really effecting the welfare of 
 the Southern people and the campaign is pitched upon the same 
 low lines of crafty procedure, with very much parallel appeals, 
 as has been the custom in every presidential canvass since the 
 civil war. 
 
26 Rise and Reign of the Bourbon Oligarchy 
 
 That the great mass of voters North, that the great body of 
 citizenship of the general government, are prepared to permit 
 the national "democracy" of which the Southern oligarchy is 
 the dominating influence, to come into charge of the national 
 affairs and to lower the national standard of political morals and 
 methods to that of the state of the South can not, for a moment, 
 be feared. A check to the inflammatory "democracy" of this 
 section has been the continuance of the republican party in 
 authority. Administration of the Federal courts of the South by 
 others than the peonage and kuklux sympathizers has had sub- 
 stantial effect as a restraining influence. It would be unfortu- 
 nate indeed, at this time, for the "red shirt" advocates of "dem- 
 ocracy" to come into charge of the Federal Department of 
 Justice affairs in the South in addition to the dangerous hold 
 they now have upon the states of the South. Dark would be 
 the day for the forlorn blacks who would fall entirely to the 
 baneful prey of the advocates of the "democratic" race issue in 
 the South, especially in Mississippi and South Carolina. 
 
 It is exacting too onerous a submission to compel the con- 
 tinuous yielding of the great masses of whites to the insidious 
 control of this force and fraud-entrenched despotism. It is nur- 
 turing accumulating wrongs for the nation to avoid intercession 
 when and where only national interference can restore and 
 uplift the beaten down nationality of the Southern citizen. 
 The humble blacks have rebelled not, nor sought violent rebel- 
 lion, against those who have deprived them of their sovereignty 
 rights, but, upon one occasion, the murderings of outraged 
 whites in Alabama has caused to be brought, in recent years, 
 the armed soldiery of the oligarchy to quiet the wrath of the 
 masses of the people who had gathered at the very doors of the 
 state capitol and even then and there reluctant to yield to 
 further usurpation by the "democracy." The unrest of another 
 Southern state reached a more dramatic climax. There would 
 be no entreating, by those from whom the appeal comes, to 
 "let the South alone" were it not for the political treachery 
 of these leaders, themselves, to this very, very, same Southland. 
 
 In an address delivered by the Hon. John Hay, July 6th, 
 this year, he said: " If the slave holders had been content with 
 their unquestioned predominance, they might for many years 
 have controlled the political and social world. It was natural 
 
Rise and Reign of the Bourbon OIvIGarchy 27 
 
 for the conservative people of the North to say; ' we deplore 
 the existence of slavery, but we are all to bame for it; we should 
 not cast upon our brother in the South the burdens and perils of 
 its abolition. We must bear with the unfortunate conditions of 
 things and take our share of its inconveniences. ' But the 
 slave holding party could not rest content. The ancients said 
 that madness was the fate of those judged by the gods. Con- 
 tinual aggression is the necessity of a false position. They felt 
 instinctively that if their system were permanently to endure it 
 must be extended, and to attain this object they were ready to 
 risk everything. They rent in twain the compromises which 
 had protected them so long. They tore down the bulwarks 
 which had once restricted and defended them; and confiding in 
 their strength and our patience they boldly announced and inau- 
 gurated the policy of indefinite extension of their " peculiar 
 institution. " 
 
 Again, in their madness of political desperation, the leaders 
 of the " democracy " South now instinctively feel " that if their 
 system were permanently to endure it must be extended, and to 
 attain this object they were ready to risk everything. " 
 
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