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 :' ■ <^ GENERAL 
 
 H I STO RY OF CIVILIZATION 
 
 IN EUROPE, 
 
 From the Fall oi the Roman Empii'e to the French Revolution. 
 .By M. GUIZOT, 
 
 Late Professor of History, now Prime Minister of France. 
 With occasional Notes by C. S. Henry, D.D., Professor of Philosophy and 
 
 History in the University of the City of New- York. One volume 
 
 12mo. Price $1 00. 
 
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 adverts to the most interesting topic in the social relations of mankind, the progressive 
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 Goths, and Huns, and Vandals, in the Fifth Century; 
 
 " The work of M. Guizot comprehends a Course of Lectures which he delivered, and 
 which contain the spirit of Modem History, all condensed into a focus, to illuminate one 
 most impressive feature in the annals of the world. A concise view of the chief themes 
 will accurately unfold the importance of this volume. 
 
 " The introductory lecture is devoted to a discussion of the general subject in its prin- 
 ciples ; which is followed by the application of them to the condition of European society. 
 
 " M. Guizot next proceeds to develop the deranged state of the kingdoms of Europe, 
 after the subversion of the Roman power, and the subdivision of the ancient empire into 
 distinct sovereignties ; which is followed by a survey of the feudal system. The various 
 changes and civil revolutions of the people with the crusades, the conflicts between the 
 nierarcliical supremacy, and the monarchical and aristocratical authorities also, are de- 
 veloped with the fluctuations of society, through their combined tumultuous collisions ; 
 until the invention of printing, and the maritime discoveries of the fifteenth century, with 
 the Reformation, produced a convulsion, whose mighty workings still are exhibited, and 
 the rich fruits of which constantly become more plentiful and fragrant. 
 
 " The two lectures which close the series, are devoted to the English revolution of the 
 seventeenth, and the Frencli revolution of the eighteenth century. 
 
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 his lectures addressed to the Parisian infidels. 
 
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 effecting the progressive melioration of European society. 
 
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 PREPARINO- FOR PUBLICATION, 
 
 COMPLETE HISTORY OF IVIODERN CIVILIZATION ; 
 
 From the Fall of the Roman Empire until the Year 1789. With com- 
 plete Clironological and Historical Tables. Translated from the French 
 of M. Guizot. 
 
 This volume is the second part of M. Guizot's " Course of Modem History," in thirty 
 three Lectures, and is an erudite and luminous development of the principal changes, 
 events, derangements, and organization of the modern Eurc^jean nations after the fali 
 of the Roman Empire, until they assumed their present chief characteristics. It forms 
 a complete filling up, in minute details, of the former work, and is precisely adapted to 
 anfold the origin, attributes, and operations of the political systems connected with feu 
 dalism, and the subsequent revolutions of Khe kingdoms of Euroj*. 
 
HISTORY 
 
 THE EI&LISH REVOLUTIOI 
 
 OF 1640, 
 
 COMMONLY CALLED 
 
 THE GREAT REBELLION: 
 
 FROM THE ACCESSION OF CHARLES L 
 TO HIS DEATH. 
 
 BY F/GUIZOT, 
 
 THE PRIME MINISTER OF FRANCE; 
 AUTHOR OF " HISTORY OF CIVILIZATION IN EUROPE," ETC., ETC. 
 
 TRANSLATED BY WILLIAM HAZJjgPIi 
 
 NEW YORK: ^ofy-^:, 
 
 D. APPLETON & CO., 200 BROADWAY. 
 
 PHILADELPHIA: / ^ ''/ ■^ 
 G. S. APPLETON, 148 CHESNUT-STREET. 
 
 CINCINNATI : DERBY, BRADLEY, & COMPANY, 113 MAIN-STREET. 
 M DCCC XLVI. 
 

 THE LIS#, 
 JOI" CONGRESS 
 
 [WAJHINGTON 
 
 ESS^I 
 
ADVERTISEMENT. 
 
 The full explanation given by M. Guizot, in the follow- 
 ing preface, of the nature of this work, renders any 
 remark on my part unnecessary. I will therefore merely 
 state that in translating it my desire has been to render 
 the author's meaning as nearly as possible in his own 
 style ; whether I have succeeded in this object, it is for 
 others to determine. As to the books, documents, and 
 speeches quoted, I have in all cases gone back to the 
 original sources consulted by the author, and given the 
 ipsissima verba of the respective writer or speaker. M. 
 Guizot, in setting forth his authorities, refers to his own 
 edition of the Memoirs relative to our Revolution (a 
 most valuable publication) ; the references in my trans- 
 lation are to the best English edition of each work 
 cited. The ample index now given is an entirely new 
 feature, and will, I trust, be accepted as an important 
 one. 
 
 William Hazlitt. 
 
 Middle Temple, 
 Dec, 1845. 
 
PREFACE 
 
 TO THE FIRST EDITION. 
 
 I HAVE published the original memoirs of the English revo- 
 lution ; I now publish its history. Previous to the French 
 revolution, this was the greatest event which Europe had to 
 narrate. 
 
 I have no fear of its importance being underrated ; our 
 revolution, in surpassing, did not make that of England less 
 great in itself; they were both victories in the same war, and 
 to the profit of the same cause ', glory is their common attri- 
 bute ; they do not eclipse, but set off each other. My fear is 
 lest their true character should be mistaken, lest the world 
 should not assign to them that place which is properly theirs 
 in the world's history. 
 
 According to an opinion now widely adopted, it would 
 seem as though these two revolutions were unexpected events, 
 which, emanating from principles and conceived in designs 
 unheard of before, threw society out of its ancient and natural 
 course ; hurricanes, earthquakes — instances, in a word, of 
 those mysterious phenomena which altogether depart from 
 the ordinary laws of nature, and which burst forth suddenly 
 — ^blows, as it were, of Providence — it may be to destroy, i 
 may be to renovate. Friends and enemies, panegyrists and 
 detractors, alike adopt this view. According to the one class, 
 they were glorious events, which brought to light, for the 
 first time, truth, liberty, and justice, before the occurrence of 
 which all was absurdity, iniquity, and tyranny ; to which alone 
 the human race owes its terrestrial salvation. According to 
 
PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION. 
 
 the other class, they were deplorable calamities, which inter- 
 rupted a long golden age of wisdom, virtue, and happiness ; 
 whose perpetrators proclaimed maxims, put forward preten- 
 sions, and committed crimes, till then without parallel : the 
 nations in a paroxysm of madness dashed aside from their 
 accustomed road ; an abyss opened beneath their feet. 
 
 Thus, whether they exalt or deplore them, whether they 
 bless or curse them, all parties, in considering revolutions, 
 forget all the circumstances, alike isolate them absolutely from 
 the past, alike make them in themselves responsible for the 
 destiny of the world, and load them with anathema or crown 
 them with glory. 
 
 It is time to get clear of all such false and puerile declama- 
 tion. 
 
 Far from having interrupted the natural course of events 
 in Europe, neither the English revolution nor our own, ever 
 said, wished, or did anything that had not been said, wished, 
 done, or attempted, a hundred times before they burst forth. 
 They proclaimed the illegality of absolute power ; the free 
 consent of the people, in reference to laws and taxes, and the 
 right of armed resistance, were elemental principles of the 
 feudal system ; and the church has often repeated these words 
 of St. Isidore, which we find in the canons of the fourth coun- 
 cil of Toledo : " He is king who rules his people with justice ; 
 if he rule otherwise, he shall no longer be king." They 
 attacked prerogative, and sought to introduce greater equality 
 into social order : kings throughout Europe have done the 
 same ; and, down to our own times, the various steps in the 
 progress of civil equality have been founded upon the laws 
 and measured by the progress of royalty. They demanded 
 that public offices should be thrown open to the citizens at 
 large, should be distributed according to merit only, and that 
 power should be conferred by election : this is the fundamental 
 
PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION. IX 
 
 principle of the internal government of the church, which not 
 only acts upon it, but has emphatically proclaimed its worth. 
 Whether we consider the general doctrines of the two revolu- 
 tions, or the results to which they were applied — whether we 
 regard the government of the state, or civil legislation, pro- 
 perty or persons, liberty or power — nothing will be found of 
 which the invention originated with them, nothing which is 
 not equally met with, or which, at all events, did not come 
 into existence in periods which are called regular. 
 
 Nor is this all : those principles, those designs, those efforts 
 which are attributed exclusively to the English revolution 
 and to our own, not only preceded them by several centuries, 
 but are pi-ecisely the same principles, the same efforts, to 
 which society in Europe owes all its progress. Was it by 
 its disorders and its privileges, by its brute force, and by 
 keeping men down beneath its yoke, that the feudal aristo- 
 cracy took part in the development of nations ? No : it 
 struggled against royal tyranny, exercised the right of resist- 
 ance, and maintained the maxims of liberty. For what have 
 nations blessed kings ? Was it for their pretensions to divine 
 right, to absolute power ? for their profusion ? for their courts ? 
 No : kings assailed the feudal system and asistocratical privi- 
 leges ; they introduced unity into legislation, and into the 
 executive administration ; they aided the progress of equality. 
 And the clergy — whence does it derive its power ? how has 
 it promoted civilisation ? Was it by separating itself from the 
 people, by taking fright at human reason, by sanctioning 
 tyranny in the name of Heaven ? No : it gathered together, 
 without distinction, in its churches, and under the law of 
 God, the great and the small, the poor and the rich, the weak 
 and the strong ; it honored and fostered science, instituted 
 schools, favored the propagation of knowledge, and gave 
 activity to the mind. Interrogate the history of the masters 
 
PREFACE TO THE FIKST EDITION. 
 
 of the world ; examine the influence of the various classes 
 which have decided its destiny ; wherever any good shall 
 manifest itself, wherever the lasting gratitude of man shall 
 recognize a great service done to humanity, it will be seen that 
 these were steps towards the object which were pursued by 
 the English revolution and by our own ; we shall find our- 
 selves in presence of one of the principles they sought to 
 establish. 
 
 Let these mighty events, then, no longer be held forth as 
 monstrous apparitions in the history of Europe ; let us hear 
 no more about their unheard-of pretensions, their infernal 
 inventions. They advanced civilisation in the path it has 
 been pursuing for fourteen centuries ; they professed the 
 maxims, they forwarded the Avorks to which man has, in all 
 time, owed the development of his nature and the ameliora- 
 tion of his condition ; they did that which has been by turns 
 the merit and the glory of the clergy, of the aristocracy, and 
 of kings. 
 
 I do not think mankind will much longer persist in abso- 
 lutely condenming them because they are chargeable with 
 errors, calamities, and crimes. Admit all this to the full : 
 nay, exceed the severity of the condemners, and closely ex- 
 amine their accusations to supply their omissions ; then sum- 
 mon them, in their turn, to draw up the list of errors, the 
 crimes, and the calamities, of those times and those powers 
 which they have taken under their protection : I much doubt 
 whether they will accept the challenge. 
 
 It may be asked : in what respect, then, are the two revolu- 
 tions so distinguishable from any other epoch, that carrying 
 on, as they did, the common work of ages, they merited their 
 name, and changed, in effect, the face of the world ? The 
 answer is this : 
 
 Various powers have successively predominated in Euro- 
 
PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION. 
 
 pean society, and led by turns the march of civilisation. After 
 the fall of the Roman empire and the invasion of the Barba- 
 rians, amid the dissolution of all ties, the ruin of all regular 
 power, dominion everywhere fell into the hands of bold brute 
 force. The conquering aristocracy took possession of all 
 things, persons and property, people and land. In vain did a 
 few great men, Charlemagne in France, Alfred in England, 
 attempt to subject this chaos to the unity of the monarchical 
 system. All unity was impossible. The feudal hierarchy 
 was the only form that society would accept. It pervaded 
 everything, Church as well as State ; bishops and abbots 
 became barons, the king was merely chief lord. Yet, rude 
 and unsettled as was this organization, Europe is indebted to 
 it for its first step out of barbarism. It was among the pro- 
 prietors of fiefs, by their mutual relations, their laws, their 
 customs, their feelings, their ideas, that European civilisation 
 began. 
 
 They weighed fearfully upon the people. The clergy alone 
 sought to claim, on behalf of the community, a little reason, 
 justice, and humanity. He who held no place in the feudal 
 hierarchy, had no other asylum than the churches, no other 
 protectors than the priests. Inadequate as it was, yet this 
 protection was immense, for there was none beside. More- 
 over, the priests alone offered some food to the moral nature of 
 man; to that invincible craving after thought, knowledge, 
 hope, and belief, which overcomes all obstacles and survives 
 all misfortune. The church soon acquired a prodigious power 
 in every part of Europe. Nascent royalty added to its 
 strength by borrowing its assistance. The preponderance 
 passed from the conquering aristocracy to the clergy. 
 
 By the co-operation of the church and its own inherent 
 vigor, royalty rose up to a stature above that of its rivals ; 
 but the clergy which had aided, now wished to enslave it. In 
 
PREFACE TO THE PIEST EDITION. 
 
 this new danger, royalty called to its assistance sometimes the 
 barons, now become less formidable, more frequently the com- 
 mons, the people, already strong enough to give good help, but 
 not strong enough to demand a high price for their services. 
 By their aid, royalty triumphed in its second struggle, and be- 
 came in its turn the ruling power, invested with the confidence 
 of nations. 
 
 Such is the history of ancient Europe. The feudal aris- 
 tocracy, the clergy, royalty, by turns possessed it, successively 
 presided over its destiny and its progress. It was to their 
 co-existence and to their struggles that it was, for a long 
 time, indebted for all it achieved of liberty, prosperity, en- 
 lightenment ; in a word, for the development of its civilisa- 
 tion. 
 
 In the seventeenth century in England, in the eighteenth in 
 France, all struggle between these three powers had ceased ; 
 they lived together in sluggish peace. It may even be said, 
 that they had lost their historical character, and even the 
 remembrance of those efforts, which, of old, constituted their 
 power and their splendor. The aristocracy no longer pro- 
 tected public liberty, nor even its own • royalty no longer 
 labored to abolish aristocratical privilege ; it seemed, on the 
 contrary, to have become favorable to its possessors, in re- 
 turn for their servility. The clergy, a spiritual power, feared 
 the human mind, and no longer able to guide, called upon it 
 with threats, to check its career. Still civilisation followed its 
 course, daily more general and more active. Forsaken by its 
 ancient leaders, astonished at their apathy and at the humor 
 they displayed, and at seeing that less was done for it as its 
 power and its desires grew larger, the people began to think it 
 had better take to transact its own affairs itself; and, assum 
 ing in its own person all the functions which its former leaders 
 no longer fulfilled, claimed at once of the crown liberty, of the 
 
PREPACK TO THE FIRST EDITION. 
 
 aristocracy equality, of the clergy the rights of human intel- 
 ect. Then burst forth revolutions. 
 
 These did, for the benefit of a new power, what Europe had 
 in other cases already several times witnessed ; they gave to 
 society leaders who would and could direct it in its progress. 
 By this title alone had the aristocracy, the church, and royalty 
 by turns enjoyed the preponderance. The people now took 
 possession of it by the same means, in the name of the same 
 necessities. 
 
 Such was the true operation, the real characteristic of the 
 English revolution as well as of our own. After having con- 
 sidered them as absolutely alike, it has been said that they 
 had nothing but appearances in common. The first, it has 
 been contended, was political rather then social ; the second 
 sought to change at once both society and government ; the 
 one sought liberty, the other equality ; the one, still more re- 
 ligious than political, only substituted dogma for dogma, a 
 church for a church ; the other, philosophical more especially, 
 claimed the full independence of reason : an ingenious compa- 
 rison, and not without its truth, but well nigh as superficial, as 
 frivolous as the opinion it pretends to correct. While, under 
 the external resemblance of the two revolutions, great differ- 
 ences are perceptible, so, beneath their differences, is hidden a 
 resemblance still more profound. The English revolution, it 
 is true, from the same causes that brought it forth an age be- 
 fore ours, retained a more decided impress of the ancient social 
 state : there, free institutions, which had their origin in the 
 very depth of barbarism, had survived the despotism they 
 could not prevent ; the feudal aristocracy, or at least a portion 
 of it, had united its cause to that of the people ; royalty, even 
 in the days of its supremacy, had never been fully or undis- 
 turbedly absolute ; the national church had itself begun reli- 
 gious reform, and called forth the daring inquiries of mind. 
 2 
 
PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION. 
 
 Everywhere, in the laws, the creed, the manners of the people, 
 revolution found its work half accomplished ; and from that 
 order of things which it sought to change, came at once assist- 
 ance and obstacles, useful allies and still powerful adversaries. 
 It thus presented a singular mixture of elements, to all appear- 
 ance the most contrary, at once aristocratic and popular, 
 religious and philosophical, appealing alternately to laws and 
 theories ; now proclaiming a new yoke for conscience, now its 
 entire liberty ; sometimes narrowly confined withm the limits 
 of facts, at others soaring to the most daring attempts ; placed, 
 in short, between the old and new social state, rather as a 
 bridge over which to pass from the one to the other, than as an 
 abyss of separation. 
 
 The most terrible unity, on the contrary, pervaded the 
 French revolution ; the new spirit alone dominated ; and the 
 old system, far from taking its part and its place in the move- 
 ment, only sought to defend itself against it, and only defended 
 itself for a moment ; it was alike without power as without 
 virtue. On the day of the explosion, one fact only remained 
 real and powerful, the general civilisation of the country. In 
 this great but sole result, old institutions, old manners, creeds, 
 the memory of the past, the whole national life, had fused 
 themselves and become lost. So many active and glorious 
 ages had produced only France. Hence the immense results 
 of the revolution, and also its immense errors ; it possessed ab- 
 solute power. 
 
 Assuredly there is a great difference, and one worthy to be 
 well borne in mind ; it strikes us more especially when we 
 regard the two revolutions in themselves as isolated events, 
 detached from general history, and seek to unravel, if I may 
 so express it, their peculiar physiognomy, their individual 
 character. But let them resume their place in the course of 
 ages, and then inquire what they have done towards the de- 
 
PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION. 
 
 velopment of European civilisation, and the resemblance will 
 reappear, will rise above all minor differences. Produced by 
 the same causes, the decay of the feudal aristocracy, the 
 church, and royalty, they both labored at the same work, the 
 dominion of the public in public affairs ; they struggled for 
 liberty against absolute power, for equality against privilege, 
 for progressive and general interests against stationary and 
 individual interests. Their situations were different, their 
 strength unequal ; what the one clearly conceived, the other 
 saw but in imperfect outline ; in the career which the one ful- 
 filled, the other soon stopped short ; on the same battle-field, 
 the one found victory, the other defeat ; the sin of the one was 
 contempt of all religious principle, of the other hypocrisy ; 
 one was wiser, the other more powerful ; but their means and 
 their success alone differed ; their tendency, as well as their 
 origin, was the same ; their wishes, their efforts, their progress, 
 were directed towards the same end ; what the one attempted 
 or accomplished, the other accomplished or attempted. Though 
 guilty of religious persecution, the English revolution saw the 
 banner of religious liberty uplifted in its ranks ; notwithstand- 
 ing its aristocratic alliances, it founded the preponderance of 
 the commons ; though especially intent upon civil order, it 
 still called for more simple legislation, for parliamentary re- 
 form, the abolition of entails, and of primogenitureship ; and 
 though disappointed in premature hopes, it enabled English 
 society to take a great stride out of the monstrous inequality 
 of the feudal system. In a word, the analogy of the two revo- 
 lutions is such, that the first would never have been thoroughly 
 imderstood had not the second taken place. 
 
 In our days, the history of the English revolution has 
 changed its face. Hume* for a long series of years enjoyed 
 
 * The first volume of Hume's History of the House of Stuart ap- 
 peared in England in 1754, and the second in 1756. 
 
PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITIOH. 
 
 the privilege of forming, in accordance with his views, the 
 opinion of Europe ; and, notwithstanding the aid of Mirabeau,* 
 Mrs. Macauley's declamations had not been able to shake his 
 authority. All at once, men's minds have recovered their 
 natural independence ; a crowd of works have attested, not 
 only that this epoch has become once more the object of lively 
 sympathy, but that the narrative and opinions of Hume have 
 ceased to satisfy the imagination and reason of the public. A 
 great orator, Mr. Fox,']' distinguished writers, Mr Malcolm 
 Laing,:j: Macdiarmid,§ Brodie,|| Lingard,1I Godwin,** &c., hast- 
 ened to meet this new-roused curiosity. Born in France, the 
 movement could not fail to make its way there ; UHistoire de 
 Cromwell by M. Villemain, L'Histoire de la Revolution de 
 1688, by M. Mazure, evidently prove, that neither for us was 
 Hume sufficient ; and I have been able myself, to publish the 
 voluminous collection of the original memoirs of that epoch, 
 
 * Mrs. Macauley's work was to have been a " History of England 
 from the Accession of James the First to the Elevation of the House 
 of Hanover," but it reaches no further than the fall of James the Se- 
 cond. It was published in England from 1763 to 17S3. Of the French 
 translation, sent forth in 1791, under the name of Mirabeau, only two 
 volumes appeared. 
 
 f History of the Two Last Kings of the House of Stuart, 4to., Lon- 
 don, 180S. 
 
 f History of Scotland from the Union of the Crowns to the Union 
 of the Kingdom, 4 vols., Svo. First published, 1800. 
 
 § Lives of British Statesmen, 2 vols. Svo, second edition, London, 
 1820. The second volume contains the Lives of Strafford and Claren- 
 don. 
 
 II History of the British Empire, from the Accession of Charles the 
 First to the Restoration of Charles the Second, 4 vols. Svo., Edinburgh, 
 1822. 
 
 IT History of England ; the 9th and 10th volumes (London, 1825, 
 Svo.) contain the reigns of James I., and Charles I. 
 
 ** History of the Commonwealth of England ; London, 1824 ; 4 vols., 
 Svo. 
 
PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION. 
 
 without wearying the attention or exhausting the curiosity of 
 readers.* 
 
 It would little become me to enter here into a detailed ex- 
 amination of these works ; but I do not hesitate to assert that, 
 without the French revolution, without the vivid light it threw 
 on the struggle between the Stuarts and the English people, 
 they would not possess the new merits which distinguish 
 them. I need only as a proof, the difference that is to be re- 
 marked between those produced by Great Britain, and those 
 which France gave birth to. How great soever the patriotic 
 interest inspired in the mind of the former, by the revolution 
 of 1640, even when they place themselves under the banner 
 of one of the parties which it educed, historical criticism 
 reigns throughout their works ; they apply themselves more 
 especially to exact research, to the comparison and cross- 
 questioning of witnesses ; what they relate, is to them an old 
 story they thoroughly know, not a drama at which they are 
 present ; a period long past, which they pride themselves on 
 being well acquainted with, but in whose bosom they live not. 
 Mr. Brodie fully participates in all the prejudices, distrust, 
 and anger of the bitterest puritans against Charles and the 
 cavaliers ; while, to the faults and crimes of his party, he is 
 wholly blind. But, at least, one would imagine so much 
 passion would produce an animated narrative ; that the party 
 exciting so much sympathy in the mind of the writer, would 
 be described with truth and power. Not so : despite the ar. 
 dor of his predilections, Mr. Brodie studies, but sees not, 
 discusses, but describes not ; he admires the popular party, 
 but does not produce it strikingly on the stage ; his work is a 
 learned and useful dissertation, not a moral and animated his- 
 tory, Mr. Lingard shares in none of the opinions, none of 
 
 * This Collection, now completed, forms 25 vols. 8vo. Paris 
 Didier. 
 
 2* 
 
XVIU PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION. 
 
 the affections of Mr. Brodie j he remains impartial between 
 the king and the parliament ; he pleads the cause of neither, 
 and makes no attempt to refute the errors of his predecessors ; 
 he even boasts of not having opened the work of Hume since 
 he undertook his own ; he wrote, he says, with the aid of 
 original documents alone, with the times he wished to describe 
 ever before his eyes, and with the firm resolution of shunning 
 all systematic theory. Does he restore life to history by this 
 impartiality ? Not at all : Mr. Lingard's impartiality is, in 
 this case, sheer indifference ; a Roman-catholic priest, it 
 matters little to him whether Church of England men or 
 presbyterians triumph ; thus, indifference has helped him no 
 better than passion did Mr. Brodie to penetrate beyond the 
 external, and, so to speak, the material form of events ; with 
 him, too, the principal merit is in having carefully examined 
 facts, and collected and disposed them in commendable order. 
 Mr. Malcolm Laing had discerned with more sagacity the 
 political character of the revolution ; he shows very well that 
 from the first, without distinctly apprehending its own aim, 
 it sought to displace power, to transfer it to the house of 
 commons, and thus to substitute parliamentary for royal go- 
 vernment, and that it could only rest on this basis. But the 
 moral side of the epoch, the religious enthusiasm, the popular 
 passions, the party intrigues, the personal rivalries, all those 
 scenes in which human nature displays itself, when freed 
 from the restraint of old habits and laws, are wanting in his 
 book ; it is the report of a clear-sighted judge, but of one who 
 has only resorted to written documents, and has called before 
 him in person neither actors nor witnesses. I might pass in 
 review all the works with which England has been recently 
 enriched on this subject ; they would all, on examination, be 
 found to present the same character — a marked revival of in- 
 terest in this great crisis of the national life, a more attentive 
 
PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION. 
 
 study of the facts that relate to it, a keener feeling of its 
 merits, a juster appreciation of its causes and consequences ; 
 still it is but meditation and learning applied to the production 
 of works of erudition or philosophy. I seek in vain for that 
 natural sympathy in the writer for his subject that gives to 
 history light and life ; and if Hampden or Clarendon were to 
 return to life, I can scarcely believe they would recognize 
 their own times. 
 
 I open the Histoire de Cromwell by M. Villemain, and find 
 altogether another scene before me. It is less complete, less 
 learned, less exact than several of the works I have adverted 
 to ; but, thi'oughout, there is a quick and keen comprehension 
 of the opinions, the passions, the vicissitudes of revolutions, 
 of public tendencies, and individual character, of the uncon- 
 querable nature and the so changing forms of parties ; the 
 historian's reason teaches him how to appreciate all situations, 
 all ideas ; his imagination is moved by all real and deep im- 
 pressions ; his impartiality, somewhat too sceptical if any- 
 thing, is yet more animated than is frequently even the passion 
 of the exclusive advocates of a cause ; and though the revo- 
 lution only appears in his book confined within the too narrow 
 frame of a biography, it is clearer and more animated than I 
 have met with it elsewhere. 
 
 The reason of this is, that, setting aside the advantages of 
 talent, M. Villemain had those of situation. He has viewed 
 and judged the English revolution from the midst of that of 
 France ; he found in the men and the events developing 
 themselves beneath his own eyes, the key to those he had to 
 paint ; he drew life from his own times and infused it into the 
 times he wished to recal. 
 
 I have no desire to carry these reflections further ; I have 
 ventured so much only to point out how great is the analogy 
 between the two epochs, and also to explain how a French- 
 
XX PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION. 
 
 man may believe that the history of the English revolution 
 has not yet been written in a fully satisfactory manner, and 
 that he may be allowed to attempt it. I have carefully 
 studied nearly all the old and modern works of which it has 
 formed the subject ; I did not fear that this study would 
 weaken the sincerity of my own impressions or the indepen- 
 dence of my judgment ; it seems to me there is too much 
 timidity in dreading so readily lest an auxiliary should be- 
 come a master ; too much pride in refusing so absolutely all 
 aid. Yet, and if I do not deceive myself it will easily be re- 
 cognized, original documents have more peculiarly been my 
 guides. I have nothing to observe here, as to the " Memoirs ;'' 
 I endeavored in the " Notices " I prefixed to my edition 
 of them, clearly to explain their character and worth ; 
 Those which did not find a place in my " Collection," though 
 I have made use of them in my " History," appear to me of 
 too little importance to require remark. As for the collections 
 of official acts and documents, they are very numerous ; and, 
 though often explored, still abound in unworked treasures. 
 I have had constantly before me those of Rushworth, Thurloe, 
 the journals of both houses of parliament, the " Parliamentary 
 History," the old one as well as that of Mr. Cobbett, the 
 " Collection of State Trials," and a great number of other 
 works of the same kind, which it would be uninteresting to 
 enumerate. I also found in the pamphlets of the time, not 
 only English, but French, some curious information ; for the 
 French public was more occupied than is imagined with the 
 English revolution ; many pamphlets were published in 
 France for and against it, and the Frondeurs more than once 
 put forward its example, against Mazarin and the court. I 
 must also say, to do justice to a man and a work now too 
 much neglected, that I have often consulted with profit the 
 History of England, by Rapin de Thoyras ; and that, not- 
 
PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION. XXI 
 
 withstanding the inferiority of the writer's talents, the 
 English revolution is perhaps better understood in it, and 
 more completely displayed than in the works of most of its 
 successors. 
 
 In conclusion, let me be allowed to express here my gra- 
 titude to all those persons who, in France and in England, 
 have been good enough to sanction my work in its progress, 
 and to promote it by the most valuable assistance. Amongst 
 others, I owe to the kindness of Sir James Mackintosh, as 
 inexhaustible as his mind and knowledge, suggestions and 
 advice which no one but himself could have given me ; and 
 one of those, who, amongst ourselves, are the most versed in 
 the past history as well as in the present state of England, 
 M. Gallois, has thrown open to me, with a kindness I have 
 some right to consider friendship, the treasures of his library 
 and his conversation. 
 
 F. G. 
 
 Paris, April, 1826. 
 
ADVERTISEMENT 
 
 TO THE EDITION OF 1841 
 
 The History of the Revolution of England comprises three 
 grand periods. In the first, under Charles I. (1625 — 1649), 
 the Revolution was preparing, was put forth, and took its 
 stand. In the second, under the Long Parliament and Crom- 
 well (1649 — 1660), it essayed to found its own form of govern- 
 ment, which it called a Republic, and fell in the attempt. 
 The third period is that of monarchical re-action, successful 
 for a while, under Charles II., who, in his cautious selfishness, 
 aimed at nothing beyond his own personal enjoyment, but 
 ruined by the blind passion of James II., who aimed at abso- 
 lute power. In 1688, England achieved the point she aimed 
 at in 1640, and quitted the career of revolution for that of 
 liberty. 
 
 I publish, without alteration, a new edition of my History 
 of the first period. I have collected, for that of the two other 
 periods, a body of materials which, as I believe, are neither 
 without importance or variety. A day will doubtless come, 
 when I shall be able to make use of these materials : mean- 
 time, wanting the leisure to complete my narrative of this 
 stupendous event, I apply my mind at every available moment, 
 to its just comprehension. 
 
 F. Go 
 
 Paris, January, 1S41. 
 
m 
 
HISTORY 
 
 OF 
 
 THE EIGLISH REVOLUTION, 
 
 FROM THE 
 
 ACCESSION OF CHARLES I. TO HIS DEATH. 
 
 BOOK THE FIRST 
 1625—1629. 
 
 Accession of Charles the First to the throne — State and disposition of 
 England — Meeting of the first parliament — Spirit of liberty mani- 
 fested therein — Its dissolution — First attempts at arbitrary govern- 
 ment — Their bad success — Second parliament — Impeachment of the 
 Duke of Buckingham — Dissolution of parliament — 111 administration 
 of Buckingham — Third parliament — Petition of rights — Prorogation 
 of parliament — Murder of Buckingham — Second session of the third 
 parliament — Fresh causes of public discontent — The king's dis- 
 pleasure — Dissolution of the third parliament. 
 
 On the 27th of March, 1625, Charles the First ascended the 
 throne, and immediately afterwards (2d April) convoked a 
 parliament. Scarcely was the house of commons assembled 
 (18th June), when a worthy man, who had been reckoned in 
 the last reign among the opponents of the court. Sir Benjamin 
 Rudyard, rose (22d June) and moved that henceforth nothing 
 should be neglected to maintain a perfect harmony between 
 the king and the people : " For," said he, " what may we 
 expect from him, being king ; his good natural disposition, 
 his freedom from vice, his travels abroad, his being bred in 
 parliament, promise greatly."* 
 
 All England, indeed, gave way to joy and hope. And it 
 was not merely those vague hopes, those tumultuous rejoic- 
 ings, which a new reign, as a matter of course, gives rise to j 
 
 * Pari. Hist., vol. ii., col. 5. 
 3 
 
26 HISTORY OF THB 
 
 they were serious, general, and seemingly well founded. 
 Charles was a prince of grave and pure conduct, of acknow- 
 ledged piety, diligent, learned, frugal, little inclined to prodi- 
 gality, reserved without moroseness, dignified without arro- 
 gance. He maintained decorum and order in his household ; 
 everything about him announced a noble, upright character, 
 the friend of justice ; his manners and deportment awed his 
 courtiers, and pleased the people ; his virtues had gained him 
 the esteem of all good men. Weary of the mean ways, the 
 talkative and familiar pedantry, the inert and pusillanimous 
 policy of James, England promised herself happiness and 
 liberty under a king whom she could I'espect. 
 
 Charles and the English nation did not know to what a 
 degree they were already antagonistic one to the other, nor 
 the causes which, long since at work, and growing each day 
 more powerful, would soon prevent the possibility of their 
 understanding and agreeing with each other. 
 
 Two revolutions, the one visible and even glaring, the other 
 internal, unperceived, but not the less certain, were being 
 accomplished at this epoch ; the first, in the kingly power of 
 Europe ; the second, in the social state and manners of the 
 English people. 
 
 It was just at this time, that, on the continent, royalty, freed 
 from its ancient trammels, was becoming everywhere well 
 nigh absolute. In France, in Spain, in most of the states of 
 the German empire, it had quelled the feudal aristocracy, and 
 was ceasing to protect the liberty of the commons, having no 
 longer need of them to oppose to other enemies. The higher 
 nobility, as if it had lost even the feeling of its defeat, crowded 
 around the throne, almost proud of the brilliant display of its 
 conquerors. The burghers, dispersed, and of a timid nature, 
 rejoicing in the order now beginning to prevail, productive of 
 a happiness till then unknown to them, labored to enrich and 
 enlighten themselves, without aspiring as yet to any place in 
 the government of the state. Everywhere, the pomp of courts, 
 the dispatch of administrative business, the extent and regu- 
 larity of wars, proclaimed the preponderance of royal power. 
 The maxims of divine right and passive obedience prevailed, 
 feebly contested even where not recognized. In a word, the 
 progress of civilisation, of letters, and arts, of internal peace 
 and prosperity, embellishing this triumph of pure monarchy, 
 
ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 27 
 
 inspired princes with a presumptuous confidence, and people 
 with admiring compliance. 
 
 Royalty in England had not remained an exception to this 
 European movement. From the accession of the house of 
 Tudor, in 1485, it had ceased to have as adversaries those 
 proud barons, who, too weak to struggle individually against 
 their king, had formerly, by coalescing together, been able 
 now to maintain their own rights, at other times to associate 
 themselves, by main force, in the exercise of royal power. 
 Broken up, impoverished, reduced by its own excesses, above 
 all by the wars Of the two Roses, this aristocracy, so long 
 unmanageable, yielded, almost without resistance, first to the 
 haughty tyranny of Henry VIII., and afterwards to the skilful 
 policy of Elizabeth. Become the head of the church, and the 
 possessor of immense estates, Henry, by distributing these 
 with lavish hand among families whose greatness he himself 
 thus created, or whose fallen fortunes he thus restored, began 
 the metamorphosis of barons into courtiers. Under Elizabeth 
 this metamorphosis was completed. A woman and a queen, a 
 biilliant court at once gratified her taste and her sense of 
 power, and augmented that power ; the nobility thronged 
 thither with delight, and without too much exciting public 
 discontent. It was a rare temptation thus to devote them- 
 selves to a popular sovereign, and to seek by intrigues, and 
 amid constant festivities, the favor of a queen who enjoyed 
 that of the country. 
 
 The maxims, the forms, and the language, often even the 
 practices of pure monarchy, were forgiven in a government 
 useful and glorious to the nation ; the affection of the people 
 kept full pace with the servility of the courtiers ; and towards 
 a woman, all whose perils were public perils, unbounded 
 devotion seemed a law to the gentleman, a duty to the pro- 
 testant and citizen. 
 
 The Stuarts could not fail to advance in the path which, 
 since the accession of the Tudors, English royalty had entered 
 upon. A Scotchman, and of the blood of Guise, James I., by 
 his family reminiscences and the habits of his country, was 
 attached to France, and accustomed to seek his allies and his 
 models on the continent, where, ordinarily, an English prince 
 only saw enemies : accordingly, he soon showed himself still 
 more profoundly imbued than Elizabeth and even than Henry 
 
28 HISrORY OF TiiE 
 
 VIII. himself, with the maxims which, at that time, were in 
 Europe the basis of pure monarchy ; he professed them with 
 the pride of a theologian and the complacency of a king, pro- 
 testing on every occasion, by the pomp of his declarations, 
 against the timidity of his acts and the limits of his power. 
 Compelled, sometimes, to defend, by more direct and simpler 
 arguments, the measures of his government, arbitrary impri- 
 sonments or illegal taxes, James at such times alleged the 
 example of the king of France or of Spain, " The king of 
 England," said his ministers to the house of commons, " must 
 not be worse off than his equals." And such, even in England, 
 was the influence of the revolution lately accomplished in 
 continental monarchy, that the adversaries of the court were 
 embarrassed by this language, almost convinced themselves that 
 the inherent dignity of princes required that all should enjoy 
 the same rights, and at a loss how to reconcile this necessary 
 equality among kings with the liberties of their country.* 
 
 Nurtured from his infancy in these pretensions and these 
 maxims, prince Charles, upon arriving at manhood, was stili 
 nearer exposed to their contagion. The infanta of Spain w^s 
 promised to him : the duke of Buckingham suggested to him 
 the idea of going secretly to Madrid to sue in person for her 
 heart and hand. So romantic a design pleased the young 
 man's imagination. The next thing was to obtain the king's 
 consent. James refused, flew into a passion, wept, and a\ 
 last yielded to his favorite rather than to his son.f Charles 
 was received at Madrid with great honors (March, 1623), 
 and there saw, in all its splendor, monarchy majestic, supreme, 
 receiving from its immediate servants a devotion, and from 
 the people a respect, almost religious ; rarely contradicted, 
 and even then always sure of ultimately getting the better of 
 all opposition, by its mere will. The match with the infanta 
 was broken off"; so Charles married, instead of her, Henrietta- 
 Maria, princess of France ;:{: for his father had made up his 
 mind, that beyond those two courts there was no alliance 
 suitable to the dignity of his throne. The influence of this 
 union on the English prince was precisely the same which he 
 
 * Journals of the Commons, 1614. 
 t Clarendon's History of the Rebellion (179S), i., 18. 
 t The marriage negotiated in 1624 was not definitively concluded 
 till May, 1625 ; it took place in England the next month. 
 
ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 29 
 
 had felt in Spain ; and the monarchy of Paris or Madrid 
 became in his eyes the very image of the natural and legiti- 
 mate condition of a king. 
 
 Thus English monarchy, at least in the monarch, his coun- 
 sellors, and his court, followed the same direction as the mo- 
 narchies of the continent. Here, also, everything manifested 
 the symptoms and effects of the I'evolution already accom- 
 plished elsewhere, and which, in its most moderate pretensions, 
 only allowed the liberties of subjects to exist as subordinate 
 rights, as concessions by the sovereign's generosity. 
 
 But while on the continent this revolution found the people 
 as yet incapable of resisting it, perhaps even disposed to 
 receive it, in England a counter-revolution, secretly at work 
 in society, had already mined away the ground under the 
 feet of pure monarchy, and prepared its ruin amid its fancied 
 progress. 
 
 When, on the accession of the Tudors, the high aristocracy 
 bowed and humbled itself before the throne, the English 
 commons were not in a position to take its place in the strug- 
 gle of liberty against power ; they would not even have dared 
 to aspire to the honor of the contest. In the fourteenth cen- 
 tury, at the time of their most rapid progress, their ambition 
 was limited to the obtaining a recognition of their most simple 
 and primitive rights, to the achieving a few incomplete and 
 precarious guarantees. Never had their fancy soared so high 
 as to give them the notion that they had any right, that they 
 were called upon to take a share in the sovereignty, to par- 
 ticipate in a permanent and positive manner in the govern- 
 ment of the country ; the barons alone, they thought, were 
 fitted for so high a purpose. 
 
 In the sixteenth century, harassed and ruined, like the 
 barons, by the civil wars, the commons needed above all 
 things order and repose ; this royalty gave them, imperfectly 
 indeed, but still more secure and better regulated than they 
 had ever known it before. They accepted the benefit with 
 earnest gratitude. Separated from their ancient leaders, 
 standing well nigh alone in presence of the throne and of 
 those barons who once were their allies, their language was 
 humble, their conduct timid, and the king might well have 
 believed that thenceforward the people would be as docile as 
 the great nobles. 
 
80 HISTOKY OF THE 
 
 But the people was not in England, as on the continent, an 
 ill-combined coalition of citizens and peasants, whose eman- 
 cipation from their ancient servitude had proceeded by very 
 slow degrees, and who were not yet quite free from the yoke. 
 The English house of commons had, as early as the four- 
 teenth century, received within its walls the most numerous 
 class of the English aristocracy, all the proprietors of small 
 fiefs, who had not sufficient influence or wealth to share with 
 the barons the sovereign power, but were proud of the same 
 origin, and had long possessed the same rights. Become the 
 leaders of the nation, these men had more than once commu- 
 nicated to it a strength, and, above all, a boldness, of which 
 the commonalty alone would have been incapable. Weakened 
 and depressed, in common with the lower orders, by the long 
 miseries of civil discord, they soon, in the bosom of peace, 
 resumed their importance and their pride. While the higher 
 nobility, flocking to court to repair their losses, were invested 
 with factitious greatness, as corrupting as precarious, and 
 which, without giving them back their former fortunes, sepa- 
 rated them more and more from the people ; the gentry, the 
 freeholders, the citizens, solely occupied in improving their 
 lands or their commercial capital, were increasing in riches 
 and credit, were becoming daily more closely united, were 
 drawing the entire people under their influence ; and, without 
 show, without political design, almost unconsciously to them- 
 selves, were taking possession of all the social strength, the 
 true source of power. 
 
 In the towns, commerce and industry were rapidly de- 
 veloping themselves ; the city of London had already 
 acquired immense wealth ; the king, the court, nearly all the 
 great nobles of the kingdom, became its debtors, as neces- 
 sitous as insolent. The mercantile marine, that nursery of 
 the royal navy, was numerous, and active in every quarter, 
 and the sailors seemed imbued with all the earnestness of their 
 employers. 
 
 In the country, things followed the same course. Property 
 was more and more divided out. The feudal laws opposed 
 obstacles to the sale and subdivision of fiefs : a statute of 
 Henry VII. to a great extent removed these obstacles indi- 
 rectly ; the high nobility received this as a favor, and hastened 
 to profit by it. They, in like manner, alienated most of the 
 
EN&LISH KE VOLUTION. 31 
 
 vast domains that Henry VIII. had distributed among them.* 
 The king favored these sales in order to augment the number 
 of possessors of ecclesiastical property, and the courtiers were 
 fain to have recourse to them, for all the abuses within their 
 reach did not suffice for their necessities. By and by, Eliza- 
 beth, to avoid asking for subsidies, always burdensome even 
 to the power that obtains them, sold a large extent of the 
 crown lands. Nearly all these were bought by gentlemen 
 who lived on their estates, by freeholders who cultivated theirs, 
 or by citizens retiring from trade, for they alone had acquired 
 by their industry or economy the means of paying for that 
 which the prince and the courtiers could not keep. Agricul- 
 ture was prospering, the counties and towns were becoming 
 filled with a rich, active, and independent population ; and the 
 movement that put into their hands a large proportion of the 
 public wealth was so rapid, that, in 1628, at the opening of 
 parliament, the house of commons was three times as rich as 
 the house of lords. f 
 
 As this revolution was accomplishing itself, the commons 
 again began to grow uneasy under tyranny. With greater 
 property, greater securities became necessary. Rights exer- 
 cised by the prince for a long time without dispute, and still 
 without obstacle, came well nigh to be deemed abuses when 
 a much greater number of persons felt their weight. It was 
 asked, had the king of England always possessed them ? — 
 whether he ought ever to have possessed them ? By degrees, 
 the remembrance of their ancient liberties, of the efforts that 
 had achieved the great charter, and of the maxims it conse- 
 crated, returned to the minds of the people. The court spoke 
 with contempt of those old times, as rude and barbarous ; the 
 people recalled them with respect and affection, as free and 
 bold. The glorious liberties they had asserted were no longer 
 of service, and yet all trace of them was not lost. Parliament 
 had not ceased to meet ; kings, finding it docile, had often 
 
 * Clarendon, v., 6. 
 
 t Hume (History of England, Oxford, 1826, vi., 209) cites in con- 
 firmation of this assertion, Sanderson and Walker, historians of little 
 authority. I have not been able to discover, in contemporary writers 
 whose testimony deserves more confidence, so precise a valuation of the 
 comparative wealth of the two houses ; but everything attests that the 
 house of commons was much richer than the house of lords. 
 
32 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 even employed it as an instrument of their power. Under 
 Henry VIII., Mary, and Elizabeth, juries had showed them- 
 selves complaisant, servile even, but still the institution ex- 
 isted. The towns had preserved their charters, the corpora- 
 tions their franchises. In short, though long strangers to 
 resistance, the commons still possessed the means of resist- 
 ance ; institutions tending to liberty were not half so much 
 wanting as the power and will to make use of them. The 
 power, however, returned to them with the revolution, which 
 communicated such rapid progress to their material greatness. 
 That the will might not be far behindhand, all that was needed 
 was another revolution, which should inspire a moral great- 
 ness, embolden their ambition, elevate their thoughts, make 
 resistance a duty, and dominion a necessity. The Reforma- 
 tion had this effect. 
 
 Proclaimed in England by a despot, the Reformation began 
 there in tyranny ; scarcely born, she persecuted her partisans 
 and her enemies alike. Henry VIII. with one hand raised 
 scaffolds for the catholics, with the other piled up faggots 
 for the protestants who refused to subscribe to the creed, 
 and approve the government which the new church received 
 from him. 
 
 There were, then, from the outset two reformations — that 
 of the king and that of the people : the first unsettled and ser- 
 vile, more attached to temporal interests than to belief, alarmed 
 at the movement which had given it birth, and seeking to bor- 
 row from Catholicism all that in separating from Catholicism 
 it could retain ; the other, spontaneous, ardent, despising 
 worldly considerations, accepting all the consequences of its 
 principles — in a word, a true moral revolution, undertaken in 
 the name and with the ardor of faith. 
 
 United for some time — under queen Mary by common 
 suffering, and at the accession of Elizabeth by common joy — 
 the two reformations could not long fail to separate, and turn 
 against each other. And such was their situation, that poll- 
 tics became necessarily mixed up in their debates. In sepa- 
 rating herself from the independent head of the Catholic 
 church, the Anglican church had lost all its own strength, 
 and no longer held her rights or her power but as of the power 
 and rights of the sovereigns of the state. She was thus bound 
 to the cause of civil despotism, and constrained to profess its 
 
ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 33 
 
 maxims in order to legitimate her own origin, to serve its 
 interests in order to preserve her own. On their part, the 
 nonconformists, in attacking their religious adversaries, found 
 themselves also compelled to attack the temporal sovereign, 
 and in accomplishing the reformation of the church, to assert 
 the liberties of the people. The king had succeeded to the 
 pope ; the Anglican clergy, successors of the Catholic clergy, 
 no longer acted but in the name of the king : throughout, in a 
 dogma, a ceremony, a prayer, the erection of an altar, the 
 fashion of a surplice, the royal will was compromised in com- 
 mon with that of the bishops, the government in common with 
 the discipline and faith. 
 
 In this perilous necessity of a double struggle against the 
 prince and the church, of a simultaneous reformation in reli- 
 gion and state, the nonconformists at first hesitated. Popery, 
 and everything that resembled it, was odious and unlawful in 
 their sight ; but not so, as yet, royal authority, even though 
 despotic. Henry VIII. had begun the reformation, Elizabeth 
 saved it. The boldest puritans hesitated to measure the rights, 
 to prescribe limits to a power to which they owed so much ; 
 and if at intervals individuals made a step towards this holy 
 object, the astonished nation thanked them silently, but did not 
 follow them. 
 
 But something must be done ; reform must either retrograde, 
 or lay its hand too upon government, which alone obstructed 
 its progress. By degrees, men's minds grew more daring ; 
 the force of conscience gave boldness to ideas and designs ; 
 religious creeds required political rights ; people began to in- 
 quire why they did not enjoy them ? who had usurped them ? 
 by what right ? what was the way to regain them ? The 
 obscure citizen, who, lately, at the mere name of Elizabeth, 
 would have bent low in fearful respect, and who, probably, 
 would never have turned towards the throne a bolder look, if 
 in the tyranny of the bishops he had not recognized that of 
 the queen, now sternly interrogated both the one and the other 
 as to their pretensions, when constrained to do so in defence 
 of his faith. It was more particularly among the private gen- 
 try, the freeholders, burghers, and the commonalty, that this 
 feeling of inquiry and resistance in the matter of government, 
 as well as in matter of faith, diffused itself, for it was among 
 them that religious reform was fermenting and making its 
 
M HISTORY OF THE 
 
 way. Less interested about religious creeds, the court and a 
 part of the lower nobility were content with the innovations 
 of Henry VIII. and his successors, and supported the Angli- 
 can church from conviction, indiiference, self-interest, or loy- 
 alty. Less connected with the interests, and at the same 
 time more exposed to the violence of power, the English com- 
 mons thenceforward entirely changed, with reference to roy- 
 alty, their attitude and their ideas. Day by day, their timid- 
 ity lessened, and their ambition grew. The views of the 
 citizen and the freeholder ; even of the peasant, were raised 
 above his condition. He was a Christian ; in his own house, 
 among his friends, he boldly examined the mysteries of divine 
 power ; what terrestrial power then was so exalted that he 
 must abstain from considering it ? In his Bible he read the 
 laws of God ; to obey them, he was forced to resist other 
 laws ; he must needs then ascertain where the latter should 
 stop short. He who seeks to know the limits of a master's 
 rights will soon seek also their origin : the nature of royal 
 power, of all powers, their ancient limits, their recent usur- 
 pations, the conditions and the sources of their legitimacy, 
 became throughout England the subject of examination and 
 conversation : examination, at first timid, and undertaken ra- 
 ther from necessity than choice ; conversation, for a long time 
 secret, and which, even when held, the people were afraid to 
 carry to any length, but which gave greater freedom, and a 
 boldness hitherto unknown to mind. Elizabeth, however 
 popular and respected, felt the effects of this growing disposi- 
 tion,* and rigorously resisted it, but so as not to encounter ac- 
 tual peril. Matters grew much worse under James. Weak 
 and despised, he wished to be thought a despot ; the dogmatic 
 display of his impotent pretensions only provoked fresh dar- 
 ing, which again he irritated without repressing. The popu- 
 lar thought soared high and free — it had no longer any check ; 
 the monarch was an object of ridicule, his favorites, of indig- 
 nation. On the throne, at court, haughty pride was without 
 power, even without effect ; the base corruption to which it 
 resorted, inspired thinking men with profound disgust, and 
 brought the highest rank within the reach of degrading in- 
 sults on the part of the populace. It was no longer the privi- 
 
 See Appendix, No. 1. 
 
ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 85 
 
 lege of lofty minds to look nobility in the face, and measure 
 it coolly : the commonest citizen equally asserted this right. 
 The opposition soon appeared as haughty and more confident 
 than power ; and it was not the opposition of the great barons, 
 of the house of lords, it was that of the house of commons, 
 resolved to take in the state a place, to assume over the go- 
 vernment an influence which it had never attained. Their 
 indifference to the pompous menaces of the prince, their 
 haughty, though respectful language, manifested that every- 
 thing was changed ; that they thought proudly, and were 
 determined to act authoritatively ; and the secret impression 
 of this moral revolution was already so diffused, that, in 1621, 
 when awaiting a committee of the commons, which came to 
 present him with a severe remonstrance, James said, with an 
 irony less painful to himself than it would have been could he 
 have foi'eseen coming events : " Place twelve arm-chairs — I 
 am going to receive twelve kings."* 
 
 And, in fact, it was almost a senate of kings that an abso- 
 lute monarch called around his throne, when Charles I. con- 
 voked the parliament. Neither the prince nor the people, 
 more especially the latter, had as yet clearly ascertained the 
 principle, or measured the compass of their pretensions ; they 
 approached each other, with the design and sincere hope of 
 union, but at bottom disunion was already complete, for both 
 the one and the other thought as sovereigns. 
 
 As soon as the session was opened, the commons began to 
 look closely into every department of government ; external 
 and domestic affairs, negotiation, alliances, the application of 
 past subsidies and of future subsidies, the state of religion, 
 the repression of popery ; nothing appeared to them beyond 
 their cognizance. They complained of the Royal Navy, as 
 affording inadequate protection to English commerce (Aug. 
 11, 1625), of Dr. Montague, the king's chaplain, for defend- 
 ing the Romish church and preaching up passive obedience 
 (7th July). They expected from the king alone the redress 
 of all their grievances, but meantime evinced their determi- 
 nation to interfere in every case by inquiries, petitions, and 
 the expression of their opinion. 
 
 * Rapin's Hist, of England, viii., 183 ; Rennet's Hist, of England, 
 iii., 743. 
 
36 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 They but slightly reproached the government of Charles ; 
 it was only just commencing. Yet so extended and energetic 
 an examination of public affairs appeared to him already an 
 encroachment ; the freedom of speech offended him. One of 
 the court party, Mr. Edward Clarke, essayed a complaint on 
 this head in the house ; " unbecoming and bitter words," he 
 said, " had been made use of." A general cry summoned 
 him to appear at the bar, and explain ; he persisted ; and the 
 house was on the point of expelling him (Aug. 6). 
 
 Their speech, indeed, was sufficiently bold, though in hum- 
 bler terms. " We do not desire, as 5 Henry IV. or 29 Henry 
 VI., the removing from about the king any evil counsellors. 
 We do not request a choice by name, as 14 Edward II., 3, 
 5, 11, Richard II., 8 Henry IV., or 31 Henry VI. ; nor to 
 swear them in parliament, as 35 Edward I., 9 Edward II., or 
 5 Richard II. ; or to line them out their directions of rule, as 
 43 Henry III., and 8 Henry VI. ; or desire that which Henry 
 III. did promise in his 42d year : ' Se acta omnia per assen- 
 sum magnatum de concilio suo electorum, et sine eorum as- 
 sensu nihil.' We only in loyal duty offer up our humble 
 desires, that since his majesty hath, with advised judgment, 
 elected so wise, religious and worthy servants, to attend him 
 in that high employment, he will be pleased to advise with 
 them together, a way of remedy for these disasters in state, 
 brought on by long security and happy peace ; and not be led 
 with young and simple council." Thus spoke (6 Aug.) Sir 
 Robert Cotton, a learned, eloquent, and moderate man ; and 
 the commons, while protesting with him that they had no inten- 
 tion of imitating the boldness of the old parliament, congratu- 
 lated themselves upon hearing it recalled to mind. 
 
 The king grew angry, but did not openly complain. Such 
 language, though disagreeable, did not appear to him as yet 
 dangerous. Besides, he wanted subsidies. The last parlia- 
 ment had ardently demanded war with Spain ; the new one 
 could not refuse to support it. Charles insisted that without 
 delay the means of prosecuting it should be furnished him, 
 promising to redress just grievances. 
 
 But the house no longer trusted to promises, not even to 
 those of a king who had not yet broken any, and whom they 
 esteemed. Princes inherit the faults as. well as the thrones 
 of their predecessors. Charles thought the people should 
 
ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 37 
 
 fear nothing from him, as he had done no ill ; the people, that 
 all the sources of past ills should be extirpated, that nothing 
 might be feared for the future. The commons only gave, at 
 first, a small subsidy, and the customs duties were only voted 
 for a year. This last resolution seemed an insult, and the 
 lords refused to sanction it. Why should the commons, de- 
 manded the court people, place less confidence in the present 
 king than in his predecessors ? They all had the customs 
 duties voted for the continuance of their reign. Yet his 
 majesty had fully exhibited, with a rare sincerity, the state of 
 the finances, refusing no document, no voucher, no explana- 
 tion, that was required. The urgency of the public necessi- 
 ties was evident ; there was little wisdom, thought the lords, 
 in angering so soon, without motive, a young prince who 
 showed himself so inclined to live on good terms with the 
 parliament. 
 
 The commons did not say they would not grant larger sub- 
 sidies ; but they proceeded with the examination of grievan- 
 ces ; resolved, though they did not announce the intention, to 
 obtain first and foremost of all things, their redress. The 
 king was indignant that they should dare to prescribe to him, 
 and suppose that he would yield to force, or permit himself 
 to be set aside. It was a usurpation of that sovereignty 
 which belonged to him alone, and which in no case he would 
 suffer to be brought in question. Parliament was dissolved 
 (Aug. 12). 
 
 Thus, notwithstanding their mutual good will, the prince 
 and the people had only met to disagree ; they separated 
 without either the one or the other side feeling itself weak or 
 believing itself in the wrong, equally certain of the legitimacy 
 of its pretensions, equally resolved to persevere in them. The 
 commons protested that they were devoted to the king, but 
 would not yield up to him their liberties. The king said he 
 respected the liberties of his subjects, but that he would take 
 care to govern by himself, without their interference. And 
 he immediately set about it. Orders from the council to the 
 lord lieutenants of the counties enjoined them to raise by way 
 of loan the money the king wanted. They were to apply for 
 this to the rich citizens in their districts, and to send to the 
 court the names of those who should refuse to lend, or even 
 be tardy in their loans. They calculated at once upon afFec- 
 4 
 
HISTORY OF THE 
 
 tion and upon fear. At the same time, the fleet sailed on an 
 expedition against Cadiz, the bay of which was crowded with 
 richly-freighted vessels. In order, meanwhile, to gratify the 
 people, the clei'gy were directed to proceed against the Catho- 
 lics, who were forbidden to go further than five miles from 
 their place of abode, without previous permission, were ordered 
 to recall from the continent the children whom they had sent 
 there to be educated, and were disarmed. The commons de- 
 manded their own liberties ; they were given, instead, a little 
 tyranny over their enemies. 
 
 This contemptible expedient did not content them : besides, 
 the persecution, even of the Catholics, was equivocal, and mat- 
 ter of suspicion ; the king sold them dispensations, or granted 
 them pardons, under his own hand. The loan brought but 
 little money to the treasury ; the expedition against Cadiz 
 failed ; the public attributed the failure to the unskilfulness 
 of the admiral and the drunkenness of the troops ; the govern- 
 ment was accused of neither knowing how to choose its 
 generals, nor how to regulate the conduct of its soldiers. Six 
 months had scarcely passed, when a second parliament was 
 thought necessary (Feb. 6, 1626). Rancor had not yet 
 taken deep root in the soul of the young king ; and his des- 
 potism was at once self-confident and timid. He thought the 
 commons would be delighted to return so soon ; perhaps he 
 even hoped that the firmness he had shown would render 
 them more docile. He had, moreover, taken measures to 
 keep from parliament the most popular orators. The earl 
 of Bristol, a personal enemy of the duke of Buckingham, 
 received no summons to attend. Sir Edward Coke, Sir Robert 
 Philips, Sir Thomas Wentworth, Sir Francis Seymour,* and 
 others, being named sheriffs of their counties, could not be 
 elected for them. It was not doubted but in their absence 
 the commons would be submissive ; for the people love the 
 king, it was said ; 'tis only a few factious men that lead them 
 astray. 
 
 But the commons, too, had their notion that the king was 
 being led astray, and that to restore him to his people, it was 
 only necessary to remove him from the favorite. The first 
 
 * Seven in all : the three others, of less note, were Sir Grey Palmer, 
 Sir William Fleetwood, and Mr. Edward Alford. 
 
ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 39 
 
 parliament had limited itself to exacting from the throne, by 
 delaying the subsidies, the redress of public grievances. The 
 present resolved to assail, at the very foot of the throne, the 
 author of their grievances. The duke of Buckingham was 
 impeached (Feb. 21). 
 
 The duke was one of those men who seem born to shine in 
 courts, and to displease nations. Handsome, presumptuous, 
 magnificent, frivolous, but daring, sincere and warm in his 
 attachments, open and haughty in his hatreds, alike incapable 
 of virtue or hypocrisy, he governed without political design, 
 troubling himself neither about the interests of the country, 
 nor even those of power, wholly occupied with his own great- 
 ness and with exhibiting, in dazzling display, his co-royalty. 
 On one occasion he had endeavored to render himself popular, 
 and had succeeded : the rupture of the intended marriage of 
 Charles with the infanta was his work. But public favor 
 was, with him, only a means of obtaining ascendency over 
 the king, so that when public favor quitted him, he scarcely 
 observed its loss, so full of proud joy was he at retaining over 
 Charles the influence he had insolently exercised over James I. 
 He had no talent whereby to support his ambition ; frivolous 
 passions were the sole aim of his intrigues ; to seduce a woman, 
 to ruin a rival, he compromised with arrogant carelessness, 
 now the king, now the country. The empire of such a man 
 seemed to a people becoming, day by day, more grave and 
 serious, an insult as well as a calamity ; and the duke con- 
 tinned to usurp the highest offices of the state,* without appear- 
 ing, even in the eyes of the populace, anything better than an 
 upstart without glory — a daring and incapable favorite. 
 
 The attack of the commons was violent : it was difficult to 
 prove against Buckingham any legal crime ; the house re- 
 solved (Apr. 22), that public report alone was sufficient 
 
 * He was duke, marquis, and earl of Buckingham, earl of Coventry, 
 viscount Villiers, baron of Whaddon, lord high admiral of England and 
 Ireland, governor-general of the seas and navy, master of the horse, 
 lieutenant-general-admiral, commander-in-chief, warden of the cinque 
 ports, governor of Dover castle, keeper of the royal forests south of 
 Trent, lord high keeper, high stew^ard of Westminster, constable of 
 Windsor castle, gentleman of the bedchamber, knight of the garter, 
 privy councillor, &c. The royal domains he had managed to have 
 given him were valued at 284,395/., &c. — Brodie, Hist, of the British 
 Empire, &c., ii., 122. 
 
40 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 ground on which to proceed ; and it collected together all the 
 leading charges adduced by general rumor.* The duke 
 repelled them — most of them, at all events — satisfactorily, 
 but without any advantage to himself. It was misgovernment 
 that the commons wished to reform. Innocent of theft, mur- 
 der, or treason, Buckingham was not less pernicious. The 
 boldness of the commons gave courage to court enmities. 
 The earl of Bristol, in March, 1626, complained of not having 
 been summoned to parliament. j" Buckingham, who feared, 
 wished to keep him at a distance. The lords acknowledged 
 the earl's right, and Charles sent him a summons, but accom- 
 panied it with an oi'der to remain on his estates. The earl 
 appealed a second time to the house of lords, beseeching them 
 to examine whether the liberties of all the peers of the realm 
 did not require that he should come and take his seat. The 
 king immediately impeached him of high treason (May 1).:}: 
 In self-defence, Bristol, in his turn, impeached Buckingham ;§ 
 and Charles saw his favorite pursued at once by the I'epresen- 
 tatives of the people and by an old courtier. 
 
 It was a step at once endangering his power, and deeply 
 offensive to his pride. They had not been able to convict 
 Buckingham of any crime : this blow, then, was aimed at his 
 minister and his friend. He said to the commons : " I must 
 let you know, that I will not allow any of my servants to be 
 questioned amongst you, much less such as are of eminent 
 place and near unto me. The old question was, ' What shall 
 be done to the man whom the king will honor V But now it 
 hath been the labor of some to seek what may be done against 
 him whom the king thinks fit to honor. I see you specially 
 aim at the duke of Buckingham ; I wonder what hath so 
 altered your affections towards him. I do well remember, 
 that in the last parliament, in my father's time, when he was 
 the instrument to break the treaties, all of you (and yet I 
 cannot say all, for I know some of you are changed, but yet 
 the house of commons is always the same) did so much honor 
 and respect him, that all the honor conferred on him was too 
 little ; and what he hath done since to alter and change 
 your minds, I wot not ; but can assure you he hath not med- 
 dled, or done anything concerning the public or commonwealth, 
 
 * Pari. Hist, ii., 32. f lb-, 72. f II)., 79. § lb., 86. 
 
ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 41 
 
 but by special directions and appointment, and as my servant ; 
 and is so far from gaining or improving his estate thereby, 
 that I verily think he hath rather impaired the same. I wish 
 you would hasten my supply, or else it will be worse for. 
 yourselves ; for if any ill happen, I think I shall be the last 
 that shall feel it."* At the same time, he forbade the judges 
 to answer the questions which the upper house had submitted 
 to them upon a point in the earl of Bristol's']" case, fearing 
 their answer would be in that nobleman's favor. 
 
 The judges were silent ; but the commons did not desist. 
 Eight of its members were appointed to support, in a confer- 
 ence with the upper house, the impeachment of Buckingham 
 (May 3).:}: As soon as the conference was over, the king caused 
 two of the commissioners, sir Dudley Digges and sir John Eliot, 
 to be sent to the Tower for insolence of speech^ (May 11). 
 The incensed commons declared they would do nothing till 
 these gentlemen were set at liberty. || In vain the friends of 
 the court sought to frighten them as to the fate of parliament 
 itself IT (May 13) ; their threats only appeared an insult, and 
 they were fain to offer to the house an apology for having in- 
 sinuated that the king might very likely be tempted to govern 
 alone, like the princes on the continent. The two prisoners 
 speedily quitted the Tower. 
 
 On its part, the lords demanded also that lord Arundel, 
 whom the king had caused to be arrested during the sitting 
 of Parliament, should be set at liberty, and Charles here, in 
 like manner, gave way** (June 8). 
 
 Wearied of seeing himself defeated by adversaries whom he 
 had himself called together and could disperse, after trying the 
 effect of various overtures of civility which were always receiv- 
 ed with great delight, but which, meaning nothing, prevented 
 nothing, hearing that the commons were preparing a general 
 remonstrance, Charles resolved to relieve himself from a position 
 that humiliated him in the eyes of Europe and in his own. A 
 rumor went abroad that Parliament was about to be dis- 
 solved. The upper house, which began to seek popular 
 
 * Pari. Hist., ii., 49. t Ibid., 106. 
 
 f Journals, Commons. They were, sir Dudley Digges, Mr. Herbert, 
 Mr. Selden, Mr. Glanville, Mr. Pym, Mr. Whitby, Mr. Wandesford, 
 and sir John Eliot. 
 
 § P. Hist, ii., 103. II lb., 119. IT lb., 120. ** lb., 132. 
 
 4* 
 
42 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 favor, hastened to address a petition to the king to dissuade 
 him from this design ; and all the peers accompanied the com- 
 mittee charged with its presentation. " No, not a minute !" 
 exclaimed Charles. The dissolution was immediately de- 
 clared* (June 15), and a royal proclamation explained the 
 reasons for it. The projected remonstrance of the commons 
 was publicly burnt, and whoever possessed a copy of it, was 
 ordered to burn it also.f Lord Arundel was placed under 
 arrest in his own house, Bristol in the Tower ;:{: the duke of 
 Buckingham thought himself saved, and Charles felt himself 
 a king. 
 
 His joy was as short as his foresight : absolute power has 
 also its necessities. Engaged in a ruinous war against Spain 
 and Austria, Charles had not at his disposal an army which 
 he could employ in conquering at the same time his enemies 
 and his subjects. Few and badly disciplined, his troops were 
 exceedingly expensive ; puritanism reigned in the navy ; he 
 dared not trust the militia, far more under the influence of 
 the citizens and country gentlemen than the king. He had 
 removed adversaries, but not embarrassments and obstacles ; 
 and the insane pride of Buckingham now created new troubles. 
 To avenge himself on the cardinal de Richelieu, who had 
 prevented him from returning to Paris, to follow up his daring 
 success with Anne of Austria, he induced his master to enter 
 into a war with France. The interests of protestantism served 
 as a pretext ; it was essential to save Rochelle, then under 
 siege, or the French protestants would be lost. It was hoped 
 that, for this cause, the people would passionately arm them- 
 selves ; or, at least, would suffer themselves to be oppressed 
 without resistance. 
 
 A general loan was ordered, of the same amount as the 
 subsidies which parliament had promised, but not voted. The 
 commissioners were enjoined to interrogate the refractory as 
 to the grounds of their refusal, to learn who had persuaded 
 them, by what arguments, with what design. This was at 
 once an attack upon property and an inquisition into opinion. 
 Several regiments were spread over different counties, and 
 quartered upon the inhabitants. The seaports and maritime 
 districts received orders to furnish vessels armed and equipped, 
 
 * P. Hist, ii., 193 \ lb., 207. | lb., 193. 
 
ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 43 
 
 the first attempt at ship-money. Twenty were demanded from 
 the city of London ; the corporation replied, that to repel the 
 armada of Philip II., queen Elizabeth had required fewer: the 
 answer to this was, that " the precedents in former times were 
 obedience and not direction."* 
 
 To justify this language, the doctrine of passive obedience 
 was ordered to be everywhere preached up. The archbishop 
 of Canterbury, George Abbot, a popular prelate, refused to 
 license the sale in his diocese of a sermon (by Dr. Sibthorp) 
 in support of absolute power ; he was suspended, and relegated 
 to Canterbury. -j- 
 
 It soon appeared that too much had been presumed on the 
 passions of the people ; they did not permit themselves to be 
 persuaded to forget their liberty for the sake of their creed. 
 Besides, they distrusted the sincerity of this new zeal ; leave 
 them free, let a parliament be called, they would lend their 
 reformed brethren on the continent much more solid aid. 
 Many citizens refused to contribute to the loan ; some, obscure 
 and powerless, were pressed into the fleet or army ; others 
 were cast into prison, or charged with distant missions which 
 they were not in a position to reject. Discontent, though as 
 yet not breaking out into sedition, did not confine itself to 
 murmurs only. Five gentlemen, detained in custody by an 
 order in council, claimed of the court of king's bench, as the 
 inherent right of every Englishman, to be discharged on bail.ij: 
 An imperious king and an irritated nation alike pressed the 
 case on to judgment. The king required of the judges to 
 declare, as a principle, that no man arrested by his orders 
 should be admitted to bail ; the people demanded to know 
 whether all security was withheld from the defenders of their 
 liberties ? The court of justice rejected the application (Nov. 
 28, 1627), and sent the parties back to prison ; but without 
 laying down the general principle the king desired : already, 
 struck with a double fear, the magistrates dared not show 
 themselves either servile or just ; and, to obviate as they best 
 
 * Whitelocke, Memorial of English Affairs (London, 1682), p. 7. 
 
 fib., p. 8. 
 
 j Their names were, sir Thomas Darnel, sir John Corbet, sir Walter 
 Earl, sir John Heveningham, and sir Ed%vard Hampden (Rushworth, 
 Historical Collections, London, 1659 ; i., 458). This last must not be 
 mistaken for his cousin, John Hampden, afterwards so celebrated. 
 
44 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 might the dilemma, they refused to despotism their consent, 
 to liberty their aid. 
 
 In their jealous ardor to maintain all their rights, the people 
 took under their protection even the soldiers who served as the 
 instruments of tyranny. In every direction, complaints were 
 raised of the excesses of these men : to repress them, martial 
 law was enforced. The people took it ill that so arbitrary a 
 power should be exercised without the sanction of parliament, 
 and that Englishmen, soldiers or otherwise, whether employed 
 in persecuting or in protecting their fellow-citizens, should be 
 deprived of the security of the law. 
 
 In the midst of this irritation, as yet impotent, but more and 
 more aggressive, news came that the expedition sent to the 
 succor of Rochelle, and which Buckingham commanded in 
 person, had failed (Oct. 28). The unskilfulness of the general 
 had caused this failure ; he had neither been able to take the 
 isle of Re, nor to re-embark without losing the best of his 
 troops, officers and soldiers. It was long since England had 
 paid so dear for so much disgrace.* In country and town, a 
 multitude of families, beloved and respected by the people, 
 were in mourning. The indignation was universal. The 
 laborer left his fields, the apprentice his shop, to see whether 
 his employer, gentleman or citizen, had not lost a brother, or 
 son ; and returned, cursing Buckingham, and accusing the 
 king, to relate to his neighbors the disasters he had heard 
 described, the general sorrow he had witnessed. Losses of 
 another kind came to embitter men's minds ; the enemy's 
 navy harassed and interrupted English commerce ; its 
 vessels remained in port ; the unemployed sailors talked over 
 the reverses of the royal navy, and the causes of their own 
 inaction. From day to day, the gentry, the citizens, the 
 populace, became more closely united in one common resent- 
 ment. 
 
 Buckingham, on his return, notwithstanding his arrogance, 
 felt the weight of public hatred and the necessity of saving 
 himself from it ; besides which, some expedient must be found, 
 to remove these embarrassments, to procure money. In the 
 way of tyrannical force, all that could be done or thought of 
 
 * The disaster is painted with a great deal of energy in a letter from 
 HoUis to sir Thomas Wentworth, of the 19th of November, 1627. 
 Strafford's Letters and Despatches (London, 1739), i., 44. 
 
ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 45 
 
 had been exhausted. Sir Robert Cotton, as the mildest of 
 the popular party, was called in to council the king. He 
 spoke with wisdom and frankness, insisted on the just griev- 
 ances of the nation, on the necessity of redressing them in 
 order to obtain its support, and recalled the words of Lord 
 Burleigh to queen Elizabeth : " Win their hearts, and you 
 may have their hands and purses."* He advised the calling 
 a fresh parliament, and to reconcile the duke of Buckingham 
 with the public, it was agreed, that in the council where this 
 resolution should be officially adopted, its proposition should 
 proceed from him. The king acceded to sir Robert's sug- 
 gestion. 
 
 The prisons were thrown open ;f men who had been cast 
 into them for their resistance to tyranny were suddenly re- 
 leased — insulted yesterday, powerful to-day. The public 
 received them with transport; twenty-seven of them were 
 elected. Parliament met (March 17, 1628). " Every man," 
 said the king, at the opening of the session, " must now do ac- 
 cording to his conscience, wherefore if you (which God forbid) 
 should not do your duties in contributing what the state at this 
 time needs, I must, in discharge of my conscience, use those 
 other means, which God hath put into my hands, to save that 
 which the follies of some particular men may otherwise hazard 
 to lose. Take not this as a threatening (for I scorn to threaten 
 any but my equals), but an admonition froin him that, both 
 out of nature and duty, hath most care of your preservation 
 and prosperities.":]: The lord-keeper speaking after the king, 
 added : " This mode (of supply), as his majesty hath told you, 
 he hath chosen, not as the only way, but as the fittest ; not as 
 destitute of others, but as most agreeable to the goodness of his 
 own most gracious disposition, and to the desire and weal of 
 his people. If this be deferred, necessity and the sword of the 
 enemy will make way to the others. Remember his majesty's 
 admonition ; I say, remember it."§ 
 
 Thus Charles sought by his language to disguise his situa- 
 tion : a haughty solicitor, sinking under the weight of his faults 
 and failures, he made a threatening display of independent 
 
 * Pari. Hist, ii., 212. 
 
 t Seventy-eight prisoners were at that time released. Rushworth, 
 i.,473. 
 
 X Pari. Hist., ii., 21S. § lb. 221. 
 
46 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 majesty, absolute, superior to all faults, all reverses. He was 
 so infatuated with this idea, that it never entered into his con- 
 ception, that his state was liable to injury ; and full of genuine 
 pride, he thought it due to his honor, to his rank, to reserve to 
 himself the rights, and not to depart from the language of 
 tyranny, even while appealing for the aid of liberty. 
 
 The commons were not at all disturbed at his threats ; 
 thoughts no less proud, no less inflexible than his own, filled 
 their souls. They were resolved solemnly to proclaim their 
 liberties, to compel power to acknowledge them original and 
 independent, no longer to suffer that any right should pass for 
 a concession, any abuse for a right. Neither leaders nor 
 soldiers were wanting for this great design. The whole nation 
 pressed round the parliament. Within its walls, talented and 
 daring men advised together for the national good. Sir Ed- 
 ward Coke, the glory of the Bench, no less illustrious for his 
 firmness than for his learning* sir Thomas Wentworth,-j- 
 afterwards earl of Strafford, young, ardent, eloquent, born to 
 command, and whose ambition was then satisfied with the ad- 
 miration of his country ; Denzil HoUis,:}: the younger son of 
 lord Clare, companion in childhood of Charles, but the sincere 
 friend of liberty, and too proud to serve under a favorite ; Pym, 
 a learned lawyer, especially versed in the knowledge of the 
 rights and customs of parliament,§ a cool and daring man, of 
 a character fitted to act as the cautious leader of popular pas- 
 sions, with many others, destined at a future period, of which 
 none of them had the slightest idea, for such various fortunes, 
 to be the adherents of such utterly opposed parties, yet now 
 united by common principles and common aspirations. To this 
 formidable coalition the court could only oppose the power of 
 habit, the capricious temerity of Buckingham, and the haughty 
 obstinacy of the king. 
 
 The first intercourse of the prince and the parliament was 
 friendly. Notwithstanding his menacing attitude, Charles felt 
 that he must give way ; and, while determined to regain all 
 their rights, the commons had the full intention of showing 
 their devotedness to him. Charles was not offended by their 
 
 * Born at Mileham, Norfolk, 1549 ; he was then 78 years of age. 
 t Born in London, April 13, 1593 ; he was then 35 years of age. 
 X Born in 1597, at Houghton, Nottinghamshire ; he was then 31 
 years old. 
 
 § Born in 15S4, in Somersetshire ; he was then 44 years old. 
 
ENGLISH EEVOLXJTION. 47 
 
 freedom of speech ; and the speeches were as loyal as they 
 were free. " I humbly beseech this house," said sir B. Rud- 
 yard* (March 22), " to be curiously wary and careful to avoid 
 all manner of contestation, personal or real. The hearts of 
 kings are great, as are their fortunes ; then are they fitted to 
 yield when they are yielded unto. It is comely and mannerly 
 that princes, in all fair appearance, should have the better of 
 their subjects. Let us give the king a way to come off like 
 himself; for I do verily believe, that he doth with longing ex- 
 pect the occasion. The way to show we are the wise coun- 
 cillors we should be, is to take a right course to attain the end 
 of our councils, which, in my opinion, may by this means be 
 compassed ; by trusting the king, thereby to breed a trust in 
 him towards us." All were not equally animated by these 
 peaceful ideas ; there were some sterner minds, which antici- 
 pated less fearful evils from a fresh rupture, and better appre- 
 ciated the incurable nature of absolute power. All, however, 
 showed themselves animated with the same wishes ; and the 
 house, taking into consideratk)n, on equal terms, the grievances 
 of the people and the wants of the throne, after a fortnight's 
 session, unanimously voted (April 14) a considerable subsidy, 
 but without passing the vote into a law. 
 
 Charles's joy was extreme ; he forthwith assembled the 
 council, and informing it of the vote of the house : " I liked 
 parliaments, at first," said he, " yet since, I know not how, I 
 have grown to a distaste of them ; but now I am where I was 
 before ; I love them, and shall rejoice to meet with my people 
 often. This day I have gained more reputation in Christen- 
 dom than if I had won many battles." The same joy was 
 displayed by the council ; Buckingham thought he must, as 
 well as Charles, emphatically express his gratification ; he 
 felicitated the king on so happy a concord with Parliament. 
 " This," said he, "is not a gift of five subsidies alone, but the 
 opening of a mine of subsidies, that lieth in their hearts. And 
 now to open my heart and to ease my grief, please you to par- 
 don me a word more : I must confess I have long lived in pain ; 
 sleep hath given me no rest — favors, fortunes no content, such 
 have been my secret sorrows, to be thought the man of sepa- 
 ration, that divided the king from his people, and them from 
 
 • Pari. Hist, ii.,235. 
 
48 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 him ; but I hope it shall appear they were some mistaken 
 minds that would have made me the evil spirit that walketh 
 between a good master and loyal people, by ill offices * where- 
 as, by your majesty's favor, I shall ever endeavor to prove 
 myself a good spirit, breathing nothing but the best services to 
 them all."* 
 
 The secretary of state, Cooke, reported (April 7) to the house 
 the king's satisfaction, and the favor that in all things he was 
 ready to show to parliament. The commons congratulated 
 themselves on this ; but Cooke, with the short-sighted meanness 
 of a courtier, also spoke of the duke of Buckingham, and his 
 speech in the council : the house was offended. " Is it that any 
 man," said sir John Eliot, " conceives the mention of others, of 
 what quality soever, can add encouragement or affection to us 
 in our duties and loyalties towards his Majesty, or give them 
 greater latitude or extent than naturally they have ; or is it to 
 be supposed that the power or interest of any man can add 
 more readiness to his majesty than this gracious inclination 
 towards us gives him 1 I cannot believe it. I shall readily 
 commend, nay, thank that man, whose endeavors are applied 
 to such offices as may be advantageable for the public ; yet, 
 in this manner, so contrary to the customs of our fathers, and 
 the honor of our times, as I cannot without scandal, apprehend 
 it, so I cannot, without some character of exception, pass it ; 
 and therefore I desire that such interposition may be let alone. 
 Now let us proceed to those services that concern him, which, 
 I doubt not, in the end, will render us so real unto him, that 
 we shall need no other help to endear us to his favor. "f 
 
 This just pride appeared to Charles insolence, to Bucking- 
 ham a clear symptom of new perils ; but neither the one nor 
 the other said anything on the subject, and the house pui'sued 
 its work. 
 
 It had entered into a conference with the upper house to de- 
 termine in concert the just rights of subjects, and to claim a 
 new and solemn sanction of them from the princ.e (April 3). 
 Charles, informed of the designs which the commissioners of 
 the commons manifested in these conferences, took great um- 
 brage. He had the house exhorted to hasten the definitive 
 vote of the subsidies, and his minister added:]: (April 12), "1 
 
 * Pari. Hist,, ii., 274. t lb., 275. J lb., 278. 
 
ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 49 
 
 must with some grief tell you, that notice is taken, as if this 
 house press, not only upon the abuses of power, but upon power 
 itself: this toucheth the king, and us who are supported by 
 that power. Let the king hear of any abuses of power, he 
 will willingly hear us ; and let us not bend oursel'ves against 
 the extension of his royal power, but contain ourselves within 
 those bounds, that we meddle only with pressures and abuses 
 of power, and we shall have the best satisfaction that ever 
 king gave." 
 
 On their part, the peers, servile or timid, persuaded the 
 commons to content themselves with requiring from the king 
 a declaration, to the effect, that the great charter, with the 
 statutes confirming it, were in full force, that the liberties of 
 the English people also were in force, as in times past, and 
 that the king would make use of the prerogatives inherent in 
 his sovereign power, only for the benefit of his subjects 
 (April 23).* 
 
 The king assembled both houses in a solemn sitting, de- 
 clared that he regarded the great charter as inviolate, the 
 ancient statutes as inviolable, and called upon them to rely, 
 for the maintenance of their rights, on his royal word, in which, 
 he said, they would find more security than any new law 
 could give them (April 28). f 
 
 The commons did not allow themselves to be either intimi- 
 dated or seduced ; the recent abuses had braved the power, 
 altogether surpassing the foresight of the old laws ; there 
 must be new, explicit guarantees, invested with the sanction 
 of the whole parliament. It was doing nothing to have 
 vaguely renewed promises, so often broken, statutes so long 
 forgotten. Without wasting m.any words about the matter, 
 respectful, but inflexible, the house drew up the famous bill, 
 known under the name of the ' Petition of Rights,' adopted 
 it, and transmitted it to the upper house for its assent 
 (May 8). 
 
 The lords had nothing to say against a bill which conse- 
 crated acknowledged liberties, or repressed abuses universally 
 condemned. But the king returned to the charge, again de- 
 manding that they should rely on his word, and offering to 
 confirm, by a new bill, the great charter and the ancient 
 
 • Pari. Hist., ii., 329. t lb., 33? 
 
 5 
 
50 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 statutes ; addressing advice upon advice to the peers, to the 
 commons message upon message; deeply irritated, but cautious 
 and mild in his speech, proclaiming his firm resolution neither 
 to suffer any restriction in any of his rights, nor to abuse 
 those which he enjoyed. 
 
 The perplexity of the peers was great. How secure the 
 liberties of the people, without depriving the king of absolute 
 power 1 for such was the question. They tried an amend- 
 ment : the bill was adopted with this addition : " We humbly 
 present this petition to your majesty, not only with a care of 
 preserving our own liberties, but with due regard to leave 
 entire that sovereign power wherewith your majesty is trusted 
 for the protection, safety, and happiness of your people " 
 (May 17).* 
 
 When the bill thus amended came back to the commons : 
 " Let us look unto the records," said Mr. Alford, " and see 
 what they are : what is ' sovereign power V Bodin saith, that 
 it is free from any conditions. By this we shall acknowledge 
 a regal as well as a legal power ; let us give that to the king 
 the law gives him, and no more." " I am not able," said Pym, 
 " to speak to this question, for I know not what it is. All our 
 petition is for the laws of England ; and this power seems to be 
 another distinct power from the power of the law, I know 
 how to add ' sovereign ' to the king's person, but not to his 
 power ; and we cannot leave to him a ' sovereign power,' for 
 we never were possessed of it." " If we do admit of this 
 addition," said Sir Thomas Wentworth, " we shall leave the 
 subject worse than we found him. Our laws are not ac- 
 qainted with ' sovereign power' " (May 17). f 
 
 The commons kept their ground ; the public becam.e more 
 and more pressing ; the peers, not bold enough to demand 
 liberty openly, were not bold enough either to sanction 
 tyranny. They withdrew their amendment out of regard 
 for them ; an unmeaning phrase was substituted for it, and 
 the petition of rights, adopted by both houses, was solemnly 
 presented to the king, who, conquered himself, at last promised 
 to receive it (May 28). 
 
 His answer (June 2) was vague, evasive ;+ he did not 
 sanction the bill, and only repeated what the house had re» 
 fuse4 to be content with. 
 
 ♦ Pari. Hii3t., ii., 355. f lb. $ lb., 374. 
 
ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 51 
 
 Victory seemed gliding away from the commons ; on meet- 
 ing next day, they renewed the attack (June 3).* Sir John 
 Eliot passionately recapitulated all the national grievances ; the 
 usher had orders to remain at the door, to see that no member 
 went out, under pain of being sent to the Tower. It was re- 
 solved that a general remonstrance should be presented to the 
 king ; the committee of subsidies was" charged with the draw- 
 ing it up. 
 
 At this point, fear came over some of the members, that 
 legitimate fear which arises at the prospect of mighty convul- 
 sion, and without asking who is in the right, or what is to be 
 done, calls out to pause, when its party begins to rush forward 
 with what it deems precipitate passion. Sir John Eliot was 
 charged with being actuated by personal enmity ; sir Thomas 
 Wentworth, with imprudence ; sir Edward Coke, they said, 
 had always been obstinate and intractable. f The king thought 
 this state of things might give him a respite, if not the means 
 of fully recovering his ground. He forbade the house hence- 
 forth to meddle with afiairs of state (June 5)4 
 
 The whole house was in a consternation ; this was too 
 much, an insult in the opinion of even the most moderate. 
 All were silent : " Our sins are so exceeding great," at 
 length said sir John Eliot, "that unless we speedily 
 turn to God, God will remove himself further from us ; ye 
 know with what affection and integrity we have proceeded 
 hitherto to have gained his majesty's heart ! I doubt a mis- 
 representation to his majesty hath drawn this mark of his 
 displeasure upon us. It is said also, as if we cast some asper- 
 sions on his majesty's ministers ; I am confident no minister, 
 how dear soever, can " 
 
 At these words, the speaker suddenly rose from his chair, 
 and said, with tears in his eyes, " There is a command laid 
 upon me to interrupt any that should go about to lay an 
 aspersion on the ministers of state." Upon this sir John sat 
 down. 
 
 Sir Dudley Digges said, " Unless we may speak of these 
 things in parliament, let us arise and be gone, or stit still and 
 do nothing." Hereupon there was a deep silence in the house, 
 which was broken by 
 
 * Pari. Hist, ii., 3S0. t lb., 385. I lb., 401. 
 
52 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 Sir Nathaniel Rich; "We must now speak, or for ever 
 hold our peace," said he ; " for us to be silent when king and 
 kingdom are in this calamity is not fit. The question is, 
 shall we secure ourselves by silence ; yea or nay ? I know it 
 is more for our own security, but it is not for the security of 
 those whom we serve. Let us think on them : some instru- 
 ments desire a change ; we fear his majesty's safety and the 
 safety of the kingdom. Shall Ave sit still and do nothing, 
 and so be scattered. Let us go to the lords and show our 
 dangers, that we may then go to the king together, with our 
 representations thereof." 
 
 Suddenly the house passed from stupor to rage. All 
 the members rose, all spoke at once, amidst utter confusion. 
 " The king," said Mr. Kirton, " is as good a prince as ever 
 reigned ; it is the enemies to the commonwealth that have 
 so prevailed with him ; therefore let us aim now to discover 
 them ; and I doubt not but God will send us hearts, hands, 
 and swords, to cut all his and our enemies' throats." — " It is 
 not the king," answered old Coke, " but the duke (a great 
 cry of, " 'Tis he, 'tis he ! " was shouted on all sides) that 
 saith, ' We require you not to meddle with state government, 
 or the ministers thereof.' "* The speaker had left his chair ; 
 disorder increased, and no one attempted to calm it, for the 
 most prudent men had nothing to say : anger is sometimes 
 legitimate, even in the eyes of those who never get into a 
 passion themselves. 
 
 While the house, a prey to this tumult, was meditating 
 the most violent resolutions, the speaker went out secretly, 
 and hastened to inform the king of his imminent peril. f 
 Fear passed from the house to the court. The next day a 
 milder message was sent, in explanation of the one which had 
 caused such irritation ::}: but words were not enough. The 
 commons remained much agitated ; they discussed the sub- 
 ject of the German troops, already levied by Buckingham, 
 and who were shortly to disembark ; one member affirmed 
 that, the evening before, twelve German officers had arrived 
 in London, and that two English vessels had received orders 
 to bring over the soldiers. § The subsidies were still in 
 suspense. Charles and his favorite feared longer to brave 
 
 * Pari. Hist., ii.,403. f lb. % lb., 406. § lb., 408. 
 
ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 53 
 
 an opposition daily more powerful. They made no doubt 
 that the full sanction of the petition of rights would suffice to 
 calm everything. The king went to the house of lords, 
 where the commons were also assembled (7 June). They 
 had been mistaken, he said, in supposing that in his first 
 answer there was any by-view, and he was ready to give one 
 that would dissipate all suspicion. The petition was read 
 anew, and Charles answered by the usual form — " Soit fait 
 droit comme il est desire." 
 
 The commons returned triumphant ; they had at last 
 achieved the solemn acknowledgment of the liberties of the 
 English people. To .this all publicity must be given ; it 
 was resolved that the petition of rights, printed with the 
 king's last answer, should be diffused all over the country, 
 and enrolled, not only in both houses, but also in the courts 
 of Westminster. The bill of subsidies was definitively 
 adopted. Charles thought his trials were over : " I have done 
 my part," said he ; " wherefore if this parliament hath not a 
 happy conclusion, the sin is yours ; I am free of it."* 
 
 But an old evil is not so soon cured, and the ambition of 
 an irritated nation is not appeased with a first success. The 
 passing of the bill of rights was evidently not sufficient. The 
 reform of principles only was accomplished ; this was nothing 
 without reform in practice ; and to secure this, there must be 
 a reform of the king's council. Now Buckingham still kept 
 his position, and the king continued to levy the customs duties 
 without the sanction of parliament. Enlightened by experi- 
 ence as to the danger of delay, blinded by passion as to that 
 of too abrupt and too harsh demands, pride and hatred com- 
 bining with the instinct of necessity, the commons resolved to 
 deal without delay the last blows. In a week two new re- 
 monstrances were drawn up, one against the duke, the other 
 to establish that tonnage and poundage, like other taxes, might 
 only be levied by law (13 and 21 June).']" 
 
 The king lost all patience, and, resolved to give himself at 
 least some respite, he went to the house of lords, had the com- 
 mons summoned, and prorogued the parliament (June 26). 
 
 Two months afterwards, the duke of Buckingham was 
 murdered (Aug. 23). Sewn up in the hat of Felton, his as- 
 
 *Parl. Hist., ii., 409. jlh., 420, 431. 
 
 5* 
 
54 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 sassin, was found a paper, in which the last remonstrance 
 of the house was referred to.* Felton did not fly, or 
 defend himself; he merely said that he regai'ded the duke as 
 the enemy of the kingdom, shook his head when spoken to 
 about accomplices, and died with composure, confessing, how- 
 ever, that he had done wrong. f 
 
 Charles was greatly disturbed at the murder, and indignant 
 at the joy which the multitude manifested at it. Upon the 
 close of the session, he had endeavored to gratify the public 
 feeling, by restraining the preachers of passive obedience, and 
 especially by severities against the papists, the scape-goats of 
 every reconciliation between the prince and the country. 
 The assassination of Buckingham, in which the people saw 
 their deliverance, threw the king back into tyranny. He re- 
 stored his favor to the adversaries of parliament : Dr. Mon- 
 tague, whom the commons had prosecuted, was promoted to 
 the bishopric of Chichester ; Dr. Mainwaring, whom the 
 house of lords had condemned, received a rich benefice ; 
 bishop Laud,:j; already famous for passionate devotion to the 
 principle of high power in king and church, passed to the 
 see of London. The king's public conduct corresponded with 
 these court favors : tonnage and poundage were levied with 
 rigor ; and the irregular tribunals continued to suspend the 
 course of law. Returned thus noiselessly to the path of 
 despotism, Charles had now somewhat more prospect of suc- 
 cess than before : he had detached from the popular party 
 the most brilliant of its leaders, the most eloquent of its 
 orators. Sir Thomas Wentworth, created a baron, entered 
 the privy council, despite the reproaches, nay, the threats, of 
 his former friends : " I shall meet you in Westminster Hall," 
 said Pym to him, bidding him adieu at their last friendly 
 interview ; but Wentworth, ambitious and haughty, dashed 
 passionately on towards greatness, far from foreseeing how 
 odious, how fatal, he would one day be to liberty. Other de- 
 fections followed his ;§ and Charles, surrounded with new 
 councillors, more staid, more able, less decried than Buck- 
 ingham, saw without apprehension the approach of the second 
 session of parliament (20 Jan., 1629). 
 
 * Appendix No. II. f Clarendon, i., 53 ; State Trials, iii., 371. 
 t Born at Readins;, 1573. He was at this time bishop of Bath and 
 Wells. 
 
 § Sir Dudley Digges, Sir Edw. Lyttleton, Noy, Wandesford, &c 
 
ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 56 
 
 The commons had scarcely assembled before they proceed- 
 ed to ascertain what effect had been given to the bill of rights 
 (21 Jan.). They learned that instead of the king's second 
 answer, it was the first, the evasive and rejected one, which 
 had been added to it. Norton, the king's printer, owned that 
 the very day after the prorogation, he had received orders 
 thus to alter the legal text, and to suppress all the copies 
 which contained the true answer^ that of which Charles had 
 boasted, when he said, " I have done my part ; I am free of 
 it." 
 
 The commons sent for the papers, verified the fact of the 
 alteration, and said no more about it, as if ashamed to expose 
 too publicly so gross a violation of faith : but their silence did 
 not promise oblivion.* 
 
 All the attacks were renewed against the toleration of pa- 
 pists, the favor granted to false doctrines, the depravation of 
 morals, the ill distribution of dignities and employments, the 
 proceedings of the irregular courts, the contempt of the liber- 
 ties of subjects.'!" 
 
 So great was the excitement of the house, that one day it 
 listened in silence and with favor to a man new to them, badly 
 dressed, of a common appearance, who, addressing them for 
 the first time, denounced, in furious and very indifferent lan- 
 guage, the indulgence of a bishop to some obscure preacher, 
 a rank papist, as he called him. This man was Oliver Crom- 
 well:]: (Feb. 11). 
 
 Charles essayed in vain to wrest from the commons the con- 
 cession of the tonnage and poundage duties, the only object for 
 which he had assembled them. He employed new threats, 
 new persuasions, admitting, that he held these taxes, like all 
 others, of the pure gift of his people, and that to parliament 
 alone it belonged to establish them, but insisted, at the same 
 time, that they should be granted him for the whole of his 
 reign, as they had been to most of his predecessors. § The 
 commons were inflexible ; this was the only weapon of de- 
 fence against absolute power which remained to them. With 
 one excuse after another they persevered in delay, and daily 
 set forth their grievances, but without any exact aim, without 
 
 * Pari. Hist, ii., 435. t lb., 438, 466, 473. 
 
 J lb., 464 : Memoirs of Warwick, 247. § Pari. Hist., ii., 442. 
 
56 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 putting forward, as in the preceding session, any clear and 
 precise propositions, for they were all this time a prey to vio- 
 lent but vague agitations, disturbed with the sensation of an 
 evil they knew not how to cure. The king grew impatient ; 
 they refused his demand without proffering any of their own, 
 without laying any application before him, which he might 
 reject or sanction ; it had, he felt, an air of pure malevolence, 
 of being a mere plan for impeding his government. Mention 
 was made that he intended to prorogue parliament. Sir John 
 Eliot at once (March 2) proposed a new remonstrance against 
 the levying of the duties in dispute. The speaker, alleging 
 an order from the king, refused to put the motion to the vote. 
 The house insisted : he left the chair. HoUis, Valentine, and 
 other members, forced him back to it, despite the efforts of the 
 court party, who endeavored to rescue him from their hands. 
 " God's wounds," said Hollis, " you shall sit till it please the 
 house to rise." " I will not say I will not," cried the speaker, 
 " but I dare not." But passion was now without curb ; they 
 compelled him to resume his seat. The king, informed of the 
 tumult, sent orders to the serjeant-at-arms to withdraw with 
 the mace, which, by custom, would suspend all deliberation : 
 the Serjeant was kept in his chair like the speaker, the keys 
 of the hall were taken from him, and a member, sir Miles 
 Hobart, took charge of them. The king sent a second mes- 
 senger to announce the dissolution of parliament ; he found 
 the doors locked on the inside, and could not gain admittance. 
 Charles, in a paroxysm of fury, sent for the captain of his 
 guards, and oi'dered him to go and force the doors. But, in 
 the interval, the commons had retired, after having carried a 
 resolution which declared the levying of tonnage and pound- 
 age illegal, and those guilty of high treason who should levy 
 or even pay them.* 
 
 All accommodation was impossible : the .king went to the 
 house of lords, 10th March. " I never came here," said he, 
 " on so unpleasing an occasion, it being for the dissolution of 
 parliament ; the disobedient carriage of the lower house had 
 alone caused this dissolution. Yet they would mistake me 
 wonderfully that think I lay the fault equally upon all the 
 lower house ; for, as I know, there are many as dutiful and 
 
 * Pari. Hist., ii., 4S7— 491. 
 
ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 57 
 
 loyal subjects as any are in the world, so I know it is only 
 some vipers amongst them that have cast this mist of dif- 
 ference before their eyes. As those evil affected persons must 
 look for their reward, so you that are here of the higher 
 house, may justly claim from me that protection and favor 
 that a good king oweth to his loyal and faithful nobility."* 
 The dissolution was pronounced. Immediately afterwards, 
 appeared a proclamation, setting forth : " That whereas, for 
 several ill ends, the calling again of a parliament is divulged, 
 howsoever his majesty hath showed, by his frequent meeting 
 with his people, his love to the use of parliaments ; yet this 
 late abuse having, for the present, driven his majesty unwil- 
 lingly out of that course, it will be considered presumption for 
 any one to prescribe to him any time for the calling of that 
 assembly, "f 
 
 Charles kept his word, and now only occupied himself with 
 the project of governing alone. 
 
 * Pari. Hist, 492. t Ibid., 525. 
 
58 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 BOOK THE SECOND. 
 
 1629—1640. 
 
 Intentions of the king and his council — Prosecution of the leading 
 members of Parliament — Apparent apathy of the country — Struggle 
 of the ministry and court — The queen — Strafford — Laud — Want 
 of cohesion in, and discredit of government — Civil and religious 
 tyranny — Its effects on the different classes of the nation — Trial of 
 Prynne, Burton, and Bastwick— Of Hampden — Insurrection of Scot- 
 land — First war with the Scots — Peace of Berwick — Short parlia- 
 ment of 1640 — Second war with Scotland — Its bad success — Convo- 
 cation of the long parliament. 
 
 Nothing is so dangerous as to take a system of government 
 as it were on trial, with the idea that one may at any time 
 resort to another. Charles had committed this fault. He 
 had attempted to govern in concert with the parliament ; but 
 with the full persuasion, however, as he frequently intimated, 
 that if parliament was too troublesome he should be able' to 
 do perfectly well without it. He entered upon the career of 
 despotism with the same heedlessness, proclaiming his inten- 
 tion to adhere to it, but fully believing that, after all, if neces- 
 sity became too strong for him, he could at any time have 
 recourse to parliament. 
 
 His most able councillors were of the same opinion. Neither 
 Charles nor any about him had, at this time, conceived the 
 design of abolishing for ever the ancient laws of England, 
 the great national council. Short-sighted rather than enter- 
 prising, insolent rather than absolutely ill-intentioned, their 
 words, and even their acts, were more daring than their 
 thoughts. The king, they said, had shown himself just and 
 kind towards his people ; he had yielded a great deal, granted 
 a great deal. But nothing would satisfy the commons ; they 
 required the king to become their dependent, their ward ; this 
 he could not do, without ceasing to be king. When the prince 
 and parliament could not manage to agree, it was for the par- 
 liament to give way ; for the prince alone was sovereign. 
 
ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 59 
 
 Since the commons would not give way, he must perforce 
 govern without them ; the necessity was evident ; sooner or 
 later the people would understand this, and then, parliament 
 having become wiser, there v/ould be nothing to prevent the 
 king's recalling it, in case of need. 
 
 With still less foresight than the council, the court only 
 saw in the dissolution a deliverance from difficulty. While 
 the house of commons was sitting, the courtiers were by no 
 means at ease ; none of them dared to push boldly their for- 
 tune, nor enjoy their credit freely. The embarrassments of 
 power impeded the intrigues, and spread a gloom over 
 the festivities of Whitehall. The king was thoughtful, the 
 queen intimidated. Pai-liament dissolved, this uneasiness and 
 restraint disappeared ; frivolous grandeur reassumed its bril- 
 liancy, and private ambition its full swing. The court asked 
 for nothing beyond this ; and troubled itself in no degree to 
 inquire whether, in the prosecution of its immediate object, 
 it was not aiding to bring about a change in the government 
 of the country. 
 
 The people judged otherwise : the dissolution was, in their 
 eyes, a sure symptom of a deep-laid scheme, of a resolution 
 to destroy parliaments. The commons had no sooner sepa- 
 rated, than, at Hampton Court, Whitehall, wherever the 
 court assembled, the papists, secret or avowed, the preachers 
 and adherents of absolute power, the men of intrigue and 
 pleasure, indifferent to all creeds, congratulated one another 
 on their triumph ; whilst in the Tower, and the principal 
 gaols of London and the provinces, the defenders of the pub- 
 lic rights, treated at once with contempt and rigor, were under- 
 going imprisonment, were under impeachment for what they 
 had said or done in the inviolable sanctuary of parliament.* 
 They claimed their privileges, they demanded to be discharged 
 upon bail, and the judges hesitated what to answer, but the 
 king communicated with the judgesf (Sept., 1629), and the 
 application of the prisoners was refused. Their courage did 
 not fail them in this trial : the greater number refused to own 
 themselves guilty of any wi'ong, or to pay the fines to which 
 
 * The members arrested were, Denzel Holies, Sir Miles Hobart, Sir 
 John Eliot, Sir Peter Hayman, John Selden, William Coriton, Walter 
 Long, William Stroud, and Benjamin Valentine.— State Trials, iii., 235 
 
 t Pari. Hist, ii., 31S, et seq. 
 
60 ■ HISTORY OF THE 
 
 they were condemned. They preferred remaining in prison. 
 Sir John Eliot was destined to die there. 
 
 While this prosecution was going on, public anger continu- 
 ally increased, and did not hesitate openly to manifest itself. It 
 was a sort of continuation of the parliament, vanquished and 
 dispersed, but still struggling before the judges of the country, 
 through the voice of its leaders. The firmness of the accused 
 kept up the ardor of the people, who constantly saw them 
 pass and repass from the Tower to Westminster, and accom- 
 panied them with their acclamations and their prayers. The 
 visible anxiety of the judges afforded some expectation. " All 
 is lost !" was the cry ; yet still the public continued to alter- 
 nate between hope and fear, as in the midst of the battle. 
 
 But this great trial ended. Frightened or seduced, some 
 of the accused paid the fine, and, ordered to live at least ten 
 miles from the royal residence, retired to conceal their weak- 
 ness in their respective counties. The noble steadfastness of 
 thei rest was buried in the depth of their dungeons. The 
 people, who saw and heard no more of them, were themselves 
 no longer seen nor heard. Power, not meeting with open 
 opposition, thought the day all its own, and that the nation, 
 from which it had estranged itself, was prostrate beyond re- 
 covery. Charles hastened to conclude peace with France 
 (April 11, 1629), and Spain (Nov. 5, 1630), and found him- 
 self at last without rivals at home, without enemies abroad. 
 
 For some time, government was an easy matter enough. 
 The citizens for awhile took heed only to their private in- 
 tet"ests : no discussion, no warm excitement agitated the 
 gentry m their county meetings, the burghers in their town- 
 halls, the sailors in the ports, the apprentices in their shops. 
 It was not that the nation was languishing in apathy, but its 
 activity had taken another direction ; it seemed to have for- 
 gotten in labor the defeat of liberty. Less ardent than haughty, 
 the despotism of Charles interfered with it very slightly in 
 this new state ; the prince meditated no vast designs, he had 
 no uneasy desire for extended and hazardous glory ; he was 
 content to enjoy with dignity his power and his rank. Peace 
 dispensed him from exacting from his subjects heavy sacri- 
 fices ; and the people gave itself up to agriculture, to com- 
 merce, to study, and no ambitious and restless tyranny inter-, 
 posed to impede its efforts, or compromise its interests. Public 
 
ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 61 
 
 prosperity accordingly rapidly advanced, order reigned, and 
 this regular and flourishing condition gave to power the appear- 
 ance of wisdom, to the country that of resignation.* 
 
 It was around the throne and among its servants that the 
 troubles of government recommenced. As soon as the 
 struggle between the k'ng and the people appeared at an 
 end, two parties disputed which should influence the reno- 
 vated despotism ; the queen and the ministry, the court and 
 the council. 
 
 On her arrival in England, the queen had not disguised the 
 dulness she experienced in her new country. Religion, insti- 
 tutions, customs, language, everything displeased her ; she had 
 even, just after their union, treated her husband with puerile 
 insolence, and Charles, out of all patience with her passionate 
 outbursts of humor, found himself, on one occasion, driven 
 abruptly 1« send back to the continent some of the attendants 
 whom she had brought over with her (July, 1626). The 
 pleasure of reigning could alone console her for her exile from 
 France ; and she reckoned upon the full enjoyment of this 
 satisfaction from the time she ceased to have the awe of par- 
 liament before her eyes. Agreeable and lively in her 
 manners, she soon acquired over a young king of highly pure 
 principles, an ascendency which he admitted with a sort of 
 gratitude, sensibly touched, as it were, by her consenting to 
 enjoy herself at all in his society. But the happiness of a 
 domestic life, dear to the serious mind of Charles, could not 
 satisfy the frivolous, restless, and hard character of Henrietta 
 Maria ; she wanted an acknowledged, insolent empire — an 
 empire of display, an empire which should be cognizant of all 
 things, and without whose permission nothing should be said or 
 done ; she wanted, in short, power, as power always presents 
 itself to the mind of an arrogant, unthinking woman. Round 
 her rallied, on the one hand, the papists, on the other, the frivo- 
 lously ambitious, the petty intriguers, the young courtiers, 
 who had early gone to Paris to learn the secret of pleasing 
 her. All these professed to her alone to look, the one class 
 for fortune, the other for the triumph, or at all events, the 
 deliverance of their faith. It was in her apartments that the 
 leading papists at home, and the emissaries of Rome, discussed 
 
 * Clarendon, i., 126. 
 6 
 
62 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 their most secret hopes ; it was there her favorites displayed 
 the notions, manners, and fashions of the continent.* Every- 
 thing there vras foreign, and offensive to the creed and customs 
 of the country ; there every day were put forward projects 
 and pretensions that could only be realized by illegal measures 
 or abused favors. The queen took part in these intrigues, 
 assured the plotters of success, claimed sanction for them of 
 the king ; nay, required of him that, in order to honor her, as 
 she said, in the eyes of the people, he should consult her on 
 all occasions, and do nothing without her consent. If the 
 king refused her wishes, she would angrily accuse him, that 
 he neither loved her nor knew how to reign. And then 
 Charles, happy to find her solicitous for his power, or as to his 
 love, had no other thought than to dissipate her grief or her 
 anger. 
 
 The most servile councillors would scarcely have- submitted 
 without resistance to this capricious sway. Charles had two 
 who were deficient neither in mind nor spirit, and who, though 
 devoted to his cause, desired to serve him otherwise than 
 according to the fancies of a woman or the pretensions of a 
 court. 
 
 In forsaking his party to attach himself to the king, Straf- 
 fordf had not been called upon to sacrifice any very fixed 
 prmciples, or basely to betray his conscience. Ambitious and 
 ardent, he had been a patriot out of hatred to Buckingham, 
 out of a desire for glory, to display in full lustre his talents 
 and his energy of mind, rather than from any righteous or 
 profound conviction. To act, to rise, to govern, was his aim, 
 or rather the necessity of his nature. Entering the service of 
 the crown, he became as earnest in its cause as he theretofore 
 had been in that of liberty, but it was as a grave, proud, able, 
 unbending minister, not as a frivolous and obsequious courtier. 
 Of a mind too vast to shut itself up in the paltry circle of 
 domestic intrigues, of a pride too hotheaded to give way to 
 court forms and notions, he passionately devoted himself to 
 business, braving all rivalry, breaking down all resistance ; 
 eager to extend and strengthen the royal authority, now 
 
 * May's History of the Long Parliament. (London, 1647.) Book i., 
 21, 
 
 t He was at this period called lord Wentworth — not being created 
 earl of Strafford till the 12th of January, 1640, 
 
ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 63 
 
 become his own, but diligent at the same time to re-establish 
 order and repress abuses, to put down private interests he 
 judged illegal, and promote all such general interests as he 
 deemed not dangerous to royalty. A fiery despot, still all 
 love of country, all desire for its prosperity, for its glory, was 
 not extinct in his heart, and he perfectly comprehended upon 
 what conditions, by what means, absolute power must be 
 bought over. An administration arbitrary but powerful, 
 consistent, laborious, holding in scorn the rights of the people, 
 but occupying itself with the public happiness, despising all 
 petty abuses, all minor misgovernment, making subordinate to 
 its will, and to its views, the great equally with the small, the 
 court as well as the nation — this was his aim, this the character 
 of his rule, and which he strove to impress on the government 
 of the king. 
 
 The friend of Strafford, archbishop Laud, with less worldly 
 passions, and a more disinterested ardor, brought into the 
 council the same feelings, the same designs. Austere in his 
 conduct, simple in his life, power, whether he served it or 
 himself wielded it, inspired in his mind a fanatical devotion. 
 To pi'escribe and to punish, this was in his eyes to establish 
 order, and order ever seemed to him justice. His 'activity 
 was indefatigable, but narrow in its views, violent, and harsh. 
 Alike incapable of conciliating opposing interests, and of re- 
 specting rights, he rushed, with head down and eyes closed, 
 at once against liberties and abuses ; opposing to the latter 
 his rigid probity, to the former his furious hate, he was as 
 abrupt and uncompromising with the courtiers as with the 
 citizens ; seeking no man's friendship, anticipating and able 
 to bear no resistance, persuaded, in short, that power is all- 
 sufficient in pure hands ; and constantly the prey of some 
 fixed idea, which ruled him with all the violence of passion, 
 and all the authority of duty. 
 
 Such councillors suited the new situation of Charles. 
 Standing apart from the court, they were less anxious to please 
 it, than to serve their master ; and had neither the pompous 
 insolence, nor the idle pretensions of the favorites. They 
 were persevering, laborious, bold, capable, devoted. The 
 government of Ireland had scarcely passed into the hands of 
 Strafford, ere that kingdom, which had till then been only a 
 trouble and expense to the crown, became a source of riches 
 
64 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 and strength. Its public debt was paid ; the revenue, previ- 
 ously collected without system, and squandered without shame, 
 was regularly administered, and soon rose above the expendi- 
 ture ; the nobles were no longer allowed to oppress the people 
 with impunity, or the aristocratic and religious factions to tear 
 each other to pieces, in full liberty, as theretofore. The 
 army, which Strafford found weak, without clothes, without 
 discipline, was recruited, well disciplined, well paid, and 
 ceased to pillage the inhabitants. Favored by order, com- 
 merce flourished, manufactories were established, agriculture 
 advanced. In short, Ireland was governed arbitrarily, harshly, 
 often even with odious violence ; but yet, to the interest of 
 general civilisation and royal power, instead of being as for- 
 merly, a prey to the greedy extortion of revenue officers, high 
 and low, and to the domination of a selfish and ignorant aris- 
 tocracy.* 
 
 Invested in England, as to civil afTairs, with a less extended 
 and less concentrated authority than that of Strafford in Ire- 
 land, and less able than his friend, Laud did not fail to pursue 
 the same line of conduct. As commissioner of the treasury, 
 he not only repressed all pilferings and illegitimate expendi- 
 ture, but applied himself to the thorough understanding of the 
 various branches of the public revenue, ana to the finding out 
 by what means its collection could be rendered less onerous 
 to the subject. Vexatious impediments, grave abuses, had 
 been introduced into the administration of. the custom duties, 
 for the profit of private interests ; Laud listened to the com- 
 plaints and representations of merchants, employed his leisure 
 in conversing with them, informed himself by degrees as to 
 the general interests of commerce, and freed it from trammels 
 which had materially injured it, without any advantage to the 
 exchequer. In March, 1636, the office of high treasurer was 
 given, on his recommendation, to Juxon, bishop of London, a 
 laborious, moderate-minded man, who put an end to number- 
 less disorders which had alike been injurious to the crown 
 and to the citizens. To serve, as he fancied, the king and the 
 church, Laud was capable of oppressing the people, of giving 
 the most iniquitous advice ; but where neither king nor church 
 was in question, he aimed at good, at truth, and upheld them 
 
 See Appendix, III. 
 
ENGLISH KEVOLUTION. 65 
 
 without feai' as to himself, without the slightest consideration 
 for other inte'-ests. 
 
 If, on the one hand, this administration, upright, diligent, 
 but arbitrary, tyrannical, on occasions, and refusing all re- 
 sponsioility, was too little for the country ; on the other, it 
 was a great deal too much for the court. Favorites may 
 succeed there ; if they meet with enemies, they also make 
 partisans, and in this conflict of personal interests a skilful 
 intriguer may successfully oppose those he serves to those 
 whom he offends. Such had been Buckingham. But who- 
 ever would govern, whether by despotism or by the laws, in 
 the general interest of king or people, must lay his account 
 to have the hatred of all the courtiers ; and accordingly it arose 
 among them against Strafford and Laud, quite as intense, and 
 infinitely more manoeuvring, than among the people. On 
 Strafford's first appearance at Whitehall, a general sneer 
 curled every lip, at the sudden elevation and somewhat un- 
 polished manners of the country gentleman, who had been 
 more especially heard of as a parliamentary opponent of the 
 court.* The austere manners, the theological pedantry, and 
 the bluntness of Laud, were equally disliked there. Both 
 these men were haughty, inattentive, and by no means affable 
 in their manners ; they disdained intrigues, connselled econo- 
 my, and talked of business and necessities which a court does 
 not like to hear about. The queen conceived an aversion for 
 them, for they impeded her influence with the king ; the high 
 aristocracy took offence at their power ; and ere long the 
 whole court united with the people to attack them, joining 
 vigorously in outcries against their tyranny. 
 
 Charles did not forsake them ; he had full confidence in 
 their devotedness and ability ; their opinions were quite in 
 unison with his own,i^nd he entertained for the profound piety 
 of Laud a respect blended with affection. But in retaining 
 them in his service, despite the court, he was not in a .condi- 
 tion to make the court submit to their government. Grave in 
 his deportment and sentiments, his mind was not of sufficient 
 depth or grasp to comprehend the difficulties of absolute power, 
 and the necessity of sacrificing everything to it. Such were, 
 
 * Howell's Letters, 1650, Letter 34; Strafford's Letters, i.,79; Bio- 
 graphia Britannica, in vita. 
 
 6* 
 
66 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 in his eyes, the rights of royalty, that it seemed to him nothing 
 ought to cost him an efTort. In the council, he applied him- 
 self, regularly and with attention, to public affairs ; but this 
 duty fulfilled, he troubled himself very little about them ; and 
 the necessity of governing was infinitely less present to his 
 thoughts than the pleasure of reigning. The good or bad 
 temper of the queen, the usages of the court, the prerogatives 
 of the officers of the palace, appeared to him important con- 
 siderations, which the political interests of his crown could 
 not require him to forget. Hence arose, for his ministers, 
 petty but continual annoyances and difficulties, which the 
 king left them to.the full endurance of, thinicing he did enough 
 for them and for himself b)^ retaining them in their offices. 
 They were charged to exercise absolutism, yet the power to 
 do so failed them the moment they called for some domestic 
 sacrifice, some measure contrary to the forms and rules of 
 Whitehall. All the time of his administration in Ireland, 
 Strafford was constantly called upon for explanations and 
 apologies ; now, he had spoken lightly of the queen, and now 
 again, some influential family had complained of his hauteur ; 
 he had to justify his words, his manners, his character ; all 
 these idle accusations obliged him to reply, from Dublin, to 
 something that had been said, some rumor that was afloat 
 about him in the palace ; and he did not always obtain an as- 
 surance in return, which (setting him at ease as to these minor 
 perils) enabled him to carry on without fear the authority yet 
 left him.* 
 
 Thus, notwithstanding the energy and zeal of his principal 
 councillors, notwithstanding the tranquil state of the country, 
 notwithstanding the private worth of the king's conduct, and 
 the proud bearing of his language, the government was with- 
 out strength and without consideration. Assailed by domestic 
 dissensions, carried away alternately by opposing influences, 
 sometimes arrogantly shaking off the yoke of the laws, some- 
 times giving way before the slightest difficulties, it proceeded 
 without any settled plan ; it forgot, at every turn, its own de- 
 signs. It had abandoned, on the continent, the cause of pro- 
 testantism, and had even forbidden lord Scudamore, its ambas- 
 sador at Paris, to attend divine service in the chapel of the 
 
 ' Strafford's Letters, i., 128, 138, 142, 144 ; ii., 42, 105, 126, &c. 
 
ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 67 
 
 reformers, because the forms did not come near enough to the 
 rites of the English church.* And yet it allowed the marquis 
 of Hamilton to raise in Scotland a body of six thousand men, 
 and to go and fight at their head (1631) under the banners of 
 Gustavus AdolphuSjf not foreseeing he would there imbibe 
 the principles and creed of the very puritans whom the 
 church of England proscribed. Charles's faith in the re- 
 formed religion, such as Henry VIII. and Elizabeth had made 
 it, was sincere ; and yet, whether from tenderness to his wife, 
 or from a spirit of moderation and justice, or from an instinct 
 of what suited absolute power, he often granted to the ca- 
 tholics, not only a liberty at that time illegal, but almost 
 avowed favor. ij: Archbishop Laud, as sincere as his master, 
 wrote against the court of Rome, even preached strongly 
 against the worship conducted in the queen's chapel, yet at 
 the same time he showed himself so favorable to the system 
 of the Romish church, that the pope thought himself author- 
 ized to offer him a cardinal's hat (Aug., 1633).:]: In the 
 conduct of civil affairs, there reigned the same indecision, the 
 same inconsistency. No broad, clear plan was perceptible ; 
 no powerful hand made itself uniformly felt. Despotism was 
 pompously displayed, and, on occasion, exercised with rigor ; 
 but to give it a fixed basis, required too many efforts, too much 
 perseverance ; it came, by degrees, to be left quite out of 
 mind, so that its abstract pretensions daily more and more ex- 
 ceeded its means. The treasury was administered with order 
 and probity ; the king was not wasteful ; yet the want of 
 money was just as great as could have been brought about by 
 the grossest prodigality on the part of the prince, and the 
 worst peculation on the part of his officers ; in the same way 
 that Charles had haughtily refused to yield to parliament, to 
 obtain from it an income sufficient for his expenses, he now 
 thought he should lower himself, by reducing his expenses to 
 a level with his income. § Splendor about the throne, court 
 
 * Neal's History of the Puritans, 1822 ; ii., 234. 
 
 t Clarendon, i., 254. | Laud's Diary, p. 49 ; Whitelocke's, 18. 
 
 § The pensions, which, under the reign of Elizabeth, were 18,000/., 
 rose, under James I., to 80,000Z. ; and, in 1626, a little more than a 
 year after the accession of Charles I., they already amounted to 
 120,000/. The expenses of the king's household, in the same interval, 
 had increased from 45,006/. to 80,000/. ; that of the wardrobe had 
 doubled ; that of the privy purse, tripled, &c. — Rushworth, i., 207. 
 
68 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 festivals, the old customs of the crown, were in his eyes con- 
 ditions, rights, almost duties of royalty ; sometimes he was 
 Ignorant of the abuses put in practice to provide for these, and 
 when he did know, he had not the courage to reform them. 
 Thus, though relieved by peace from all extraordinary expen- 
 diture, he found himself unable to meet the wants of his go- 
 vernment. English commerce was prospering ; the mercan- 
 tile marine, daily growing more numerous and more active, 
 solicited the protection of the royal navy. Charles confi- 
 dently promised it, and even made, from time to time, serious 
 efforts to keep his word ;* but, as a general rule, the merchant 
 fleets were without convoy, for the king's vessels wanted rig- 
 ging, and the sailors were unpaid. The pirates of Barbary 
 came to the British channel, to the very straits of Dover ; they 
 infested the shores of Great Britain, landed, pillaged the vil- 
 lages, and carried off" thousands of captives (1637). Captain 
 Rainsborough, who was at length sent to the coast of Morocco 
 to destroy one of their haunts, found there three hundred and 
 seventy slaves, English and Irish ; and such was the weakness 
 or the improvidence of the administration, that Strafford was 
 obliged to arm a ship at his own expense to preserve the very 
 port of Dublin from the ravages of these pirates. f 
 
 So much incapacity, and its inevitable perils, did not escape 
 the observation of experienced men. The foreign ministers 
 who resided in London wrote word of it to their masters ; and 
 soon, notwithstanding the known prosperity of England, it 
 became a common topic on the continent that the government 
 of Charles was feeble, imprudent, insecure. At Paris, at 
 Madrid, at the Hague, his ambassadors were more than once 
 treated slightingly — nay, with contempt.:]: Strafford, Laud, 
 
 * Warwick's Memoirs ; Rusliworth, i., 2, 257, &c. 
 
 t Strafford's Letters, i., 68; ii., 86, &c. ; Waller's Poems (1730), 
 271. 
 
 J The writings of the time, among others the letters collected by 
 Howell, present a thousand examples of this : I shall only cite one. 
 When Sir Thomas Edmonds went to France, in 1629, to conclude the 
 treaty of peace, the gentleman sent to meet him to St. Denis, and pre- 
 side at his entrance, said to him, with a sneer, " Your Excellency will 
 not be astonished I have so few gentlemen with me, to pay you honor 
 and accompany you to court ; there were so many killed in the isle of 
 Re;" a bitter "allusion to the tei-rible defeat of the English at that 
 island, under the orders of the Dulie of Buckingham. — Howell's Let- 
 ters (1705), 210. 
 
ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 69 
 
 and some others of the council, were not ignorant of the evil, 
 and sought some remedy for it. Strafford, especially, the 
 boldest as well as the most able, struggled passionately against 
 all obstacles ; he became anxious for the future, and would 
 have had the king, governing his affairs with diligence and 
 foresight, assure to himself a fixed revenue, well-stored arse- 
 nals, fortified places, and an army.* He, for his own part, 
 had not hesitated to assemble the Irish parliament (1634), and, 
 either through the fear he inspired, or the services he had 
 rendered the country, he had made it the most docile as well 
 as the most useful instrument of his power. But Charles for- 
 bad him to call it again ;■!■ the queen and he dreaded the very 
 name of parliament, and the fears of his master did not per- 
 mit Strafford to give to tyranny the forms and support of the 
 law. He urged the point for a time, but without success, and 
 at last submitted. Energetic himself, he underwent the yoke 
 of weakness ; and his foresight was of no avail, for he spoke 
 to the blind. Some of the council, who thought as he did, but 
 were more selfish, or better aware of the futility of any 
 efforts, withdrew, when, to support his views, a struggle was 
 needed, leaving him alone with Laud, exposed to the intrigues 
 and hatred of the court. 
 
 Tyranny, thus frivolous and unskilful, daily needs some 
 new tyranny to carry it on. That of Charles was, if not the 
 most cruel, at least the most unjust, the most chargeable with 
 abuse that England had ever endured. Without being able 
 to allege in excuse any public necessity, without dazzling 
 men's minds by anj^ great result, to satisfy obscure wants, to 
 gratify fantastic and unmeaning whims, he set aside and out- 
 raged ancient rights equally with the new-born wishes of the 
 people, making no account either of the laws and opinions of 
 the country, or of his own promises, essaying altogether hap- 
 hazard, according to circumstances, every species of oppres- 
 sion ; adopting, in short, the most rash resolutions, the most 
 illegal measures, not to secure the triumph of a consistent and 
 formidable -system, but to maintain by daily expedients a power 
 ever in embarrassment. Subtle lawyers, set to work rum- 
 maging among old records to discover a precedent for some 
 forgotten iniquity, laboriously brought to light the abuses of 
 
 * Strafford's Letters, ii., 61, 62, 66. t Ibid., i., 365. 
 
70 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 past times, and erected them into rights of the throne. There- 
 upon, other agents, not so learned, but more actively daring, 
 converted these pretended rights into real and new vexations ; 
 and if any appeal was made, servile judges were ready to 
 declare that, in point of fact, the crown had of old possessed 
 such prerogatives. Was the acquiescence of the judges at 
 all matter of doubt — was it thought necessary not to put their 
 influence too strongly to the test, the irregular tribunals, the 
 star chamber, the council of the north,* and a number of other 
 jurisdictions, independent of the common law, were chai'ged 
 to take their place, and the aid of illegal magistrates was 
 called in when the severity of legal magistrates did not suf- 
 fice for the purposes of tyranny. Thus were re-established 
 imposts long fallen into desuetude, and others invented till 
 then unknown ; thus I'e-appeared those innumerable monopo- 
 lies, introduced and abandoned by Elizabeth, recalled and 
 abandoned by James I., constantly disallowed by parliament, 
 and at one time abolished by Charles himself, and which, giving 
 to contractors or to privileged courtiers the exclusive sale of 
 almost all commodities, inflicted suffering upon the people, 
 and irritated them still more by the unjust and most irregular 
 subdivision of their profits."]" The extension of the royal fo- 
 rests, that abuse which had often driven the barons of old in 
 England to arms, became so great,that the forest of Rocking- 
 ham alone was increased from six to sixty miles in circuit, 
 while, at the same time, they hunted out, and punished by 
 exorbitant fines,:]: the least encroachment on the part of the 
 
 * Instituted by Henry VIII. at York, in 1537, after the troubles 
 which broke out in the northern counties, in consequence of the sup- 
 pression of the lesser monasteries, to administer justice and maintain 
 order in these counties, independently of the courts at Westminster. 
 The jurisdiction of the court, at first very limited, became more ex- 
 tended and arbitrary under James I. and Charles I. 
 
 t The following is a list, though an incomplete one, of the wares 
 then made monopolies of: salt, soap, coals, iron, wine, leather, starch, 
 feathers, cards and dice, beaver, lace, tobacco, barrels, beer, distilled 
 liquors, the weighing of hay and straw in London and Westminster, 
 red herrings, butter, potash, linen cloth, paper rags, hops, buttons, 
 catgut, spectacles, combs, saltpetre, gunpowder, &c. 
 
 X Lord Salisbury was condemned to be fined, on this ground, 
 20,000Z. ; lord Westmoreland, 19,000/. ; sir Christopher Hatton, 
 12,000/. ; lord Newport, 3000/, ; sir Lewis Watson, 4000/., &c, : Straf- 
 ford's Letters, ii., 117 ; Pari. Hist., ii., 643. 
 
ENGLISH KE VOLUTION. 71 
 
 subject. Commissioners went about the country questioning 
 here the rights of the possessors of former domains of the 
 crown, there the rate of emoluments attached to certain offices, 
 elsewhere the right of citizens to build new houses, or that of 
 agriculturists to change their arable land into pasture, and 
 they proceeded, whenever they could make out a case at all, 
 not to reform abuses, but to sell their continuation at a high 
 price.* Privileges, irregularities of all kinds, were, between 
 the king and those who made a business of them, a compact 
 subject of disgraceful bargains. They even turned into a 
 commodity the severity of the judges ; under the least pre- 
 text, unheard-of fines were imposed, which, striking terror 
 into those who apprehended a similar visitation, determined 
 them to secure themselves beforehand by a handsome bribe. 
 It really seemed as though the tribunals had no other business 
 than to provide for the wants of the king, or to ruin the ad- 
 versaries of his power.| If discontent in any particular 
 county appeared too general for such proceedings to be easily 
 practicable, the provincial militia was disarmed, and royal 
 troops were sent thei'e, whom the inhabitants were bound, not 
 only to board and lodge, but moreover to equip. For not 
 paying that which they did not owe, men were put in prison ; 
 they were released on paying a portion of the amount, more 
 or less, according to their fortune, credit, or management. 
 Imposts, imprisonments, judgments, rigors, or favors, every- 
 thing was matter of arbitrary rule ; and arbitrary rule ex- 
 tended itself daily more and more over the rich, because there 
 was money to be got from them, over the poor, because they 
 were not to be feared. At last, when complaints grew so loud 
 that the court took alarm, the magistrates who had given cause 
 for them purchased impunity in their turn. In an excess of 
 insane despotism, for speaking a hw inconsiderate words, 
 Strafford had caused lord Mountnorris to be condemned to 
 death ; and, though the sentence had not been carried into 
 effect, the mere statement of the prosecution had raised against 
 the deputy in Ireland, in England, even in the king's council, 
 loud reprobation. To appease it, Strafford sent to London six 
 
 * May, i., 17 ; Rushworth, ii., 2, 915. 
 
 t The sum total of the fines imposed during this epoch for the 
 king's profit, amounted to more than six millions of money. See Ap- 
 pendix IV. 
 
72 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 thousand pounds, to be distributed among the principal coun- 
 cillors. • I fell upon the right way," answered lord Cotting- 
 ton, an eld and crafty courtier, to whom he had entrusted the 
 affair, " which was to give the money to him that really could 
 do the business, which was the king himself;" and Strafford 
 obtained at this price, not only exemption from all conse- 
 quences, but the permission to distribute, at his own pleasure 
 among his favorites, the spoils of the man, whom, at his own 
 pleasure, he had caused to be condemned.* 
 
 Such was the effect of Charles's necessities : his fears car- 
 ried him even much further than his necessities. Notwith- 
 standing his haughty indifference, he at times felt his weak- 
 ness, and sought for support. He made some attempts to 
 restore to the higher aristocracy the strength it no longer en- 
 joyed. Under the pretence of preventing prodigality, country 
 gentlemen were ordered to live on their estates ; their influ- 
 ence was feared in London. "j" The star-chamber took under 
 its care the consideration due to the nobility. A want of re- 
 spect, an inadvertency, a joke, the least action which seemed 
 not to keep in just recognition the superiority of their rank 
 and of their rights, was punished with extreme rigor, and 
 always by enormous fines for the benefit of the king and 
 the ofTended party.:]: The aim was to make the court 
 people powerful and respected ; but these attempts were not 
 followed up, either because their futility was soon ascertained, 
 or because the history of the barons of old had the effect of 
 inspiring the king with some distrust of their descendants. In 
 point of fact, some of them were foremost in the ranks of the 
 malcontents, and only these had any credit among the people 
 at large. "The court still succeeded, on occasions, in humiliat- 
 ing private gentlemen before the lords of the court ; but it 
 became clearly necessary to seek elsewhere a body, who, 
 already powerful in themselves, still stood in need of aid from 
 
 * Strafford's Letters, i., f)!!. 
 
 t More than two hundred gentlemen were proceeded against in one 
 day (March 20, 1635), and by the same indictment, for having diso- 
 beyed this injunction. Rushworth, i., 2, 288. 
 
 t A person named Grenville was condemned to pay the king 4000/., 
 and as much in damages to lord Suffolk, for having said of the latter 
 that he was a base lord ; Pettager was fined 2000Z., and ordered to be 
 flogged, for having used the same term in reference to the earl of 
 Kingston. Rushworth, ii., 2. Append. 43, 72. 
 
ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 73 
 
 the crown, and might, by being admitted to a share of abso- 
 lute power, contribute in return to its support. Fcr a long 
 time past the English clergy had solicited this mission,; they 
 were now called to fulfil it. 
 
 Emanating in its origin from the sole will of the temporal 
 sovereign, the Anglican church had, as has been seen, thence 
 lost all independence ; it had no longer a divine mission, it 
 subsisted no longer of its own right. Standing apart from the 
 people, who did not elect them, separated from the pope and 
 the universal church, formerly their support, the bishops and 
 the superior clergy were mere delegates of the prince, his chief 
 servants ; an altogether false position for a body charged to 
 represent that which is most independent and elevated in the 
 nature of man — faith. The English church had early per- 
 ceived this defect in its constitution ; but its many perils, and 
 fear of the strong hand of Henry VIII. and of Elizabeth, had 
 prevented it from taking any steps to retrieve its position. 
 Assailed at once by the catholics and the nonconformists, its 
 possessions and its faith still alike precarious, it devoted itself 
 unreservedly to the service of temporal power, acknowledging 
 its own dependence, and admitting the absolute supremacy 
 of the throne, which, at that time, could alone save it from its 
 enemies. 
 
 Towards the end of the reign of Elizabeth, some few indi- 
 cations manifested themselves, here and there, on the part of 
 the Anglican clergy, of rather loftier pretensions. Dr. Ban- 
 croft, chaplain to the archbishop of Canterbury, maintained 
 that episcopacy was not a human institution, that it had been, 
 from the time of the apostles, the government of the church, 
 and that bishops held their rights, not from the temporal 
 sovereign, but from God alone.* This new clergy, in fact, 
 had begun to think its power more firmly based, and took a 
 first step towards independence ; but the attempt, ventured 
 timidly, was haughtily repulsed. Elizabeth asserted the pleni- 
 tude of her spiritual supremacy, emphatically repeating to the 
 bishops that they were nothing but by her will ; and the arch- 
 bishop of Canterbury contented himself with saying he wished 
 the doctor was right, but he did not dare flatter himself he 
 was.f The people energetically sided with the queen ; their 
 
 * In a sermon, preached 12th Jan., 15S8. — Neal, i., 395. 
 t Ibid., i., 397. 
 
 7 
 
74 IIISTOEY OF THE 
 
 only thought was to advance reform, and they perfectly well 
 understood that if the bishops aspired to independence, if was 
 not to free faith from temporal authority, but to oppress it on 
 their own account. 
 
 Nothing decisive was done under James I. ; selfish and cun- 
 ning, he cared little about aggravating the evil, provided he 
 kept clear of the peril. He maintained his supremacy, but 
 granted so much favor to the bishops, took so much care to 
 strengthen their pov/er, by harsh treatment of their enemies, 
 that their confidence and strength daily augmented. Zealous 
 in proclaiming the divine right of the throne, they soon began 
 to speak of their own ; that which Bancroft had timidly in- 
 sinuated, became an opinion openly avowed by all the upper 
 clergy, supported in numerous writings, asserted from the very 
 pulpit. Bancroft himself was created archbishop of Canter- 
 bury (Dec, 1604). Every time that the king made a parade 
 of his prerogative, the clergy bowed with respect ; but imme- 
 diately after these acts of momentary humility, resumed their 
 pretensions, putting them forvv-ard, more especially as against 
 the people, the better to conciliate the king, devoting them- 
 selves more and more to the cause of absolute monarchy, and 
 looking forward to the day when they should be so necessary 
 to it, that it would be compelled to acknowledge their indepen- 
 dence to make sure of their aid. 
 
 When Charles, having quarrelled with his parliament, stood 
 alone in the midst of his kingdom, seeking on all sides the 
 means of governing, the Anglican clergy believed this day 
 was come. They had again got immense wealth, and enjoyed 
 it without dispute. The papists no longer inspired them with 
 alarm. The primate of the church, Laud, possessed the en- 
 tire confidence of the king, and alone directed all ecclesiastical 
 affairs. Among the other ministers, none professed, like lord 
 Burleigh under Elizabeth, to fear and struggle against the en- 
 croachments of the clergy. The courtiers were indifferent, 
 or secret papists. Learned men threw lustre over the church. 
 The universities, tiiat of Oxford more especially, were devoted 
 to her maxims. Only one adversary remained — the people, 
 each day more discontented with uncompleted reform, and 
 more eager fully to accomplish it. But this adversary was 
 also the adversary of the throne ; it claimed at the same time, 
 the one to secure the other, evangelical faith and civil liberty. 
 
ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 75 
 
 The same peril threatened the sovereignty of the crown and 
 of episcopacy. The king, sincerely pious, seemed disposed 
 to believe that he was not the only one who held his authority 
 from God, and that the power of the bishops was neither of 
 less high origin, nor of less sacred character. Never had so 
 many favorable circumstances seemed combined to enable the 
 clergy to achieve independence of the crown, dominion over 
 the people. 
 
 Laud set himself to work with his accustomed vehemence. 
 Fii'st it was essential that all dissensions in the bosom of the 
 church itself should cease, and that the strictest uniformity 
 should infuse strength into its doctrines, its discipline, its wor- 
 ship. He applied himself to this task with the most unhesi- 
 tating and unscrupulous resolution. Power was exclusively 
 concentrated into the hands of the bishops. The court of hio-h 
 commission, where they took cognizance of and decided every, 
 thing relating to religious matters, became day "by day m.ore 
 arbitrary, more harsh in its jurisdiction, its forms, and its 
 penalties. The complete adoption of the Anglican canons, the 
 minute observance of the liturgy, and the rites enforced in 
 cathedrals, were rigorously exacted on the part of the whole 
 ecclesiastical body. A great many livings were in the hands 
 of nonconformists ; they were withdrawn from them. The 
 people crowded to their sermons ; they were forbidden to 
 preach.* Driven from their churches, deprived of their in- 
 com.es, they travelled from town to town, teaching and preach- 
 ing to the faithful who, in a tavei'n, private house, or field, 
 would gather round them ; persecution followed and reached 
 them evei'ywhere. In the country, noblemen, retired citizens, 
 rich families devoted to their faith, received them into their 
 homes as chaplains or as tutors for their children ; persecution 
 penetrated even here, and drove forth the chosen chaplains and 
 tutors. ■(■ These proscribed men quitted England ; they went 
 to France, Holland, Germany, to found churches in accord- 
 ance with their faith ; despotism pursued them beyond seas, 
 and summoned these churches to conform to the Anglican 
 rites. ij: French, Dutch, German mechanics had brought their 
 industry into England, and obtained charters which assured to 
 them the free exercise of their national religion ; these char- 
 
 * Neal, ii., 179, etc. f Neal, ii., 179, etc. X lb., 205. 
 
76 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 ters were withdrawn from them, and most of them abandoned 
 their adopted country ; the diocese of Norwich alone lost three 
 thousand of these hard-working foreigners.* Thus deprived 
 of every asylum, of all employment, fugitives or concealed, 
 the nonconformists still wrote in defence and in propagation of 
 their doctrines ; the censor prohibited these new books, and 
 sought out and suppressed the old.f It was even absolutely 
 forbidden to touch, either in the pulpit or elsewhere, upon the 
 questions with which men's minds were most agitated jij: for 
 the controversy was general and profound, upon dogmas as 
 upon discipline, on the mysteries of human destiny as on the 
 proper forms of public worship ; and the Anglican church 
 would neither tolerate departure from its ceremonies, nor ad- 
 mit discussion of its opinions. The people grieved to hear no 
 longer either the men they loved, or the topics that occupied 
 their thoughts. To calm their alarms, to prevent being en- 
 tirely separated from their flock, moderate or timid noncon- 
 formist ministers offered partial submission, claiming in return 
 some partial concessions, such as the not wearing a surplice, 
 the not giving to the communion table the form or position of 
 an altar, and so on. They were answered, either that the 
 form in question was so important, that they must not depart 
 from it, or that it .was so unimportant, as not to be worth their 
 opposing it. Driven to extremity, they determinately resisted, 
 and insult as well as condemnation awaited them in the eccle- 
 siastical courts. The bishops and judges, and their officei's, 
 thee-and-thoued them in the most insolent manner ; called 
 them all sorts of fools, idiots, rascally knaves, and habitually 
 ordered them to be silent the moment they opened their mouths 
 to defend themselves, or explain anything. § Even if they re- 
 nounced preaching, writing, or appearing in public at all, 
 tyranny did not renounce its persecution ; its malevolence 
 was characterized by an ingenuity, a tenacity of oppression, 
 which no prudence on the part of the wretched men could 
 foresee, no humility turn aside. Mr. Workman, a minister at 
 Gloucester, had asserted that pictures and ornaments in 
 churches were a relic of idolatry ; he was thrown into prison. 
 
 * Rushworth, i., 2, 272 ; May, i., 83 ; Neal, ii., 232. 
 t Decree of the star-chamber, July 11, 1637 ; Rushworth, ii., 2, ap* 
 pendix, 306 ; Neal, ii., 165. t lb., ii., 163. 
 
 § Rushworth, i., 2, 233, 240; Neal, i., 256, in the note, p. 352. 
 
ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 77 
 
 A short time before, the town of Gloucester had made him a 
 grant of twenty pounds a-year for life ; it was ordered to cease, 
 and the mayor and municipal officers were prosecuted and 
 fined a large sum for having made it. On quitting his prison, 
 Workman opened a little school ; Laud ordered it to be closed. 
 To earn a living, the poor minister turned doctor ; Laud in- 
 terdicted his medicining as he had interdicted his teaching : 
 hereupon Workman went mad, and soon after died.* 
 
 Meantime, the pomp of catholic worship speedily took 
 possession of the churches deprived of their pastors ; while 
 persecution kept away the faithful, magnificence adorned the 
 walls. They were consecrated amid great display,"]" and it 
 was then necessary to employ force to collect a congregation. 
 Laud was fond of prescribing minutely the details of new 
 ceremonies — sometimes borrowed fsom Rome, sometimes the 
 production of his own imagination, at once ostentatious and 
 austere. On the part of the nonconformists, every innova- 
 tion, the least derogation from the canons or the liturgy, was 
 punished as a crime ; yet Laud innovated without consulting 
 anybody, looking to nothing beyond the king's consent, and 
 sometimes acting entirely upon his own authority.:]: He altered 
 the interior arrangement of churches, the forms of worship, 
 imperiously prescribed practices till then unknown, even altered 
 the liturgy which parliament had sanctioned ; and all these 
 changes had, if not the aim, at all events the result of render- 
 ing the Anglican church more and more like that of Rome. 
 The liberty the papists enjoyed, and the hopes they displayed, 
 whether from imprudence or design, confirmed the people in 
 their worst apprehensions. Books were published to prove 
 that the doctrine of the English bishops might very well adapt 
 itself to that of Rome ; and these books, thougn not regularly 
 licensed, were dedicated to the king or to Laud, and openly 
 tolerated. § Many theologians, friends of Laud, such as 
 bishop Montague, Dr. Cosens, professed similar maxims, and 
 professed them with entire impunity, while preachers whom 
 the people loved, in vain exhausted compliance and courage 
 to retain some right to preach and write. Accordingly, the 
 belief in the speedy triumph of popery grew daily more 
 strong, and the courtiers, who were nearer the scene of action, 
 
 * Neal, iii., 204. f Ib.> 190. f lb., 220. § Whitelocke, p. 22. 
 
78 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 fully shared this belief with the people. The duke of Devon- 
 shire's daughter turned catholic ; Laud asked her what rea- 
 sons had determined her to this ? " I hate to be in a crowd," 
 said she ; " and as I perceive your grace and many others are 
 hastening towards Rome, I want to get there comfortably by 
 myself before you." 
 
 The splendor and exclusive dominion of episcopacy thus 
 established, at least so he flattered himself. Laud proceeded 
 to secure its independence. One might have thought that in 
 this desire he would have found the king less docile to his 
 counsels ; but it was quite otherwise. The divine right of 
 bishops became, in a short time, the official doctrine, not only 
 of the upper clergy, but of the king himself. Dr. Hall, bishop 
 of Exeter, set it forth in a treatise which Laud took care to 
 revise, and from which he struck out every vague or timid 
 sentence, every appearance of doubt or concession.* From 
 books, this doctrine soon passed into acts. The bishops held 
 their ecclesiastical courts no longer in the name and by virtue 
 of delegation from the king, but in their own name ; the epis- 
 copal seal alone was affixed to their acts ; it was declared that 
 the superintendence of the universities belonged of right to the 
 metropolitan. ■(• The supremacy of the prince was not formally 
 abolished, but it might be said only to remain as a veil to the 
 usurpations that were to destroy it. Thus throwing off, by 
 degrees, all temporal restraint, on the one hand, the church, 
 on the other, encroached upon civil affairs ; her jurisdiction 
 extended itself to the expense of the ordinary tribunals, and 
 never had so many ecclesiastics held seats in the king's 
 council, or occupied the high offices of state. At times, the 
 lawyers, finding their personal . interests threatened, rose 
 against these encroachments ; but Charles gave no heed to 
 them • and such was the confidence felt by Laud, that when 
 he had caused the wand of high treasurer to be given to bishop 
 Juxon, he exclaimed, in the transport of his joy, " Now let 
 the church subsist and sustain her own power herself; — all is 
 accomplished for her: I can do no more.":]: 
 
 By the time things had come to this pass, the people were 
 not alone in their anger. The high nobility, part of them at 
 least, took the alarm. § They saw in the progress of the 
 
 * Neal, ii., 292. t Ib-> 243 ; Whitelocke, ut sup. 
 
 t Laud's Diary, under date of the 6th of March, 1636. §*Neal, ii., 250. 
 
ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 79 
 
 church far more than mere tyranny ; it was a regular revolu- 
 tion, which, not satisfied with crushing popular reforms, dis- 
 figured and endangered the first reformation ; that which 
 kings had made and the aristocracy adopted. The latter had 
 learned to proclaim the supremacy and divine right of the 
 throne, which, at least, freed them from any other empire ; 
 now they had severally to acknowledge the divine right of 
 bishops, and to bow down, in their turn, before that church 
 whose humiliation they had admiringly sanctioned, in whose 
 spoils they had shared. From them was required servility, 
 still more jealous of its prerogatives than liberty of its rights ; 
 yet others, heretofore their inferiors,' were permitted to as- 
 sume independence. They felt their rank, nay, perhaps their 
 property, in danger. Haughtiness on the part of the clergy, 
 was an annoyance to which they had now been long unac- 
 customed ; they heard people say, that the day would soon 
 come when a simple ecclesiastic would be as great a per- 
 sonage as the proudest gentleman in the land ;* they saw the 
 bishops or their creatures carry off well nigh all public offices, 
 well nigh all the favors of the crown, the only compensation 
 remaining to the nobles for the loss of their ancient splendor, 
 their liberties, and their power. Charles, besides being sin- 
 cere in his devotion to the clergy, promised himself in their 
 exaltation a strong support against the ill-will of the people ; 
 and, altogether, the disposition to censure the conduct and to 
 suspect the designs of government, soon became universal ; 
 discontent spread from the workshops of the city to the saloons 
 of Whitehall. 
 
 Among the higher classes, it manifested itself in a distaste 
 for the court, and a freedom of mind hitherto unknown. 
 Several of the higher nobility, the most esteemed by the 
 country, retired to their estates, in order to show their disap- 
 probation by their absence. In London and about the throne, 
 the spirit of independence and investigation penetrated into 
 assemblies before utterly servile or frivolous. Since the reign 
 of Elizabeth, a taste for science and literature had no longer 
 been the exclusive privilege of their professors ; the society of 
 distinguished men, philosophers, scholars, poets, artists, and the 
 pleasures of learned and literary conversation, had been sought 
 
 * Neal, ii., 251. 
 
80 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 by the court as a new source of display, in other quarters, as 
 a noble pastime ; but no need of opposition mixed itself up with 
 the spirit of these associations ; it was even the fashion, whether 
 they were held in some famous tavern, or in the mansion of 
 some lord, to ridicule the morose humor and fanatic resistance 
 of the religious nonconformists, already known under the 
 appellation of puritans. Fetes, plays, literary conversation, 
 an agreeable interchange of flatteries and favors, were all that 
 entered into the aim of a society, of which the throne was 
 usually the centre and always the protector. It was no longer 
 thus in the reign of Charles ; men of letters and men of the 
 world continued to meet together ; but they discussed much 
 graver questions, and discussed them apart from the observa- 
 tion of power, which would have taken offence at them. Public 
 alFairs, the moral sciences, religious problems, were the topics 
 of their conversations, which were brilliant and animated, and 
 eagerly sought by young men returned from their travels, or 
 who were studying law in the Temple, and by all other men 
 of a serious and active mind whose rank and fortune gave them 
 the opportunity. Here Selden poured out the treasures of his 
 erudition ; Chillingworth discoursed of his doubts on matters 
 of faith ; lord Falkland, then quite young, threw open his 
 house for their meetings, and his gardens were compared to 
 those of the Academy.* There neither sects nor parties were 
 formed, but free and vigorous opinions. Unshackled by sel- 
 fish interests or projects, drawn together solely by the pleasure 
 of exchanging ideas, and stimulating each other to generous 
 sentiments, the men who took part in these meetings debated 
 without constraint, and each sought only truth and justice. 
 Some more particularly applying themselves to philosophical 
 meditation, inquired what form of government most suited the 
 dignity of man : others, lawyers by profession, allowed no 
 illegal act of the king or his council to pass unnoticed ; others, 
 theologians by calling or taste, narrowly investigated the first 
 ages of Christianity, their creeds, their foi'ms of worship, and 
 compared them with the church which Laud was essaying to 
 establish. These men were not united by common passions 
 and perils, nor by any definite principles or object ; but they 
 all agreed and mutually excited each other to detest tyranny, 
 
 * Clarendon's Memoirs (1827), i., 55. 
 
ENGLISH KEVOLUTION. 81 
 
 to despise the court, to regret the parliament, to desire, in 
 short, a reform which they had slight hope of, but in which 
 each, in the freedom of his thought, promised himself the termi- 
 nation of his sorrows, the accomplishment of all his wishes. 
 
 Further from court, with men of an inferior class and in- 
 ferior refinement of mind, the feeling was of a severer cha- 
 racter, and the ideas, though narrower, more determined. Here 
 opinions were connected with interest, passions with opinions. 
 With the gentry, it was more particularly against political 
 tyranny that anger was directed. The decay of the higher 
 aristocracy, and of the feudal system, had greatly weakened 
 the distinctions of rank among the inferior classes : all gentle- 
 men at this time regarded themselves as the descendants of 
 those who had achieved Magna Charta ; and were indignant 
 at seeing their rights, their persons, their possessions subject 
 to the good will and pleasure of the king and his councillors, 
 while their ancestors, as they constantly reminded one 
 another, had of old made war upon the sovereign, and dic- 
 tated laws. No philosophical theory, no learned distinction 
 between democracy, aristocracy, and royalty, occupied them ; 
 the house of commons alone filled their thoughts : that repre- 
 sented, in their eyes, the nobles as well as the people, the 
 ancient coalition of the barons as well as the nation at large : 
 that alone had of late years defended public liberty, that alone 
 was capable of regaining it ; that alone was thought of, when 
 parliament was mentioned ; and the lawfulness as Avell as the 
 necessity of its being all-powerful was an idea that by degrees 
 established itself in every mind. With respect to the church, 
 most of the gentry were, as to its form of government, with- 
 out any particular view, and assuredly without any idea of 
 destroying it. They had no hostility to episcopacy ; but the 
 bishops were odious to them as the abettors and upholders of 
 tyranny. The reformation had proclaimed the enfranchise- 
 ment of civil society, and abolished the usurpations of spiritual 
 power in temporal matters. The Anglican clergy sought to 
 resume the power which Rome had lost : that this ambition 
 might be repressed, that the pope should have no successors 
 in England, that the bishops, keeping apart from the govern- 
 ment of the state, should limit themselves to administering, 
 according to the laws of the land, the affairs of religion in 
 their respective dioceses, this was the general wish and feel- 
 
82 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 ing of the country nobility and gentry, who were all well 
 enough disposed to sanction an episcopal constitution, provided 
 the church neither pretended to political power nor to divine 
 right. 
 
 In the towns, the better class of citizens, in the country, a 
 large proportion of the lesser gentry, and almost all the free- 
 holders, carried their views, extended their indignation, par- 
 ticularly in religious matters, much further than this. With 
 them predominated a passionate attachment to the cause of 
 reform, an ardent desire to have its great principles thoroughly 
 worked out, a profound hatred of everything that retained 
 any semblance to popery, or recalled it to their memory. It 
 was under the usurpations of the Roman hierarchy, said they, 
 that the primitive church, the simplicity of its worship, the 
 purity of its faith, were destroyed. Therefore was it, they 
 went on, that the first church of reform, the new apostles, 
 Zwinglius, Calvin, Knox, applied themselves promptly and 
 vigorously to abolish this tyrannical constitution and its 
 idolatrous pomps. The gospel had been their rule, the pri- 
 mitive church their model. England alone persisted in walk- 
 ing in the ways of popery : for was the yoke of the bishops 
 less hard, their conduct more evangelical, their pride less 
 arrogant than that of Rome ? Like Rome, they only thought 
 of power and riches ; like Rome, they disliked frequent 
 preaching, austerity of manners, freedom of prayer ; like 
 Rome, they claimed to subject to immutable and minute 
 forms the impulses of Christian souls ; like Rome, they sub- 
 stituted, for the vivifying words of Christ, the worldly pa- 
 geantry of their ceremonies. On the sacred day of the sabbath 
 did true Christians desire to perform, in the retirement of 
 their homes, their pious exercises ? in every square, in every 
 street, the noise of games and dancing, the riots of drunken- 
 ness, insultingly broke in upon their meditations. And the 
 bishops were not satisfied with permitting these profane pas- 
 times : they recommended — nay, almost commanded them, 
 lest the people should acquire a taste for more holy pleasures.* 
 Was there in their flock a man whose timorous conscience 
 felt wounded by some usages of the church ? they imperiously 
 imposed upon him the observance of its minutest laws ; if 
 
 * Neal, ii., 212 ; Rushworth, i., 2, 191. 
 
ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 83 
 
 they saw another attached to the laws, they tormented him 
 with their innovations ; they crushed the humble ; the high- 
 souled, they irritated to revolt. On all sides were main- 
 tained the maxims, usages, and pretensions of the enemies of 
 the true faith. And why this abandonment of the gospel ? 
 this oppression of the most zealous Christian ? To maintain 
 a power which the gospel conferred on no one, which the 
 first believers had never known. It was desired that episco- 
 pacy should be abolished, that the church, becoming once 
 more itself, its own, should be henceforth governed by minis- 
 ters equal among themselves, simple preachers of the gospel, 
 and regulating in concert, in common deliberation, the disci- 
 pline of the Christian people ; this would be indeed the church 
 of Christ ; then there would no longer be idolatry, or tyranny ; 
 and the reformation, at last accomplished, would no longer 
 have to fear popery, even now at the door, ready to invade 
 the house of God, which its keepers seem getting ready for 
 the reception of the enemy.* 
 
 When the people, among whom, from the first rise of the 
 reformation, these ideas had been obscurely fermenting, saw 
 them adopted by a number of rich, eminent, and influential 
 men, their own direct and natural supporters, they acquired a 
 confidence in them and in themselves, which, though it did 
 not then break out into sedition, soon changed the whole 
 condition and aspect of the country. Already in 1582 and 
 1616, a few nonconformists, formally separating from the 
 church of England, had formed, under the name, afterwards 
 so celebrated, of Brownists and Independents, little dissenting 
 sects, who rejected all general government of the church, and 
 proclaimed the right of every congregation of the faithful to 
 regulate its own worship upon purely republican principles. f 
 From that epoch, some private congregations had been esta- 
 blished on this model, but they were few in number, poor, 
 and almost all as strange to the nation as to the church. Ex- 
 posed, without the means of defence, to persecution as soon as 
 it had ferreted them out, the sectaries fled, and generally re- 
 tired to Holland. But- soon love for their country struggled 
 in their hearts, with the desire for liberty ; to conciliate both, 
 they sent messages to the friends whom they had left behind, 
 
 • Rushworth, i., 3, 172. t Neal, i., 301 ; ii., 43, 92. 
 
84 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 concerting with them to go together in search of a new 
 country, in some scarcely known region, but which at least 
 belonged to England and where English people only were to 
 be found. The more wealthy sold their property, bought a 
 small vessel, provisions, implements of husbandry, and, under 
 the charge of a minister of their faith, went to join their 
 friends in Holland, thence to proceed together to North Ame- 
 rica, where some efforts at colonization were then making. 
 It seldom happened that the vessel was large enough to take 
 all the passengers who wished to go ; on such occasions, all 
 being assembled on the sea side, at the place off which the 
 ship lay at anchor, there, on the beach, the minister of that 
 part of the congregation which was to remain behind, preached 
 a farewell sermon ; the minister of those who were about to 
 depart answered him by another sermon. Long did they 
 pray together ere they exchanged a parting embrace ; and 
 then, as the one party sailed away, the other returned sorrow- 
 fully, to await amid a strange people, the opportunity and 
 means of rejoining their brethren.* Several expeditions of 
 this kind took place successively and without obstacle, owing 
 to the obscurity of the fugitives. But all at once, in 1637, 
 the king perceived that they had become numerous and fre- 
 quent, that considerable citizens engaged in them, that they 
 carried away with them great riches ; already, it was said, 
 more than twelve millions of property had thus been lost to 
 the country. f It was no longer merely a few weak and ob- 
 scure sectarians who felt the weight of tyranny ; their 
 opinions had spread, and their feelings were shared, even by 
 the classes which did not adopt their opinions. In various 
 ways, the government had rendered itself so odious, that 
 thousands of men, differing in rank and fortune and objects, 
 severed themselves from their native land. An order of the 
 council forbade these emigrations (May 1, 1637).:}: At that 
 very time, eight vessels, ready to depart, were at anchor in 
 the Thames : on board one of them were Pym, Haslerig, 
 Hampden, and Cromwell. § 
 
 They were wrong to fly from tyranny, for the people began 
 to brave it. Fermentation had succeeded to discontent. It 
 
 * Neal, ii., 110. t lb., 186. t Rushworth, i., 2, 409. 
 
 § Neal, ii., 237. Walpole, Catalogue of Royal and Noble Authors 
 (1733), i., 206. 
 
ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 85 
 
 was no longer merely the re-establishment of legal order, nor 
 even the abolition of episcopacy, that men's thoughts limited 
 themselves to. In the shadow of the great party which medi- 
 tated this double reform, a number of more ai'dent, more daring 
 sects were growing up. On all sides, small congregations 
 detached themselves from the church, taking as their symbol 
 some such or such interpretation of a dogma ; some the re- 
 jection of such or such a rite ; some the destruction of all 
 ecclesiastical government, the absolute independence of the 
 faithful, and the having recourse alone to the inspiration of the 
 Holy Spirit. Everywhere passion mastered fear. Notwith- 
 standing the active inquisition of Laud, sects of all descriptions 
 assembled, in towns, in some cellar ; in the country, under the 
 roof of a barn, or in the midst of a wood. The dismal cha- 
 racter of the locality, their perils and difficulties in meeting, 
 all excited the imagination of preachers and hearers ; they 
 passed together long hours, often whole nights, praying, singing 
 hymns, seeking the Lord, and cursing their enemies. Of 
 little import to the safety, or even to the credit of these fanatic 
 associations, was the senselessness of their doctrines, or the 
 small number of their partisans ; they were sheltered and pro- 
 tected by the general resentment that had taken possession of 
 the country. In a short time, whatever their appellation, their 
 creed, or their designs, the confidence of the nonconformists in 
 public favor became so great, that they did not hesitate to dis- 
 tinguish themselves by their dress and their manners, thus 
 professing their opinions before the very eyes of their perse- 
 cutors. Clothed in black, the hair cut close, the head covered 
 with a high-crowned, wide-brimmed hat, they were everywhere 
 objects of respect to the multitude, who gave them the name 
 of saints. Their credit augmented to such a degree, that 
 notwithstanding the persecution which followed them, even 
 hypocrisy declared on their side. Bankrupt merchants, work- 
 men without employment, men rendered outcasts by debauch- 
 ery and debts, whoever needed to raise his character in the 
 estimation of the public, assumed the dress, air, and language 
 of the saints, and at once obtained, from a passionate credulity, 
 welcome and protection.* In political matters the efferves- 
 cence, though less general, less disorderly, daily extended. 
 
 * Mrs. Hutchinson's Memoirs. 
 8 
 
86 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 Among the inferior classes, the effect either of their bettered 
 means, or of religious opinions, ideas and desires of equality, 
 till then unknown, began to circulate. In a more elevated 
 sphere, some proud and rugged minds, detesting the court, 
 despising the impotency of the ancient laws, and giving them- 
 selves up -passionately to their soaring thoughts, dreamed, in 
 the solitude of their reading, or the secresy of their private 
 conversations, of more simple and efficacious institutions. 
 Others, influenced by aims less pure, indifferent to all creeds, 
 profligate in their manners, and thrown by their humor or by 
 chance among the discontented, desired an anarchy which 
 would make way for their ambition, or at all events free them 
 from all restraint. Fanaticism and licentiousness, sincerity 
 and hypocrisy, respect and contempt for old institutions, le- 
 gitimate wishes, and disorderly aspirations — all these concurred 
 to foment the national anger ; all rallied together against a 
 power whose tyranny inspired with the same hatred men of 
 the most various feelings and views, while its imprudence and 
 weakness gave activity and hope to the meanest factions, to 
 the most daring dreams. 
 
 For some time this progress of public indignation passed 
 unperceived by the king and his council ; apart, as it were, 
 from the nation, and meeting with no effectual resistance, the 
 government, notwithstanding its embarrassments, was still 
 confident and haughty. To justify its conduct, it often spoke, 
 and with marked emphasis, of the bad spirit that- was abroad ; 
 but its momentary doubts did not awaken its prudence ; while" 
 it feared, it despised its enemies. Even the necessity of making, 
 day after day, its oppression still more and more oppressive, 
 did not enlighten it ; nay, with an imbecile pride, it regarded 
 as manifestations of power the additional rigor which the in- 
 creasing peril obliged it to put in force. 
 
 In 1636, England was inundated with pamphlets against the 
 favor shown to the papists, the disorders of the court, above 
 all, against the tyranny of Laud and the bishops. Already 
 more than once the star-chamber had severely punished such 
 publications, but never before had they been so numerous, so 
 violent, so diffused, so eagerly sought for as now. They were 
 spread through every town, they found their way to the re- 
 motest villages ; daring smugglers brought thousands of copies 
 from Holland, realizing a large profit ; they were commented 
 
ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 87 
 
 on in the churches, which Laud had not been able entirely to 
 clear of puritan preachers. Incensed at the inefficacy of its 
 ordinary severities, the council resolved to try others. A 
 lawyer, a theologian, and a physician, Prynne, Burton, and 
 Bastwick, were brought at the same time before the star- 
 chamber. The government at first wished to try them for high 
 treason, which would have involved capital punishment ; but 
 the judges declared there were no means of straining the law 
 so far, so that they were fain to content themselves with a 
 charge of petty treason or felony.* 
 
 The iniquity of the proceedings quite matched the barbarity 
 of the sentence. The accused were summoned to make their 
 defence forthwith, or that the allegations would be held as 
 admitted. They answered they could not write it, for that 
 paper, ink, and pens had been denied them. These were 
 supplied, with an order to have their defence signed by a 
 barrister ; and yet for several days access to the prison was 
 refused to the barrister they had selected. Admitted at last, 
 he refused to sign the paper, fearing to compromise himself 
 with the court ; and no other counsel would undertake it. They 
 asked permission to give in their defence signed by themselves. 
 The court rejected the application, with the intimation that 
 v/ithout a barrister's signature, they should consider the im- 
 puted offences proved. " My lords," said Prynne, " you ask 
 an impossibility." The court merely repeated its declaration. 
 The trial opened with a gross insult to one of the prisoners. 
 Four years before, for another pamphlet, Prynne had been 
 condemned to have his ears cut off. " I had thought," said 
 lord Finch, looking at him, " Mr. Prynne had no ears ; but 
 methinks he hath ears." This caused many of the lords to 
 take a closer view of him, and for their better satisfaction the 
 usher of the court turned up his hair and showed his ears, 
 upon the sight whereof the lords were displeased they had 
 been no more cut off, and reproached him. " I hope your 
 honors will not be offended," said Prynne ; " pray God give 
 you ears to hear."f 
 
 They were sentenced to the pillory, to lose their ears, to 
 pay 5000Z. and to perpetual imprisonment. On the day of 
 the sentence (June 30), an immense crowd pressed round the 
 
 * Rushworth, i., 2, 324. f State Trials, iii., 711. 
 
88 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 pillory ; the executioner wanted to keep them off: " Let them 
 come, and spare not," said Burton ; " that they may learn to 
 suffer ;" the man was moved, and did not insist.* " Sir," 
 said a woman to Burton, " by this sermon, God may convert 
 many unto him." He answered, " God is able to do it, in- 
 deed I"! A young man turned pale, as he looked at him : 
 " Son, son," said Burton to him, " what is the matter, you 
 look so pale ? I have as much comfort as my heart can hold, 
 and if I had need of more I should have it.":j: The crowd 
 pressed nearer and nearer round the condemned ; some one 
 gave Bastwick a bunch of flowers ; a bee settled on it : " Do 
 ye not see this poor bee," said he, " she hath found out this 
 very place to suck sweet from these flowers ; and cannot I 
 suck sweetness in this very place from Christ ?"§ " Had we 
 respected our liberties," said Prynne, " we had not stood here 
 at this time ; it was for the general good and liberties of you 
 all that we have now thus far engaged our own liberties in 
 this cause. For did you know how deeply they have en- 
 croached on your liberties, if you knew but into what times 
 you are cast, it would make you look about, and see how far 
 your liberty did lawfully extend, and so maintain it."|| The 
 air rang with solemn acclamations. 
 
 Some months after (April 18), the same scenes were re- 
 newed around the scaffold where, for the same cause, Lilburne 
 was undergoing a like cruel treatment. The enthusiasm of 
 the sufferer and the people seemed even still greater. Tied 
 to a cart's tail and whipped through the streets of Westmin- 
 ster, Lilburne never ceased from exhorting the multitude that 
 closely followed him. When bound to the pillory, he con- 
 tinued to speak ; he was ordered to be silent, but in vain ; 
 they gagged him. He then drew from his pockets pamphlets, 
 which he threw to the people, who seized them with avidity ; 
 his hands were then tied. Motionless and silent, the crowd 
 who had heard him remained to gaze upon him. Some of 
 his judges were at a window, as if curious to see how far his 
 perseverance would go ; he exhausted their curiosity. IT 
 
 As yet the martyrs had been only men of the people ; none 
 of them distinguished by name, talents, or fortune ; most of 
 them, indeed, before their trial, were of but little considera- 
 
 * State Trials, iii., 751. t lb., 753. J lb., 752. 
 
 § lb., 751. II lb., 748. IT State Trials, 1315, et seq. 
 
ENGLISH REVOLUTION. ' 89 
 
 tion in their profession ; and the opinions they maintained 
 were, chiefly, those of the fanatic sects, which were popular 
 more especially with the multitude. Proud of their courage, 
 the people soon charged the higher classes with weakness and 
 apathy : " Honor," said they, " that did use to reside in the 
 head, is now, like the gout, got into the foot."* But it was 
 not so : the country nobles and gentlemen, and the higher 
 class of citizens, were no less irritated than the people ; but 
 more clear-sighted and less enthusiastic, they waited for some 
 great occasion giving well-grounded expectation of success. 
 This public cry aroused them, and inspired them with confi- 
 dence. The time had come when the nation, thoroughly ex- 
 cited, only needed known, steady, influential leaders, who 
 would resist, not as adventurers or mere sectaries, but in the 
 name of the rights and interests of the whole country. 
 
 A gentleman of Buckinghamshire, John Hampden, gave 
 the signal for this national resistance. Before him, indeed, 
 several had attempted it, but unsuccessfully ; they, like him, 
 had refused to pay the impost called ship money, requiring to 
 have the question brought before the court of king's bench, 
 and that they siiould be allowed, in a solemn trial, to maintain 
 their opinion of the illegality of the tax, and the legality of 
 their refusal to pay it ; but the court had hitherto always 
 found means to elude the discussion ;-|- Hampden enforced it. 
 Though in 1626 and 1628 he had sat in parliament on the 
 benches of the opposition, he had not attracted any peculiar 
 suspicion on the part of the court. Since the last dissolution, 
 he had lived tranquilly, sometimes on his estates, sometimes 
 travelling over England and Scotland, everywhere attentively 
 observing the state of men's minds, and forming numerous 
 connexions, but giving no utterance to his own feelings. Pos- 
 sessing a large fortune, he enjoyed it honorably, and without 
 display ; of grave and simple manners, but without any show 
 of austerity, remarkable for his atfability and the serenity of 
 his temper, he was respected by all his neighbors, of whatever 
 party, and passed among them for a sensible man, opposed to 
 the prevalent system, but not fanatic or factious. The magis- 
 trates of the country, accordingly, without fearing, spared 
 
 * A saying related in a letter of lord Haughton to sir Thomas Went- 
 worth, dated May 19th, 1627. Strafford's Letters and Despatches, i., 38. 
 t Rushworth, i., 2, 323, 414, &c. 
 
90 HISTOEY OF THE 
 
 him. In 1636, in their assessment, they rated Hampden at 
 the trifling sum of twenty shillings, intending without .doubt 
 to let him ofi" easy, and also hoping that the smallness of the 
 rate would prevent a prudent man from disputing it. Hamp- 
 den refused to pay it, but without passion, or noise ; solely 
 intent upon bringing to a solemn judicial decision, in his own 
 person, the rights of his country. In prison, his conduct was 
 equally quiet and reserved ; he only required to be brought 
 before the judges, and represented that the king was no less 
 interested than himself in having such a question settled by 
 the laws. The king, full of confidence, having recently ob- 
 tained from the judges the declaration, that, in case of urgent 
 necessity, and for the security of the kingdom, this tax might 
 be legally imposed, was, at last, persuaded to allow Hampden 
 the honor of fighting the case. Hampden's counsel managed 
 the affair with the same prudence that he himself had shown, 
 speaking of the king and his prerogative with profound 
 respect, avoiding all declamation, all hazardous principles, 
 resting solely on the laws and history of the country.* One 
 of them, Mr. Holborne, even checked himself several times, 
 begging the court to forgive him the warmth of his arguments, 
 and to warn him if he passed the limits which decorum and 
 law prescribed. The crown lawyers, themselves, praised Mr. 
 Hampden for his moderation. During the thirteen days the 
 trial lasted, amid all the public irritation, the fundamental 
 laws of the country were debated without the defenders of 
 public liberty once laying themselves open to any charge of 
 passion, any suspicion of seditious design. ■[■ 
 
 Hampden was condemned (June 12), only four judges 
 voting in his favor,:]: The king congratulated himself on this 
 decision, as the decisive triumph of arbitrary power. The 
 people took the same view of it, and no longer hoped aught 
 
 * Rushworth, i., 2, 352 ; State Trials, iii., 825. 
 
 t State Trials, iii., 846-1254. 
 
 j Sir Humphrey Davenport, sir John Denham, sir Richard Hutton, 
 and sir George Crooke. Contrary to the general assertion, Mr. Lin- 
 gard says that five judges declared in favor of Hampden. Hist, of 
 England, 1825, x., 33. His error evidently arises from his having 
 reckoned for two voices, the two opinions given in favor of Hampden 
 by Judge Crooke, which are both inserted in the trial. (State Trials, 
 iii., 1127-1181.) In 1645, the son of Judge Hutton was killed at Sher- 
 burne for the royal cause. 
 
ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 91 
 
 from the magistrates or the laws. Charles had but small cause 
 for rejoicing : the people, in losing hope, gained courage. 
 Discontent, hitherto deficient in cohesion, became unanimous : 
 gentlemen, citizens, farmers, tradespeople, presbyterians, sec- 
 tarians, the whole nation felt itself wounded by this decision.* 
 The name of Hampden was in every mouth, pronounced with 
 tenderness and pride, for his destiny was the type of his con- 
 duct, his conduct the glory of the country. The friends and 
 partizans of the court scarcely dared to maintain the legality 
 of its victory. The judges excused themselves, almost con- 
 fessing their cowardice, to obtain forgiveness. The more 
 peaceful citizens were sorrowfully silent ; the bolder spirits 
 expressed their indignation aloud, with secret satisfaction. 
 Soon, both in London and the provinces, the discontented 
 found leaders who met to talk of the future. Everywhere 
 measures were taken to concert with and uphold each other 
 in case of necessity. In a word, a party was formed, care- 
 fully concealing itself as such, but publicly avowed by the 
 nation. The king and his council were still rejoicing over 
 their last triumph, when already their adversaries had found 
 the occasion and the means to act. 
 
 About a month after Hampden's condemnation (July 23), 
 a violent sedition broke out at Edinburgh. It was excited by 
 the arbitrary and sudden introduction of a new liturgy. 
 Since his accession, after the example of his father, Charles 
 had incessantly been endeavoring to overthrow the republican 
 constitution which the Scottish church had borrowed from 
 Calvinism, and to re-establish Scottish episcopacy, the outline 
 of which still existed, in the plenitude of its authority and 
 splendor. Fraud, violence, threats, corruption, everything 
 had been essayed to procure success for this design. Despot- 
 ism had even shown itself supple and patient ; it had addressed 
 itself sometimes to the ambition of the ecclesiastics, sometimes 
 to the interest of the small landed proprietors, offering to the 
 latter an easy redemption of their tithes, to the former high 
 church dignities and honorable offices in the state, always 
 advancing towards its object, yet contenting itself with a slow 
 and tortuous progress. From time to time the people became 
 more and more alarmed, and the national clergy resisted ; its 
 
 * May, passim. Hocket, Life of Bishop Williams, part 2, p. 127. 
 
92 HISTOEY OF THE 
 
 assemblies were then suspended, its boldest preachers banished. 
 The parliament, generally servile, sometimes hesitated ; the 
 elections were then interfered with, their debates stifled, even 
 their votes falsified.* The Scottish church, in the course of 
 struggles wherein victory always declared for the crown, 
 passed by degrees under the yoke of a hierarchy and disci 
 pline, nearly conformable with that of the English church, 
 and which regarded as equally sacred the absolute ppwer and 
 the divine right of bishops and of the king. In 1636, the work 
 seemed all but completed ; the bishops had recovered their 
 jurisdiction ; the archbishop of St. Andrew's (Spottiswood) 
 was chancellor of the kingdom, the bishop of Ross (Maxwell) 
 on the point of becoming high treasurer ; out of fourteen pre- 
 lates, nine had seats in the privy council, and preponderated 
 there. f Charles and Laud thought the time had come for 
 consummating the matter by imposing upon this church, with- 
 out consulting either clergy or people, a code of canons, and 
 a mode of worship, in accordance with its new condition. 
 
 But the reformation had not been in Scotland, as in Eng- 
 land, born of the will of the prince and the servility of the 
 court. Popular from its commencement, it had, by its own 
 strength, and in spite of all obstacles, mounted to the throne 
 instead of descending from it. No difference of system, 
 situation, or interests had, from the outset, divided its parti- 
 sans ; and in the course of a long struggle, they had accus- 
 tomed themselves, by turns, to brave &,nd to wield power. 
 The Scottish preachers might boast of having raised the 
 nation, sustained civil war, dethroned a queen, and ruled 
 their king till the day when, ascending a foreign throne, he 
 escaped from their empire. Strong in this union, and in the 
 remembrance of so many victories, they boldly mixed toge- 
 ther, in their sermons as in their private thoughts, politics and 
 religion, the affairs of the country and religious controversies ; 
 and from the pulpit censured by name the king's ministers 
 and their own parishioners alike freely. The people, in such 
 a school, had acquired the same audacity of mind and speech ; 
 owing to themselves alone the triumph of the reformation, 
 they cherished it not only as their creed, but also as the work 
 of their hands. They held as a fundamental maxim the 
 
 * Burnet's Own Times ; Laing, Hist, of Scotland, iii., 110. 
 t Laing, iii., 122. 
 
ENGLISH KE VOLUTION. 93 
 
 spiritual independence of their church, not the religious supre- 
 macy of the monarch, and thought themselves in a position, 
 as well as called upon by duty, to protect against popery, 
 royalty, and episcopacy, that which alone it had set up against 
 them. The preponderance given to their kings, by their 
 elevation to the throne of England, for awhile abated their 
 courage ; hence the success of James against those presbyte- 
 rian doctrines and institutions, which, as simple king of Scot- 
 land, he had been fain submit to. Kings are easily deceived 
 by the apparent servility of nations. Scotland intimidated, 
 seemed to Charles, Scotland subdued. By the aid of his su- 
 premacy and of episcopacy, he had kept under in England 
 the popular reformation which had always been successfully 
 contested by his predecessors ; he thought he could destroy it 
 in Scotland, where it had reigned, where it was alone legally 
 constituted, where the supremacy of the throne was only 
 acknowledged by the bishops themselves, barely able to retain 
 their own position by its support. 
 
 The attempt had that issue which has often, in similar cases, 
 been the astonishment and sorrow of the servants of despotism : 
 it failed at the point of apparent success. The re-establishment 
 of episcopacy, the abolition of the ancient laws, the suspension 
 or corruption of political and religious assemblies, all that could 
 be done out of sight, as it were, of the people, had been done. 
 But the instant that, to complete the work, it became necessary 
 to change the form of public worship, on the very day of the 
 introduction of the new liturgy into the cathedral of Edin- 
 burgh, all was over. In a few weeks, a sudden and universal 
 rising brought to Edinburgh* (Oct. 18, 16-37), from all parts 
 of the kingdom, an immense multitude, landholders, farmers, 
 citizens, tradesmen, peasants, who came to protest against the 
 innovations with which their worship was threatened, and to 
 back their protest by their presence. They crowded the houses 
 and streets, encamped at the gates and beneath the walls of the 
 town, besieged the hall of the privy council, who vainly de- 
 manded assistance from the municipal council, itself besieged, 
 insulted the bishops as they passed, and drew up, in the High- 
 street, an accusation of tyranny and idolatry against them, 
 which was signed by ecclesiastics, gentlemen, and even by 
 some lords. f The king, without answering their complaints, 
 
 * Rushworth, i., 2, 404. t Neal, ii., 274 ; Laing, ill., 136. 
 
^4 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 ordered the petitioners to return home ; tliey obeyed, less from 
 submission than from necessity ; and returned in a month 
 (Nov. 15) more numerous than before. This second time 
 there was no disorder, their passion was grave and silent ; the 
 upper classes had engaged in the quarrel ; in a fortnight, a 
 regular organization of resistance was proposed, adopted, and 
 put in action ; a superior council, elected from the different 
 ranks of citizens, was charged to prosecute the general enter- 
 prise ; in every county, in every town, subordinate councils 
 executed its instructions. The insurrection had disappeared, 
 ready to rise at the voice of the government it had given itself. 
 Charles at last replied * (Dec. 7), but only to confirm the 
 liturgy, and to forbid the petitioners to assemble, under the 
 penalties of treason. The Scottish council were ordered to 
 keep the royal proclamation secret, until the moment of its 
 publication ; but ere it reached Scotland, the leaders of the in- 
 surrection already knew its contents. They immediately con- 
 voked the people, to support their representatives. The council, 
 to anticipate them, at once published the proclamation (Feb. 
 19, 1638). At the same moment, on the very footsteps of the 
 king's heralds, two peers of the realm, lord Hume and lord 
 Lindsay, caused a protest, which they had signed, to be pro- 
 claimed and placarded in the name of their fellow-citizens. 
 Others performed the same office in every place where the 
 king's proclamation was read. Every day more excited, more 
 menaced, more united, the insurgents at last resolved to bind 
 themselves by a solemn league, similar to those which, since 
 the origin of the reformation, Scotland had several times 
 adopted, in order to set forth and maintain before all men their 
 rights, their faith, aad their wishes. Alexander Henderson, 
 the most influential of the ecclesiastics, and Archibald John- 
 ston, afterwards lord Warriston, a celebrated advocate, drew 
 up this league under the popular name of Covenant ; it was 
 revised and approved of by the lords Balmerino, Loudon, and 
 Rothes (March 1, 1638). It contained, besides a minute and 
 already ancient profession of faith, the formal rejection of the 
 new canons and liturgy, and an oath of national union to defend, 
 against every danger, the sovereign, the religion, the laws and 
 liberties of the country. It was no sooner proposed than it was 
 
 * Rushworth, i., 2, 408. 
 
ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 95 
 
 received with universal transport. Messengers, relieving each 
 other from village to village, carried it, with incredible rapidity, 
 to the most remote parts of the kingdom, as the fiery cross was 
 borne over the mountains to call to war all the vassals of the 
 same chieftain.* Gentlemen, clergy, citizens, laborers, wo- 
 men, children, all assembled in crowds in the churches, in the 
 streets, to swear fealty to the covenant. Even the highlanders, 
 seized with the national impulse, forgot for a moment their pas- 
 sionate loyalty and fierce animosity to the lowlanders, and 
 joined the insurgents. In less than six weeks, all Scotland was 
 confederated under the law of the covenant. The persons em- 
 ployed by government, a few thousand catholics, and the town 
 of Aberdeen, alone refused to join it. 
 
 So much daring astonished Charles : he had been told of in- 
 sane riots by a miserable rabble; the municipal council of 
 Edinburgh had even come forward humbly to solicit his cle- 
 mency, promising the prompt chastisement of the factious ; and 
 his Scottish courtiers boasted daily of learning, by their corre- 
 spondence, that all was quiet, or nearly so.f Incensed at the 
 powerlessness of his will, he resolved to have recourse to force ; 
 but nothing was ready ; it was necessary to gain time. The 
 marquis of Hamilton was sent to Scotland, instructed to flatter 
 the rebels with some hope, but not to say anything binding the 
 king or to come to any settlement. Twenty thousand cove- 
 
 * When a chief wished to assemble his clan on any sudden and im- 
 portant occasion, he killed a goat, made a cross of some light wood, set 
 the four ends of it on fire, and then extinguished them in the blood of 
 the goat. The cross was called the fiery cross, or the cross of shame ; 
 because he who refused to obey the token was declared infamous. The 
 cross was given into the hands of a quick and trusty messenger, who, 
 running rapidly to the nearest hamlet, transferred it to the principal 
 person, without uttering any other word than the name of the place of 
 rendezvous. The new messenger forwarded it with equal promptitude 
 to the next village ; it thus went, with amazing celerity, over the whole 
 district dependent on the same chief ; and passed on to those of his 
 allies, if the danger was common to them. At the sight of the fiery 
 cross, every man from sixteen to sixty, capable of bearing arms, was 
 obliged to take his best weapons and his best accoutrements, and to 
 proceed to the place of rendezvous. He who failed in this, was liable 
 to have his lands devastated by fire and blood ; a peril of which the fiery 
 cross was the emblem. In the civil war of 1745, the fiery cross was 
 often in circulation in Scotland ; once in particular, it travelled in three 
 hours the whole district of Breadalbane, about thirty miles. This cus- 
 tom existed in most of the Scandinavian nations. 
 
 t Clarendon, i. 
 
96 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 nanters, assembled at Edinburgh for a solemn fast, went to 
 meet Hamilton (June, 1638) ; seven hundred clergymen, 
 dressed in their robes, stood on an eminence by the road side, 
 singing a psalm as he passed.* The party wished to give the 
 marquis a high idea of its strength ; and Hamilton, as well to 
 preserve his credit with the country as to obey the instruc- 
 tions of his master, was inclined to seem conciliatory. But 
 the concessions he proposed were deemed insufficient and de- 
 ceitful ; a royal covenant he attempted to set up, in opposition 
 to the popular covenant, was rejected with derision. After 
 several useless interviews, and several journeys from Edin- 
 burgh to London, he suddenly (Sept.) received from the king 
 orders to grant to the insurgents all their demands ; the aboli- 
 tion of the canons, of the liturgy, and of the court of high com- 
 mission ; the promise of an assembly of the kirk, and of a par- 
 liament in which all questions should be freely debated, and in 
 which even the bishops might be impeached. The Sco's were 
 at once rejoiced, and utterly amazed ; but still mistrustful, and 
 the more so from the care taken to remove every pretext for 
 their longer confederating. The general synod assembled at 
 Glasgow (Nov. 21). It soon perceived that Hamilton's only 
 object was to impede their progress, and to introduce into its 
 acts some nullifying articles. Such, in fact, were the king's 
 instructions. f The assembly, however, proceeded, and were 
 taking measures to bring the bishops to trial, when Hamilton 
 suddenly pronounced their dissolution (Nov. 28). At the same 
 time they heard that Charles was preparing for war, and that 
 a body of troops levied in Ireland, by the exertions of Strafford, 
 was on the point of embarking for Scotland. :j; Hamilton de- 
 parted for London ; but the synod refused to disperse, con- 
 tinued their deliberations, condemned all the royal innovations, 
 asserted the covenant, and abolished episcopacy. Several 
 lords, till then neutral (among others the earl of Argyle, a 
 powerful nobleman, and renowned for his wisdom), openly 
 embraced the cause of their country. Scottish merchants 
 went abroad to buy ammunition and arms ; the covenant was 
 sent to the Scottish troops serving on the Continent, and one of 
 their best officers, Alexander Leslie, was invited to return 
 home, to take, in case of need, the command of the insurgents. 
 
 * May, i., 40. t See Appendix, No. V. 
 
 t Strafford, ii., 233, 278, 279. 
 
ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 97 
 
 Finally, in the name of the Scottish people, a declaration was 
 addressed to the English nation (Feb. 27), to acquaint them 
 with the just grievances of their brother Christians, and to repel 
 the calumnies with which their common enemies sought to 
 blacken them and their cause. 
 
 The court received this declaration with ridicule ; the con- 
 duct of the insurgents was laughed at there, as absurd inso- 
 lence ; the only thing the courtiers professed to be annoyed at 
 was the degrading annoyance of having to fight them ; for 
 what glory, what profit, could be got by a war with a people 
 so poor, vulgar and obscure 1* Though a Scotchman himself 
 Charles trusted that the old hatred and contempt of the English 
 for Scotland would prevent the covenanters' complaints from 
 taking any effect upon men's minds in the south. But the 
 faith which unites nations soon effaces the boundary-line that 
 divides them. In the cause of the Scots, the malcontents of 
 England ardently recognized their own. Secret correspon- 
 dence was rapidly established between the two kingdoms. 
 The declarations of the insurgents were spread everywhere ; 
 their grievances, their proceedings, their hopes, became the 
 subject of popular conversation ; in a short time, they acquired 
 friends and agents in London, in all the counties, in the army, 
 even at court. As soon as their firm resolution to resist was 
 ascertained, and that opinion in England seemed to lend them 
 its support, there were not wanting Scotch, and even English 
 courtiers, who, to injure some rival, to revenge themselves 
 for some refusal, to provide against chances, hastened to ren- 
 der them, underhand, ffood service, sometimes by sending 
 them information, sometimes by exaggerating to the other 
 courtiers their number, boasting of their discipline, and affect- 
 ing great uneasiness on the king's account, and regret that 
 he should incur such difficulties and dangers from want of a 
 little complaisance. The royal army, in its way towards 
 Scotland, encountei'ed a thousand reports spread on purpose 
 to intimidate and keep it back ; the earl of Essex, its general, 
 was earnestly advised to beware, to wait for reinforcements ; 
 the enemy, it was said, was much superior to him ; they had 
 been seen at such a place, near the frontiers ; they occupied 
 all the fortresses ; even Berwick would be in their hands 
 
 * May, i., 47. 
 
98 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 before he could arrive there. The earl, a scrupulous and 
 faithful officer, though but little favorable to the designs of the 
 court, continued his march, entered Berwick without obstacle, 
 and soon found that the troops of the insurgents were neither 
 so numerous nor so well prepared as he had been told. Yet 
 these reports, as eagerly listened to as they were carefully 
 spread, did not the less trouble men's minds.* The anxiety 
 increased when the king arrived at York (April). He went 
 there surrounded with extraordinary pomp, still infatuated with 
 the idea of the irresistible ascendency of royal majesty, and 
 flattering himself that to displaj^ it would suffice to make the 
 rebels return to their duty. As if to balance the appeal of 
 nation to nation, which had been made by Scotland to England, 
 he, in his turn, appealed to the nobility of his kingdom, sum- 
 moning them, according to the feudal custom, to come and 
 render him, on this occasion, the service they owed him. 
 
 The lords and a crowd of gentlemen flocked to York as to 
 a festival. The town and camp presented the appearance of 
 a court and tournament, not at all that of an army and of 
 war. Charles's vanity was delighted with such display ; but 
 intrigue, disorder, and insubordination prevailed around him."]" 
 The Scots on the frontiers familiarly communicated with his 
 soldiers. He wanted to exact from the lords an oath, that 
 they would upon no pretext whatever keep up any connexion 
 with the rebels ; lord Brook and lord Say refused to take it ; 
 and Charles dared not proceed further against them than to 
 order them to quit his court. Lord Holland entered the 
 Scottish territory, but on seeing a body of troops whom Leslie 
 had skilfully disposed, and whom the earl, without much 
 examination, considered more numerous than his own, he 
 withdrew with precipitation.:]: Officers and soldiers all hesi- 
 tated to commence a war so generally anathematized. The 
 Scots, well informed of what passed, took advantage of this 
 disposition. They wrote to the chiefs of the army, to lord 
 Essex, lord Arundel, lord Holland, in moderate and flattering 
 terms, expressing an entire confidence in the sentiments of the 
 nobility as well as of the people of England, and praying 
 them to interpose and obtain for them from the king justice 
 and the restoration of his favor. § Soon, sure of being sup- 
 
 * Clarendon, i f lb., i. J Rushworth, ii., 2, 935. § Clarendon, i. 
 
EJNTGLISH REVOLUTION. 99 
 
 ported, they addressed the king himself, with humble respect, 
 but without relinquishing any of their claims.* Charles, a 
 man without enei'gy, and as readily put out by obstacles as 
 he was heedless before they presented themselves, felt alto- 
 gether embarrassed. Conferences were opened (June 11)."}" 
 The king was haughty, but eager to conclude the matter ; the 
 Scots obstinate, but not insolent. Charles's pride was content 
 with the humility of their language • and on the 18th of June, 
 1639, by the advice of Laud himself, uneasy, it is said, at 
 the approach of danger, a pacification was concluded at Ber- 
 wick, under which both armies were ordered to break up, and 
 a synod and Scotch parliament to be shortly convoked, but 
 without any clear and precise treaty to put an end to the 
 differences which had given rise to the war. 
 
 That war was only adjourned, and this both parties equally 
 foresaw. The Scots, in dismissing their troops, gave the 
 officers an advance of pay, and ordered them to hold them- 
 selves constantly in readiness.:]: On his side, Charles had 
 scarcely disbanded his army before he began secretly to levy 
 another. A month after the pacification he sent for Strafford 
 to London to consult him, as he said, on some military plans ; 
 and he added, " I have much more, and indeed too much 
 cause to desire your counsel and attendance for some time, 
 which I think not fit to express by letter, more than this : the 
 Scots covenant begins to spread too far."§ Strafford obeyed 
 the summons instantly. It had long been his most ardent 
 desire to be employed near his master, the only post in which 
 his ambition could hope for the power and glory it aimed at. 
 He arrived, resolved to employ against the adversaries of the 
 crown the whole of his energies ; speaking of the Scots with 
 profound contempt, asserting that irresolution alone had 
 caused the late failure, and yet so confident in the firmness of 
 the king, that he promised himself from it irresistible support. 
 He found the court agitated with petty intrigues ; the earl of 
 Essex, treated coldly, notwithstanding his good conduct in the 
 campaign, had retired in discontent ; the officers mutually 
 accused each otlier of incapacity or want of courage ; the 
 queen's favorites were eagerly at work, seeking to turn the 
 general embarrassments to the advancement of their own 
 
 * Rushwortli,.ii., 2, 93S. t lb., 940. t Whitelocke, 31. 
 
 § Strafford's Letters and Despatches, ii., 372. 
 
100 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 fortunes and the downfal of their rivals ; the king himself was 
 low-spirited and anxious.* Strafford, however, soon felt ill at 
 ease, and unable to obtain the adoption of what he judged 
 necessary or to carry out even what he had got adopted. 
 The intrigues of the courtiers were soon directed against him. 
 He could not prevent one of his personal enemies, sir Harry 
 Vane, from being, through the queen's influence, elevated to 
 the rank of secretary of state. f The public, who had wit- 
 nessed his arrival with anxiety, uncertain what use he would 
 make of his power, soon learned that he was urging the most 
 rigorous measures, and pursued him with their maledictions.:}: 
 Matters became pressing. A dispute had arisen between the 
 king and the Scots, as to the construction of the treaty of Ber- 
 wick, of which scarcely anything had been reduced to writing ; 
 Charles had had a paper, which, according to the covenanters, 
 expressed its real conditions, burnt by the common hangman ; 
 of this the Scots now loudly complained, and the king did not 
 care to put forth anything in disproof of their statements, for 
 in negotiating he had permitted them to hope that which he 
 did not mean to accomplish. § Irritated by this want of faith, 
 and exhorted by their English friends to redouble their dis- 
 trust, the synod and parliament of Scotland, far from yielding 
 any of their pretensions, put forth others still more daring. 
 The parliament demanded that the king should be bound to 
 convoke them every three years, that freedom of election and 
 of speech should be assured them, so that political liberty, 
 firmly secured, might watch over the maintenance of the 
 national faith. 11 The words, "attempt on the prerogative," 
 "invaded sovereignty," and so on, now sounded more loudly 
 than ever at court and in the council : " I wish these people," 
 said Strafford, " were well whipped into their right senses. "IT 
 War was resolved upon. But how maintain it ? what new 
 and plausible motives put forward to the nation ? The public 
 treasury was empty, the king's private purse exhausted, and 
 opinion, already sufficiently powerful to make it advisable it 
 should be heard, if not followed. The pretext sought for 
 offered itself. From the beginning of the troubles, cardinal 
 Richelieu, displeased with the English court, in which Spanish 
 
 * Clarendon, i., 214. f Clarendon, i., 216. J May, i., 54, et seq. 
 § Clarendon, i. ; Rushworth, ii., 2, 965. || Rushworth, i., 2, 992. 
 IT Strafford's Letters, ii., 138. 
 
ENGLISH KE VOLUTION. ~ 101 
 
 influence prevailed, had been in correspondence with the 
 Scots ; he had an agent ainong them, had sent them money 
 and arms, and promised, in case of need, greater assistance. 
 A letter from the principal covenanters was intercepted, bear- 
 ing the address, ' To the king,' and evidently intended for the 
 king of France, whose assistance it I'equested.* Charles and 
 the council did not doubt that this appeal to a foreign prince, 
 high treason by law, would inspire all England with an 
 indignation equal to their own ; this v/as enough, they thought, 
 to convince all minds of the legitimacy of the war. In this 
 confidence, which served to veil the hard yoke of necessity, 
 the calling of a new parliament was determined upon, and 
 meantime, Strafford returned to Ireland (March 16, 1640) to 
 obtain supplies and soldiers from the parliament of that king- 
 dom also. 
 
 At the news that a parliament was summoned, England 
 was astonished ; it had ceased to hope for a legal reform, 
 though such was all it had thought of. However great its 
 discontent, all violent designs were foreign to the ideas of the 
 nation. Sectarians, in some places the multitude, and a few 
 men already compromised as leaders of the nascent parties, 
 alone fostered darker passions and more extended designs. 
 The public had approved and upheld them in their resistance, 
 but without sharing in any of their ulterior projects, or even 
 conceiving their existence. Continuous troubles had made 
 many worthy citizens doubt, if not as to the lawfulness, at 
 least as to the propriety of the ardor and obstinacy of the last 
 parliaments. They called to mind, without blaming, but with 
 regret, the harshness of their language, the disorderly charac- 
 ter of their excited debates, and all promised themselves 
 greater moderation in future. Under the influence of these 
 feelings, the constituencies returned a house of commons op- 
 posed to the court, resolved to have all grievances redressed, 
 and in which all those men whose opposition had rendered 
 them popular took a seat, but composed, for the most part, of 
 
 * Clarendon, i. ; Whitelocke, 32. See in particular the pieces pub- 
 lished on this subject by M. Mazure, at the end of his Hist, de la Revo- 
 lution de 1688, iii., 402. They evidently prove, contrary to the opinion 
 of Hume, Laing, Brodie, &c., that the letter of the Scottish chiefs was 
 actually sent to the king of France, and that he received it, though 
 Charles managed to intercept a copy of it. 
 
 9* 
 
102 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 peaceable citizens, free from all party engagements, afraid of 
 all violence, all secret combinations, and precipitate resolu- 
 tions, and flattering themselves they should reform abuses 
 without offending the king, or hazarding the peace of the 
 country. 
 
 After considerable delay, which gave some displeasure, 
 the parliament met (April 13, 1640). Charles had the letter 
 of the Scots to the king of France laid before it, enlarged upon 
 their treason, announced war, and demanded subsidies. The 
 house of commons took little notice of the letter, and seemed 
 to regard it as an incident of no importance compared with 
 the great interest they had at stake.* This offended the king, 
 who thought the house took up his quarrel with too much in- 
 difference. On their side, the house complained of a certain 
 want of respect and etiquette towards their speaker, on the 
 day of his presentation to the king.-j^ The court, after having 
 passed eleven years without a parliament, had some difficulty 
 in laying aside its scornful levity : and the house, notwith- 
 standing their pacific intentions, had very naturally resumed, 
 on their return to Westminster, the dignity of a pul)lic power, 
 eleven years slighted, and recalled from necessity. The de- 
 bates soon assumed a grave character. The king required 
 the house to vote the subsidies before they proceeded to con- 
 sider their grievances, promising he would let them sit after- 
 wards, and listen with kindness to their representations. Long 
 discussions arose on this point, but without violence, though 
 the sittings were attended with earnest assiduity, and prolonged 
 much later than usual.:}: A few bitter words, escaping from 
 members not much known, were immediately repressed, and 
 the speeches of several servants of the crown, esteemed in 
 other respects, riiet with a favorable reception. § But still 
 the house showed a thorough determination to have their 
 grievances redressed before they voted supplies. In vain was 
 it urged that war was imminent ; they cared little about the 
 war, though they did not say as much, out of respect for the 
 king. Charles had recourse to the interposition of the lords. 
 They voted that in their opinion the subsidies ought to pre- 
 cede the question of grievances ; and demanded a conference 
 with the commons to exhort them to this procedure. || The 
 
 *Parl. Hist, ii., 535. f lb. | Clarendon, i. § lb. 
 
 II Pari. Hist, ii., 560; Clarendon, i. 
 
ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 103 
 
 commons accepted the conference, but voted, in their turn, on 
 re-entering their own chamber, tliat the resolution of the lords 
 was an infringement of their privileges, for that they had no 
 right to take notice of supplies till they came regularly before 
 them.* Pym, Hampden, St. John, and others, seized upon 
 this incident to inflame the house, whose intentions were more 
 moderate than suited its principles and its position. It grew 
 agitated, impatient, but still checking itself, though fully re- 
 solved to maintain its rights. Time passed on ; the king per- 
 mitted himself to say that this parliament would be as intrac- 
 table as its predecessors. Already irritated, he sent a mes- 
 sage to the house, that if they would grant him twelve subsi- 
 dies, payable in three years, he would engage henceforth 
 never to levy ship-money without the consent of parliament 
 (May 4, 1640). f The sum seemed enormous ; it was more, 
 they said, than all the money in the kingdom. Besides, it 
 was not sufficient that the king should give up ship-money ; 
 it was essential that, as a principle, both as to the past and as 
 to the future, it should be declared illegal. The house, how- 
 ever, had no desire to break entirely with the king ; it was 
 demonstrated that the amount of the twelve subsidies was not, 
 by a great deal, so high as had been at first said ; and not- 
 withstanding their repugnance to suspend the examination of 
 grievances, to show their good faith and loyalty, they took the 
 message into consideration. They were on the point of de- 
 ciding that subsidies should be granted without fixing the 
 amount, when the secretary of state, sir Harry Vane, rose, 
 and said, that unless the whole of the message were adopted, 
 it was not worth while to deliberate, for that the king would 
 not accept less than he had asked. The attorney-general, 
 Herbert, confirmed Vane's statement.:}: Astonishment and 
 anger took possession of the house ; the most moderate were 
 struck with consternation. It was late, the debate was ad- 
 journed till the next day. But on that day, the moment the 
 commons assembled, the king summoned them to the upper 
 house ; and three weeks after its convocation parliament was 
 dissolved (May 5). 
 
 An hour after the dissolution, Edward Hyde, afterwards 
 lord Clarendon, met St. John, the friend of Hampden, and one 
 
 * lb., ii., 563 ; ib., i., 231. t lb., ii., 570 ; ib., i., 232. 
 
 X Clarendon, i. 
 
104 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 of the leaders of the opposition, already formed into a party. 
 Hyde was dispirited ; St. John, on the contrary, though of a 
 naturally sombre countenance, and who was never seen to 
 smile, had now a joyous look and beaming eyes : — " What 
 disturbs you ?" said he to Hyde. " That which disturbs 
 many honest men," answered Hyde, " the so imprudent dis- 
 solution of so sensible and moderate a parliament, which, 
 in our present disorders, was the only one likely to apply a 
 remedy." " Ah, well," said St. John, " before things get 
 better, they must get still worse ; this parliament would never 
 have done what must be done."* 
 
 The same day, in the evening, Charles was full of regret ; 
 the disposition of the house, he said, had been falsely repre- 
 sented to him : he had never authorized Vane to declare that 
 unless he had twelve subsidies he would accept of none. 
 Next day, too, he was very uneasy, and assembling a few 
 experienced men, asked whether the dissolution could not be 
 recalled. This was judged impossible ; and Charles returned 
 to despotism, a little more anxious, but as reckless, as haughty, 
 as before the attempt he had just made to quit it. 
 
 The urgency of the situation seemed for a moment to re- 
 store to his ministers some confidence, to their measures some 
 success ; Strafford had returned from Ireland (April 4), suf- 
 fering under a violent attack of the gout, threatened with a 
 pleurisy, and unable to move.f But he had obtained from 
 the Irish Parliament all he had asked ; subsidies, soldiers, 
 offers, promises ; and as soon as he could leave his bed, he set 
 once more to the work with his accustomed vigor and devo- 
 tion. In less than three weeks, voluntary contributions, under 
 the influence of his example, poured into the exchequer nearly 
 300,000Z., the catholics furnishing the greatest part of it.ij: 
 With these were combined all the vexatious means in use, 
 forced loans, ship-money, monopolies ; the coining of base 
 money was even suggested. § In the eyes of the king and 
 his servants, necessity excused everything : but necessity is 
 never the limit of tyranny : Charles resumed against the 
 members of the parliament his old and worse than useless 
 practices of persecution and vengeance. Sir Henry Bellasis 
 and sir John Hotham were imprisoned for their speeches j 
 
 * Clarendon, i. f Strafford's Letters, ii., 403. t Neal, ii., 296. 
 § May, i., 63 ; Whitelocke, 32. 
 
ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 105 
 
 the house and papers of lord Brook were searched ; Mr. 
 Carew was sent to the Tower for having refused to give up 
 the petitions he had received during tlie session, as chairman 
 of the committee appointed to examine them.* An oath was 
 exacted from all the clergy never to consent to any alteration 
 in the government of the church ; and the oath concluded 
 with an et ccetera which provoked a smile of mistrust and 
 anger."]" Never had more arrogant or harsher language been 
 used : some Yorkshire gentlemen had refused to comply with 
 an arbitrary requisition ; the council wished to prosecute 
 them : " The only way with my gentlemen," said Strafford, 
 " is to send for them up and lo,y them by the heels.":]: He 
 knew better than any other the extent of the inevitable evils ; 
 but passion in him stifled alike all prudence and all fear ; it 
 seemed as though his earnest effort was to communicate to the 
 king, the council, and the court, that fever which blinds man 
 to his true condition and to his danger. He again fell ill, and 
 was even at the brink of the grave ; but his physical weak- 
 ness only increased the harshness of his counsels ; and almost 
 ere he could stand, he departed with the king for the army, 
 already assembled on the frontiers of Scotland, and which he 
 was to command. 
 
 On his way, he learnt that the Scots, taking the offensive, 
 had entei'ed England (Aug. 21), and on arriving at York, 
 he found that at Newburn (Aug. 28), they had beaten, 
 almost without resistance, the first English troops that had 
 come in their way. Neither of these events was the work 
 of the Scots alone. During the pacification, their agents in 
 London had contracted a close alliance with the leaders of 
 the malcontents, who had exhorted them, if the war re-com- 
 menced, promptly to invade England, promising them the aid 
 of a numerous party. A messenger was even sent to Scot- 
 land bearing inclosed in a hollow staff an engagement to 
 that purpose, at the foot of which, to inspire the Scots with 
 more confidence, lord Saville, the only ostensible leader of the 
 
 * Pari. Hist., ii., 5S4; Rushworth, ii., 2, 1196. 
 
 t The following was the purport of this paragraph : " I swear, never 
 to give consent to any alteration in the government of this church, 
 ruled as it is at present by archbishops, bishops, deacons, archdeacons, 
 &c." Neal, ii., 302 ; Rushworth, ii., 2, 1186. 
 
 X Strafford's Letters, ii., 409. 
 
106 HISTOKY OF THE 
 
 plot, had counterfeited the signatures of six of the greatest 
 English lords. A fierce hatred against Strafford had alone 
 induced lord Saville, a man of very indifferent character, and 
 held in very'light estimation, to engage in this audacious in- 
 trigue ; but there is every probability that some most influ- 
 ential and most sincere patriots had also taken part in it.* 
 They had not misconceived the disposition of the people- 
 Parliament was no sooner dissolved, than aversion for the 
 war was everywhere openly displayed. In London, placards 
 called upon the apprentices to rise and tear in pieces Laud, 
 the author of so many evils. A furious band attacked his 
 palace, and he was obliged to seek refuge at Whitehall. St. 
 Paul's church, where the court of high commission sat, was 
 forced by another party, crying. No bishops, no high commis- 
 sion !'\ Li the counties, violence alone procured recruits. 
 To escape enlistment, many persons mutilated, some hanged 
 themselves ;:}: those who obeyed the call without resistance, 
 were insulted in the streets and treated as cowards by their 
 families and friends. Joining their regiments, they carried 
 thither, and there found the same feelings. Several officers, 
 suspected of popery, were killed by their soldiers. § When 
 the army came up with the Scots, the insubordination and 
 murmuring redoubled ; it saw the covenant floating, written 
 in large characters on the Scottish standards ; it heard the 
 drum calling the troops to sermon, and at sunrise the whole 
 camp ringing with psalms and prayers. At this sight, at the 
 accounts which reached them of the pious ardor and friendly 
 disposition of Scotland towards the English, the soldiers were 
 alternately softened and incensed, cursing this impious war, 
 and already vanquished, for they felt as if fighting against 
 their brethren and against God-H Arrived on the banks of 
 the Tyne, the Scots, without any hostile demonstration, asked 
 leave to pass. An English sentinel fired at them ; a few 
 cannons answered ; an action commenced, and almost imme- 
 diately the English army dispersed, and Strafford only took 
 the command of it to return to York ; leaving the Scots to 
 occupy, without obstacle, the country and the towns between 
 that city and the frontiers of the two kingdoms. IT 
 
 * Burnet, Own Times; Whitelocke ; Hardwicke's Papers, ii., 187. 
 t Clarendon, i. ; Whitelocke, 34. % Strafford's Letters, ii., 351. 
 § Rushworth, i., 1191-2. |1 Heylin, Life of Laud, 454. 
 
 IT Clarendon, i. ; Rushworth, ii., 2, 1236. 
 
ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 107 
 
 From that moment Strafford himself was conquered. In 
 vain did he endeavor, now by good words, now by threats, 
 to inspire the troops with other feelings ; his advances to the 
 ofRcers were constrained, and ill concealed his contempt and 
 anger ; his rigor irritated the soldiers without intimidating 
 them. Petitions from several counties soon arrived, enti'eat- 
 ing the king to conclude a peace. Lords Wharton and 
 Howard ventured to present one themselves ; Strafford caused 
 them to be arrested, convoked a court-martial, and demanded 
 that they should be shot, at the head of the army, as abettors 
 of revolt. The court remained silent ; at length, Hamilton 
 spoke : " My lord," said he to Strafford, " when this sentence 
 of yours is pronounced, are you sure of the soldiers ?" Straf- 
 ford, as if struck with a sudden revelation, turned away his 
 head shudderingly, and made no reply.* Yet his indomitable 
 pride still upheld his hopes ; " Let the king but speak the 
 word," he wrote to Laud, " and I will make the Scots go hence 
 faster than they came ; I would answer for it, on my life ; but 
 the instructions must come from another than me." In fact, 
 Charles already avoided him, afraid of the energy of his 
 counsels. 
 
 This prince had fallen into profound despondency ; every 
 day brought him some new proof of his weakness ; money was 
 wanting, and the old means of raising it no longer answered ; 
 the soldiers mutinied or deserted in whole bands ; the people 
 were everywhere in a state of excitement, impatient for the 
 result which was now inevitable ; the correspondence with the 
 Scots was renewed around him, in his camp, in his very 
 house. The latter, still prudent in their actions, humble in 
 their speech, spared the counties they had invaded, loaded 
 their prisoners with kindness and attention, and renewed at 
 every opportunity their protestations of pacific views, of 
 fidelity and devotion to the king, certain of victory, but 
 anxious that it should be the victory of peace. In con- 
 nexion with the word peace, that of parliament began to be 
 combined. Thereupon Charles, seized with fear, determined 
 (Sept. 7),-j- by whose advice is not known, to assemble at York 
 the great council of the peers of the kingdom, a feudal assem- 
 bly, fallen into desuetude for the last four centuries, but 
 
 * Burnet, Own Times. t Rushworth, ii., 2, 1257. 
 
lOS HISTORY OF THE 
 
 which formerly, in the time of the wealmess of the commons, 
 had often shared alone the sovereign power. Without well 
 knowing what this assembly was, or what it could do, there 
 was hoped from it more complaisance and consideration for 
 the king's honor; it became a question, at court, whether 
 possibly this assembly could not of itself vote subsidies.* But, 
 before this great council had met, two petitions, one from the 
 city of London,"]" the other from twelve of the most eminent 
 peers,:]; solicited in express terms, the convocation of a consti- 
 tutional parliament. This was enough to overcome the re- 
 maining resistance of a king who could do nothing further. 
 In the midst of these doubts and fears, Strafford, as much to 
 gratify his resentinent, as to justify his councils, had attacked 
 the Scots and obtained some advantage over them ; he was 
 censured as having compromised the king, and received orders 
 to confine himself to his quarters. § The peers met. (Sept. 24.) 
 Charles announced to them that he was about to summon a 
 parliament, and only claimed their advice in treating with 
 the Scots. II Negotiations were begun. Sixteen peers, all 
 inclined to the popular party, were charged with their man- 
 agement. IF It was first stipulated that both armies should 
 remain on foot, and that the king should pay that of the Scots 
 as well as his own. For this purpose a loan of 200,000Z. was 
 requested of the city of London, and the peers added their 
 word to that of the king for its proper expenditure.** After 
 signing, at Ripon, the preliminary articles, Charles, anxious 
 to relax, in the queen's society, from so many difficulties and 
 annoyances, transferred the negotiation to London (Oct. 23),"|"f 
 where the parliament was about to assemble. The Scottish 
 
 * Clarendon, i. t Rushworth, ii., 2, 1263. 
 
 J lb., 1262; lords Essex, Bedford, Hertford, Warwick, Bristol, 
 Mulgrave, Say and Seal, Howard, Bolingbroke, Mandeville, Brook, and 
 
 § Clarendon, i. Lingard, x., 95, and Brodie, ii., 589, deny the facts, 
 from inductions derived from ofiBcial and contemporary documents ; 
 but their reasons do not appear to me sufficient to justify the rejection 
 of the evidence of Clarendon, whose narrative is formal, circumstantial, 
 and who had no motive for deviating from the truth on this point. 
 
 II Rushworth, ii., 2, 1275. 
 
 IT Lords Bedford, Hertford, Essex, Salisbury, Warwick, Bristol, Hol- 
 land, Berkshire, Mandeville, Wharton, Paget, Brook, Pawlet, Howard, 
 Saville, Dunsmore. ' 
 
 ** Rushworth, ii., 2, 1279, ft lb., 1286. 
 
ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 109 
 
 commissioners hastened thither, certain of finding powerful 
 allies. The elections were proceeding throughout England, 
 with the utmost excitement. The court, sad and dispirited, 
 in vain sought to exercise some influence over them ; their 
 candidates, feebly supported, were rejected on all sides ; they 
 could not even carry the return of sir Thomas Gardiner, 
 whom the king wished to have as speaker.* The meeting of 
 parliament was fixed for the 3d of November. Some per- 
 sons advised Laud to choose another day ; this, they said, was 
 one of bad omen : the parliament assembled on that day, under 
 Henry VIII., began with the ruin of cardinal Wolsey, and 
 ended with the destruction of the monasteries. •(■ Laud disre- 
 garded the presages, not from superior confidence, but because 
 he was weary of the struggle, and, like his master, recklessly 
 relied upon the chances of a future, the results of which, 
 however, both victors and vanquished were very far from 
 suspecting. 
 
 * Clarendon ; Whitelocke, 37. t Whitelocke, 37. 
 
110 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 BOOK THE THIRD. 
 
 1640—1642. 
 
 Opening of parliament — It seizes on power — State of religious and po- 
 litical parties — The king's concessions — Negotiations between the 
 king and the leaders of parliament — Conspiracy in the army — Straf- 
 ford's trial and death — The king's journey to Scotland — Insurrection 
 in Ireland — Debate on the remonstrance — The king's return to Lon- 
 don — Progress of the res'olution — Riots — Affair of the five members 
 — The king leaves London — The queen's departure for the continent 
 — Affair of the militia — Negotiations — The king fixes his residence 
 at York — Both parties prepare for war — The king refused admis- 
 sion to Hull — Vain attempts at conciliation — Formation of the two 
 armies. 
 
 On the appointed day the king opened Parliament. He went 
 to Westminster without pomp, almost without retinue, not on 
 horseback and along the streets as usual, but by the Thames, 
 in a plain boat, shunning observation, like a prisoner following 
 the triumph of his conquei'or. His speech was vague and 
 embarrassed. In it he promised the redress of all grievances, 
 but persisted in calling the Scots " rebels," and in demanding 
 that they should be driven from the kingdom, as if the war 
 was still proceeding. The commons heard him with cold 
 respect. Never at the opening of a session had the attend- 
 ance been so numerous ; never had their faces worn so proud 
 an aspect in presence of the sovereign.* 
 
 The king had scarcely quitted the house, ere his friends — 
 there were very few of them — clearly perceived, from the 
 conversation of the various groups, that the public indignation 
 surpassed even what they had feared. The dissolution of the 
 last parliament had exasperated even the most moderate. 
 There was no longer talk of conciliation or caution. The day 
 was come, they said, for putting in force the whole power of 
 parliament, and eradicating all abuses so effectually that not a 
 stray root should remain. Thus, with very unequal strength, 
 
 * Clarendon, il., 1. 
 
ENGLISH KEVOLUTION. Ill 
 
 thoughts equally haughty found themselves drawn up in battle 
 array. For eleven years the kmg and the church had pro- 
 claimed their absolute, independent, jure divino sovereignty ; 
 they had tried all modes of forcing it upon the nation. Unable 
 to effect this, and yet insisting upon the same maxims, they 
 came, in their own weakness, to seek aid from an assembly, 
 which, without putting it forward as a principle, without 
 making any show of it, believed in their own sovereignty, and 
 felt themselves capable of exercising it. 
 
 They began by a distinct announcement of all their griev- 
 ances. Each member brought with him a petition from his 
 town or county ; he read it, and, taking it as the text of a 
 speech, proposed, in eacli case, that the house, till more effica- 
 cious measures could be adopted, should at least vote the com- 
 plaints to be legitimate.* Thus, in a few days, opinion from 
 all parts of the country declared itself. Thus were passed in 
 review and condemned, all the acts of tyranny, monopolies, 
 ship-money, arbitrary arrests, the usurpations of the bishops, 
 the proceedings of the extraordinary courts. None opposed 
 the resolutions ;-|- such was the unanimity, that several were 
 adopted on the motion of men who, soon after, became the 
 most intimate confidants of the king.:]: 
 
 As if these means were not sufficient to reveal the whole 
 state of the case, more than forty committees were appointed 
 to inquire into abuses, and to receive the complaints of the 
 citizens. § From day to day, tradesmen and farmers came on 
 horseback, in whole bands, bearers to parliament of the com- 
 plaints of their town or district. 1| In every direction, such 
 accusations were called for ; they resounded from the pulpit, 
 in the public streets, and were eagerly received, from what- 
 ever quarter, in whatever form, and admitted with equal con- 
 fidence, whether they arraigned generally the whole govern- 
 ment, or individuals, whose punishment, by name, was de- 
 manded. The power of the committees was unlimited ; no 
 one had a right to oppose them even by silence, and the mem- 
 bers of the privy council themselves were obliged to state, if 
 called upon, what had passed in their deliberations. IT 
 
 * Pari. Hist, ii., 640. t lb., 672. 
 
 i Sir John Colepepper, lord Digby, lord Falkland, &c. 
 
 § Rushworth, i., 2, 28 ; Neal, ii., 318. || Whitelocke, &.C., 38. 
 
 IT Clarendon. 
 
112 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 To the disapprobation of acts was joined the general pro- 
 scription of the actors. Every agent of the crown, of what 
 rank soever, who had taken part in the execution of the mea- 
 sures condemned, was marked by the name of " delinquent."* 
 In every county, a list of the delinquents was drawn up. No 
 uniform and definitive punishment was put in effect against 
 them ; but they might, at any time, at the pleasure of the 
 house, on the least pretext of some new offence, be brought 
 before it, and punished by fines, imprisonment, or confisca- 
 tion. 
 
 In examining their own elections, the house declared un- 
 worthy of a seat among them whoever had taken part in any 
 monopoly (Nov. 9, 1640). Four members were on this 
 ground excluded (Jan. 21, 1641). Such was the case also 
 with several others under the pretext of some irregularity, but, 
 in reality, without legal justification, and merely because 
 their opinions were distrusted. Two of the most notorious 
 monopolists, sir Henry Mildmay and Mr. Whitaker, were ad- 
 mitted without obstacle : they had come over to the dominant 
 party, t 
 
 At the aspect of this power, so immense, so unlooked for, 
 so determined, fear seized upon all the servants of the crown, 
 upon all who had to apprehend an accusation or an enemy. 
 For them, danger impended from all sides, defence presented 
 itself nowhere. The sole desire of the court now was to pass 
 unnoticed ; the king concealed his affliction, his uneasiness, 
 under the veil of complete inaction ; the judges, trembling for 
 themselves, would not have dared to protect a delinquent ; the 
 bishops, without attempting to prevent it, saw their innovations 
 abolished all around them. John Bancroft, bishop of Oxford, 
 died suddenly, from vexation and fear ;:j: the presbyterian 
 preachers resumed, without any legal steps, possession of their 
 livings and pulpits ; all the dissenting sects publicly assem- 
 bled again ; pamphlets of every description circulated in full 
 liberty. Royal and episcopal despotism, though still existent, 
 with its ministers, its tribunals, its laws, its worship, was 
 everywhere motionless, powerless. § 
 
 Strafford had foreseen this explosion, and entreated the king 
 to dispense with his attending parliament. " He should not 
 
 * Clarendon. t Pari. Hist., ii., 651 ; Clarendon. 
 
 X Rapin, ix., 21. § Clarendon ; Neal, ii., 329. 
 
ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 113 
 
 be able to do his majesty any service there," he wrote to him, 
 " but should rather be a means to hinder his affairs ; in re- 
 gard he foresaw that the great envy and ill will of the par- 
 liament and of the Scots would be bent against him. Whereas, 
 if he kept out of sight, he would not be so much in their 
 mind, as he should be by showing himself in parliament ; 
 and if they should fall upon him, he being at a distance, 
 whatsoever they should conclude against him, he might the 
 better avoid, and retire from any danger, having the liberty 
 of being out of their hands, and to go over to Ireland, or to 
 some other place where he might be most serviceable to his 
 majesty." But the king being very earnest for Strafford's 
 coming, laid his commands upon him, and told him, " that as 
 he was king of England he was able to secure him from any 
 danger, and that parliament should not touch one hair of his 
 head."* Strafford still hesitated, but upon a second invita- 
 tion, braving the storm, since it was inevitable, he set out 
 with the resolution of himself accusing before the upper 
 house, on proofs recently collected, the principal members of 
 the house of commons, of having excited and aided the Scot- 
 tish invasion. Aware of the blow he was about to strike, 
 Pym and his friends struck first. On the 9th of November, 
 Strafford arrived in London ; on the lOth, fatigue and fever 
 confined him to his bed ; on the 11th, the house of commons 
 closed their doors, and, on the motion of Pym, abruptly im- 
 peached him for high treason. Lord Falkland alone, though 
 an enemy of Strafford's, said that delay and some examina- 
 tion seemed required by the justice and dignity of the house. 
 " The least delay may lose everything," said Pym ; " if the 
 earl talk but once with the king, parliament will be dissolved ; 
 besides, the house only impeaches : it is not the judge." And 
 he proceeded immediately, with a committee, to lay the ac- 
 cusation before the lords. f 
 
 Strafford was at this time with the king. At the first inti- 
 mation, he hastened to the upper house, where Pym had pre- 
 ceded him. He found the doors closed, and angrily rebuked 
 
 * Whitelocke, 37. One would think Mr. Lingard (x., 207) had not 
 seen this passage ; for he says it was only the friends of Strafford who 
 advised him not to go to London, but that for his own part he did not 
 Jiesitate an instant. 
 
 t State Trials, iii., 1383. 
 10* 
 
114 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 the usher, Avho hesitated to admit him ; he was advancing up 
 the hall to take his seat, when several voices called upon him 
 to retire. The earl stopped, looked round, and, after a few 
 minutes' hesitation, obeyed. Recalled an hour afterwards, 
 he was directed to kneel at the bar : he was then informed 
 that the lords had accepted his impeachment, and decided, on 
 the demand of the commons, that he should be sent to the 
 Tower. He attempted to speak, but the house refused to 
 hear him, and the order of commitment was forthwith exe- 
 cuted.* 
 
 To the impeachment of Strafford almost immediately suc- 
 ceeded that of Laud, a man less feared, but still more odious. 
 A fanatic as sincere as stern, his conscience reproached him 
 with nothing, and he was utterly astonished at the impeach- 
 ment. " Not one man in the house of commons," he said, 
 " does, in his heart, believe me a traitor." The earl of 
 Essex sharply took up these words as insulting to the com- 
 mons, who had accused him. Laud, still more surprised, 
 made an apology, and begged to be treated according to the 
 ancient usages of parliament. Lord Say expressed himself 
 indignant that he should pretend to prescribe to them how 
 they were to proceed. The archbishop, now thoroughly agi- 
 tated, was silent, incapable of understanding other passions 
 than his own, or of remembering that he had ever thus spoken 
 to his enemies (Dec. 18).j" 
 
 Two other ministers, the lord keeper Finch, and the secre- 
 tary of state Windebank, had taken an equally active part in 
 tyranny ; but the former, a crafty courtier, had foreseen what 
 was coming, and for the last three months had applied himself, 
 at his master's expense, in gaining the indulgence of the 
 leaders of the opposition ; the other, a weak man, and of me- 
 diocre understanding, inspired neither hatred nor fear. The 
 commons, however, impeached both, though without any ex- 
 hibition of passion, as if merely to satisfy the public demand. 
 Windebank absconded. Lord Finch obtained permission to 
 appear before the house, and there, in humble terms, but 
 graceful manner, made an unmeaning apology (Dec. 21). 
 The party was pleased with this, as the first homage paid by 
 a minister of the crown to its power, and allowed him time to 
 
 * State Trials, ill., 1384. t lb., iv., 319. 
 
ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 115 
 
 make his way beyond sea. Several members were astonished 
 at this so partial justice ; but Pym and Hampden, skilful 
 leaders, did not wish to discourage baseness on the part of 
 their opponents.* Impeachments against two bishops, some 
 theologians, and six judges, were also set on foot. But that 
 of Strafford alone was followed up with ardor. A secret 
 committee, invested with immense powers, was commissioned 
 to scrutinize his whole life, to trace, in his words as well as 
 in his acts, nay, even in the councils he had given, whether 
 the king had adopted them or not, proofs of high treason. "j" A 
 similar committee formed in Ireland, served as an auxiliary 
 to that of the commons. The Scots concurred by a virulent 
 declaration, hinting very unmistakably that their army would 
 not leave the kingdom till justice had been done on their most 
 cruel enemy. To popular hatred and fear, it did not seem 
 too much that the three nations should be leagued against one 
 prisoner.:}: 
 
 Thus delivered from their adversaries, and preparing sig- 
 nal vengeance against the only one they feared, the commons 
 took possession of the government. They voted subsidies, 
 but of insignificant amount, merely sufficient to supply the 
 necessities of each day.§ Commissioners selected from their 
 body, and named in the bill, were alone entrusted with their 
 application. The custom duties, in like manner, were only 
 voted for two months, and renewed from time to time. To 
 meet the expenses, more considerable and more prompt re- 
 venues were needed. The commons borrowed, but in their 
 own name, from their partisans in the city, even from their 
 own members, and on the sole security of their promise : thus 
 originated public credit. || The king pressed the dismissal of 
 the two armies, particularly that of the Scots, dwelling upon 
 the burden their continuance in England imposed on the 
 northern counties ; but the house had need of them,1I and felt 
 in a position to induce the people to suffer this burden : 
 " The Philistines are too strong for us still," said Mr. Strode: 
 
 * Pari. Hist., ii., 686; Clarendon (Oxford, 1S07), i., 274, ii., 15, 
 17 ; May, i., 86, 172 ; Whitelocke, 40. 
 
 t Clarendon, i., 279. 
 
 i lb., 297. The trial of Strafford forms the 8th volume of Rush- 
 worth's collection ; I refer to it thus once for all. 
 
 § Pari. Hist., ii., 701. II Clarendon, ut sup. 
 
 IT Baillie, Letters, i., 240. 
 
116 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 " we cannot do without our allies." The king's importunities 
 were eluded ; nay, in the distribution of the funds allotted 
 for their pay, more favor was shown to the Scots than to the 
 English troops, whose officers did not all inspire parliament 
 with the same confidence.* Some of these took offence, but 
 the house paid no heed to it. They did more : they resolved 
 that the Scots had lent the English a brotherly assistance, that 
 for the future they should be called brothers, and voted in 
 their favor, as an indemnity and recompense, the sum of 
 300,000Z. The negotiations for a definitive peace with Scot- 
 land were conducted by a committee of parliament rather 
 than by the king's council. The leaders of both houses, par- 
 ticularly those of the commons, dined together every day at 
 Mr. Pym's, at their own expense ; here they were joined by 
 the Scottish commissioners, by the authors of the principal 
 petitions, by the most influential men in the city ; here they 
 discussed the affairs of both houses and of the state. f Such 
 was the tendency of all powers to parliament, that the coun- 
 cillors of the crown, incapable or afraid of deciding the 
 slightest question of themselves, referred to it in everything, 
 without its needing to make any demand to that effect. A 
 Roman-catholic priest, Goodman, had been condemned to 
 death ; the king, who dared not pardon him, placed his life 
 at the disposal of the commons, the only means of saving it ; 
 for, notwithstanding their passions, they manifested no desire 
 for bloodshed (Feb., 1641). :j: The people had conceived a 
 hatred for the queen's mother, Marie de Medicis, then a re- 
 fugee in London : every day the multitude surrounded her 
 house, loading her with insults and menaces. It was to the 
 commons that the court applied to know whether she could 
 remain in England, and how her safety should be cared for. 
 They answered she had better depart, voted 10,000Z. for her 
 journey, and their wish was immediately carried out (May).§ 
 Decisions of the courts of law, long since pronounced, came 
 under their jurisdiction, as well as the private affairs of the 
 king and court. The condemnation of Prynne, Burton, Bast- 
 wick, Leighton, and Lilburne, was declared illegal, and their 
 liberation ordered (Nov. 7),|| together with a large indemnity, 
 
 * Whitelocke, 46. f Clarendon, Mem. (1827), i., 90. 
 
 t Pari. Hist., ii., 710; State Trials, iv., 59. 
 
 § Pari. Hist., ii., 788, 793 ; May, i., 108. |1 Pari. Hist, ii., 639, 731. 
 
ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 117 
 
 which, however, they never received ; the common fate of 
 past merits, soon effaced by new deserts, new necessities. The 
 joy of the public was tlieir only recompense : at the news of 
 their return, a crowd of five thousand persons went to meet 
 them ; everywhere, on their route, the streets were hung 
 with flags and laurels, and all the men wore rosemary and 
 bays in their hats.* The transports of the people, the weak- 
 ness of the king, everything urged on the commons to take 
 into their sole hands the reins of the state, everything con- 
 curred to elevate them into sovereign power. 
 
 Their first attempt at the reform of institutions manifestly 
 proclaimed, if not their sovereignty, at least their complete 
 independence. A bill was proposed (Jan. 19, 1641), which 
 prescribed the calling of a new parliament, every three years 
 at the most. If the king did not convoke one, twelve peers 
 assembled at Westminster might summon one without his 
 cooperation ; in default of this, the sheriffs and municipal 
 officers were to proceed with the elections. If the sheriffs 
 neglected to see to it, the citizens had a right to assemble and 
 elect representatives. No parliament could be dissolved or 
 adjourned without the consent of the two houses, till fifty days 
 after its meeting ; and to the houses alone belonged the choice 
 of their respective speaker.-)- At the first news of this bill, the 
 king quitted the silence in which he had shut himself up, and 
 assembling both houses at Whitehall (Jan. 23),:!^ ^^i*^' " I ^i^® 
 to have frequent parliaments, as the best means to preserve that 
 right understanding between me and my subjects, which I so 
 earnestly desire. But to give power to sheriffs and constables, 
 and I know not whom, to do my office, that I cannot yield 
 to." The house only saw in these words, a new motive to 
 press forward the adoption of the bill; none dared counsel 
 the king to refuse it ; he yielded, but in doing so, thought it 
 due to his dignity to show the extent of his displeasure. He 
 said, " I do not know for what you can ask, that I can here- 
 after make any question to yield unto you ; so far, truly, I 
 have had no great encouragement to oblige you, for you have 
 gone on in that which concerns yourselves, and not those 
 things which merely concern the strength of this kingdom. 
 You have taken the government almost to pieces, and I may 
 
 * May, i., 80, 157 ; Whitelocke, 40. f Rushwovth, i., 3., 189. 
 
 X Pali. Hist., ii., 710. 
 
118 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 say, it is almost off its hinges. A skilful watchmaker, to 
 make clean his watch, will take it asunder, and when it is put 
 together again, it will go all the better,, so that he leave not 
 out one pin of it. Now, as I have done all my part, you know 
 what to do on yours." (Feb. 16, 1641.)* 
 
 The houses passed a vote of thanks to the king, and forth- 
 with proceeded in the work of reform, demanding, in succes- 
 sive motions, the abolition of the star chamber, of the north 
 court, of the ecclesiastical court of high commission, and of all 
 the extraordinary tribunals. f 
 
 No one opposed these proposals ; there was no debate, even ; 
 the statement of grievances took its place. Even the men 
 who began to fear a disorderly movement and the ulterior 
 designs of the party, would not have dared to defend powers, 
 odious through their acts, and in point of fact illegal, though 
 several were invested with a legal existence. Political reform 
 was the unanimous desire, without any reference to social 
 condition or religious opinions ; no one as yet troubled him- 
 self with calculations as to its precise consequences or extent. 
 All concurred in it without questioning themselves as to their 
 intentions and motives. Men of a soaring mind, of long and 
 steady foresight, or already compromised by proceedings 
 which the laws condemned, Hampden, Pym, Holies, Stapleton, 
 contemplated the taking fi'om the crown its fatal prerogative, 
 to transfer the government to the house, and to fix it there 
 irremovably. This was in their eyes the country's right, 
 and for the people as well as for themselves the only sure 
 guarantee. But, impelled to this design still more from 
 necessity than from any clearly conceived principle, sanctioned 
 by public opinion, they proceeded towards its accomplishment 
 without declaring it. Men following in their train, violent 
 sectaries, members as yet obscure, though very active, Crom- 
 well, Henry Marty n, from time to time gave utterance, as 
 against the king or the form of government, to words of a more 
 menacing character, but they seemed, at least in the house, 
 without consideration or credit ; and even those who won- 
 dered, or were indignant at their rugged violence, were not 
 alarmed at it. The majority of the house flattered them- 
 selves, that, after the destruction of abuses, they should re- 
 
 * Pari. Hist., ii., 716. f lb., 717. 
 
ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 119 
 
 turn to the condition which they called that of old England, 
 the power of the king supreme, but restricted by the periodical 
 power of the two houses, within the limits of the law ; and 
 meanwhile, they accepted, as a temporary necessity, the almost 
 exclusive domination of the commons, more conformable, for 
 that matter, than they themselves imagined, with the ideas and 
 feelings, somewhat confused in their nature, which animated 
 them. Thus political reform, equally desired by all, though 
 with very diiferent views and hopes, was being accomplished 
 with all the force of irresistible unanimity. 
 
 In religious matters it was quite different. From the very 
 first day, an utter diversity of opinions and wishes on this 
 subject was apparent. A petition from the city of London, 
 backed by 1.5,000 signatures, demanded the entire abolition of 
 episcopacy. (Dec. 11, 1640.)* Nearly at the same moment, 
 seven hundred ecclesiastics limited themselves to requiring 
 the reform of the temporal power of the bishops, of their 
 despotism in the church, of the administration of its revenues ; 
 and soon after, there arrived, from various counties, nineteen 
 petitions, signed, it is said, by more than 100,000 persons, 
 recommending the maintenance of episcopal government. f 
 Within the walls of parliament itself the same difference of 
 views was manifested. The petition of the city was all but 
 refused by the commons, being only admitted after a violent 
 debate.:}: A bill was proposed, declaring all ecclesiastics in- 
 capable of any civil function, and excluding the bishops from 
 the house of lords ; but in order to induce the commons to 
 adopt it (March 9 and 11, 1641), the presbyterian party were 
 obliged to promise they would go no further ; on this condition 
 alone did Hampden obtain the vote of lord Falkland ;§ but 
 the bill, when it reached the lords, was rejected (May 24 and 
 June 7). II Furious at this, the presbyterians demanded the 
 destruction of bishoprics and deaneries and chapters (May 27) ;ir 
 but the opposition was so warm that they resolved to postpone 
 their motion. At one time, the two houses seemed agreed upon 
 repressing the disorders that broke out on all sides in public 
 worship, and on maintaining its legal forms (Jan. 16);** but, 
 two days afterwards, their dissensions re-appeared. Of their 
 
 * Rushworth, i., 3, 93. f Neal, ii., 356. J Baillie, Letters, i., 244. 
 § Clarendon, i., 366. || P. Hist., ii., 794—814. 
 
 IT P Hist, S14 ; Clarendon, i., 368. ** Neal, ii., p. 3-39. • 
 
120 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 sole authority, without even informing the lords, the commons 
 sent commissioners into the counties to carry off from the 
 churches the images, altars, crucifixes, and all the other relics 
 of idolatry (Jan. 23) ;* and these messengers sanctioned by 
 their presence the popular passions, the outbreak of which 
 had preceded them. On their side, the lords, learning that 
 the independents had publicly resumed their meetings (Jan. 
 18), summoned their leaders to the bar (Jan. 19), f and re, 
 proved them, though but timidly. No opinion, no intention 
 on this subject, was really predominant or national. Among 
 the partisans of episcopacy, some, small in number, but ani- 
 mated with the energy of faith or the pertinacity of personal 
 interest, maintained its pretensions to divine right ; others, 
 looking upon it as a human institution, deemed it essential to 
 monarchy, and thought the throne compromised by the power 
 of the bishops suffering any serious blow ; others, and these 
 were numerous, would willingly, while excluding the bishops 
 from public affairs, have retained them at the head of the 
 church, as tradition, the laws, and state convenience seemed 
 to them to require. Iji the opposite party, opinions were no 
 less various ; some were attracted to episcopacy by habit, 
 although their notions were not favorable to it ; according 
 to many of the most enlightened, no church constitution ex- 
 isted by divine right, or possessed absolutely legitimacy ; it 
 might vary according to time and place ; the parliament was 
 at liberty always to alter it, and public interest ought alone to 
 decide the fate of episcopacy, respecting whose abolition or 
 maintenance there was no fixed principle. But the presby- 
 terians and their ministers saw in the episcopal system an 
 idolatiy condemned by the gospel, at once the successor and 
 forerunner of popery ; they repelled, with all the indignation 
 of zealous faith, its liturgy, its form of worship, its most re- 
 mote consequences ; and reclaimed for the republican consti- 
 tution of the church, the divine right which the bishops had 
 usurped. 
 
 For some time after the first successes of political reform, 
 these dissensions impeded the progress of parliament. As soon 
 as religious questions came under discussion, the adversaries 
 of the court, hitherto unanimous, became divided, nay, op- 
 
 *Neal, ii., 343-. t lb., 342. 
 
ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 121 
 
 posed each other ; the majority often varied, and no party- 
 presented itself which was on every occasion animated by the 
 same spirit, devoted to the same designs, and capable of mas- 
 tering the other sections. Pym, Hampden, the leading chiefs 
 of the political party, took care to spare the presbyterians, 
 and supported even their most daring motions ; yet it was 
 well known that they did not share their fanatical passions, 
 and that what they had at heart was rather to reduce the tem- 
 poral power of the bishops than to alter the constitution of 
 the church,* and that in the upper house, among the most 
 popular lords, the establishment had numerous partisans. A 
 few prudent men advised the king to take advantage of these 
 dissensions, and to prevent the union of the political and re- 
 ligious reformers, by boldly confiding to the former the affairs 
 of the crown. 
 
 Negotiations were accordingly opened. The marquis of 
 Hamilton, always earnest to interpose between the parties, 
 was the most active agent in conducting them ; the earl of 
 Bedford, a moderate man, influential in the upper house, and 
 iTiuch esteemed by the public, took a dignified share in them. 
 The leaders of both houses often assembled at his house ; he 
 possessed their confidence, and seemed authorized to treat in 
 their name. The king, who consented earlier than he him- 
 self could have wished, first formed a new privy council,")' to 
 which lords Bedford, Essex, Warwick, Say, Kimbolton, and 
 some others were summoned ; all of them of the popular party, 
 some even ardently engaged in the opposition, but all high 
 in rank. The pride of Charles, already wounded at bending 
 even before them, did not permit him to carry the admission of 
 his defeat lower in the scale. But the point was insisted on ; 
 the new councillors would not be separated from their friends : 
 each day more clearly manifested to the king the importance 
 of those leaders of the commons whom he regarded with such 
 bitter disdain. They, on their side, without rejecting the 
 overtures made them, manifested little eagerness in the matter, 
 less, however, from indifference than from perplexity : by 
 accepting, they would, indeed, attain the principal aim of all 
 endeavors ; they would, in the name of the country, achieve 
 legal possession of power, impose a ministry upon the crown, 
 
 * Clarendon, ut sup. t lb., i., 302. 
 
 < 11 
 
122 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 and subject the king to the counsels of parliament ; but then 
 he required them to save Straflbrd and the church ; in other 
 words, to set at liberty their most formidable enemy, and to 
 break with the presbyterians, their warmest friends. On both 
 sides the perplexity was great, and distrust already too deep 
 to yield so soon to ambition or to fear. At length, however, 
 direct and precise proposals were made. Pym was to be 
 chancellor of the exchequer, Hampden tutor to the prince of 
 Wales, Holies secretary of state ; St. John was at once ap- 
 pointed attorney-general. The ministry was to have for its 
 leader the earl of Bedford, with the title of lord high treasurer. 
 The previous occupants of these various offices had tendered 
 or already given in their resignation.* 
 
 But during these negotiations, carried on by both parties 
 with little hope, perhaps also without any warm desire of 
 success, other proposals reached the king, far more adapted 
 to his feelings. Discontent had spread in the army ; several 
 officers, members of the lower house, too, had openly expressed 
 it. " If," said one of them (commissary Wilmot) in the house, 
 " all the Scotch have to do to get their money is to demand it, 
 the English soldiers will know how to follow the example.""]* 
 A report of this feeling soon reached the ears of the queen ; 
 her favorite, Henry Jermyn, established a connexion with 
 the malcontents, and by his means she received them at White- 
 hall, and expressed her deep sympathy with their situation, 
 the same, said she, though far less sad, far less perilous, with 
 that of the king. Lively and ingratiating in her manners, 
 placing her whole hope in them, she had little difficulty in 
 persuading them that they held the destiny of the state in 
 their hands. Secret conferences were established, in the 
 course of which all sorts of plans were brought forward. 
 Some proposed that the army should march to London, and 
 forthwitli deliver the king from his bondage ; others, more 
 sagacious, merely proposed that it should address to parliament 
 a petition expressing its devotion to the king and the church ; 
 declaring, that, in ils opinion, the reformation of the state was 
 completed, and requiring a stop to be put to innovation. Aid 
 from abroad was also discussed, levies in Portugal, France ; 
 frivolous notions, without any result, but confidently advanced 
 
 * Clarendon, ii., 73, &c. ; Whitelocke, 41 ; Sidnev Papers, ii., GG4. 
 t Whitelocke, 46. . 
 
ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 123 
 
 by hare-brained men, perhaps just risen from the dinner-table, 
 and at all events more intent upon pushing themselves forward 
 than upon the success of the cause. In connexion with these 
 palace cabalings, there were, in the army itself, «ome intrigues, 
 more active than efficacious. The malcontents came to and 
 fro between the camp and London, and short manuscript pam- 
 phlets circulated in the cantonments. The king himself had, 
 after awhile, an interview with Percy, brother to the earl of 
 Northumberland, and one of the conspirators ; he discounte- 
 nanced, by Percy's advice, all violent projects, all idea of 
 bringing the army to London ; but the copy of a petition was 
 submitted to him, as menacing to the parliament as those daily 
 received by the commons were to the crown and the church. 
 He approved of it, and to give influence to the leaders of the 
 enterprise, suffered himself to be persuaded to affix his initials 
 to it, in sign of assent.* 
 
 The plot continued without advancing ; the petition was not 
 presented, but nothing escapes the distrust of a nation, and 
 once their jealousy is excited, they regard designs as acts, 
 words as designs. In public places, in taverns, a multitude 
 of voluntary spies collected the imprudent remarks of the 
 officers, and reported them to Pym, who had the superintend- 
 ence of this department. Ere long, treachery revealed more ; 
 Goring, one of the conspirators, discovered the whole to the 
 earl of Bedford. Nothing had been done, but the king had 
 allowed himself to listen to propositions involving the worst 
 that was to be feared. The leaders of the commons kept this 
 discovery to themselves, waiting for some great occasion'}" to 
 make good use of it ; they did not even break off the negotia- 
 tions, still carried on in the king's name with reference to their 
 appointment to office. But, from that moment, all hesitation 
 
 * May, i., 97 ; Clarendon, i., 401 ; ii., 132 ; Whitelocke, 45 ; Rush- 
 worth, 'i., 3, 252. 
 
 t Mr. Brodie denies this fact (iii., 109), and thinks that Goring did 
 not reveal the plot, till in the course of the month of April, 1641. 
 This is, indeed, what might be concluded from Husband's Collection, 
 p. 195, &c. ; but an attentive examination of the whole of this intrigue, 
 and a comparison of the different passages indicated in the preceding 
 note, prove, to my mind, that the meetings of the ofBcers commenced 
 in the beginning of the winter of 1641, and that Pym and his friends 
 had notice of them in the beginning of March. This is also the 
 opinion of Mr. Lingard, x., 128, note 27. 
 
124 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 disappeared from their councils ; they united themselves closely 
 with the fanatic presbyterians, the only party whose co-ope- 
 ration was sure, whose devotion was inexhaustible, for they 
 alone had fixed principles, ardent passions, a revolution" to ac- 
 complish, and popular force to accomplish it with. Meantime, 
 the destruction of Strafford was irrevocably resolved, and his 
 trial began (March 22). 
 
 The whole house of commons insisted upon being present 
 to support the impeachment. With them sat, for the same 
 purpose, commissioners from Scotland and Ireland. Eighty 
 peers acted as judges ; the bishops upon a desire to that ef- 
 fect very decidedly expressed by the comipons, declined being 
 present, as is indeed the case always in trials for life or death. 
 Above the peers, in a closed gallery, sat the king and queen, 
 anxious to see all that passed, but desirous of concealing, the 
 one his anguish, the other her curiosity. Around, in galleries 
 and on raised steps, was a crowd of spectators, of both sexes, 
 nearly all of high rank, already affected by the pomp of the 
 spectacle, the importance of the trial, and the well-known' 
 character of the accused.* 
 
 Brought by water from the Tower to Westminster, the 
 prisoner passed through the multitude assembled at the doors, 
 without confusion or insult ; despite the general hatred, his 
 so recent greatness, his deportment, the very terror lately 
 attached to his name, still commanded respect. As he pro- 
 ceeded on, his form prematurely bowed by sickness but his eye 
 glittering and haughty as in his youth, the crowd made way 
 and uncovered, and he saluted them with courtesy, regarding 
 this demeanor of the people as a good omen."!" Hope had not 
 failed him ; he despised his adversaries, had well studied their 
 charges, and did not doubt he should clear himself of the crime 
 of high treason. The accusation of the Irish alone had for a 
 moment astounded him ; he could not understand how a king- 
 dom till then so submissive — nay, so eager to flatter and to 
 serve him, could thus so suddenly have changed. 
 
 The second day, an incident showed him that he had mis- 
 understood his situation and the difficulties of his defence : " I 
 hope," said he, " I shall easily repel the imputations of my 
 malicious enemies." At these words, Pym, who was managing 
 
 * May, i., 92 ; State Trials, iii., 1414. f State Trials, iii,, 1417. 
 
ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 125 
 
 the trial, angrily took him up. " It is to the commons this 
 insult is addressed : and I pronounce it a crime thus to charge 
 them with malicious enmity." Strafford, agitated at this, fell 
 upon his knees, apologized, and from that moment, perfectly 
 calm and self-possessed, allowed to escape him not one sign of 
 anger or even of impatience, not a word which could be turned 
 against him.* 
 
 For seventeen days, he, unaided, against thirteen accusers 
 who relieved one another, argued the charges which they 
 brought forward. A great many were incontestably proved, 
 convicting him of injustice and tyranny. But others, fool- 
 ishly exaggerated or blindly credited by hatred, were easily 
 repelled, and none, in truth, came within the legal definition 
 of high treason. Strafford applied all his efforts to dispossess 
 them of this character, speaking with magnanimity of his 
 imperfections, of his frailties, opposing a modest dignity to the 
 violence of his adversaries, and proving, without contumely, 
 the passion-born illegality of their proceedings. Disgraceful 
 obstacles impeded his defence ; his counsel, obtained with great 
 difficulty, and despite the commons, were not allowed to speak 
 as to facts, nor to examine the witnesses ; permission to bring 
 forward witnesses for the defence was not granted him till 
 three days before the trial commenced, though most of them 
 were in Ireland. At every opportunity, he claimed his right, 
 thanked his judges if they consented to acknowledge it, made 
 no complaint when they refused, and simply replied to his 
 enemies, who were angry at the delays created by his able 
 defence : " 1 have as much right, I believe, to defend my life, 
 as others have to assail it." 
 
 So much energy embarrassed and humiliated the accusers. 
 Twice (March 25, April 9), the commons summoned the lords 
 to proceed more rapidly with a trial, which, they said, caused 
 them to lose time highly precious to the country."!" The lords 
 refused ; the success of the accused gave them back a little 
 energy. When the case for the prosecution was over, before 
 Strafford's counsel had opened their lips, or he himself had 
 resumed his defence, the impeachment committee felt them- 
 selves conquered, at least as to the proof of high treason. 
 The excitement of the commons became extreme : favored by 
 
 * State Trials, iii., 1420. t Pari. Hist., ii., 743, 
 
 11* 
 
126 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 the letter of the law and his own fatal genius, this great cri- 
 minal, then, was about to escape them, and reform, scarcely 
 born, would once more have to sustain the attack of its most 
 dangerous enemy. A sudden and bold stroke was resolved 
 upon. Sir Arthur Haslerig, a hard, coarse-minded man, pro- 
 posed to declare Strafford guilty and to condemn him by act 
 of parliament (April 10, 1641). This proceeding, which 
 dispensed the judges from all law, was not without example, 
 though its precedents all belonged to periods of tyranny, and 
 had even been denounced soon after their occurrence, as ini- 
 quitous. Some notes found among the papers of the secretary 
 of state. Vane, and given to Pym by his son,* were produced 
 as supplementary proof sufficient to make out high treason. 
 They imputed to Strafford that he had advised the king, in 
 open council, to employ the Irish army to quell England, 
 The words they attributed to him, though contradicted by the 
 evidence of several members of the council, and in them- 
 selves susceptible of a less odious interpretation, were too 
 conformable with his general conduct, and with the maxims 
 he had often declared, not to produce a strong impression on 
 all minds. The bill immediately obtained a first reading. 
 Some thought they were sacrificing the law to justice, others 
 justice to necessity. 
 
 All this while the trial went on, for the commons would not 
 give up any chance against the accused, nor allow the peril 
 of the act of parliament to release him from that of the legal 
 judgment. Before his counsel began to speak on the ques- 
 tion of law, Strafford resumed his defence (April 13), he 
 spoke long and with marvellous eloquence, applying himself 
 to prove that by no law could any one of his actions be charged 
 as high treason. Conviction every moment grew stronger in 
 the minds of his judges, and he ably followed its progress, 
 adapting his words to the impressions he saw springing up, 
 deeply agitated, but not allowing his emotion to keep him from 
 perceiving and marking what was passing around him. " My 
 lords," he said, in conclusion, " these gentlemen tell me they 
 speak in defence of the commonwealth against my arbitrary 
 laws ; give me leave to say it, I speak in defence of the com- 
 
 * His name was Harry Vane, the same as his father's. It is he who 
 will always be referred to hereafter as one of the leaders of the inde- 
 pendent party. 
 
ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 127 
 
 monwealth, against their arbitrary treason. . . . My lords, do 
 we not live by laws, and must we be punished by laws before 
 they be made ? My lords, if this crime, which they call 
 arbitrary treason, had been marked by any discerner of the 
 law, the ignorance thereof should be no excuse for me ; but 
 if it be no law at all, how can it in rigor or strictness itself 
 condemn me ? Beware you do not wake these sleeping lions, 
 by the searching out some neglected moth-eaten records ; they 
 may one day tear you and your posterity to pieces. It was 
 your ancestors' care to chain them up within the barricadoes 
 of statutes ; be not you ambitious to'be more skilful and curi- 
 ous than your forefathers in the art of killing. For my poor 
 self, were it not for your lordships' interest, and the interest 
 of a saint in heaven, who had left me those sacred pledges on 
 earth," — at this his breath stopped, and he shed tears abun- 
 dantly on mentioning his wife, but looking up again immedi- 
 ately, he continued — " I should never take the pains to keep 
 up this ruinous cottage of mine ; it is laden with such infii-mi- 
 ties, that, in truth, I have no great pleasure to carry it about 
 with me any longer." Again he stopped, as if seeking an 
 idea : " My lords, — my lords, — my lords, something more I 
 had to say, but my voice and spirits fail me ; only I do, in all 
 humility and submission, cast myself down before your lord- 
 ships' feet ; and whether your judgment in my case be either 
 for life or death, it shall be righteous in my eyes, and received 
 with a Te Deum laudamus.'''' 
 
 The auditory were seized with pity and admiration. Pym 
 was about to answer ; Strafford looked at him ; menace 
 gleamed in the immobility of his mien ; his pale and pro- 
 truded lip bore the expression of passionate scorn ; Vjra was 
 agitated, and paused ; his hands trembled, and he sought with- 
 out finding it a paper which was just before his eyes. It was 
 the answer he had prepared, and which he read without being 
 listened to by any one, himself hastening to finish an harangue 
 foreign to the feelings of the assembly, and which he had 
 great difficulty in delivering.* 
 
 Emotion passes away, anger remains ! that of Pym and his 
 friends was at its height. They hastened the second reading 
 of the bill of attainder (April 14). In vain did Selden, the 
 
 * State Trials, iii., 1469. 
 
128 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 oldest and most illustrious of the defenders of liberty, Hol- 
 borne, one of Hampden's counsel in the affair of shipmoney, 
 and several others,* oppose it. It was now the only resource 
 of the party ; for they clearly saw that the lords would not 
 condemn Strafford as judges and in the name of the law. 
 They even wished the trial to be at once suspended, that 
 Strafford's counsel should not be heard ; and such was their 
 violence, that they talked of summoning to the bar and pun- 
 ishing " those insolent counsel who dared to undertake the 
 defence of a man whom the house had declared guilty of high 
 treason." The lords I'esisted these outrageous propositions ; 
 Strafford's counsel were heard, but the commons did not an- 
 swer them, did not even go to hear them, saying it was beneath 
 their dignity to dispute with lawyers ; and four days after, 
 notwithstanding the active opposition of lord Digby, till then 
 one of Strafford's most furious assailants, the bill of attainder 
 passed its third reading (Apr. 21). f 
 
 At this intelligence the afflicted king only thought how he 
 might save the earl, no matter at what price : " Be sure," he 
 wrote to him, " on my royal word, that you shall not suffer, 
 either in your life, or in your fortune, or in your honor." 
 Every engine was set at work with all the blind haste of fear 
 and grief. The chiefs of the commons were offered all sorts 
 of concessions ; a plot was concerted for the escape of the pri- 
 soner. But the plot injured the negotiations, the negotiations 
 the plot. The earl of Bedford, who appeared disposed to some 
 compliance, died suddenly. The earl of Essex, in answer to 
 Hyde, who was speaking of the insurmountable resistance 
 that the king's conscience would oppose to the bill, said : — 
 " The king is obliged to conform himself and his own under- 
 standing to the advice and conscience of his parliament.":]: 
 Sir William Balfour, the governor of the Tower, was offered 
 20,000Z. and one of Strafford's daughters in marriage for his 
 5on, if he would aid his escape ; he refused. He was or- 
 dered to receive into the prison, under the name of guards, a 
 hundred chosen men, commanded by Captain Billingsley, a 
 discontented officer ; he informed the commons of the offer 
 and of the order. Every day witnessed the formation and 
 failure of some new plan for the preservation of the earl. At 
 
 * State Trials, iii., 1469. t Clarendon, i., 359, et passim, 
 
 t lb., i., 377. 
 
ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 129 
 
 last, the king, contrary to Strafford's own judgment, caused 
 both houses to be summoned, and, acknowledging the earl's 
 faults and promising that he would never employ him again, 
 not even as a constable, declared, at the same time, that no 
 argument, no fear, would ever make him consent to his death 
 (May 1). 
 
 But the hatred of the commons was inflexible, and more 
 daring than the king's grief: they had foreseen his resistance, 
 and prepared the means of overcoming it. Ever since the 
 bill of attainder had been carried to the upper house, the mul- 
 titude assembled daily round Westminster Hall, armed with 
 swords, knives, and sticks, shouting, " Justice ! Justice !" and 
 menacing the lords who delayed their vote.* Arundelf was 
 obliged to get out of his carriage, and, hat in hand, beg of the 
 multitude to retire, undertaking to press the accomplishment 
 of their wishes. Fifty-nine members of the commons had 
 voted against the bill ; their names were placarded in the 
 streets, with these words : Here are the Strajfordians, traitors to 
 their country ! The pulpit sent forth similar denunciations ; 
 the ministers preached and prayed for the punishment of a 
 great delinquent. The lords, acting upon a message from the 
 king, complained of these disorders to the commons (May 3), 
 the commons returned no answer.:}; Yet the bill still remained 
 in suspense. A decisive blow, kept in reserve for such an 
 occasion, was resolved upon : Pym, summoning fear to the 
 aid of vengeance, from his place in the house, denounced the 
 plot of the court and the officers to raise the army against the 
 parliament (May 3).§ Some of those implicated absconded, 
 which confirmed every suspicion. A wild terror took posses- 
 sion of the house and of the people. It was resolved that the 
 doors should be closed, and that all members' letters should be 
 opened (May 11). || Absurd alarms still further added to the 
 agitation of men's minds. A report was spread in the city 
 (May 15) that the house of commons, having been undermined, 
 was about to be blown up ; the militia took to their arms ; an 
 immense multitude rushed to Westminster. Sir Walter Earl 
 hastened to inform the house of the rumor ; as he was speak- 
 ing, Mr. Middleton and Mr. Moyle, remarkably corpulent 
 
 * Pari. Hist., ii., 755 ; Whitelocke, 45. 
 
 t Lord Montgomery, according to Whitelocke, ib. 
 
 X Pari. Hist., ii., 778. § lb., 776. || lb., 788. 
 
130 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 men, rose suddenly to listen to him ; the floor creaked : " The 
 house is blowing up !" cried several of the members, rushing 
 out of the hall, which was immediately thronged with the 
 populace ; and there was another scene of the same nature in 
 the course of the week.* In the midst of so much excite- 
 ment, measures skilfully planned were establishing the empire 
 of the commons and the success of their designs. In imita- 
 tion of the Scottish covenant, an oath of union, for the defence 
 of the protestant religion and the public liberties, was taken 
 by both houses ; the commons even wished to extend it to the 
 people ; and on the lords declining to sanction this, declared 
 whoever should refuse to take it incapable of holding any office 
 in church or state. f Finally, to secure the future from any 
 peril, a bill was proposed, declaring that this parliament could 
 not be dissolved without its own consent (May 7).^ Even 
 this daring measure scarcely occasioned any surprise ; the 
 necessity of giving a guarantee to loans, now, it was said, 
 more difficult to obtain than ever, served as a pretext ; the 
 general excitement stifled all objection. The lords attempted 
 to amend the bill, but in vain : the upper house was con- 
 quered ; and the judges now extended to its weakness the 
 sanction of their own cowardice ; they declared that within 
 the meaning of the law the crimes of Strafford really consti- 
 tuted high treason. § The bill of attainder was submitted to a 
 last debate : thirty-four of the lords who had attended the trial 
 absented themselves ; among those present, twenty-six voted 
 for the bill, nineteen against it (May 7),|j nothing more was 
 Heeded but the king's consent. 
 
 Charles still resisted, thinking himself incapable of such 
 dishonor. He sent for Holies, Strafford's brother-in-law, and 
 who, on this ground, had taken no part in the prosecution. 
 " What can be dojae to save him ?" he asked, with anguish. 
 Holies advised that Strafford should solicit the king for a 
 reprieve, and that the king should go in person to present his 
 petition to parliament, in a speech which Holies himself drew 
 up on the spot : at the same time, he promised to do all in his 
 power to induce his friends to be satisfied with the earl's 
 banishment : the matter thus arranged, they parted. Already, 
 
 * Pari. Hist, ii., 783. t lb., 778 ; Neal, ii., 382. 
 
 t Clarendon, i., 409 ; Whitelocke, 45 ; Pari. Hist, ii., 786. 
 § Pari. Hist, ii., 737. || lb. 
 
ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 131 
 
 it is said, the efforts of Holies had met with some success, 
 when the queen, ever hostile to Strafford, alarmed at the out- 
 breaks of the people, each day more violent, and moreover, it 
 is reported, fearing, from the information of some of her con- 
 fidants, that to save his life, the earl had engaged to reveal all 
 he knew of her intrigues, came and beset the king with her 
 suspicions and terrors :* her alarm was so great that she 
 wished to fly, to return to France, and she was already making 
 preparations for her depai'ture.f Moved by the tears of his 
 wife, incapable of deciding for himself, Charles first assem- 
 bled a privy council, and then the bishops. Juxon, bishop of 
 London, alone counselled him to obey his conscience ; all the 
 others, the bishop of Lincoln, in particular, an intriguing 
 prelate, long opposed to the court, urged him to sacrifice an 
 individual to the throne, his conscience as a man to his con- 
 science as a king.i He had scarce quitted the council 
 chamber, when a letter from Strafford was delivered to him 
 (May 9) : " Sire," wrote the earl, " after a long and hard 
 struggle, I have come to the only resolution befitting me ; all 
 private interest should give way to the happiness of your 
 sacred person, and of the state. I entreat you to remove, by 
 attending to this bill, the obstacle which prevents a happy 
 concord between you and your subjects. Sire, my consent 
 herein shall acquit you more to God than all the world can 
 do beside. To a willing man there is no injury done. By 
 God's grace, my soul, about to quit this body, forgives all men 
 all things, with infinite contentment. I only ask that you 
 would grant to my poor son and his three sisters, as much 
 kindness, neither more nor less, as their unfortunate father 
 shall be deemed to merit, according as he shall one day ere 
 long be held guilty or innocent. "§ 
 
 The next day, the secretary of state, Carleton, went, on 
 the part of the king, to inform Strafford that he had consented 
 to the fatal bill. (May 10.) The earl seemed somewhat sur- 
 prised, and, for his only answer, raising his hands to heaven, 
 
 * Burnet's Own Times. 
 
 t See a letter of M. de Montreuil, the French minister, dated the 
 23d May, 1641 ; Mazure, Hist, de la Revolution de 1688, iii., 422. 
 t Clarendon, i., 398. § State Trials, iii., 1516. 
 
132 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 exclaimed, " Nolite confidere principibus et filiis hominum, 
 quia non est salus in illis."* 
 
 Instead of going in person, as he had promised Holies, to 
 beg a reprieve of parliament, the king contented himself with 
 sending by the prince of Wales, a letter, which concluded 
 with this postscript, " If he must die, it would be a charity to 
 spare him till Saturday." The houses read the letter twice, 
 and without noticing this cold request, ordered the execution 
 for the next day. (May 11.) 
 
 The governor of the Tower, who was to accompany Straf- 
 ford,'!' urged him to take a carriage, to escape the violence of 
 the people : " No, Master lieutenant," answered he, " I dare 
 look death in the face, and I hope the people too. Have you 
 a care that I do not escape, and I care not how I die, whether 
 by the hand of the executioner, or by the madness and fury 
 of the people ; if that may give them better content, it is all 
 one to me :" and he went out on foot, preceding the guards, 
 and looking around on all sides, as if he had been marching 
 at the head of an army. As he passed the chamber where 
 Laud was imprisoned, he stopped ; the evening before he had 
 sent to request him to be at the window, and to bless him 
 on his way : " My lord," he bowed and said, " your prayers 
 and your blessing." The archbishop extended his arms to- 
 wards him, but of a mind less firm than his friend's, and that 
 enervated by age, he fell back senseless. " Farewell, my 
 lord," said Strafford, as he moved on, " God protect your in- 
 nocency !" Arrived at the scaffold, he ascended without hesi- 
 tation, followed by his brother, the ministers of the church, 
 and several of his friends, knelt down an instant, then rose 
 and addressed the people : " I desii'e," said he, " for this king- 
 dom, every earthly prosperity ; while I lived, this was my 
 constant endeavor ; dying, it is my only wish. But I entreat 
 each and all of you, who listen to me, to examine yourselves 
 seriously, your hands on your hearts, whether the beginning 
 reformation of a kingdom should be written in characters of 
 blood ; think over this when you go to your homes. Never 
 let me be so unhappy, that the least drop of my blood should 
 rise up in judgment against any of you ; but I fear you are 
 
 * " Put not your trust in princes, nor in the sons of men, for in them 
 there is no salvation." — Whitelocke, 46. ' 
 
 t Pari. Hist., ii., 760. 
 
ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 133 
 
 in a wrong way." He knelt down again, and prayed for a 
 quarter of an hour ; then, turning to his friends, he took leave 
 of them all, shaking hands with each, and giving each some 
 advice. " Now," said he, " I have nigh done ! one stroke 
 will make my wife husbandless, my dear children fatherless, 
 and my poor servants masterless, and will separate me from 
 my dear brother and all my friends ! But let God be to you 
 and them all in all !" As he disrobed, " I thank God," added 
 he, " I am not afraid of death, nor daunted with any discou- 
 ragement rising from my fears ; but do as cheerfully put off 
 my doublet at this time as ever I did when I went to bed." 
 He called the executioner, forgave him, prayed an instant, 
 laid his head on the block, and gave the signal himself. His 
 head fell ; the executioner held it up to the people, saying, 
 " God save the king !" Violent acclamations burst forth ; 
 several bands of men spread through the city, celebrating 
 their victory with loud ' shouts ; but others retired silently, 
 filled with doubt and uneasiness as to the justice of the wish 
 they had just seen fulfilled.* 
 
 Disturbed by the exhibition of the latter feeling, the com- 
 mons did all in their power to repress it ; nothing more 
 irritates conquerors than to find a dead enemy still dangerous. 
 Mr. Taylor, for having said, in private conversation, that they 
 had committed a murder with the sword of justice, was sent 
 to the Tower, expelled the house, and declared incapable of 
 ever taking his seat again (May 27). f Lord Digby had pub- 
 lished his speech against the bill of attainder ; the house for- 
 bade its circulation, and had it burnt by the common hang- 
 man (July 13).:}: Never had their strength appeared so 
 great, so firmly established ; the king consenting to the death 
 of the earl, had also adopted, almost without looking at it, the 
 bill which deprived him of the right of dissolving parliament 
 without its own consent. Yet the commons still needed secu- 
 rity ; and the more their power increased, the more they felt 
 impelled towards tyranny. The king, in delivering up Straf- 
 ford to them, had lowered himself in their eyes, but given 
 them no greater confidence in him, and hatred, still deeper 
 than before, redoubled their mistrust. A royalist party, be- 
 sides that of the court, began, moreover, to form amongst them. 
 
 * State Trials, ill., 1521 ; Warwick's Mem. (1702), 164. 
 t Pari. Hist., ii., 815. t lb., 754. 
 
 12 
 
134 HISTOEY OF THE 
 
 Pym, Hampden and Holies found themselves obliged to ally 
 themselves more and more closely with the sectaries, and this 
 alliance displeased even the warm friends of liberty. " To 
 what purpose," they asked, " embarrass political reform with 
 doubtful questions 1 In matters of worship and discipline, 
 opinion differs ; against absolute power, England is unani- 
 mous ; that is the only enemy we should hunt down without 
 mercy." Sometimes this view of things prevailed, and the 
 house, resuming the examination of grievances, recovered its 
 unanimity. The abolition of the star chamber, of the north- 
 ern court, the court of high commission, of all arbitrary tribu- 
 nals, was definitively pronounced, and the king, after two 
 days' hesitation, gave his assent (July 5).* Political reform, 
 such, at least, as it had at first been wished for and conceived, 
 seemed accomplished ; but to what purpose set it down in 
 statutes, if the carrying it out was to be left to its enemies ? 
 The king's hesitation, the rumors of plots, the defections per- 
 ceived or foreseen in the army and the parliament, awakened 
 alarm ; to lose power, the parliamentary leaders felt would 
 be to ruin themselves and their cause ; to retain it, the assist- 
 ance of the people was necessary, and the people, devoted to 
 the presbyterians, claimed in its turn a share of the triumph. 
 All the motions against the church re-appeared ; the Scots 
 even began openly to solicit for uniformity of worship in the 
 two countries. These attempts once more failed ; and then 
 ill success, the perplexity into which both houses were 
 thrown by so many passions and heterogeneous designs, gave 
 to their proceedings an appearance of uncertainty and weari- 
 ness, out of which some promised themselves repose. But the 
 religious struggle became more and more decided ; the sec- 
 taries grew bolder, the church was more and more shaken. 
 Even in the upper house, her firmest support, everything at- 
 tested her decline : the spiritual lords were no longer, accord- 
 ing to ancient custom, mentioned separately at the head of the 
 bills ; the clerk of the house, when reading them, affected to 
 turn his back to the bench of bishops, and in public ceremo- 
 nies the temporal lords assumed the precedence. f These 
 symptoms did not escape the presbyterian party, who inces- 
 santly renewed their attacks, took the lead of the political re- 
 
 * Pari. Hist, ii., 853. t Neal, ii„ 410, 411 
 
ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 135 
 
 formers, whom they maintained in the possession of power, 
 and, notwithstanding apparent reverses, daily advanced towards 
 success. 
 
 The king, all at once, recalled to mind his project of visit- 
 ing Scotland, where the execution of the treaty of peace, at 
 last about to be concluded, called, he said, for his presence. 
 At the same time it was stated that the queen, giving out ill 
 health as the pretext, was preparing to depart for the conti- 
 nent. The malcontent army lay on the road the king would 
 take, and the queen's connexions with the continent had long 
 been matter of suspicion. This double journey, sudden and 
 simultaneous, gave distrust the fuel it required. Its doubts 
 were quite legitimate. Without power or influence in Lon- 
 don, surrounded by useless courtiers and panic-struck coun- 
 cillors, Charles had turned his thoughts towards the kingdom 
 of his fathers, and the absolute monarchs of Europe. In Scot- 
 land, he intended, by yielding all demands, both as to church 
 and state, to gain the good- will of the people, and to load the 
 lords with favors. In the army, a visit from him, and the 
 conciliatory deportment he contemplated, could not fail to in- 
 crease the number of his partisans. As to the continent, his 
 views were less precise ; but without imagining or even fore- 
 seeing war, he already sought money and allies. The com- 
 mons did not give utterance to their suspicions ; but they re- 
 quired that the queen should not leave London, and that the 
 king should defer his departure (June 26). Charles exhibited 
 some displeasure at this, affecting to regard the request as an 
 unmeaning caprice. To make it supposed that he attached 
 no importance to his answer, he referred the commons for it 
 to the Scottish commissioners, who, he said, solicited him to 
 hasten his journey, and to the queen herself. The Scots wil- 
 lingly agreed to a delay ; and the queen readily promised not 
 to depart.* Reassured for a moment, the commons pressingly 
 urged the disbanding of the army, hitherto purposely retarded. 
 Letters from the house guaranteed the troops the prompt pay- 
 ment of their demands. To provide for this, some zealous 
 citizens had their plate melted ; fresh loans were ordered, new 
 taxes imposed. f But the disbanding proceeded slowly, from 
 
 *Parl. Hist., ii., 846. et seq. 
 
 t May, i., 105 ; Pari. Hist., ii., 841. The interest demanded for this 
 loan was fixed at ten per cent. 
 
l36 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 the want of money, and also from the difficulties interposed by 
 many of the officers.* The king secretly congratulated him- 
 self upon this circumstance ; it made the commons resume 
 their anxieties. The delay agreed upon had now expired. 
 The commons solicited another, but without success (Aug. 
 8) ;•[■ the king announced that he was about to depart. The 
 house started the project of demanding that a regent should be 
 appointed during his absence, that public business might not 
 be suspended ; but the idea was not acted upon.;]: The king 
 contented himself with naming the earl of Essex captain- 
 general south of Trent, and departed on the 10th of August, 
 full of hopes which he could not help giving vague utterance 
 to, but of which no one could conceive the grounds. 
 
 The house was not long in perceiving that they only lost 
 time by sitting uncertain and inactive during his absence. It 
 was much more important to them to watch closely their ad- 
 versaries, and to refresh the zeal of their partisans in the 
 counties. After a fortnight of barren sittings, they resolved to 
 adjourn (Aug. 27). § Many of the members wished to look 
 after their private concerns, or to take some repose ; but the 
 leaders allowed themselves no rest whatever. A committee 
 under the direction of Hampden was sent to Scotland, to re- 
 main near the king, and watch over the interests of parlia- 
 ment. || Another committee, numerous and invested with 
 large powers, sat at Westminster in the interval of the two 
 sessions ; Pym acted as its chairman. The house of lords 
 took similar measures. IF A great many members spread 
 themselves over the country, eager to diffiise their sentiments 
 and their fears. Both parties, under the appearance of a 
 truce, were seeking abroad new strength, both meditating new 
 contests. 
 
 In passing through the English army, which was disband- 
 ing, and the Scottish army, which was returning home, the 
 king did not think it advisable to stop long. Still his attempts 
 with the soldiers, particularly among the officers, were so 
 public that lord Holland, who presided over the disbanding, 
 
 * Clarendon, i., 422. f Pari. Hist, ii., 897. f lb., 892. 
 
 §The recess -Cvas to last from Sept. 8 to Oct. 20 ; Pari. Hist, ii., 904. 
 
 II Pari. Hist., ii., 902. This committee was composed of six mem 
 bers — namely, the earl of Bedford, lord Howard, sir William Armyn, 
 sir Philip Stapleton, Nathaniel Fiennes, and John Hampden. 
 
 IT lb. 
 
ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 137 
 
 wrote an anxious letter on the subject to the earl of Essex* 
 (Aug. 16), adding, that on his return to London he would tell 
 him more. Arrived in Edinburgh, Charles made to the par- 
 liament and church of Scotland all the concessions they de- 
 manded : triennial parliaments, the abrogation of the ancient 
 prerogatives of the crown, the prosecution of the principal op- 
 ponents of the covenant, even the intervention of parliament 
 in the nomination of the privy council, nothing was refused. 
 The king lent himself to the presbyterian worship, with a 
 gravity which had nothing of the air of mere complaisance 
 about it, assiduously attending their frequent prayers, and lis- 
 tening attentively to their long sermons ; and, whether lay- 
 men or ecclesiastics, noblemen or citizens, the chiefs of the 
 covenanters were treated with marked favors ; titles, offices, 
 promises, pensions were lavished upon them. 
 
 On a sudden, rumor went through the city (early in October) 
 that the most influential noblemen in parliament, Hamilton and 
 Argyle, had quitted it, followed by their friends, and had re- 
 tired to Kinneil castle, the residence of the earl of Lanark, 
 Hamilton's brother, to escape the danger of an arrest and even 
 of assassination. The astonishment at this was extreme ; all 
 asked, none could give an answer, what had inspired the fugi- 
 tives with such fears, the king with such designs. Strange 
 conjectures spread abroad ; the king haughtily complained of 
 them as an insult, and demanded of parliament the ex- 
 clusion of Hamilton, till his honor was vindicated. The 
 parliament, firm but circumspect, formed no sudden decision, 
 but ordered an inquiry. Numerous witnesses were heard ; the 
 committee made its report ; it declared, without going into 
 particulars, that there was no occasion of reparation to the 
 king, of fear to the fugitives. The two noblemen returned to 
 parliament, remained silent, as did Charles, on what had 
 passed, and from them the public learned nothing further. 
 
 Neither party wished it should be better informed ; but, 
 meantime, the matter had somehow been explained to it. At 
 the time the king, in order to gain over Scotland against Eng- 
 land, was making so many concessions, he was meditating the 
 overthrow of his enemies in both kingdoms. Convinced that 
 the judges could not do otherwise than condemn as treason the 
 
 * Clarendon, i., 424. 
 12* 
 
138 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 correspondence of the English malcontents with the Scottish 
 covenanters, which preceded and perhaps produced the last in- 
 vasion, he had come to Scotland himself to seek for proofs, 
 purposing on his return, to bring against the leaders of the 
 commons that accusation which Strafford, anticipated by their 
 more rapid movements, had not been able even to announce. 
 A young and daring nobleman, at first devoted to the covenant, 
 but since I'estored to the king's favor, the earl of Montrose, had 
 engaged to procure for him the so anxiously desired documents. 
 Relying upon this promise, Charles commenced his journey to 
 the North ; but before he arrived, a letter in cipher, intercepted 
 by Argyle, had excited the suspicion of the Scots, and the 
 king found Montrose in prison. Animated by the danger and 
 burning for revenge, the earl sent him word that if he could 
 see him he would acquaint him with his real enemies, and 
 their past machinations. By the aid of some trusty friends, 
 Montrose secretly quitted his prison, went at night to the king's 
 bedchamber, told him all he knew, accused Hamilton of having, 
 with Argyle, taken part in the plans of the malcontents, assured 
 the king that their papers would furnish proofs of this, and 
 finally persuaded him to secure at once the persons of these 
 noblemen, and to have them summarily dispatched if they 
 resisted. Ever ready to adopt daring resolves, and without 
 thinking of the effect which so violent an act could not fail to 
 produce on the minds of the people whom he was seeking to 
 conciliate, Charles consented to everything ; the plot proceeded 
 simultaneously with the concessions, and c'C'erything was ready 
 for its execution, when the two lords, warned in time, caused 
 the whole thing to fail by their public departure.* 
 
 The Scottish parliament wisely did its best to stifle the 
 affair; it no longer feared the peril, and did not wish to endan- 
 ger what it had just obtained, by pushing matters to extremity. 
 The king himself, to conceal his designs and their want of 
 success, raised Hamilton to the rank of duke, Argyle to that 
 of marquis ; Lesley was created earl of Leven ; but Hamp- 
 den and the English committee, well informed of all that had 
 taken place, hastened to send word of it to London, where the 
 parliament was about to meet. Fear seized the party there. f 
 
 * Hardwicke's State Papers, ii., 209 ; Clarendon, i., 463; Burner,' 
 Mem. of the Hamiltons, 14S-171 ; Baillie's Letters, i., 329, et seq. ; 
 Laing, Hist, of Scotland, iii., 228 and 347 ; Brodie, iii., 142, 156. 
 
 t Evelyn's Mem., ii., Append., p. 40, 46 ; Pari. Hist, ii., 914. 
 
ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 139 
 
 With all their distrust they had not anticipated such dangers 
 as these, and the leaders thought their former relations with 
 the Scottish insurgents had been pardoned, together with the 
 rebellion itself, by the last treaty of peace. At this indication 
 of the king's obstinately vindictive intentions, men, otherwise 
 moderate, thought themselves irredeemably compromised. 
 Mr. Hyde, meeting lord Essex and lord Holland, who were 
 anxiously discussing the news, ridiculed their fears, and re- 
 minded them of what they themselves thought of Hamilton and 
 Argyle a year before : " Both the times and the court," they 
 replied, " are much altered since that."* On the first day of 
 their assembling, the commons applied to the earl of Essex foi 
 a guard, rendered indispensable, they said, for the safety of 
 parliament. It was at once granted. In conferences held at 
 lord Holland's house at Kensington, the leadei's of both houses 
 communicated to each other the information they from time to 
 time received, and their suspicions, and deliberated what was 
 to be done, all of them agitated, all impelled by their uneasi- 
 ness to dare everything. " If there be a plot of the king 
 against us," said lord Newport, " his wife and children are 
 here ;""|" and their alarms were all the greater, because they 
 dared not make use of them to stir up the people, for nothing 
 having transpired in Scotland, in London nothing could be 
 revealed. 
 
 In the midst of this secret agitation, came all of a sudden the 
 news (Nov. 1), that an insurrection, as general as violent, had 
 covered Ireland with massacre, and threatened with the most 
 imminent danger the protestant religion and the parliament. 
 The Irish catholics, leaders and people, had risen in every 
 direction, claiming liberty for their worship and their country, 
 invoking the name of the queen, even of the king, showing a 
 commission which they had, as they said, received from him, 
 and announcing the project of delivering themselves and the 
 throne from the English puritans, their common oppressors. 
 The conspiracy, long preparing all over the kingdom, was dis- 
 closed solely by chance, and that only at Dublin (Oct. 22), on 
 the evening next before its explosion, so that there was scarcely 
 time to secure from the outbreak the seat of government. 
 Everywhere else it met with very little obstacle ; on all sides 
 
 • Clarendon, i., 464. t Pari. Hist., ii., 984. 
 
140 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 the protestants of Ireland were attacked unawares, ejected from 
 their houses, hunted down, slaughtered, exposed to all the perils, 
 all the torments that religious and patriotic hatred gould invent 
 against heretics, foreigners, and tyrants. The most fearful and 
 distressing accounts arrived of the miseries they were subjected 
 to ; of infinite murders, of sufferings altogether unprecedented ; 
 and the evil was indeed so great, that it might be exaggerated, 
 according to men's fears or designs, without offending truth or 
 exhausting credulity.* A half-savage people, passionately 
 attached to the barbarism which their oppressors made matter 
 of reproach, while they prevented them from quitting it, had 
 seized with transport the hope of deliverance which the dissen- 
 sions of their tyrants offered them. Eager to avenge in a day 
 ages of outrage and misery, they with a proud joy committed 
 excesses which struck their ancient masters with horror and 
 dismay. The English authorities were utterly without the 
 " means of resistance ; in its hatred to Strafford and the crown, 
 solely occupied by the design of establishing liberty in Eng- 
 land, parliament had forgotten that in Ireland it desired to keep 
 up tyranny. The treasury there had been thoroughly ex- 
 hausted, martial law abolished, the army reduced to an insig- 
 nificant corps, the royal power disarmed. It had even, con- 
 trary to the king's wish, forbidden the disbanded Irish troops to 
 pass into foreign service ■,"[ and these had accordingly spread 
 over the country, adding their force to the insurrection. 
 Finally, though the earl of Leicester had been appointed suc- 
 cessor to Strafford, there was as yet no viceroy resident in 
 Ireland; the public business was entrusted to two judges, desti- 
 tute of capacity or influence,:]: and whose presbyterian zeal had 
 alone procured for them this difficult office. 
 
 * May (ii., 4) makes the number of protestants who were massacred, 
 200,000 ; Clarendon reduces it to 40,000 or 50,000 (ii., 227). It is pro- 
 bable, from the correspondence of the judges then in Ireland, and the 
 inquiry made into the subject in 1644, that even the last account is ex- 
 aggerated. Yet this inquiry, which Mr. Lingard (x., note A., p. 463, 
 469) considers as decisive, deserves no confidence ; not only was it made 
 three years after the outbreak, but at an epoch when the royalist party 
 reigned absolute in Ireland, ^nd had just made peace with the catho- 
 lics ; it had evidently for its object to soften as much as possible the 
 excesses of the insurgents, the sufferings of the protestants, and thus to 
 excuse the alliance the king was on the point of contracting. 
 
 t Rushworth, i., 3, 3S1. 
 
 X Sir William Parsons and sir John Borlase. 
 
ENGLISH EEVOLUTION. 141 
 
 A cry of terror and fierce hate arose against popery all over 
 England ; every protestant thought himself in danger. The 
 king, who had received the news in Scotland, hastened to com- 
 municate it to the two houses, announcing certain measures 
 which, with the assistance of the Scots, he had already taken 
 to repress the rebellion, but leaving all future management of 
 the affair entirely to the care of parliament.* Charles had 
 nothing to do with the insurrection, and the pretended commis- 
 sion produced by Sir Phelim O'Neil was a gross forgery ; but 
 his known hatred of the puritans, the confidence he had more 
 than once manifested in the catholics, the intrigues that for the 
 last three months he had been carrying on in Ireland, to secure 
 strongholds and soldiers there in case of need,-j- the promises 
 made by the queen, had persuaded the Irish that they might, 
 without fearing a sincere disavowal, make use of his name. 
 Ireland in rebellion, Charles hoped so great a danger would 
 render the parliament more tractable ; and without supporting 
 the rebels, without contemplating for a moment any alliance 
 with them, he was not, like his people, seized with anger and 
 fear at their revolt ; he was in no haste to repress it, and left 
 the affair to parliament at once to throw upon it all the blame 
 for any mischances, and to remove from himself the suspicion 
 of complicity ; perhaps, also, to relieve himself in the eyes of 
 his catholic subjects from responsibility for the rigor they 
 would be subjected to. 
 
 But cunning is of no avail against the passions of a people ; 
 he who will not affect to adopt cannot deceive them. The 
 leaders of the commons, more skilful and better situated, only 
 thought of working them to their own profit. Their uneasi- 
 ness had now disappeared, for the English people thought 
 themselves fallen into a peril analogous to their own. Promp" 
 to accept the power offered them by the king, notwithstanding 
 the pomp of their declarations and the violence of their threats, 
 the care of repressing the rebellion occupied them but little ; 
 the assistance, both in troops and money, sent to Ireland, was 
 
 * Clarendon, i., 467. 
 
 t Carte, Life of Ormond, i., 132; iii., 30; Clarendon, State Papers, 
 ii., 337 ; Antrim's information, in the appendix to Clarendon's History 
 of the Irish Rebellion. The testimony given by Antrim, more espe- 
 cially as to facts, does not, however, in my opinion, deserve the confi- 
 dence placed in it by Lingard, x., 150, and Godwin, i., 220. 
 
142 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 weak, tardy, and ill-arranged. To England alone were ad- 
 dressed all their speeches, all their real action, and by a step 
 as decisive as unexpected, they resolved to engage it inex- 
 tricably. 
 
 Shortly after the opening of parliament, a committee had 
 been charged to prepare a general remonstrance, setting forth 
 all the grievances of the kingdom, and the means of redress- 
 ing them. But the reform had been so rapid that they had 
 neglected to give much prominence to the complaints : most 
 of the grievances, the political grievances at least, had disap- 
 peared ; the committee took no further heed to its commission, 
 and no one appeared to think any more about it. 
 
 It now suddenly (towards the beginning of November) re- 
 ceived orders to resume its labors, and to make a report with- 
 out delay.* In a few days the remonstrance was drawn up 
 and submitted to the house. It was no longer, according to 
 the first intention, an exposition of actual and pressing abuses, 
 and of the unanimous wish of the country, but a dark picture 
 of past evils, of old grievances, of all the delinquencies of the 
 king, contrasted with the merits of the parliament, and the 
 obstacles it had surmounted, the perils it had encountered, and 
 particularly those which still threatened it and necessitated 
 the utmost efforts of its power ; it was, in short, a sort of ap- 
 peal to the people, addressed more especially to the fanatical 
 presbyterians, and which, fomenting the passions that the Irish 
 rebellion had rekindled, excited them to devote themselves un- 
 reservedly to the house of commons, alone capable of saving 
 them from popery, the bishops, and the king. 
 
 When the remonstrance was first read, many murmurs rose 
 against it ; an act so hostile, without public grounds, without 
 any direct or apparent aim, excited in many members, till 
 then far from friendly to the court, surprise and suspicion ; 
 they complained of the bitterness of the language, the futile 
 indignation against grievances already redressed, of the rude- 
 ness shown towards the king, the hopes held out to the secta- 
 ries. What were the hidden designs, the unknown perils that 
 required such violent measures ? If the remonstrance was 
 destined for the king alone, what good could be expected from 
 it ? If it was meant for the people, what right had its pro- 
 
 * Clarendon, i., 469. 
 
ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 143 
 
 meters to appeal from the house to the people. The leaders 
 of the party said little in reply, not being able to say all ; but 
 in their private conversations, they ardently labored to gain 
 votes, protesting that they only wanted to intimidate the court 
 and frustrate its intrigues ; and that if the remonstrance was 
 only adopted, they would not publish it. This was- not with- 
 out effect, for distrust was now so catching, that men, other- 
 wise of a moderate turn, received it when suggested without 
 violence, and in the language of reason. In a few days (Nov. 
 21), at the moment when the house, after a sitting of several 
 hours, was about to rise, the leaders moved that the remon- 
 strance should be immediately put t j the vote ; they had 
 reckoned their numbers, and thought themselves sui'e of suc- 
 cess ; but lord Falkland, Hyde, Colepepper, Palmer, opposed 
 the motion wat'mly, insisting that it should be adjourned till 
 the next day, to which the house willingly assented. " Why," 
 said Cromwell to lord Falkland, " would you have it put off? 
 the day would quickly have determined it." " There would 
 not have been time enough," said lord Falkland, " for sure it 
 would take some debate." " A very sorry one," answered 
 Cromwell, with real or affected confidence. Opened the next 
 day at three in the afternoon, when night came the debate 
 seemed scarcely begun. It was no longer the court and the 
 country contending ; for the first time, there were now engaged 
 two parties, if not both national, at least both sprung from the 
 body of the nation ; both putting themselves forward as the 
 upholders of public interests and feelings, both reckoning 
 worthy and independent citizens among their followers. Com- 
 mon hopes had united them ; opposite fears divided them ; 
 each sagaciously foresaw the result which would follow the 
 triumph of its adversaries, but mistook that which its own vic- 
 tory would produce. They struggled with unexampled ran- 
 cor, and were all the more obstinate that they still observed 
 decorum, and dared not loudly accuse each other, according to 
 the dictates of their suspicions. The hours passed on ; fatigue 
 drove away the weak, the indifferent, and the aged ; even one 
 of the king's ministers, the secretary of state, Nicholas, left 
 the house before the close of the debate. " This," said sir 
 Benjamin Rudyard, " will be the verdict of a starving jury." 
 At length, towards midnight they divided : one hundred and 
 fifty-nine votes adopted the remonstrance, one hundred and 
 
144 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 forty-eight were against it. Forthwith Hampden rose, and 
 moved that it should be printed at once. " We knew it ! " 
 many cried ; " you want to raise the people and get rid of the 
 lords." " The house," said Mr. Hyde, " is not in the habit 
 of thus publishing its decisions ; in my opinion the doing so is 
 not lawful, and would produce mischievous effects ; if it be 
 adopted, let me be allowed to protest." " I protest," said Mr. 
 Palmer ; " I protest, I protest ! " re-echoed their friends. 
 This, again, with the other party, gave rise to astonishment 
 and indignation ; protests, in use with the lords, were unknown 
 to the commons : Pym rose to demonstrate their illegality and 
 danger ; he was interrupted by invectives ; he persisted, and 
 was answered by threats. The whole house was on its legs, 
 and several members, their hands on their swords, seemed on 
 the point of beginning a civil war within the walls of parlia- 
 ment. Two hours passed away, the tumult recommencing 
 with every attempt to carry a resolution. At last Hampden, 
 after deploring mildly but gravely this humiliating disorder, 
 proposed that the house should rise, and adjourn the further 
 discussion of the question till the afternoon. They separated. 
 " Well," said lord Falkland to Cromwell, as he was going 
 out, " was there a debate ? " " I'll take your word another 
 time," said Cromwell ; and whispered him in the ear with 
 some asseveration — " had the remonstrance been rejected, I 
 would, to-morrow, have sold everything I possess, and never 
 seen England more ; and I know many other honest men of 
 the same resolution."* 
 
 The afternoon sitting was comparatively tranquil; the' 
 royalists had given up all hope of victory, and their adversa- 
 ries had seen themselves so near losing it, that they did not 
 desire to renew the struggle. They had announced the im- 
 peachment of the protestants ; but Mr. Hyde had friends in 
 the house who refused to give him up. Mr. Palmer, indeed, was 
 sent to the Tower, but quitted it almost immediately. After some 
 mutual explanations, this quarrel was hushed up. A majority 
 of twenty-three ordered the remonstrance to be printed. f 
 The execution, however, of the order was delayed, as it was first 
 necessary to present it to the king, who was daily expected. 
 
 * Clarendon, i., 48, 2S5 ; Warwick's Mem.; May, ii., 16, et seq. i 
 Rushworth, ii., 3, 425 ; Whitelocke, 51 
 t Clarendon, i., 490; Pari. Hist, ii., 937. 
 
ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 145 
 
 He arrived, confident and haughty (Nov. 25), notwithstand- 
 ing the check he had received in Scotland, and what he had 
 heard of the new acerbity of parliament. Everywhere on his 
 way, particularly at York, he had been received with vocifer- 
 ous manifestations of affection and joy. In many places, his 
 concessions to the Scots had delighted the people ; his secret 
 machinations were unknown, or not understood. Besides, in 
 the country, as well as in parliament, the royalist party was 
 getting together, and exhibiting its feelings. This was the 
 case even in the city of London. The king's friends had 
 carried the election of the new lord mayor, Richard Gourney, 
 an active, courageous man, devoted to the king, who prepared 
 a most brilliant reception for his sovereign. A multitude of 
 citizens on horseback, armed, preceded by the banners of the 
 various companies, went to meet him, and escorted him with 
 acclamations to the palace of Whitehall. The king in return 
 gave them a magnificent banquet, and conferred the honor of 
 knighthood on the lord mayor and several of the aldermen ;* 
 and the day after his arrival, eager to show the commons that 
 he thought his position a strong one, he withdrew the guard 
 which, in his absence, the earl of Essex had appointed for 
 their safety (Nov. 26). f 
 
 The aspect of affairs now changed ; to the unanimous 
 enthusiasm of the entire kingdom succeeded party struggles ; 
 to reform, revolution. The leaders saw this, and their conduct 
 suddenly assumed a new character. The remonstrance was 
 presented to the king (Dec. 1) ; he patiently listened while it 
 was read ; and then, addressing the committee, asked : " Does 
 the house intend to publish this declaration ?" " We can 
 give no answer," was the reply. " Well, then," said the 
 king, " I suppose you do not expect an answer to so long a 
 petition now ; I shall give you one with as much speed as the 
 weightiness of the business will permit.":}: The leaders of the 
 commons were altogether indifferent on the point ; without 
 any delay whatever, they at once brought forward projects 
 that even the remonstrance did not hint at. Hitherto they 
 had redressed grievances, appealed to the ancient laws ; now 
 
 * Rushworth, i., 3, 429; May, ut sup ; Whitelocke, 50; Evelyn's 
 Mem., Appendix ii., 79. 
 
 t Pari. Hist., ii., 940. t Pari. Hist., ii., 949 
 
 13 
 
146 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 they proclaimed new principles, imperiously demanded inno- 
 vations. A bill was under discussion for levying troops for 
 Ireland ; they inserted these words in the preamble, " That 
 the king hath, in no case, or upon any occasion but invasion 
 from a foreign power, authority to press the free-born sub- 
 ject, that being inconsistent Avith the freedom and liberty of 
 his person."* Another bill was proposed, that the organiza- 
 tion of the militia and the nomination of its officers, should for 
 the future only take place with the concurrence and consent 
 of parliament (Dec. 7).'[ By the influence of the presby- 
 terians, the bill excluding all the ecclesiastics from civil offices 
 (Oct. 23):}: had, a few days before the king's return, been 
 again brought forward and adopted ; but the lords kept it 
 waiting; the commons now angrily complained of this : "This 
 house," said they, " being the representative body of the whole 
 kingdom, and their lordships being but as particular persons, 
 and coming to parliament in a particular capacity, if they 
 shall not be pleased to consent to the passing of these acts and 
 others necessary to the preservation and safety of the kingdom, 
 then this house, together with such of the lords that are more 
 sensible of the safety of the kingdom, will join together, and 
 represent the same unto his majesty." And the popular 
 noblemen, the earls of Northumberland, Essex, and Warwick, 
 permitted this language to pass unnoticed. § Out of doors, the 
 party rallied round their leaders with equal ardor ; the 
 remonstrance was published (Sept. 14). 1| The city declared 
 that, in receiving the king with so much pomp, the citizens of 
 London had not meant to convey any change of sentiment 
 towards their true friends, and that they would live and die 
 with the parliament. IT A petition from the apprentices set 
 forth, in lamentable array, the sufferings of commerce and 
 trades, imputing them to the papists, the bishops, and bad 
 councillors.** In the counties, associations were formed 
 devoted to the defence of the people's liberty and faith. From 
 all quarters, the nation hastened to the aid of the commons ; 
 sinister reports from time to time produced new proofs of their 
 attachment ; now it v/as rumored that the life of Pym had 
 
 * Clarendon, i., 507 ; Pari. Hist, ii., 969 ; May, ut sup. 
 I May, ut ^up. ; Clarendon, i., 513. % Pari. Hist., ii., 916. 
 
 § Journals, Commons, Dec. 3. || Pari. Hist, ii., 970. T May. 
 ** Clarendon ; i., 519 ; Rushworth, i., 3, 462. 
 
ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 147 
 
 been threatened ; now, that the Irish rebels were preparing 
 an invasion ; a mysterious visit, a word picked up in the 
 street, sufficed as groundwork for the party to base a plot 
 upon, and to call upon their adherents for fresh oaths of union ; 
 and while the commons each day demanded the restoration of 
 their guard, the multitude assembled each day round West- 
 minster Hall formed one for them, incessantly sending forth 
 shouts proclaiming a common peril. 
 
 Against these daring pretensions, maintained by such 
 tumultuous passions, Charles, on his side, rallied all his par- 
 tisans, the interested servants of absolute power, the loyal 
 defenders of the king, whatever his cause, and those citizens 
 who had until of late opposed tyranny, but who were brought 
 back to the foot of the throne by the fear of innovations and 
 excesses. The latter formed, almost solely, the rising royalist 
 party in the house of commons. Lord Falkland, Mr. Hyde, 
 and sir John Colepepper were its leaders ; and Charles resolved 
 to attach them to him. Already, before his journey into Scot- 
 land, he had held secret interviews with Hyde ; and by the 
 respectful wisdom of his advice, by his aversion to all inno- 
 vations, above all, by his devotion to the church, Hyde had 
 gained his confidence.* He did not equally like lord Falk- 
 land, who despised the court, cared little for the king, whom 
 he had not come near, and opposed the innovators, rather for 
 the sake of offended justice than for that of menaced power. 
 Charles feared him, and did not feel at ease in his presence. 
 However, it was necessary to conciliate him. Hyde, his most 
 intimate friend, undertook the negotiation. Falkland at first 
 refused : his scrupulous virtue severed him from the abettors 
 of revolution ; but his principles, his wishes, the impulses of 
 his somewhat visionary imagination, constantly impelled him 
 towards the friends of liberty. He alleged his antipathy to 
 the coui't, his inability to serve it, and his resolution of never 
 employing either falsehood, or corruption, or spies ; " useful, 
 perhaps necessary means," said he, " but with which I will 
 never sully my hands." Surprised and piqued at having to 
 solicit a subject, Charles nevertheless persisted. Hyde 
 enlarged upon the immense injury such a refusal would be to 
 the king. Falkland suffered himself to be persuaded, though 
 
 * Clarendon, Memoirs, \., passim. 
 
148 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 disheartened beforehand, as the victim of a devotion prompted 
 neither by affection nor hope. He w^as named secretary of 
 state. Colepepper, much less influential, but distinguished 
 for his boldness, and the resources of his mind in debate, 
 became chancellor of the exchequer. Hyde alone, contraiy 
 to the king's wish, pertinaciously refused any office, not from 
 fear, but from prudence, and from the opinion that he should 
 serve him better in maintaining the exterior independence of 
 his position. The three friends undertook the management 
 of the king's affairs in the house, and Charles promised to 
 attempt nothing there without their counsel.* 
 
 At the same time, other servants, less useful, but more 
 ardent, hastened from all parts of the kingdom to defend his 
 nonor and his life, threatened, as they said, by parliament. 
 Notwithstanding the decay of the feudal system, the senti- 
 ments to which it had given rise still animated many of the 
 gentry. Inactive in their country seats, little accustomed to 
 reflection or debate, they despised those prating, cavilling 
 citizens, whose gloomy creed proscribed the wine-drinking, the 
 sports, the pleasures of old England, and who assumed to rule 
 the king, whom their fathers had not even had the honor to 
 serve. Proud in the recollection of their own independence, 
 the country gentry cared little about the new wants of public 
 liberty. In common with the people, they had murmured 
 against the court and against tyranny ; but after so many 
 concessions from the throne, their want of foresight and their 
 loyalty made them indignant at the insolent pertinacity of the 
 innovators. They came to London in arms, paraded the 
 streets haughtily, showed themselves and expressed their 
 opinions loudly in the taverns and public places, and often 
 went to Whitehall to offer their services and solicit some favor 
 from the king. There they were joined by others, drawn 
 together by a devotion less genuine, but still more blind, the 
 officers, the reformadoes, whom the disbanding of the army 
 had left without pay or employment ; most of them soldiers of 
 fortune, bred in the wars of the continent, dissolute, venal, 
 and daring, irritated, against the parliament, who had deprived 
 them of their trade, against the people, who detested their 
 manners, and ready to do anything for any master who would 
 
 * Clarendon, i., 528, ii., 297 ; Warwick's Mem., 194. 
 
ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 149 
 
 employ them, no matter in what cause. Young lawyers, stu- 
 dents in the Temple, proteges of the court, or anxious to share 
 its pleasures, or thinking they proved their high birth and 
 elegance of taste by embracing its cause, swelled the restless 
 and presumptuous throng which daily assembled round White- 
 hall, inveighing against the commons, insulting all who took 
 part with them, prodigal of boastings and railleries, and eager 
 for the king, or chance, to give them some opportunity of 
 pushing their fortune by proving their loyalty.* 
 
 The popular party were no less impatient to give them 
 this opportunity ; its assemblages became every day more nu- 
 merous and excited. Bands of apprentices, workmen, women, 
 went every morning from the city to Westminster, and in 
 passing by Whitenall, the shouts, " No bishops ! no popish 
 lords ! " were sent forth with redoubled energy. At times, 
 they would halt, and one of them getting on a post, would 
 there read to the crowd the names of the " disaffected mem- 
 bers of the house of commons," or those of " the false, evil, 
 rotten-hearted lords." Their audacity went so far as to de- 
 mand that there should be no sentinel at the gates of the 
 palace, so that they inight see the king at any hour, when- 
 ever they pleased. "I" Violent contests soon arose ; the names 
 of cavaliers and roundheads distinguished the two parties ; 
 the citizens at first repelled the latter appellation as an insult, 
 but afterwards adopted it as an honorable title.:}: The cava- 
 liers sought their enemies around Westminster Hall, at once 
 to beard them, and to protect the menaced royalists as they 
 left the houses of parliament. It was particularly against the 
 upper house that the people's anger was directed, for the bill 
 excluding the bishops still remained in suspense there. The 
 archbishop of York, Williams, on his way to the house on 
 foot, tried to arrest with his own hands a young man who fol- 
 lowed him with insults ; the ci'owd rushed upon the prelate, 
 and his friends had great difficulty in getting him ofF.^ Both 
 parties by turns made and rescued prisoners. Blood flowed, 
 the cavaliers boasted with derision of having dispersed their 
 adversaries, but the latter returned the next day, more expe- 
 
 * Ludlow's Memoirs (1771), 10. 
 
 t Clarendon, i., 526 ; May, ut sup. ; Pari. Hist, ii., 986. 
 j Clarendon, i., 52S, ii., 296 ; Rushworth, i., 3, 493. 
 § Clarendon, Hist., i., 526, ii., 294; Rushworth, i., 3,493. 
 13* 
 
150 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 rienced and better armed. One evening, when the lords 
 were still sitting, the tumult without became so violent, that 
 the marquis of Hertford went over to the bishops' bench, and 
 advised them not to go out; "for," said he, "those people 
 vow they will watch you at your coming out, and search 
 every coach for you with torches, so as you cannot escape." 
 " Must we then pass the night here 1 " asked the bishops. 
 " It is very possible," replied, with a smile, some of the sup- 
 porters of the bill of • exclusion. They did depart, however ; 
 some in the carriage of one of the popular lords, others by 
 back passages ; and even among their friends many began to 
 think their presence was not worth the danger it occasion- 
 ed.* Twice did the upper house claim the assistance of the 
 commons in the suppression of these outrages (Dec. 20 — 30) ; 
 but the commons remained silent, or answered by complain- 
 ing of the disorders of the cavaliers. "We must not discour- 
 age our friends, this being a time we must make use of all of 
 them," said the leaders. " God forbid the house of commons 
 should proceed in any way to dishearten the people to obtain 
 their just rights in such a way ! "f The lords applied to the 
 magistrates, calling upon them to proceed against the rioters 
 according to law ; and upon an order, to which was affixed 
 the great seal, the justices enjoined the constables to place a 
 guard round Westminster Hall to disperse the mob. The 
 commons had the constables to their bar, treated the order as 
 a breach of privilege, and sent one of the justices to the 
 Tower.:): At the same time, the house voted that as the king 
 persisted in refusing them a guard, each member might bring 
 one servant with him, and station him at the door of the house, 
 armed as he might think fit. 
 
 These riots, these incessant outcries, this constant, unma- 
 nageable disorder, filled the king with anger and with fear ; 
 never, amid his darkest apprehensions, had such scenes en- 
 tered his imagination ; he was astonished and indignant that 
 royal majesty snould have to endure such gross insults ; and 
 it was no longer for his power alone, but for the safety, at all 
 events for the dignity of his person and life, that he began 
 to be alarmed. The queen, still more agitated, besieged him 
 with her terrors ; and the pride of the monarch and the ten- 
 
 ♦ Pari. Hist., ii., 991. t lb., 9S6. t lb., 987. 
 
ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 151 
 
 derness of the husband could not support the idea of peril or 
 insult to the object of his affections, the partner of his rank. 
 Looking around in every direction for some support against 
 the multitude, some means of preventing or punishing their 
 excesses, he resolved to get rid of the governor of the Tower, 
 sir William Balfour, a person devoted to the commons, and 
 to put a sure and daring man in his place. Three thousand 
 pounds, the produce of the sale of some of the queen's jewels, 
 were given to sir William to appease his anger. Sir Thomas 
 Lunsford, one of the most audacious leaders of the cavaliers 
 assembled at Whitehall, succeeded him (towards Dec. 20).* 
 At the same time, the king assumed a higher tone with the 
 parliament, endeavoring to intimidate it in his turn. Hyde 
 had prepared a firm and able answer to the remonstrance ; 
 Charles adopted it, and had it published in his own name.| 
 The bill for the impressment of soldiers was still under dis- 
 cussion in parliament ; before it was presented to him, Charles 
 went to the house, and declared that he would not accept it 
 until the passage in the preamble, depriving him of the power 
 of ordering impressment, was struck out (Dec. 14).:]: Irish 
 affairs made no progress ; he called upon the commons to 
 take them decidedly in hand, and offered to raise ten thousand 
 volunteers, if the house would promise to pay them (Dec. 
 29). § On their part, and perhaps with his consent, the 
 bishops assembled to deliberate on their situation ; violence 
 awaited them at the doors of the upper house ; they resolved 
 to absent themselves, to set forth in a protest the motives of 
 their withdrawal, declaring null and void every bill that should 
 be adopted without the concurrence of all the legitimate and 
 necessary members of parliament. Suddenly drawn up and 
 signed by twelve bishops,j| the protest was at once presented 
 to the king,, who eagerly received it : it presented to him the 
 hope of one day, under this pretext, annulling the acts of that 
 fatal parliament which he could not quell ; on the instant, 
 without mentioning the matter to his new councillors, whose 
 
 * Clarendon, i., 517; ii., 234. 
 
 t Clarendon's Memoirs, i., 124; Pari. Hist., ii., 970. 
 
 i Pari. Hist, ii., 98S. § lb., ii., 991. 
 
 II The archbishop of York, and the bishops of Durham, Litchfield, 
 St. Asaph, Oxford, Bath and Wells, Hereford, Ely, Gloucester, Peter- 
 borough, Llandaff, and Norwich. 
 
152 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 advice he feai*ed much more than he estimated their influ- 
 ence, he ordered the lord high keeper to carry it that same 
 day to the upper house, applauding himself for his address 
 (Dec. 30).* 
 
 The astonishment of the lords was extreme ; they could not 
 conceive how twelve bishops, whose parliamentary existence 
 was at that moment in question, should thus pretend to order 
 the fate of parliament itself, to annihilate it by their absence. 
 Communicated without delay to the commons, the protest was 
 received there with that apparent anger and secret joy which 
 the faults of an enemy inspire. The impeachment of the 
 bishops for conspiring against the fundamental laws of the 
 kingdom and the existence of parliament^ was at once moved 
 and carried. Irritated by their imprudence, perhaps glad to 
 avail themselves of a pretext for forsaking without shame a 
 ruined cause, their friends remained silent ; only one voice 
 rose in their favor, saying, they were stark mad, and should 
 be sent to Bedlam, and not before the judges.:}: The upper 
 house sanctioned the impeachment, and sent the prelates to 
 the Tower. Eager to make the most of so favorable an op- 
 portunity, the leaders of the commons pressed on all their 
 attacks. They had already complained of the king's decla- 
 ration on the subject of the Impressment Bill, as destructive 
 of their privileges, which did not permit that he should take 
 notice of any measure while under discussion ; they now 
 insisted on the necessity of firmly securing these privileges, 
 their only anchor of safety amidst so many perils. They 
 protested against handing over the Tower to sir Thomas 
 Lunsford, a man in almost universal disrepute, without for- 
 tune, religion, or morals, known only by his acts of violence 
 against the people, and capable of the most desperate excess- 
 es. Already, said they, the alai'm was so great in the city 
 that merchants and foreigners no longer deposited their bul- 
 lion in the Tower. They demanded the nomination of 
 another governor. Lord Digby, now become the king's most 
 intimate confidant, was denounced for having said that parlia- 
 ment was not free.§ Finally, reports were even spread that 
 
 * Pari. Hist, ii., 993 ; -Clarendon, i., 546. 
 
 t Pari. Hist, ii., 994; Whitelocke, 53. J Clarendon, i., 552. 
 
 § Pari. History, ii., 969. 
 
ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 153 
 
 the queen herself might ere long be impeached for high 
 treason. 
 
 The king seemed to give way ; he took no step in favor 
 of the bishops, withdrew the government of the Tower from 
 Lunsford, and gave it to Sir John Byron, a grave and steady 
 man, generally esteemed,* spoke no more about the riots, did 
 not complain of the last debates. Yet secret reports and 
 vague whispers disturbed the commons. The queen, silent 
 and reserved, seemed animated with some hope ; lord Digby, 
 whose presumptuous temerity was well known, visited her 
 frequently, and seemed every day more and more intimate 
 with her and with the king. The concourse of cavaliers at 
 Whitehall doubled. Without explaining their fears the com- 
 mons sent a message, applying once more for a guard (Dec. 
 31). The king made no answer to the application, which, he 
 said, must be communicated to him in a written petition. 
 Thereupon, the commons ordered arras to be brought into the 
 house, as if assured of some immediate danger. Three days 
 after, the king's answer came ; it was a refusal, concluding 
 with these words. " We do engage unto you solemnly, on 
 the word of a king, that the security of all and every one of 
 you from violence, is and shall ever be as much our care as 
 the preservation of us and our children." But the house, 
 more alarmed than ever, ordered the lord mayor, the sheriffs, 
 and common council, to keep the London militia on foot, and 
 to place strong guards at various points of the city.j" 
 
 On that very day (Jan. 3, 1642), sir Edward Herbert, the 
 attorney-general, went to the house of peers, and, in the king's 
 name, accused of high treason lord Kimbolton and five mem- 
 bers of the commons, Hampden, Pym, Holies, Strode, and 
 Haslerig, for having attempted, 1st, to subvert the funda- 
 mental laws of the kingdom, and to deprive the king of his 
 lawful authority ; 2dly, to alienate the people from the king 
 by odious calumnies ; 3dly, to raise the army against the 
 king ; 4thly, to engage a foreign power, Scotland, to invade 
 the kingdom ; 5thly, to annihilate the rights and the very ex- 
 istence of parliaments ; 6thly, to excite against the king and 
 the parliament seditious assemblages, for the purpose of secur- 
 ing, by violence, success to their criminal designs ; Tthly, to 
 
 * Clarendon, i., 518. 
 
 t Pari. Hist, ii., 1002; Rushworth, i., 3, 471 ; Journals, Commons. 
 
154 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 levy war upon the king. Sir Edward required, at the same 
 time, that a committee should be appointed to examine the 
 charges, and that the house would be pleased to secure the 
 persons of the accused.* 
 
 The lords were thunderstruck ; no one had foreseen such 
 a proceeding, and no one dared to speak first. Lord Kim- 
 bolton rose : " I am ready," said he, " to obey any order of 
 the house ; but since my impeachment is public, I demand 
 that my justification may be so too." And he resumed his 
 place amid continued silence. Lord Digby was sitting next 
 him. He whispered in his ear, " What mischievous counsels 
 are given to the king ! It shall go hard but I find out whence 
 they come." And he forthwith quitted the house, as if to 
 seek the information of which he spoke. Yet it was he and 
 no other, it is said, who had urged the king to this enterprise, 
 undertaking, moreover, that he himself would demand the 
 immediate arrest of lord Kimbolton, as soon as the attorney- 
 general should have accused him.f 
 
 On the instant, a message from the lords informed the com- 
 mons of what had passed ; they had just heard that the king's 
 people had gone to the houses of the five members, and were 
 putting their seals on everything in them. The house forth- 
 with voted these proceedings a breach of privilege, which the 
 accused were entitled, and the constables were called upon 
 in duty, to resist, and that the king's officers should be arrested 
 and brought to the bar as delinquents. Sir John Hotham was 
 sent to the lords to request an immediate conference, and with 
 orders to declare that if the house of peers refused to combine 
 with the commons in demanding a guard from the king, the 
 commons would retire to a safer place. While they were 
 waiting the lords' answer, a sergeant-at-arms presented him- 
 self. " In the name of the king my master," said he, " I am 
 come to require Mr. Speaker to place in my custody five 
 gentlemen, members of this house, whom his majesty has 
 commanded me to arrest for high treason ;" and he proceeded 
 to name them. The accused were present, but not one quitted 
 his place ; the speaker ordered the sergeant to retire. Without 
 tumult as without opposition, the house appointed a committee 
 to go, the house still sitting, to inform the king that so im- 
 
 * Rushworth, i., 3, 473. f I^., 474; Clarendon, i., 559. 
 
ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 155 
 
 portant a message could only be answered after mature con- 
 sideration. Two ministers of the crown, lord Falkland and sir 
 John Colepepper, formed part of the committee : they had been 
 quite ignorant of the plan. The conference with the lords was 
 opened, and in less than an hour it was jointly resolved to 
 order the removal of the seals placed on the papers of the five 
 members, and that a guard should be demanded. The petition 
 for a guard was forthwith conveyed to the king by the duke 
 of Richmond, one of his most honest favorites. " I will give 
 an answer to-morrow," said the king, in his turn ; and the 
 commons adjourned to the next day at one o'clock, ordering 
 the accused to be in attendance at Westminster as usual.* 
 
 When the house reassembled (Jan. 4) at the appointed 
 hour, their uneasiness and anger were redoubled ; the pre- 
 sentiment of some fresh danger, unknown but certain, agitated 
 every mind. The royalists sat sorrowful and silent ; among 
 their adversaries a thousand reports were in active circula- 
 tion, collected the evening before, during the night, that very 
 morning : the cavaliers, it was said, had assembled, the king 
 had sent them word to be ready, two barrels of gunpowder 
 and arms had been brought from the Tower to Whitehall,f 
 every one crowded round the five members, with conjectures, 
 information, advice. They themselves knew more of the 
 matter than their informants : the minister of France, long 
 since in secret correspondence with them, and the countess of 
 Carlisle, Pym's mistress, it is said, had given them notice of 
 the coup d'etat in preparation ;:j: but they mentioned not a 
 word of this. Suddenly entered the house an officer, captain 
 Langrish, lately returned from service in France, and whose 
 connexion with some of the cashiered officers gave him oppor- 
 tunities of knowing all that was going on. He announced 
 that the king was at hand, that he had seen him set out from 
 Whitehall, escorted by three or four hundred men, guards, 
 eavaliers, students, all armed, to arrest the accused in person. 
 A great tumult arose, but the necessity of a prompt decision 
 soon appeased it. The house urged the five members to 
 withdraw, as several gentlemen had already drawn their 
 
 * Rushworth, i., 3, 474 ; Pari. Hist, ii., 1007. 
 t Rushworth, i., 3, 476. 
 
 i lb., 477 ; Whitelocke, 53 ; Warwick's Mem., 203; Mazure, Hist. 
 de la Revolution, iii., 429 ; Mad. de Motteville's Mem. (1750), i., 266, 
 
156 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 swords for resistance. Pym, Hampden, Holies, and Haslerig, 
 at once departed ; Strode refused ; he was entreated, pressed ; 
 the king had already entered Palace Yard ; at last his friend, 
 sir Walter Earl, roughly pushed him out. The other mem- 
 bers all took their seats. The king had traversed Westmin- 
 ster Hall between a double rank of his attendants ; but only 
 his body-guard ascended with him the stairs leading to the 
 house ; on reaching the door, he forbade them, under penalty 
 of death, to follow him a step further, and entered the house 
 uncovered, accompanied only by his nephew, the count pala- 
 tine. All the members uncovered and rose. The king, as 
 he passed, cast a glance at the place where Pym usually sat ; 
 not seeing him there, he advanced towards the speaker. " By 
 your favor, Mr. Speaker," said he, " I will borrow your chair 
 for a moment." Then seating himself, he cast his eyes round 
 on the assembly : " Gentlemen," said he, " I am sorry for 
 this occasion of coming unto you. Yesterday, I sent a ser- 
 jeant-at-arms upon a very important occasion, to apprehend 
 some that by my command were accused of high treason, 
 whereunto I did expect obedience, and not a message ; and I 
 must declare unto you here, that albeit no king that ever was 
 in England shall be more careful of your privileges, to main- 
 tain them to the uttermost of his power, than I shall be, yet 
 you must know that in cases of treason no person hath a 
 privilege ; and therefore I am come to know if any of these, 
 persons that were accused ai'e here, for I must tell you, gen- 
 tlemen, that so long as these persons that I have accused, for 
 no slight crime, but for treason, are here, I cannot expect that 
 this house will be in the right way that I do heartily wish it ; 
 therefore I am come to tell you that I must have them where- 
 soever I find them. Mr. Speaker, where are they ?" The 
 speaker, falling on his knees, replied, " May it please your 
 majesty, I have neither eyes to see nor tongue to speak, in 
 this place, but as the house is pleased to direct me, whose 
 servant I am here. And humbly beg your majesty's pardon, 
 that I cannot give any other answer than this to what your 
 majesty is pleased to demand of me." " Well," replied the 
 king, " since I see all the birds are flown, I do expect from 
 you that you shall send them unto me as soon as they return 
 hither. But I assure you, on the word of a king, I never did 
 intend any force, but shall proceed against them in a legal and 
 
ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 157 
 
 fair way ; for I never meant any other : and now, since I see 
 I cannot do what I came for, I will trouble you no more, but 
 tell you, I do expect, as soon as they come to the house, you 
 will send them to me, otherwise I must take my own course 
 to find them." He then quitted the chair, his hat still in his 
 hand. The house remained motionless ; but from several 
 parts of the house as the king withdrew, arose the cry, 
 " Privilege ! Privilege !"* 
 
 As soon as he was gone, the house, without doing, or even 
 announcing anything, adjourned to the next day ; all the 
 members went away, eager to learn to what extent the king's 
 designs had gone, and what the public thought of them. 
 They found outside, on the stairs, in the great hall, at the 
 doors, among their own servants who were waiting for them, 
 and in the assembled multitude, an emotion no less vivid than 
 their own. " Nothing," says an affidavit of the day, " was 
 talked of but the insults of the cavaliers. One of them, a 
 captain Hyde, drew a pistol from his pocket, and said, jeer- 
 ingly, it was not charged, but upon trial it was found to be 
 charged very deep, and he said he had five supplies for the 
 same ; and he cursed and swore at the parliament for prick- 
 eared, cropt-eared rascals, and said he'd kill as many of 'em 
 as he could. ""j" The five members had retired into the city ; 
 the citizens took to arms ; the lord mayor attempted in vain 
 to calm them ; strong patrols were spontaneously formed for 
 the common safety ; and during the whole of the evening, 
 bands of apprentices paraded the streets, crying out from door 
 to door that the cavaliers were coming to set the city on fire ; 
 some even added that the king was commanding them in 
 person. 
 
 The agitation was equally great at Whitehall. The king 
 and queen had built the highest hopes on this coup d'etat ; it 
 had for a long time past occupied all their thoughts, had been 
 the constant subject of their private conversation, of their con- 
 ferences with their most intimate confidants. In the morning, 
 Charles, kissing his wife before he went away, promised her 
 that in an hour he would return, master, at length, of his 
 kingdom, and the queen, watch in hand, had counted the 
 
 * Rushworth, i., 3, 477; Pari. Hist, ii., 1010; Journals, Commons; 
 Whitelocke, 52. 
 
 t Rushworth, i., 3, 482 ; Ludlow's Mem., 17. 
 14 
 
158 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 minutes till his return.* Now, all had failed ; and though 
 the king still persisted in his design, it was without hoping 
 anything from it, without knowing how to accomplish it. Of- 
 fended, and full of affliction, his wisest friends, Falkland, 
 Hyde, Colepepper, kept aloof, and proffered no counsel. A 
 proclamation was issued ordering the gates to be closed, and 
 that no citizen should give refuge to the accused ; but no one, 
 even at court, deceived himself as to the inefficacy of these 
 orders ; the very house in which were the five members was 
 perfectly well known ;-j- it was not thought any one would 
 make his way thither after them. Lord Digby alone was de- 
 sirous to expiate by his temerity the imprudence of his advice, 
 and his backwardness in the house of peers at the moment of 
 the impeachment. He offered the king to go in person, with 
 Lunsford and a few cavaliers, to take the members from their 
 retreat, and bring them to him dead or alive. But Charles, 
 either from some remains of respect for the laws, or from the 
 timidity which alternated in his mind with reckless daring, 
 refused this proposal, and resolved to go himself the next day 
 into the city, and solemnly call upon the common council to 
 deliver up the accused, hoping that by his presence and gra- 
 cious words he should soften those whose anger he had so little 
 
 oreseen. 
 
 Accordingly, at about ten o'clock, on the 5th Jan., he left 
 Whitehall without any guards, and manifesting an entire con- 
 fidence in the affection of his subjects. The multitude crowded 
 on his way, but cold and silent, or only lifting up their voices 
 to conjure him to live in concord with his parliament.:]: In 
 some places, threatening cries were heard ; the words, " Pri- 
 vilege of parliament ! privilege of parliament !" echoed round 
 him, and a man, named Walker, threw into his carriage a 
 pamphlet, entitled To your tents, O Israel ! the watchword of 
 revolt of the ten tribes of Jerusalem, when they separated 
 from Rehoboam.§ On arriving at Guildhall, Charles claimed 
 the surrender of the five members, affable and mild in his 
 speech, protesting his devotion to the reformed religion, the 
 sincerity of his concessions, and promising to act in all things 
 according to the laws. No plaudits answered him ; like the 
 people, the common council were grave and sorrowful. The 
 
 * Madame de Motteville's Mem., i., 265. f In Coleman-street. 
 t Whitelocke, p. 53. § Rushworth, i., 3,479. 
 
ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 159 
 
 king, addressing one of the sheriffs, said to be an ardent pres- 
 byterian, told him he would dine with him. The sheriff 
 bowed, and when the hall rose, received him in his house 
 with splendor and respect. On his return to Whitehall, 
 Charles only obtained from the crowd the same reception as 
 before, and re-entered his palace, angry and depressed.* 
 
 The commons had meantime assembled (Jan. 5) ; had voted 
 that after so enormous a breach of their privileges, until repa- 
 ration had been made, and a trusty guard protected them from 
 similar perils, they could not sit with any sense of freedom, 
 and had accordingly adjourned for six days. But, though 
 they adjourned, they did not cease to act. A committee, 
 vested with great powers,f was ordered to establish .itself in 
 the city, to make an inquiry into the late outrage, and to ex- 
 amine into the general state of the kingdom, especially of 
 Ireland, in concert with the citizens, the faithful friends of 
 parliament. The committee was installed at Guildhall with 
 great pomp (Jan. 6) ; a strong guard was in attendance, and 
 a deputation from the common council went to meet it, and 
 place at its disposal all the force, all the services of the city.:}: 
 Its sittings were as full of bustle as those of the house, every 
 member of which had a right to be present ; the place whither 
 the five members had retired was close by, and nothing was 
 done without their knowledge and advice. § They even went 
 several times in person to the committee, and the citizens 
 loudly cheered them as they passed, proud to have them 
 among them, to be the protectors of their representatives. In 
 the midst of this triumph of the commons, their leaders skil- 
 fully managed to augment their zeal, by keeping up their 
 fears. Every hour, the commons and the city contracted a 
 closer alliance and mutually emboldened each other. || At 
 last, of its own sole authority, it is said, and as if it had been 
 the house itself, the committee published a declaration con- 
 taining the result of its inquiry ;1T and the common council 
 addressed a petition to the king, complaining of bad councillors, 
 of the cavaliers, of the papists, of the new governor of the 
 
 * Clarendon, i., 561 ; Rushworth, i., 3, 479. 
 
 t It was composed of twenty-five members ; two of the king's min- 
 isters, Falkland and Colepepper, were upon it ; Rushworth, ut sup. 479. 
 X Clarendon, i., 563. § lb. ; Whitelocke, 54. 
 
 II Rushworth, i., 3, 483. IT Clarendon, i., 567, &c. 
 
160 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 Tower, adopting in a high tone the cause of the five members, 
 and demanding all the reforms which the commons had merely 
 touched upon.* (Jan. 7, 1642.) 
 
 The king was alone, shut up in Whitehall, disclaimed by 
 his more honest partisans. Even the cavaliers, now intimi- 
 dated, had dispersed, or kept silence. The king attempted an 
 answer to the petition of the common council, and once more 
 ordered the arrest of the accused. "j" (Jan. 8.) But his an- 
 swers were without influence, his orders without effect. He 
 learned that, in two days, the house would resume its sittings, 
 and that the five members were to be brought back to West- 
 minster in triumph, by the militia, the people, and even the 
 watermen of the Thames, of whose entire affection he had 
 till then thought himself certain. " What," said he, angrily, 
 " do these water-rats, too, forsake me !" and this speech, 
 soon repeated among the men, was received by them as an 
 insult calling for revenge.:}: Abandoned, humiliated, deserted, 
 irritated at the general cry which daily assailed him without 
 one voice on his side to oppose it, Charles could not endure 
 the idea of seeing his enemies pass triumphant before his 
 palace. The queen, alternately furious with anger and 
 trembling with fear, conjured him to depart ; the royalists and 
 messengers, who had been sent to different parts of the king- 
 dom, promised him strength and safety elsewhere ; the cava- 
 liers, defeated in London, boasted of their influence in their 
 counties ; away from the parliament, said they, the king 
 would be free ; without the king, what could the parliament 
 do ? The resolution was taken. It was agreed to retire first 
 to Hampton Court, and afterwards further if it should be 
 found necessary ; secret orders were sent to the governors of 
 several places, whose devotion seemed sure ; the earl of New- 
 castle set out for the north, where his influence prevailed, and 
 on the loth of January, the evening before the return of the 
 commons, Charles, accompanied only by his wife, his children, 
 and some attendants, quitted London and the palace of White- 
 hall, which he was destined never to re-enter, but on his way 
 to the scaffold. § 
 
 * Rushworth, i., 3, 480. t lb. 
 
 t Lilly, Observ. on the Life and Death of king Charles ; Mazeres, 
 Tracts (1815). 
 
 § Clarendon, i., 590; Rushworth, i., 3, 564; Journals, Commons 
 Jan. 11, 1642, et seq. ; Whitelocke, 54. 
 
ENGLISH KEVOLUTION. l6l 
 
 The day after his departure, at about two in the afternoon, 
 the Thames was covered with armed vessels, escorting the 
 five members back to Westminster ; a multitude of boats fol- 
 lowed, adorned with flags, and filled with citizens ; along each 
 bank of the river marched the London militia, bearing the last 
 declarations of parliament at the end of their pikes ;* an ofii- 
 cer formed in the army of Gustavus Adolphus, captain Skip- 
 pon, had the day before been appointed to command them. 
 He was a rough, illiterate man, but daring, of austere morals, 
 and very popular in the city. An innumerable crowd closely 
 followed this procession ; as they passed Whitehall they 
 stopped, shouting, " Where now are the king and his cavaliers ? 
 what has become of them ? "f On their arrival at Westmin- 
 ster Hall, the five members hastened to eulogize the devotion 
 of the city in the public cause, and the sheriffs, introduced 
 into the house, received the thanks of the speaker. As they 
 departed, another procession filed up ; four thousand knights, 
 gentlemen, freeholders, &c., arrived on horseback from Buck- 
 inghamshire, Hampden's native county, with a petition to the 
 house against papist lords, bad councillors, and in favor of 
 their worthy representative ; they had also a petition for the 
 upper house, and a third for the king, and all carried on their 
 hats a printed oath to live and die with the parliament, who- 
 ever might be its enemies.:]: On all sides burst forth that 
 proud and joyful enthusiasm which permits, which calls for, 
 on the part of the leaders of the people, the boldest resolutions : 
 the commons gave way to it with judicious energy, as the 
 pilot to the violent but propitious wind. In a few hours they 
 had voted that no member, under any pretext, could be ar- 
 rested without their consent ; a bill was adopted giving to both 
 houses the right of adjourning, in case of need, to any place 
 they might think fit ; an address was drawn up to the king, 
 that it would please him to withdraw from sir John Byron the 
 government of the Tower ; and until his answer should be 
 received, Skippon was ordered to place guards around that 
 fortress, and narrowly to watch its approaches. Letters were 
 despatched to Goring, governor of Portsmouth, forbidding him 
 
 * May, ii., 41 ; Rushworth, i., 3, 484 
 
 t Clarendon, i., 591. 
 
 X lb., ut gup. ; Rushworth, i., 3, 48G. 
 
 14* 
 
162 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 to receive into that town either troops or ammunition without 
 the authority of parliament ; sir John Hotham, a rich and in- 
 fluential gentleman of Yorkshire, was ordered to proceed im- 
 mediately, and take the command of Hull, an important place, 
 the key to the North of England, and which contained large 
 arsenals. On the third day (Jan. 13), the house voted that 
 the menaced kingdom should without delay be put in a state 
 of defence ; the lords refused to sanction this declaration ; but 
 this was of little consequence : the commons had effected their 
 object, by passing the resolution, and conveying their wishes 
 to the people.* 
 
 The commons were not mistaken in anticipating war ; the 
 king's only thought now was to prepare for it. In London, 
 he was powerless and humiliated ; but no sooner had he left it 
 than he was suri'ounded only by his partisans, and no longer 
 receiving every day, every hour, proofs of his weakness, he 
 freely gave himself up to the hope of conquering with an armed 
 force the enemy from whom h6 had just fled without a struggle. 
 The cavaliers, too, had reassumed all their presumption ; al- 
 ready they seemed to look upon the war as declared, and were 
 eager to strike the first blow. The day after the king's de- 
 parture, the house learned that two hundred of them, com- 
 manded by Lunsford, had marched towards Kingston, twelve 
 miles from London, where the military stores of the county 
 of Surrey were deposited, as if to take possession of it and to 
 establish themselves there ; it was also known that lord Digby 
 had gone to meet them on the part of the king, to thank them 
 for their zeal, and to concert some hostile plan with them. 
 The parliament at once took its measures, and these attempts 
 were defeated : lord Digby, energetically denounced, fled be- 
 yond sea.f Thinking himself still too near London, the king 
 left Hampton Court for Windsor (Jan. 12, 1642) ; Lunsford 
 and his cavaliers followed him. Here, in a secret council, it 
 was resolved that the queen, taking the crown jewels with 
 her, should proceed to Holland, purchase ammunition and 
 arms, and solicit the aid of the continental monarchs ; the pre- 
 text to be given for this journey was the necessity of taking 
 over to the prince of Orange the princess Mary, yet a mere 
 
 * Pari. Hist, ii., 1028 ; Rushworth, i., 3, 469. 
 
 t Rushworth, ut sup. ; Nelson, ii., 845 ; Pari. Hist., ii., 1036 ; 
 Whitelocke, 54. 
 
ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 16J5 
 
 girl, whom he had married six months before.* On his part, 
 tlie king, still keeping up his negotiations with parliament, 
 was to retire by degrees to the northern counties, where his 
 partisans were most numerous, to fix his residence at York, 
 and await there the opportunity and the means of acting. 
 Everything thus settled, the queen with great secresy made 
 preparations for her journey ; and the king invited parliament 
 to draAv up a complete statement of its grievances, and thus 
 present them to him all at once, promising to do right to them 
 without the delay of a single day, and thus put an end to their 
 contentions (Jan. 20). f 
 
 The house of lords received this message with joy ; the 
 king had numerous friends there ; many others, alarmed or 
 wearied out, only desired to terminate the struggle so as to 
 leave no anxieties about the future. But the commons, more 
 clear-sighted and more resolute, could not believe either that 
 the king would grant them all they required, or that, if he 
 promised it, he would keep his word. His proposal was, in 
 their eyes, merely a stratagem to get rid of them at a blow, 
 and, dismissing them, to resume his arbitrary power. They 
 refused to concur in the eager thanks of the lords, unless at 
 the same time the king was distinctly called upon to transfer 
 the command of the Tower, of the royal fortresses, and of the 
 militia, to men who possessed the confidence of parliament.:}: 
 The peers rejected the amendment, but thirty-two protested 
 against its rejection ;§ and the commons, strengthened by the 
 support of such a minority, forwarded the petition to the king 
 in their own name. His answer was a decided refusal (Jan. 
 28)11 as to the government of the Tower and fortresses, and 
 vague and evasive objections as to the militia. His sole pur- 
 pose evidently was to yield nothing more, and meanwhile to 
 gain time. The commons, on their part, did not wish to lose 
 time : well served at Windsor, as well as at London — for 
 everywhere the opinion of their strength was great — they had 
 spies and friends, and were perfectly acquainted with all the 
 king's projects, with the meaning of the queen's journey, and 
 with the intrigues of the court in the north of the kingdom and 
 
 * Clarendon, i., 653 ; Orleans, Histoire des Revolutions d' Angleterre 
 (1694), book ix. 
 
 t Pari. Hist, ii., 1045, et seq. 
 
 i Pari. Hist., ii., 104S. § lb., 1049. || Rushworth, i., 3, 517. 
 
164 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 on the continent. The danger was pressing ; it might so hap- 
 pen that the king would be ready for war before the question 
 of the militia was decided, and then, how resist him ? Fears 
 more illusory, but nearer at hand, agitated the people ; they 
 talked of ammunition removed from the Tower, of plots against 
 the lives of the popular leaders ; they were irritated at con- 
 quering thus repeatedly to no purpose. A fresh and energetic 
 outburst of public feeling, it was thought, would alone suffice 
 to surmount the new obstacles which had presented themselves, 
 to impel the zealous to action, excite the lukewarm, and intimi- 
 date their opponents. Petitions flowed in from all parts ; from 
 all the counties, from every class of citizens ; apprentices, lit- 
 tle shopkeepers, poor workmen, London porters • even women 
 crowded round Westminster Hall with petitions. When these 
 last appeared, Skippon, who commanded the guard, was as- 
 tonished : " Let us be heard," they cried, " for one woman 
 that's here to-day, there will be five hundred to-morrow." 
 Skippon went to the house of commons for orders, and, on his 
 return, gently persuaded them to retire. But they came again 
 two days after ; having chosen Ann Stagg, the wife of a wealthy 
 brewer, for their speaker, and bearing a petition, at the end 
 of which they had carefully explained their motives : " It may 
 be thought strange and unbeseeming our sex," said they, " to 
 show ourselves here, bearing a petition to this honorable as- 
 sembly ; but Christ purchased us at as dear a rate as he did 
 men, and therefore requireth the same obedience for the same 
 mercy as of men. We are sharers in the public calamities. 
 We do this, not out of self-conceit or pride of heart, as seeking 
 to equal ourselves with men, either in authority or wisdom ; 
 but, according to our places, to discharge that duty we owe to 
 God and the cause of his church." The petition was received ; 
 Pym went out to acknowledge it. He said : " Good women, 
 your petition, with the reasons, hath been read in the house, 
 and is thankfully accepted of, and is come in a seasonable 
 time. Repair to your houses, we entreat, and turn your peti- 
 tions into prayers at home for us. We have been, are, and 
 shall be, ready to relieve you, your husbands, and childi'en." 
 They retired in silence — a remarkable instance of reserve 
 amidst the wild excitement of popular enthusiasm, of moral 
 sobriety amidst the machinations of party.* 
 
 * Almost all these petitions were presented between Jan. 20 and 
 
ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 165 
 
 The petitions were all exactly to the same effect ; they all 
 demanded the reform of the church, the chastisement of the 
 papists, the repression of the malignants. Some went more 
 into detail, and in these the house of peers was openly 
 threatened : " Let those noble worthies of the peers," said they 
 to the commons, " who concur with your happy votes, be 
 earnestly requested to join with your honorable house, and to 
 sit and vote as one entire body ; which, we hope, will remove 
 our destructive fears, and removed, prevent that which ap- 
 prehension will make the wisest and peaceablest men to put 
 into execution." " We never doubted the commons," cried 
 the people at the gates of Westminster, " but everything sticks 
 in the lords ; let us have the names of those who hinder the 
 agreement between the good lords and the commons."* Even 
 in the house of lords, the language of the two parties began 
 to be that of war. " Whoever refuses to agree with the com- 
 mons as to the militia is an enemy to the state," said the earl 
 of Northumberland. He was called upon to explain : " We 
 all think the same !" cried his friends, then in the minority on 
 this question. The multitude were at the door ; fear seized 
 the lords ; several went out, others changed their opinion. 
 The lord chancellor, Littleton, himself, with some insignificant 
 reservations, voted with the commons, and the bill, at last, re- 
 ceived the sanction of the house, as did, a few days afterwards 
 (Feb. 5), the bill for the exclusion of the bishops, which had 
 been three months in suspense. "j" 
 
 This last was presented to the king by itself (Feb. 7), the 
 ordinance respecting the militia not being yet drawn up ; his 
 perplexity was great : he had just informed the parliament of 
 the queen's approaching journey : he had, to soften them, 
 officially given up all proceedings against the five members:}: 
 (Feb. 2), he had even consented to appoint, as governor of the 
 Tower, sir John Conyers, whom the commons had named§ 
 (Feb. 11) ; but his hope in all this had been to elude any great 
 question, till the time he should be in a position to refuse doing 
 anything at all. The exclusion of the bishops troubled his 
 
 Feb. 5, 1642 ; that of the women, among others, on Feb. 4 ; Journals, 
 Commons; Pari. Hist., ii., 1049, et seq. 
 
 * Clarendon, i., 645 ; iii., 74. 
 
 t lb., i., 648 ; Pari. Hist., ii., 1099, 1367. % Rushworth, i., 3, 492. 
 
 § Pari. Hist, ii., 1087 ; Clarendon, i., 655. 
 
166 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 conscience : to give up the militia was to place at the disposi- 
 tion of his enemies the whole available force of the country. 
 Yet he was pressed hard ; his own councillors thought he could 
 not refuse ; lord Falkland, still supposing him sincere, con- 
 stantly advocated concession ; Colepepper, not particularly 
 devout, and inclined to expedients, strongly urged the adoption 
 of the bill as to the bishops, saying that the militia were far 
 more important, for that everything might be regained by the 
 sword, and that then it would be easy to declare void a consent 
 exacted by violence. " Is this the advice of Hyde V inquired 
 the king ; " No, sire ; I must own I think neither the one bill 
 nor the other ought to be sanctioned." " You are quite 
 right and I shall act upon your opinion." Colepepper went 
 to the queen, pointed out to her the danger which the king, 
 which she herself was exposed to, the obstacles which would 
 be thrown in the way of her journey, now the only means of 
 placing the king in a position to defeat his enemies. The 
 vehement emphasis of his gesticulation and of his language 
 soon agitated and convinced the queen, as prompt to fear as 
 to hope, and, moreover, not over friendly towards the 
 Anglican bishops. She rushed to her husband's apartments, 
 and, in a passion of tears, implored him to consult their own 
 safety and that of their children. Charles could not resist 
 her ; he gave way with sorrow, and already repentant, as in 
 Strafford's trial, authorized the commissioners to sign the bill 
 in his name, said nothing about the militia, and immediately 
 departed for Dover* (Feb. 16), where the queen was to 
 embark. 
 
 He had scarcely arrived there, when a message from the 
 commons followed him ; like Colepepper, they cared much 
 more about the militia than about the exclusion of the bishops, 
 who were already defeated and in prison. They had hastened 
 to draw up their ordinance ; they had set forth in it the names 
 of the lieutenants who were to command in each county, and 
 solicited its immediate sanction. " I must take time to con- 
 sider the matter," said the king ; "I will give my answer 
 on my return."^ On his way back, after the queen had 
 embarked,:]: he received at Canterbury (Feb. 25) another 
 message, still more pressing than the first. He learned at the 
 
 * Clarendon's Memoirs, i., 115. f Pari. Hist., ii., 1083, et seg. 
 X The queen embarked Feb. 23. 
 
ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 167 
 
 same time that the commons objected to the departure of his 
 son Charles, prince of Wales, whom he had directed to pro- 
 ceed to Greenwich, intending to take him with him into the 
 north ; that they were prosecuting the attorney-general, Her- 
 bert, for having obeyed his orders in accusing the five mem- 
 bers, and that they had intercepted and opened a letter from 
 lord Digby to the queen. So much distrust, after so much con- 
 cession, offended him as much as though his concessions had 
 been sincere. He received the messengers angrily, but with- 
 out giving any decisive answer."* On arriving at Greenwich 
 (Feb. 26), he found the prince, whom his tutor, the marquis 
 of Hertford, notwithstanding the prohibition of the commons, 
 on receiving the king's orders, had at once taken thither. At 
 length easy as to his wife and children, he sent his answer to 
 the parliament ;"j" he consented to entrust the militia to the 
 commanders whom it had named, but on condition that he 
 iiiight dismiss them, if he saw fit, and that the principal towns 
 in the_ kingdom should be excepted from the measure ; in 
 these the militia were to remain under the government of their 
 charters and of the ancient laws ; then, without awaiting its 
 reply, he began, by short stages, his journey to York. At 
 Theobalds, twelve commissioners from the parliament over- 
 took him (March 1); on receiving his answer, it voted it to be 
 a positive refusal ; that, if he persisted in it, it would dispose 
 of the militia without consulting him, and that his return to 
 London could alone prevent the evils with which the kingdom 
 was threatened. The tone of the message was rude and 
 abrupt, as if parliament wished to show it knew its strength, 
 and was not afraid to use it. " I am so much amazed at this 
 message," said the king, " that I know not what to answer. 
 You speak of jealousies and fears ! lay your hands to your 
 hearts and ask yourselves whether I may not likewise be dis- 
 turbed with fears and jealousies ? And if so, I assure you 
 this message hath nothing lessened it. As to the militia, I 
 thought so much of it before I sent that answer, and am so 
 much assured that the answer is agreeable to what in justice 
 or reason you can ask, or I in honor grant, that I shall not 
 alter it in any point. For my residence near you, I wish it 
 might be so safe and honorable, that I had no cause to absent 
 
 * Clarendon, Memoirs, ut sup. 
 
 t Dated Feb. 28; Rushworth, i., 3, 521 ; Clarendon, Memoirs. 
 
168 HISTOKY OF THE 
 
 myself from Whitehall : ask yourselves whether I have not. 
 For my son, I shall take that care of him which shall justify 
 me to God, as a father, and to my dominions as a king. To 
 conclude, I assure you, upon my honor, that I have no thought 
 but of peace and justice to my people, which I shall by all 
 fair means seek to preserve and maintain, relying upon the 
 goodness and providence of God, for the preservation of myself 
 and rights ;" and he continued his journey. A week after 
 (March 9), at Newmarket, other commissioners presented 
 themselves ; they brought a declaration in which the parlia- 
 ment, recapitulating all its grievances, all its fears, justified its 
 conduct, and once more conjured the king to return to London, 
 to come to an understanding with his people, and thus dissi- 
 pate the dark presentiments which agitated all minds. Deep 
 feeling pervaded the firm language in which the message was 
 couched; it equally manifested itself in the interview between 
 the commissioners and the king : the conversation was long, 
 urgent, earnest, as of men profoundly moved by the prospect 
 of impending rupture, and who were still endeavoring to per- 
 suade each other to avert it ; it was evident that though no 
 longer hesitating as to their future course, though there were 
 no means of reconciliation, though they felt the struggle to be 
 inevitable and had made up their minds to go through with 
 it, yet both parties felt pain in commencing it, and, though 
 without hope, made yet a last effort against it. " What would 
 you have ?" said the king. " Have I violated your laws ? have 
 I denied to pass any one bill for the ease and security of my 
 subjects ? I do not ask you what you have done for me. Have 
 any of my people been transported with fears and apprehen- 
 sions ? I have offered as free and general a pardon as your- 
 selves can devise. God so deal with me and mine, as all my 
 thoughts and intentions are upright for the maintenance of 
 the true protestant profession, and for the observance and 
 preservation of the laws of this land ; and I hope God will 
 bless and assist those laws for my preservation."* "But the 
 militia, sir ?" said lord Holland. " The militia ? I did not 
 deny it." " But if your majesty would come near the par- 
 liament ?" "I would you had given me cause, but I am sure 
 this declaration is not the way to it. In all Aristotle's Rhe- 
 
 * Rushworth, i., 3, 523, 524 ; Clarendon, Memoirs, i., 129. 
 
ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 169 
 
 toric there is no such argument of persuasion." "The par- 
 liament," said lord Pembroke, " has humbly besought your 
 majesty to come near it." " Your declaration hath taught 
 me your words are not sufficient." " Will your majesty, then, 
 deign to tell us what you would have ?" " I would whip a 
 boy in Westminster school that could not tell that by my 
 answer ; you are much mistaken, however, if you think my 
 answer to that a denial." " Might not the militia be granted 
 as desired by parliament, for a time ?" " No, by God ! not 
 for an hour ; you have asked that of me in this which was 
 never asked of a king, and with which I would not trust my 
 wife and children." Then turning towards the commissioners 
 of the commons, he said : " The business of Ireland will never 
 be done in the way you are in ; four hundred will never do 
 that work ; it must be put into the hands of one. If I were 
 trusted with it, I would pawn my head to end that work ; and 
 though I am a beggar myself, yet, by God, I can find money 
 for that."* These last words roused every suspicion ; the 
 commissioners saw in them the acknowledgment of hidden 
 resources, the intention of throwing parliament into disrepute, 
 of imputing to it the troubles of Ireland, and finally, the de- 
 sire of being alone at the head of an army, to dispose of it at 
 his pleasure. The conference proceeded no further ; the com- 
 , missioners returned to London, and the king, continuing his 
 journey, arrived at York without any other incident. 
 
 And now commenced, between the parliament and him, a 
 struggle hitherto without example in Europe, the clear and 
 glorious symptom of the revolution which then took its begin- 
 ning, and which was destined to have its accomplishment in 
 our own times. The negotiations went on, but without either 
 party hoping anything from them, or even proposing to treat. 
 It was no longer each other they addressed in their declarations 
 and messages ; both appealed to the whole nation, to public 
 opinion ; to this new power both seemed to look for their strength 
 and their success. The origin and extent of royal power, the 
 
 * This conversation is taken from a pamphlet published in London 
 immediately after the return of the commissioners (at W. Gay's, 1642), 
 and which contained an account of all that passed between them and 
 the king. Tlie printer of this pamphlet was sent for, and questioned 
 by the peers ; but on his replying that he had the MS. from the chan- 
 cellor's secretary, the house dismissed him. Pari. Hist., ii., 1126; 
 Rushworth, i., 3, 526. 
 16 
 
170 HISTOKY OF THE 
 
 privileges of both houses, the limits of the allegiance due from 
 subjects, the militia, petitions, the distribution of offices, became 
 the subjects of an official controversy, in which the general 
 principles of social order, the different kinds of government, 
 the primitive rights of liberty, the history, laws, and customs 
 of England, were by turns setforth, explained, and commented 
 upon. In the interval between the disputes of the two parties 
 in parliament, and their physical struggle on the field of battle, 
 reason and science were seen to create an interposition, so to 
 speak, of several months, suspending the course of events find 
 using their ablest endeavors to secure the free adhesion of the 
 people, by stamping on one or the other cause the character 
 of legitimacy. At the opening of parliament, England had 
 neither desired nor even thought of a revolution ; the dissenters 
 merely meditated one in the church ; the return to legal order, 
 the re-establishment of ancient liberties, the reform of actual 
 and pressing abuses, such had been, or at least so it thought, 
 the sole wish and hope of the nation. The leaders themselves, 
 bolder and more enlightened, scarcely formed any more ex- 
 tended projects ; the energy of their will surpassed the am- 
 bition of their thoughts ; and they had gone on from day to 
 day without any ultimate aim, without system, carried forward 
 simply by the progressive development of their situation, and 
 to satisfy urgent necessities. When the moment arrived for 
 drawing the sword, all were aghast : not that their hearts were 
 timid, nor that civil war in the abstract had either in the eyes 
 of the parliament or the people anything strange or criminal 
 about it ; on the contrary, they read it with pride in the great 
 charter, in the history of their country ; more than once they 
 had braved their masters, had taken away and given the 
 crown ; and those times were so far back, that the misery over- 
 clouding them was forgotten, and the people only saw in them 
 glorious examples of their energy and their power. But it had 
 always been in the name of the laws, of clear and acknow- 
 ledged rights, that resistance had been declared ; in achieving 
 liberty, England had ever regarded herself as only defending 
 her inheritance ; and to these words alone, " law," " legal 
 order," had attached that popular and spontaneous respect 
 which rejects discussion, and sanctions the boldest designs. 
 Now, however, the two parties reciprocally accused each 
 other of illegality and innovation, and both with justice ; for 
 
ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 171 
 
 the one had violated the ancient rights of the kingdom, and 
 would not abjure the maxims of tyranny ; the other claimed, 
 in the name of principles as yet altogether indefinite and con- 
 fused, liberties and a power till then unknown. Both felt the 
 necessity of throwing the mantle of the law over their pre- 
 tensions and their acts ; both undertook to justify themselves, 
 not only according to reason, but according to law. With 
 them, the whole nation rushed eagerly into the lists, agitated 
 still more than their leaders with sentiments that seemed to 
 conti-adict each other, yet all equally sincere. Scarcely freed 
 from an oppression which the laws of their ancestors had con- 
 demned but not prevented, they ardently sought for more 
 efficacious guarantees ; but it was still to the very laws, whose 
 inadequacy had been experienced, that their hope was at- 
 tached. New opinions, new ideas were fermenting in their 
 minds ; to these they trusted with vivid, pure faith ; they gave 
 themselves up with all their might, in all confidingness, to that 
 enthusiasm which seeks the triumph of truth, at whatever 
 price ; and, at the same time, unassuming in their thoughts, 
 tenderly faithful to old customs, full of respect for old insti- 
 tutions, they wished to believe, that, far from changing aught 
 in them, they were only rendering them true homage, and 
 restoring them to vigor. Hence a singular mixture of bold- 
 ness and timidity, of sincerity and hypocrisy, in the publications 
 of all sorts, official or otherwise, with which England was then 
 inundated. The ardor of the national mind was unbounded, 
 the movement universal, unprecedented, immoderate ; at Lon- 
 don, at York, in all the great towns of the kingdom, pamphlets, 
 periodical and occasional journals, were multiplied and diffiised 
 in every quarter ;* political, religious, historical questions, 
 news, sermons, plans, counsels, invectives — everything found 
 a place in them, everything was brought forward and discussed 
 in them. Volunteer messengers hawked them about the 
 country ; at the assizes, on market days, at the doors of churches, 
 the people crowded to buy and read them ; and, amidst this 
 universal outburst of thought, this so novel appeal to public 
 
 * The following are the titles of a few of these publications : Mer- 
 curius Aulicus — Mercurius Britannicus — Rusticus — Pragmaticus — Po- 
 liticus — Publicus ; Diurnal Paper — Diurnal Occurrences — A Perfect 
 Diurnal of some Passages in Parliament; London Intelligencer, &c., 
 &c. 
 
172 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 opinion, while at bottom both of proceedings and writings there 
 already reigned the principle of national sovereignty grappling 
 with the divine right of crowns, yet the statutes, the laws, the 
 traditions, the customs of the land, were constantly invoked as 
 the only legitimate criteria of the dispute ; and the revolution 
 was everywhere, without any one daring to say so, or even 
 perhaps owning it to himself. 
 
 In this state of men's minds, the moral situation of parlia- 
 ment was a false one, for it was by it, and for its advantage, 
 that the revolution was being accomplished ; forced to carry 
 it on and disavow it at the same time, its actions and its words 
 alternately belied each other, and it fluctuated painfully be- 
 tween boldness and cunning, violence and hypocrisy. Con- 
 sidered as exceptional maxims and measures, applicable only 
 to a period of crisis, and to be laid aside with the necessity of 
 the case, its principles were true, and its resolves legitimate ; 
 but parties do not rest satisfied v/ith the possession of ephemeral 
 legitimacy, nor nations labor with enthusiastic devotion for 
 the doctrines and interests of a day ; at the very time that the 
 present alone rules and decides their opinions and their con- 
 duct, they persuade themselves that these opinions, this conduct, 
 have reference to perpetuity, and assume to direct the future 
 in the name of eternal truth. Not content with taking pos- 
 session of sovereign power, the parliament voted as a principle, 
 and as if to define the law of the land, that the command of the 
 militia did not belong to the king, that he could not refuse his 
 sanction to bills demanded by the people, that the houses, 
 without his concurrence, had the right to declare what was 
 law ; finally, that it was good and lawful to solicit by petitions 
 the change of customs and statutes in force, but that all peti- 
 tions for their maintenance should be rejected as nugatory.* 
 Notwithstanding the uncertainty and diversity of ancient ex- 
 amples, maxims such as these, established as permanent and 
 public rights, were evidently contrary to the historical founda- 
 tion, the regular state, to the very existence of monarchy. The 
 king took advantage of this. In his turn, he spoke, in the 
 name of old England, of her laws, her recollections. Able 
 and learned champions took up his cause ; Edward Hyde, who 
 remained in London, sometimes alone, sometimes in concert 
 
 * Pari. Hist., ii., 1140. 
 
ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 173 
 
 with Falkland, drew up answers to all the paryamentary pub- 
 lications. Rapidly conveyed to York by secret messengers, 
 these were privately delivered to the king, who passed the 
 night in copying them with his own hand, that no one might 
 trace the author, and then published them in the name of his 
 council.* Written with talent and perspicuity, sometimes with 
 cutting irony, they more particularly aimed at exposing the 
 subtle machinations, the artifices, the illegality of the preten- 
 sions of parliament. Charles no longer governed, had no 
 longer any actual tyranny to palliate ; keeping silence as to 
 his own secret views, his ultimate designs, his despotic hopes, 
 he could invoke the law against his enemies, now, in their 
 turn, the reigning despots. Such was the effect of the royal 
 publications, that parliament made every elTort to suppress 
 them, while, on the other hand, the king caused the messages 
 of parliament to be printed parallel with his answers. "j" The 
 royalist party visibly increased ; they soon grew bolder, and 
 turned the arms of liberty against their adversaries ; George 
 Benyon, a rich merchant in the city, addressed a petition to 
 both houses against their ordinance on the militia, and many 
 considerable citizens signed it with him.:}: The gentlemen of 
 Kent, at the Maidstone assizes (March 25), drew up another 
 in favor of the prei'ogative and of episcopacy ;§ a few members 
 of parliament, sir Edward Bering among others, who first intro- 
 duced the bill against the bishops, openly invited these proceed- 
 ings. || The royal pamphlets met with great favor; they were 
 pungent, high-toned, in a vein of refined and contemptuous su- 
 periority ; even among the populace, abuse of the leaders of the 
 commons found welcome and credit ; they repeated the sneers 
 about " king Pym," and the " sugar-loaves" he had formerly 
 received as presents, and the " 10,000?. of the king's money" 
 that he had, it was said, just given as a marriage portion with 
 his daughter ; about the cowardice of the earl of Warwick, 
 " whose soul was in his shoes," and a thousand other coarse 
 imputations, which lately none would have repeated or even 
 listened to. IT In both houses, the king's friends showed them- 
 selves haughty and irascible ; men who till then had remained 
 silent, sir Ralph Hopton, lord Herbert, repelled sternly all in- 
 
 * Clarendon's Mem., i., 131 ; Warwick's Mem., 209. 
 tRushworth, i., 3, 751. J Pari. Hist., ii., 1150. § lb., 1147 
 
 II lb. M Pari. Hist., ii., 1164, 1405. 
 
 15* 
 
174 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 sinuations offensive to his honor. It was clear that in the opi- 
 nion of many his cause was gaining ground, and that they would 
 uphold it on occasion, for they no longer hesitated to adopt it. 
 Parliament took the alarm ; the self-love of the leaders was 
 touched ; nursed in popularity, they could not patiently endure 
 insult and contempt, or that in this war of the pen, the advan- 
 tage should remain with their enemies. To this new danger, 
 as much from personal anger as from policy, they opposed 
 utter tyranny ; all freedom of discussion ceased ; sir Ralph 
 Hopton was sent to the Tower (March 7),* lord Herbert cen- 
 sured and threatened (May 20),f George Benyon and sir Ed- 
 ward Dering impeached (March 31 and April 26),:}: the petition 
 of the county of Kent thrown under the table (March 25). § 
 There was a rumor that it was going to be presented again ; 
 Cromwell hastened to inform the commons of this report, and 
 received orders to prevent its being carried into effect (April 
 28). II As yet little noticed in the house, but more able and 
 already more deeply engaged than any other in the machina- 
 tions of the revolution, it was in its external business, in ex- 
 citing the people, in watching, in denouncing, in tricking the 
 royalists out of doors, that this man's activity and influence 
 were more especially engaged. 
 
 That war was near at hand was no longer doubtful ; the 
 two parties could no longer live together, or sit within the 
 same walls. Every day members of parliament were leav- 
 ing London ; some, disgusted or alarmed, retired to their es- 
 tates • others sought elsewhere, far from an arena where they 
 were conscious of defeat, fresh arms against their enemies. 
 Most of them repaired to the king, nearly all his councillors 
 had already joined him. IT An unexpected incident hastened 
 this movement, and irrevocably separated the two parties. 
 On the 23d of April, the king, at the head of three hundred 
 horse, advanced towards Hull, and sent word to sir John Ho- 
 tham, the governor of the place, to deliver it into his hands. 
 Weak, irresolute, far from inveterate against the crown, and 
 without instructions for the regulation of his conduct, sir 
 John, in utter perplexity, entreated the king to wait until he 
 had communicated his orders to the parliament. But Charles 
 continued to advance, and at eleven o'clock appeared under 
 
 * Pari. Hist, ii,, 1118. t lb-. 1242. f lb., 1149, 1188. 
 
 § lb., 1147. II lb., 1194. IT May, ii., 58. 
 
ENGLISH REVOLUTION. l7r- 
 
 the walls. He had already adherents in the town ; the even- 
 ing before, his son James, duke of York, his nephew, the 
 prince palatine, and lord Newport, had entered it under the 
 pretence of passing a day there. The mayor and some of 
 the citizens were proceeding towards the gates for the purpose 
 of opening them ; Hotham ordered them to return to their 
 homes, and, followed by his officers, went on the ramparts. 
 There the king, in person, summoned him to admit him. 
 Sir John fell upon his knees, and in a great perturbation ex- 
 cused himself from doing so, on the ground of the oath he 
 had taken to keep Ihe place at the disposition of parliament. 
 Violent murmurs arose among the cavaliers who surrounded 
 the king ; they threatened sir John, calling him rebel and 
 traitor : " Kill him !" they cried to the officers of the garri- 
 son, " throw hini over !" but it was the officers who had de- 
 cided the governor's resistance. In vain did Charles himself 
 endeavor to intimidate or seduce them ; after a long parley, 
 he retired to a short distance, and, an hour after, sent a re- 
 quest to sir John to admit him with only twenty horse. Ho- 
 tham refused this also. " If he had entered with only ten 
 men," he wrote to the parliament, " I should no longer have been 
 master of the town." 'I ne king returned to the foot of the 
 rampart, caused Hotham and his adherents to be proclaimed 
 traitors, and the same day addressed a message to parliament 
 demanding justice for such an outrage.* 
 
 The parliament fully adopted all the governor had done, 
 and returned for answer to the king, that neither the fortresses 
 nor arsenals of the kingdom were personal property, which 
 he could claim in virtue of any law, as a citizen could his 
 field or his house ; that the care of these places had been 
 vested in him for the safety of the kingdom, and that the 
 same motive might authorize parliament to assume that 
 charge. "I" The answer, frank and legitimate enough, was 
 equivalent to a declaration of war. It was considered as 
 such by both parties. Thirty-two lords, and more than sixty 
 members of the commons, Mr. Hyde, among others, departed 
 for York.;}: The earls of Essex and Holland, the one lord- 
 
 * Clarendon, i., 792 ; Rushworth, i., 3, 567 ; Pari. Hist, ii., 1197, in 
 which is to be seen the letter written by Hotham himself, giving the 
 parliament an account of the event. 
 
 tParl. Hist., ii., 11S8, &c. 
 
 JMay, ut sitp. ; Clarendon's Mem. i., 174. On June 16, 1642, a 
 
176 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 chamberlain, the other first gentleman of|^,the bed-chamber, 
 received orders from the king to join him ; he wished to 
 secure their persons, and deprive parliament of their support. 
 With the sanction of the house, they refused to obey, and 
 were forthwith deprived of their offices.* The chancellor, 
 Littleton, after long and pusillanimous hesitation, sent the 
 great seal to the king, and got away himself the next day. 
 This produced much sensation in London, where legal go- 
 vernment was generally considered inherent in the possessor 
 of the great seal. The peers were agitated and ready to give 
 way. But the energy of the commons prevented all indeci- 
 sion. The absent members were summoned to return (May 
 25 and June 2) ;f on the formal refusal of nine lords to do so, 
 they were at once impeached (June 15) ;:}: every citizen was 
 forbidden to take up arms at the command of the king (May 
 17) ;§ directions were sent into every county for the immedi- 
 ate organization of the militia (June 4);|| in many places it 
 met and exercised spontaneously. The transfer of the stores 
 of Hull to London was ordered, and, notwithstanding all obsta- 
 cles, accomplished. U The king had ordered the Westminster 
 assizes to be held at York, in order to concentrate around him 
 all legal government ; but the parliament opposed the order, 
 and was obeyed.** Finally, the commons appointed a com- 
 mittee to negotiate a loan in the city, without any statement 
 as to its intended application (May 31) ;ff and commissioners 
 were dispatched to York, all rich and influential gentlemen of 
 the county, with orders to reside near the king, despite 
 anything he might say to the contrary, and to send word to 
 parliament of whatever they should observe (May 2).:j:| 
 
 formal appeal to the house of commons certified the absence of sixty- 
 five members to be without any known and legitimate excuse ; it was 
 proposed that they should not re-enter the house till they had justified 
 the motives of their absence ; and this motion passed by a majority of 
 fifty-five ; some proposed that they should each be fined twenty-five 
 pounds ; but this proposition was negatived by a majority of twenty- 
 five; Pari. Hist, ii., 1373. 
 
 *Parl. Hist, ii., 1171 ; Clarendon, i., 739. 
 
 tParl. Hist, ii., 1296, 1327. 
 
 t lb., 1368. § lb., 1235. !| lb., 1328. 
 
 IT lb., 1319. ** lb., 1233. tt lb., 1323. 
 
 Jt These commissioners were the lords Howard and Fairfax, sir 
 Hugh Cholmondley, sir Henry Cholmondley, and sir Philip Stapleton ; 
 Pari. Hist, ii., 1206, 1210, 1212. 
 
ENGLISH REVOLUTION. , l^T 
 
 The firmness of the commissioners was equal to the perils 
 of their mission. " Gentlemen," said the king, when they 
 arrived (May 9),* " what do you want here ? I command you 
 to depart." On their refusal : " If you will positively disobey 
 me," said he, " I advise you not to make any party, or hinder 
 my service in the country, for if you do, I'll clap you up." 
 They answered respectfully, but remained, daily insulted, 
 often thi'eatened, seldom at liberty to go out, but managing to 
 get information as to all that was passing, and to send the 
 intelligence up to London. All York, like all London, was in 
 active motion ; the king began to levy a guard ; but not ven- 
 turing absolutely to command this service, he had called to- 
 gether the gentlemen of the neighborhood, that he might obtain 
 it from their zeal.f The meeting was numerous and noisy 
 (May 15) ; :j: loud acclamations greeted every word the king 
 said ; the parliamentary commissioners were hooted when they 
 made their appearance. But that same day there came to 
 York several thousand freeholders and farmers, whom the 
 grandees had not thought fit to summon ; they had, they said, 
 the same right as the gentlemen to deliberate on the affairs of 
 the county, and presented themselves, accordingly, at the door 
 of the hall in which the royalists had assembled. Entrance 
 was denied them ; they assembled elsewhere, and protested 
 against the measures they heard were being resolved upon by 
 the gentry. Even the latter were divided ; for to the propo- 
 sition for levying a guard, more than fifty gentlemen replied 
 by a refusal, signed with their names ; at the head of the list 
 appeared sir Thomas Fairfax, then young and unknown, but 
 at heart the brave and sincere patriot he afterwai'ds proved 
 himself.§ Charles, intimidated at this aspect of affairs, an- 
 nounced another meeting, to which all the freeholders should 
 be summoned : the parliament commissioners were forbidden 
 to attend, but the meeting being held on Heyworth Moor 
 (June 3), near their residence, their friends brought them 
 word what was passing, and sought their advice how to pro- 
 ceed. More than forty thousand men were present, freeholders, 
 farmers, citizens, on foot, on horseback, some in groups, others 
 
 * Pari. Hist., ii., 1222 ; Clarendon, 249. f Clarendon, i., 832. 
 
 X May, ii., 54. 
 
 § From a letter of the York Committee, dated May 13 ; Pari. Hist., 
 ii., 1226, 1233. 
 
178 • HISTORY OF THE 
 
 running to and fro to collect their friends. The cavaliers soon 
 perceived that a petition was circulating amongst them, be- 
 seeching the king to banish all thought of war, and to reconcile 
 himself with the parliament. They burst into invective and 
 menaces, rode violently in upon the groups, snatching the 
 copies of the petition from the hands of those who were read- 
 ing it, and declaring that the king would not receive it,* 
 Charles arrived, annoyed and perplexed, not knowing what to 
 say to this multitude, whose presence and turbulence already 
 offended his impracticable hauteur. Having read a cold, 
 equivocal declaration, he was hastily withdrawing to avoid 
 any reply, when young Fairfax, managing to get near him, 
 fell suddenly on one knee, and placed the people's petition on 
 the pommel of his saddle, thus braving, even at his feet, the 
 king's displeasure, who urged his horse roughly against him, 
 to force him to retire, but in vain.f 
 
 So much boldness in the king's presence, in the county most 
 devoted to his cause, intimidated the royalists, particularly 
 those just arrived from London, with their minds full of the 
 power and energy of parliament! It was quite enough, they 
 thought, to have given the king so perilous a token of their 
 zeal as to come and join him ; they did not wish to compromise 
 themselves further, and, once at York, showed themselves cold 
 and timid.:}: Charles requested from them a declaration of the 
 motives which had constrained them to leave London ; he 
 wanted it for the purpose of showing that after so much tumult, 
 such violence, the parliament being no longer free had ceased 
 to be legal. They signed it, but the next day several of them 
 informed the king that if he published it they should be obliged 
 to deny it. " What, then, would you have me do with it ?" 
 asked Charles, angrily ; but they persisted, and the declaration 
 did not appear.^ Notwithstanding the concourse and boast- 
 ings of the cavaliers, nothing was done ; neither money, arms, 
 nor ammunition, not even provisions, were to be found at York ; 
 the king had scarcely enough to furnish his own table and to 
 
 * In the sixth letter of the York committee to the parliament, dated 
 June 4 ; and in a letter of sir John Bourchier to his cousin sir Thomas 
 Barrington, member of the house of commons of the same date ; Pari. 
 Hist.,ii., 1345,1353, 
 
 t Carte's Life of Ormond, i., 357. f Clarendon, i., 1021. 
 
 § lb., 1022. 
 
ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 179 
 
 provide for the ordinary expenses of his household.* The 
 queen had sold some of the crown jewels in Holland, but such 
 was the influence of the menaces of parliament, that a long 
 time elapsed before she could send the amount to the king.-]- 
 He forbade all his subjects to obey the ordinance respecting 
 the militia (May 27),^ and himself gave commissions to the 
 chief royalists in every county to levy and organize it in his 
 name.§ But immediately afterwards, to palliate the effect of 
 this measure, he protested that he had no thought of war ; and 
 the lords at York declared, by an official manifesto, carefully 
 circulated, that to their knowledge no preparations, no pro- 
 ceedings announced any such intention. || So much indecision 
 and deception did not arise from weakness alone ; ever since 
 the ai'rival of the seceders from parliament, Charles had been 
 tormented with the most conflicting councils : convinced that 
 his most secure strength lay in the respect of the people for 
 legal order, the lawyers, magistrates, and more temperate men 
 were of opinion that henceforth, strictly observing the laws 
 himself, he should throw upon parliament alone the discredit 
 of violating them : the cavaliers loudly insisted that delay 
 would ruin everything, that on all occasions it was best to 
 anticipate the enemy ; and Charles, unable to give up the sup- 
 port of either class of advisers, essayed by turns to satisfy each. 
 The situation of parliament had, on the contrary, become 
 greatly simplified ; the departure of so many royalist members 
 had left the leaders of the revolution in undisturbed possession 
 of power ; a few dissenting voices were still' now and then 
 heard, but reduced to the melancholy task of deploring and 
 warning ; the house scarcely deigned to make them any reply 
 whatever. A decided majority deeming war inevitable, boldly 
 accepted it, though with very different views and feelings. 
 To keep up appearances, a committee was appointed to devise 
 means of preventing it (May 27) jIF proposals of accommoda- 
 tion, in nineteen articles, were even drawn up and formally 
 
 * Clarendon, i., 1022. t lb. 
 
 f Rushworth, i., 3,550. 
 
 § The first commission of this kind was given to lord Hastings, for 
 the county of Leicester, June 11 ; Rushworth, i., 3, 655. 
 
 II This declaration, dated June 15, was signed by forty-five lords or 
 members of the council; Pari. Hist, ii., 1373 ; Clarendon, i., 1022. 
 
 H Pari Hist., ii., 1319. 
 
180 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 sent to the king (June 2).* But while awaiting his answer, 
 they continued to suppress every petition for the maintenance 
 of peace,'!' and military preparations were pushed forward 
 openly and vigorously. Charles had offered to go in person to 
 suppress the Irish rebellion, every day increasing in violence ; 
 his offer was rejected (April 15)4 He refused to appoint lord 
 Warwick, whom the commons had recommended, commander 
 of the fleet (March 31) ; Warwick assumed the command, 
 notwithstanding his refusal. § The lord mayor, Gourney, had 
 the boldness to publish in London the king's commission, order- 
 ing the raising of the militia for his service and in his name ; 
 he was impeached, sent to the Tower, dismissed his office, and 
 alderman Pennington, a zealous puritan, put in his place 
 (Aug. 18). II The city lent 100,000Z. (June 4) ;ir 100,000/. 
 were taken from the funds destined for the relief of Ireland 
 (July 30) ;** a subscription was opened in both houses (June 
 10) ; each member, addressed in turn, was requested to state 
 his intention at once. Some refused : " If there be occasion," 
 said sir Henry Killigrew, " I shall provide myself with a good 
 horse and a good sword, and make no question I shall find a 
 good cause ;" but, having said this, he felt it prudent to retire 
 to his country seat, for after such a speech he could not have 
 passed through the streets of London without absolute danger. ■|""|' 
 The ardor of the people was at its height ; in the city as at 
 Westminster, the withdrawal of the royalist members had dis- 
 couraged their partisans. The parliament made an appeal to 
 the patriotism of the citizens ; money, plate, jewels, everything 
 was put in requisition to equip some squadrons of horse, under 
 the promise of interest at eight per cent. The pulpits resounded 
 with the exhortations of the preachers ; the amount realized 
 exceeded the demands of the most enthusiastic, the expecta- 
 tions of the most sanguine ; during ten whole days there was 
 a constant influx of plate to Guildhall ; there were not enough 
 men to receive it, not room enough to hold it ; poor women 
 brought their wedding-rings, their gold or silver hair-pins; 
 
 * Pari. Hist., ii., 1324; May, ii., 75. 
 
 t Among others, a petition prepared at the beginning of June, in the 
 county of Somerset ; Pari. Hist., ii., 1366. 
 
 t Pari. Hist., ii., 1169. § lb., 1164; May, ii., 94 
 
 II Pari. Hist., ii., 1203 ; State Trials, iv., 159. , 
 
 TT Pari. Hist., ii., 130S. ** May, ii., 121 ; Pari. Hist., ii., 1443. ' 
 tt Clarendon, i., 1016. 
 
ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 181 
 
 numbers had to wait a long time before their offerings could be 
 taken out of their hands.* Informed of this success on the part 
 of the Commons, Charles was willing to attempt the same means ; 
 but enthusiasm is not a matter of imitation. The university 
 of Oxford sent its plate to the king ; following its example, 
 Cambridge, also, had its plate packed up ; part of it, indeed, 
 was already gone, when Cromwell, ever vigilant, arrived sud- 
 denly, and prevented them from sending away any more."]" 
 The king's commissioners had the greatest difficulty in col- 
 lecting, from one country-seat to another, a few trifling contri- 
 butions ; and, scoffing at the niggards, a futile and dangerous 
 gratification for a defeated court, was the only consolation left 
 to the cavaliers. 
 
 The propositions for accommodation reached York ;:{: they 
 surpassed the predictions of the most hot-headed royalists, and 
 deprived the most moderate of hope. The parliament de- 
 manded the complete destruction of prerogative, and that power 
 should rest entirely in its hands, the creation of new peers, 
 the appointment or dismissal of all public officers whatsoever, 
 the education and marriage of the king's children ; that in 
 military, civil, and religious affairs, nothing was to be done 
 without the formal permission of parliament. Such was, at 
 bottom, the true aim, and was one day to be the inestimable 
 result of the revolution ; but the time was not yet come when 
 this substitution of parliamentary for royal government could 
 be accomplished by the natural working of institutions, and 
 the predominant, though indirect, influence of the commons on 
 the daily exercise of power. Not in a position to impose its 
 leaders upon the crown as state advisers, the national party 
 felt itself constrained to subject the crown officially to its do- 
 minion, convinced it could not otherwise be secure ; a falla- 
 cious and impracticable method, calculated to no other end 
 than to plunge the state in anarchy, but at this time the only 
 plan which its ablest members could devise. Reading the 
 proposals, the king's eyes flashed with anger, his countenance 
 was suffused with a deep crimson : " These being past," he 
 said, " we may be waited on bare-headed ; we may have our 
 
 * May, iii., 81 ; Clarendon, i., 1016 ; Whitelocke, 60. 
 t May, ii., 108 ; Pari. Hist., ii., 1453 ; Querela Cantabrigiensis (1685), 
 182 ; Barwick's Life (1724), 24. 
 X They were presented to the king on the 17th of June. 
 16 
 
182 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 hand kissed, the style of ' majesty ' continued to us, and * the 
 king's authority declared by both houses of parliament,' may 
 still be the style of your commands ; we may have swords 
 and maces carried before us, and please ourselves with the 
 sight of a crown and sceptre (and yet even these twigs would 
 not long flourish, when the stock upon which they grew was 
 dead) ; but as to true and real power, we should remain but 
 the outsides, but the picture, but the sign of a king."* He 
 broke off all further negotiation. 
 
 The parliament expected no other answer. As soon as it 
 received it, all hesitation, even in form, disappeared ; civil 
 war was put to the house (July 9). One voice alone, the 
 same which in the opening of the session had first denounced 
 public grievances, was now lifted in opposition. " Mr. Speak- 
 er," said sir Benjamin Rudyard, " I am touched, I am pierced 
 with an apprehension of the honor of the house and success 
 of this parliament ; but that we may better consider the con- 
 dition we are in, let us set ourselves three years back. If any 
 man then could have credibly told us, that within three years 
 the queen shall be gone out of England into the Low Coun- 
 tries, for any cause whatsoever ; the king shall remove from 
 his parliament, from London to York, declaring himself not 
 to be safe here ; that there shall be a total rebellion in Ire- 
 land ; such discord and distempers both in church and state 
 here, as now we find — certainly we should have trembled 
 at the thought of it ; wherefore it is fit we should be sensible 
 now we are in it. On the other side, if any man then could 
 have credibly told us, that within three years ye shall have 
 a parliament, it would have been good news ; that Ship-Mo- 
 ney shall be taken away by an act of parliament, the reasons 
 and grounds of it so rooted out, as that neither it, nor any- 
 thing like it, can ever grow up again ; that monopolies, the 
 high commission court, the star-chamber, the bishops' votes, 
 shall be taken away ; the council table regulated and re- 
 strained, the forests bounded and limited, ye shall have a tri- 
 ennial parliament, nay, more than that, a perpetual parliament, 
 which none shall have the power to dissolve but yourselves — 
 we should have thought this a dream of happiness. Yet, now 
 we are in the real possession of it, we do not enjoy it. We 
 
 * Rushworth, i., 3, 728. 
 
ENGLISH EE VOLUTION. 183 
 
 stand upon further security, whereas the very having of these 
 things is a convenient, fair security, mutually securing one 
 another. Let us beware we do not contend for such a hazard- 
 ous, unsafe security as may endanger the loss of what we 
 have already. Though we had all we desire, we cannot make 
 a mathematical security : all human caution is susceptible of 
 corruption and failing. God's providence will not be bound ; 
 
 success must be his Mr. Speaker, it now behoves us 
 
 to call up all the wisdom we have about us, for we are at the 
 very brink of combustion and confusion. If blood begins 
 once to touch blood, we shall presently fell into a certain 
 misery, and must attend an uncertain success, God knows 
 when, and God knows what ! Every man here is bound in con- 
 science to employ his utmost endeavors to prevent the effusion 
 of blood. Blood is a crying sin, it pollutes a land. Let us 
 save our liberties and our estates, but so as we may save our 
 souls too. Now I have clearly delivered my own conscience, 
 I leave every man freely to his."* Vain appeal of a wor- 
 thy man, whose only course now was to retire from an 
 arena henceforth too agitated for his calm, pure mind. Other 
 anticipations, other fears, equally legitimate, though allied to 
 more headlong, less virtuous passions, imperiously dominated 
 the national party ; and the day was come, in which good and 
 evil, salvation and peril, were so obscurely confounded and 
 intermixed, that the firmest minds, incapable of disentan- 
 gling them, were made the instruments of Providence, who 
 alternately chastises kings by their people, and people by 
 their kings. Only forty-five members in the commons shared 
 the scruples of Rudyard ;f and in the house of peers the earl 
 of Portland alone protested.:}: War measures were forthwith 
 adopted ; the houses seized,, for their own use, all the public 
 revenues ;§ the counties were ordered to provide arms and 
 ammunition, and to be ready at the first signal. Under the 
 title of the covijnittee of safety, five peers and ten members of 
 the house of commons were charged with the care of the pub- 
 lic defence, and to see the orders of parliament executed (July 
 
 * Pari. Hist, ii., 1417. 
 
 t The levying of 10,000 volunteers in London was voted in the com- 
 mons, by 125 to 45 ; ib., ii., 1409. 
 
 X Pari. Hist., ii., 1414. § lb., 1349. 
 
184 HISTOEY OF THE 
 
 4, 1642).* Finally, the formation of an army was decreed, 
 to consist of twenty regiments of foot, of about a thousand 
 men each, and of seventy-five squadrons, each of sixty horse. 
 Lord Kimbolton, lord Brook, sir John Merrick, Hampden, 
 Holies, Cromwell, leaders of the people in the camp as well 
 as at Westminster, received commands in it. The earl of 
 Essex was appointed general-in-chlef.l 
 
 * The five lords were the earls of Northumberland, Essex, Pem- 
 broke, Holland, and viscount Say ; the ten members of the commons, 
 Hampden, Pym, Holies, Martin, Fiennes, Pierpoint, Gl'yn, sir William 
 Waller, sir Philip Stapleton, and sir John Merrick. 
 
 t The reader will doubtless feel an interest in reading the history of 
 the commanders of this truly national army ; it will be found in the 
 Appendix, No. VI. 
 
ENGLISH KEVOLUTION. 185 
 
 BOOK THE FOURTH. 
 1642—1643. 
 
 Breaking out of the civil war — The king raises his standard at Notting- 
 ham — Battle of Edgehill — Alarms in London — Fight of Brentford — 
 Attempts at negotiation — Character of the civil vs^ar — The queen 
 returns from the continent — Negotiations at Oxford — Distrust of the 
 Earl of Essex — Internal dissensions of parliament — Royalist conspi- 
 racy in the city — Death of Hampden — Repeated defeats of the par- 
 liament — Its energy — Efforts of the partisans of peace in parliament 
 — Project of the king to march upon London — The project defeated 
 — Siege of Gloucester — Raised by Essex — Battle of Newbury — Death 
 of Lord Falkland — Alliance of Parliament with the Scots — Trium- 
 phant return of Essex to London. 
 
 On hearing of these arrangements, the king, freed from all 
 uncertainty, in his turn displayed a greater degree of vigor. 
 A small supply of stores and ammunition had reached him 
 from Holland ; the queen promised more.* The marquis of 
 Hertford, the earl of Northampton, lord Strange, sir Ralph 
 Hopton, sir Henry Hastings, the commissioners whom the 
 king had despatched to raise troops in his name, met with 
 some success in the western and northern counties. f Goring, 
 the governor of Portsmouth, had declared in his favor. ^ The 
 cavaliers were rising in all directions ; they spread over the 
 country, entered by force the houses of the friends of the par- 
 liament, carried off money, horses, arms, and brought them 
 to York, proud of their booty and of their easy victories. 
 Charles at once comprehended that such disorders would 
 greatly injure his cause, and to repress them and at the same 
 time excite the zeal of the royalists, he made a progress in 
 person through the counties of York, Leicester, Derby, Not- 
 tingham, and Lincoln, everywhere calling the nobility together, 
 thanking them for their fidelity, and exhorting them to be 
 orderly and prudent ; more active, more affable, than was his 
 usual habit, conversing even with the common people, and 
 
 * Clarendon, i., 1051. t May, ii., 109. 
 
 J Clarendon, i., 1113; Pari. Hist, ii., 1440. 
 36* 
 
186 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 everywhere proclaiming his firm attachment to the religion 
 and laws of the country.* These gatherings, these speeches, 
 the gentry forsaking or fortifying their houses, the citizens 
 rebuilding the walls of their towns, the roads covered with 
 armed travellers, the daily exercise of the militia, all pre- 
 sented the aspect of declared war, and at the same time, at 
 every moment, in all parts of the kingdom, gave occasion to 
 it. Blood had already been spilt in several encounters, more 
 like broils than battles. f The king, by two fruitless attempts 
 on Hull and Coventry, had already given parliament occasion 
 to charge him as the aggressor. | The two parties equally 
 dreaded this reproach : both ready to risk everything to main- 
 tain their rights, both trembling at having to answer for the 
 future. At last, on the 23d of August, Charles resolved 
 formally to call his subjects to arms, by erecting the royal 
 standard at Nottingham. At six in the evening, on the sum- 
 mit of the hill which overlooks the town, surrounded by eight 
 hundred horse and a small body of militia, he first caused his 
 proclamation to be read. The herald had already begun ; a 
 scruple arose in the king's mind ; he took the paper, and 
 slowly corrected several passages on his knee, then returned 
 it to the herald, who had great difiiculty in reading the correc- 
 tions. The trumpets sounded, the standard was brought 
 forward, bearing this motto : " Render unto Csesar the things 
 which are Csesar's ;" but no one knew where to erect it, nor 
 the precise form of the ancient ceremony of the lord paramount 
 assembling his vassals. The sky was clouded, the wind blew 
 with violence. At last, they planted the standard in the 
 interior of the castle, on the top of a tower, after the example 
 of Richard III., the latest known precedent. The next day 
 the wind blew it down. " Why did you put it there ?" asked 
 the king ; " it should have been set up in an open place, 
 where every one might have approached it, not in a prison ;" 
 and he had it taken out of the castle, just outside the park. 
 When the heralds sought to plant it in the ground, they found 
 that the soil was a mere rock. With their daggers, they dug 
 a little hole, in which to fix the staff", but it would not stand, 
 and for several hours they were obliged to hold it up with 
 tlieir hands. The spectators withdrew, their minds disturbed 
 
 * May, ii., 89. f Whitelocke, 62. X Pad. Hist., ii., 1456. 
 
ENGLISH REVOLUTION. " 187 
 
 by evil foi'ebodings.* The king passed some days at Notting- 
 ham, in fruitless expectation that the country would answer 
 his appeal. The parliamentary army was forming a few 
 leagues off at Northampton, and already numbered several 
 regiments. " If they choose to attempt a coup-de-main," said 
 sir Jacob Astley, major-general of the royal army, " I would 
 not answer for his majesty not being taken in his bed.f Some 
 members of the council urged him to try negotiation once 
 more. " What, already," said the king, " even before the 
 war is begun !',' They insisted, on the ground of his weak- 
 ness. Four deputies:}: proceeded to London (Aug. 25), but 
 returned unsuccessful ; one of them, lord Southampton, had not 
 even been allowed to deliver his message pei'sonally to the 
 house. § The king quitted Nottingham towards the middle of 
 September, and, notwithstanding his regret at removing 
 further from London, established his head quarters at Shrews- 
 bury, understanding that the western counties showed more 
 zeal in his cause. 
 
 The earl of Essex had now been at the head of his army 
 for more than a week • when he left London (Sept. 9), an 
 immense crowd accompanied him with loud acclamations, 
 waving in the air orange streamers, the color of his house. 
 Whoever wore any other color was suspected and insulted. |1 
 At Northampton he found nearly twenty thousand men assem- 
 bled. A parliamentary committee was associated with him, 
 which accompanied him wherever he went, but acted under 
 his judgment, and was invested with no counter-authority. IT 
 His instructions were to transmit a petition to the king con- 
 juring him to return to London, and if he refused to follow 
 him everywhere, and " by battle or otherwise rescue his 
 majesty, his two sons the prince of Wales and the duke of 
 York, from their perfidious councillors, and bring them back 
 to the parliament."** 
 
 * Rushworth, i., 3, 783 ; Clarendon, i., 1127; Lilly, Observ. on the 
 Life and Death of King Charles ; Mazeres, Select Tracts, i. 
 
 t Clarendon, ii., 2. 
 
 j The eaiis of Southampton and Dorset, sir John Colepepper, and 
 sir William Uvedale. 
 
 § Pari. Hist, ii., 1458. || Whitelocke, 59. 
 
 IT Pari. Hist., ii., 1573 ; the committee was composed of twelve lorda 
 and twenty-four members of the commons. 
 
 ** Pari. Hist, ii., 1471. 
 
188 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 The petition was not even presented ; the king declared he 
 would not receive one from the hands of men whom he had 
 proclaimed traitors (Oct. 16).* At Shrewsbury he had gained 
 strength and confidence. From the west and the north a 
 great number of recruits had at length arrived ; to equip 
 them, he had taken, not without resistance, the arms of the 
 militia of sevei*al counties ; some parliamentary supplies, des- 
 tined for Ireland, which were on their way through the west 
 to embark at Chester, had fallen into his hands. The catholics 
 of Shropshire and Staffordshire had advanced him 5000?. ; 
 for a peerage, a gentleman had paid him 60001. ; and even 
 from London his party had secretly sent him money. About 
 twelve thousand men were assembled under his banners. f 
 Prince Rupert, his nephew,:}: lately arrived from Germany 
 (beginning of Sept.), at the head of the cavalry, overran the 
 neighboring country, already odious for his pillaging and 
 brutality, but at the same time already dreaded for his daring 
 courage. Essex advanced but slowly, as if rather following 
 than desirous of overtaking his enemy. On the 23d of Sep- 
 tember he arrived at Worcester, at a few leagues only from 
 the king, where he spent three weeks without making any 
 movement whatever. Emboldened by this inaction, by the 
 success of a few skirmishes, and the improved aspect of his 
 affairs, Charles resolved to advance upon London, and finish 
 the war at one blow ; and he was already on his third day's 
 march thither, when Essex turned back after him to defend 
 the parliament. 
 
 The greatest agitation prevailed in London ; none there 
 expected this so sudden peril ; the parliamentary party were 
 astonished, the royalists began to put themselves in motion, 
 the people were alarmed. But the fear of the people is easily 
 turned into anger ; of this tendency the parliament availed 
 itself. Firm and impassioned in action as in speech, it imme- 
 diately took measures of defence against the king, and of rigor 
 against the malignants, as it called the royalists. All whc 
 had not subscribed to the voluntary contributions, were taxed 
 an arbitrary amount, and at once called upon to pay ; those 
 
 * Pari. Hist , ii., 1484. 
 
 t Clarendon, ii., passim ; Mrs. Hutchinson's Memoirs. 
 I Second son of Frederick V., under Palatine, king of Bohemia, and 
 of Elizabeth, sister to Charles I. 
 
ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 189 
 
 who refused were sent to prison ; the suspected were disarmed ; 
 requisitions of every kind took place ; all the stables in the 
 town and suburbs were visited, and the horses fit for service 
 seized. Fortifications were hastily raised, a crowd of men, 
 women and children working at them with ardor ; chains 
 were hung across the streets, barricades erected ; the militia, 
 kept constantly on foot, were ready to march at a moment's 
 notice.* 
 
 Suddenly, on the morning of the 24th of October, a report 
 arrived that a great battle had been fought, the parliamentary 
 army totally defeated, many officers killed and made prison- 
 ers : the news came from Uxbridge, a few miles from Lon- 
 don ; left there, it was said, by sir James Ramsey, a Scotch- 
 inan, and colonel of a regiment of horse, as he passed through 
 the town in his flight. Nearly at the same moment, other 
 intelligence came of a very different character, but equally 
 uncertain : Essex had gained a complete victory ; the rem- 
 nant of the king's army was in full retreat. The news came 
 from people who had been met on the Uxbridge road, gallop- 
 ing with all speed to announce this wonderful success at Lon- 
 don, f 
 
 The parliament, as ignorant of the real truth as the people, 
 ordered all the shops to be closed, the militia to be at their 
 posts, the citizens to wait for orders, and required from each 
 of its members a personal declaration of firm adhesion to the 
 earl of Essex and his cause, whatever had happened or might 
 happen.:}: It was not till the next day (Oct. 26) that lord 
 Wharton and Mr. Strode brought from the army an official 
 account of the battle and its results. 
 
 It had been fought on the 23d of October, near Keynton, 
 in Warwickshire, at the foot of the eminence called Edgehill ; 
 not till he reached this place, after a march of ten days, dur- 
 ing which both armies, always within a few leagues of each 
 other, had been completely ignorant of each other's move- 
 ments, had Essex overtaken the king's troops. Though he 
 had left behind him part of his artillery and several regi- 
 ments, amongst others that of Hampden, he resolved upon im- 
 mediate attack, and the king, at the same instant, had adopted 
 the same resolution. Both were eager for a battle, Essex in 
 
 * Pari. Hist., ii., 1478 : Whitelocke, 63. 
 
 t Whitelocke, 64. t Pari. Hist., ii., 1494. 
 
190 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 order to save London, Charles to put an end to the obstacles 
 he met with in a country so adverse to his cause, that the 
 blacksmiths left their homes to avoid shoeing his horses. Com- 
 mencing about two in the afternoon, the conflict was fiercely 
 continued till the evening ; the parliamentary* cavalry, weak- 
 ened by the desertion of sir Faithful Fortescue's regiment, 
 which, at the moment of charging went over in a body to the 
 enemy, were put to flight by prince Rupert ; but in his reck- 
 less hot-headedness, excited, too, by the desire of pillage, he 
 pursued them more than two miles, without troubling himself 
 what was going on behind him. Stopped, at last, by Hamp- 
 den's regiment coming up with the artillery, the prince re- 
 turned towards the field of battle ; and there found the royal 
 infantry broken and dispersed, the earl of Lindsey, command- 
 er-in-chief, mortally wounded and a prisoner, and the king's 
 standard in the hands of the parliamentarians ; the king him- 
 self had, at one time, been left almost by himself and in great 
 danger of being taken. Essex's reserve remained alone in 
 good order on the field. Charles and his nephew in vain en- 
 deavored to persuade their squadrons to make another charge ; 
 they had returned all in confusion, the soldiers seeking their 
 officers, the officers their soldiers, the horses falling with 
 weariness ; nothing could be done with them. The two 
 armies passed the night on the field of battle, both uneasy as 
 to the morrow, though both claimed the victory. The par- 
 liament had lost more men, the king more distinguished per- 
 sons and officers. At daybreak, Charles surveyed his camp ; 
 a third of the infantry and many cavaliers were missing ; not 
 that all of them had perished, but the cold, the want of pro- 
 visions, the violence of the first shock, had disgusted a great 
 number of the volunteers, and they had dispersed.* The 
 king wished to recommence the fight, in order to continue his 
 march upon London without obstruction, but he soon saw that 
 this was out of the question. In the parliamentary camp the 
 same question was debated ; Hampden, Holies, Stapleton, most 
 of the militia officers and members of the commons, conjured 
 Essex immediately to resume the attack : " The king," they 
 said, " is unable to withstand it ; three fresh regiments have 
 joined us, and he will fall into our hands, or be forced to ac- 
 
 Rushworth, ii., 3, 33 ; May, ut sup. 
 
ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 191 
 
 cept our conditions ; the speedy termination of the war can 
 alone save the country evils, the parliament risks, which it is 
 impossible now to foresee." But the professional men, the 
 officers formed in the continental wars, colonel Dalbier and 
 others, were of a different opinion ; according to them, it was 
 already a great thing to have fought so glorious a battle with 
 mere recruits ; London was saved ; but its safety had been 
 dearly bought ; the soldiers, still altogether novices, were as- 
 tounded and dispirited ; they would not recommence the fight 
 so soon with a good heart ; the parliament had but one ai'my, 
 it should be trained to war, and not risk all at once. They 
 spoke with authority ; Essex adopted their advice,* and re- 
 moved his head-quarters to Warwick, in the rear of the royal 
 army, but so as to follow its movements. A few days after- 
 wards, the king, advancing towards London, though without 
 any design of proceeding thither at the moment, established 
 his head-quarters at Oxford, of all the large towns in the king- 
 dom the most devoted to his cause. 
 
 At London, as well as at Oxford, public thanksgivings were 
 offered up ; for parliament, said its . friends to one another, 
 had gained a great deliverance, though a small victory. They 
 soon, however, discovered that this deliverance was not a 
 complete one.f Nearer the metropolis than the army of Es- 
 sex, the king's troops spread over the country ; most of the 
 deserters had rejoined their regiments, cured of their first 
 fears, by the hope of booty. Banbury, Abingdon, Henley, 
 places they thought sure, opened their gates to the king, with- 
 out striking a blow. The garrison of Reading, commanded 
 by Henry Martyn, a particular friend of Cromwell's, and a 
 morose, snarling demagogue, basely fled at the mere approach 
 of a few squadrons ',X ^^e king transferred his head-quarters 
 thither. Prince Rupert scoured and pillaged the country, up 
 to the very environs of London. § The city got alarmed ; in 
 the house of lords pacific suggestions were made and listened 
 to (Oct. 29). II Essex was ordered to draw nearer with his 
 troops; and, meantime, the parliament resolved to request a 
 safeguard from the king, for six deputies, appointed to open a 
 negotiation. He refused to include in the number sir John 
 Evelyn, whom the evening before (Nov. 2) he had proclaim- 
 
 * Whitelocke, 64. f lb. t Clarendon, ii., 104. 
 
 § Whitelocke, 64. || Pari. Hist., iii., 1. 
 
192 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 ed a traitor.* The commons withdrew, their proposal : Essex 
 had arrived (Nov. 7). The lord mayor called a general 
 meeting of citizens at Guildhall (Nov. 8). Two members of 
 parliament, lord Brook and sir Harry Vane, attended, to ex- 
 cite their courage, and exhort them to march out and range 
 themselves under the general's standard : " For he has ob- 
 tained," said lord Brook, " the greatest victory that was ever 
 gotten ; near two thousand (I love to speak with the least) on 
 their side slain, and I am confident not a hundred on our side, 
 unless you will take in women, children, carmen, and dogs, 
 for they slew the very dogs and all ; — if you take in women, 
 children, carmen, and dogs, then they slew about two hun- 
 dred. The general's resolution is to go out to-morrow, and 
 do again as much as he hath done ; all this is for your sakes ; 
 for himself, he can be a freeman, he can be a gentleman, he 
 can be a great man ; he can go where he will ; therefore it 
 is only for your sakes he is resolved to go out to-morrow, 
 Wheri you hear the drums beat (for it is resolved the drums 
 shall beat to-morrow), say not, I beseech you, I am not of the 
 trained band, nor this, nor that, nor the other, but doubt not 
 to go out to the work, and fight courageously, and this shall 
 be the day of your deliverance. "f The hall rang with accla- 
 mations ; but terror was not dispelled. The king, informed 
 by his partisans of everything that passed, had hastened his 
 march; he was at Colnbrook, fifteen miles from London. 
 The parliament submitted to send only five deputies, no 
 longer insisting on the admission of Evelyn. Charles receiv- 
 ed them well (Nov. 11), and said that in all places, even at 
 the gates of the city, he would be ready to treat. ^ When his 
 answer was read in the upper house (Nov. 12), Essex rose 
 and inquired what he was to do, whether he was to continue 
 or suspend hostilities. He was ordered to suspend them ; 
 and sir Peter Killigrew departed to treat for an armistice. 
 On his arrival at Brentford, seven miles' from London, he 
 found hostilities renewed. Notwithstanding the negotiation, 
 the king had continued to advance, and had fallen unawares 
 on Holles's regiment, which was quartered at Brentford, in 
 the hope of easily crushing it and so entering suddenly into 
 the city. But the valor of this small corps gave time for the 
 
 * Pari. Hist., iii., 2; Clarendon, ut sup. ] Pari. Hist, iii., 6, 
 
 X Rushworth, ii., 5S; Pari. Hist., iii., 9. 
 
ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 193 
 
 regiments of Hampden and lord Brook, in cantonment at a 
 short distance, to come up, and these, with Holies, sustained 
 for several hours the attack of the whole of the royal army. 
 The cannonading was heard in London, but not understood. 
 The moment, however, that Essex, who was in the house of 
 lords at the time, was informed of it, he mounted his horse, 
 and set off with what forces he could muster, to relieve his 
 men. The battle was over before he arrived ; the parlia- 
 mentary troops engaged, after suffering considerable loss, had 
 retired in great disorder ; the king occupied Brentford, but 
 had stopped there, and did not seem disposed to advance 
 further.* 
 
 London was indignant, and its indignation was all the 
 greater from being combined with redoubled fears. Nothing 
 was talked of but the king's perfidy, and his cruelty, for, it 
 was said, he had intended to take the city by storm during 
 the night, and give up its inhabitants, their families, their 
 property, to his rapacious and licentious cavaliers. f The 
 warmest advocates for war bitterly complained that he should 
 bring it thus even under their very walls, and expose to such 
 dangers so many thousands of his peaceable subjects. The 
 parliament promptly turned this feeling to advantage. It 
 invited the apprentices to enlist, promising that the time of 
 their service should be reckoned as part of their apprentice- 
 ship ;:}: the city offered four thousand men, taken from its 
 militia, and appointed Skippon to command them. " Come, 
 my boys, my brave boys," he said, as he put himself at their 
 head, " let us pray heartily and fight heartily. I will run the 
 same fortunes and hazards with you. Remember the cause 
 is for God, and for the defence of yourselves, your wives and 
 children. Come, my honest and brave boys, pray heartily 
 and fight heartily, and God will bless us."§ During one 
 whole day and night, these levies of militia and volunteers 
 were successively filing out of London to join the army ; and 
 two days after the battle of Brentford (Nov. 14), Essex, ac- 
 companied by most of the members of both houses, and a crowd 
 of spectators, reviewed twenty-four thousand men, disposed 
 in battle array on Turnham-green, less than a mile from the 
 king's outposts. 
 
 * May, iii., 32. t Whitelocke, p. 64. 
 
 X Rushworth, ii., 3, 53. § Whitelocke, 65 ; Pari. Hist, iii., 14. 
 
 17 
 
194 HISTOKY OF THE 
 
 Here the discussion, which had commenced in the general's 
 council after the battle of Edgehill, was renewed. Hampden 
 and his friends eagerly demanded that an attack should at 
 once be made. Never again, they said, would they find 
 the people at once so determined, so imperiously necessitated 
 to conquer. For a moment their advice prevailed, and some 
 movements of the troops were ordered in consequence. But 
 Essex gave way most reluctantly, the old officers persevering 
 in their opposition. An incident happened to strengthen that 
 opposition. One day, when the army was drawn up in battle 
 array in front of that of the king, whether in consequence of 
 the royal troops appearing to make a demonstration of attack, 
 or from some other cause, two or three hundred spectators, 
 who had come from London on horseback, suddenly started 
 off" at full gallop towards town : at the mere sight of this, 
 the courage of the parliamentary army seemed altogether 
 shaken — desponding expressions circulated, and many soldiers 
 appeared disposed to quit their colors and also return home. 
 When the misconception was cleared up, however, faces re- 
 gained their serenity, and the ranks closed up firmly ; abun- 
 dance of provisions, wine, tobacco, and so on, sent by the 
 women of the city to their sons and husbands, brought back 
 confidence and gaiety to the camp. But Essex decidedly 
 refused to hazard all on the strength of the public enthusiasm ; 
 he recalled the regiments which had advanced, and took up 
 on all sides a defensive position ; and the king, who on his 
 part dreaded an attack, having no more ammunition, effected 
 his retreat without obstacle, first to Reading, and then to Ox- 
 ford, where he took up his winter quarters.* 
 
 So much hesitation and delay, against which the leaders of 
 parliament struggled in vain, had more powerful causes than 
 the wavering attitude of the soldiers, or the prudence of the 
 general. Even the city was full of doubts and divisions ; the 
 peace-party loudly asserted its principles there, fortified as it 
 now was by the accession, especially among the higher class 
 of citizens, of many who had consented to war with fear and 
 sorrow, many only because they did not know how to prevent 
 it. Already petitions, while denouncing as vehemently as ever 
 popery and absolute power, called upon parliament to restore 
 peace (Dec. 19). f These petitions were suppressed, their 
 
 * Wh/telocke, nt sup. ; Ludlow, Mem., 26. f Pari. Hist., iii., 43 
 
ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 195 
 
 authors menaced, but others were sent from the country, and 
 addressed to the lords, who were thought better disposed to 
 receive them (Dec. 22).* Opposite petitions were not want- 
 ing : on the one hand, the magistrates and common council 
 of the city, renewed by recent elections, on the other, the 
 lower classes of citizens and the populace, were devoted to the 
 boldest leaders of the commons, and ardently embraced every 
 opportunity to excite or uphold them. A tradesman named 
 Shute, came almost every day (Nov. 13 and 21, Dec. 9, &c.)f 
 to the bar of the house of commons, followed by a numerous 
 train, and demanding, in the name of " the pious and move- 
 ment pai'ty," that war should be carried on with vigor. 
 He was received with cordiality, and thanked for his zeal ; 
 but when his language became too imperious, and he spoke 
 too insolently of the lords and officers of the army, the house 
 felt obliged to reprimand him (Dec. 11),:}: for no one dared to 
 say or even think that the commons could separate from the 
 lords on their side, or triumph without their support. To 
 give the friends of peace some show of satisfaction, it was 
 arranged that the common council should officially petition 
 for peace, not from the parliament, but from the king him- 
 self; the embarrassment of answering such an appeal would 
 thus fall upon Charles, and they were sure the answer given 
 by him would displease the citizens. § Accordingly, with the 
 consent of the houses, a deputation from the common council 
 proceeded to Oxford (Jan. 2, 1643). The king smiled when 
 they urged him to return to London, promising to suppress all 
 riots : " You cannot maintain peace there by yourselves," said 
 he ; and sent back the deputies with his answer, accompanied 
 by a gentleman whom he charged to read it in his name to 
 the assembled citizens. An immense multitude collected at 
 Guildhall to hear it (Jan. 13) ; lord Manchester and Pym 
 were present, ready to repel, in the name of parliament, the 
 charges which might be made by the king. At the sight of 
 this noisy multitude, the king's commissioner was frightened, 
 and wished to be excused from reading the letter himself, 
 alleging the weakness of his voice. Imperatively summoned 
 to discharge his duty, he obeyed, and was even forced to read 
 the answer twice, in two different halls, that every one might 
 
 * Pari. Hist., iii., 46. f lb., 12, &c. t lb., 3S. § lb., 38. 
 
196 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 hear it. After the second reading, a few royalists, who had 
 doubtingly stationed themselves near the door, hazarded some 
 cheers, at once drowned by violent murmurs. The king's 
 letter was long and bitter, full of recriminations, which gave 
 no indication of a wish for peace, Pym and lord Manchester 
 replied ; the shout, " we will live and die with them," arose 
 from the multitude, and all petitions for peace were for a time 
 relinquished.* The attempts of the royal party at reconci- 
 liation had never any better result ; but they were constantly 
 renewed, and kept Westminster, as well as the city, in a con- 
 stant state of anxious suspense ; no one, as yet, thought of 
 putting an effectual termination to them, by those last excesses 
 of tyranny which give to parties a few days of unlimited 
 power, soon punished by long continued reverses. The par- 
 liament, intent upon struggling against this inward evil, could 
 not outwardly display its full energy, nor direct it freely to 
 other conflicts. 
 
 In the counties it was otherwise ; there nothing stood in 
 the way of parties, no general and decisive responsibility was 
 attached to their acts ; and political necessities and calcula- 
 tions neither regulated nor intimidated their passions. Thus, 
 while in the neighborhood of London the war between the 
 parliament and the king seemed to languish, elsewhere, be- 
 tween the parliamentarians and royalists, it broke forth spon- 
 taneous and energetic, openly carried on in each locality by 
 the inhabitants on their own account, and almost without 
 attention to what was passing between Oxford and the me- 
 tropolis. Scarce six months had elapsed, before the country 
 was covered with warlike confederations, freely entered into, 
 either in the interior of particular counties by men holding 
 the same opinions, or between neighboring counties, to sup- 
 port their common cause. As a preliminary step, these 
 confederations requested and received from the king or the 
 parliament, according to their views, commissions for their 
 leaders, and power to levy soldiers, impose taxes, and adopt 
 all such measures as they considered necessary to insure suc- 
 cess. After this, they acted separately, and almost at their 
 own discretion, except the occasionally sending an account to 
 Oxford or London of their situation, their proceedings, and 
 
 * Rushworth, ii., 3, 110 ; Pari. Hist, iii., 49. 
 
ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 197 
 
 soliciting, on occasion, assistance or advice.* In default of 
 these local leagues, in many cases concurrently with them, 
 some rich and influential individual levied a small body of 
 men and carried on partisan warfare, sometimes in his 
 own immediate neighborhood, sometimes at a greater dis- 
 tance, according to his courage, his strength, or the necessity 
 of the case.")" In other places, if more pacific feelings pre- 
 vailed for awhile, they were manifested with the same inde- 
 pendence ; in Yorkshire and Cheshire, the two parties con- 
 sidering themselves nearly equal, and more likely merely to 
 damage each other than for either to obtain the victory, con- 
 cluded a regular treaty of neutrality ;:j: and nearly at the 
 same time, at the opposite extremity of England, the counties 
 of Devon and Cornwall solemnly promised each other, by 
 commissioners, to remain at peace, and to let the king and the 
 parliament fight the matter out as they might (Feb., 1643). § 
 But both the parliament and the king strongly censured these 
 conventions, 1 1 and even those who had entered into them had 
 presumed too much on their mutual forbearance. They were 
 ere long as fiercely engaged in hostilities as the rest of their 
 countrymen. In the eastern, midland, and south-eastern 
 counties, the most populous and wealthy, the parliamentary 
 party was strongest ; in those of the north, the west, and 
 south-west, the preponderance belonged to the king ; in the 
 latter, landed property was less divided, industry less active, 
 the higher nobility more influential, and the roman-catholic 
 religion had more adherents. But in both these portions of 
 the kingdom, particularly in that where the king's interest 
 prevailed, the weakest party was still strong enough to keep 
 its enemies in check ; and the parliament had this advantage, 
 that the counties devoted to its cause, nearly all contiguous 
 
 * The two principal confederacies were, in the north, the counties 
 of Durham, Northumberland, Cumberland, and Westmoreland, for the 
 royal cause ; and in the east, the counties of Norfolk, Suffolk, Cam- 
 bridge, Huntingdon, Bedford, Essex, Lincoln, and Hertford for the 
 parliament. There were several others, as in the centre, that of the 
 counties of Northampton, Warwick, Leicester, Derby, and Stafford for 
 the parliament : in the south-east, that of the counties of Dorset, So- 
 merset, Devon, and Cornwall, for the king, &c. ; Rushworth, ii., 3, 
 66, &c. 
 
 t See Mrs. Hutchinson's Memoirs, and those of Ludlow. 
 
 t Clarendon, ii., 206. § lb., 203. || lb., 240. 
 
 17* 
 
198 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 and compact, formed round London a formidable girdle of 
 defence ; while the royalist counties, spreading from the south- 
 west to the north-east, from the Land's-end to the extremity 
 of Durham, in a long and narrow line, broken at intervals by 
 districts holding opposite views, were much less united among 
 themselves, had a difficulty in maintaining correspondence, 
 could rarely act in concert, and only protected the rear of 
 Charles's head-quarters at Oxford, a place entirely royalist, 
 but too far advanced in, almost isolated amidst, the enemy's 
 territory. 
 
 A war of this kind, in the heart of winter, and in which the 
 two principal armies remained nearly inactive, could not 
 bring about prompt or decisive results. Everywhere and 
 every day, there were sudden and brief expeditions, small 
 places by turns taken and lost, surprises, skirmishes, wherein 
 the two parties were alternately winners and losers to about 
 the same extent.* The citizens were becoming disciplined 
 and experienced, though they were not as yet regular soldiers. 
 Some leaders began to distinguish themselves by their courage, 
 their talents, or their good fortune, but none were known to 
 the whole nation ; their influence was as local as their ex- 
 ploits. Besides, notwithstanding the ardor of men's passions, 
 the conduct of the parties to each other was upon the whole 
 gentlemanly and forbearing ; though the aristocracy was no 
 longer in the ascendant, and the new power of the commons 
 was the true cause of the national movement, it was against 
 the king and his tyranny that the country had risen ; the dif- 
 ferent classes of society were not at war, nor wished to crush 
 each other, either in self-defence or in the assertion of liberty. 
 On both sides, and in most places, command was in the hands 
 of men of nearly equal condition, formed to the same habits, 
 and capable of understanding and respecting each other, even 
 while they fought. Licentious, thoughtless, and rapacious, 
 still the cavaliers were not ferocious ; and the presbyterians 
 retained, amidst their harsh fanaticism, a respect for the laws, 
 and for humanity, of which the history of civil discord pre- 
 sents few examples. Relations, neighbors, friends, engaged 
 under diiFerent standards, did not entirely break off all con- 
 nexion, and lent each other assistance in case of need ; though 
 
 * See Mrs. Hutchinson's Memoirs, and those of Ludlow, and May's 
 Hist. 
 
ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 199 
 
 they met opposed in arms, they observed mutual courtesy, as 
 men who had recently lived together in peace, and who were 
 not separated for ever.* Prisoners were usually dismissed, 
 upon the simple promise not to serve again : if it happened 
 that they were suffered to depart without their necessities 
 having been properly cared for, even if the king had seen 
 them file oif before him with an air of cold indifference, it was 
 regarded as a serious offence ;f and the cruel brutality of 
 prince Rupert caused so much surprise and created so much 
 indignation, that even the multitude spoke of him with aver- 
 sion and disgust, as of a rude, uncivilized foreigner. Thus 
 the war, though everywhere in full operation, remained free 
 from that furious rage which hastens it to a close ; both par- 
 ties, openly and earnestly engaged in it, seemed afraid of 
 striking each other too hard ; and there was fighting every 
 day in every part of the kingdom, without the course of events 
 becoming more rapid, the parliament or the king ceasing to 
 lose their time in trivial debates and vain conferences. 
 
 Towards the middle of February, however, the queen's re- 
 turn gave an impulse to affairs. During the year and up- 
 wards she had been in Holland, she had evinced, in the nego- 
 tiations of aid, very uncommon address and activity. The 
 aristocratic party was then uppermost in the States ; the 
 stadtholder, her son-in-law, seconded her with all his power. 
 Confident and adventurous when no pressing danger disturbed 
 her mind, eminently gracious and insinuating in her manner 
 towards those of whom she stood in need, she found means to 
 interest in her cause this reserved and republican people. In 
 vain did the parliament send over (September) to the Hague, 
 Mr. Walter Strickland, as ambassador, to remind the States 
 of the services which the English people had formerly ren- 
 dered to the liberties of the United Provinces, and to require, 
 at least, a strict neutrality. Strickland, after waiting a long 
 time for an audience, obtained, with great difficulty, some 
 equivocal declaration ; the people openly manifested their ill 
 will towards him, and the queen continued, without interrup- 
 tion, the preparations for her departure.:!: Four vessels laden 
 with arms, amnmnition, officers, and soldiers, accompanied 
 
 * Hutchinson's Memoirs ; Ludlow's Memoirs. 
 
 t Lilly, Observ. on the Life of King Charles. Whitelocke, 66. 
 
 i Rushworth, ii., 3, 157 ; Harris' Life of Cromwell, 250. 
 
200 aiStOEY OF THE 
 
 her, and admiral Batten, whom parliament had ordered to 
 intercept the convoy, did not overtake them till they were dis- 
 embarking at Burlington (Feb. 22, 1643). Batten cannonad- 
 ed the place ; the queen was lodged on the quay ; the balls 
 fell upon her house, and even into the room where she was 
 sleeping ; she hastily got up, and fled into the country, 
 where she passed some hours hid, it is said, under a bank.* 
 Soon the whole country was full of reports about her courage 
 and her perils. Lord Newcastle came with a body of troops 
 to escort her to York ; the gentry surrounded her with trans- 
 port, full of indignation against the traitor Batten, who had, 
 they insisted, designedly pointed his cannon at the house in 
 which she lodged ; a host of catholics hastened to serve under 
 her banner. In vain was this infraction of the laws of the 
 kingdom warmly denounced to the king and to the parliament ; 
 in vain, with the hope of degrading or intimidating lord New- 
 castle, the name the army of the papists and of the queen'\ was 
 given to his army. Having long since received formal author- 
 ity from the king,:j: he contemptuously spurned all these com- 
 plaints, and retained his new soldiers. He soon found him- 
 self at the head of a considerable force. The queen conti- 
 nued to reside at York, less anxious to rejoin her husband, than 
 delighted to command alone, and to preside without restraint 
 over all the projects with which her court was already in full 
 agitation. Hamilton and Montrose came from Scotland to 
 consult with her on the means of engaging that kingdom in 
 the king's cause ; Hamilton, always conciliatory and cautious, 
 maintained that it was possible, notwithstanding the decidedly 
 hostile influence of the marquis of Argyle, to gain over the 
 Scottish parliament. Montrose, presumptuous and daring, 
 urged that under the command of the earl of Antrim, a power- 
 ful nobleman of the north of Ireland, who had also come to 
 York to offer his services, a body of Irish should land on the 
 coast of Scotland, and, joining the highlanders who were to be 
 raised, massacre the presbyterian chiefs ; and he offered him- 
 self to carry out as well as arrange the project. § The queen 
 lent an ear to every suggestion, secretly favoring the most 
 violent, but careful to propitiate all who came to render 
 
 * Clarendon, ii., 213 ; Memoirs de Mad. de Monteville, i., 273. 
 t Clarendon, ut sup. • % See Appendix, vii. 
 
 § Rush worth, ii., 3, 353 ; Baillie's Letters, i., 304. 
 
ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 201 
 
 homage to her power. She at the same time, and with great 
 success, entered into secret negotiations with some of the par. 
 liamentary leaders, already disgusted with their party, or in- 
 fluenced by her proximity ; sir Hugh Cholmondley, governor 
 of Scarborough, who a month before had defeated a body of 
 royalists, promised (end of March) to deliver that town into her 
 hands ; even sir John Hotham did not seem indisposed to open 
 to her the gates of Hull, which before the breaking out of the 
 war he had so rudely shut against the king. In short, through- 
 out the north, the royalists were full of ardor and hope ; the 
 parliamentarians, anxious and silent, wrote letter upon letter 
 to London to demand advice or assistance. 
 
 The parliament itself felt troubled ; at the commencement 
 of the war, it had flattered itself with the expectation of speedy 
 success ; the increase of taxes excited murmurs ;* there were 
 rumors of conspiracies in the city ; notwithstanding the ab- 
 sence of many members friendly to peace, every time peace 
 was spoken of, it found, even in the commons, numerous advo- 
 cates. Negotiations were not quite broken off; it was pro- 
 posed to renew them, and as a proof of good faith to disband 
 the armies on both sides, as soon as a treaty should be com- 
 menced. Sir Benjamin Rudyard supported the motion : " I 
 have long and thoughtfully expected," said he, " that the cup 
 of trembling which hath gone round about us to other nations, 
 would at length come in amongst us ; it is now come at last, 
 and we may drink the dregs of it, the worst ; which God 
 avert ! There is yet some comfort left, that our miseries are 
 not likely to last long ; for we cannot fight here as they do in 
 Germany, in that great, large, vast continent, where, although 
 there be war in some parts of it, yet there are many other re- 
 mote quiet places for trade and tillage to support in. We 
 must fight as in a cockpit, we are surrounded with the sea ; 
 we have no stronger holds than our own skulls and our own 
 ribs to keep out enemies ; so that the whole kingdom will sud- 
 denly be but one flame. It hath been said in this house, that 
 we are bound in conscience to punish the shedding of inno- 
 cent blood ; but, sir, who shall be answerable for all the inno- 
 cent blood which shall be spilt hereafter, if we do not endeavor 
 
 * Pari. Hist., iii., 77 ; the new taxes imposed on the city of London 
 amounted to 10,000/. a week, those on the whole kingdom to 33,518/., 
 a week ; Clarendon, ii., 255. 
 
202 HISTOKY OF THE 
 
 a peace by a speedy treaty ? Certainly God is as much to be 
 trusted in a treaty as in Avar ; it is he that gives vs'isdom to 
 treat as well as courage to fight, and success to both, as it 
 pleaseth him. Blood is a crying sin, it pollutes a land. Why 
 should we defile this land any longer ?"* The motion was 
 rejected (Feb. !'!),'[ but only by a majority of three, and the 
 words of Rudyard were in the mouths of many well-disposed 
 persons. The leaders of the commons secretly shuddered at 
 seeing themselves driven to solicit a peace, impossible except 
 on conditions which would render it fatal to them. Yet they 
 gave way ; for few, even among their friends, were so pas- 
 sionately ardent in the matter as not to desire to avoid such 
 evils, if possible ; and on the 20th of March, after some pre- 
 liminary negotiations, five commissioners:!: departed for Ox- 
 ford, charged to discuss for twenty days, first, a suspension of 
 arms, and then a treaty. 
 
 They were well received by the king ; their intercourse 
 with the court was dignified and imposing ; the earl of Nor- 
 thumberland, president of the committee, displayed great mag- 
 nificence : he had brought with him all his household, his 
 plate, his wine ; provisions were regularly sent him from Lon- 
 don : the royalists visited and dined with him : the king even 
 deigned to accept from him a few presents for his own table. § 
 Among the earl's coadjutors, plain members of the commons, 
 there were several who took infinite pleasure in appearing at 
 Oxford with so much parade. But when the negotiation be- 
 gan, these brilliant demonstrations were without effect ; neither 
 the parliament nor the king could accept each other's condi- 
 tions, for they were the same as those which had been so 
 haughtily rejected before the war commenced, and would have 
 surrendered one or the other party without defence to its ad- 
 versaries. One evening the parliamentary commissioners 
 flattered themselves they had at last obtained from the king, 
 probably on the subject of the militia, a concession of some 
 importance ; after a long conference, he had appeared to yield, 
 
 * Pari. Hist., iii., SO. 
 
 t There were two divisions in the house ; in the first the motion 
 was only carried by 76 to 73 ; in the second, by S6 to 83 ; Pari. Hist., 
 iii., 79. 
 
 I The earl of Northumberland, sir John Holland, sir William Ar- 
 myn, William Pierpoint, and Bulstrode Whitelocke. Whitelocke, 66. 
 
 § lb., 68. 
 
ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 203 
 
 and was to give them a written answer the next morning. To 
 their great surprise, it was quite different from what had been 
 agreed upon ; and they learned that before the king went to 
 bed, the gentlemen of the bed-chamber, the confidants of the 
 queen, had, in the absence of his ministers, induced him to 
 change his resolution.* " If, at least, the king," said Mr. 
 Pier point, one of the commissioners, to the council, " would 
 only treat with favor some of the lords attached to parliament, 
 their influence might serve him." But Charles, rancorous and 
 haughty with reference to his courtiers as well as to his people, 
 would scarcely even listen to a suggestion put forward one 
 day of restoring to the earl of Northumberland the oflice of 
 lord high admiral ; intrigues of personal interest were as 
 futile as their success would have been.j" The king, as well 
 as the leaders of the commons, had no wish for peace ; he had 
 promised the queen" that he would never agree to it without 
 her consent ; and she wrote to him from York to dissuade him 
 from it, already displeased that negotiations should have been 
 opened in her absence, and declaring to her husband that she 
 would leave England if she did not officially obtain a guard 
 for her safety.:}: A petition from the officers in garrison at 
 Oxford, secretly set on foot by the king himself,§ urgently op- 
 posed the suspension of arms. In vain did some of the par- 
 liamentary commissioners, in private conversations, endeavor 
 to excite his fears as to the future ; in vain did other commis- 
 sioners, who had come from Scotland to solicit the calling of a 
 parliament in that kingdom, propose their mediation. || He 
 rejected it as an affront, forbade them to meddle with the 
 affairs of England, and at last made the commissioners, as his 
 final answer, the offer to return to the parliament, if it would 
 remove its place of meeting to some place at least twenty miles 
 from London. Upon the receipt of this message, parliament 
 immediately recalled its commissioners, and by so urgent an 
 order that they felt themselves compelled to set off" the same 
 day (April 15), though it was late and their travelling car- 
 riages were not ready. If 
 
 Their proceedings at Oxford, particularly their intercourse 
 with the king and the court, had inspired the partisans of 
 
 * Whitelocke, 68. t Clarendon, Memoirs, i., 181. 
 
 X Ibid. § Ibid. || Clarendon, ii., 324, &c. 
 
 % Whitelocke, 69 ; Rushworth, ii., 3, 164 ; Clarendon, ii., 335. 
 
204 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 war with much distrust. Lord Northumberland, on his arri- 
 val, heard that one of his letters to his wife had been opened 
 by Henry Marty n, a member of the committee of safety, a 
 man noted only as having fled from Reading at the mere ap- 
 proach of the royal troops, and for the violence of his lan- 
 guage. No nobleman was more tenacious of his dignity than 
 the earl, nor more accustomed to deference on the part of 
 his fellow-citizens. Meeting with Martyn at Westminster, he 
 demanded an explanation of the outrage he had committed ; 
 and, as Martyn in a sneering tone maintained he had done 
 right, the earl struck him with his cane in the presence of se- 
 veral spectators. When brought before parliament, the quar- 
 rel was received by the commons with some perplexity, by the 
 lords with haughty contempt, and almost immediately hushed 
 up.* Matters were in that condition wherein every incident 
 reveals and foments dissensions which every one would yet 
 fain conceal. Spring was coming on ; whether peace was 
 desired or feared, it was essential to think of war. The same 
 day that the commissioners returned to London, Essex again 
 took the field. f It was still Hampden's opinion that he should 
 march at once upon Oxford, and besiege and reduce the king.:}: 
 At Oxford itself, alarm prevailed, and they talked of going to 
 join the queen and lord Newcastle in the north. But Essex, 
 either still distrusting his strength, or already uneasy at his 
 success, again rejected this daring counsel, and still encamped 
 between Oxford and London, contented himself with laying 
 siege to Reading, a place he deemed indispensable to the safety 
 of parliament. 
 
 Reading submitted in ten days (April 27) ; Hampden then 
 once more proposed the siege of Oxford : Essex persisted in 
 his refusal. § Nothing was further from him than treachery 
 or fear ; but he made war with regret, and, to counteract his 
 melancholy anticipations, he had no longer the pleasures of 
 popularity. Even before the recommencement of the cam- 
 paign, some anger had been expressed against him in the 
 commons, particularly in the committee of safety, the very 
 focus of the party. The more violent had gone so far as to 
 ask whether, then, it was impossible to supersede him, and the 
 
 * Pari. Hist., iii., 109 ; Clarendon, ii., 336, 364. 
 
 t April 15, according to Rushworth ; April 17, according to May. 
 
 j Clarendon, ii., 355. § Clarendon, ut sup. 
 
ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 205 
 
 name of Hampden, it is said, had been mentioned.* Hamp- 
 den was too wise to entertain even the idea of a power for 
 which he felt no desire ; whether capable or not of command- 
 ing, he only served under Essex as a colonel. But since the 
 beginning of the war, during the winter more especially, others 
 had acquired a more independent and extended glory. In the 
 north, Fairfax and his father, notwithstanding the superiority 
 of lord Newcastle, daily and in every direction disputed with 
 him, in the most daring manner, the dominion of that part of 
 the country. "j" At the head of the confederation of the eastern 
 counties,:j: lord Manchester, it is true, had no opportunity of 
 encountering any royalist leader of eminence, but he had often 
 given valuable assistance to the parliamentarians of the north- 
 ern and midland counties ; well-organized bodies of militia 
 were ready to follow him ; and his frankness, his liberality, 
 and his gentleness endeared him to the population there. In 
 the same counties, colonel Cromwell, already famous for vari- 
 ous dashing exploits, as skilfully planned as ably executed, 
 exercised over the minds of many men of bold spirit, enthusi- 
 astic piety, and of a condition at once wealthy and obscure, an 
 influence which already gave proof of great genius and great 
 power. Finally, in the south and west, the dispersion of seve- 
 ral bands of royalists and the taking of seven places in three 
 months,§ had gained sir William Waller the appellation of 
 "William the Conqueror. "|| The parliament then, it was 
 said, was at no loss for either generals or armies, and if lord 
 Essex refused to conquer, he must make way for some one 
 else. 
 
 No specific proposition, no public suggestion even, followed 
 these bitter speeches. Essex was not merely, an officer in the 
 service of a discontented party ; to him were attached the lords 
 who were engaged in the war, the moderate men who wished 
 for peace, and the clearer-sighted presbyterians, already un- 
 easy at the proceedings of the more daring sectaries. Hamp- 
 
 * Wood, Athenae Oxoniensis, article " Hampden." 
 
 t Fairfax, Mem. (1699), 13, et seq. 
 
 X Lord Kimbolton, known also under the name of lord Mandeville, 
 and who had borne the title of lord Manchester since the death of his 
 father, which took place on the 9th of November, 1642. 
 
 § Chichester, Winchester, Malmsbury, Hereford, Tewksbury, Chep- 
 stow, and Monmouth. 
 
 II Clarendon, ii., 417. 
 18 
 
206 HISTOEY OF THE 
 
 den himself, and the kaders of the political party, though they 
 urged the earl to act with greater vigor, had no design of 
 separating from him. Discord then did not openly break out, 
 but, concealed, it was already in active operation, and Essex 
 very soon felt its effects. Those who were fain to show him 
 outward respect, secretly did all in their power to impede him ; 
 and his defenders, thinking they did quite enough in speaking 
 for him, took very little pains to give him practical assistance. 
 Before the end of a month he had to complain of the bad con- 
 dition of his army ; pay, provisions, clothing, all were want- 
 ing ; suffering and sickness decimated his men, lately so care- 
 fully provided for by the city. He made his wants known to 
 the different committees whose business it was to supply them ; 
 but his adversaries, more active and indefatigable than his 
 friends, had far greater influence in these quarters ; it was, 
 in fact, to his enemies, in consequence of their unceasing ac- 
 tivity, that most of the executive measures had been entrusted ; 
 the subordinate agents were almost all of their selection. All 
 the general's appeals were without effect.* Though the second 
 campaign had opened, no decided change was perceptible ; 
 and already the party which had divested the king of power 
 felt that power slipping from its grasp ; already another party, 
 though as yet obliged to remain silent, were strong enough to 
 reduce the great army of the parliament to inefficiency, and 
 earnest enough in its purpose to risk everything by giving the 
 present advantage to the common enemy. 
 
 Already, too, and under the influence of the same feelings, 
 another army was silently forming. In those skirmishes 
 which, notwithstanding the negotiations and delays between 
 Oxford and London, were every day taking place, the parlia- 
 mentarians, since the Brentford affair, had experienced fre- 
 quent defeats. The royal cavalry, more especially, struck 
 terror into the parliamentary horse, and the cavalry was still, 
 as in the feudal times, the most honored and efficient force. 
 Hampden and Cromwell were talking one day of this inferi- 
 ority of their party : " How can it be otherwise ? " asked 
 Cromwell ; " your horse are for the most part superannuated 
 domestics, tapsters, and people of that sort ; theirs are the sons 
 of gentlemen, men of quality. Do you think such poor vaga- 
 
 May, ill., 101 ; Holies, Mem. 9. 
 
ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 5^07 
 
 bonds as your fellows, have soul enough to stand against gen- 
 tlemen full of resolution and honor ? Take not my words ill : 
 I know you will not ; you must have fellows animated by a 
 spirit that will take them as far as the king's gentlemen, or 
 you'll always be beaten." " You are right," said Hampden, 
 " but this cannot be." " I can do something towards it," said 
 Cromwell, " and I will : I will raise men who will have the 
 fear of God before their eyes, and who will bring some con- 
 science to what they do ; and I promise you they shall not be 
 beaten."* He accordingly went through the eastern counties, 
 recruiting young men, the greater part known to him, and he 
 to them ; all freeholders or the sons of freeholders, to whom 
 pay was not an object, nor mere idleness a pleasure ; all fierce, 
 hardy fanatics, engaging in the war for conscience sake, and 
 under Cromwell from confidence in him. " I will not deceive 
 you," said he, " nor make you believe, as my commission has 
 it, that you are going to fight for the king and parliament : if 
 the king were before me I would as soon shoot him as another ; 
 if your conscience will not allow you to do as much, go and 
 serve elsewhere. "f The majority did not hesitate a moment, 
 and they were no sooner enlisted, than all the comforts of do- 
 mestic, and all the license of military life, were alike inter- 
 dicted them ; subjected to the most severe discipline, com- 
 pelled to keep their horses and arms in perfect order, often 
 sleeping in the open air, passing almost without relaxation from 
 the duties of military service to exercises of piety, their leader 
 insisted upon their devoting themselves to their new calling as 
 earnestly as to their cause, and that the free energy of fanati- 
 cism should in them be combined with the disciplined firmness 
 of the soldier.:}: When the campaign opened, fourteen squad- 
 rons of such volunteers, forming a body of about a thousand 
 horse, marched under the orders of Cromwell. § 
 
 A month passed almost without any incident. The taking 
 of Reading, so little thought of in London, had excited the 
 
 * This conversation is related in a pamphlet of the time, entitled 
 " Monarchy asserted to be the best form of government, in a conference 
 at Whitehall between Oliver and a committee of parliament." Lon- 
 don, 1660, 8vo. 
 
 t Mem. of the Protectoral House, &c., by Mark Noble (17S7), i.,271. 
 
 j Whitelocke, p. 68 ; Mercurius Pragmaticus, of the 30th of May, 
 1648 ; Bates, " Elenchus motuum nuperorum," part 2, p. 220. 
 
 § May, ii., SO. 
 
208 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 greatest alarm at Oxford, and the king, instead of acting, was 
 deliberating whether he should not take to flight. The par- 
 liament, embarrassed with its internal dissensions, was more 
 occupied with these than about its enemies. Now, it sought 
 to satisfy at once all its adherents, violent and moderate, poli- 
 ticians and devotees ; now, decisive resolutions, obtained with 
 great difficulty by one party, remained without effect, and as 
 if abandoned by common consent. The presbyterians had 
 long demanded, and had been promised an assembly of divines 
 to reform, at length, the church : it was convoked ;* but par- 
 liament itself named one hundred and twenty-one^ of the mem- 
 bers ; associated with them thirty laymen, ten lords, and 
 twenty members of the commons, with the honors of prece- 
 dence ; ecclesiastics of all sorts of opinions were summoned ; 
 and, without authority or independence, the assembly had 
 merely to give its advice on the questions which the houses of 
 parliament, or one of them, thought fit to propose. f A charge 
 of high treason was brought against the queen, and no one 
 raised his voice against it ; but after Pym had carried it to the 
 upper house (May 23), it was no more heard of.ij: The ab- 
 sence of the great seal daily impeded the administration of 
 justice and other public and private business. To put an end 
 to this inconvenience, and moreover, to assume to themselves 
 the legal attributes of sovereignty, the commons ordered a new 
 great seal to be prepared (middle of May) ; but the lords re- 
 fused their assent to this proceeding, more afraid of usurping 
 the emblems of sovereign power than of exercising it without 
 this sanction ; and many of the commons thought it prudent 
 to add their entreaties. § Sometimes the various parties, voting 
 together with different views, combined in a deceptive and 
 barren unanimity ; more frequently, of nearly equal strength, 
 they reduced each other to incapacity, and seemed to wait till 
 some external circumstance should force them to unite or 
 separate for ever. 
 
 On the 31st of May, a fast day, in the church of St. Mar- 
 garet's, Westminster, both houses were listening to a sermon : 
 a note was delivered to Pym, who rose immediately, and afler 
 
 * By a resolution of parliament of the 12th of June, 1643 ; they be- 
 gan to sit on the 1st of July following. 
 
 t Neal, iii., 43. f Rushworth, ii., 3, 321. 
 
 § Pari. Hist, iii., 115 ; May, iii. 
 
ENGLISH REVOLITTION. 209 
 
 a very animated but whispered conversation with those around 
 him, waiting not for the end of the service, hastily went out 
 with his principal colleagues, leaving the congregation in a 
 state of excitement commensurate with their ignorance and 
 their curiosity.* 
 
 The sermon over, the houses met, and the public learned 
 that a wide-spread conspiracy had just been discovered ; 
 several lords, it was said, several members of the commons, 
 and a great number of citizens were concerned in it. They 
 had designed to arm the royalists, to seize upon the Tower, 
 the arsenals, and the principal military posts, to arrest the 
 leaders of both houses, and finally, to introduce the king's 
 troops into London. That very day. May 31st, had been 
 named for the execution of the plot. The whole matter, 
 however, it was added, would soon be cleared up, for a com- 
 mittee of inquiry had been appointed, and already several 
 persons were mentioned as having been arrested by their 
 command, f 
 
 And, in point of fact, in the course of that night and the 
 next day, Edmund Waller, a member of the commons, and a 
 poet of celebrity, Mr. Tomkins, his brother-in-law, formerly 
 attached to the queen's household, Mr. Challoner, a rich citi- 
 zen, and several others, were arrested and examined. All of 
 them acknowledged, with more or less of detail, the existence 
 of a plot, the extent and purport of which, however, were 
 very differently appi'ehended by the various conspirators. 
 Some had only contemplated the refusing to pay taxes, in order 
 to necessitate peace ; others wanted to present to both houses, 
 simultaneously and in great numbers, pacific petitions ; others 
 had only been present at some meetings, or assisted in draw- 
 ing up certain lists wherein were set forth the names of all 
 the ascertained citizens, distributing them into three classes, 
 the " well-meaning, the moderate, and the enemies." But 
 amidst these various notions and motives, the plot, long since 
 formed, had daily gained ground. It was now called to mind, 
 that more than three months before, in one of those negotia- 
 tions so often resumed and broken off. Waller had been one 
 of the commissioners sent to Oxford, and that on the day of 
 their presentation, he being the last introduced, the king had 
 
 ♦ Clarendon, ii., 378. t lb. ; State Trials, iv., 627. 
 
 18* 
 
2l0 - HISTORY OF THE 
 
 received him with particular condescension, saying : " Mr. 
 Waller, though the last, you are not the worst, nor the least 
 in my favor."* From that time a constant correspondence 
 had been kept up with Oxford, in which certain royalist mer- 
 chants, who had quitted London, to escape the persecution of 
 the commons, were the principal agents ;f one of these, named 
 Hall, lived secretly at Beaconsfield, entrusted with the trans- 
 mission of messages ; lady Aubigny, to whom the parliament 
 had given permission to go to Oxford for her private affairs, 
 had brought back in a little box, a commission from the king, 
 authorizing some of the conspirators to levy men and money 
 in his name ; finally, some days back, a message had been 
 conveyed to Hall, " that the great vessel was come into port," 
 meaning that everything was ready ; and he had forwarded 
 this information to lord Falkland, who had answered : " Let 
 them make haste, then, for the war every day becomes more 
 difficult to put a stop to."^ 
 
 Here was much more than party-justice needs in the way 
 of proofs ; and parliament might, if it had chosen, have be- 
 lieved more. Seized with a basely passionate desire to save 
 his own life, Waller determined to do so at whatever price. 
 He put everything in motion ; money, confessions, accusations, 
 addressing the most obscure, as well as the most powerful 
 protectors, supplicating all the fanatics of any influence to 
 come and hear the humble profession of his repentance ; as 
 ready to exaggerate the extent of the plot, as he had perhaps 
 been to exaggerate at Oxford, the number and influence of the 
 conspirators. Lord Portland and lord Conway had received 
 some secret instructions from him ; he denounced them ; the 
 earl of Northumberland and many others were compromised 
 by his answers. § Though few among the parties implicated 
 had done anything criminal in point of law, many had known 
 and approved of what was going on. But parliament, with 
 courageous wisdom, would not take advantage either of the 
 imprudence of its enemies or the baseness of its accomplice, 
 deeming that justice would suffice for its safety. Only seven 
 persons were brought before a court martial ; and of five 
 who were condemned, but two, Challoner and Tomkins, 
 
 * Whitelocke, 67. f Sir Nicholas Crisp, sir George Benyon, &c. 
 
 t State Trials, iv., 626 ; Clarendon, ii., 376. 
 § May, iii., 45; Clarendon, ii., 379. 
 
ENGLISH KE VOLUTION. 211 
 
 underwent their sentence. They died like brave men (July 5), 
 but without thinking themselves or affecting to be martyrs ; 
 even manifesting, with touching sincerity, some doubt as to 
 the goodness of their cause ; " I prayed God," said Challoner, 
 as he ascended the scaffold, " that if this design might not be 
 honorable to him, it might be known. God heard me." 
 Tomkins said, " I am glad the plot has been discovered, for it 
 might have occasioned very ill consequences."* As for 
 Waller, who had likewise been condemned, his life was 
 granted as the recompense of his confessions, by the influence 
 of some of his relations, among others, of his cousin Crom- 
 well ; perhaps, too, through that lingering respect which is 
 still paid to genius, even when it only serves to render base- 
 ness more conspicuous. "(■ 
 
 For some days, the leaders of the commons flattered them- 
 selves that the discovery and punishment of this conspiracy 
 would throw consternation into Oxford, intimidate the royalists 
 in London, suspend the dissensions of the parliament, relieve, 
 in a word, their party from the embarrassments in which its 
 energy was fruitlessly wasting itself. But these hopes were 
 soon dissipated ; scarcely had the thanksgivings ceased to re- 
 echo through the metropolitan churches, scarcely had it taken 
 the new oath of union, decreed in the moment of peril, before 
 parliament found itself a sufferer from greater reverses with- 
 out, and more violent disputes within. 
 
 The king had heard, without much concern, of the failure 
 of the city plot, for nearly at the same time, he received in- 
 telligence that in the south, west, and north, his generals had 
 obtained distinguished success ; and he preferred a triumph 
 obtained by the cavaliers and war, to one achieved by under- 
 hand dealings with citizens who had so lately opposed his 
 counsels. On the 19th of June, an unexpected event seemed 
 to recal his thoughts to London and the parliament. A report 
 spread that the day before, some leagues from Oxford, on 
 Chalgrave Common, in a skirmish of cavalry wherein prince 
 Rupert had surprised and beaten the parliamentarians, Hamp- 
 den had been wounded : " I saw him," said a prisoner, " quit 
 the field before the action was finished, contrary to his custom ; 
 his head was hanging down, his hands leaning on his horse's 
 
 * State Trials, iv., 632. t Ibid., 635 ; May, ut sup. 
 
212 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 neck ; he is certainly wounded." The news caused a great 
 sensation in Oxford, though rather of curiosity than of joy ; 
 they could scarcely believe that such a inan should be on the 
 point of falling under so unexpected a blow ; they hesitated to 
 rejoice. The king himself, on hearing the news, only thought 
 of embracing so good an opportunity of conciliating, if possi- 
 ble, this powerful adversary, who had done him so much 
 harm, but who was thought capable of repairing everything. 
 Doctor Giles, a country neighbor of Hampden's, and who had 
 kept up a familiar correspondence with him, was then at Ox- 
 ford ; the king told him to send to Hampden, as if from him- 
 self, to see how he was, for that if he had no surgeon he would 
 send him one of his own. The doctor hesitated ; " for," said 
 he, " I have seemed unlucky to him in several conjunctures 
 of time, when I made addresses to him in my own behalf. 
 Once when my goods were stopped and robbed, and I addressed 
 him for relief, my messenger came in his house that very in- 
 stant in which the news of his eldest son's death came to him ; 
 and some good time after, falling into a like calamity, I sent 
 to him again ; but my messenger met- there with another that 
 brought him the news of his beloved daughter, Mrs. Knight- 
 ley's death ; so I seemed to screech-owl him."* The doctor, 
 however, undertook the king's mission. But when his mes- 
 senger arrived on the 24th of June, he found Hampden almost 
 lifeless ; he had had his shoulder fractured by two balls, and 
 for six days had suffered the most exquisite tortures. He 
 was, however, told who it was had sent to inquire for him, 
 and with what intention. A powerful agitation was seen to 
 pervade -his whole frame, he appeared about to speak, but 
 could not, and died a few moments after. As soon as his 
 death was clearly ascertained, Charles was infinitely more 
 gratified than he would have been at finding his antagonist 
 alive, and inclined to negotiate ; and Hampden was no longer 
 mentioned at the court at Oxford, except to recal his offences, 
 or to remark triumphantly that he had been killed in the same 
 county, near the very place, where he had been the first to 
 put in execution the order of parliament concerning the militia, 
 and to levy men against the king.f 
 
 In London, on the contrary, and throughout almost the whole 
 
 • Warwick's Memoirs (1702), 241. t Clarendon, ii., 396 
 
ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 213 
 
 country, there was manifested profound grief. Never had a 
 man inspired a whole nation with so much confidence ; who- 
 ever belonged to the national party, no matter in what rank or 
 from what motives, looked to Hampden for the success of his 
 views ; the more moderate had faith in his wisdom ; the more 
 violent, in his devoted patriotism ; the more honest, in his up- 
 rightness ; the more intriguing, in his talents. Prudent and 
 reserved, while ever ready to brave danger, he had been the 
 cause of no failure, still possessed the affections of all, and, by 
 his unexpected loss, gave a shock to the hopes of all. Happy 
 and but too rare fortune, which thus fixed his name for ever 
 on that height, whither the love and full confidence of his con- 
 temporaries had carried it, and perhaps saved his virtue, like 
 his glory, from the rocks on which revolutions drive and wreck 
 the noblest of their favorites ! 
 
 His death seemed a signal for the disasters which now for 
 more than two months, successively and without interruption, 
 assailed the parliament, aggravating from day to day the evil 
 as yet hidden, of which they were the result. The enemies 
 of Essex, in leaving his army deficient of everything, had re- 
 lied, but mistakenly, on the success of his rivals. While the 
 general-in-chief and the council of war who accompanied him 
 were sending messenger after messenger to demand money, 
 clothes, ammunition and arms,* the news came that at Ather- 
 ton-moor, in the north, Fairfax had been defeated (June S0),'\ 
 that sir John Hotham was on the point of surrendering Hull to 
 the queen, that lord Willoughby could no longer defend Lin- 
 colnshire against lord Newcastle ; and that thus the confedera- 
 tion of the eastern counties, that bulwark of parliament, was 
 about to be thrown open to the enemy. It was still worse in 
 the south-west ; in one week sir William Waller had lost two 
 battles ;:{: the peasants of Cornwall, those descendants of the 
 ancient Britons, were dispersing, in every encounter, the par- 
 liamentary recruits ; they had been seen at Lansdown, after 
 having modestly begged permission to run in upon and take a 
 battery previously considered altogether inaccessible ; and a 
 fortnight after, under the walls of Bristol, they mounted to the 
 
 * Pari. Hist, iii., 144. f Fairfax, Mem., 36. 
 
 t That of Lansdown, Somersetshire, July 5, and that of Ruundway- 
 down, Wiltshire, July 13. 
 
214 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 attack with the same intrepidity.* In Cornwall, landed pro- 
 perty had not, as elsewhere, constantly changed hands ; the 
 same families of gentry had lived there for centuries, sur- 
 rounded by the same families of farmers and laborers ; and 
 the people, of a pious and artless disposition, strangers to the 
 new ideas and views, obedient without fear or servility to the 
 influence of the nobility, felt for their superiors and their old 
 customs the same enthusiasm that the most zealous parlia- 
 mentarians had for their opinions and their rights. f Besides, 
 there and in the adjacent counties were some of the king's 
 most judicious friends — the marquis of Hertford, brother-in-law 
 to Essex, who had for a long time lived retired on his estate, 
 disgusted with the court ; sir Bevil Greenville, the most popu- 
 
 * Clarendon, ii., 437, &c. 
 
 t Sir Edw. Walker's Discourses, 50. The services of the men of 
 Cornwall were highly estimated by Charles. In the church of Stratton, 
 and several others in that county, are still preserved copies of a letter 
 of thanks addressed by the unhappy monarch to these faithful subjects. 
 It runs thus : 
 « C. R. 
 
 " To the inhabitants of the county of Cornwall. 
 
 " We are so highly sensible of the merit of our county of Cornwall, 
 of their zeal for the defence of our person, and the just rights of our 
 crown, in a time when we could contribute so little to our own defence, 
 or to their assistance ; in a time when not only no reward appeared, but 
 great and probable dangers were threatened to obedience and loyalty ; 
 of their great and eminent courage and patience in their indefatigable 
 prosecution of their great work against so potent an enemy, backed 
 with so strong, rich, and populous cities, and so plentifully furnished 
 and supplied with men, arms, money, ammunition, and provision of all 
 kinds ; and of the wonderful success with which it pleased Almighty 
 God (though with the loss of some most eminent persons, who shall 
 never be forgotten by us) to reward their loyalty and patience by many 
 strange victories over their and our enemies, in despite of all human 
 probability, and all imaginable disadvantages ; that as we cannot be for- 
 getful of so great desert, so we cannot but desire to publish it to all the 
 world, and perpetuate to all time the memory of their merits, and of 
 our acceptance of the same ; and to that end, we do hereby render our 
 royal thanks to that our county in the most public and lasting manner 
 we can devise, commanding copies hereof to be printed and published, 
 and one of them to be read in every church and chapel therein, and to 
 be kept for ever as a record in the same ; that as long as the history of 
 these times and of this nation shall continue, the memory of how much 
 that county hath merited from us and our crown, may be derived with 
 it to posterity. 
 
 " Given at our camp, at Sudeley Castle, 
 
 " the 10th of September, 1643." 
 
ENGLISH KEVOLUTION. 215 
 
 lar of the Cornish gentlemen, all of whom were popular ; sir 
 Ralph Hopton, a worthy man and excellent officer, who sought 
 no favors from Oxford, severely repressed pillage, everywhere 
 protected the people, and while fulfilling what he deemed the 
 duty of a faithful subject, did it with all the humanity of a 
 good citizen. The merit of these generals, the bravery of 
 their soldiers, reflected, by contrast utter discredit upon Waller, 
 and his army, and inspired them with fear ; there was no sort 
 of discipline among the parliamentary troops ; they deserted in 
 whole companies ; even the commissioners sent by parliament 
 to excite the zeal of the people, were seized with the same ter- 
 ror, and communicated it to those around them. The magis- 
 trates of Dorchester were one day showing the fortifications of 
 their town to Mr. Strode, and asked him what he thought of 
 -them: " All that," said he, "will not stop the cavaliers one half 
 hour ; 'tis mere sport with them to scale ramparts twenty feet 
 high."* Dorchester surrendered at the first summons (August) ; 
 Weymouth, Portland, Barnstable, Bideford, followed its exam- 
 ple (end of August) ; Taunton, Bridgewater, Bath, had already 
 done the same (end of July) ; Bristol, the second city in the 
 kingdom, yielded to the first attack (July 25), f through the 
 cowardice of its governor, Nathaniel Fiennes, one of the leaders 
 of the most violent faction. Every day brought to London the 
 news of some loss ; at Oxford, on the contrary, strength in- 
 creased with confidence. The queen had, at length, joined the 
 king, bringing with her three thousand men and some cannon.:]: 
 Their first interview took place on Keynton Down, the place 
 where, the year before, the two parties had for the first time 
 come to blows ; and the same day (July 13), at the same hour, 
 Wilmot and Hopton obtained a brilliant victory over the par- 
 liamentarians,§ at Roundway-down, in Wiltshire. Charles 
 and his wife entered Oxford in triumph ; while Waller, who, 
 when he set out for the army, had ordered all the constables 
 on his way to hold themselves in readiness to receive his pri- 
 soners, returned to London without soldiers. 1| 
 
 Essex, still immovable, and laying the blame of his inaction 
 on those who reproached him for it, was present at many de- 
 
 * Clarendon, ii., 502. 
 
 t Rushworth, ii., 3, 284 ; State Trials, iv., 186. 
 
 t Rushworth, ii., 3, 274. 
 
 § Clarendon, ii., 434 ; Rushworth, ii., 3, 285. || Clarendon, ut sup. 
 
216 HISTOEY OF THE 
 
 feats, without partaking of them or preventing them. At last, 
 he wrote to the upper house : " If it were thought fit to send to 
 his majesty to have peace, with the settling of religion, the laws 
 and liberties of the subjects, and bringing to just trial those 
 chief delinquents that have brought all this mischief to both 
 kingdoms : or else, if his majesty shall please to absent him- 
 self, there may be a day set down to give a period to all these 
 unhappy distractions by a battle, which, when and where they 
 shall choose shall be indifferent, I shall be ready to perform 
 that duty I owe you ; so that, if peace be not now concluded, 
 the matter may be at once ended by the sword."* A few 
 days before, this letter would perhaps have been well received : 
 at the news of the first reverses, the lords had solemnly pro- 
 tested their fidelity to the king, and prepared new proposals of 
 peace (June 16) ;f the commons, on the contrary, rather irri- 
 tated than cast down, had summoned the upper house to adopt, 
 without further delay, their resolution on the subject of the 
 great seal ; and, on their refusal, had of their own authority 
 ordered one to be engraved, bearing on one side the arms of 
 England and Ireland, on the other a representation of the 
 house of commons sitting at AVestminster, without any symbol 
 to indicate the lords (beginning of July).:]: In such a state of 
 discord, the latter would probably have pi'omoted the pacific 
 views of the general ; but about the same time (June 20), the 
 king, fiushed with his first successes, ofinicially declared that 
 the individuals assembled at Westminster no longer formed 
 two veritable houses : that the withdrawal of so many mem- 
 bers and the w"ant of freedom of debate, had deprived them of 
 all legal existence ; that for the future he should no longer 
 give them the name of parliament, and, finally, that he forbade 
 all his subjects to obey that band of traitors. § This indiscri- 
 minate and violent condemnation at once re-established union 
 between the two houses ; on July 5th they voted in concert 
 that commissioners should proceed, on their part, to request of 
 their bretliren the Scots, to send an army to the succor of the 
 protestants of England, in danger of falling under the yoke of 
 the papists; II and when Essex's letter reached the house of 
 lords, they resolved that they would address to the king neither 
 
 * Journals, Lords, July 11 ; Rushworth, ii., 3, 290 ; Whitelocke, 70. 
 + Pari. Hist, iii., 132. J lb., 143 ; Whitelocke, 67. 
 
 § Rushworth, ii., 3, 331. || Paii. Hist , iii., 144. 
 
ENGLISH REVOLUTIOK. 217 
 
 petition nor pacific proposals, till he should have recalled his 
 proclamation declaring the tv/o houses no longer to form a free 
 and legal parliament.* 
 
 Essex did not press his views ; honest and sincere, in coun- 
 selling peace he thought he had fulfilled a duty ; as for the 
 rest, he respected the parliament, and his opinion having been 
 once given, far from assuming to dictate to it, he held himself 
 ready to obey it. For a few days entire union seemed to reign 
 in London among the various parties ; all joined in loading 
 lord Essex with marks of esteem ; he speedily received am- 
 munition and reinforcements. I At the same time. Waller, 
 notwithstanding his disasters, was thanked for his courage and 
 treated with honor, as a man whose services might still be 
 highly useful, j: Orders were issued for raising, in the eastern 
 counties, a fresh army, to be placed under the command of 
 lord Manchester, with Cromwell as lieutenant-general (July 
 22). § Hotham, whom the commons, forewarned in time 
 (beginning of June), had arrested at Hull (June 29), || before 
 he had had an opportunity of surrendering the town to the 
 king, now awaited in the Tower his punishment ; Lord Fairfax 
 succeeded to his command (3 July). II The commissioners who 
 were to proceed to Scotland were named, two by the lords, four 
 by the commons,** and were requested to hasten their depar- 
 ture. Most of the members of the assembly of divines also 
 left London for their parishes, to calm the fears of the people, 
 and excite them to fresh efforts. ff Every day, in one of the 
 churches of the city, in the presence of a multitude of mothers, 
 children, sisters, a special service was celebrated, to invoke the 
 protection of God on all who devoted themselves to the defence 
 of their country and of their country's laws ;:{::}: and every morn- 
 ing at the roll of the drum, crowds of citizens, men and 
 women, rich and poor, went forth to work at the fortifica- 
 tions. §§ Never in the house and among the people had so 
 
 * Journals, Lords, July 11. t Pari. Hist., iii., 144. 
 
 X Clarendon, ii. 4S2. 
 
 § Pari. Hist., iii., 156 ; Clarendon, ut sup. This army was to be 
 composed of ten thousand men. 
 
 II Rushworth, ii., 3, 275 ; Whitelocke, 71. IT Rushworth, ii., 3, 2S0. 
 
 ** The lords Grey of Wark and Rutland, sir William Armyn, sir Harry 
 Vane, Mr. Hatcher, and Mr. Darley (Rushworth, ii., 3, 466). 
 
 ft Pari. Hist., iii., 148 ; Clarendon, ii., 486. it Neal, ii., 506. 
 
 §§ May, ii., 91. 
 
 19 
 
218 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 much energy been displayed, with so much prudence and 
 unanimity. 
 
 But the danger still increased ; the king's successes aug- 
 mented in every direction. Notwithstanding the public ex- 
 citement, some men refused to compromise themselves any 
 more for the parliament ; lord Grey of Wark, one of the 
 commissioners appointed by the upper house to go to Scot- 
 land, evaded the employment (July 17) •* the lords sent him 
 to the Tower ; the earl of Rutland, who was to have accom- 
 panied him, also excused himself, on the ground of ill health. f 
 The commissioners from the commons were obliged to set off 
 alone ;:j: and they could go no otherwise than by sea, the roads 
 in the north not being safe, nor Fairfax strong enough to give 
 them an escort. They were twenty days on their voyage 
 (July 20 — Aug. 9).§ Meantime, the king, better advised, 
 published a milder proclamation. With hope, the wish for 
 peace returned. On the 4th of August, on the motion of 
 the earl of Northumberland, the lords adopted proposals to 
 the king, the most moderate yet put forth ; they ordered that 
 both armies should be forthwith disbanded, recalled those 
 members who had been expelled for joining the king, and left 
 the questions of the militia and the church for future decision, 
 the one by a synod, the other by parliament. The next day 
 they transmitted these to the commons, declaring in a haughty 
 tone, that it was time to put an end to the calamities of the 
 country. II Surprised by this unexpected attack, the war party 
 vainly insisted on the danger of thus losing, for the sake of a 
 few months' respite, the fruit of so many efforts, so much suf- 
 fering already endured. In vain they requested, at all events, 
 to have the matter put off till the answer from Scotland should 
 come. The other parties replied : " It was ill done to break 
 
 * Pari. Hist., iii., 148. f lb., 150. J lb. 
 
 § Kushworth, ii., 3, 466. 
 
 II In the conference which took place between the two houses (August 
 5th, 1643), the speaker of the house of lords began in the following 
 terms : " Gentlemen, the lords believe it too visible to the understand- 
 ing of all persons that this kingdom, with all these blessings of plenty 
 and abundance, the fruits of our long and happy peace, must be forth- 
 with turned into that desolation and famine which accompany a civil 
 war, and that those hands and hearts that should prosper this land, do 
 now endanger it by their unnatural dissensions, &c." — Pari Hist., 
 iii., 156. 
 
ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 2l9 
 
 off the negotiations at Oxford ; the common and meaner sort 
 of people may desire the continuance of the distractions, but it 
 is evident that the more substantial and rich men desire peace, 
 by their refusal to supply money for the carrying on war. At 
 all events, the sending reasonable propositions to the king will 
 either procure a peace, or, being refused, will raise more men 
 and money than all our advances without it." It was re- 
 solved, by ninety-four to sixty-five, that the proposals of the 
 lords should be taken into consideration.* 
 
 A violent agitation seized upon the war party ; peace thus 
 sought amidst reverses, was not a treaty but a defeat, leaving 
 all public and private interests a prey to the most terrible fears, 
 destroying utterly the hopes of the patriots who desired a more 
 extensive reform, of the ambitious who aimed at a revolution. 
 It was resolved to use every effort to oppose the project. On 
 the evening of the 6th of August, although it was Sunday, the 
 lord mayor, Pennington, whom the king's proclamation had 
 excluded from all amnesty, assembled the common council of 
 the city ; and the next day a threatening petition required the 
 commons to reject the proposals of the lords, and to adopt in 
 their stead a resolution of which alderman Atkins, the bearer 
 of the petition, at the same time handed in a copy.f An im- 
 mense multitude, called together by small pamphlets, distri- 
 buted the evening before in every direction, backed this de- 
 mand by their outcries. After having forced their way 
 through the mob, the lords forthwith complained to the com- 
 mons of its violence and insolence, declaring that they would 
 adjourn to the next day, and then adjourn again, if such out- 
 rages were not punished. But the commons had already 
 entered upon the consideration of the proposals of peace ; after 
 a long debate, eighty-one voted in their favor, and only seventy- 
 nine against them. The tumult was at its height ; outside the 
 people exclaimed that they would not disperse till they had an 
 answer to their mind ; within, the opponents of peace violently 
 demanded another division, maintaining that there had been 
 some mistake, and that they would not be thus trifled with. 
 The motion was complied with : the house again divided ; 
 eighty-one members persisted in demanding peace ; but the 
 tellers on the other side declared their own numbers to be 
 
 * Pari., Hist, 3, 156. 
 
 t Rushworth, ii., 3, p. 336 ; see Appendix, No. viii. 
 
220 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 eighty-eight ; the speaker immediately announced this result, 
 and the partisans of peace left the house in utter stupefaction 
 and fear.* 
 
 Two days after, on the 9th of August, they tried to turn 
 the tables by a similar manoeuvre. A mob of two or three 
 thousand women assembled early in the morning around 
 Westminster Hall, wearing white ribands on their heads, 
 emblem of peace, and sent in a doleful petition, in support of 
 the lords. -I" Sir John Hippesley came out and told them that 
 the house also desired peace, and hoped soon to procure it, 
 and that, meantime, he hoped they would retire to their homes. 
 The women remained ; at twelve o'clock their number had 
 increased to more than five thousand ; some men in women's 
 clothes were amongst them, and, at their instigation, a party 
 penetrated to the doors of the house of commons, crying, 
 " Peace ! Peace !" The guard, merely a corporal's party of 
 militia, requested them to retire ; but this only redoubled their 
 violence : " Give us up the traitors who are against peace, 
 we'll tear them in pieces ! give us up that rascal Pym !" They 
 were forced back to the bottom of the stairs, and a few shots 
 were fired in the air to intimidate them ; " It's only powder !" 
 they said, and commenced pelting the militia with stones. The 
 latter then fired at them with ball, and a squadron of horse 
 coming up at the time, charged upon the ci'owd, sword in 
 hand ; for a moment the women stood their ground, making a 
 lane for the cavalry, whom they assailed with imprecations 
 and blows. They were at last fain to retreat ; and after a few 
 minutes of fearful tumult, there remained of all the crowd 
 only seven or eight women wounded and weeping, and two 
 lying dead. One of these, well known by the people, had 
 from her childhood sung the old ballads of the country in the 
 streets of London. :j: 
 
 The victory was complete, but dearly purchased, for it had 
 been gained by fraud and violence ', means which disgrace 
 their own success, especially when reform proceeds in the 
 name of the laws and professes to restore their vigor. It was 
 already a common saying, that the king had been reproached 
 with nothing which parliament itself had not in its turn been 
 guilty of. The upper house was irritated, the blood of the 
 
 * Pari. Hist, iii , 158. t See Appendix, ix. 
 
 t Rushworth,ii.,3, 357. 
 
ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 221 
 
 people had been spilled ; intestine animosities began to sur- 
 mount every other feeling. The leaders of the commons were 
 informed that a certain number of members, under the direc- 
 tion of the principal lords, proposed to leave London, to seek 
 refuge in Essex's camp, to proclaim there that they had with- 
 drawn from a parliament the slave of a mob, and to enter into 
 negotiations with Oxford. The design failed in consequence 
 of the probity of Essex, who refused his concurrence ; and it 
 was a great relief to the party to find that their general had 
 no idea of betraying them.* But the lords Portland, Love- 
 lace,;Conway, Clare, Bedford, and Holland, none the less left 
 London and joined the king ; and the earl of Northumberland 
 retired to his castle of Petworth. Illustrious names, which, 
 though not constituting the entire strength of parliament, had 
 served as its shield and invested it with distinction. Astonished 
 to find themselves alone, some of the citizen-chiefs seemed 
 almost intimidated ; Pym himself was accused of holding cor- 
 respondence with the enemy. "j" On the other hand, the most 
 violent demagogues, the most fiery zealots, began to ' give 
 expression to their secret feelings ; John Saltmarsh, afterwards 
 chaplain in Fairfax's ai'my, maintained, that it was essential, 
 at whatever price, to prevent the union of the king and the 
 people, and that if the king would not yield all they demanded, 
 he must be extirpated, he and his race, and the crown given 
 to some one else. The pamphlet in which this appeared was 
 reported to the house of commons, but Henry Martyn spoke 
 in its defence. "I see," said he, " no reason to condemn Mr. 
 Saltmarsh ; 'tis better one family should be destroyed than 
 many." " I move," said sir Nevil Poole, " that Mr. Martyn 
 be ordered to explain what one family he means." " The 
 king and his children," replied Martyn, without hesitation 
 (Sept. 9) ;:]: a violence of language till then unprecedented, 
 and which the party who gave way to it, were far from being 
 able to act up to. No news came from Scotland ; it was not 
 even known whether the commissioners had landed, and every 
 day they feared to hear the king was marching on London, 
 or that he had laid siege to Gloucester, the last place remain- 
 ing to parliament in the west of the kingdom, and which alone, 
 by interrupting the communications of the royal armies be- 
 
 * Clarendon, ii., 485. t Pari. Hist., iii., 165. | Whitelocke, 72. 
 19* 
 
222 HISTOEY OF THE 
 
 tween the south-west and the north-east, prevented them from 
 acting in concert.* 
 
 Passions were modified by danger ; parties seriously ex- 
 amined their position. Neither the one nor the other was 
 strong enough readily to crush its adversary, and be still in a 
 situation to carry on, with advantage, war or peace. Instead 
 of seeking deliverance, the moderate in weakness, the zealots 
 in frenzy, the former comprehended that before they treated 
 they must conquer ; the latter, that to obtain victory, it was 
 their part to serve, that of their rivals to command. All 
 distrust was laid aside for a while, all private ambition post- 
 poned. A committee, comprising some of the warmest par- 
 tisans of war,! went to Essex (Aug. 4),:}: informed him of the 
 measures that had just been taken to recruit and make full 
 provision for his army, inquired what else he needed, and, 
 in a word, entrusted the destiny of the country to his hands, 
 with the assurance of the complete confidence reposed in him 
 by parliament. On their part, the earl and his friends applied 
 themselves to war, as earnestly as though they had never 
 formed any other wish :§ Holies, who had applied for pass- 
 ports, intending to retire with his family to the continent, re- 
 called the application, and remained ; everywhere those who 
 had been lately accused of cowardice or treason, took the lead 
 in preparations, efforts, and sacrifices ; and their fiery adver- 
 saries, now reserved and docile, seconded them zealously, but 
 without clamor. They even, almost without resistance, 
 allowed Henry Martyn to be expelled the house, and sent to 
 the Tower for his last outbreak (Aug. 16), || so firm was their 
 resolution to sacrifice everything to temporary unanimity, the 
 only means of safety. This wise conduct soon produced its 
 fruit ; while Waller and Manchester were each forming an 
 army of reserve, levies of men, money, and provision of all 
 sorts, destined for the army of Essex, the only one at the time 
 fit to resume warlike operations, proceeded with unprecedented 
 rapidity. Four regiments of the London militia volunteered 
 to serve under him ; and on the 24th of August, after a solemn 
 
 * Whitelocke, 72. 
 
 t St. John, Strode, and Crew, with whom, after some opposition, 
 was associated Mr. Pym. 
 
 X Journals, Commons. § Rushworth, ii., 3, 291. 
 
 II Pari. Hist., ill., 161. 
 
ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 223 
 
 review on Hounslow Heath, in pi'esence of nearly all the 
 members of both houses, the earl departed at the head of foui-- 
 teen thousand men, to proceed by forced marches to the assist- 
 ance of Gloucester, which the king, as had been feared, had 
 been closely blockading for the last fortnight. 
 
 It was much to his own regret that Charles, after his late 
 victories, had not made a more decisive attempt on London 
 itself; a resolution to that effect had been formed, and on a 
 plan which seemed to promise success : while the king ad- 
 vanced from west to east, lord Newcastle, victorious also in 
 Yorkshire, was to have marched from north to south, and the 
 two great royalist armies would have met under the walls of 
 the city. After the capture of Bristol, Charles immediately 
 sent to lord Newcastle, sir Philip Warwick, one of his most 
 faithful adherents, to communicate this plan, and to request 
 him to put himself in motion. But the lords attached to the 
 king's party were not generals whom he could dispose of at 
 his pleasure ; they had received from him their commission, 
 not their power ; and, satisfied with upholding his cause in 
 places where their influence prevailed, had no wish, by re- 
 moving thence, to lose their independence with their means of 
 success. Newcastle, haughty, grand in his tastes, fond of 
 pomp and ease, dreaded the fatigue and annoyance of contra- 
 diction ; and surrounded himself by a little court, whither the 
 elegance of his mind and manners attracted agreeable men, 
 neither wished to lose himself in the crowd of courtiers at 
 Oxford, nor to take in the king's army a lower grade than the 
 uncouth, ill-bred foreigner, prince Rupert. After having 
 coldly listened to the proposals brought by Warwick, he re- 
 lated to him, with great savor, the story of the Irish arch-rebel, 
 Tyrone, who, being taken prisoner by the lord-deputy Mount- 
 joy, and brought up to queen Elizabeth ; and Tyrone perceiv- 
 ing the deputy waiting in the privy chamber among the 
 nobility and gentry there, without any distinguishing character 
 of the greatness he held in Ireland, vented himself to a coun- 
 tryman of his, as thus : " I am ashamed to have been taken a 
 prisoner by yon great man, who now in a crowd makes him- 
 self so low and common, as to be watching for a woman's 
 coming out." And then intimated that as long as Hull re- 
 
 * May, ii., 103 ; Holies, Memoirs (1699), 22. 
 
224 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 mained in the hands of the enemy, he would not leave York- 
 shire.* Warwick transmitted this answer to the king, who 
 dared not resent it. Some still advised him to march upon 
 London, and this was the queen's opinion ; but he had not 
 much taste for hazardous enterprises, less, however, from fear 
 of personal danger, than of compromising his dignity ; already, 
 the year before, after the battles of Edgehill and Brentford, 
 his pride had been wounded, at being compelled, when nearly 
 at the gates of the capital, to retrograde. Many good officers 
 advised the siege of Gloucester, some with disinterested views, 
 others in the hope of a rich booty ; colonel William Legge 
 even boasted that he had assured correspondence with Edward 
 Massey, the governor. j" The king at last assented to this 
 plan, and on the 10th of August his army, which he com- 
 manded in person, occupied the heights overlooking the town, 
 defended only by a garrison of fifteen hundred men, besides 
 the inhabitants. 
 
 On his arrival, he at once summoned the place to surrender, 
 giving two hours for an answer. Befoi'e the expiration of 
 that time, two deputies from the town, serjeant-major Pudsey 
 and a citizen, presented themselves at the camp, both pale, 
 thin men, dressed in black, and with heads closely shaved ; 
 " We bring to his majesty," said they, " an answer from the 
 godly city of Gloucester ;" and, on being introduced to the 
 king, they read a letter, which ran thus : " We, the inhabit- 
 ants, magistrates, officers, and soldiers within this garrison of 
 Gloucester, unto his majesty's gracious message return this 
 humble answer, ' That we do keep this city, according to our 
 oath and allegiance, to and for the use of his majesty and his 
 royal posterity ; and do accordingly conceive ourselves wholly 
 bound to obey the commands of his majesty signified by both 
 houses of parliament : and are resolved, by God's help, to 
 keep this city accordingly.' " On hearing this brief reply, 
 delivered in a firm, clear tone, at the strange appearance of 
 the messengers, who stood motionless before the king awaiting 
 his answer, a movement at once of surprise, derision, and 
 anger, was about to manifest itself on the part of the courtiers ; 
 but Chai'les, as grave as his enemies, repressed it with a ges- 
 ture, and dismissed the deputies with these words: "If you 
 
 * Warwick, Mem., 243. t Clarendon, ii., 470. 
 
ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 225 
 
 expect help, you are deceived ; Waller is extinct, and Essex 
 cannot come." The messengers had no sooner re-entered the 
 town, than the inhabitants, setting fire to the suburbs, left 
 themselves nothing to defend but that which was within the 
 walls.* 
 
 For twenty-six days (Aug. 10 — Sept. 5), by their indefati- 
 gable valor, they frustrated all the efforts of the besiegers ; 
 except a hundred and fifty men, kept in reserve, the whole 
 garrison were constantly on foot ; in all their labors, in all 
 their dangers, the citizens took part with the soldiers, the 
 women with their husbands, the children with their mothers. 
 Massey even made frequent sallies, and only three men took 
 advantage of them to desert. f Tired of so long a delay, 
 attended by neither glory nor rest, the royal army, in a spirit 
 of revenge, licentiously devastated the country round ; the 
 officers even frequently employed their men to carry off from 
 his house some rich farmer or peaceable freeholder of the 
 other side, who only regained his liberty on payment of 
 ransom. ij: Within the camp, insubordination, without, the 
 hatred of the people, daily increased. An assault might have 
 been attempted ; but that of Bristol, of such recent memory, 
 had cost so dear, that none dared propose it. The king only 
 looked for success by starving out the place, when, to his 
 extreme surprise, he heard that Essex was approaching. 
 Prince Rupert, detaching a corps of cavalry from the army, 
 vainly endeavoi'ed to stop him ; the earl advanced without 
 suffering himself to be turned from his road, driving the enemy 
 before him. He was already within a few miles of the camp, 
 already the king's horse had fallen back on the advanced post 
 of his infantry, when, in the hope of delaying the earl, if only 
 for a day, Charles sent him a messenger with proposals of 
 peace : " The parliament," answered Essex, " gave me no 
 commission to treat, but to relieve Gloucester ; I will do it, or 
 leave my body beneath its walls !"§ — " No propositions ! no 
 propositions !" shouted the soldiers, when they heard of the 
 arrival of a trumpeter from the king. Essex continued his 
 march, and the next day, the 5th of September, as he was 
 
 * Clarendon, ii., 474 ; May, iii., 96 ; Rushworth, ii., 3, 286. 
 t May, iii., 99; Rushworth, ut sup. % Clarendon, ii., 512. 
 
 § May, iii., 105 ; Clarendon, ii., 516 ; Whitelocke, 72; Rushworth, 
 ii., 3, 292. 
 
226 HISTOKY OF THE 
 
 deploying his army on the heights of Presbury, five miles from 
 Gloucester, the sight of the king's quarters in flames informed 
 him that the siege was raised.* 
 
 He hastened to enter the town (Sept. 8), conveying thither 
 provisions of all kinds, loaded the governor and his soldiers 
 with praise, congratulated the citizens on their courage, which 
 had saved the parliament, by giving it time to save themselves ; 
 he in his turn received, in church, under his windows, as he 
 passed along the streets, demonstrations of ardent gratitude, 
 and at the end of two days, turned back towards London 
 (Sept. 10) ; for his immediate mission had been accomplished, 
 and it was scarcely of less importance to return to the parlia- 
 ment with the only army capable of protecting it. 
 
 Everything seemed to promise him a return as favorable 
 as his expedition had been : for several days he had utterly 
 misled his enemies as to his route ; Cirencester, with a great 
 store of provisions, had fallen into his hands ; his cavalry had 
 sustained with glory several attacks of prince Rupert and his 
 dreaded horse ; when, on approaching Newbury, on the 19th 
 of September, he found that the enemy had got before him, 
 that they occupied the town and neighboring heights, that 
 the road to London was barred against him, and that a battle 
 only could throw it open. The king himself was at the head 
 of his army, in an advantageous position, within reach of such 
 succors as he might need from the garrisons of Oxford and 
 Wallingford. The country, indisposed to the parliamenta- 
 rians, carefully concealed all they had. Whatever the chances 
 of a battle might be, they must be incurred, both for the sake 
 of passing forward, and to escape death by famine. 
 
 Essex did not hesitate ; the next morning (Sept. 20) at 
 daybreak, placing himself at the head of his advanced guard, 
 he attacked the principal height and dislodged the regiments 
 which occupied it. Engaging by turns with every corps and 
 against every position, the battle lasted till night, and was so 
 valiantly disputed that both parties, in their accounts of the 
 affray, took pride in commending their enemies. The royalists 
 were animated by the hope of repairing a defeat which had 
 interrupted the course of their victories, the parliamentarians 
 by that of not losing, when so near its attainment, the fruit of 
 
 May, ut sup. 
 
ENGLISH KEVOLUTION. 227 
 
 a victory which had counterpoised so many reverses. The 
 London militia in particular performed prodigies of valor; 
 twice did prince Rupert, after having broken the enemy's 
 norse, charge them, without making the least impression upon 
 their close ranks, bristling with spears. The general officers, 
 Essex, Skippon, Stapleton, Merrick, exposed themselves like 
 the common soldiers ; and the very domestics and workmen 
 and camp-followers, rushed to the field, and fought as bravely 
 as the bravest officers. At nightfall, each army retained 
 its position. Essex, indeed, had somewhat gained ground, 
 but the royal troops blocked up his passage, and he expected 
 to have to renew the attack next day, when, to his great 
 astonishment, the first rays of morning showed him his enemies 
 retreating and the road clear. He hastened to make the most 
 of this opportunity, and pushing his march, with no other 
 impediment than a few fruitless charges of prince Rupert's 
 horse, arrived the next day but one at Reading, clear of all 
 danger.* 
 
 The violence of this engagement had dispirited the royalists, 
 not inferior in courage but far less pertinacious than their 
 adversaries, and as ready to despair as to hope. Their loss, 
 moreover, had been great, and such as ever makes the deepest 
 impression upon the imagination of a king. More than twenty 
 officers of distinction had fallen, some of them illustrious by 
 their merit as well as by their rank : lord Sunderland, scarcely 
 twenty-three years old, recently married, and already endeared 
 by his qualities and opinions to all the wise leaders, to all the 
 good protestants of his party ;f lord Caernarvon, an excellent 
 officer, invaluable to the king for the strict discipline he main- 
 tained, beloved by the soldiers for his justice, and so scrupu- 
 lous an observer of his word that nothing could induce him to 
 continue in the army of the west after prince Maurice, who 
 commanded it, had violated the articles of capitulation made 
 with the towns of Weymouth and Dorchester ;:f lord Falkland, 
 the glory of the royalist party, a patriot, though proscribed 
 at London, respected by the people, though a minister at 
 Oxford. There was nothing to call him to the field of battle, 
 and his friends had more than once reproached him for his 
 
 * Rushworth, ii., 3, 293 ; May, iii., 114 ; Whitelocke, p. 74 ; Lud- 
 low's Memoirs. 
 
 t Clarendon, ii., 524. t lb. 233—235. 
 
228 • HISTORY OF THE 
 
 needless temerity ; " My office," he would answer, with a 
 smile, " is far from being such as to deprive me of the privi- 
 leges of my age ; a secretary at war should know something 
 about war." For some months past he had sought danger 
 with eagerness ; the sufferings of the people, the greater evils 
 he foresaw, the anxiety of his mind, the ruin of his hopes, the 
 continual disquietude of his soul, placed as he was amongst a 
 party, whose success he dreaded almost as much as its defeat, 
 everything had contributed to plunge him into bitter despon- 
 dency ; his temper was soured ; his imagination, naturally 
 brilliant, various and gay, had become fixed and sombre ; 
 inclined by taste and habit to peculiar elegance in toilette, he 
 had of late taken no care either of his apparel or of his person ; 
 no conversation, no employment had any longer charms for 
 him ; sitting with his friends, his head buried in his hands, he 
 would, after a protracted silence, sorrowfully murmur, 
 "Peace! Peace!" The prospect of some negotiation alone 
 revived him. On the morning of the battle, those around him 
 were astonished to find him more cheerful than of late ; he 
 seemed, too, to give a long unwonted attention to his dress : 
 " If I be killed to-day," said he, " I would not they should 
 find my body in foul linen." His friends conjured him to stay 
 away : sadness once more stole over his features. " No," he 
 said, " I am weary of the times ; I foresee much misery to my 
 country ; but I believe I shall be out of it before night," and 
 he joined lord Byron's regiment as a volunteer. The action 
 had scarcely commenced, when a ball hit him in the lower 
 part of the stomach ; he fell from his horse, and died without 
 any one having observed his fall, the victim of times too rugged 
 for his pure and sensitive virtue. His body was not found 
 till next day ; his friends, Hyde in particular, preserved an 
 inconsolable remembrance of him ; the courtiers heard with- 
 out much emotion of the death of a man who was foreign to 
 their ways and feelings ; Charles manifested decent regret,, 
 and felt himself more at ease in the council.* 
 
 Essex had just arrived at Reading, when a deputation from 
 both houses came to express their gratitude, to provide for the 
 wants of his army, and to inquire his wishes (Sept, 24). f 
 Not only was the parliament saved, but it was in a position to 
 
 * Clarendon, ii., 526 ; Whitelocke, 70. 
 f Journals, Commons ; Whitelocke, 74. 
 
ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 229 
 
 think itself secure from the recurrence of such perils as it had 
 just escaped. Equal success had crowned its negotiations ; 
 while Essex and its army were raising the siege of Gloucester, 
 Vane, arrived at length in Edinburgh, was perfecting a close 
 alliance with the Scots. Under the name of " a solemn league 
 and covenant," a political and religious treaty, which devoted 
 to the defence of the same cause the united strength of the 
 two kingdoms, was voted on the same day, by the convention 
 of the states and the general assembly of the church of Scot- 
 land (Aug. 17) ;* the next day, Scottish commissioners set out 
 for London, where both houses, after having consulted the 
 assembly of divines, also sanctioned the covenant (Sept. IS);*]" 
 and, a week after (Sept. 25), in the church of St. Margaret, 
 Westminster, all the members of parliament, standing un- 
 covered, with hands raised to heaven, took the oath of ad- 
 hesion to it, first verbally, and then in writing.:}: The covenant 
 was received in the city with the most fervent enthusiasm ; it 
 promised a reform of the church and a speedy succor of twenty- 
 one thousand Scots ; the presbyterians thus at once saw their 
 fears dissipated and their wishes fulfilled. The day after the 
 ceremony (Sept. 26), Essex made his entry into London ; the 
 house of commons, preceded by the speaker, went m a body 
 to Essex-house, to compliment him ; the lord mayor and the 
 aldermen, in scarlet robes, came to render thanks " to the 
 protector and defender of their lives and fortunes, and of their 
 wives and children." The flags taken from the royal army 
 at Newbury were exhibited to public view ; one in particular 
 attracted attention, representing the exterior of the house of 
 commons, with the heads of two criminals figured above, and 
 this inscription : ut extra, sic intra. ^ The people thronged 
 round these trophies ; the militia, who had shared in the ex- 
 pedition, related all the details ; everywhere, in domestic con- 
 versations, in sermons, in the groups formed in the streets, the 
 name of Essex was loudly shouted or silently blessed. The 
 earl and his friends resolved to make the most of this triumph. 
 
 * Burnet, Mem. of the Hamiltons, 239 ; Neal, iii., 56 ; Baillie, i., 381 
 
 t Pad. Hist, iii., 169. 
 
 t Pari. Hist, iii., 173 ; Neal, iii., 62 ; Rushworth, ii., 3, 475. The 
 covenant was signed by two hundred and twenty-eight members of the 
 commons 
 
 § Whitelocke, 75. 
 
 20 
 
230 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 He went to the house of peers, tendered his resignation, and 
 begged that he might be allowed to retire to the continent 
 (Oct. 7). No public danger, he said, made it a matter of duty 
 for him to stay ; he had already endured too many bitter an- 
 noyances in his command, and he foresaw their speedy re- 
 newal ; for if sir William Waller were still to possess a com- 
 mission independent of him, while the title of general-in-chief 
 left upon him alone the entire responsibility, another had the 
 right to withhold obedience ; he had too deeply experienced the 
 anguish of this situation longer to endure it. Upon this de- 
 claration, the lords, astonished, or feigning to be so, resolved 
 that they would demand forthwith a conference with the com- 
 mons ; but at that very moment a message arrived from 
 the commons which rendered a conference unnecessary ; 
 informed of what was passing, the commons hastened to an- 
 nounce to the lords that Waller offered to resign his com- 
 mission, to receive, in future, his instructions from the general- 
 in-chief, and not from the parliament ; and they requested the 
 appointment of a committee, which should forthwith settle, to 
 the earl's satisfaction, this pamful affair. The committee was 
 named, and the matter settled ere the house rose.* Waller 
 and his friends submitted without a murmur ; Essex and his 
 triumphed without arrogance ; and the reconciliation of parties 
 seemed consummated at the very moment the struggle was re- 
 commencing. 
 
 * Pari. Hist., iii., 177 ; Whitelocke, 75 
 
ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 231 
 
 BOOK THE FIFTH. 
 1643—1645. 
 
 State of parties and rise of the independents — Proceedings of the court 
 at Oxford — The king concludes a truce with the Irish — Parliament 
 at Oxford — Death of Pym — Campaign of 1644 — Battle of Marston- 
 moor — Reverses of Essex in Cornwall — Misunderstanding between 
 the presbyterian leaders and Cromwell — Attempts at negotiation — 
 Self-denying ordinance — Trial and death of Laud — Negotiations at 
 Uxbridge — Re-organization of the parliamentary army — Fairfax ap- 
 pointed general — Essex gives in his resignation. 
 
 The joy of the presbyterians was at its height : the parliament 
 owed to their chief its salvation ; their enemies were silenced ; 
 the Scottish army, near at hand, promised them unfailing 
 support ; they alone, consequently, would henceforth dispose 
 of reform and of war, and might at their pleasure continue or 
 suspend either. 
 
 Within the house, as without, in London and in the counties, 
 a fit of religious fervor and tyranny soon manifested their 
 empire. The assembly of divines received orders to prepare 
 a plan of ecclesiastical government (Oct. 12) ;* four Scottish 
 ministers were summoned to work out, in concert with the as- 
 sembly, the great design of the party — uniformity of worship 
 in the two countries (Nov. 20). f The committees appointed 
 to investigate, in each county, the conduct and doctrine of the 
 ecclesiastics in office, redoubled their activity and rigor ; 
 nearly two thousand ministers were ejected from their livings ;'^ 
 many, prosecuted as anabaptists, Brownists, independents, &c., 
 found themselves thrown into prison by the very men who, a 
 short time before, had cursed with them their common perse- 
 
 *Neal, iii., 123. 
 
 t They were Henderson, Rutherford, Gillespie, and Baillie — Baillie, 
 i., 398; Godwin, i., 349. 
 
 t The writers of the episcopal party have carried the number to 8,000, 
 their adversaries reduce it to under 1,600. The estimate I have adopted 
 is that which results from the information given by Neal, iii., Ill — 113. 
 
232 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 cutors. In the city, whoever refused to subscribe'the covenant 
 was declared incapable of sitting in the common council, or , 
 even of voting at the elections of common councilmen (Dec. 
 20).* The parliament, from the beginning of the war, had 
 ordered all the theatres to be closed, without pronouncing any 
 religious anathema against them ; merely saying, that times 
 of public affliction should be devoted to repentance and prayer, 
 rather than to pleasure (Sept. 2).f The same prohibition was 
 now extended to all the popular games hitherto in use on Sun- 
 days and holidays throughout the kingdom ; not one was ex- 
 cepted, however great its antiquity, however manifest its harm- 
 lessness. The maypoles, which for ages had been erected, as 
 tokens of public joy at the return of spring, were everywhere 
 pulled down, and orders given that no new ones should be 
 erected ; and if even children infringed these laws, their 
 parents expiated each ebullition of infantine mirth by a fine.ij: 
 Archbishop Laud, who had been three years left forgotten in 
 prison, was all at once called to the bar of the upper house, 
 and summoned to answer the charges of the commons (Nov. 
 13). § Fanaticism counts hatred and vengeance among its 
 duties. 
 
 Similar zeal was displayed for war : proud of having had 
 so large a share in the late victories, the presbyterians of the 
 city no longer spoke of peace ; a great number of rich citi- 
 zens equipped soldiers, and even offered to serve in person. 
 One of them, Roland Wilson, the heir expectant to an im- 
 mense business, and 2000Z. a year in landed property, joined 
 Essex's army at the head of a regiment levied at his own ex- 
 pense, j] Even some of the leaders, who had been so friendly 
 on all occasions to negotiation. Holies, Glynn, Maynard, ha- 
 rangued the common council, exciting them to their utmost 
 efforts. Never had the party appeared more energetic, nor in 
 more certain possession of power. 
 
 Yet its downfal was near at hand. Engaged, from the out- 
 set, in a two-fold reform, that of the church and that of the 
 state, it did not follow both in the name of the same views. 
 In religion its faith was ardent, its doctrines simple, firm, con- 
 nected. The presbyterian system, that government of the 
 
 * Neal, iii., 66. t Pari. Hist, ii., 1461. 
 
 t Neal, iii., 139. The fine was twelvepence. 
 
 § Pari. Hist., iii., 183. || Whitelocke, 76 
 
ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 233 
 
 church by ministers equal among themselves and deliberating 
 in concert, was not, in its eyes, a human, pliant institution 
 which men could modify at will, according to time and cir- 
 cumstances — it was the only legitimate system, a government 
 existing by divine right, even the law of Christ. The party 
 insisted upon the triumph of this system without limitation, at 
 whatever price, as a holy and indispensable revolution. In 
 politics, on the contrary, notwithstanding the harshness of its 
 acts and of its language, its ideas were vague and its inten- 
 tions temperate ; it was carried away by no systematic belief, 
 no passion truly revolutionary ; it loved monarchy though it 
 fought against the king, respected prerogative though it labored 
 to bring under subjection the crown, trusted in the commons 
 alone, yet felt towards the lords neither ill-will nor contempt, 
 obeying ancient customs as well as new necessities, forming 
 to itself no precise views, either as to the principles or the 
 consequences of its conduct, deeming its aim only legal re- 
 form, and wishing for nothing more. 
 
 Thus agitated by contrary feelings, by turns imperious and 
 wavering, fanatical and moderate, the presbyterian party had 
 not even leaders sprung from among its own ranks, and uni- 
 formly animated by sentiments conformable with its own. It 
 followed in the steps of the political reformers, the first inter- 
 preters and true representatives of the national movement. 
 The alliance was natural and necessary to it ; natural, for 
 they sought, in common with itself, to reform and not to abo- 
 lish the government ; necessary, for they were in possession 
 of power, and maintained it by the superiority of their rank, 
 their wealth, their intellect ; advantages which the most 
 ardent presbyterians never thought of contesting with them. 
 But in accepting, even, in case of need, purchasing by great 
 concessions the support of the sectaries, the majority of the 
 political reformers did not share their opinions or views as to 
 the church ; a moderate episcopacy, restricted to the legal 
 administration of ecclesiastical affairs, would have better 
 suited them ; and they accordingly lent their aid to the pres- 
 byterians with reluctance, and secretly did all they could to 
 retard their progress. The energy of the party in the reli- 
 gious revolution was thus frustrated by leaders whom yet it 
 neither could nor would forsake, and their union was only 
 complete and sincere on the question of political reform, or, in 
 20* 
 
234 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 Other words, in that cause wherein leaders and party had 
 neither intractable passions to satisfy, nor absolute principles 
 to carry out. 
 
 Now, at the end of 1643, political reform — legitimate poli- 
 tical reform, at least — was consummated : abuses no longer 
 existed ; they had achieved all the laws they thought neces- 
 sary, and modelled institutions as well as they could ; nothing 
 was wanting to complete the work which the defenders of 
 ancient liberties and the presbyterian sectaries alike desired 
 and could in concert accomplish. But the religious revolu- 
 tion was scarcely begun, and political reform, wavering and 
 ill-secured, threatened to become revolution. The time, then, 
 was at hand, in which the internal defects of the, till then, 
 dominant party, the incoherence of its composition, of its 
 principles, of its designs, must inevitably become manifest. 
 Every day it was obliged to tread in diiferent paths, to attempt 
 incongruous efforts. What it sought in the church it rejected 
 in the state ; it was fain, constantly shifting its ground and its 
 language, to invoke in turn democratic principles and passions 
 against the bishops, monarchical and aristocratical maxims 
 and influences against rising republicanism. It was a strange 
 sight to see the same men demolishing with one hand and 
 destroying with the other — now preaching up innovations, 
 now cursing the innovators ; alternately daring and timid, at 
 once rebels and despots ; persecuting the bishops in the name 
 of liberty, the independents in the name of power ; arrogating 
 to themselves, in a word, the privilege of insurrection and 
 of tyranny, while daily declaiming against tyranny and insur- 
 rection. 
 
 The party, moreover, found itself at this time forsaken, or 
 disowned, or compromised by several of its leaders. Some, 
 such as Rudyard, careful above all things of their own self- 
 respect, of the claims of virtue, retired from the conflict, or 
 only appeared at long intervals, and then to protest rather 
 than act. Others, less honest, such as St. John, or more per- 
 severing and bolder, as Pym, or concerned chiefly for their 
 own personal safety, sought to conciliate, or, at all events, to 
 keep fair with the new party, of whose speedy accession 
 to power they felt certain. Many, already corrupted, had 
 renounced all patriotic hopes ; and no longer troubling them- 
 selves about anything but their own fortunes, formed in the 
 
ENGLISH REVOLUTION. ^ 235 
 
 committees invested with the management of affairs a rapa- 
 cious coalition, which distributed offices, confiscations, and 
 good things of all sorts to one another. Among the lords 
 hitherto engaged in the national cause, several, as we have 
 seen, had lately forsaken it, to go and make their peace 
 at Oxford ; others, withdrawing entirely from public affairs, 
 retired to their country seats, and, to avoid new pillage, new 
 sequestration, negotiated alternately with the court and the 
 parliament. On the 22d of September, only ten lords re- 
 mained in the upper house ; on the 5th of October but five.* 
 An order for calling over the names at each sitting,-[ and the 
 fear of thus having their absence officially verified, brought a 
 few back to Westminster ; but the higher aristocracy, daily 
 more suspected by, and more estranged from, the people, be- 
 came an incumbrance rather than a support to the presbyte- 
 rians ; and while their religious fanaticism alienated from 
 them able defenders of the public liberties, their political mo- 
 deration prevented them from casting off uncertain and com- 
 promising allies. 
 
 Moreover, the party had been in the ascendant for three 
 years : whether it had or not, in church or state, accomplish- 
 ed its designs, it was at all events by its aid and concurrence 
 that, for three years, public affairs had been conducted ; this 
 alone was sufficient to make many people weary of it ; it was 
 made responsible for the many evils already endured, for the 
 many hopes frustrated ; it was denounced as being no less 
 addicted to persecution than the bishops, no less arbitrary than 
 the king ; its inconsistencies, its weaknesses, were recalled 
 with bitterness ; and independently of this, even without fac- 
 tious or interested views, from the mere progress of events 
 and opinions, there was felt a secret need of new principles 
 and new rulers. 
 
 Both were ready, and, to seize the direction of affairs, only 
 wanted an opportunity. Long before the commencement of 
 the troubles, when the presbyterians began merely to display 
 an intention of imposing on the national church a republican 
 
 * Journals, Lords. The ten lords present on the 22d of September, 
 were the earls of Bolingbroke, Lincoln, Stamford, and Denbigh ; vis- 
 count Say, and the barons Grey, Wharton, How.ard, Hunsdon, and 
 Dacre. 
 
 tib. 
 
236 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 constitution, and to maintain in it, under that form, the uses 
 of power as well as of faith, and thus to dispute with episco- 
 pacy the heritage of popery, the independents, Brownists, ana- 
 baptists, openly demanded why a national church should ex- 
 ist at all, and by what title any power whatsoever, popery, 
 episcopacy, or presbyterianism, arrogated to itself the right 
 of bowing down Christian consciences beneath the yoke of a 
 fallacious unity. Every congregation of the faithful, said 
 they, inhabitants of the same or neighboring places, who as- 
 semble freely together in one common faith to praise the 
 Lord, was a true church, over which no other church could 
 justly have authority, and which had a right to choose for 
 itself its own ministers, to regulate its own worship, to govern 
 itself by its own laws. 
 
 On its first appearance, the principle of liberty of conscience, 
 thus proclaimed by obscure sectaries, amidst the errors of a 
 blind enthusiasm, was treated as a crime or as madness. Its 
 asserters themselves seemed to uphold, without understandixig 
 it, and less from reason than from necessity. Episcopalians 
 and presbyterians, preachers and magistrates, all alike pro- 
 scribed it : the question how and by whom the church of 
 Christ was to be governed, continued to be almost the only 
 point discussed ; all thought they had simply to choose be- 
 tween the absolute power of the pope, the aristocracy of 
 the bishops, and the democracy of the presbyterian clergy ; 
 it was not asked whether these governments were legitimate 
 in their origin, whatever their form or appellation. 
 
 There was, however, a great movement agitating all things, 
 even those which did not outwardly seem affected by it ; every 
 day brought forward some test which no system could evade, 
 some argument which the dominant party attempted in vain 
 to stifle. Called upon, from day to day, to consider some new 
 aspect of human affairs, to discuss opinions, to repel preten- 
 sions till then unheard of, the national mind by such work 
 became emancipated, and made use of its new liberty, either 
 to soar to more extended ideas on man and society, or at once 
 audaciously to shake off all old prejudices, all restraint. At 
 the same time practical liberty, in matters of faith and 
 worship, was almost absolute ; no jurisdiction, no repressive 
 authority, had yet taken the place of that of episcopacy ; and 
 the parliament, occupied in conquering its enemies, troubled 
 
ENGLISH KE VOLUTION. 237 
 
 itself very little about the pious escapades of its partisans. 
 Presbyterian zeal sometimes obtained from the houses me- 
 nacing declarations against the new sectaries ; sometimes, the 
 fears and hatred of the political reformers coinciding with 
 those of their devout allies, they employed in concert measures 
 of rigor against their adversaries. An ordinance, destined, 
 according to the preamble, " to put down the slanderous pa- 
 pers, books, and pamphlets by which religion and government 
 had for some time been defamed," abolished the liberty of the 
 press, hitherto tolerated, and subjected to a strict censorship 
 all publications whatever (June 11, 1643).* But power can- 
 not stop those who precede it in the movement by which it is 
 itself impelled. At the end of a few weeks, the royalists and 
 episcopalians alone felt the weight of these restrictions ; the 
 new sects evaded or defied them ; and, every day more nu- 
 merous, more various, more ardent, as independents, Brown- 
 ists, anabaptists, antipsedobaptists, quakers, antinomians, fifth- 
 monai'chy men, pervaded every corner of the land. Under 
 the very shadow of presbyterian domination, the revolution 
 was, at one and the same time, raising, up against that party a 
 host of enthusiasts, philosophers, and freethinkers. 
 
 All questions henceforward took a new turn ; the social 
 fermentation changed its character. Powerful, respected tra- 
 ditions had hitherto directed and restrained the views of poli- 
 tical, and even of religious reformers ; to the first, the laws of 
 old England, such at least as they imagined them to have 
 been, to the latter, the constitution of the church, such as it 
 already existed in Scotland, Holland, and Geneva, served at 
 once as a model and a curb ; however daring their enterpris- 
 es, neither had given way to vague desires, to unlimited pre- 
 tensions : all was not innovation in their designs, nor conjec- 
 ture in their hopes ; and if they misconceived the tendency of 
 their acts, they could at least assign an object in them. No 
 decided aim guided the steps of their rivals, no tradition, his- 
 torical or legal, set bounds to their thought ; confident in its 
 strength, proud of its lofty aspirations, its holiness, or its dar- 
 ing, they awai'ded to it the right of deciding, of ruling all 
 things ; and taking it for their sole guide, sought, at whatever 
 price, philosophers the truth, enthusiasts the Lord, the free- 
 
 * Pari. Hist., iii., 131. 
 
238 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 thinkers mere success. Institutions, laws, customs, events, 
 everything was called upon to regulate itself according to the 
 reason or will of man ; everything became the subject of new 
 combinations, of learned creations ; and in this bold under- 
 taking everything seemed legitimate, on the faith of a princi- 
 ple or a religious ecstasy, or in the name of necessity. The 
 presbyterians proscribed royalty and aristocracy in the church ; 
 why retain them in the state ? The political reformers had 
 intimated their opinion, that if, in the last resort, the king or 
 the lords obstinately persisted in refusing their assent to a 
 beneficial measure, the will of the commons ought, of its own 
 authority, to carry the point ; why not say this distinctly and 
 openly ? Why invoke the sovereignty of the people only in 
 a desperate case and to legitimate resistance, when it ought to 
 be the basis of government itself and of legitimate power ? 
 After having shaken off the yoke of the popish and of the 
 episcopal clergy, the nation was in danger of undergoing that 
 of the presbyterian clergy. What was the good of a clergy ? 
 by what right did priests form a permanent, rich, and inde- 
 pendent body, authorized to claim the aid of the magistrate ? 
 Let all jurisdiction, even the power of excommunication, be 
 withdrawn from them ; let persuasion, preaching, teaching, 
 prayer, be the only sources of influence left to them, and all 
 abuse of spiritual authority, all difficulty in making it accord 
 perfectly with the civil power, would immediately cease. Be- 
 sides, 'tis in the faithful, not in the priests, that legitimate 
 power, in matters of faith, resides : 'tis to the faithful it ap- 
 pertains to choose and appoint their ministers, and not to the 
 ministers to appoint one another, and then impose themselves 
 on the faithful. Nay, is not every one of the faithful a minis- 
 ter himself, for himself, for his family, for all those Christians, 
 who, touched by his words, shall hold him inspired from on 
 high, and shall be willing to unite with him in prayer ? Who 
 would dare contest with the Lord the power of conferring his 
 gifts on whom he pleases and as he pleases ? Whether to 
 preach or to fight, it is the Lord alone who chooses and con- 
 secrates his saints ; and when he has chosen them, he entrusts 
 to them his cause, and reveals to them alone by what means 
 it shall triumph. The free-thinkers applauded this language : 
 so that the revolution was carried out, no matter to them by 
 what means, or from what motives. 
 
ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 239 
 
 Thus arose the party of the independents, far less nume- 
 rous, far less deeply rooted in the national soil than that of the 
 presbyterians, but already possessed of that ascendency ever 
 achieved by a systematic and definite principle, always ready 
 to give an account of itself, and to bear without flinching all 
 consequences. England was then in one of those glorious 
 and formidable crises, in which man, forgetting his weakness, 
 remembering only his dignity, has at once the sublime ambi- 
 tion of obeying pure truth alone, and the insane pride of attri- 
 buting to his own opinions all the rights of truth. Politicians 
 or sectaries, presbyterians or independents, no party would 
 have dared to think itself above the obligation of having right 
 on its side, and being able to prove it. Now the presbyteri- 
 ans were not equal to this test, for their wisdom was founded 
 on the authority of traditions and laws, not upon principles, 
 and they could not repel by mere reason the arguments of 
 their rivals. The independents alone professed a simple doc- 
 trine, strict in appearance, which sanctioned all their acts, 
 sufficed for all the wants of their situation, relieved the strong, 
 minded from inconsistency, the sincere froin hypocrisy. They 
 alone also began to pronounce some of those potent words, 
 which, well or ill-understood, arouse, in the name of its no- 
 blest hopes, the most energetic passions of the human heart ; 
 equality of rights, the just distribution of social property, the 
 destruction of all abuses. There was no contradiction be- 
 tween their religious and political systems ; no secret strug- 
 gle between the leaders and their men ; no exclusive creed, 
 no rigorous test rendered access to the party difficult ; like 
 the sect from which they had taken their name, they held '^ 
 liberty of conscience a fundamental maxim, and the immen- 
 sity of the reforms they proposed, the vast uncertainty of their 
 designs, allowed men of the most various objects to range be- 
 neath their bannei's ; lawyers joined them, in hopes of depriv- 
 ing the ecclesiastics, their rivals, of all jurisdiction and power ; 
 liberal publicists contemplated by their aid the formation of a 
 new, clear, simple plan of legislation, which should take from 
 lawyers their enormous profits and their immoderate power. 
 Harrington could dream among them of a society of sages ; 
 Sidney, of the liberty of Sparta or of Rome ; Lilburne of the 
 restoration of the old Saxon laws ; Harrison, of the coming of 
 Christ ; even the no-principle of Henry Martyn and Peter 
 
240 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 Wentworth was tolerated in consideration of its daring : re- 
 publicans or levellers, reasoners or visionaries, fanatics or men 
 of ambition, all were admitted to make a common stock of 
 their anger, their theories, their ecstatic di'eams, their in- 
 trigues ; it was enough that all, animated with equal hatred 
 against the cavaliers and against the presbyterians, would 
 rush on with the same fervor towards that unknown futurity 
 which was to satisfy so many expectations. 
 
 No victory of Essex and his friends, on the battle field, or 
 in Westminster-hall, could stifle or even long repress such 
 dissensions ; they were as publicly known at Oxford as in 
 London ; and all sagacious men, parliamentarians or royalists, 
 took them for the basis of their combinations. From all sides 
 the king received information of, and was urged to profit by 
 them. Courtiers or ministers, intriguers or sincere friends, 
 each had his private intelligence on the subject, his proposals, 
 his suggestions ; some urged that war should be pushed for- 
 ward without interruption, certain that the rival factions would 
 soon listen rather to their private enmities than to their com- 
 mon danger ; others, on the contrary, advised that, by the 
 mediation of the lords who had sought refuge at Oxford, par- 
 ticularly the earls of Holland and Bedford, negotiations should 
 be opened up with Essex and his party, who, in point of fact, 
 had never ceased to desire peace ; others even px'oposed making 
 advances to the leaders, already well known, of the independ- 
 ents, with whom, they said, better terms could be made ; and 
 lord Lovelace, with the king's consent, kept up a close corres- 
 pondence with sir Harry Vane, little thinking that Vane, on 
 his side, was acting under the instructions of his own party, 
 in order to ascertain the state of things at court. But none of 
 these counsels were adopted.* It was with great difficulty that 
 the lords who had deserted parliament, obtained admission to 
 Oxford at all ; at the first rumor of their appi'oach, general 
 indignation was loudly expressed against them ; the privy 
 council solemnly assembled, deliberated at great length as to 
 what reception should be given them, and, notwithstanding the 
 prudent representations of Hyde, who had recently been ap- 
 pointed chancellor of the exchequer, Charles, though he con- 
 sented to receive them, decided that they should be coolly 
 treated. f In vain did lord Holland, the most elegant and 
 
 * Pari. Hist, iii., 199; Whitelocke, SO. + Clarendon, ii., 4S9. 
 
ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 241 
 
 shrewdest of courtiers, contrive, by the aid of Mr. Jermyn, to 
 regain the queen's favor ;* in vain did he exert all his inge- 
 nuity to resume his former familiarity with the king, now 
 affecting to whisper in his ear, now succeeding under some 
 pretext, in drawing him into the embrasure of a window, so 
 as to have the opportunity, or at least to give himself the ap- 
 pearance of holding a private conversation with him ;■[ in vain, 
 even at the battle of Newbury, did he fight bravely as a volun- 
 teer, and offer his blood as a pledge of his renewed fealty ; 
 nothing removed the haughty reserve of the king, nor put a 
 stop to the clamors of the court ; and finding their services 
 pertinaciously rejected, the refugee lords now only considered 
 how they might best escape from so disagreeable a position. 
 The advocates of a vigorous war were heard with more favor, 
 but with as little effect ; the ill success of the siege of Glouces- 
 ter had thrown Oxford into a state of impotent anarchy and 
 cabal ; each blamed the other for that fatal enterprise ; the 
 council complained of the disorderly conduct of the army ; the 
 army insolently defied the council ; prince Rupert, though 
 formally exempted from obeying even on a day of battle any 
 person but the king himself,:}: was jealous of the general-in- 
 chief; the general and great lords murmured loudly against 
 the independence and churlish uncouthness of prince Rupert. 
 The king, who respected, in the person of his nephews, the 
 dignity of his own blood, could not bring himself to decide 
 against them in favor of a subject, and sacrificed to this ridi- 
 culous pride the rights, even the services of his most useful 
 friends. Hyde alone freely endeavored to correct these errors 
 in his sovereign, and sometimes with success ; but Hyde him- 
 self, new to the court, without any distinction or power beyond 
 that which his office gave him, needed the king to support him 
 against the queen's temper, or the intrigues of jealous cour- 
 tiers ; he maintained his i-eputation as an influential councillor 
 and wise man, but without exercising any real ascendency, 
 without obtaining any important result. In short, discord was 
 as great at Oxford as at London, and far more fatal ; for in 
 London it precipitated, at Oxford it paralysed the progress of 
 things. 
 
 It was amidst such embarrassments, and when, in his heart, 
 
 * Clarendon, ii., 203, 256. f lb.. 498. { lb., 63. 
 
 21 
 
243 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 he was perhaps as tired of his party as he was of his people, 
 that Charles learned the new alliance between Scotland and 
 the parliament, and that thus another of his kingdoms was pre- 
 paring to make war against him. He forthwith ordered the 
 duke of Hamilton, who, having regained his confidence, had 
 been appointed his commissioner at Edinburgh, to prevent this 
 union at whatever cost. The duke, it is said, was empowered 
 to propose that, for the future, a third of the offices in the royal 
 household should be secured to the Scots ; that the counties 
 of Northumberland, Westmoreland, and Cumberland, formerly 
 belonging to their territory, should be again annexed to it; 
 that the king himself should fix his residence at Newcastle, 
 and the prince of Wales establish himself and court in Scot- 
 land.* Such promises, if indeed they were made, were obvi- 
 ously insincere, obviously incapable of accomplishment, and 
 even had the Scottish parliament been disposed to regard thein 
 as other than a mere attempt to deceive, a recent event ren- 
 dered such a delusion impossible. The earl of Antrim had 
 just been arrested in Ireland by the Scottish troops quartered 
 in Ulster, a few hours after his disembarkation ', and on his 
 person had been found the proofs of a plan formed between 
 Montrose and him, during their stay with the queen at York, 
 to transport into Scotland a numerous body of Irish Roman 
 catholics, to raise the highlanders of the north, and thus make 
 a powerful diversion in favor of the king. The design was 
 evidently on the point of being carried into execution, for 
 Montrose had rejoined the king during the siege of Gloucester, 
 and Antrim had just come from Oxford. As on the occasion 
 of his last journey to Scotland, the king then was meditating 
 the darkest designs against his subjects, at the very moment 
 he was making them the most glowing proposals. The par- 
 liament at Edinburgh forthwith concluded its treaty with 
 that at Westminster, and sent information of all these par- 
 ticulars. f 
 
 It transmitted at the same time details of a still more im- 
 portant discovery it had made ; lord Antrim's papei^s showed 
 pretty manifestly that the king was maintaining a constant 
 correspondence with the Irish rebels ; that he had several times 
 received their proposals, their offers ; that he was even on the 
 
 * Burnet, Own Times (Oxford, 1823), i., 61 
 t Laing, Hist, of Scotland, iii., 256, 
 
4 
 
 ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 243 
 
 point of concluding with them a suspension of arms, and pro- 
 mised himself, from this arrangement, the most favorable re- 
 sults for the next campaign.* It was all perfectly true : 
 Charles, while always cursing her, when he spoke to England, 
 had long been negotiating with rebellious Ireland. "j" The war, 
 kindled by insurrection, had continued in this unhappy country 
 without intermission, but to no purpose. Ten or twelve thou- 
 sand soldiers, ill-paid, seldom relieved, were insufficient to sub- 
 due it, though enough to prevent it from effecting emancipa- 
 tion. In the month of February, 1642, before the breaking 
 out of the civil war, parliament had desired to make a great 
 effort to put down the rebellion ; a loan was opened to meet 
 the expenses of a decisive expedition ; and the estates of the 
 rebels, which by future confiscations would inevitably lapse to 
 the crown, had been appropriated, by anticipation, upon a cer- 
 tain scale, for the repayment of the subscribers.:}: Large sums 
 had been thus collected, and some succors sent to Dublin ; but 
 the civil war broke out ; overwhelmed with its own affairs, 
 parliament thought of Ireland only at long intervals, without 
 vigor or result, merely to calm, when they became too clamor- 
 ous, the complaints of the protestants of that kingdom, and, 
 above all, to render the king responsible in the eyes of Ireland 
 for all the calamities that might arise. Charles paid quite as 
 little attention, and made quite as few sacrifices to the interests 
 of his Irish protestant subjects ; and while he reproached par- 
 liament with having appropriated to its own use a portion of 
 the money levied for their service, he himself intercepted con- 
 voys destined to supply them with provisions, and took from 
 the arsenals of Dublin the arms and ammunition of which they 
 had such urgent need.§ But the principal protestants of Ire- 
 land, aristocrats by situation, were attached to episcopacy and 
 to the crown ; the army reckoned among its officers a great 
 number of those whom, as cavaliers, parliament had been 
 anxious to send out of the way ; the earl of Ormond, their 
 general, was rich, brave, generous, and popular ; he gained 
 
 * Laing, Hist, of Scotland, iii., 256. 
 
 t His correspondence with lord Ormond leaves no doubt of it; Carte's 
 Life of Ormond, iii., passim ; Mr. Brodie has skilfully collected the 
 proofs of this in his Hist, of the British Empire, iii., 459, in the note. 
 
 % May, i., 2, 47. 
 
 § Carte's Life of Ormond, ii., appendix 3, 5. 
 
244 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 two battles over the rebels,* and gave the king all the honor 
 of his success. The parliamentary party rapidly declined in 
 Ireland ; the magistrates who were devoted to it were replaced 
 by royalists : the parliament sent over two members of the com- 
 mons as commissioners,-]' to regain some of their lost power ; 
 but Ormond forbade them to enter the council, and at the end 
 of four months felt himself strong enough to compel them to 
 return to England (Feb.). All the civil and military power 
 was from that time in the hands of the king, who, relieved from 
 a troublesome though ineffectual surveillance, no longer hesi- 
 tated to prosecute the design to which at once his inclination 
 and his difficulties urged him. The queen had regularly 
 maintained with the Irish catholics a correspondence, of which 
 her husband was doubtless not ignorant ; the insurrection no 
 longer merely presented, as in its commencement, the furious 
 ebullitions, the hideous excesses of a savage populace ; a sove- 
 reign council of twenty-four, established at Kilkenny (since 
 Nov. 14, 1642), governed it with prudence and regularity ; 
 already more than once it had addressed dutiful and affection- 
 ate messages to the king, entreating him no longer to perse- 
 cute, for the pleasure of enemies, faithful subjects whose only 
 desire was to serve him. Charles did not, as yet, consider 
 himself in sufficient danger, nor so wholly relieved from the 
 necessity of conciliating the opinion of England, as to accept 
 openly such an alliance ; but he might, at least, he thought, 
 show the Irish some favor, and recal to England the troops 
 who fought against them in his name, to employ them against 
 more odious and more formidable rebels. Ormond received 
 orders to open negotiations to this effect with the cour^cil of 
 Kilkenny,^ and meanwhile, to provide the reason or at least 
 the excuse of necessity, nothing was talked of but the distress, 
 real enough for that matter, to which the protestant cause and 
 its defenders were reduced in Ireland. In a long and pathetic 
 remonstrance, addressed to the castle of Dublin, the army set 
 forth all its grievances, all its misery, and declared its resolu- 
 tion of quitting a service to which it was prevented from doing 
 
 justice. Memorials sent to Oxford and London conveyed to 
 
 « 
 
 * The battles of Kilrush and Ross, 
 t Goodwin and Reynolds, in the autumn of 1642. 
 X Ormond's commission was dated January 11th, 1643; the negotia- 
 tions began in the course of the month of March following. 
 
ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 245 
 
 the king and to parliament the same declaration and the same 
 complaints.* The negotiations proceeded ; at the period of 
 Antrim's arrest they were on the very point of being con- 
 cluded ; and towards the end of September, a few days before 
 that on which parliament solemnly accepted at Westminster 
 the covenant with Scotland, England learned that the king had 
 just signed a truce of a year with the Irish rebels,-]- that the 
 English troops who had been sent to repress the insurrection 
 were recalled, and that ten regiments would shortly land, five 
 at Chester and five at Bristol.:}; 
 
 A violent clamor arose on all sides ; the Irish were to the 
 English objects of contempt, aversion, and terror. Even 
 among the royalists, and within the very walls of Oxford, dis- 
 content was manifested. Several officers quitted lord New- 
 castle's army, and made their submission to parliament. § 
 Lord Holland returned to London, saying, that the papists 
 decidedly prevailed at Oxford, and that his conscience did not 
 allow him to remain there any longer. || Lords Bedford, 
 Clare, and Paget, sir Edward Bering, and several other gen- 
 tlemen, followed his example, covering with the same pretext 
 their fickleness or their cowardice. IT The parliament was 
 quite ready to receive back the penitents. The king's con- 
 duct became the subject of all sorts of popular invectives and 
 sarcasms ; his so recent protestations were called to mind, and 
 the so haughty tone of his answers, when complaints had been 
 made of the correspondence between the court and the rebels ; 
 every one took credit to himself for having so sagaciously 
 foreseen his secret practices, and was indignant at his having 
 flattered himself he could thus impose upon his people, or 
 imagine such gross want of faith could meet with success. It 
 was much worse when it became known that a considerable 
 number of Irish papists were among the recalled troops ; and 
 that even women, armed with long knives, and attired in 
 savage costume, had been seen in their ranks.** Not content 
 with leaving the massacre of the Irish protestants unavenged, 
 the king then was actually enlisting in his service the fero- 
 cious assassins of the English protestants. Many people, 
 
 * Rushworth, vi., 537, and following. 
 
 t Signed Sept. 5, 1643, at Sigginstown, in the county of Kildare. 
 j Godwin, Hist, of the Commonwealth, i., 279. § Whitelocke, 76 
 II lb. IT lb., 81 ; Pari. Hist., iii., 189. ** Whitelocke, 82. 
 
 21* 
 
246 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 even of a condition superior to the passionate prejudices of 
 the multitude, thenceforth bore towards the king a profound 
 hatred, some because of his duplicity, others on account of 
 the favor he showed to the odious papists ; and his name, 
 hitherto respected, was now frequently mentioned with insult. 
 Speedily informed of this state of things and of the en- 
 deavors of parliament to fan the flame, Charles, feeling in- 
 sulted that any one should dare to judge of his intentions by 
 his acts instead of by his words, sent, in a state of high indig- 
 nation, for Hyde, and said he thought there was . too much 
 honor done to those rebels at Westminster in all his declara- 
 tions, by his mentioning them as part of the parliament, 
 which, as long as they should be thought to be, they would 
 have more authority, assembled where they were first called, 
 than all the other members convened anywhere else. He 
 said the act for their continuance was void from the begin- 
 ning, for that a king had it not in his power to bar himself 
 from the prerogatives of dissolving parliament ; and, at all 
 events, that they had forfeited any right by their rebellion, 
 and he therefore desired a proclamation to be prepared, 
 declaring them actually dissolved, and expressly forbidding 
 them to meet, or any one to own them or submit to them as 
 a parliament. Hyde listened with astonishment and anxiety ; 
 for the mere idea of such a measure appeared to him insanity. 
 " I see," he replied, " your majesty has well considered the 
 argument, which I have not. It is one which calls for very 
 serious reflection. For my own part, I cannot imagine that 
 your majesty's forbidding them to meet any more at Westmin- 
 ster, will prevent one man the less going there. On the con- 
 trary, your prohibition may have the effect of bringing back 
 to them many who have severed from them. It may be that 
 the act in question is void, and I am inclined to hope so ; but 
 till the parliament itself shall declare this, no judge, much 
 less no private man, 'will declare such invalidity. It was the 
 first powerful reproach they corrupted the people with against 
 your majesty, that you intended to dissolve this parliament, 
 and in the same way, repeal all the other acts made by that 
 parliament, whereof some are very precious to the people. 
 As your majesty has always disclaimed any such thought, 
 such a proclamation now would confirm all the jealousies and 
 fears so excited, and trouble many of your true subjects. I 
 
ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 247 
 
 conjure your majesty to reflect seriously before you carry this 
 design any further."* 
 
 As soon as they heard how frankly Hyde had spoken to 
 the king, nearly all the members of the council expressed 
 their concurrence in his opinion. With all his haughtiness, 
 Charles, in their company, was wavering and timid ; objec- 
 tions embarrassed him, and he usually gave way, not knowing 
 what to answer, or how to put an end, even with his own 
 council, to discussions which displeased him. After a few 
 days of hesitation, more apparent than real, the project was 
 abandoned. Yet some decisive measure seemed necessary, if 
 only to keep the royalist party on the alert, and not to leave 
 the parliament, in this interval of peace, the advantage of 
 engrossing the impatient activity of men's minds. Some one 
 proposed, since the name of parliament exercised such an in- 
 fluence over the people, to assemble at Oxford all those mem- 
 bers of both houses who had withdrawn from Westminster 
 Hall, and thus oppose to a factious and broken-up parliament, 
 a parliament undoubtedly legal and regular, since the king 
 would form part of it. The proposal did not please Charles ; 
 a parliament, however royalist, was matter of suspicion and 
 distaste to him ; he must then listen to its counsels, be subject 
 to its influence, perhaps condescend to its desires for peace, 
 and so compromise, in his opinion, the honor of the throne. 
 The queen's opposition was still more decided ; an English 
 assembly, whatever its zeal for the royal cause, could not fail 
 to be adverse to the catholics and her favorites. Yet the pro- 
 posal once known, it was difficult to reject it ; the royalist 
 party had received it with transport ; even the council forcibly 
 urged its advantages, the subsidies which the new parliament 
 would vote to the king, the discredit into which that at West- 
 minster would fall, when it should be seen how many members 
 had quitted it. Charles, accordingly, despite his own repug- 
 nance, assented ; and such was the tendency of public feel- 
 ing, that the intention of dissolving a rebellious parliament 
 had for its sole effect the formation of a second parliament. f 
 
 The measure at first caused some anxiety in London ; it 
 was known that the royalist party were at the same time re- 
 
 * Clarendoft, Memoirs, 206. 
 
 t Pari. Hist., iii., 194. The royal proclamation convoking the par- 
 liament at Oxford, bears date 22d of December, 1643. 
 
248 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 newing their attempts in the city ; that it was in contemplation 
 to negotiate a treaty of peace directly with the citizens, with- 
 out the intervention of parliament ; that the basis of this treaty 
 was already agreed upon, amongst others the acknowledgment 
 of the loans effected in the city, the interest upon which was 
 very irregularly paid by parliament, and which the king rea- 
 dily offered to guarantee the prompt liquidation of.* Out of 
 London, another plot was also discovered, formed it is said by 
 the moderate party and a few obscure independents, to pre- 
 vent the entry of the Scots into England, and to shake off the 
 yoke of the presbyterians,-f no matter at what price. The 
 commons, lastly, had to deplore the loss of the oldest and per- 
 haps most useful of their leaders : Pym had just expired (Dec. 
 8), after a few days' illness — a man of a reputation less bril- 
 liant than that of Hampden, but who, both in private delibe- 
 rations and in public debate, had rendered the party services 
 no less important ; firm, patient, and able ; skilful in attack- 
 ing an enemy, in directing a debate or an intrigue, in exciting 
 the anger of the people, and in securing and fixing to his 
 cause the great lords who seemed wavering ;:j: an indefatigable 
 member of almost every committee, the framer of well nigh 
 all the decisive measures of his party, ever ready to undertake 
 duties which others avoided as difficult and troublesome ; in 
 a word, regardless of labor, annoyances, wealth, glory, he 
 placed his whole ambition in the success of his party. A 
 little before his illness, he published a justification of his con- 
 duct, especially addressed to the friends of order and peace, 
 as if he felt some regret for the past, and in secret feared lest 
 he should be blamed for the events of the future. § But death 
 spared him, as it had done Hampden, the pain of going beyond 
 his opinions, on the one hand, or belying his past life, on the 
 other ; and far from malevolently pointing out these slight in- 
 dications of doubt in the last days of this veteran of national 
 reform, the men who wei'e preparing to convert reform into 
 revolution, Cromwell, Vane, Haslerig, were the first to show 
 honor to his memory : Pym's body lay for several days in 
 public, either to gratify the wish of the people who crowded to 
 view it, or to contradict the report spread by the royalists, that 
 
 * Pari. Hist., iii. ; Milton, Hist, of England, book iii. 
 
 t Pari. Hist., iii., 200 ; Whitelocke, 79. X Clarendon, ii., 693. 
 
 ^ See Appendix, x. 
 
ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 249 
 
 he died of the pedicular disease ; a committee was ordered to 
 inquire into the state of his fortune, and to erect a monument 
 to him in Westminster Abbey ; the whole house attended his 
 funeral, and a few days after, undertook the payment of his 
 debts, amounting to 10,000/., all having been contracted, as 
 they said, in the service of his country.* 
 
 On the same day that the commons passed these resolu- 
 tions, a deputation from the city common council proceeded 
 to the house of lords to return thanks to parliament for its 
 energy, and the lord general for his bravery, to renew before 
 it the oath to live and die in its holy cause, and to invite all 
 the members to a grand dinner, in token of union (Jan. 13, 
 1644).t 
 
 The parliament resumed all its confidence. On the very 
 day when the assembly at Oxford was to meet (22 Jan.), 
 there was a call of the house at Westminster ; only twenty- 
 two lords sat in the upper house, but in the commons two 
 hundred and eighty members answered to their names, and of 
 the absentees a hundred were engaged in the public service 
 by order of parliament.:}: Both houses resolved that they 
 would not allow their rights to be put in question, and that 
 they would reject with contempt any correspondence with the 
 rivals who were opposed to them. An opportunity soon pre- 
 sented itself. A week had scarcely elapsed, when Essex 
 transmitted to the upper house, without having opened it, a 
 packet which the earl of Forth, the general-in-chief of the 
 royal army, had just forwarded to him. A committee was 
 appointed to examine its contents ; its report was prompt and 
 brief: the packet, it is said, contained nothing addressed to 
 parliament, and the lord general had nothing to do but to send 
 it back. Essex at once obeyed (1 Feb.)§ 
 
 It was, indeed, to him alone that the despatch was addressed. 
 Forty-five lords, and one hundred and eighteen members of 
 the commons, II assembled at Oxford, informed him of their 
 
 * Pari. Hist., iii., 186. f lb., 1S7, 198 ; Whitelocke, 80. 
 
 t Pari. Hist., 199; Whitelocke, ut sup. § Pari. Hist., iii., 201. 
 
 II The prince of Wales and the duke of York were at the head of 
 this list, which was afterwards augmented by the names of five lords 
 and twenty-three members of the lower house, who were not at Ox- 
 ford when the letter was sent. There were reckoned, in addition to 
 these, twenty-two lords absent on the king's service, nine travelling 
 on the continent, two in prison in London, as royalists, and thirty-four 
 
250 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 installation, of their wishes for peace, of the king's favorable 
 disposition, and urged him to employ his influence " to incline 
 also to peace those whose confidence he possessed."* By 
 these words were designated the houses at Westminster, 
 whom Charles persisted in no longer recognizing as a par- 
 liament. 
 
 On the 18th of February, another letter reached Essex ; 
 the earl of Forth requested a safe-conduct for two gentlemen, 
 whom he said the king wished to send to London with in- 
 structions relative to peace. " My lord," replied Essex, 
 " when you shall send for a safe-conduct for those gentlemen 
 mentioned in your letter, from his Majesty to the houses of 
 parliament, I shall, with all cheerfulness, show my willing- 
 ness to further any way that may produce that happiness that 
 all honest men pray for, which is a true understanding be- 
 tween his majesty and his faithful and only council, the par- 
 liament. "•]• 
 
 Charles congratulated himself on finding his adversaries so 
 impracticable, and that his party would thus, at length, be 
 reduced to place all their hope in war. But the assembly at 
 Oxford was not of the same temper with the king ; it fully 
 perceived its weakness, it had great doubts as to the legiti- 
 macy of its position — so much so, that it had not dared to take 
 the name of parliament — and it regretted in secret that the 
 king, by refusing the name to the houses at Westminster, had 
 placed such an obstacle in the way of peace. It insisted upon 
 his taking, at all events, one step more in the way of concili- 
 ation, in his offering some concession calculated to soothe the 
 other party. Charles consented to write to the houses, to pro- 
 pose a negotiation, and he addressed his letter, " To the lords 
 and commons of the parliament assembled at Westminster," 
 but in the letter he spoke of " the lords and commons of the 
 parliament assembled at Oxford " as their equals (March 3).:j: 
 A trumpeter, sent by Essex, soon brought back the answer of 
 parliament : it said, " When we consider the expressions in 
 that letter of your majesty we have more sad and despairing 
 
 members of the commons absent, either on the king's service, or on 
 leave, or from sickness ; in all, there were eighty-three lords, and one 
 hundred and sixty-five members of the commons, assembled in parlia- 
 ment at Oxford.— Pari. Hist., iii., 218. 
 
 * lb., 209. t lb., 212. J lb., 213. 
 
ENGLISH REVOLUTION, 251 
 
 thoughts of obtaining peace than ever, because thereby, those 
 persons now assembled at Oxford, who, contrary to their duty, 
 have deserted your parliament, are put into an equal condi- 
 tion with it. And this present parliament, convened accord, 
 ing to the known and fundamental laws of the kingdom, the 
 continuance whereof is established by a law consented unto 
 by your majesty, is, in effect, denied even the name of a par- 
 liament. And hereupon we think ourselves bound to let you 
 know, that we must, in duty, and accordingly are resolved, 
 with our lives and fortunes, to defend and preserve the just 
 rights and full power of this parliament" (March 9).* 
 
 The assembly at Oxford lost all hope of conciliation, and 
 thenceforwai'd regarded itself as sitting without any object. 
 It continued, however, to meet till the 16th of April, publish- 
 ing long and doleful declarations, voting a few taxes and 
 loansjf addressing bitter reproaches to the Westminster par- 
 liament, and passing repeated resolutions expressive of fidelity 
 to the king ; but it was throughout timid, inactive, and per- 
 plexed with its own weakness, and, to preserve at least some 
 show of dignity, careful to display in presence of the court 
 its anxious desire for legal order and peace. The king, who 
 had dreaded the superintendence of such councillors, soon 
 found them as troublesome as useless ; they themselves were 
 tired of their solemn sittings, without any aim or result. Af- 
 ter earnest protestations that he would continue to regulate his 
 conduct by their opinions, Charles pronounced their adjourn- 
 ment (April 16) •'^ and scarcely were the doors closed behind 
 them, than he congratulated himself to the queen upon being 
 at last " rid of this mongrel parliament, the haunt of cow- 
 ardly and seditious motions. "§ 
 
 The campaign about to open, announced itself under unfa- 
 vorable auspices. Notwithstanding the inaction of the two 
 principal armies during the winter, war had been carried on in 
 the other parts of the kingdom with advantage. In the north- 
 west the regiments recalled from Ireland, after six weeks of 
 success, had been beaten and almost entirely cut to pieces by 
 Fairfax, under the walls of Nantwich, in Cheshire (Jan. 25). || 
 
 * Pari. Hist, iii., 214. t lb., 5; Clarendon, ii., 677. 
 
 I Pari. Hist., iii., 243—247. 
 
 § Thus he spoke of them, in a letter addressed to the queen, dated 
 March 13, 1645 ; Ludlow, 66. 
 a Fairfax, 71. 
 
252 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 In the north, the Scots, under the command of the earl of Le- 
 ven, had commenced their march into England (Jan. 19); lord 
 Newcastle set forward to meet them, but in his absence Fair- 
 fax had defeated, at Selby (April 11), a numerous body of 
 royalists ;* and to secure the important fortress of York from 
 attack, Newcastle had found himself obliged to shut himself up 
 in it (April 19).f In the east, a new army of fourteen thou- 
 sand men was forming under the command of lord Manchester 
 and Cromwell, and nearly ready to march wherever the ser- 
 vice of parliament might require its presence. In the south, 
 near Alresford in Hampshire, sir William Waller had gained 
 an unexpected victory over sir Ralph Hopton (March 29). A 
 few advantages obtained by prince Rupert, in Nottinghamshire 
 and Lancashire,:}: did not compensate for such multiplied 
 losses. Want of discipline and disorder daily increased in the 
 royalist camp ; the honest grew sorrowful and disgusted ; the 
 others claimed all the license of war as the reward of courage 
 without virtue ; the king's authority over his officers, and that 
 of the officers over the soldiers, became day after day less and 
 less. In London, on the contrary, all the measures taken were 
 at once more regular and more energetic than ever. Com- 
 plaints had often been made that the parliament did not act 
 with promptitude, that none of its deliberations could remain 
 secret, but that the king was immediately informed of them all ; 
 under the name of the committee of the two kingdoms, a coun- 
 cil composed of seven lords, fourteen members of the commons, 
 and four Scottish commissioners, was invested, as to war, the 
 relations between the two kingdoms, the correspondence with 
 foreign states, &lc., with an almost absolute power (Feb. 16). § 
 So great was the enthusiasm in some families that they denied 
 themselves one meal a week, to give the value of it to parlia- 
 ment ,• an ordinance converted this offering into a compulsory 
 tax, for all the inhabitants of London and its environs (March 
 26). II Excise duties, till then unknown, were imposed upon 
 wine, cider, beer, tobacco, and many other commodities (May 
 16, 1643, and July 8, 1644). IT The committee of sequestra- 
 
 * Fairfax, 78. t Rushworth, ii., 3, 620. 
 
 J March the 22d he abandoned the siege of Newark, and in the month 
 of April following, took Papworth, Bolton, and Liverpool, in Lanca- 
 shire. 
 
 § Pari. Hist., iii., 246. || Rushworth, ii., 3, 748. 
 
 IT Pari. Hist., iii., 114, 276. 
 
ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 253 
 
 tion redoubled its severity.* At the opening of the campaign, 
 parliament had five armies ; those of the Scots, of Essex, and 
 of Fairfax, at the expense of the public exchequer ; those of 
 Manchester and Waller, supported by local contributions, col- 
 lected vi^eekly in certain counties, which were also called 
 upon to find recruits when needed. f These forces amounted 
 to more than fifty thousand men,:}: of whom the committee of 
 the two kingdoms had the entire disposal. 
 
 Notwithstanding the presumption which reigned at Oxford, 
 great anxiety was soon manifested there : the court was asto- 
 nished at no longer receiving from London any exact informa- 
 tion, and at the designs of parliament being kept so secret ; all 
 the people at Oxford could learn was that it was making great 
 preparations, that power was becoming concentrated in the 
 hands of the boldest leaders, who talked of decisive measures, 
 and, in a word, that everything wore a very sinister aspect for 
 them. All at once a report spread that Essex and Waller 
 were on their march to besiege Oxford. The queen, seven 
 months gone with child, at once declared that she would de- 
 part ; in vain did a few members of the council venture to 
 point out the ill effect of such a resolution ; in vain did Charles 
 himself express a wish that she should change her determina- 
 tion ; the very idea of being shut up in a besieged town was, 
 she said, insupportable, and she should die if she were not 
 allowed to retire towards the west, to some place where she 
 might be confined, far from the seat of war, and whence she 
 could embark for France in case of urgent danger. Furious 
 at the suggestion of an objection, she raved, entreated, wept ; 
 
 * Pari. Hist., iii., 174, 257 ; Rushworth, ii., 3, 760. 
 
 t The seven confederate counties of the east, Essex, Suffolk, Norfolk, 
 Hertford, Cambridge, Huntingdon, Lincoln, and Ely, were taxed at 
 S,445/. a week for the maintenance of Manchester's army. The four 
 counties in the south, Hampshire, Sussex, Surrey, and Kent, paid 
 2,638^. a week for the maintenance of Waller's army. Essex's army 
 cost the public treasury 30,504/. a month ; the Scottish army, 31,000/. 
 a month. (Rushworth, ii., 3, 621.) I cannot ascertain the exact cost 
 of Fairfax's army ; exerything shows it was more irregularly paid than 
 the others, and perhaps in part by local contributions, and in part by 
 parliament. Fairfax, Memoirs, passim. 
 
 t The Scottish army was 21,000 strong ; that of Essex, 10,500 ; that 
 of Waller, 5,100 ; that of Manchester, 14,000 ; that of Fairfax, 5,000 to 
 6000 ; in all about 56,000. Rushworth, ii., 3, 603, 621, 654 ; Fairfax, 
 passim. 
 
 22 
 
254 HISTOKY OF THE 
 
 all at last gave way. Exeter was chosen as the place of her 
 retreat ; and towards the end of April she quitted her husband, 
 who never saw her again.* 
 
 The news which had caused her so much terror was well- 
 founded ; Essex and Waller were indeed advancing to block- 
 ade Oxford. In another direction, Fairfax, Manchester, and 
 the Scots, were to meet under the walls of York, and together 
 lay siege to it. The two great royalist cities and the two great 
 royalist armies, the king and lord Newcastle, were thus at- 
 tacked at once by all the forces of parliament. Such was the 
 simple and daring plan that the committee of the two kingdoms 
 had just adopted. , 
 
 Towards the end of May, Oxford was almost entirely in- 
 vested ; the king's troops, successfully driven from every post 
 they occupied in the neighborhood, had been obliged to fall 
 back, some into the town, the rest to a fortified point, the only 
 one open to them outside the walls, north of the city ; no help 
 could arrive in time ; prince Rupert was in the depths of Lan- 
 cashire, prince Maurice besieging the port of Lyme, in Dorset- 
 shire, lord Hopton, at Bristol, occupied in securing that place 
 from the enemy, who had managed to effect a correspondence 
 with some of the principal inhabitants. A reinforcement of 
 eight thousand men of the London militia enabled Essex to 
 complete the blockade. The peril seemed so urgent, that one 
 of the king's most faithful councillors advised him to give him- 
 self up to the earl. " It is possible," replied Charles, with in- 
 dignation, " that I may be found in the hands of the earl of 
 Essex, but it will be dead." A report, meantime, circulated 
 in London, that, not knowing how to escape, the king was 
 forming the resolution, of either coming unexpectedly into the 
 city, or putting himself under the protection of the lord-general. 
 The alarm of the commons was as great as the king's indigna- 
 tion had been. They immediately wrote to Essex, " My lord, 
 there being here a general report of his majesty coming to 
 London, we, by command of the house, desire your lordship to 
 use your best endeavors to find the grounds of it; and if at any 
 time you shall understand that his majesty intends to repair 
 hither, or to your army, that you presently acquaint the houses, 
 and do nothing therein without their advice." Essex compre- 
 
 * Clarendon, ii., 764. 
 
ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 255 
 
 hended the distrust which lurked beneath these words. He 
 answered : " My lord, how the general report is come of his 
 majesty's coming to London is all unknown to me. I shall not 
 fail, with my best endeavors, to find the grounds of it ; but 
 London is the likeliest place to know it, there being no speech 
 of it in this army. As soon as I shall have any notice of his 
 intention of repairing to the parliament or the army, I shall not 
 fail to give notice of it ; I cannot conceive there is any ground 
 for it ; but, however, I believe I shall be the last that shall 
 hear of it."* 
 
 A very different report, and much more certain, next came 
 by surprise upon the parliament and the army ; the king had 
 escaped from them. On the 3d of June, at nine o'clock in the 
 evening, followed by the prince of Wales, and leaving the duke 
 of York and all the court in the place, he had left Oxford, had 
 passed between the two hostile camps, and joining a body of 
 light troops who awaited him north of the town, speedily put 
 himself beyond reach. f 
 
 The astonishment was great, and the necessity of an im- 
 mediate resolution evident. The siege of Oxford was now a 
 matter of no object ; the two armies had before them nothing 
 which required their joint efforts ; the king, at liberty, would 
 soon become formidable ; it was above all important to pre- 
 vent his rejoining prince Rupert. 
 
 Essex assembled a great council of war, and proposed that 
 Waller, less encumbered with heavy artillery and baggage, 
 should pursue the king, while he himself should march to- 
 wards the west to raise the siege of Lyme, and reduce that 
 part of the country to the power of parliament. Waller op- 
 posed this plan ; this, he said, was not the destination which 
 the committee of the two kingdoms had assigned the two 
 armies, in the event of their separating ; it was upon him the 
 command in the west was to devolve. The council of war 
 concurred with the lord-general ; Essex haughtily demanded 
 submission ; Waller obeyed, and began his march, but not 
 without having addressed bitter complaints to the committee, 
 of the contempt with which the earl had treated its instruc- 
 tions.:]: 
 
 * Pari. Hist., ill., 266 ; the letter of the house to Essex is dated May 
 ,15th, 1664, and his answer is of the 17th of May. 
 t Clarendon, ii., 765; Rushworth, ii., 3, 671. 
 t Clarendon, ii., 733. 
 
256 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 Highly indignant, the committee at once brought the matter 
 before the house ; and after a debate of which there remains 
 no record, an order was despatched to Essex to retrace his 
 steps, to go in pursuit of the king, and to leave Waller to ad- 
 vance alone into the west, as he should have done in the first 
 instance.* 
 
 The earl had entered upon the campaign in no very: agreea- 
 ble mood ; intimidated for awhile by their perils and his vic- 
 tories, his enemies had, during the winter, recommenced 
 assailing him with their suspicions, and creating for him a 
 thousand annoyances. Just before his departure, a popular 
 petition had demanded the reformation of his army, which the 
 commons had received without any manifestation of dis- 
 pleasure ;"t" that of Waller was always better provided for, and 
 paid with more regularity ;:]: it was evidently against him, 
 and to replace him in case of need, that lord Manchester was 
 forming a fresh army ; at London and in his camp, his friends 
 were indignant that from Westminster-hall, men ignorant of 
 warfare should pretend to direct its operations and prescribe 
 to generals how to act.§ He answered the committee : " Your 
 orders are contrary to military discipline and to reason ; if I >. 
 should now return, it would be a great encouragement to the 
 enemy in all places. Your innocent, though suspected ser- 
 vant, Essex;" and continued his march. || 
 
 The amazed committee suspended the quarrel and their 
 anger ; Essex's enemies did not feel themselves strong enough 
 to ruin him, nor even to do without him ; they contented them- 
 selves for the present with inserting, in the answer they sent 
 him, a few words of reprimand for the tone he had essumed jIT 
 and he received orders to proceed with the expedition which 
 • the preceding message had enjoined him to abandon.** 
 
 The news received from Waller's army had much to do 
 with this cautious procedure. After having vainly pursued 
 the king, this favorite of' the committee was in his turn me- 
 naced with impending danger. As soon as Charles learnt 
 that the two parliamentary generals had separated, and that 
 he should have but one to grapple with, he stopped, wrote to 
 
 * Rushworth, ii., 3, 672. t Whitelocke, 80. 
 
 t Rushworth, ii., 3, 683; Holies, 22. § Whitelocke, 79. 
 
 il Rushworth, ii., 3, 683 ; Clarendon, ii., 733. 
 IT Rushworth, ibid. ** Rushworth, ibid. 
 
ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 257 
 
 prince Rupert to march without an instant's delay to the succor 
 of York,* and, by a bold resolution retracing the road he had 
 followed in his flight from Oxford, re-entered that city seven- 
 teen days after he had quitted it, put himself at the head of 
 his troops, and resumed the offensive, while Waller was seek- 
 ing him in Worcestershire. At the first report of his move- 
 ments. Waller returned by forced marches, for he alone was 
 left to cover the road to London ; and soon after, having re- 
 ceived a few reinforcements, he advanced with his wonted 
 confidence to offer, or, at least, accept battle. Charles and 
 his men, filled with that ardor which unexpected success after 
 great peril inspires, were still more eager. The action took 
 place on the 29th of June, at Cropredy-bridge in Bucking- 
 hamshire, and, notwithstanding a brilliant resistance, Waller 
 was beaten, even more completely than the conquerors them- 
 selves at first supposed. -f 
 
 Good fortune appeared to give Charles a daring, and even 
 a skill he had not hitherto manifested. At ease with reference 
 to Waller, he at once resolved to march towards the west, to 
 fall with his whole disposable force upon Essex, and thus, in 
 two blows, destroy the two armies which had lately kept him 
 almost a prisoner. Essex, moreover, had appeared under the 
 walls of Exeter, and the queen, who resided there, and who 
 had been confined only a few days,:j: and was as yet ignorant 
 of her husband's success, would again be assailed by all her 
 fears. § Charles departed two days after his victory, having 
 first, to conciliate the people rather than from any sincere 
 wish for peace, sent from Evesham a message to both houses 
 (dated July 4, 1644), in which, without giving them the name 
 of parliament, he was profuse of pacific protestations, and 
 offered once more to open negotiations. || 
 
 But just after his depai'ture from Oxford, and before his 
 message reached London, all the fears of parliament were dis- 
 pelled ; the face of affairs had changed ; Waller's defeat was 
 
 * His letter is dated June 14, 1644, from Tickenhall, near Bewdley, 
 in Worcestershire. It was published for the first time in 1S19, in sir 
 John Evelyn's Memoirs, ii., 87. 
 
 t Clarendon, ii., 744 ; Rushworth, ii., 3, 675. 
 
 % June 16, 1644, of the princess Henrietta, afterwards duchess of 
 Orleans. 
 
 § Clarendon, ii., 751; Rushworth, ii., 3, 686. 
 
 II Rushworth, ii., 3, 687. 
 22* 
 
258 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 now only regarded as an unimportant accident : parliament 
 had just learned that its generals had obtained near York a 
 most brilliant victory, that the town must speedily surrender, 
 that, in a word, in the north the royalist party was all but 
 annihilated. 
 
 In fact, on the 2d of July, at Marston Moor, between seven 
 and ten in the evening, the most decisive battle that had yet 
 taken place, had brought about these great results. Three 
 days before, at the approach of prince Rupert, who was ad- 
 vancing towards York with twenty thousand men, the parlia- 
 mentary generals had resolved to raise the siege, hoping that 
 they should at least be able to prevent the prince throwing 
 succors into the besieged city ; but Rupert defeated their ma- 
 noeuvres, and entered York without a battle. Newcastle 
 strongly urged him to remain satisfied with this success ; dis- 
 cord, he said, was working in the camp of the enemy ; the 
 Scots were on bad terms with the English, the independents 
 with the presbyterians, lieutenant-general Cromwell with ma- 
 jor-general Crawford ; if he must fight, let him at least wait 
 for a reinforcement of three thousand men, which would 
 shortly arrive. Rupert scarcely listened to what he said, 
 bluntly replying that he had orders from the king,* and ordered 
 the troops to march upon the enemy, who were retreating. 
 They soon came up with their rear ; both parties stopped, 
 called in their outposts, and prepared for battle. Almost 
 within musket-shot of each other, separated only by some 
 ditches, the two armies passed two hours motionless and in 
 profound silence, each waiting for the other to commence the 
 attack. " What office does your highness destine me ?" asked 
 lord Newcastle of the prince. " I do not propose to begin 
 
 * These orders were contained in the letter above mentioned, and 
 which directed him to go to the assistance of York. It has been 
 matter of great discussion whether it expressly enjoined prince Rupert 
 to give battle, or whether he was left at liberty to avoid it ; a puerile 
 question ; for, assuredly, if Rupert had thought with Newcastle, that 
 a battle ought not to be risked, he would have been wrong in obeying 
 orders given at a distance and on mere speculation. Besides, notwith- 
 standing what Mr. Brodie and Mr. Lingard have recently said on this 
 subject (Hist, of the British Empire, iii., 447 ; Hist, of England, x., 
 252), it is by no means probable that the king's letter contained a po- 
 sitive order : it is evidently written in the conviction that the siege of 
 York could not be raised without a battle, and it is in that sense that 
 it speaks of a victory as indispensable. 
 
ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 259 
 
 the action before to-morrow," Replied Rupert, " you can re- 
 pose till then." Newcastle went and shut himself up in his 
 carriage. He had scarcely sat down, when a volley of mus- 
 quetry informed him that the battle was beginning ; he imme- 
 diately proceeded to the scene of action, without assuming 
 any command, at the head of a few gentlemen, offended like 
 himself with the prince, and like him acting as volunteers. 
 In a few moments the moor was the scene of utter disorder ; 
 the two armies met, dashed into each other's ranks, got mixed 
 up together in mere confusion ; parliamentarians and royalists, 
 cavalry and infantry, officers and soldiers, wandered about 
 over the field of battle alone or in bands, asking for orders, 
 seeking their divisions, fighting when they met an enemy, but 
 all without general design or result. First of all, the right 
 wing of the parliamentarians was routed ; next, broken and 
 panic-struck by a vigorous charge of the royalists, the Scot- 
 tish cavalry dispersed ; Fairfax vainly endeavored to keep 
 them together ; they fled in all direetions, crying, " Bad luck 
 to us ! we are undone !" and they spread the news of their 
 defeat so rapidly through the country, that from Newark a 
 messenger carried it to Oxford, where, for some hours, bon- 
 fires were burning to celebrate the supposed triumph. But 
 on returning from the pursuit, the royalists, to their great 
 surprise, found the ground they had previously occupied in 
 the possession of a victorious enemy ; while the Scottish cavalry 
 were flying before them, their right wing, although command- 
 ed by Rupert himself, had undergone the same fate ; after a 
 violent struggle, they had yielded before the invincible de- 
 termination of Cromwell and his squadrons ; Manchester's 
 infantry completed their defeat ; and satisfied with having 
 dispersed the prince's horse, Cromwell, skilful in rallying his 
 men, had returned immediately to the field, to make sure of 
 the victory ere he thought of celebrating it. After a moment's 
 hesitation, the two armies resumed the conflict, and at ten 
 o'clock not a royalist remained on the field, except three 
 thousand slain and sixteen hundred prisoners.* 
 
 Rupert and Newcastle re-entered York in the middle of the 
 night, without speaking to, without seeing one another ; as 
 
 * Rushworth, ii., 3, 631—640; Clarendon, ii., 753; Ludlow, 53; 
 Fairfax, 84, &c. ; Hutchinson, Memoirs (ISOS), 205 ; Carte's Letters, 
 i , 56 ; Baillie's Letters, ii., 36, 40. 
 
260 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 soon as they arrived, they exchanged messages : the prince 
 sent word to the earl : " I have resolved to depart this morn- 
 ing with my horse and as many foot as are left ;" " I am 
 going forthwith to the sea-side," replied Newcastle, " to depart 
 for the continent." Each kept his word ; Newcastle embarked 
 at Scarborough, Rupert marched towards Chester, with the 
 wreck of his army, and York capitulated in a fortnight (July 
 16).* 
 
 The independent party were in an ecstasy of joy and hope ; 
 it was to their chiefs, to their soldiers this brilliant success 
 Avas due ; Cromwell's ability had decided the victory ; for the 
 first time the parliamentary squadrons had broken the royalist 
 squadrons, and it was the saints of the cavaliers of Cromwell 
 who had done this. They and their general had, on the very 
 field of battle, received the surname of Ironsides. Prince 
 Rupert's own standard, publicly exhibited at Westminster, 
 attested their triumph ;f and they might have sent to parlia- 
 ment more than a hundred flags taken from the enemy, if, in 
 their enthusiasm, they had not torn them in pieces to decorate 
 their helmets and arms.:]: Essex, indeed, had conquered twice, 
 but as if by constraint, to save the parliament from impend- 
 ing destruction, and with no other effect ; the saints sought 
 the battle, and were not afraid of victory. Were the Scots, 
 who had shown such cowardice on this great day, thenceforth 
 to pretend to subject them to their presbyterian tyranny ? 
 Would peace be any longer spoken of as necessary ? Vic- 
 tory and liberty alone were necessary ; it was essential to 
 achieve these, at whatever price, and carry out to its full 
 extent that blessed reform so often endangered by interested 
 or timid men, so often saved by the arm of the Lord. Every- 
 where was this language heard ; everywhere did independ- 
 ents, freethinkers, or fanatics, citizens, preachers, or soldiers, 
 give emphatic utterance to their excitement and their wishes ; 
 and everywhere was heard the name of Cromwell, himself 
 
 * Clarendoiij ii., 755. 
 
 t In the middle of the standard was a lion couchant, and behind him 
 a mastiff biting at him ; from the mastiff's mouth came a streamer, on 
 which was to be read, Kimbolton ; at its feet were several little dogs, 
 beneath whose jaws was written, Pym, Pym, Pym ; from the lion's 
 own jaws proceeded these words : quousque tandem al utere patienti& 
 nostra 7 — Rushworth, ii., 3, 635. 
 
 X Rushworth, ii., 3, 635. 
 
ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 261 
 
 beyond all others vehement in his expressions, while, at the 
 same time, he passed for the most skilful in the contrivance 
 of deep designs. " My lord," said he one day to Manchester, 
 in whom the party still reposed confidence, " be wholly one 
 of us ; talk no more of holding ourselves open to peace, of 
 keeping on terms with the lords, of fearing the refusal of 
 parliament ; what have we to do with peace and the lords ? 
 Nothing will go on right till you call yourself plain Mr. Mon- 
 tague ; if you bind yourself to honest folk, you will soon be 
 at the head of an army that will give laws to king and parlia- 
 ment too."* 
 
 With all the audacity of his hopes, Cromwell himself had 
 no idea how near the triumph of his party was, nor how 
 hard a fate was shortly to befall that adversary whom he most 
 dreaded. 
 
 Essex had advanced further and further into the west, 
 encouraged by easy victories, and ignorant of the dangers 
 gathering behind him. In three weeks he had raised the 
 siege of Lyme, taken Weymouth, Barnstaple, Tiverton, 
 Taunton, and dispersed, almost without a blow, the royalist 
 troops who attempted to stop him. As he approached Exeter, 
 the queen sent to request a safe-conduct to go to Bath or Bris- 
 tol, for the purpose of regaining her strength after her confine- 
 ment. " If your majesty," he replied, " pleases, I will not 
 only give you a safe-conduct, but will wait upon you myself, 
 to London, where you may have the best advice and means 
 for restoring your health ; but as for either of the other places, 
 I cannot obey your majesty's desire without directions from 
 the parliament."! Seized with fear, the queen fled to Fal- 
 mouth, where she embarked for France (July 14), and Essex 
 continued his march. He was still in sight of Exeter when 
 he heard that the king, having defeated Waller, was rapidly 
 advancing against him, collecting on the way all the forces 
 he could command. A council of war being immediately 
 called, it was put to the question whether they should go on 
 and entrench themselves in Cornwall, or return, seek the king, 
 and offer him battle. Essex was of the latter opinion, but 
 several of the officers, among others lord Roberts, the friend 
 of sir Harry Vane, possessed in Cornwall large estates, of 
 
 * Holies, Memoirs, IS ; Clarendon, ii., 841. 
 t Rushworth, ii., 3, 684 ; Whitelocke, 93. 
 
263 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 which the rents were long in arrear, and they had relied upon 
 this expedition to obtain payment from their tenants ; they 
 therefore opposed any idea of going back, maintaining that 
 the people of Cornwall, oppressed by the royalists, would rise 
 at the approach of the army, and that Essex would thus have 
 the honor to dispossess the king of this county, hitherto his 
 firmest support.* Essex allowed himself to he persuaded, 
 and, having sent to London for reinforcement, entered the 
 defiles of Cornwall. The people did not rise in his favor, 
 provisions were scarce, and the king was already close upon 
 him. He wrote again to London, to say that his situation 
 was becoming perilous, that it was essential for Waller or 
 some one else, by making a diversion on the rear of the king's 
 army, to give his an opportunity of escape. The committee 
 of the two kingdoms made a great clamor about his misfor- 
 tune, and seemed filled with vast zeal to aid him ; public 
 prayers were directed (Aug. 13) ;f orders to meet his wishes 
 were given to Waller, Middleton, even to Manchester, who 
 had returned from the north with a portion of his army ; these 
 in their turn manifested the utmost ardor : " Let money and 
 men be sent to me," wrote Waller, " God is witness, 'tis not 
 my fault I do not advance more quickly ; may infamy and the 
 blood that is spilt rest on the heads of those who lay obstruc- 
 tions in my way. If money cannot be had, I will march 
 without it." But he did not march. Middleton held the 
 same language, put himself in motion, and stopped at the first 
 obstacle. No corps at all was detached from Manchester's 
 army.l Reassured by the victory of Marston Moor, the in- 
 dependent leaders. Vane, St. John, Ireton, Cromwell, were 
 delighted to purchase by a signal check the ruin of their 
 enemy. 
 
 They did not imagine that at that very moment, and in 
 his utter distress, Essex held, perhaps, their fate in his hands. 
 On the 6th of August, a letter from the king was delivered to 
 him at his head-quarters at Lestwithiel, full of expressions of 
 esteem and promises, urging him to give peace to his country. 
 Lord Beauchamp, the earl's nephew, was the beare^ of the 
 message ; several colonels in his army seemed favorable to 
 
 * Clarendon, ii., 767 ; Rushworth, ii., 3, 690. 
 
 t Rushwor'h, ii., 3, 697. f Ludlow, Memoirs, 55 ; Whitelocke, 101. 
 
ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 263 
 
 It.* " I shall give no answer," said Essex. "I have only 
 one advice to give the king ; it is, to return to his parliament." 
 Charles did not persist ; perhaps even, notwithstanding the 
 disaster at Marston Moor, he did not altogether desire the in- 
 tervention of such a mediator ; but peace, in those about him, 
 had more earnest partisans ; the spirit of independence and 
 examination gained upon the royalists ; the royal name no 
 longer exercised its former empire over them, and in their 
 meetings many officers freely discussed public affairs and the 
 king's conduct. Persuaded that Essex had only rejected the 
 proposed negotiation because the king's promises seemed to 
 him without adequate guarantee, they resolved to offer him 
 their own, and to invite him to an interview with them. Lord 
 Wilmot and lord Percy, commanders of the cavalry and artil- 
 lery, were at the head of this design ; the one daring, intel- 
 lectual, an inveterate drinker, and beloved by the army for 
 the jovial affability of his temper ; the other cold and haughty, 
 but bold in speech, and keeping a good table, which many of 
 the officers shared. Informed of their proceedings, and of a 
 letter which was circulating in their name, Charles was ex- 
 ceedingly angry ; but the intention pleased even those men 
 who blamed the means. The king, not daring to forbid, made 
 up his mind to approve of it ; the letter became an official act, 
 authorized by him and signed by prince Maurice and the earl 
 of Brentford, general-in-chief of the army, as well as by its 
 first authoi's ; a trumpeter conveyed it to the enemy's camp 
 (Aug. 9). " My lords," replied Essex, " in the beginning of 
 your letter you express by what authority you send it ; I, 
 having no authority from the parliament, who have em- 
 ployed me, to treat, cannot give way to it without breach of 
 trust. My lords, I am your humble servant, Essex." So dry 
 a refusal greatly piqued the royalists ; all idea of negotiation 
 was abandoned ; Wilmot and Percy were deprived of their 
 commands, and hostilities took their course. f 
 
 Essex soon found himself in a desperate position ; he fought 
 every day, but only to fall every day into greater danger ; his 
 soldiers were getting weary of the contest, conspiracies were 
 
 * Among others, colonel Weare and colonel Butler ; Rushworth, ii., 
 3, 710. 
 
 t Rushworth, ii., 3, 691—697 ; Clarendon, ii., 777. 
 
264 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 forming in their ranks ;* the king drew his lines closer and 
 closer around him, and erected redoubts on every side ; already 
 the earl's cavalry had not space enough to collect forage ; 
 there scarcely remained to him any free communication with 
 the sea, the only means by which he could obtain provisions ; 
 in short, at the latter end of August, he was surrounded so 
 closely that from the neighboring heights the royalists could 
 see all that passed in his camp. In this extremity, he gave 
 orders to the cavalry, commanded by sir William Balfour, to 
 make their way, as they might, through the enemy's posts, 
 and set out himself with the infantry for Fowey harbor. 
 Favored by night and a fog, the cavalry succeeded in passing 
 between two royalist divisions ; but the infantry, straggling 
 along narrow and miry roads, pursued by the whole of the 
 king's army, compelled to abandon at every step cannon and 
 baggage, at last lost all hope of safety ; there was a general 
 desire expressed to capitulate. Dejected, perplexed, anxious 
 to avoid so deep a humiliation, Essex, without consulting any 
 one, attended only by two officers,f suddenly quitted the camp, 
 gained the coast, and embarked in a vessel which set sail for 
 Plymouth, leaving his army under the command of major- 
 general Skippon.:}: 
 
 As soon as his departure was known, Skippon called a 
 council of war : " Gentlemen," said he, " you see our general 
 and some chief officers have thought fit to leave us, and our 
 horse are got away ; we are left alone upon our defence. 
 That which I propound to you is this, that we having the 
 same courage as our horse had, and the same God to assist 
 us, may make the same trial of our fortunes, and endeavor 
 to make our way through our enemies, as they have done, 
 and account it better to die with honor and faithfulness, than 
 to live dishonorable." But Skippon did not communicate his 
 own heroism to the council ; many officers, brave and faithful 
 soldiers, but presbytei'ians, moderate men like Essex, were, 
 like him, sorrowful and dispirited. The king proposed to him 
 a capitulation on unhoped-for terms ; he only required the 
 surrender of the artillery, ammunition and arms ; all the 
 
 * Rushworth, ii., 3, 698. 
 
 t Sir John Merrick, who commanded the ai'tillery, and lord Roberts 
 himself, who had induced Essex to enter Cornwall. 
 
 t Rushworth, i., 3, 705 ; Clarendon, ii., 787 ; Whitelocke, 98. 
 
ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 265 
 
 troops, officers, and soldiers were to retain their liberty, and 
 were even to be conducted in safety to the next parliamentary 
 quarters. These conditions were accepted (Sept. 1) ; and, 
 under the escort of some royalist horse, the parliamentarian 
 battalions traversed, without a general, without arms, the 
 counties which they had just marched through as conquerors.* 
 
 Meantime, Essex landed at Plymouth, and sent an account 
 to parliament of his disaster. " It is the greatest blow," he 
 wrote, " that ever befel our party ; 1 desire nothing more 
 than to come to the trial ; such losses as these must not be 
 smothered up."j- A week after, he received from London this 
 reply :— 
 
 " My lord, the committee of both kingdoms having ac- 
 quainted the houses of parliament with your lordship's letter 
 from Plymouth, they have commanded us to let you know 
 that as they apprehend the misfortune of that accident, and 
 submit to God's pleasure therein, so their good affections to 
 your lordship, and their opinion of your fidelity and merit in 
 the public service is not at all lessened. And they are re- 
 solved not to be wanting in their best endeavors for repair- 
 ing of this loss, and drawing together such a strength under 
 your^ command as may, with the blessing of God, restore our 
 affairs to a better condition than they are now in, for which 
 purpose they have written to the earl of Manchester to march 
 with all possible speed towards Dorchester, with all the forces 
 he can of horse and foot. Sir William Waller is likewise 
 ordered to march speedily unto Dorchester, with all his horse 
 and foot. The houses have appointed six thousand foot-arms, 
 five hundred pairs of pistols, and six thousand suits of clothes, 
 shirts, &c., to meet your lordship at Portsmouth, for the arm- 
 ijig and encouragement of your forces. And they are confi- 
 dent your lordship's presence in these parts for bringing the 
 forces together into a body, and disposing of them, will very 
 much conduce to the public advantage." 
 
 The surprise of the earl was extreme ; he expected im- 
 
 * Rushworth, ii., 3, 704-^709; Clarendon, ut sup. 
 
 t Essex's letter to sir Philip Stapleton, in Rushworth, ii., 3, 703. 
 
 X In Rushworth (ii., 3, 708), we read : " under their command," but 
 in the Parliamentary History the text is, " under your command," and 
 I have adopted this as by far the most probable. The letter is dated 
 Sept. 7, 1644. 
 
 23 
 
266 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 peachmenl, or at least bitter reproaches ; but his fidelity, so 
 recently proved, the very extent of the disaster, the necessity 
 of producing an effect on the enemy, induced the wavering 
 to rally round his partisans on this occasion, and his adver- 
 saries had resolved to abstain from attacking him. Essex, 
 embarrassed by his misfortune and his fault, no longer seemed 
 to them dangerous ; they knew him well, and foresaw that ere 
 long, to save his dignity such violent shocks as these, he would 
 withdraw from public life. Till then, by treating him with 
 honor, they obtained credit for themselves ; they escaped an 
 inquiry, which they might have found disagreeable, into the 
 real cause of his defeat ; and, lastly, the favorers of peace 
 would now be necessitated to make a new effort for war. Skil- 
 ful as earnest, the independent leaders remained silent, and the 
 parliament appeared unanimous in sustaining this great reverse 
 with dignity. 
 
 Its activity and the firmness of its attitude at first slack- 
 ened the king's movements ; he addressed a pacific message 
 to the house, and for three weeks contented himself with 
 appearing before a few places, Plymouth, Lyme, Portsmouth, 
 which did not surrender. But towards the end of September 
 he learnt that Montrose, who had long since promised him 
 civil war in Scotland, had at last succeeded, and was already 
 obtaining one triumph after another. After the battle of 
 Marston Moor, disguised as a servant and followed only by 
 two companions, Montrose had crossed on foot the borders of 
 Scotland and proceeded to Strathern, the house of his cousin, 
 Patrick Graham of Inchbrachie, at the entrance into the 
 Highlands, to await there the landing of the Irish auxiliaries 
 whom Antrim was to send him. By day he hid himself; at 
 night he traversed the surrounding mountains, collecting in 
 person, from place to place, information from his adherents. 
 The news soon reached him that the Irish troops had landed 
 (July 8), and were advancing into the country, pillaging and 
 ravaging, but not knowing whither to proceed, and seeking the 
 general who had been promised them. They were on the con- 
 fines of Athol, when Montrose, with a single attendant, sud- 
 denly appeared in their camp, dressed as a Highlander. They 
 at once acknowledged him their chief. At the news of his 
 arrival several clans joined him ; without losing a moment, 
 he led them to battle, requiring everything from their eou- 
 
ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 267 
 
 rage, giving up everything to their licentious rapacity ; and in 
 a fortnight he had gained two battles (at Tippermuir, Sept. 1, 
 and at Dee bridge, Sept. 12), occupied Perth, taken Aberdeen 
 by storm, raised most of the northern clans, and spread fear to 
 the very gates of Edinburgh. 
 
 On hearing this news, Charles flattered himself that the 
 disaster of Marston Moor was repaired, that parliament would 
 soon find in the north a powerful adversary, and that he him- 
 self might without fear proceed to follow up his successes in 
 the south. He resolved to march upon London, and to give 
 his expedition a popular and decisive appearance, at the mo- 
 ment of his departure, a proclamation, sent forth in every 
 direction, invited all his subjects in the south and east to rise 
 in arms, choose officers for themselves, and joining him on his 
 way, march with him to summon the parliament at length to 
 accept peace.* 
 
 But parliament had taken its measures : already the com- 
 bined troops of Manchester, Waller, and Essex covered Lon- 
 don on the west ; never had parliament possessed, upon one 
 point, so great an army ; and at the first report of the king's 
 approach, it was augmented by five regiments of the London 
 militia, under the command of sir James Harrington. At the 
 same time, new taxes were imposed ; the commons ordered 
 that the king's plate, till then preserved in the Tower, should 
 be melted down for the public service. When at last it was 
 known that the two armies were in presence of each other, the 
 shops wei'e closed, the people rushed to the churches, and a 
 solemn fast was ordained, to conciliate the blessing of the Lord 
 on the coming battle. f 
 
 In the camp as in the city, it was daily expected : Essex 
 alone, ill, despondent, remained inactive in London, though 
 invested with the command of the army. Informed of his 
 non-departure, parliament charged a joint committee to wait 
 on him and renew the assurance of its trusting affection, Es- 
 sex thanked the committee, but did not join his army.:j: The 
 battle was fought without him, on the 27th of October, at 
 Newbury, almost on the same ground on which, the year be- 
 
 * The proclamation is dated from Chard, September 30th, 1644; 
 Rushworth, ii., 3, 715. 
 
 t Rushworth, ii., 3, 719—720; Pari. Hist, iii., 294, 295, 308. 
 i Whitelocke, lOS ; Pari. Hist., iii., 295. 
 
268 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 fore, on his return from Gloucester, he had so gloriously con- 
 quered. Lord Manchester commanded in his absence. The 
 action was long and desperate ; Essex's soldiers in particular 
 performed prodigies ; at the sight of the cannon they had 
 recently lost in Cornwall, they rushed fiercely on the royal 
 batteries, recovered their artillery, and brought it back to their 
 own lines, embracing the guns in the transport of their joy. 
 On the other hand, some of Manchester's regiments suffered 
 a severe check. For awhile, both parties claimed the victory; 
 but, next morning, the king, renouncing his project against 
 London, commenced his retreat, and proceeded to Oxford to 
 take up his winter quarters.* 
 
 Meantime parliament said very little about its triumph ; no 
 public thanks were offered up, and the day after the news of 
 the battle reached London, the monthly fast, observed by both 
 houses, took place, as usual (Nov. 30, 1644), as if there were 
 no subject for rejoicing. The public were astonished at so 
 much coldness. Disagreeable rumors began to circulate ; the 
 victory, it was said, might have been far more decisive ; but 
 discord reigned among the generals ; they had suffered the 
 king to retreat without impediment, almost in the very face 
 of the army, in a bright moonlight, when the least movement 
 might have prevented it. It was much worse when the news 
 came that the king had just re-appeared in the neighborhood 
 of Newbury, that he had, without interruption, removed his 
 artillery from Donnington castle (Nov. 9),"j' and even offered to 
 renew the battle, without the parliamentary army quitting its 
 inaction. The clamor became general ; the house of com- 
 mons ordered an inquiry ; Cromwell only waited for this 
 opportunity to break out : " It is to the earl of Manchester," 
 he said, " all the blame is to be imputed ; ever since the 
 battle of Marston Moor, he is afraid to conquer, afraid of a 
 great and decisive success ; but now, when the king was last 
 near Newbury, nothing would have been more easy than 
 entirely to destroy his army ; I went to the general, I showed 
 him evidently how this could be done, I desired his leave to 
 make the attack with my own brigade ; other officers urged 
 this with me, but he obstinately refused ; saying only, that if 
 
 * Whitelocke, 109; Clarendon, ii., S27; Pari. Hist., iii., 296 ; Rush- 
 worth, ii., 3, 721—730. 
 
 t Rushw^orth, ii., 3, 729 — 732 : Clarendon, ut sup. 
 
ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 269 
 
 we were entirely to overthrow the king's army, the king 
 would still be king, and always have another army to keep 
 up the war ; while we, if we were beaten, should no longer 
 be anything but rebels and traitors, executed and forfeited by 
 the law." These last words greatly moved parliament, 
 which could not endure that any one should suggest a doubt 
 as to the legality of its resistance. Next day, in the upper 
 house, Manchester answered this attack, explained his con- 
 duct, his words, and in his turn accused Cromwell of insubor- 
 dination, of falsehood, nay, of treachery ; for on the day of 
 the battle, he said, neither he nor his regiment appeared at 
 the post assigned to them. Cromwell did not reply to this 
 charge, but only renewed his own accusations more violently 
 than before.* 
 
 The presbyterians were greatly excited ; for a long time 
 past, Cromwell had given rise to much alarm in their minds. 
 They had seen him at first supple and fawning with Man- 
 chester, exalting him on all occasions at the expense of Essex, 
 and acquiring, by degrees, over his army more power than he 
 himself had. He had made it the refuge of the independents, 
 of sectaries of every class, enemies of the covenant as of the 
 king ; under his protection a fanatical license reigned there ; 
 each man talked, prayed, and even preached according to his 
 own fancy and his own will. In vain, to countervail Crom- 
 well's influence, had they appointed colonel Skeldon Craw- 
 ford, a Scotchman, and rigid presbyterian, major-general ; all 
 that Crawford had done, as yet, was to make an absurd charge 
 of cowardice against Cromwell, while Cromwell, constantly 
 occupied in detecting his adversary's faults, in depreciating 
 him in the opinion of the soldiers, in denouncing him to 
 parliament and to the people, soon rendered him incapable of 
 doing any harm.f Emboldened by this success, and by the 
 visible progress of his party, he had openly declared himself 
 the protector of liberty of conscience, and had even obtained 
 from parliament, with the aid of the free-thinkers and philoso- 
 phers, the formation of a committee (Sept. 13):j: charged to 
 inquire how best they might satisfy the dissenters, or at least 
 
 * Rushworth, ii., 3, 732—736; Pari. Hist, iii., 297; Ludlow, 63; 
 Clarendon, ii., 840; Holies, Memoirs, 19. 
 t Baillie's Letters, ii, 40. 
 j lb., 57 ; Journals, Commons, Sept. 13. 
 23* 
 
270 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 leave them in peace. Now he attacked Manchester himself, 
 never mentioned the Scots but with insult, spoke largely 
 of triumphing without them, and even of driving them out of 
 England, if they attempted to oppress it in their turn ; in a 
 word, carried his daring so far, as to bring into question the 
 throne itself, the lords, the whole ancient and legal order of 
 the country.* Alarmed and indignant, the leaders of the 
 presbyterian and moderate political parties, and the Scottish 
 commissioners, Holies, Stapleton, Merrick, Glynn, &c., met 
 at Essex's house to devise means for defeating so dangerous 
 an enemy. After a long conference, they resolved to consult 
 Whitelocke and Maynard, both eminent lawyers and both 
 highly respected by the house, and whom they had reason to 
 believe favorable to their cause. They were sent for in the 
 name of the lord-general, nearly in the middle of the night, 
 without their being told for what purpose. They arrived 
 somewhat alarmed at the hour and the circumstances. After 
 a few compliments : " Gentlemen," said lord Lowden, the 
 Scottish chancellor, " you know very well that lieutenant- 
 general Cromwell is no friend of ours, and since the advance 
 of our army into England, he hath used all underhand and 
 cunning means to take oif from our honor and merit of this 
 kingdom ; he is also no well-wilier to his excellency, whom 
 you and we all have cause to love and honor • you know very 
 well the accord betwixt the two kingdoms, and the union by 
 the solemn league and covenant, and if any be an incendiary 
 between the two nations, how is he to be proceeded against ? 
 By our law in Scotland, we call him an incendiary who 
 kindleth coals of contention and causeth differences in the 
 state, to the public damage, and he is tanquam puilicus hostis 
 patricB. Whether your law be the same or not, and whether 
 lieutenant-general Cromwell be not such an incendiary as is 
 meant by our term, and in which way would be best to take 
 to proceed against him, if he be such an incendiary, you 
 know best." 
 
 The two lawyers looked at each other ; all were waiting 
 for their answer. After a few moments' silence, Whitelocke 
 rose, and said : "I see none of this honorable company is 
 pleased to discourse further on these points, and I shall there- 
 
 * Whitelocke, 116 ; Journals, Lords, Nov. 28, 1644 ; Clarendon, ut 
 sup. 
 
ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 271 
 
 fore, with submission to his excellency, declare humbly and 
 freely my opinion upon those particulars which have been so 
 clearly proposed and opened by my lord chancellor. The 
 sense of the word ' incendiary ' is the same with us as his 
 lordship hath expressed it to be by the law of Scotland ; 
 whether lieutenant-general Cromwell is such an incendiary 
 cannot be known but by proofs of his particular words or ac- 
 tions, tending to the kindling of this fire of contention betwixt 
 the two nations, and raising of differences between us. I take 
 for a ground that my lord-general and my lords the commis- 
 sionei's of Scotland, being persons of so great honor and au- 
 thority as you are, must not appear in any business, especially 
 of an accusation, but such as you shall see beforehand will be 
 clearly made out, and be brought to the effect intended. I 
 take lieutenant-general Cromwell to be a gentleman of quick 
 and subtle parts, and who hath, especially of late, gained no 
 small interest in the house of commons, nor is he wanting of 
 friends in the house of peers, nor of abilities in himself to 
 manage his own part or defence to the best advantage. I have 
 not yet heard any particulars mentioned by his excellency, 
 nor by my lord-chancellor or any other, nor do I know any in 
 my private observations, which will amount to a clear proof 
 of such matters as will satisfy the house of commons that 
 lieutenant-general Cromwell is an incendiary, and to be pun- 
 ished accordingly. I apprehend it to be doubtful, and there- 
 fore cannot advise that at this time he should be accused for an 
 incendiary ; but rather that direction may be given to collect 
 such particular passages relating to him, and that this being 
 done, we may again wait on your excellency, if you please, 
 and upon view of those proofs we shall be the better able to 
 advise and your lordships to judge what will be fit to be done 
 in this matter." 
 
 Maynard concurred with Whitelocke, adding, that the word 
 " incendiary " was little used in English law, and would give 
 rise to great uncertainty. Holies, Stapleton, and Merrick, 
 strongly urged their views, saying, that Cromwell had not so 
 much influence in the house, that they would readily take it 
 upon themselves to accuse him, and they mentioned facts and 
 words which they said clearly proved his designs. But the 
 Scottish commissioners refused to engage in the struggle. 
 Towards two in the morning, Maynard and Whitelocke I'etired, 
 
272 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 and the conference had no other result than to excite Crom- 
 well to quicken his steps; for "some false brother," says 
 Whitelocke, probably Whitelocke himself, " informed him of 
 what had passed."* 
 
 Essex and his friends sought another sort of remedy for the 
 evil which threatened them ; all their thoughts were directed 
 towards peace. The subject had never been wholly withdrawn 
 from the consideration of parliament : on one occasion a formal 
 motion had produced a debate and a division favorable to peace, 
 in which very few votes, that, indeed, of the speaker alone, 
 decided the fate of the country (March 29) jf and once again, 
 tdie ambassadors of France and Holland, who were continually 
 going backwards and forwards between London and Oxford 
 and Oxford and London, offered their mediation, rarely sin- 
 cere, and always eluded, though with some embarrassment, on 
 both sides. :j: So many persons desired peace, that no one would 
 have dared to show himself openly opposed to it ; and for the 
 last six months, a committee of members of both houses, and 
 of Scotch commissioners, had been engaged in framing pro- 
 posals on the subject. 
 
 All at once the presbyterian party pressed forward the work ; 
 in a few days the proposals were presented to both houses, de- 
 bated, and adopted (Nov. 8) ;§ and on the 20th of November 
 nine commissioners departed to carry them to the king. They 
 thought he was at Wallingford, and presented themselves be- 
 fore that place ; after waiting two hours, while their mission, 
 their safe-conduct, their retinue, were successively made the 
 subjects of quibbling discussion, the governor, colonel Blake, 
 at last received them; to tell them that the king was gone, and 
 that they would probably find him at Oxford. They wished 
 to sleep at Wallingford, but the conversation between Blake 
 
 * Whitelocke, 117; Wood, Athense Oxoniensis, ii., 546. 
 
 t On the motion to appoint a committee to examine the offer of me- 
 diation made by the ambassador of Holland, the house of commons 
 divided, sixty-four to sixty-four : the speaker gave a casting vote in the 
 negative ; Pari. Hist., ii., 253. 
 
 I The ambassadors of Holland offered the mediation of the states- 
 general on the 20th of March, the 12th of July, and the 7th of No- 
 vember, 1644; the count d'Harcourt, ambassador of France, who 
 arrived in London in July, 1644, had an audience with parliament on 
 the 14th of August, and left England in February, 1645 ; Pari. Hist., 
 iii., 252, 253, 278, 285, 293, 298, 314 ; Clarendon, ii., 602. 
 
 §Parl. Hist., iii., 299. 
 
ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 273 
 
 and lord Denbigh, president of tlie committee, soon became so 
 warm, Blake's language so rude, and the attitude of his gar- 
 rison so menacing, that they judged it prudent to retire without 
 delay. The next day, on arriving near Oxford, they stopped 
 on a little hill, at a short distance from the city, and announced 
 themselves to the governor by a trumpeter. Some hours 
 passed, and no answer was returned. The king, walking in 
 his garden, perceived on the hill the group formed by the com- 
 missioners and their suite, inquired who those people were, 
 and on being informed, immediately sent Mr. Killigrew with 
 orders to introduce them into the city, provide lodgings for them, 
 and express his regret that they should have been kept waiting 
 so long. As they passed through the streets of Oxford, under 
 the escort of a few cavaliers, the populace collected together, 
 loaded them with abuse, and even pelted them with stones 
 and mud. Taken to a miserable inn, they had scarcely es- 
 tablished themselves, when a violent tumult arose near their 
 apartment ; Holies and Whitelocke immediately went out ; 
 some royalist officers had entered the great room, and were 
 quarrelling with the commissioners' people, calling them and 
 their masters "wretches," "traitors," "rebels," and not suf- 
 fering them to come near the fire. Holies seized one of the 
 officers by the collar, and roughly shaking him, pushed him 
 out of the room, I'eproaching him for his conduct : Whitelocke 
 did the same ; the doors of the inn were closed, and the govern- 
 or placed a guard there. In the evening, several members of 
 the council, Hyde among others, came to see the commis- 
 sionei's, apologized for the disturbance which had taken place, 
 manifested an extreme desire to co-operate with them in ob- 
 taining peace, and the king sent word that he would receive 
 them next day (Nov. 2).* 
 
 The audience was brief: lord Denbigh read the proposals 
 of parliament aloud, in presence of the council and the court : 
 they were such as the king did not think himself reduced to 
 accept ; they required him to surrender his power to the dis- 
 trust of parliament, his party to its vengeance. More than 
 once a murmur of anger broke forth from among those present ; 
 at one time particularly, when lord Denbigh named prince 
 Rupert and prince Maurice, who were standing by, as ex- 
 
 * Whitelocke, 112 ; Pari. Hist., ill., 310. 
 
274 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 eluded from any amnesty, a roar of laughter was on the lips 
 of the courtiers ; but the king, turning round with a severe 
 look, imposed silence on all, and continued to listen patiently 
 and gravely. The reading over : " Have you power to 
 treat?" asked he of lord Denbigh. "No, sir; we had in 
 charge to bring these propositions to you, and desire your an- 
 swer in writing." " Well," replied the king, " I will give it 
 you as soon as I can ;" and the commissioners returned to their 
 inn.* 
 
 The same evening, with the consent of their colleagues, 
 Holies and Whitelocke paid a visit to lord Lindsey, a gentle- 
 man of the chamber, and an old friend, whose wounds had 
 prevented him from coming to them. They had scarcely 
 been with him a quarter of an hour when the king came in, 
 and advancing towards them with an air of kindness, said, " I 
 am sorry, gentlemen, that you can bring me no better propo- 
 sitions for peace, nor more reasonable than these are." " Sir," 
 replied Holies, " they are such as the parliament thought fit 
 to agree on, and I hope a good issue may be had out of them." 
 The king : 'i I know you could bring no other than what they 
 would send, but I confess I do not a little wonder at some of 
 them, particularly at the qualifications ; surely you yourselves 
 cannot think them to be reasonable or honorable for me to 
 grant." Holies: " Truly, sir, I could have wished that some 
 of them had been otherwise than they are, but your majesty 
 knows that these things are all carried by the major vote." 
 The king : " I know they are, and am confident you who are 
 here and your friends (I must not say your party) in the house, 
 endeavored to have had them otherwise ; for I know you are 
 well-willers to peace." Whitelocke : •' I have had the honor 
 to attend your majesty often here before upon this errand, and 
 am sorry it was not to better effect." The king: "I wish, 
 Mr. Whitelocke, that others had been of your judgment and 
 Mr. Holles's judgment, and then, I believe, we had a happy 
 end to our differences before now ; for my part, I do earnestly 
 desire peace ; and in order to it, and out of the confidence I 
 have of you two that are here with me, I ask your opinion 
 and advice what answer will be best for me to give at this 
 time to your proposition, which may probably further such a 
 
 * Pari. Hist., iii., 310. 
 
ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 275 
 
 peace as all good men desire." Holies: "Your majesty will 
 pardon us if we are not capable, in our present condition, to 
 advise your majesty." Whitelocke : "We now by accident 
 have the honor to be in your majesty's presence ; but our 
 present employment disables us from advising your majesty, 
 if we were otherwise worthy, in this particular." The king: 
 " For your abilities I am able to judge, and I now look not on 
 you in your employments from the parliament, but as friends 
 and my private subjects, I require your advice." Holies : " To 
 speak in a private capacity, your majesty sees that we have 
 been very free ; and touching your answer, I shall say further, 
 that I think the best answer would be your own coming amongst 
 us." The king : " How can I come thither with safety ?" 
 Holies : " I am confident there would be no danger to your 
 person to come away directly to your parliament." The king: 
 " That may be a question ; but I suppose your principals who 
 sent you hither will expect a present answer to your message." 
 Whitelocke : " The best present and the most satisfactory an- 
 swer, I humbly believe, would be your majesty's presence 
 with your parliament." The king : " Let us pass by that ; 
 and let me desire you two, Mr. Holies and Mr. Whitelocke, to 
 go into the next room, and a little confer together, and to set 
 down somewhat in writing, which you apprehend may be fit 
 for me to return as an answer to your message, and that, in 
 your judgment, may facilitate and promote this good work of 
 peace." Holies : " We shall obey your majesty's command." 
 
 They both went into another room ; and, after some hesi- 
 tation, Whitelocke, carefully disguising his handwriting, drew 
 up the opinion the king had requested of them ; then, leaving 
 the paper on the table, they rejoined his majesty. The king 
 went by himself into the room they had quitted, took the 
 paper, came back with it, and then, after some conversation, 
 very gracious on his part, withdrew. The commissioners 
 directly returned to their inn, and maintained with their 
 colleagues, a profound silence as to what had passed.* 
 
 Three days after (Nov. 27),* the king sent for the com- 
 mittee, and, delivering to lord Denbigh a sealed paper, with- 
 out superscription, said : " This is my answer ; take it to 
 those who sent you." Surprised at this unusual form, and at 
 
 * Whitelocke, 113 ; Holies, Memoirs, 38. 
 
276 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 finding the king so obstinate in refusing to give the name of 
 parliament to the houses at Westminster, the earl begged 
 leave to retire for a moment with his colleagues to deliberate 
 on what they should do. " Why should you deliberate ?" 
 said the king ; " you have no power to treat ; you told me so 
 yourself when you arrived, and I know you have had no post 
 since." Lord Denbigh insisted, alleging that the committee 
 might perhaps have some observations to offer to his majesty. 
 " Gentlemen," said the king, warmly, " I will hear anything 
 you have to deliver from London, but none of the fancies and 
 chimef as taken up at Oxford ; by your favor, you shall put 
 no tricks on me." " Sir," replied the earl, " we are not 
 persons to put tricks upon any one, much less upon your 
 majesty." " I mean it not to you." " Will your majesty at 
 least allow us to inquire to whom this paper is addressed ?" 
 " It is my answer ; you must take it, if it were a ballad, or a 
 song of Robin Hood." " The business which brought us here, 
 sire, is of somewhat more importance than a ballad." " I 
 know it ; but I repeat, you told me you had no po^ver to treat ; 
 my memory is as good as yours ; you were only charged to 
 deliver these proposals to me ; an honest postillion would have 
 done as well." " I hope your majesty does not take us for 
 postillions." " I do not say that ; but, once more, this is my 
 answer; you must take it ; I am not bound to anything more." 
 The conversation became warmer every moment. Holies 
 and Pierpoint endeavored in vain to get the king to say, that 
 he addressed his message to the two chambers. The com- 
 missioners at last agreed to receive it in its existing form, and 
 quitted the presence. In the evening, Mr. Ashburnham, the 
 king's valet-de-chambre, came to them. "His majesty," he 
 said, " is sensible some words may have fallen from him in 
 his passion that might give discontent ; it was not so intended 
 by him, and he desires the best construction may be put upon 
 it." The commissioners made protestations of their respect- 
 ful deference to the king's words, and set out for London, 
 accompanied by a trumpeter, authorized to receive the answer 
 of parliament to the sealed paper of which they were the 
 bearers.* 
 
 * Rushworth, ii., 3, 843; Pari. Hist, iii., 309—312; Whitelocke, 
 114. Lord Denbigh's report and Whitelocke's narrative, though both 
 eye-witnesses, present several important points of difference here. 
 
ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 277 
 
 It only contained the request of a safe-conduct for the duke 
 of Richmond and the earl of Southampton, by whom the king 
 promised to send, in a few days, an express and detailed 
 answer. The safe-conduct was at once granted ; and imme- 
 diately upon their arrival (Dec. 14), the two lords had an 
 audience (Dec. 16). Even they did not bring any answer ; 
 their official mission was limited to a request that conferences 
 should be opened, and negotiators named on both sides to treat 
 of peace. But after delivering this message, they remained 
 in London ; the report spread that a crowd of suspected per- 
 sons were arriving ; several members of the two houses had 
 frequent interviews with the two lords. The common council, 
 in which the independents prevailed, manifested great uneasi- 
 ness. The two lords were requested to depart ; they still 
 lingered under frivolous pretexts. The agitation increased ; 
 the passions of the people threatened to break out before 
 party intrigues could be accomplished. At last, urged even 
 by the friends of peace, the two lords returned to Oxford 
 (Dec. 24), and three weeks after their departure, it was 
 agreed that forty commissioners, twenty -three from the parlia- 
 ments of the two kingdoms, and seventeen from the king, 
 should meet at Uxbridge, to discuss regularly the conditions 
 of a treaty.* 
 
 But while the presbyterians were negotiating peace, the 
 independents were preparing war. On the 9th of December, 
 the commons had assembled to take into consideration the 
 sufferings of the kingdom, and to devise some remedy for 
 them. No one rose to speak ; all seemed expecting some 
 decisive measure, of which every one wished to avoid the 
 responsibility. After a long silence, Cromwell addressed the 
 house : " Now is the time to speak, or for ever hold the 
 tongue. The important occasion is no less than to save a 
 nation, out of the bleeding, nay almost dying condition, the 
 long continuance of the war hath already reduced it to. If 
 we do not prosecute this war in a more speedy, vigorous, and 
 effectual manner, casting off all lingering proceedings, like 
 
 but they may be explained by the official character of the first of these 
 documents, evidently arranged among the commissioners, so that it 
 would suit parliament and the occasion. Pari. Hist., iii., 309. 
 
 * Rushworth, ii., 3, 844—846 ; Pari. Hist., iii., 310—320 ; Clarendon, 
 ii., 860. 
 
 24 
 
278 - HISTORY OF THE 
 
 soldiers of fortune beyond sea, to spin out a war, we shall 
 make the kingdom weary of us, and hate the name of a par- 
 liament. For what do the enemy say, nay, what do many 
 say that were friends at the beginning of the parliament ? 
 Even this, that the members of both houses have got great 
 places and commands, and the sword into their hands, and 
 what' by interest in parliament, and what by power in the 
 army, will perpetually continue themselves in grandeur, and 
 not permit the war speedily to end, lest their own power 
 should determine with it. This I speak here to our own 
 faces is but what others do utter abroad behind our backs. I 
 am far from reflecting on any ; I know the worth of those 
 commanders, members of both houses, who are yet in power ; 
 but if I may speak my conscience, without reflection on any, 
 I do conceive, if the army be not put into another method, and 
 the war more vigorously prosecuted, the people can bear the 
 war no longer, and will enforce you to a dishonorable peace. 
 But this I would recommend to your prudence, not to insist 
 upon any complaint or oversight of any commander-in-chief 
 upon any occasion whatsoever ; for as I must acknowledge 
 myself guilty of oversights, so I know they can rarely be 
 avoided in military affairs ; therefore, waiving a strict inquiry 
 into the causes of these things, let us apply ourselves to the 
 remedy which is most necessary ; and I hope we have each 
 true English hearts and zealous affections towards the general 
 weal of our mother country, so as no members of either house 
 will scruple to deny themselves of their own private interests 
 for the public good ; nor account it to be a dishonor done to 
 th\?m, whatever the parliament shall resolve upon in this 
 weighty matter." 
 
 Another member went on : " whatever is the matter, two 
 summers are passed over, and we are not saved. Our victo- 
 ries (the price of blood invaluable) so gallantly gotten, and, 
 which is more, so graciously bestowed, seem to have been put 
 into a bag with holes ; for what we win at one time, we lose 
 at another." A summer's victory has proved but a winter's 
 story : the game has shut up with autumn, to be new played 
 again next spring, as if the blood that has been shed were only 
 to manure the field of war, for a more plentiful crop of con- 
 tention. I determine nothing ; but this I would say, it is 
 apparent that the forces being under several great commanderSj 
 
ENGLISH KE VOLUTION. 279 
 
 want of good correspondency amongst the chieftains has often- 
 times hindered the public service." " There is but one means 
 of ending so many evils," said Zouch Tate, an obscure fanatic, 
 and whom the importance of his proposal did not draw from 
 his obscurity ; " which is that every one of us should freely 
 renounce himself. I move, that no member of either house 
 shall, during this war, enjoy or execute any office or com- 
 mand, civil or military, and that an ordinance be brought in 
 accordingly."* 
 
 This proposal was not absolutely new ; already, the year 
 before (Dec. 12, 1643), a similar idea had been expressed in 
 the upper house, though casually and without result ;f and 
 recently (Nov. 14, 1644), the commons, doubtless to appease 
 public clamor, had ordered an inquiry^ into the number and 
 value of the offices of all kinds held by members of parliament. 
 Either by design or from embarrassment, the presbyterians 
 hesitated at first to oppose Tate's motion, and it passed almost 
 without objection. But two days after, when it was again 
 brought forward in the form of a distinct resolution, the debate 
 was long and violent, and was renewed four times in the course 
 of a week (Dec. 11, 14, 17, 19). It was clear that it was 
 intended to take from the moderate politicians, from the pres- 
 byterians, from the first leaders of the revolution, the execu- 
 tive power, to confine them to Westminster Hall, and to form 
 an ai'my independent of parliament. The opposition was 
 renewed at each sitting, every time with more warmth. Even 
 some who were in the habit of keeping fair with the indepen- 
 dents, spoke against the measure. " You know," said White- 
 locke, " that among the Greeks and Romans the greatest 
 offices, both of war and peace, were conferred upon their 
 senators : and their reasons were, because they, having greater 
 interests than others, were the more capable to do them the 
 greatest service. And having the same interest with the 
 senate, and present at their debates, they understood their 
 business the better, and were less apt to break that trust 
 which so nearly concerned their private interests, which were 
 involved with the public. I humbly submit the application to 
 your judgment ; your ancestoi's did this ; they thought the 
 
 * Rushworth, i., 4, 3—5 ; Pari. Hist, ill., 326 ; Clarendon, ii., 848 ; 
 whose account is evidently inexact. 
 
 t Pari. Hist., iii., 187. X Journals, Commonfl. 
 
280 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 members of parliament fittest to be employed in the greatest 
 offices ; I hope you will be of the same judgment, and not at 
 this time pass this ordinance, and thereby discourage your 
 faithful servants."* 
 
 Others went still further, and openly denounced the secret 
 ambition of their rivals. " You talk of self-renouncing," said 
 they ; " it will be only the triumph of envy and self-ends. "| 
 But the public had little faith in these predictions ; the pres- 
 byterian party was worn out and in discredit ; all who did 
 not belong to it, saw it fall without regret. Though the inde- 
 pendents were far from being in a majority in the house, their 
 proposition passed triumphantly through all its stages : in vain, 
 as a last endeavor, did the friends of Essex require that he 
 should be excepted from the prohibition ; their amendment 
 was rejected ; and, on the 21st of December, the ordinance 
 was definitively adopted,:}: and transmitted to the house of 
 lords. 
 
 The presbyterians rested all their hopes in that house ; the 
 peers had an imperative interest in rejecting the bill ; almost 
 all of them were affected by it ; by it they would lose every 
 vestige of power. But then, herein, as regarded public 
 opinion, was precisely a source of discredit and weakness. 
 To diminish the effect of this, to free themselves from all sus- 
 picion of connivance with the court at Oxford, to discourage 
 the royalist plots, always ready to break out, above all, to gra- 
 tify the passions of the presbyterian party, the leaders of that 
 party, while they sought to check the progress of revolution, 
 offered it concessions and victims. Four prosecutions, begun 
 long ago, but which had been left in abeyance, were resumed 
 and energetically pushed forward ; that of lord Macguire, for 
 taking part in the Irish rebellion ; of the two Hothams, father 
 and son, for having agreed to surrender Hull to the king ; of 
 Sir Alexander Carew for a similar offence in the isle of St. 
 Nicholas, of which he was governor ; finally, of Laud, al- 
 ready more than once begun, laid aside, and resumed. Mac- 
 guire, the Hothams, and Carew, were guilty of recent crimes, 
 legally proved, and which might have imitators ; but Laud, 
 four years a prisoner, aged, infirm, had only to answer for his 
 co-operation in a tyranny, now four years since put an end 
 
 * Whitelocke, 120. f lb. f Dec. 17, by 100 to 93 
 
ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 281 
 
 to. As in the trial of Strafford, it was impossible to prove 
 high treason against him by law. To condemn him, like 
 Strafford, by a bill of attainder, the king's consent was neces- 
 sary ; but theological hatred is as subtle as implacable. At 
 the head of the prosecution was that same Prynne whom Laud 
 had formerly caused to be so odiously mutilated, and who was 
 now eager in his turn to humiliate and crush his enemy. Af- 
 ter a long trial, in which the archbishop showed more talent 
 and prudence than might have been expected, a simple ordi- 
 nance of parliament, voted by seven lords only, and illegal, 
 even according to the traditions of parliamentary tyranny, 
 pronounced his condemnation. He died with pious courage, 
 full of contempt for his adversaries, and of fear for the future 
 fate of the king.* The other trials had the same result ; and 
 in six weeks, the scaffold was erected five times on Tower- 
 hill, f oftener than had occurred since the commencement of 
 the revolution.:}: The measures of general government were 
 directed in the same spirit. A week before Laud's execution 
 (Jan. 3), the liturgy of the Anglican church, hitherto tole- 
 rated, was definitively abolished ; and on the proposal of the 
 assembly of divines, a book entitled " Directions for Public 
 Worship " received in its stead the sanction of parliament. § 
 The party leaders were quite aware that this innovation would 
 meet with great opposition, and cared little for its success ; 
 but to retain the power about to escape them, they needed all 
 the support of the fanatical presbyterians, and refused them 
 nothing. The independents, on their side, used every effort 
 to get the upper house to adopt the decisive ordinance ; peti- 
 tions recommenced, some of them even threatening, demand- 
 ing that the lords and commons should sit together in one as- 
 
 * According to the Journals of the House of Lords, twenty peers sat 
 on the day on which Laud was condemned ; but probably several went 
 out before the vote was taken ; for it is shown, by unquestionable docu- 
 ments, that the majority who condemned him consisted only of the 
 earls of Kent, Pembroke, Salisbury, Bolingbroke, and the lords North, 
 Grey of Wark, and Bruce (Somers' Tracts, ii., 287). Lord Bruce after- 
 wards denied that he had voted. 
 
 t Sir Alexander Carew was executed Dec. 23, 1644 ; John Hotham, 
 the younger, Jan. 1, 1645 ; Sir John Hotham, Jan. 2; Laud, Jan. 10 ; 
 and lord Macguire, Feb. 20. 
 
 t State Trials, iv., 315, &c. ; Pari. Hist, iii., 315, 320, 322. 
 
 § Neal, Hist, of the Puritans, iii., 127. 
 
 24* 
 
282 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 sembly.* A solemn fast was ordained (Dec. 18), in order to 
 call down, upon so grave a deliberation, some light from the 
 Lord ; the two houses only were present at the sermons 
 preached that day in Westminster, doubtless to leave the 
 preachers a fuller career, and Vane and Cromwell had taken 
 care to select their men."}" At last, after repeated messages 
 and conferences, the commons went in a body to the upper 
 house to demand the adoption of the ordinance (Jan. 13),:]: 
 but the lords had taken their resolution, and on the very day 
 of this marked step, the ordinance was rejected. 
 
 The victory seemed great and the moment propitious for 
 making use of it. The negotiations at Uxbridge were draw- 
 ing near. On the urgent entreaties of the fugitive members 
 who had obscurely opened at Oxford their second session, 
 Charles had at last consented (towards the end of December, 
 1644) to give the name of parliament to the houses at West- 
 minster : " If there had been in the council," he wrote to the 
 queen, " but two persons of my mind, I would never have 
 given way."§ He had at the same time named his commis- 
 sioners,|l who were nearly all friends of peace ; and among 
 the parliament commissioners,^ Vane, St. John, and Prideaux, 
 alone entertained other views. On the 29th of January the 
 negotiators arrived at Uxbridge, full of good intentions and 
 hope. 
 
 They met with mutual earnestness and courtesy. They 
 had all long known each other ; many, before these sad dis- 
 
 * Rushworth, i., 4, 5 ; Lingard, Hist, of England, x., 282. 
 
 t Clarendon, ii., 845; Whitelocke, 119. 
 
 i Pari. Hist., iii , 333—337 ; Rushworth, i., 4, 7 ; Whitelocke, 123. 
 
 § Memoirs of Ludlow. 
 
 II The duke of Richmond, the marquis of Hertford, the earls of South- 
 ampton, Kingston, and Chichester; the lords Capel, Seymour, Hatton, 
 and Colepepper ; the secretai-y of state Nicholas, sir Edward Hyde, sir 
 Edward Lane, sir Orlando Bridgeman, sir Thomas Gardiner, Mr. John 
 Ashburton, Mr. Geoffrey Palmer, Dr. Stewart, and their suite, in all 
 one hundred and eight persons. 
 
 IT The earls of Northumberland, Pembroke, Salisbury, and Denbigh ; 
 lord Wenman, Messrs. Denzil Holies, William Pierp.oint, Oliver St. 
 John, Whitelocke, John Carew, Edmund Prideaux, and sir Harry 
 Vane, for the English parliament ; the earl of Lowden, the marquis of 
 Argyle, the lords Maitland and Balmerino, sir Archibald Johnston, sir 
 Charles Erskine, sir John Smith, Messrs. George Dundas, Hugh Ken- 
 nedy, Robert Berkley, and Alexander Henderson, for the Scottish par- 
 liament, with their suite ; in all, one hundred and eight persons. 
 
ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 283 
 
 sensions, had been united by ties of friendship. On the very- 
 evening of their arrival, Hyde, Colepepper, Pahxier, White- 
 locke, Holies, Pierpoint, exchanged visits, congratulating each 
 other on working together to procure peace for the country. 
 More embarrassment and reserve, however, was observable 
 in the commissioners from Westminster, who bore the yoke 
 of rougher and more mistrustful masters. The negotiations 
 were to last twenty days ; the subjects for special considera- 
 tion were religion, the militia, and Ireland. It was agreed 
 that each of these questions should be discussed for three 
 days, taken as might be arranged, consecutively or alternately. 
 So long as these preliminaries were the only business in hand, 
 everything went on very smoothly ; there was entire confi- 
 dence on both sides, perfect politeness. But when, at length, 
 the real discussion began (Jan. 30), around the table at which 
 the negotiators were seated, all the difficulties reappeared. 
 Each of the parliamentary factions had its fundamental point, 
 of which it would not bate a jot ; the presbyterians, the pri- 
 vileged establishment of their church ; the politicians, the 
 command of the militia ; the independents, liberty of con- 
 science ; and the king, obliged to concede to all, only obtained 
 from each such sacrifices as the others absolutely refused. 
 Each party, moreover, kept constantly in view the question 
 whether, peace being concluded, power would be in its hands, 
 for neither would treat except on this condition. The subject 
 of religion being taken first, the discussion soon assumed the 
 character of a theological controversy ; they argued, instead 
 of negotiating ; they were more anxious to make out a case 
 than to make peace. By degrees, acrimony pervaded the in- 
 tercourse late so amicable ; it even made its way into those 
 private conversations in which some of the negotiators at times 
 sought to remove the obstacles which impeded their public 
 discussions. Among the commissioners from Oxford, Hyde, 
 more especially, was courted by those of Westminster, who 
 knew him to be a man of superior judgment, and in great 
 credit with the king. Lord Lowden, chancellor of Scotland, 
 and the earls of Pembroke and Denbigh, had long and frank 
 interviews with him on the dangers of the future, on the sinis- 
 ter designs which were fermenting in parliament, on the neces- 
 sity that the king should give up a great deal to save the whole. 
 Hyde readily entered into these communications ; but the sus- 
 
284 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 ceptibility of his self-love, the unbending haughtiness of his 
 intellect, his dry and sarcastic tone, his scornful honesty, nearly 
 always offended and repelled those who sought his society. 
 The least incident revealed all these perplexities, all the fu- 
 tility of the peaceful wishes of the negotiators. On a market 
 day, in the church of Uxbridge, a man of the name of Love, 
 a fanatic preacher from London, inveighed, in the presence of 
 a large congregation, against the royalists and the treaty, with 
 the. most outrageous virulence. " No good can come of it," 
 said he ; " those people are here from Oxford with hearts full 
 of blood ; they only want to amuse the people till they can do 
 them some notable injury ; this treaty is as far from peace as 
 heaven from hell." The king's commissioners required that 
 the man should be punished for his insolence, but the parlia- 
 mentarians dared do no more than send him from Uxbridge.* 
 Unfavorable reports circulated as to the king's real intentions ; 
 it vi^as said that though he had yielded so far to the wishes of 
 his council he had no wish for peace, had promised the queen 
 to conclude nothing without her consent, and was far more 
 intent upon fomenting the internal dissensions of parliament, 
 than on coming to a genuine understanding with it. He was 
 even suspected of being secretly in treaty with the papists of 
 Ireland to raise an army among them ; and the most solemn 
 protestations of his commissioners did not succeed in dispel- 
 ling the distrust of the city on this subject. 
 
 Meanwhile the assigned period for terminating the negoti- 
 ations approached, and the parliament showed very little in- 
 clination to prolong them. Desperate at seeing the negotia- 
 tors about to separate without result, the friends of peace, 
 towards the middle of February, concerted a final effort. It 
 seemed to them that some concession on the part of the king 
 with reference to the militia, the offer, for instance, of giving 
 up the command of it for some years to leaders, half of whom 
 should be named by parliament, would not be without its 
 effect. Lord Southampton proceeded in all haste to Oxford 
 to obtain this concession fi'om the king. Charles at first re- 
 fused ; the earl entreated ; other noblemen joined him, on 
 their knees, in supplicating the king, for the sake of his crown 
 and his people, not to reject this chance of favorable negotia- 
 
 * Clarendon, ii., 267; Rushworth, ii , 3, 848 ; Whitelocke, 127. 
 
ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 285 
 
 tion. Charles at last yielded ; and the desire for peace was 
 so fervent in the minds of his councillors, that in their joy at 
 this success, all difficulties seemed well nigh at an end. 
 Fairfax and Cromwell were among those to whom the king 
 was himself to propose that the command of the militia should 
 be entrusted. At supper, gaiety-reigned round the royal ta- 
 ble. The king complained that his wine was not good ; "I 
 hope," said one of the company, laughingly, " that, in a few 
 days, your majesty will drink better at Guildhall with the 
 lord mayor." Next morning, lord Southampton, about to 
 x'eturn to [Jxbridge, waited on the king to receive, in writing, 
 the instructions agreed upon ; but to his extreme astonish- 
 ment, Charles withdrew his promise, and definitively refused 
 the concession.* 
 
 A letter from Montrose, received during the night from the 
 other end of Scotland, with a rapidity almost unexampled, had 
 induced this sudden change. A fortnight before, at Inver- 
 lochy, in Argyleshire, Montrose had gained a brilliant victory 
 over the Scottish troop commanded by Argyle himself (Feb. 
 2).'|- After giving an account of it to the king, he went on to 
 express' his utter aversion to all treaties with the rebel parlia- 
 ment in England. " Greatly," he wrote — " greatly as the 
 success of your majesty's arms in Scotland had exhilarated 
 my heart, this news from England has more than counterba- 
 lanced that joy. The last time I had the honor of seeing 
 your majesty, I fully explained to you what I know so well to 
 be the designs of your rebellious subjects in both kingdoms ; 
 and your majesty may, perhaps, remember how much you 
 were then convinced that I was in the right. I am sure that 
 since then nothing could have happened which can have 
 changed your majesty's opinion on the subject. The more 
 you grant, the more will be demanded of you ; and I have 
 but too many reasons to be certain that they will not be con- 
 tent till they have rendered your majesty a mere king of 
 straw. Pardon me, then, august and sacred sovereign, if I 
 venture to say that, in my humble opinion, it is unworthy of 
 a king to treat with rebel subjects while they retain the sword 
 in hand. God forbid that I should seek to repress the mercy 
 
 * Wellwood's Memoirs (1718), 62 ; Banks, A Critical Review of the 
 Life of Oliver Cromwell (1769), lOS. 
 fWhitelocke, 133. 
 
286 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 of your majesty ! but I shudder with horror when I think of a 
 treaty being in hand wliile your majesty and those people are 
 in the field, with two armies. Permit me, in all humility, to 
 assure your majesty that, with the blessing of God, I am in 
 the right way to make this kingdom submit again to your 
 power ; and if the measures I have concerted with your other 
 faithful subjects do not fail, which is hai-dly to be supposed, 
 before the end of this summer, I shall be in a position to come 
 to the assistance of your majesty, with a gallant army ; and, 
 sustained by the justice of your cause, you will inflict on these 
 rebels, in England and in Scotland, the just chastisement of 
 their rebellion. When I have submitted this kingdom to your 
 power, and have conquered from Dan to Beer-sheba, as I 
 doubt not I shall very quickly, I hope I may have then to say, 
 as David's general said to his master : ' Cojue thou, let this 
 country be called by my name /' for in all my actions I have 
 nothing in view but the glory and interest of your majesty."* 
 This letter had restored to the king his utmost hopes ; though 
 less confident, lord Southannpton did not insist ; and he brought 
 the refusal to Uxbridge, without explaining the cause of it. 
 The conferences were broken off, and the presbyterian chiefs 
 returned to Westminster, almost broken-hearted at a discom- 
 fiture, which threw them back once more into all the dangers 
 of their situation. f 
 
 In their absence, that situation had grown still more perilous. 
 Compelled to abandon, for awhile at least, the self-denying 
 ordinance, the independents had directed their most ardent 
 efforts to the measure which was to accompany it, the reorgani- 
 zation of the army. In a few days, everything had been pre- 
 pared, concerted, settled ; the plan, the form, the expense, the 
 means of providing for it.ij: Only one army was for the future 
 to be kept on foot, composed of twenty-one thousand men, and 
 commanded by one general, who was even to be invested with 
 the right of naming all the officers, subject to the approbation 
 of parliament. This general was Fairfax. For a long time 
 past, his distinguished valor, the frankness of his character, 
 the success of his expeditions, the warlike enthusiasm with 
 which his presence inspired the troops, had fixed public atten- 
 
 * Wellwood, ut sup. ] Whitelocke, 134. 
 
 f The new army was to cost 56,135Z. a mouth ; to be raised in nine- 
 teen counties ; Rushworth, i., 4, 8 — 13. 
 
ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 287 
 
 tion upon him ; and Cromwell had answered, publicly in the 
 house, privately to his party, for the fitness of this choice. 
 Essex retained his rank, Waller and Manchester their com- 
 missions, but without even a shadow of power. On the 28th 
 of January, the ordinance which was to regulate the execu- 
 tion of this measure was sent to the lords. They endeavored 
 at least to retard its adoption, by proposing various amend- 
 ments, and protracting the debate on each. But in this in- 
 stance resistance was difficult, for the ordinance had the sanc- 
 tion of the people, who were convinced that the multiplicity 
 of armies and their chiefs was the true cause of the prolonga- 
 tion and inefficacy of the war. Strong in this support, the 
 commons urged the measure forward ; the lords at last yielded 
 (Feb. 15) ; and on the 19th of February, two days before the 
 rupture of the negotiations at Uxbridge, Fairfax, introduced 
 into the house, received with a simple and modest air, stand- 
 ing by the chair which had been prepared for him, the official 
 compliments of the speaker.* 
 
 On their return to Westminster, the presbyterian leaders 
 endeavored to redeem this defeat. The upper house com- 
 plained bitterly of the injurious and even threatening language 
 which had been lately used in reference to them, and of the 
 report everywhere in circulation that the commons meditated 
 the abolition of the peerage. The commons answered by a 
 solemn declaration of their profound respect for the rights of 
 the lords and their firm resolution to uphold them (March 24). f 
 The Scottish commissioners addressed to both houses (March 
 3), in the name of the covenant, a remonstrance at once sharp 
 and timid.:}: The commons, without noticing it, transmitted to 
 the lords another ordinance, still further enlarging Fairfax's 
 powers, and striking out from his commission the injunction 
 hitherto repeated in all similar documents, " to watch over the 
 safety of the king's person." The lords voted that it should 
 be restored; the commons refused (March 29): "this phrase," 
 they said, " would dishearten their soldiers, and encourage the 
 king to adventure his person to come at the head of his army 
 into any danger." The lords insisted, and in three successive 
 debates, notwithstanding the active eiforts of the commons, the 
 
 *Whitelocke, 131; Pari. Hist., iii., 340; Rushworth, i., 3, 7; 
 Holies, 34. 
 
 t Pari. Hist., iii., 348. J lb., 346. 
 
288 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 votes were equally divided in the upper house on this ques- 
 tion.* Everything remained in suspense : the commons de- 
 clared that, for their part, having now done everything in their 
 power, if the delay caused any misfortune, the lords alone 
 must answer for it to the country (March 31). -j" The latter 
 began to grow weary of a resistance of which they foresaw 
 not only the futility, but the approaching end. While this was 
 going on, the marquis of Argyle arrived from Scotland : a 
 presbyterian in religion, he inclined in politics to the bolder 
 class of thinkers ; and the independents, Vane and Cromwell 
 in particular, soon contracted an intimacy with him. Argyle, 
 besides, had recent injuries to avenge : a man of supple and 
 profound intellect, with great activity of mind, but firmer in 
 the council than in the field, he had gone no nearer the battle, 
 in which the Scots were defeated at Inverlochy by Montrose, 
 than the middle of the lake, and had taken to flight the instant 
 he saw his soldiers disperse.:}: From that day, both in England 
 and in Scotland, the cavaliers never mentioned his name with- 
 out insult, and their complete fall could alone satisfy his ven- 
 geance. He employed his influence to dissuade the Scottish 
 commissioners and some of the presbyterian leaders from fur- 
 ther opposition, not only to the reorganization of the army, but 
 to the self-denying ordinance itself; an opposition, he said, 
 ft'om which everything sufliered, and which sooner or later the 
 necessity of the case must inevitably overcome. § Essex saw 
 the resolution of his friends daily more and more wavering. 
 Determined to anticipate their weakness, he announced that he 
 would resign his commission ; and on the 1st of April, rising 
 in his place in the upper house, with a paper in his hand, to 
 which he constantly referred, for he was altogether unskilled 
 in the art of speaking, he said : ", My lords, having received 
 this great charge in obedience to the commands of both houses, 
 and taken their sword into my hand, I can with confidence say 
 that I have for these now almost three years, faithfully served 
 you, and I hope, without loss of honor to myself or prejudice to 
 the public. I see, by the now coming up of these ordinances, 
 that it is the desire of the house of commons that my commis- 
 sion may be vacated ; and it hath been no particular respect tQ 
 
 * Pari. Hist., iii., 350. f lb. 
 
 t Malcolm Laing, Hist, of Scotland, &c., iii., 294. 
 
 § Clarendon, ii., 910. 
 
ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 289 
 
 myself (whatever is whispered to the contrary) that hath made 
 me thus long omit to declare my readiness thereto, it being not 
 unknown to divers men of honor that I had resolved it after 
 the action of Gloucester, but that some importunities (pressed 
 on me with arguments of public advantage, and that by those 
 of unquestionable affection) overruled me therein. I now do 
 it, and return my commission into those hands that gave it me ; 
 wishing it may prove as good an expedient to the present dis- 
 tempers as some will have it believed. I think it not immo- 
 dest, that I entreat both houses that those officers of mine which 
 are now laid by, might have their debentures audited, some 
 considerable part of their arrears paid them for their support, 
 and the remainder secured them by the public faith. My 
 lords, I know that jealousies cannot be avoided in the unhappy 
 condition of our present affairs, yet wisdom and chai'ity should 
 put such restraint thereto, as not to allow it to become destruc- 
 tive. I hope that this advice from me is not unseasonable, 
 wishing myself and friends may, among others, participate the 
 benefit thereof; this proceeding from my affection to the par. 
 liament, the prosperity whereof I shall ever wish from my 
 heart, what return soever it bring myself — I being no single 
 example, in that kind, of that fortune I now undergo."* 
 
 This speech seemed to the upper house quite a providential 
 deliverance. They hastened to inform the commons that they 
 adopted the ordinance for the reorganization of the army, with- 
 out amendment (April 3). At the same time the earls of Den- 
 bigh and Manchester also gave in their resignation. The 
 house voted them, for this patriotic sacrifice, thanks and pro- 
 mises, which the commons fully sanctioned. The next day, 
 a self-denying ordinance, somewhat differing from the first, but 
 tending to just the same results, passed without obstacle in the 
 upper house ;f and men congratulated themselves on seeing at 
 last terminated a contest which had caused them so much 
 anxiety. 
 
 *Parl. Hist, iii., 352. 
 
 t Pari. Hist., iii., 353-355. See the self-denying ordinance, in the 
 Parliamentary History, iii., 355. 
 
 25 
 
290 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 BOOK THE SIXTH. 
 
 1645—1646. 
 
 Formation of the army of the independents — Cromwell retains his 
 command — Campaign of 1645 — Alarms of parliament — Battle of 
 Naseby — The parliament seizes and publishes the king's private cor- 
 respondence —-Decline of the royalist party in the west — Flight and 
 anxiety of the Iting — Montrose's victory in Scotland — The king 
 attempts to join him, but without success — Defeat of Montrose — The 
 king's stay at Newark — He returns to Oxford and seeks to renew ne- 
 gotiations with the parliament — The parliament rejects the overture 
 — New elections — The king treats with the insurgent Irish — The 
 treaty discovered — Defeat of the last royalist troops — The king es- 
 capes from Oxford and seeks refuge in the Scottish camp. 
 
 No sooner had Essex and Manchester given in their resigna- 
 tion, than Fairfax quitted London (April 3), and fixing his 
 head-quarters at Windsor, set himself assiduously to work to 
 form, out of their two ai'mies, the new force he was to com- 
 mand. It had been predicted that this process would meet 
 with violent resistance ; and Cromwell, to whom as well as to 
 Essex and Manchester, the self-denying ordinance extended, 
 had repelled all such fears, protesting, that as far as he was 
 concerned, " his soldiers had been taught to march or remain, 
 to fight or to lay down their arms, according to the commands 
 of parliament." Some seditions, however, broke out, particu- 
 larly at Reading, where there were five regiments of Essex's 
 infantry, and in Hertfordshire, where eight squadrons of his 
 cavalry were quartered, under the command of colonel Dal- 
 bier. The presence of Skippon, who had been named major- 
 general of the new army, and his rough but effective eloquence, 
 sufficed to appease the regiments at Reading (April 6). Those 
 of Dalbier were not so readily tranquillized ; it was even re- 
 ported in London that they were about to join the king at Ox- 
 ford ; and St. John, ever violent and disposed to seventy, wrote 
 to the leaders in Hertfordshire, to fall suddenly, and sword in 
 hand, on the factious, But through the influence of some of 
 the cashiered officers and of Essex himself, Dalbier at last 
 submitted, and proceeded to head-quarters. In truth, the dis- 
 
ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 291 
 
 content among the soldiers was of no very marked character, 
 and they resigned themselves without difficulty to their new 
 leaders. The parliament gave them a fortnight's pay, and 
 ordered that the confiscated estates of some of the delinquents 
 should be sold to satisfy the most pressing demands. Crom- 
 well's soldiers also mutinied, notwithstanding his guarantee to 
 the contrary, declaring they would serve under no other leader ; 
 and Cromwell alone had power enough over them to make 
 them return to their duty. At the first intimation of their in- 
 subordination, he set off" to render, as he said, this last service 
 to parliament before he quitted his command. Towards the 
 20th of April, the work was almost accomplished ; all the new 
 corps were organized without difficulty ; in London alone, the 
 excitement was prolonged by the crowds of cashiered officers 
 whoall flocked thither, either to solicit the payment of their 
 arrears, or to watch the progress of events.* 
 
 At Oxford the king and court were full of hope. After the 
 rupture of the negotiations at Uxbridge, and notwithstanding 
 the brilliant news from Scotland, Charles had felt some unea- 
 siness. Though by no means eager for peace, it was his 
 interest that the pacific party should predominate at West- 
 minster, and their defeat alarmed him for the moment. He 
 resolved to separate from his son Charles, prince of Wales, 
 who was now approaching his fifteenth year, and to send him, 
 with the title of generalissimo, into the western counties, both 
 to give to those faithful districts a chief capable still of ani- 
 mating their devotion, and to divide the perils which might 
 threaten royalty. Hyde, and lords Capel and Colepepper, were 
 ordered to accompany the prince and direct everything in his 
 name. Such was, at this period, the despondency of the king's 
 thoughts, that he conversed several times with Hyde on what 
 would happen if he himself were to fall into the hands of the 
 rebels, and indirectly sounded him, by means of lord Digby, 
 as to whether in case of need and without orders, and even 
 contrary to ostensible orders, he would decide to take the prince 
 out of England, and convey him to the continent. " Such 
 questions," answered Hyde, " cannot be resolved until the 
 time of need ;" and on the 4th of March the prince and his 
 councillors took leave of the king, whom they never saw 
 
 * Holies, Memoirs, 31, et passim; Rushworth, i., 4, 17. 
 
292 HISTOEY OF THE 
 
 again.* But a month after, when it was known at Oxford 
 what obstacles impeded the reorganization of the parliamentary 
 army, when the regiments were seen in insurrection, and the 
 most illustrious officers put aside, confidence and gaiety reap- 
 peared among the cavaliers. Soon they only spoke with de- 
 rision of this mob of peasants and preaching mechanics, idiots 
 enough to drive from them generals whose names and ability 
 had constituted their sole strength, and to raise to the command 
 officers as obscure, as utter novices as their soldiers. Songs, 
 jests, puns, were daily sent forth against the parliament and 
 its defenders ; and the king, in spite of his grave tempera- 
 ment, allowed himself to be persuaded by these convenient 
 arguments. He had, besides, secret hopes, arising from in- 
 trigues of which even his most intimate confidants were 
 ignorant. 
 
 Towards the end of April, Fairfax announced that in a few 
 days he should open the campaign. Cromwell went to Wind- 
 sor, to kiss, as he said, the general's hand, and take him his 
 resignation. On seeing him enter the room, Fairfax said, 
 " I have just received from the committee of the two kingdoms 
 an order which has reference to you ; it directs you to proceed 
 directly with some horse, to the road between Oxford and Wor- 
 cester, to intercept communications between prince Rupert and 
 the king."f The same evening Cromwell departed on his mis- 
 sion, and in five days, before any other corps of the new army 
 had put itself in motion, he had beaten the royalists in three 
 encounters (April 24, at Islip-bridge ; 26, at Witney ; 27, at 
 Bampton Bush), taken Bletchington (April 24), and sent to 
 the house a full report of his success. :}: " Who will bring me 
 this Cromwell, dead or alive ! "§. cried the king ; while in 
 London all were rejoicing that he had not yet given in his 
 resignation. 
 
 A week had scarcely passed, and the parliament had already 
 made up its mind that he should not resign. The campaign 
 had commenced (April 30). The king, quitting Oxford (May 
 7), had rejoined prince Rupert, and was proceeding towards 
 the north, either to raise the siege of Chester, or to give battle 
 
 * Clarendon, Mem., i., 230. 
 
 t Sprigg, Anglia Rediviva (London, 1G47), 10; Rushworth, i., 4, 23. 
 
 i Pari. Hist, iii., 359 ; Rushworth, i., 4, 24. 
 
 § Bank's Critical Review, &c., 23. 
 
ENGLISH REVOLUTION, 293 
 
 to the Scottish army, and regain on that side his former advan- 
 tages ; if he succeeded, he would be in a position to threaten, 
 as he pleased, the east or the south ; and Fairfax, then on his 
 way to the west, to deliver the important town of Taunton, 
 closely invested by the prince of Wales, could not oppose his 
 progress. Fairfax was recalled (May 5) ; but, meantime, 
 Cromwell alonw was in a condition to watch the king's move- 
 ments. Notwithstanding the ordinance, he received orders to 
 continue his service forty days (May 10.)* Sir William 
 Brereton, sir Thomas Middleton, and sir John Price, distin- 
 guished officers, and members of the commons, received simi- 
 lar orders,^ either from similar motives, or that Cromwell 
 might not seem the only exception. 
 
 Fairfax hastened his return ; the king had continued his 
 march towards the north ; in London, without its being alto- 
 gether known why, the alarm was somewhat appeased ; no 
 royalist army any longer covered Oxford, the focus of war in 
 the centre of the kingdom ; the parliament believed it had as- 
 sured friends in the place ; Fairfax received orders to invest 
 it (May 17).:}: If he took it, it would be an immense success; 
 if the siege was prolonged, he could proceed thence without 
 obstacle, to any point which the king might threaten. Crom- 
 well joined him before Oxford. 
 
 They had scarcely met when alarm once more spread 
 throughout London, more intense than ever. Every day un- 
 favorable news came from the north ; the Scottish army, instead 
 of marching to meet the king and give him battle, had fallen 
 back towards the border ; from necessity, according to some, 
 in order to be in a position to oppose the growing progress of 
 Montrose in that kingdom ; from ill humor, according to others, 
 because parliament had refused to submit to the yoke of pres- 
 byterians and strangers. § However this may have been, fa- 
 vored by their retreat, the king had only to approach the walls 
 of Chester to raise the siege ; and, easy as to this place, his 
 medium of communication with Ireland, he directed his march 
 towards the confederate counties of the east, hitherto the bul- 
 wark of parliament. At all hazards, it was essential to secure 
 
 * Pari Hist., iii., 361 ; Whitelocke, 145. f Whitelocke, 146. 
 
 f The siege began on the 22d; Rushworth, i., 4, 33 ; Pari. Hist, 
 iii , 364 ; Journals, Lords. 
 
 § Old Pari. Hist., xiii., 474—488. 
 25* 
 
294 HISTOEY OF THE 
 
 them from this invasion. No one could effect this object so 
 well as Cromwell, for in that quarter, more especially, his in- 
 fluence prevailed ; there had commenced his military levies, 
 his military triumphs. He received orders to move directly 
 upon Cambridge, and take in hand the defence of the con- 
 federation.* 
 
 A more pressing danger soon occasioned his recal. A week 
 after his departure came the news that the king had taken the 
 rich town of Leicester by storm (June 1, 1645), and that, in 
 the west, Taunton, of late relieved by a detachment of Fair- 
 fax's army, was again closely besieged. f Utter consternation 
 prevailed ; the presbyterians triumphed : " There," said they, 
 *' is the fruit of your boasted re-organization ! since it has been 
 effected, what has been seen ? Vague speculation and defeats. 
 The king takes one of our best places in a day, while your 
 general remains motionless before Oxford, doubtless waiting 
 for the women of the court to get frightened, and open the 
 gates to him.:]: The only answer to this was a petition from 
 the common council, presented to the upper house, § on the 5th 
 of June, in which all the mischief was attributed to the inac- 
 tivity of the Scots, to the delays which still impeded the recruit- 
 ing of the army, to the pretension kept up by parliament to 
 regulate at a distance the operations of the war ; the petitioners 
 demanded that more discretion should be given to the general, 
 a more decisive intimation to the Scots, to Cromwell his former 
 command. At the same time, Fairfax received ordei's (June 
 5) to leave the siege of Oxford, to go in search of the king, 
 and fight at any rate. Before he set out he sent to parliament 
 an application, signed by himself and sixteen colonels, for 
 Cromwell to join him, an officer, he said, indispensably needed 
 to command the cavalry. || The lords deferred their answer, 
 but the authorization of the commons was prompt, and accepted 
 as sufficient. Fairfax immediately sent word to Cromwell 
 (June 11) ;1[ all the regiments hastened their march ; and on 
 the 12th of June, a little to the west of Northampton, some of 
 the parliamentary cavalry, sent to reconnoitre, unexpectedly 
 came upon a detachment of the king's army. 
 
 * Rushworth, i., 4, 35 ; May, A Breviary of the History of the Par- 
 liament (1655), 126 ; Holies, 35. 
 
 t Whitelocke, 149. J Clarendon, ii., 980. § Pari. Hist, iii., 365. 
 II Pari. Hist, iii., 368. If Rushworth, i., 4, 39. 
 
ENGLISH KEVOLUTtON. 295 
 
 He was far from expecting their approach ; informed of 
 the blockade of Oxford, and yielding to the fears of the be- 
 sieged court, who entreated him to return,* he had given up 
 his expedition into the northern and eastern counties, and 
 marched to relieve his head-quarters. But his confidence 
 was not shaken ; on the contrary, another victoiy by Mon- 
 trose had just still more highly elated his spirits. f " Never, 
 since the beginning of the rebellion," he wrote to the queen, 
 " have my affairs been in so good a position" (June 9)4 He 
 accordingly continued his march leisurely, stopping in such 
 places as pleased his eye, spending whole days in hunting, and 
 permitting to his cavaliers, who were still more confident 
 than he, as much liberty as himself.§ On the first intimation 
 of the near approach of the parliamentary army, he fell back 
 towards Leicester, to rally his troops, and await those which 
 were to reach him shortly from Wales or from the western 
 counties. The next day (June 13), at supper time, his con- 
 fidence was still unimpaired, and he had no thought of giving 
 battle. 11 But he was informed that some of the parliamenta- 
 rian squadrons were harassing his rear-guard. Ci'omwell had 
 been with the army for several hours. H A council of war 
 was immediately called ; and towards midnight, notwithstand- 
 ing the opposition of several officers, who entreated that the 
 reinforcements should be waited for, prince Rupert caused it 
 to be decided that they should instantly turn and advance upon 
 the enemy. 
 
 The meeting took place the next morning (June 14), at 
 Naseby, to the north-west of Northampton. At dawn of day 
 the king's army formed on a slight eminence, in an advanta- 
 geous position. The scouts, sent to reconnoitre the parlia- 
 mentary army, returned in two hours, and reported that they 
 saw nothing of it. Rupert, losing patience, went himself on 
 the look-out, with a few squadrons ; it was agreed that the 
 army should remain stationary till he returned. He had 
 scarcely gone a mile and a half before the advanced guard 
 
 * Memoirs of James II. 
 
 t Gained at Auldearn, in the county of Nairn, in the north of Scot- 
 land, the 4th of May, 1645. 
 
 X Ludlow, Mem. § Rushworth, i., 4, 40 ; Clarendon, ii., 9S5. 
 
 II Evelyn, Memoirs, ii., App. 97, in a letter from the king to the 
 socretary of state, Nicholas, dated the 13th of June. 
 
 IT Rushworth, i., 4, 41 ; May, Breviary, 127. 
 
296 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 of the enemy appeared, in full march towards the cavaliers. 
 In his excitement, the prince imagined they were retreating, 
 and pushed on, sending word to the king to come and join 
 him with all speed, lest the enemy should escape. Towards 
 ten o'clock the royalist army came up, somewhat disordered 
 by the precipitation of their advance ; and Rupert, at the 
 head of the right wing of the cavalry, immediately dashed 
 down upon the left wing of the parliamentarians, commanded 
 by Ireton, who soon after became Cromwell's son-in-law (Jan. 
 15, 1647). Nearly at the same moment, Cromwell, whose 
 squadrons occupied the right wing, attacked the left wing of 
 the king, composed of the cavaliers of the northern counties, 
 under the command of sir Marmaduke Langdale ; and imme- 
 diately after, the two bodies of infantry, posted in the centre 
 — the' one under Fairfax and Skippon, the other commanded 
 by the king in person, also came to action. No battle as yet 
 had been so rapidly general or so fiercely contested. The 
 two armies were nearly of equal strength ; the royalists, in- 
 toxicated with insolent confidence, sent forth as their war-cry 
 Queen Mary; the parliamentarians, firm in their faith, 
 marched forward singing, God is with us ! Prince Rupert 
 made his first attack with his accustomed success ; after a 
 warm conflict, Ireton's squadrons were broken ; Ireton him- 
 self, wounded in the shoulder, and his thigh pierced by a 
 pike, fell for awhile into the hands of the cavaliers. But 
 while Rupert, always carried away by the same fault, pursued 
 the enemy up to the baggage, well defended by artillery, and 
 lost time in attacking that post in the hope of booty, Cromwell, 
 on his side, master of himself and of his men as at Marston 
 Moor, drove in Langdale's squadrons, and leaving two of his 
 officers to prevent their rallying, hastened back to the field 
 of battle, where the infantry were engaged. The conflict 
 was here more violent and deadly than anywhere else. The 
 parliamentarians, charged by the king in person, had been at 
 first thrown into great disorder ; Skippon was severely 
 wounded ; Fairfax urged him to retire ; " No," said he, " as 
 long as one man will stand, I wont stir ;" and he ordered his 
 reserve to advance. A blow from a sword beat off" Fairfax's 
 helmet ; Charles Doyley, the colonel of his guards, seeing 
 him ride about the field bareheaded, offered him his. " It is 
 well enough, Charles," said Fairfax, and refused it. Then 
 
ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 297 
 
 pointing out to him a division of the royal infantry, which had 
 as yet resisted every assault, " Can't those people be got at," 
 said he ; " have you charged them ?" — " Twice, general, but 
 I could not break them." — " Well, take them in front, I will 
 take them in the rear, and we will meet in the middle ;" and 
 they did, indeed, meet in the midst of the dispersed ranks. 
 Fairfax killed with his own hand the ensign, and delivered 
 the colors into the hands of one of his men ; the latter boasted 
 of this as an exploit of his own : Doyley, who overheard the 
 man, grew angry : " I have honor enough," said Fairfax, who 
 happened to pass at the time ; " let him take that to himself." 
 The royalists were, in their turn, giving way in every di- 
 rection, when Cromwell returned with his victorious squadrons. 
 Desperate at this sight, Charles put himself at the head of his 
 regiment of life-guards, the only one he had left in reserve, 
 to attack this new enemy. The order was already given and 
 the troops in motion, when the earl of Carnewarth, a Scotch- 
 man, who was galloping by the side of the king, suddenly 
 caught hold of his bridle, and exclaiming, with an oath, " Do 
 you want to get killed ?" turned him suddenly to the right. 
 The cavaliers who were nearest the king tui'ned also, without 
 understanding why ; the others followed, and in an instant 
 the whole regiment had their backs to the enemy. The sur- 
 prise of the army became terror ; all dispersed over the plain, 
 some to escape, others to stay the fugitives. Charles, amidst 
 a group of officers, in vain cried — " Stop ! stop !" The dis- 
 persion went on unchecked, till prince Rupert returned to the 
 field of battle with his squadrons. A numerous body then 
 formed round the king, but disordered, weary, perplexed, de- 
 spondent. Charles, sword in hand, his eyes glaring, despair 
 in every feature, twice dashed forward, vehemently exclaim- 
 ing, " Gentlemen, one charge more, and we recover the day." 
 But no one followed him ; the infantry, broken in every di- 
 rection, were in full flight, or already prisoners ; retreat was 
 the only course left open ; and the king, with about two 
 thousand horse, galloped off in the direction of Leicester, 
 leaving his artillery, ammunition, baggage, more than one 
 hundred flags, his own standard, five thousand men, and all 
 his cabinet papers in the possession of parliament.* 
 
 * Rushworth, i., 4, 42-44; Clarendon, ii., 985, &c. ; Whitelocke, 
 151 ; May, Breviary, 128. 
 
298 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 This victory surpassed the most daring hopes. Fairfax 
 hastened to inform the parliament of it in a calm, simple tone, 
 without any political allusion or advice. Cromwell wrote 
 also, but only to the commons, as holding his commission from 
 them alone ; his letter concluded with these woi-ds : " This is 
 none other but the hand of God, and to him alone belongs 
 the glory, wherein none are to share with him. The general 
 served you with all faithfulness and honor ; and the best 
 commendation I can give him is, that I dare say he attributes 
 all to God, and would rather perish than assume to himself, 
 which is an honest and a thriving way ; and yet as much for 
 bravery may be given him in this action as to a man. Honest 
 men" (by these he meant the fanatical independents) " served 
 you faithfully in this action, sir • they are trusty ; I beseech 
 you, in the name of God, not to discourage them. I wish 
 this action may beget thankfulness and humility in all that 
 are concerned in it. He that ventures his life for the liberty 
 of' his country, I wish he trust God for the liberty of his con- 
 science, and you for the liberty he fights for."* 
 
 Some were offended at seeing a subordinate officer, a ser- 
 vant of parliament, as they said, distribute advice and praise 
 in such a tone ; but their displeasure had little effect amidst 
 the public exultation ; and the day on which Cromwell's letter 
 reached London, the lords themselves voted that his command 
 should be extended to three months longer (June IB)."}" 
 
 They voted, at the same time, that advantage ought to be 
 taken of this victory to address to the king reasonable pro- 
 posals (June 20),:]: and the Scottish commissioners expressed 
 the same feeling (July 28). § But the conquerors were very 
 far from any such idea. Instead of answering, the commons 
 requested (June 30) that the whole body of citizens should 
 be invited to assemble at Guildhall to hear read the papers 
 found among the king's baggage, particularly his letters to 
 the queen, that they might judge for themselves what trust 
 could thenceforward be placed in negotiation. Fairfax had 
 hesitated to open these papers, but Cromwell and Ireton had 
 combated his scruples, and the house had not shared them. 
 The reading took place (July 3) in the midst of an immense 
 
 * Rushworth, i., 4, 45, 46. 
 
 t Pari. Hist, ill., 374. t lb., 389. § lb., 375. 
 
ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 299 
 
 concourse of people,* and had a prodigious effect. It was 
 clear that the king had never desired peace ; that in his eyes 
 no concession was definitive, no promise obligatory ; that, in 
 reality, he relied only on force, and still aimed at absolute 
 power ; finally that, despite protestations a thousand times re- 
 peated, he was negotiating with the king of France, the duke 
 of Lorraine, with all the princes of the continent, to have 
 foreign soldiers sent into England for his purposes. Even 
 the name of parliament, which just before, to obtain the con- 
 ference at Uxbridge, he had seemed to give the houses at 
 Westminster, was but a deception on his part, for, in giving 
 it, he had privately protested against his official proceeding, 
 and caused his protest to be inscribed on the minutes of the 
 council at Oxford. f Every citizen was allowed to convince 
 himself, with his own eyes, that these letters were really in 
 the king's own handwriting ;:}: and after the meeting at Guild- 
 hall, the parliament had them published. § 
 
 Anger became universal ; the friends of peace were reduced 
 to silence. Some attempted, but in vain, to prevent this pub- 
 lication, a gross violation, they said, of domestic secrets. 
 They asked how far their authenticity could be relied on, 
 whether it was not probable that several had been mutilated 
 and others altogether omitted ;|j they insinuated that in par- 
 liament, also, there were certain men who had negotiated 
 with no greater sincerity, and were equally determined 
 against peace ; but no explanation, no excuse is received by a 
 
 * Pari. Hist, iii., 377 ; May, Breviary, 129. 
 
 t Letters from the king to the queen, of the 2d and 9th of January, 
 15th and 19th of February ; 5th, 13th, and 30th of March ; Ludlow's 
 Mem. ; Evelyn's Mem., App., ii., 90; App., xiii. 
 
 I May, ut sup. 
 
 § Under the title of " The King's Cabinet opened, or certain packets 
 of secret letters and papers, written by the king's hand, and taken 
 from his portfolio on the field of battle of Naseby, the 14th of June, 
 1645, by the victorious sir Thomas Fairfax, in which are revealed 
 many mysteries of state, which fully justify the cause for which sir 
 Thomas Fairfax gave battle on that memorable day ; with notes." 
 
 II The king never denied the authenticity of these letters ; he even ex- 
 pressly acknowledges it in a letter written to sir Edward Nicholas, on the 
 4th of August, 1645, which was a few weeks after the publication (sir 
 John Evelyn's Memoirs, Appendix, ii., 101); and the text published 
 by parliament is exactly the same as that inserted in the " Works of 
 Charles I." published in London, 1660. 
 
300 HISTOEY OF THE 
 
 people when it has once discovered that an attempt has been 
 made to deceive it. Besides, admitting all this, the king's 
 bad faith remained evident, and, to secure peace, it was at 
 him they must look. War alone was now spoken of; the 
 levies of troops were hurried on, taxes energetically collected, 
 the estates of delinquents sold, all the troops received their 
 pay, all the more important towns were thoroughly supplied 
 with ammunition.* The Scots, at last, consented to advance 
 into the interior of the kingdom (July 2) ;■]■ and Fairfax, find- 
 ing no longer even fugitives to pursue, had resumed his march 
 (June 20), for the purpose of carrying out in the western 
 counties the object which the siege of Oxford had obliged him 
 to suspend. 
 
 Everything was changed in these counties, hitherto the 
 bulwark of the royal cause ; not that the opinion of the peo- 
 ple had becoine more favorable to parliament, but that it was 
 alienated from the king. He still, indeed, possessed there 
 several regiments, and almost all the towns ; but the war was 
 no longer carried on there as in the outset, by steady, re- 
 spected, popular men — ^the marquis of Hertford, sir Bevil 
 Greenville, lord Hopton, Trevannion, Slanning, disinterested 
 friends of the crown : some of these were dead, others dis- 
 gusted, estranged by court intrigues, and sacrificed by the 
 king's weakness. In their stead, two intriguers, lord Goring 
 and sir Richard Greenville, commanded there — one the most 
 debauched, the other the most rapacious of the cavaliers ; no 
 principle, no affection attached them to the royal cause, but 
 by making war in its name, they obtained the opportunity of 
 gratifying their own passions, of oppressing their enemies, 
 of revenging, enjoying, enriching themselves. Goring was 
 brave, beloved by his men, and not deficient either in skill 
 or energy on the field of battle ; but nothing could equal his 
 recklessness and the insolent intemperance of his conduct and 
 even his language. Nor was his loyalty to be relied upon ; he 
 had already betrayed, first the king,:}: then the parliament,^ 
 and seemed always on the point of some new treason. || Sir 
 
 * Pari. Hist, iii., 377. t Id., ib. 
 
 X In 1641, at the time the army first conspired against the parliament 
 
 § In August, 1642, at the beginning of the civil war, by giving up 
 Portsmouth to the king, of which place parliament had appointed him 
 the governor. 
 
 II Clarendon, ii,, jaassim. 
 
ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 301 
 
 Richard Greenville, less disorderly and more influential with 
 the nobility of the country, was stern and insatiable, and his 
 courage, if not dubious, at all events not very eager. He 
 passed his time in levying contributions for troops which he 
 did not collect, or for expeditions which he did not even take 
 the trouble to begin. The army was changed as well as its 
 leaders ; it was no longer a party risen in defence of its affec- 
 tions and its interests — frivolous, indeed, but sincere, licentious 
 but devoted ; it was a rabble of vagabonds, utterly indifferent 
 to the cause, committing day and night the most intolerable 
 excesses, and disgusting, by their vices, a country ruined by 
 their extortions. The prince of Wales, or rather his council, 
 reduced to make use of such men, wore themselves out in 
 fruitless efforts by turns to satisfy or to control them ; some- 
 times to protect the people against them, at others to induce 
 the people to take their place.* 
 
 The people, however, no longer responded to the appeal ; 
 they ere long went further. Thousands of peasants met, and, 
 under the name of" clubmen," went in arms about the coun- 
 try. They had no party views ; they did not declare for the 
 parliament ; all they wished was, to keep the ravages of war 
 from their villages and fields, and they set upon whomsoever 
 they had reason to apprehend these ravages from, without 
 asking under what name they carried on their spoliations. 
 Already, the year before, some bands had assembled in the 
 same manner in Worcestershire and Dorsetshire, provoked by 
 the violence of prince Rupert. In the month of March, 1645, 
 the clubmen became, in the western counties, a permanent, 
 regular, organized force, even commanded by gentlemen, of 
 whom some had served in the king's army, and constantly 
 engaged in the defence of property and persons, and in assert- 
 ing order and peace. They treated with the troops and gar- 
 risons of both parties, undertaking to supply them with 
 provisions, on condition that they would not seize any with 
 violence, even sometimes prevented them from coming to 
 blows, and they had inscribed on their rustic colors these 
 words : 
 
 " If you offer to plunder our cattle. 
 Be assured we vrill give you battle. "f 
 
 * Clarendon, ii., passim. 
 
 t Clarendon, ii., 997 ; Letter from Fairfax to the committee of the 
 36 
 
302 HISTOKY OF THE 
 
 So long as the royalists prevailed in the west, it was against 
 them the clubmen assembled, and it was with the parlia- 
 mentarians that they seemed disposed to combine. Now they 
 threatened to burn the houses of whomsoever refused to join 
 them in exterminating the cavaliers,* and invited Massey, 
 who commanded in the name of the parliament in Worces- 
 tershire, to come with them and besiege Hereford, whence the 
 cavaliers infested the country .f On the 2d of June, at Wells, 
 six thousand of them addressed a petition to the prince of 
 Wales, complaining of Goring, and notwithstanding the 
 prince's orders, refused to separate.:}: In the beginning of 
 July, Fairfax arrived as a conqueror in the west ; the cava- 
 liers were intimidated and ceased to devastate the country. 
 The clubmen immediately turned against Fairfax and his 
 soldiers. § But Fairfax had a good army, well paid, well 
 provisioned, in which enthusiasm and discipline lent each 
 other a mutual support. He dealt gently with the clubmen, 
 negotiated with them, personally attended some of their meet- 
 ings, and promised them peace while vigorously prosecuting 
 war. In a few days the campaign was at an end. Goring, 
 surprised and beaten at Langport, in Somersetshire (July 10), 
 left the remnant of his troops to disperse whither they liked ; 
 sir Richard Greenville sent his commission of field-marshal 
 to the prince of Wales, impudently complaining that he had 
 been made to carry on the war at his own expense ;|| and 
 three weeks after the arrival of Fairfax, the cavaliers, who 
 had lately traversed the west of England as masters, were 
 almost all shut up in the towns which Fairfax next prepared 
 to besiege. 
 
 Meantime, in every direction, people were asking one 
 another what the king was doing — nay, where he was, for 
 scarcely any one knew. After the disaster of Naseby he had 
 fled from town to town, scarcely giving himself any repose, 
 and taking sometimes the road to the north, sometimes that 
 to the west, to join Montrose or Goring, according to the mo- 
 bility of his fears and projects. On arriving at Hereford, he 
 resolved to go into Wales, where he hoped to recruit his in- 
 
 two kingdoms, July 3, 1645 ; Pari. Hist., iii., 380; Whitelocke, /jasstwi , 
 Neal, iii., 90. 
 
 * Whitelocke, 136. f Ih., passim. } Clarendon, ut sup. 
 
 § Pari. Hist., iii., 380—386. || Clarendon, ii., 1003. 
 
ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 303 
 
 fantry, sent prince Rupert to Bristol, and pi'oceeded liimself 
 to Ragland castle, the seat of the marquis of Worcester, the 
 chief of the catholic party, and the richest nobleman in 
 England. Secret projects, in which the catholics alone could 
 aid him, regulated this determination. Besides, for three 
 years the marquis had given the king proofs of inexhaustible 
 devotion ; he had lent him 100,000Z., had levied at his own 
 expense two regiments, under the command of his son, lord 
 Herbert, earl of Glamorgan, and notwithstanding his age and 
 infirmities, personally superintended a strong garrison in his 
 own castle. He received the king with respectful pomp, 
 assembled the nobility of the neighborhood, and surrounded 
 him with the festivities, the sports, the homage, the pleasures 
 of a court. The fugitive Charles breathed freely for awhile, 
 as if restored to his natural position ; and for more than a 
 fortnight, forgetting his misfortunes, his perils, his kingdom, 
 only thought of enjoying his renewed royalty.* 
 
 The news of the disasters in the west, drew him at last 
 from his illusive apathy. At the same time, he learned that 
 in the north the Scots had taken Carlisle (June 28), and were 
 marching towards the south, meditating the siege of Hereford. 
 He left Ragland to go to the assistance of Goring, but had 
 scarcely reached the banks of the Severn, before the ill con- 
 dition of the new levies, the dissensions among the officers, 
 and a thousand unforeseen difficulties, discouraged him, and 
 he returned into Wales. He was at Cardiff, not knowing upon 
 what to resolve, when a letter was delivered to him, written 
 by prince Rupert to the duke of Richmond, to be shown to 
 the king. The prince considered that all was lost, and coun- 
 selled peace, on whatever terms. As soon as his honor seemed 
 in danger, Charles regained an energy which he never had 
 when his mere personal safety was involved. He at once 
 replied to his nephew thus (Aug. 3) : " If I had any other 
 quarrel but the defence of my religion, crown, and friends, 
 you had full reason for your advice. For I confess, that 
 speaking either as to mere soldier or statesman, I must say there 
 is no probability but of my ruin ; but as to Christian, I must 
 tell you, that God will not sutler rebels to prosper, or his 
 cause to be overthrown : and whatever personal punishment it 
 
 * Walker's Discourses, 132. 
 
304 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 shall please him to inflict upon me must not make me repine, 
 much less to give over this quarrel. I must avow to all my 
 friends, that he that will stay with me at this time, must ex- 
 pect and resolve either to die for a good cause, or which is 
 worse, to live as miserable in the maintaining it as the violence 
 of insulting rebels can make him. For God's sake, let us not 
 flatter ourselves with these conceits ; and believe me, the very 
 imagination that you are desirous of a treaty, will lose me so 
 much the sooner ;"* and, to rally his dejected adherents, re- 
 calling himself all his courage, he at once quitted Wales, 
 passed, without being observed, the quarters of the Scottish 
 army already encamped under the walls of Hereford, rapidly 
 traversed Shropshire, Staffordshire, Derbyshire, and Notting- 
 hamshire, and, arriving safely in Yorkshire, summoned all his 
 faithful cavaliers in the north to go with him to join Montrose, 
 like them faithful, and still victorious. f 
 
 The cavaliers hastened to obey the summons ; the presence 
 of the king, who had so long lived among them, excited a warm 
 enthusiasm throughout the country ; at the first mention of 
 levying a regiment of infantry, large bodies of men, among the 
 rest, the late garrisons of Pontefract and Scarborough, which 
 had been obliged to surrender for want of provisions, and 
 were now at liberty, came forward, and in three days nearly 
 three thousand men had offered their services to the king, pro- 
 mising to be ready, within twenty-four hours, to march at a 
 moment's notice. They now oi;jly waited for a letter from 
 Montrose, to know whether they should go and join him in 
 Scotland or meet him in England. All at once, they learned 
 that David Lesley, at the head of the Scottish cavalry, had 
 quitted the siege of Hereford, and was already at Rotherham, 
 ten miles from Doncaster, seeking everywhere for the king. 
 The disaster of Naseby had given an effectual blow to the 
 imagination of the royalists ; their confidence was no longer 
 proof against the approach of danger. Many quitted Don- 
 caster, and no others took their place : in the opinion of even 
 the bravest, it was too late to attempt a junction with Mon- 
 trose ; the king's safety was now the sole point to be attended 
 to. He departed, followed by about fifteen hundred horse, 
 traversed without obstacle the centre of the kingdom, even 
 
 * Clarendon, ii., 1019. t Walker, 134, 135. 
 
ENGLISH EE VOLUTION. 305 
 
 defeated on the road a few parliamentary detachments, and 
 re-entered Oxford on the 29th of August, not knowing what to 
 do with the handful of troops which now remained to him.* 
 
 He had been there two days, when the news reached him 
 of the recent and prodigious success of Montrose in Scotland ; 
 it was no longer merely in the extreme north of the kingdom, 
 among the highlanders, that the royal cause was triumphant ; 
 Montrose had advanced towards the south, into the lowlands ; 
 and on the 15th of August, at Kilsyth, not far from the ruins 
 of the Roman wall, had obtained over the covenanters, com- 
 manded by Baillie, the seventh and most splendid of his victo- 
 ries. The hostile army was destroyed ; all the neighboring 
 towns, Bothwell, Glasgow, even Edinburgh, had opened their 
 gates to the conqueror ; all the royalists whom the Scottish 
 parliament had detained in prison, were released ; all the 
 timid, who had waited for some decided success to declare 
 themselves, the marquis of Douglas, the earls of Annandale 
 and Linlithgow, the lords Seaton, Drummond, Erskine, Car- 
 negie, &c., now disputed which should be the first to offer his 
 services to the king, fearing to be too late. The parliamenta- 
 rian leaders were flying in every direction, some to England, 
 others to Ireland. f Finally, the cavalry of the Scottish army, 
 who were besieging Hereford, were recalled in all haste to 
 defend their own country. Some even said, that when of 
 late Lesley appeared in the neighborhood of Doncaster, far 
 from seeking to encounter the king, he was on his march 
 towards Scotland, and that the royalists had been utterly 
 mistaken in their fears. ij: 
 
 At this glorious intelligence, Charles's courage revived, and 
 he immediately departed from Oxford (Aug. 31), to march 
 against the Scottish army, take advantage of its reduced state, 
 and compel it at least to raise the siege of Hereford. On his 
 way, as he passed Ragland, he was informed that Fairfax had 
 just invested Bristol, the most important of his possessions in 
 
 * Walker, 135, 136 ; Rushworth, i., 4, 116 
 t Rushworth, i., 4, 230 ; Guthrie, Memoirs, &c., 189. 
 j Rushworth, i., 4, 231. Lesley had left the siege of Hereford in the 
 first days of August, and the battle of Kilsyth did not take place till 
 the 15th. It is therefore evident that he detached himself from the 
 Scottish army to follow the king, and could not have been at that time 
 recalled to the assistance of his country. 
 
 26* 
 
306 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 the west ; but the place was strong, and Prince Rupert, who 
 defended it with a good garrison, promised to hold out four 
 months at least : the king therefore felt no anxiety respecting 
 it. When he was yet a day's journey from Hereford, he 
 learned that the Scots, at the news of his approach, had raised 
 the siege, and were precipitately retreating towards the north. 
 He was urged to pursue them ; they were disconcerted, fa- 
 tigued, in disorder, and were traversing a country ill-disposed 
 towards them ; to harass them would perhaps suffice to destroy 
 them. But Charles was fatigued himself by an activity which 
 surpassed his strength ; he must, he said, go to the succor of 
 Bristol ; and pending the arrival of some troops recalled from 
 the west for this purpose, he returned to Ragland castle, 
 attracted by the charms of that place, or to discuss with the 
 marquis of Worcester the great and mysterious affair which 
 they were arranging together.* 
 
 He had scarcely arrived when he received the most unex- 
 pected news, that prince Rupert had surrendered Bristol (Sept. 
 ll)"!" at the first attack, almost without resistance, though he 
 wanted nothing, ramparts, provisions, nor soldiers. Charles 
 was in utter consternation : it was the entire ruin of his affairs 
 in the west. He wrote to the prince ::j: " Nephew, — though 
 the loss of Bristol be a great blow to me, yet your surrender- 
 ing it as you did, is of much affliction to me, that it makes 
 me not only forget the consideration of that place, but is like- 
 wise the greatest trial of my constancy that hath yet befallen 
 me. For what is to be done, after one that is so near to me 
 as you are, both in blood and friendship, submits himself to an 
 
 action so mean (I give it the easiest term), an action so 
 
 I have so much to say, that I will say no more of it ; only, 
 lest rashness of judgment be laid to my charge, I must re- 
 member you of your letter of the 12th of August, wherein 
 you assured me that if no mutiny happened, you would keep 
 Bristol for four months. Did you keep it four days ? Was 
 there anything like a mutiny ? More questions might be 
 asked, but now, I confess, to little purpose ; my conclusion is 
 to desire you to seek your subsistence, until it shall please 
 God to determine of my condition, somewhere beyond seas ; 
 to which end I send you herewith a pass. And I pray God 
 
 * Clarendon, ii., 1041 ; Walker, 136 ; Rushworth, i., 4, 121. 
 
 t Rushworth, 1., 4, 65. J From Hereford, 14th of September. 
 
ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 307 
 
 to make you sensible of your present condition, and give you 
 means to redeem what you have lost ; for I shall have no 
 greater joy in victory than a just occasion, without blushing, 
 to assure you of my being your loving uncle and most faith- 
 ful friend, Charles R."* 
 
 He wrote the same day to Oxford,f whither the prince had 
 retired, to oi'der the lords of the council to demand the prince's 
 commissions, watch his proceedings, dismiss colonel William 
 Legge, an intimate friend of Rupert, from his post as governor 
 of Oxford, and to arrest the colonel, and even the prince, if 
 any disturbance was excited ; and his letter concluded with 
 this postscript : " Tell my son I would rather hear of his 
 death, than of his doing so cowardly an act as this surrender 
 of Bristol. "t 
 
 One resource was left to the king, the same which he had 
 already attempted in vain — to join Montrose. It was, more- 
 over, necessary for him to march towards the north, to relieve 
 Chester, again besieged, and which, now Bristol was lost, was 
 the only port where succors from Ireland, his sole remaining 
 hope, could land. After a week spent at Hereford in deep 
 despondency, he set off over the Welsh mountains, the only 
 I'oad by which he could escape a body of pai'liamentarians, 
 who, under the command of major-general Poyntz, were 
 watching all his motions. He was still accompanied by about 
 five thousand men, Welsh infantry and northern horse. He 
 was already within sight of Chester, when the parliamentari- 
 ans, who had started later, but had found a more direct and 
 better road, came upon his rear-guard (at Rounton Heath, 
 Sept. 24. )§ Sir Marmaduke Langdale, who commanded it, 
 charged the enemy with so much vigor, that he forced them 
 to fall back in disorder. But colonel Jones, who directed the 
 siege, detached a body of troops under his own oi'ders and 
 appeared suddenly in the royalist rear. Poyntz rallied his 
 men. The king, placed between two fires, saw his best offi- 
 cers fall around him, and soon put to flight himself, returned 
 utterly desperate into Wales, once more driven back, as by 
 
 * Clarendon, ii., 1042. 
 
 t To the secretary of state, sir Edward Nicholas. 
 
 X Clarendon, ut sup. ; Evelyn, Memoirs, ii., App. 107 — 109. 
 
 § Rushworth, i., 4, 117 ; Clarendon, ii., 1069. 
 
308 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 an insurmountable barrier, from the camp of Montrose, his 
 last hope. 
 
 This hope itself was now only a delusion ; for the last ten 
 days Montrose, like the king, was a fugitive, seeking an 
 asylum and soldiers. On the 13th of September, at Philip- 
 haugh, in Ettriek forest, near the border, Lesley, whose ap- 
 proach he was quite unconscious of, surprised him, weak and 
 ill-guarded. Despite all his efforts, the highlanders had left 
 him to return home, and so secure their plunder. Some lords, 
 the earl of Aboyne among others, jealous of his glory, had 
 also quitted him with their vassals ; others, such as lords 
 Traquair, Hume, Roxburgh, mistrusting his fortune, notwith- 
 standing their promises,* had not joined him. Bold, brilliant 
 in his designs, in mean hearts he excited envy, and inspired 
 no security in the timid. There was, moreover, a love of 
 display, and somewhat of the braggadocio in his character, 
 which was injurious to his influence : his officers served him 
 with earnest devotion, his soldiers with enthusiasm, but he 
 did not produce the same effect upon his equals. His power, 
 besides, had no other foundation than his victories, and pru- 
 dent men, daily an increasing class, looked upon him with 
 surprise, as a meteor which nothing checks, but which has 
 only a certain course to run. One reverse of fortune sufficed 
 to dissipate all his eclat; and the day after his defeat, the 
 conqueror of Scotland was nothing but an audacious outlaw. 
 
 On hearing of this blow, Charles cast his eyes around hirn 
 with terror, utterly at a loss where to place his hope. He 
 was deficient even in councillors. The wisest of them, lord 
 Capel, Colepepper, and Hyde, he had placed with his son ; 
 lord Digby was almost the only one remaining, adventurous, 
 confident as ever, always ready to oppose projects to defeats j 
 and, notwithstanding the sincerity of his zeal, intent above 
 all things on retaining his influence. At one time, the king 
 entertained the idea of retiring to spend the winter in Angle- 
 sey, an island on the coast of Wales, within easy reach of 
 Ireland, and susceptible of a stout defence. He was easily 
 dissuaded from thus forsaking his kingdom, where he still pos- 
 sessed strong places, such as Worcester, Hereford, Chester, 
 Oxford, and Newark. Every one else inclined to Worcester, 
 
 * Rushworth, i., 4, 231 ; Guthrie, Memoirs, 198. 
 
ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 309 
 
 but nothing could be less palatable to lord Digby's views. 
 The declared enemy of prince Rupert, it was he who, after 
 the surrender of Bristol, had fomented the king's anger, and 
 urged, it was said, the severity he had exercised towards his 
 nephew. He well knew that Rupert, whose fury had not yet 
 subsided, was determined to see the king, to justify himself, 
 and take his revenge. Now at Worcester, he could easily 
 accomplish this, for prince Maurice, his brother, was governor 
 of that town. Of all the places to which the king could re- 
 tire, Newark was that where prince Rupert would have the 
 greatest difficulty in obtaining an audience. To the great 
 surprise of all around him, the king decided upon going to 
 Newark.* 
 
 The prince was soon informed of this ; and notwithstand- 
 ing his prohibition, immediately set out for Newark to 
 see the king. Charles repeated that he would not receive 
 him ; but lord Digby, for all that, grew uneasy. Whether 
 by chance or by design, a report all at once circulated that 
 Montrose had reti'ieved his defeat, had beaten Lesley, and was 
 just on the borders. Without waiting for further information, 
 the king set out with lord Digby and two thousand horse, to 
 make a third attempt to join him. The error under which he 
 was acting was speedily dissipated ; after two days' march, 
 they had certain intelligence that Montrose, without any sol- 
 diers at all, was still wandering in the highlands. The king 
 could do nothing but return to Newark, as Digby himself ad- 
 mitted. But fully resolved not to return there at the risk of 
 encountering prince Rupert, he persuaded the king that, at 
 whatever cost, aid must be sent to Montrose, and he under, 
 took to convey it. They parted ; Digby, with fifteen hundred 
 horse, nearly all the king had left, continued his route towards 
 the north ; and Charles returned to Newark with three or 
 four hundred horse as his entire army, and John Ashburnham, 
 his valet de chambre, as his council. f 
 
 On his arrival, he heard that Rupert was at Belvoir castle, 
 nine miles off, with his brother Maurice, and an escort of one 
 hundred and twenty officers. He sent him word to remain 
 there until further orders, already angry that he had come so 
 near without his consent. But the prince still advanced, and 
 many officers of the garrison of Newark, even the governor, 
 
 * Clarendon, ii., 1073. f lb., 1078. 
 
310 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 sir Richard Willis, went to meet him. He arrived, and with- 
 out being announced, presented himself, with all his suite, 
 before the king. " Sire," he said, " I am come to render 
 an account of the loss of Bristol, and to clear myself from 
 the imputations which have been cast on me." Charles, as 
 perplexed as irritated, scarcely answered him. It was supper 
 time ; the prince's escort withdrew ; the royal party sat down 
 to table ; the king talked with Maurice without addressing a 
 word to Rupert, and, supper over, retired to his room. Ru- 
 pert went and took up his abode with the governor. The 
 next day, however, the king consented to the calling of a 
 council of war, and after a few hours' sitting, a declaration 
 was given, stating that the prince had not been deficient 
 either in courage or fidelity. No solicitation could obtain 
 more than this from the king. 
 
 It was too little to satisfy the prince and his partisans. 
 They remained at Newark, giving unrestrained vent to their 
 anger. The king, on his side, undertook to put an end to the 
 growing excesses of the garrison. For two thousand men, 
 there were twenty- four officers, generals or colonels, whose 
 maintenance absorbed nearly all the contributions of the 
 county.* The gentlemen of the neighborhood, even those of 
 the most devoted loyalty, bitterly complained of the governor. 
 Charles resolved to remove him, but, out of consideration for 
 appearances, to give him some office about his person He 
 therefore informed him that he was appointed colonel of his 
 horse guards. Sir Richard refused, saying, that people would 
 regard this promotion as a disgrace ; that he was too poor for 
 the court : " I will see to that," said the king, dismissing him. 
 The very same day, at dinner time, when Charles was at table, 
 sir Richard Willis, the two princes, lord Gerrard, and twenty 
 officers of the garrison abruptly entered : " What your ma- 
 jesty said to me this morning in private," said Willis, " is 
 now the public talk of the town, and very much to my disho- 
 nor." " It is not for any fault," added Rupert, " that sir 
 Richard loses his government, but because he is my friend." 
 " All this," said lord Gerrard, " is a plot of lord Digby's, who 
 is himself a traitor, and I will prove it." 
 
 Astonished and perplexed, Charles rose from the table, and 
 
 * Clarendon, ii., 1079. 
 
ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 311 
 
 moving a few steps towards his private apartment, ordered 
 Willis to follow him : " No, sire," replied Willis ; " I received 
 a public injury, and I expect a public satisfaction." At this, 
 Charles, losing all self-command, pale with anger, sprang 
 towards them, and with a loud voice and threatening gesture, 
 said : " Quit my presence, and come no more near me." 
 Agitated in their turn, they all hastily went out, returned to 
 the governor's house, sounded to horse, and left the town, to 
 the number of two hundred cavaliers. 
 
 All the garrison, all the inhabitants hastened to offer the 
 king the expression of their devotion and respect. In the 
 evening, the malecontents sent to him for passports, begging 
 him not to consider this as a mutiny : "I shall not now 
 christen it," said the king; "but it looks very like one. As 
 for passports, let them have as many as they please."* He 
 was still full of agitation at this scene, when he received the 
 intelligence that lord Digby, in his march towards Scotland, 
 had been overtaken and beaten at Sherborne by a detachment 
 of parliamentarians (towards the middle of October, 1645) ;"t" 
 that his cavaliers were dispersed, and he himself gone none 
 knew whither. So there remained in the direction of the 
 north neither soldiers nor hope. Even Newark was no longer 
 safe : Poyntz's troops had approached, taking possession suc- 
 cessively of all the neighboring places, drawing their lines 
 every day closer and closer round it, so that it was already a 
 question whether the king could pass. On the 3d of Novem- 
 ber, at eleven o'clock at night, four or five hundred cavaliers, 
 the wreck of several regiments, were assembled in the market- 
 place : the king appeared, took the command of a squadron, 
 and left Newark by the Oxford road. He had had his beard 
 shaved off; two small royalist garrisons, situated on his way, 
 had received notice of his design ; he travelled day and night, 
 with difficulty avoiding the enemy, and thought himself saved 
 when he re-entered Oxford (Nov. 6, 1645) ; for there he 
 found once more his council, his court, his ordinary mode of 
 life, and somewhat of rest.:}: 
 
 He soon found misery also : while he had been wandering 
 from county to county, from town to town, Fairfax and 
 Cromwell, having nothing to fear from him, and certain that 
 
 * Clai-endon, ii., 1083. t lb., 1067 ; Rushworth, i., 4, 128. 
 
 X Clarendon, ii., 1085; Walker, 146 ; Evelyn, Mem., ii., App. 109- 
 
312 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 the troops of Poyntz would suffice to harass him, had pursued 
 the course of their successes in the west. In less than five 
 months, fifteen places of importance, Bridgewater (July 23, 
 1645), Bath (July 29), Sherborne (Aug. 15), Devizes (Sept. 
 23), Winchester (Sept. 28), Basing-House (Oct. 14), Tiverton 
 (Oct. 19), Monmouth (Oct. 22), &c., had fallen into their 
 hands. To such garrisons as showed themselves disposed to 
 listen to their overtures, they unhesitatingly granted honor- 
 able conditions ; where a less compliant answer was given, 
 they immediately proceeded to storm.* For a moment the 
 clubmen gave them some uneasiness. After having dis- 
 persed them several times by fair words, Cromwell at last 
 found himself obliged to attack them. He did so suddenly 
 and fiercely, skilful in passing all at once, according to circum- 
 stances, from gentleness to severity, from severity to gentle- 
 ness. By his advice, parliament denounced as high treason 
 all associations of the kind (Aug. 23) ;■(" some of the leaders 
 were arrested ; the strict discipline of the army reassured the 
 people ; the clubmen soon disappeared ; and when the king 
 re-entered Oxford, the situation of his party in the west was 
 so desperate, that next morning (Nov. 7) he wrote to the prince 
 of Wales directing him to hold himself ready to pass over to 
 the continent.:}: 
 
 For himself, he had no plan — no idea what to do ; now a 
 prey to passionate anguish, now seeking to forget in repose 
 the feeling of his utter powerlessness. He invited, however, 
 the council to point out some expedient to him, some method 
 of proceeding from which a favorable result might be looked 
 for. There was no choice left : the council proposed a mes- 
 sage to parliament, and the request of a safe-conduct for four 
 negotiators. The king consented without a single objection.^ 
 
 Never had parliament been less inclined for peace. One 
 hundred and thirty members had just entered the house of 
 commons, in place of those who had left it to follow the king. 
 Long postponed, first from caution, then from the difficulty of 
 its execution, afterwards by design, this measure had at last 
 been adopted at the demand of the independents, eager to take 
 
 * Rushworth, i., 4, 89. f Pari. Hist., iii., 390 ; Whitelocke, 167. 
 t Clarendon, ii., 1062. 
 
 § Clarendon, ii., 1116 ; Pari. Hist., iii., 405, The message was 
 dated 5th of December, 1645. 
 
ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 313 
 
 advantage of their successes on the field of battle to strengthen 
 their party at Westminster.* They set every engine to work 
 to carry the new elections, appointing them separately one 
 after another, even having them delayed or put forward, 
 according to the chances in their favor ; employing both 
 deceit and violence, as is the wont of conquerors still in a 
 minority. Several men, soon afterwards famous in the party, 
 now entered parliament — Fairfax, Ludlow, Ireton, Blake, 
 Sidney, Hutchinson, Fleetwood. Still the elections had not 
 everywhere th esame result : many counties sent to Westmin- 
 ster men, who, though opposed to the court, were strangers to 
 faction, and friends to legal order and peace. But they were 
 without experience, without combination, without leaders, and 
 little disposed to rally round their old presbyterian chiefs, who 
 had, most of them at all events, lost their' reputation respec- 
 tively of uprightness, or energy, or ability. They made little 
 sensation, exercised little influence ; and the first effect of this 
 filling up of the house was to give to the independents greater 
 daring and power. f The acts of parliament thenceforward 
 assumed a sterner character. It has been ascertained that, 
 during their stay in London, the king's commissioners were 
 intriguing to form plots and stir up the people ; it was decided 
 (Aug. 11.)^ that no more commissioners should be received, 
 that there should be no more negotiations, that the house 
 should draw up their proposals in the form of bills, and that 
 the king should be called upon simply to adopt or reject them, 
 as if he were at Whitehall and proceeding according to the 
 regular practice. The prince of Wales (Sept. 20)§ offered 
 to mediate between the king and the people, and Fairfax 
 transmitted his letter to the house ; " Thinking it a duty," he 
 
 * It was on the 13th of September, 1644, that it was first proposed in 
 the house of commons to fill up the vacant places. The proposal had 
 no result till August, 1645. On the 21st of that month, upon a petition 
 from the borough of Southwark, the house voted, by a majority of only 
 three, that five of the absent members should be replaced ; namely, the 
 members for Southwark, Bury St. Edmund's, and Hythe. One hun- 
 dred and forty-six new members were elected in the five last months 
 of 1645. Out of fifty-eight signatures to the order for the execution of 
 Charles I., seventeen were those of members elected at this epoch. In 
 1646, there were eighty-nine new elections. — Journals, Commons, 
 
 t Holies, Memoirs, 42; Ludlow, passim; Whitelocke, 166, and 
 passim 
 
 X Pari. Hist., iii., 390. § lb., 292. 
 
 27 
 
314 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 said, " not to hinder the hopeful blossom of your young peace- 
 maker." He did not even receive an answer. The term of 
 Cromwell's command was nearly expired ; it was prolonged 
 another four months without any reason being assigned (Aug. 
 12).* The rigor against the royalists redoubled : a late 
 ordinance had granted to the wives and children of delinquents 
 one-fifth of the revenue of sequestered estates ; it was repealed 
 (Sept. 8).f Another act, for a long time resisted by the lords, 
 directed the sale of a considerable portion of the possessions 
 of bishops and delinquents (Sept. 13)4 ^"^ the camp, in the 
 warfare, the same revolution took place. It was forbidden to 
 give any quarter to the Irish taken in England bearing arms 
 (Oct. 24) ;§ they were shot by hundreds,|| or tied back to 
 back, and thrown into the sea. Even among the English, 
 there was no longer exhibited that mutual forbearance and 
 courtesy which characterized the first campaigns, revealing, 
 in the two parties, a condition well nigh equal, the same 
 education and manners, the habit and desire of peace, even 
 amidst war. In the parliamentarian ranks, Fairfax almost 
 alone retained this refined humanity ; round him, officers and 
 soldiers, brave and skilfiil parvenus, but of rough manners, or 
 fanatics of a dark and violent temperament, who had no 
 thought but of victory, no idea of the cavaliers but as enemies 
 to be got rid of. The cavaliers, on their side, irritated at 
 being defeated by such vulgar antagonists, sought consolation 
 or revenge in ridicule, epigrams, and songs, daily more and 
 more insulting.U Thus the war assumed a stern, at times 
 even a cruel character, as between men whose only feeling 
 was mutual scorn and hate. At the same time, the misunder- 
 standing, hitherto kept in check, between the Scots and the 
 parliament, broke out unrestrainedly ; the former complained 
 
 * Pari. Hist, iii., 590. t Rushworth, i., 4, 209. 
 
 t Pali. Hist, iii., 391 ; Whitelocke, 172. § Rushworth, ii., 3, 783. 
 
 II Baillie, Letters, ii., 164; Rushworth, 4, 231. 
 
 IT The most remarkable of these songs are those which were com- 
 posed against David Lesley and his Scots, when he left the siege of 
 Hereford to go to the assistance of Scotland, almost entirely subjugated 
 by Montrose, whom he defeated on the 13th of September, 1645, at the 
 battle of Philiphaugh. No defeat had yet snatched from the cavaliers 
 such brilliant hopes, and their anger vented itself with energy, in a 
 vein of poetical animation which was then very extraordinary. For 
 one of the most spirited of these songs, see Appendix No. XIV. 
 
ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 315 
 
 that their army was not paid ; the latter, that an army of 
 allies should pillage and devastate, as though they were a 
 hostile force, the counties which they occupied.* In every 
 quarter, in short, excitement more ardent than ever, hatred 
 more profound, measures harsher and more decisive, left but 
 little chance of peace being allowed to put a stop to, or even 
 a truce to suspend the already so rapid course of events. 
 
 The king's overtures were rejected, and a safe-conduct de- 
 nied to his negotiators. He urged the point by two other 
 messages, still without success ; he was told that the past in- 
 trigues of his courtiers in the city rendered it impossible they 
 should be allowed to return there (Dec. 26). f He offered him- 
 self to come to Westminster to treat in person with the parlia- 
 ment (Dec. 26 and 30) ;:}: notwithstanding the entreaties of the 
 Scots, this proposal met with as ill a reception as the others 
 (Jan. 13). § He renewed his entreaties (Jan. 15), 1| less from 
 any hope of success, than to discredit the parliament in the 
 opinion of the people who wished for peace. But his ene- 
 mies had lately acquired a still surer means of discrediting 
 the king himself; they solemnly proclaimed that they at last 
 possessed the proof of his duplicity ; that he had just con- 
 cluded with the Irish, not merely a suspension of arms, but 
 a treaty of alliance ; that ten thousand of these rebels, under 
 the command of the earl of Glamorgan, were soon to land at 
 Chester ; that the price of this odious aid was the complete 
 abolition of the penal laws against the catholics, full liberty 
 for their worship, the acknowledgment of their right to the 
 churches and lands which they had taken possession of ; in 
 other words, the triumph of popery in Ireland and the ruin 
 of the protestants. A copy of the treaty, and several letters 
 relating to it, had been found in the carriage of the arch- 
 bishop of Tuam, one of the rebel leaders killed by chance in 
 a skirmish under the walls of Sligo (Oct. 17, 1645). The 
 committee of the two kingdoms, who for three months had 
 hept these documents in reserve for some important occasion, 
 now laid them before parliament, which immediately ordered 
 them to be published. IF 
 
 The king was utterly disconcerted ; the facts were real ; 
 
 * Pari. Hist, ill., 393, 394, 398, 405. f lb., 414. t lb., 415— 417. 
 §Ib., 418—421. 11 lb., 421. irib.,428 ; Rushworth.i., 4, 238, ef «e?. 
 
316 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 nay, parliament did not know all. For nearly two years,* 
 Charles had been carrying on this negotiation in person, un- 
 known to his party, his council, even making some points a 
 secret from the marquis of Ormond, his lieutenant in Ireland, 
 though he did not doubt his zeal, and could not stir without his 
 assistance ; a Roman catholic, lord Herbert, eldest son of the 
 marquis of Worcester, and himself recently created earl of 
 Glamorgan, alone possessed, in this affair, the king's entire 
 confidence. Brave, generous, reckless, passionately devoted 
 to his master in peril and to his religion oppressed, it was 
 Glamorgan who went backwards and forwards incessantly 
 between England and Ireland, or between Dublin and Kil- 
 kenny, undertaking what Ormond refused to do, and alone 
 knowing how far the king's concessions would extend. It was he 
 who conducted the correspondence of Charles with Rinuccini, 
 the pope's nuncio, who had lately arrived in Ireland (Oct. 22, 
 1645), and with the pope himself. In short, the king had 
 formally authorized him, by an act signed with his own hand 
 (dated March 12, 1645), and known to themselves alone, to 
 grant the Irish all he should judge necessary to obtain from 
 them efficacious help, undertaking to approve all, to ratify all, 
 however illegal the concessions might be, desiring only that 
 nothing should transpire till the day when he could with effect 
 avow the whole. The treaty had been concluded the preceding 
 20th of August, and Glamorgan, who was still in Ireland, ear- 
 nestly pressed forward its execution. This was the secret of 
 those frequent visits, those long sojourns of the king at Ragland 
 castle, the residence of the marquis of Worcester, and of those 
 mysterious hopes which he sometimes gave half-utterance to 
 amidst his re verses, f 
 
 They heard almost at the same time, at Oxford and at 
 Dublin, that the treaty was known in London. Ormond at 
 once comprehended how severe a blow it would inflict upon 
 the king's cause with his own party. Whether he himself 
 was, as he affirmed, really ignorant that Charles had authorized 
 
 * The first commission of the king to Glamorgan was dated April 1 , 
 1644. 
 
 t Mr. Lingard has collected, and clearly stated, all the facts con- 
 nected with this negotiation, of which he possesses the principal 
 original documents. — History of England, 1825, vi., 537 — 541 ; 
 655—664. 
 
ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 31 1 
 
 such concessions, or whether, rather, he wished to give him 
 an opportunity of disavowing them, he instantly caused Gla- 
 morgan to be arrested (Jan. 4, 1646), as having exceeded his 
 powers, and seriously compromised the king, by granting to 
 the rebels what all the laws denied them. Steadfast in his 
 devotion, Glamorgan remained silent, did not produce the 
 secret instructions signed " Charles," which he had in his 
 possession, and even said that the king was not bound to ratify 
 what he had thought fit to promise in his name. Charles, 
 on his side, hastened to disown him, in a proclamation he 
 addressed to parliament (Jan. 21),* and in his official letters 
 to the council in Dublin (Jan. 31). f According to him, 
 Glamorgan had no other commission than to raise soldiers and 
 second the efforts of the lord-lieutenant ; but, on both sides, 
 falsehood was now merely an old and useless habit ; none, 
 not even the people, were any longer deceived by it. In a 
 few days (Feb. 1), Glamorgan was released, and resumed 
 his negotiations for the transmission, on the same terms as 
 before, of an Irish army into England. The parliament voted 
 that the king's justification was not sufficient (Jan. 31).:}: 
 Cromwell, for the last time, was continued in his command 
 (Jan. 27), § and Charles found himself obliged to seek once 
 more his preservation in war, as though he were able to 
 carry it on. 
 
 Only two bodies of troops remained to him : one in Cornwall, 
 under the command of lord Hopton ; the othes on the frontiers 
 of Wales, under lord Astley . Towards the middle of January, 
 the prince of Wales, still governor of the west, but forsaken 
 by his late generals Goring and Greenville, had sent for lord 
 Hopton, who had formerly for a long time commanded in that 
 quarter, to conjure him to resume the command of what re- 
 mained of the army. " My lord," answered Hopton, " it is 
 now a custom, when men are not willing to submit to what 
 they are enjoined, to say that it is against their honor ; that 
 their honor will not suffer them to do this or that ; for my part, 
 I cannot at this time obey your highness without resolving to 
 lose my honor ; but since your highness has thought fit to 
 command me, I am ready to obey, even with the loss of my 
 honor ;" and he took the command of seven or eight thousand 
 
 * Pari. Hist., iii., 435. t Carte's Life of Ormond, iii., 445—447. 
 
 t Pari. Hist., iii., 438. § lb., 428. 
 
 27* 
 
318 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 men.* But he was soon as odious to them as their excesses 
 were to him ; even the really brave among them could not 
 endure his discipline and vigilance, accustomed as they had 
 been, under Goring, to a less troublesome and more profitable 
 warfare. Fairfax, still occupied in subduing the west, marched 
 before long against them ; and on the 16th of February, Hop- 
 ton underwent, at Torrington, on the borders of Cornwall, a 
 defeat rather disastrous than bloody. He vainly endeavored, 
 as he retired from town to town, to recruit his party ; he was 
 destitute alike of officers and of soldiers : " From the hour I 
 undertook this charge," said he, "to the hour of their dissolving, 
 scarce a party or a guard appeared with half the number ap- 
 pointed, or within two hours of the time.""]" Fairfax every 
 day pressed more closely upon him. At the head of the small 
 corps which still remained faithful, Hopton soon found himself 
 driven to the Land's-end. At Truro, he was informed that, 
 weary of the war, the people of the country meditated putting 
 an end to it by seizing the prince of Wales, and giving him 
 up to parliament. The necessity had arrived ; the prince 
 embarked, with his council, but only to retire to Scilly, on 
 English land, almost in sight of the coast. Relieved from this 
 anxiety, Hopton wished to try the effect of another battle ; but 
 his troops loudly called upon him to capitulate. Fairfax of- 
 fered him honorable conditions — he still evaded them : his 
 officers declared that if he did not consent, they would treat 
 without him. " Treat, then," said he, " but not for me ;" 
 and neither he nor lord Capel would be included in the 
 capitulation. The articles signed and the army broken up, 
 these noblemen embarked to join the prince at Scilly ; and 
 the king now possessed in the west only a few insignificant 
 garrisons.:]: 
 
 Lord Astley met with no better fortune : he was at Wor- 
 cester with three thousand men ; the king ordered him to join 
 him at Oxford, and set out himself with fifteen hundred horse 
 to meet him. He wished to assemble round him a sufficient 
 corps to wait for the succors from Ireland, which he still ex- 
 
 * " Fellows," observes Clarendon, " whom only their friends feared 
 and their enemies laughed at, being only terrible in plunder and reso- 
 lute in running away." — Clarendon, ii., 1089. 
 
 t Clarendon, ii., 1097. 
 
 X Clarendon, ii., 1102: Rushworth, i., 4, 99 — 115. 
 
ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 819 
 
 pected ; but before they met (March 22), sir William Brereton 
 and colonel Morgan, at the head of a body of parliamentarians, 
 overtook Astley, whose movements they had been watching 
 for the last month, at Stow, in Gloucestershire. The defeat 
 of the cavaliers was complete ; eighteen hundred of them were 
 killed or taken ; the others dispersed. Astley himself, after 
 a desperate resistance, fell into the hands of the enemy ; he 
 was old, fatigued by the conflict, and walked with difficulty ; 
 the soldiers, touched by his grey hairs and his courage, 
 brought him a drum to rest upon : he sat down upon it, and, 
 addressing Brereton's officers : " Gentlemen," said he, " you 
 have done your work, and may now go to play, unless you 
 prefer to fall out among yourselves."* 
 
 This, indeed, was the only hope Charles himself had left ; 
 he hastened to try and promote it. Already, at the very time 
 he was loading some of the presbyterian leaders with com- 
 promising attentions, he had long kept up a secret correspon- 
 dence with the independents, particularly with Vane, not less 
 active in intrigue than passionate in enthusiasm. Just before 
 the affair at Stow, the secretary of state Nicholas had written 
 (March 2) to Vane, soliciting him to contrive that the king 
 might be enabled to come to London and treat in person with 
 the parliament, promising that if it required the triumph of 
 presbyterian discipline, the royalists would combine with the 
 independents " to extirpate from the kingdom this tyrannical 
 domination, and secure each other's liberty. "j" It is not 
 known what reply Vane sent to this letter ; but after Astley's 
 defeat the king himself wrote to him : " Be very confident," 
 he said, " that all things shall be performed according to my 
 promise. By all that is good, I conjure you to dispatch that 
 courtesy for me with all speed, or it will be too late ; I shall 
 perish before I receive the fruits of it. I may not tell you 
 my necessities ; but if it were necessary so to do, I am sure 
 you would lay all other considerations aside and fulfil my 
 desires. This is all ; trust me, I will repay the favor to the 
 full. I have done ; if I have no answer within four days 
 after the receipt of this, I shall be necessitated to find some 
 other expedient. God direct you! I have discharged my 
 duty.":j: At the same time, he addressed a message to par- 
 
 * Rushworth, i., 4, 139—141. t Evelyn, Memoirs, ii., App., 115 
 I Evelyn, ii., App., 116 ; Clarendon, State Papers (1773), u., 227. 
 
320 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 liament, offering to disband all his troops, to open all his gar- 
 risons, and to come and resume his residence at Whitehall 
 (March 23).* 
 
 At this proposal, and on the report that, without waiting for 
 an answer, the king was likely to arrive, the greatest alarm 
 prevailed in Westminster ; politicians or fanatics, presbyte- 
 rians or independents, all knew that, the king once at White- 
 hall, it would no longer be against him that the riots of the 
 city would be directed ; all were alike resolved not to subject 
 themselves to his mercy. They at once took, to avert so 
 great a danger, the most violent measures ; it was forbidden 
 to receive the king, or to go near him if he came to London, 
 or to give to any one whatever the means of approaching him. 
 The committee of the militia received orders to prevent any 
 public meeting, to arrest any one that should come with the 
 king, to prevent the people from flocking to meet him ; even, 
 if necessary, to secure his own person " from all danger," as 
 they put it. Papists, delinquents, cashiered officers, soldiers 
 of fortune, whoever had taken any part against parliament, 
 received orders to quit London within three days (March 31 
 — April S)."]" Ultimately a court-martial was established 
 (April 3),:{: and the punishment of death decreed against any 
 person who should hold direct or indirect intercourse with the 
 king, or who should come without a pass from any camp or 
 town occupied by the king, or who should receive or conceal 
 any man who had carried arms against the parliament, or 
 who should wilfully allow a prisoner of war to escape, &c. 
 Never had act of the parliament borne the impress of such 
 terror. 
 
 Vane, on his part, left the king's letter without answer, or 
 at least without effect. 
 
 Meantime, Fairfax's troops were advancing by forced 
 marches to besiege Oxford. Already colonel Rainsborough's 
 and two other regiments were encamped in sight of the place. 
 The king offered to give himself up to Rainsborough if he 
 would pledge his word to conduct him immediately to parlia- 
 ment. Rainsborough refused. In a few days, the blockade 
 could not fail to be complete, and, whatever its duration, the 
 
 * Pari. Hist., iii., 451. t lb., 452—453 ; Rushworth, i., 4, 249. 
 
 X Rushworth, i., 4, 252. 
 
ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 321 
 
 result was infallible ; the king must fall as a prisoner of war 
 into the hands of his enemies. 
 
 One only refuge remained possible, the Scottish camp. For 
 the last two months, M. de Montreuil, the French minister, 
 touched by Charles's distress, rather than to obey the insti'uc- 
 tions of Mazarin, had been endeavoring to secure for him this 
 last asylum. Rebuffed in the first instance by the Scottish 
 commissioners residing in London, convinced by a journey 
 to Edinburgh that there was nothing to hope from the Scottish 
 parliament, he at last addressed himself to some of the 
 leaders of the army besieging Newark ; and their disposition 
 had appeared to him so favorable, that he thought himself 
 warranted in promising the king (April 1), in the name and 
 under the guarantee of the king of France, that the Scots 
 would receive him as their legitimate sovereign, would shel- 
 ter him and his from all danger, and would even co-operate 
 with him to the utmost of their power in the re-establishment 
 of peace. But the hesitations and retractations of the Scot- 
 tish officers, who were willing to save the king, but not to 
 quarrel with the parliament, soon showed Montreuil that he 
 had gone too far, and he hastened to send word of his error to 
 Oxford. But necessity, daily more urgent, rendered Charles 
 and Montreuil himself less scrupulous ; the queen, who from 
 Paris maintained a correspondence with the agents in the 
 Scottish army, exhorted her husband to trust to it. In later 
 conferences, the officers made some promises to Montreuil. 
 He informed the king of them, repeating, however, that the 
 step was hazardous, and any other refuge preferable ; but 
 adding, that if he could find no other asylum, he would find, 
 for his person, at least, full safety among the Scots.* 
 
 At all events, Charles could wait no longer where he was ; 
 Fairfax had already reached Newbury, and the blockade 
 would within three days be complete. On the 27th of April, 
 at midnight, followed only by Ashburnham and an ecclesias- 
 tic (Dr. Hudson), who was well acquainted with the roads, 
 the king left Oxford on horseback, disguised as Ashburn- 
 ham's servant, with their common portmanteau behind him ; 
 and, at the same time, to mislead all watchers, three men 
 went out at each gate of the town. The king took the road to 
 
 * In his letters of the 15th, 16th, and 20th April; Clarendon, State 
 Papers, ii., 211 — 216. 
 
322 HISTOKY OF THB 
 
 London. On arriving at Harrow Hill, in sight of his capital, 
 he stopped for awhile, and anxiously deliberated, whether he 
 should go to London, re-enter Whitehall, appear all at once 
 in the city, where men's thoughts had for some time past 
 been disposed favorably towards him. But nothing less suit- 
 ed him than any singular or daring resolution, for he was 
 deficient in presence of mind, and, above all things, dreaded 
 any chance of compromising his royal dignity. After a few 
 hours' hesitation, he turned from London and proceeded 
 towards the north, but slowly, almost at random, as a man 
 still yet undetermined. Montreuil had promised to come and 
 meet him at Harborough, in Leicestershire, but he was not 
 there. The king, uneasy at this, sent Hudson to seek him, 
 and turned towards the eastern counties, wandering from town 
 to town, from castle to castle, especially along the coast, con- 
 tinually changing his disguise ; and inquiring everywhere for 
 news of Montrose, whom he earnestly desired to join. But 
 this, also,,was too tedious and troublesome an enterprise for 
 him. Hudson returned ; no change had taken place : Mon- 
 treuil still promised, if not an agreeable, at least a safe retreat 
 in the Scottish camp. Charles at last made up his mind, as 
 much from weariness as choice ; and on the 5th of May, nine 
 days after his departure from Oxford, Montreuil introduced 
 him early in the morning into Kelham, the head-quarters of 
 the Scots.* 
 
 On seeing the king, the earl of Leven and his officers af- 
 fected extreme surprise ; information of his arrival was im- 
 mediately given to the parliamentary commissioners ; expresses 
 were dispatched to announce it in Edinburgh and London. 
 Officers and soldiers treated the king with profound respect ; 
 but, in the evening, under the pretext of rendering him due 
 honor, a strong guard was placed at his door ; and when, to 
 discover what was his situation, he attempted to give out the 
 watchword for the night, " Pardon me, sire," said Leven, " I 
 am the oldest soldier here ; your majesty will permit me to 
 undertake that duty."f 
 
 * Rushworth, i., 4, 267 ; Clarendon, State Papers, ii., 288. 
 t Malcolm Laing, Hist, of Scotland ill., 352, note 7, 
 
ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 823 
 
 BOOK THE SEVENTH. . 
 1646—1647. 
 
 Anxiety and intrigues of the independents — The king's stay at Newcas- 
 tle — He rejects the proposals of parliament — The parliament nego- 
 tiates with the Scots, to induce them to give up the king and retire 
 from the kingdom — They consent — The king is conducted to Holmby 
 — Discord breaks out between the parliament and the army — Con- 
 duct of Cromwell — He causes the king to be taken from Holmby — 
 The army marches upon London, and impeaches eleven presbyteri- 
 an leaders — They retire from parliament — Stay of the king at 
 Hampton Court — Negotiations of the army with him — Rising in 
 the city in favor of peace — A great many members of both houses 
 retire to the army — They are brought by the army back to London — 
 Defeat of the presbyterians — Republicans and levellers — Cromwell 
 becomes suspected by the soldiers — They mutiny against the officers 
 — Cromwell's able conduct — Alarm of the king — He escapes to the 
 Isle of Wight. 
 
 It was known in London (May 2) that the king had left Ox- 
 ford, but nothing indicated where he was or whither he was 
 going. There was a report that he was concealed in the city, 
 and whoever should receive him was again menaced with 
 death without mercy. Fairfax sent word that he had pro- 
 ceeded towards the east, and two officers of assured devotion, 
 colonels Russel and Wharton, were immediately despatched 
 in that direction, with orders to seek him everywhere, and at 
 any rate.* Parliamentarians and royalists, both plunged into 
 the same uncertainty, bore with equal patience, the former 
 their fears, the latter their hopes. 
 
 On the evening of the 6th of May, the news at length ar- 
 rived that the king was in the Scottish camp. Next day the 
 commons voted that parliament alone had the right to dispose 
 of his person, and that he should be conducted without delay 
 to Warwick castle. The lords refused to sanction this vote ; 
 but they approved of Poyntz, who was quartered near New- 
 
 •Rushworth, i., 4, 267 ; Whitelocke, 203. 
 
324 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 ark, receiving orders to watch the movements of the Scottish 
 army ; and Fairfax was directed to hold himself ready to 
 march in case of need.* 
 
 The Scots, on their part, desirous of getting away, obtained 
 an order from the king, on the very day of his arrival, for 
 lord Bellasis, the governor of Newark, to open its gates to 
 them ; they gave up the town to Poyntz, and a few hours 
 afterwards, placing the king in their advanced guard, marched 
 towards Newcastle, on the frontiers of their own country. f 
 
 The independents were full of anxiety and anger. For a 
 year past everything had prospered with them ; masters of 
 the army, they had been everywhere conquerors, and had 
 made, by their victories, a deep impression on the imagina- 
 tion of the people ; under their banners, ranged themselves all 
 the bold spirits of the time, the men of energetic, ambitious, 
 exalted hopes, whoever had his fortune to make, or had formed 
 rash wishes, or meditated some great design. Genius itself 
 could only find a place and liberty among them. Milton, still 
 young, but already remarkable for the elegance and extent of 
 his knowledge, had just claimed, in nobler language than had 
 yet been heard, liberty of conscience, liberty of the press, the 
 right of divorce ;:{: and the presbyterian clergy, incensed at 
 his boldness, having without effect reported him to parliament, 
 placed among its sins the toleration of such writings. Ano- 
 ther extraordinary man, already known by his passionate re- 
 sistance to tyranny, John Lilburne, was beginning his indefa- 
 tigable war against lords, judges, lawyers ; and already the 
 most loud-tongued popularity was attached to his name. The 
 number and confidence of the dissenting congregations,^ all 
 allied with the independents, daily increased ; it was in vain 
 that the presbyterians had, at length, obtained from parliament 
 
 * Pari. Hist, iii., 465, 466. f lb., 467 ; Rushworth, i., 4, 269—271. 
 
 J In five pamphlets, against episcopal government and on the reform 
 of the church, published in 1641 and 1642 ; in a pamphlet entitled, 
 " The Doctrine and discipline of Divorce," published in 1644 ; and in a 
 pamphlet entitled, " Speech for the Liberty of Unlicensed Printing," 
 published also in 1644. 
 
 § The number of anabaptist meetings, for instance, was already fifty- 
 four in 1644. Thomas Edwards, a presbyteriam minister, published 
 in 1645, under the title of " Gangraena," a catalogue of those sects, to 
 call down the rigor of parliament upon them ; he reckoned sixteen 
 principal ones, and had omitted several. — Neal, iii., 310. 
 
ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 325 
 
 the exclusive and official establishment of their church ;* with 
 the aid of the lawyers and freethinkers, the independents had 
 succeeded in maintaining the supremacy of parliament in re- 
 ligious affairs ;f and the presbyterian measure, thus weaken- 
 ed, was but slowly executed. :{: Meantime, the personal for- 
 tunes of the leaders of the party, that of Cromwell in particu- 
 lar, progressed rapidly : when they came from the army to 
 Westminster, parliament received them with solemn homage ;§ 
 v/hen they returned to the army, gifts of money and land, 
 gratuities and offices, lavished on their creatures, attested and 
 extended their influence. || Everywhere, in short, in London 
 as in the counties, and whether as regarded politics or reli- 
 gion, interests or ideas, it was in favor of this party that the 
 social movement had more and more decidedly pronounced 
 itself. In the midst of so much prosperity, just as power was 
 within their reach, they found themselves menaced with the 
 loss of all ; for they would indeed lose all if the king and the 
 presbyterians allied against them. 
 
 They used every effort to ward off this blow : had they 
 been free to follow their own impulse, they would perhaps 
 have sent the army immediately against the Scots, and taken 
 the king by main force ; but notwithstanding their success in 
 the new elections, they were obliged to act with more reserve ; 
 with a minority in the upper house, in the lower they only 
 possessed a precarious ascendency, derived rather from the 
 inexperience of the members recently elected than from their 
 real sentiments. They had recourse to indirect measures ; 
 they sought by all kinds of means, daring or crafty, secret or 
 
 * By several ordinances or votes of the 23d of August, 20th of Octo- 
 ber, and 8th of November, 1645, and the 20th of February and 14th of 
 March, 1646.— Rushworth, i., 4, 205, 210, 224. 
 
 t Neal, iii., 231; Journals, Commons, Sept. 25, Oct. 10, 1645; 
 March 5 and 23, April 22, 1646 ; Baillie, Letters, ii., 194 ; Pari. Hist, 
 iii., 459. 
 
 t The presbyterian church was never completely established any- 
 where but in London and Lancashire. — Laing, iii., 347. 
 
 § Pari. Hist, iii., 463, 529. 
 
 ]| The parliament gave, 1, to Cromwell (February 7, 1646), landed 
 property to the value of 2,500/., part of the estates of the marquis of 
 Worcester (Pari. Hist., iii., 439) ; 2, to Fairfax, a few months after, an 
 income of 5000/. (Whitelocke, 228, 239) ; 3, to Sir William Brereton, 
 in October, 1646, a gratuity of 5000/. ; 4, to sir Peter Killigrew, in 
 December, 1646, a gratuity of 2000/.— (lb., 228, 235, &c.) 
 29 
 
326 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 open, to offend the Scots or irritate the people against them, in 
 the hope of bringing about a rupture ; the Scottish messen- 
 gers were stopped and their despatches intercepted, at the very- 
 gates of London, by subalterns against whom they claimed 
 justice in vain (May 9) ;* petitions flocked in against them 
 from the northern counties, relating their exactions, their ex- 
 cesses, and the sufferings the people endured at their hands, j- 
 Alderman Foot presented one petition, in the name of the city, 
 in their favor (May 26),:}: and requiring, on the other hand, 
 the repression of the new sectaries, as authors of the troubles 
 in church and state ; the lords thanked the common council, 
 but the commons scarcely vouchsafed a brief, dry answer. 
 There were still a few regiments left, the remnant of Essex's 
 army, in which presbyterian sentiments prevailed ; among 
 others, a brigade quartered in Wiltshire, under the command 
 of major-general Massey, the valiant defender of Gloucester ; 
 complaints of all kinds were got up against this body,§ and 
 ultimately it was disbanded. In parliament, in the newspa- 
 pers, in all public places, particularly in the army, the inde- 
 pendents only spoke of the Scots with insult, now pointing out 
 to public indignation their rapacity, now ridiculing their par- 
 simony, addressing themselves, by a clumsy but efficacious 
 trick, to national prejudices, to popular distrust, skilful to lose 
 no opportunity of exciting anger and contempt against their 
 enemies. II At last, the commons voted that the Scottish 
 army was no longer required, and that on a hundred thousand 
 pounds being given it on account, and a statement demanded 
 of what more was due, it should be requested to return home 
 (June ll).ir 
 
 These measures had not the effect anticipated ; the Scots 
 showed neither vexation nor anger ; but their conduct was 
 hesitating, which suited their enemies still better. The per- 
 plexity of the leaders inclined to serve the king was extreme. 
 Incurable in his duplicity, because he held himself bound to 
 no engagement with rebellious subjects, Charles meditated 
 their ruin while he was imploring their aid. " I do not 
 despair," he wrote to lord Digby, a few days before he left 
 
 * Pari. Hist, iii., 469 ; Whitelocke, 204. 
 
 t Whitelocke, 207, et seq. \. Pari. Hist., iii., 474—480. 
 
 § Whitelocke, 299, et seq |1 Holies, Memoirs, 45. 
 
 ir Pari. Hist., iii., 484. 
 
ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 327 
 
 Oxford, " of inducing the presbyterians or the independents to 
 join with me in exterminating one the other ; and then I shall 
 be king again " (March 26).* On their side, the presbyterians, 
 Scots or English, ruled by their ministers, passionately bent 
 upon securing the covenant and the triumph of their church, 
 would not hear of any accommodation with, any assistance to, 
 the king, unless at that price ; so that the most moderate, 
 those most anxious for the future, could neither trust in him, 
 nor abate with him any of their claims. In this perplexity, 
 assailed at once by the accusations of their adversaries and 
 the necessities of their party, their words contradicted, their 
 actions neutralized each other ; they wished for peace, pro- 
 mised it to the king, were constantly talking with their friends 
 of the dread they had of the independents ; and yet never had 
 their declarations of zeal for the covenant, of firm attachment 
 to parliament, of inviolable union with their brethren the 
 English, been more multiplied, more emphatic ;"f" never had 
 they shown themselves so distrustful, so inflexible in reference 
 to the king and the cavaliers. Six of the most illustrious 
 companions of Montrose, taken at the battle of Philiphaugh, 
 were condemned and executed ; a severity for which there 
 was no motive but revenge, and of which, in England, the 
 civil war had presented no example. :j: Charles, before quitting 
 Oxford, had written to the marquis of Ormond that he was 
 only proceeding to the Scottish camp on the strength of their 
 promise of supporting him and his just rights if need were 
 (April 3) ;§ and though in all probability their language had 
 not been so explicit as this, it can hardly be doubted that they 
 had in fact given him reason to hope for their support. Or- 
 mond published the king's letter (May 21) ; the Scots at once 
 contradicted it, broadly characterizing it as " a most damnable 
 untruth (June 8)."|| More rigor than ever was displayed about 
 the king's person ; all who had carried arms in his defence were 
 forbidden to approach him ; his letters were in almost every 
 instance intercepted. IT At length, to give a signal mark of 
 their fidelity to the cause of the covenant, the Scottish leaders 
 called upon the king to allow himself* to be instructed in the 
 true doctrine of Christ ; and Henderson, the most celebrated 
 
 * Carte, Life of Ormond, ill., 452. t Pari. Hist, iii., 471, 473, 488. 
 t Laing, iii., 834. § Carte, Life of Ormond, ill., 455 
 
 II ParL Hist, iii., 480. IT Whitelocke, jja»«»n. 
 
328 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 preacher of the party, went to Newcastle to undertake officially 
 the conversion of the captive monarch.* 
 
 Charles maintained the controversy with address and dig- 
 nity, inflexible in his adherence to the Anglican church, but 
 arguing without acrimony against his adversary, who was 
 himself temperate and respectful. During the discussion, the 
 king wrote to the royalist governors who still held out, order- 
 ing them to surrender their towns (June 10) ;■]■ to the parlia- 
 ment, to hasten the transaction of their proposals (June 10) ;:}: 
 to Ormond, to continue his negotiations with the Irish, though 
 at the same time he officially commanded him to break them 
 off;§ to Glamorgan, still the only person entrusted with his 
 secret designs, " If you can procure me a large sum of money, 
 by engaging my kingdoms as security, I shall be glad, and as 
 soon as I shall have recovered possession of them, I will fully 
 repay the debt. Tell the nuncio that if I can by any means 
 place myself in his and your hands, I shall certainly not fail 
 to do so, for I see that all the rest contemn me" (July 20). || 
 
 The proposals of parliament at last arrived (July 23) ; the 
 earls of Pembroke and Suffolk, and four members of the com- 
 mons, were charged to present them. One of them, Mr. 
 Goodwin, began to read them ; " I beg your pardon," said 
 the king, interrupting him, " have you any power to treat ?" 
 "No, sir." " In that case, but for the honor of it, a good, 
 honest trumpeter, might have done as much as you." Good- 
 win finished reading the proposals. " I imagine," said the 
 king, " you do not expect a present answer from me in a busi- 
 ness of this consequence." '' Sir," replied lord Pembroke, 
 " we have orders to stay no longer than ten days." " Very 
 well," replied Charles, " I will give you an answer in proper 
 time. "IT 
 
 Several days passed and the commissioners heard nothing 
 further. The king meanwhile read sadly, and re-read, again 
 and again, these proposals, still more humiliating, still harder 
 than those he had constantly rejected. He was called upon 
 
 * The controversy began on the 29th of May, and lasted till the 16th 
 of July. All the notes which passed between the king and Henderson 
 have been collected in "The Works of King Charles the Martyr" 
 (1662), 155—187. 
 
 t Pari. Hist., iii., 487. J lb., 486. § lb., 487 ; Lingard, vi., 561. 
 
 II Birch, Inquiry into Glamorgan's Transactions, &c., 245. 
 
 H Pari. Hist., iii., 513. 
 
EliGLISH KEVOLUTION. 329 
 
 to adopt the covenant, to abolish completely the episcopal 
 church, to surrender to parliament, for twenty years, the 
 command of the army, navy, and militia ; and finally, to con- 
 sent that his most faithful friends, to the number of seventy- 
 one, excluded by name from any amnesty, that all his party, 
 that whoever had taken arms for him, should be debarred 
 all public employment during the pleasure of parliament.* 
 Yet every one persuaded him to accept these terms : M. de 
 Bellievre, the French ambassador, who had arrived at New- 
 castle the same day with the parliamentary commissioners, 
 counselled him, in the name of his own court, to do so.j- Mon- 
 treuil brought him letters from the queen, ardently urging 
 compliance ;:j: on the suggestion of Bellievre, she even dis- 
 patched from Paris a gentleinan of her household, sir William 
 Davenant, with orders to tell the king that his resistance was 
 disapproved of by all his friends. " What friends ?" said 
 Charles, pettishly. " By lord Jermyn, sir." " Jermyn does 
 not understand anything about the church." " Lord Cole- 
 pepper is of the same mind." " Colepepper has no religion ; 
 is Hyde of this mind ?" " We do not know, sir ; the chan- 
 cellor is not at Paris ; he has forsaken the prince, and has 
 chosen to remain in Jersey, instead of accompanying the 
 prince to the queen ; her majesty is very much offended by 
 his behavior." " The chancellor is an honest man, who will 
 never forsake me, nor the prince, nor the church ; I am sorry 
 he is not with my son ; but my wife is mistaken." Davenant 
 urged the point with the vivacity of a poet and the levity of 
 a court gallant; the king grew angry, and drove him roughly 
 from his presence. § On the part of the presbyterians, the 
 entreaties were no less urgent ; several towns in Scotland, 
 Edinburgh among others, addressed amicable petitions to the 
 king 1 1 on the subject ; the city of London wished to do the 
 same, but a formal prohibition from the commons prevented 
 them. IT At last, threats were joined to entreaties ; the general 
 assembly of the church of Scotland demanded that if the 
 king refused the covenant, he should not be permitted to 
 enter Scotland ;** and in a solemn audience, in presence of the 
 
 * Pari. Hist., iii., 499—512. t lb., 512 ; Clarendon, ill., 47. 
 
 t Whitelocke, 216. § Clarendon, iii., 48. 
 
 il Whitelocke, ut sup. IT Ludlow, 79. 
 
 ** Clarendon, iii., 54. 
 
 28* 
 
330 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 Scottish commissioners, the chancellor, lord Lowden, declared 
 to him, that if he persisted in his refusal, entrance into Scot- 
 land would, in point of fact, be forbidden him, and that in 
 England it was very likely they would depose him, and insti- 
 tute another form of government.'*' 
 
 The king's pride, his religious scruples, and also some se 
 cret hope with which he was still buoyed up by credulous or 
 intriguing friends,"|" were proof against these presentations. 
 After having from day to day delayed his ansAver, he, on the 
 1st of August, sent for the commissioners, and delivered to 
 them a written message, in which, without absolutely rejecting 
 the proposals, he again requested to be received in London to 
 treat personally with the parliament.:]: 
 
 The independents could not restrain their joy. On the re- 
 turn of the commissioners, a vote of thanks to them was as 
 usual proposed : " It is the king we should thank," cried a 
 member. " What will become of us now he has refused our 
 proposals ?" anxiously inquired a presbyterian. " What 
 would have become of us if he had accepted them ?" replied 
 an independent. § A message came from the Scottish commis- 
 sioners offering to surrender all the places they occupied, and 
 to withdraw their army from England (Aug 10). || The lords 
 voted that their brethren the Scots had deserved well of the 
 country ; the commons did not join in this vote, but passed a 
 resolution by which it was forbidden to speak ill of the Scots 
 or to print anything against them (Aug. 14). IT For a moment, 
 both parties, the one disheartened, the other reassured by the 
 king's refusal, seemed solely engaged in regulating in concert 
 their interests and their discussions. 
 
 But truces proclaimed by prudence or spite between adverse 
 passions are of short duration. The offer of the Scots gave 
 rise to two questions : how the arrears which were due to 
 them and which they had been long claiming, were to be 
 settled ? and who was to have the disposal of the king's per- 
 son ? These questions once started, both parties renewed the 
 conflict. 
 
 On the first point, the presbyterians easily gained the ad- 
 
 *Rushworth, i.,4, 319. f Ludlow, 79. J Pai-1. Hist, iii., 513— 516. 
 § Burnet, Memoirs of the Hamiltons, 283. || Pari. Hist., iii., 516. 
 f lb. This ordinance only passed the commons by a majority of 130 
 to 102. 
 
ENGLISH REVOLL-TION. 331 
 
 vantage : the demands of the Scots, it is true, were exorbitant; 
 after giving parliament credit for what it had already paid, 
 they still claimed nearly 700,000Z., " without mentioning," 
 they said, " the enormous losses which Scotland had suffered in 
 consequence of her alliance with England, and of which they 
 left the valuation to the equity of parliament.* The inde- 
 pendents railed with their bitter irony against so expensive a 
 fraternity ; in their turn, they opposed to the claims of the 
 Scots a detailed account of the sums which had been levied 
 by them, and of their exactions in the north of the kingdom, 
 an account, according to which, Scotland, so far from having 
 anything due to her, was more than 400,000Z. in debt to Eng- 
 land. "j" But these recriminations could not be admitted or 
 even seriously debated by sensible men ; the retirement of the 
 Scots was evidently necessary ; the northern counties loudly 
 called for it ; to obtain it they must be paid, for a war would 
 be much dearer and far more perilous to parliament. The 
 shuffling pertinacity of the independents seemed merely blind 
 passion or factious manoeuvring ; the presbyterians, on the 
 contrary, promised to bring the Scots to more moderate terms : 
 all the wavering, distrustful, or reserved, who ranked under 
 the banner of no party, Snd who several times, from dislike 
 of presbyterian despotism, had given the independents a ma- 
 jority, took on this occasion the side of their adversaries : 
 400,000/. were voted as the maximum concession:}: the Scots 
 could hope for, payable, one half on their departure from 
 England, the other half at the expiration of two years. They 
 accepted the bargain, and a loan, on mortgage of church pro- 
 perty, was immediately opened in the city, to provide the 
 means of payment (Oct. 13). § 
 
 But when the question turned on the disposal of the king's 
 person, the position of the presbyterians became very embar- 
 rassing. Had they wished him to remain in the hands of the 
 Scots, they could not even liave suggested such an idea, for 
 the national pride absolutely repelled it ; it was the honor and 
 right, was the universal cry, of the English people alone to 
 dispose of their sovereign ; to what jurisdiction could the 
 
 * Pari. Hist., ut sup. t lb. 
 
 X In four votes of 100,000Z. each ; the 13th, 21st, ana 27th of August, 
 and 1st of September. — Pari. Hist., ut sup. 
 § Rushworth, i., 4, 376 ; Holies, Memoirs, 66. 
 
332 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 Scots lay claim on English ground ? They were nothing there 
 but auxiliaries, paid auxiliaries, who, it was quite obvious, 
 thought of nothing but their pay ; let them take their money, 
 then, and return to their own country ; England neither want- 
 ed nor feared them. The Scots, on their side, however great 
 their desire to avoid a rupture, could not endure patiently all 
 this contumely. Charles, they said, was their king as well 
 as king of England ; they had, equally with the English, the 
 right to watch over his person and his fortunes ; the covenant 
 imposed this upon them as a duty. The quarrel became 
 very animated ; conferences, pamphlets, declarations, recipro- 
 cal accusations multiplied, and grew more vehement day after 
 day ; day after day the people, without distinction of party, 
 denounced more and more loudly the pretensions of the Scots, 
 who had altogether fallen in popular opinion : national preju- 
 dices and antipathies had reappeared ; and the rapacity of the 
 Scots, their narrow-minded prudence, their theological pe- 
 dantry, daily became more distasteful to the freer, more en- 
 larged, and more liberal minds, the more extended and bolder 
 fanaticism of their allies. The political leaders of the pres- 
 byterian party. Holies, Stapleton, Glynn, weary of a struggle 
 in which they found themselves straitened and subordinate, 
 impatiently sought the means of putting an end to it. They 
 persuaded themselves, that if the Scots gave the king into the 
 hands of parliament, it would be easy to disband that fatal 
 army, the only strength of the independents, the true enemy 
 of the parliament and of the king. They therefore counselled 
 the Scots to yield, for the interest of their own cause ; and, at 
 the same time, the lords, probably determined by the same 
 influence, at length agreed (Sept. 24) to this resolution of the 
 coinmons which had been five months in suspense : " that to 
 the parliament alone belongs the right of disposing of the 
 king's person."* 
 
 The Scottish presbyterians, most of them at least, were 
 quite willing to believe in the wisdom of this counsel, and to 
 follow it, embarrassed as they were by their own resistance, 
 and not knowing how to maintain it nor how to give it up. 
 But the king's friends among the party had lately acquired 
 rather more boldness and power. The duke of Hamilton was 
 
 * Rushworth, i., 4,329—372 ; Holies, Memoirs, 68 ; Baillie, ii., 257; 
 Laing, iii., 369. 
 
ENGLISH REVOLUTION. .333 
 
 at their head, after an imprisonment of three years at St. 
 Michael's Mount, in Cornwall, whither he had been sent in 
 consequence of the distrust which his wavering conduct had 
 inspired at the court of Oxford, and in the mind of the king 
 himself. He had quitted the place when it fell into the hands 
 of the parliament, and after passing a few days in London, 
 and paying cordial visits to the members of both houses, he 
 had proceeded to Newcastle, where Charles had just arrived 
 with the Scottish army, had soon regained his former favor 
 with the king, and on his return to Edinburgh had made the 
 most earnest efforts for his safety.* Around him immediately 
 rallied nearly all the higher nobility of the kingdom, the citi- 
 zens, the moderate presbyterians ; the prudent, who were dis- 
 gusted with the blind fanaticism of the multitude and the 
 insolent domination of its ministers ; the honest and timid, 
 who were willing to make any sacrifice to obtain a little rest. 
 These effected the appointment of a new and solemn deputa- 
 tion, who went to Newcastle, and conjured the king, on their 
 knees, to accept the proposals of parliament. The passionate 
 entreaties of these deputies, all of them his fellow-countrymen, 
 nearly all of them the companions of his youth, shook Charles's 
 resolution : " Upon my word," he said to them, " all the dan- 
 gers and inconveniences laid before me do not so much trouble 
 me, as that I should not give full satisfaction to the desires of 
 my native country, especially being so earnestly pressed upon 
 me. I desire to be rightly understood : I am far from giving 
 you a negative — nay, I protest against it, my only wish being 
 to be heard, and hope you will press those at London to hear 
 reason. If a king were to refuse this to any of his subjects, 
 he would be thought a tyrant. "f The next day, possibly 
 after fresh solicitations, he offered to limit the establishment 
 of the episcopal church to five dioeeses,:j: allowing the presby- 
 terian system to prevail in the rest of the kingdom, claiming 
 only for himself and his friends of the same persuasion, the 
 free exercise of their own conscience and worship, until, in 
 conjunction with the parliament, he should put an end to all 
 their differences. But no partial concession satisfied the pres- 
 byterians ; and the higher offers the king made, the more they 
 
 * Clarendon, iii., 152 ; Rushworth, i., 4, 327. 
 
 t Rushworth, i., 4, 327. 
 
 X Those of Oxford, Winchester, Bristol, Bath and Wells, and Exeter 
 
334 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 doubted his sincerity. His proposal was scarcely listened to. 
 Hamilton, discouraged, talked of retiring to the continent ; a 
 report at the same time was spread, that the Scottish army 
 was about to enter Scotland. The king immediately wrote to 
 the duke (Sept. 26) : " Hamilton, I have so much to write, 
 and so little time for it, that this letter will be suitable to the 
 
 times, without method or reason. Those at London think 
 
 to get me into their hands by telling our countrymen that they 
 do not intend to make me a prisoner. O no, by no means ! — but 
 only to give me an honorable guard forsooth, to attend me 
 continually, for the secuiity of my person. Wherefore I 
 must then tell you (and 'tis so far from a secret that I desire 
 every one should know it), that I will not be left in England 
 when this army retires, unless clearly, and according to the 
 old way of understanding I may remain a free man, and that 
 no attendant be forced upon me upon any pretence whatsoever. 
 By going, you take away from me the means of showing my- 
 self;" and he finished his letter with these words : " Your 
 most assured, real, faithful, constant friend."* Hamilton re- 
 mained ; the Scottish parliament met (November) : its first 
 sittings seemed to announce a firm and active good-will to- 
 wards the king. It declared (Dec. 16) that it would maintain 
 monarchical government in the person and descendants of his 
 majesty, as well as his just rights to the crown of England ; 
 and that secret instructions should be sent to the Scottish com- 
 missioners in London, to negotiate that the king might go 
 thither with honor, safety, and liberty. But next day the per- 
 manent committee of the general assembly of the presbyterian 
 church addressed a public remonstrance to the Scottish parlia- 
 ment, accusing it of listening to perfidious counsels, and com- 
 plaining that it put the union of the two kingdoms, the only 
 hope of the faithful, in peril, merely to serve a prince obsti- 
 nate in rejecting the covenant of Christ.")" Against such 
 intervention, Hamilton and his friends were powerless. The 
 docile parliament retracted its vote of the preceding day ; and 
 the moderate men could effect nothing beyond a fresh message 
 to the king, entreating him to accept the proposals. Charles 
 only answered by another message, requesting to treat in per 
 son with parliament.:}: 
 
 * Rushworth, i., 4, 327—329. t lb-. 390 ; Laing, iii., 364—368 
 
 t Rushworth, i., 4, 393. 
 
ENGLISH KEVOLUTION. 335 
 
 At the very moment that, for the fifth time, he was express- 
 ing this unavailing wish, parliament was signing the treaty 
 regulating the retirement of the Scottish army, and the mode 
 of paying it (Dec. 23).* The loan opened in the city had 
 been immediately filled ; on the 16th of December, the 
 200,000Z. which the Scots were to receive previous to their 
 departure, enclosed in two hundred cases, sealed with the seal 
 of the two nations, and conveyed in thirty-six carts,! left Lon- 
 don, escorted by a body of infantry ; and Skippon, who com- 
 manded It, issued an order of the day that any officer or soldier 
 who by word or deed or otherwise, should give any Scottish 
 officer or soldier subject of complaint, should forthwith be se- 
 verely punished.:}: The convoy entered York on the 1st of 
 January, 1647, the cannon of the town celebrating its arrival ;§ 
 and three weeks after, the Scots received their first payment 
 at Northallerton. The king's name was not mentioned in the 
 course of this negotiation ; but a week after the treaty had 
 been signed (Dec. 31),|| the two houses voted that he should 
 be conveyed to Holmby Castle in Northamptonshire ; and he 
 so undoubtedly formed part of the bargain, that the commons 
 discussed the question whether commissioners should be sent 
 to Newcastle to receive him solemnly from the Scots, or 
 whether they should merely require him to be given up with- 
 out any ceremony to Skippon, with the keys of the place and 
 the receipt for the money. The independents strongly insisted 
 upon the last mode, delighted with the idea of insulting at the 
 same time the king and their rivals. But the presbyterians 
 succeeded in rejecting it (Jan. 6, 1674) ;ir and on the 12th of 
 January, nine commissioners, three lords and six members of 
 the commons,** left London with a numerous suite, to go and 
 respectfully take possession of their sovereign.ff 
 
 Charles was playing at chess when he received the first in- 
 timation of the vote of parliament and of his approaching re- 
 moval to Holmby Castle ; he quietly finished his game, and 
 
 * Pari. Hist., iii., 532—536. 
 
 f Rushworth, i., 4, 389: Pari. Hist., iii., 533. t Whitelocke, 230 
 
 § Pari. Hist, ut sup. ; Drake, History of York (1736), 171. 
 
 II Pari. Hist, 538. IT lb. 
 
 ** The earls of Pembroke and Denbigh, lord Montague, sir John 
 Coke, sir Walter Earl, sir John Holland, sir James Harrington, Mr. 
 Carew, and major-general Brown. 
 
 tt Sir Thomai Herbert, Memoirs (1702), 7 
 
336 HISTOUY OF THE 
 
 merely observed that on the arrival of the commissioners he 
 would acquaint them with his will (Jan. 15).* Those about 
 him manifested more anxiety ; his friends and servants looked 
 around on all sides for some aid, some refuge, now meditating 
 another flight, now attempting in some corner of the. kingdom 
 to excite a fresh rising of the royalists in his favor.f Even 
 the people began to show themselves touched by his fate. A 
 Scottish minister, preaching before him at Newcastle, gave 
 out the 51st Psalm, beginning with these words: 
 
 " Why dost thou, tyrant, boast thyself 
 Thy wicked works to praise ? " 
 
 The king arose, and instead of this, began the 56th Psalm : 
 
 " Have mercy, Lord, on me I pray, 
 For men would me devour : " 
 
 and with a common impulse, the whole assembly joined with 
 him ;:j: but the pity of a people is tardy, and remains long 
 without effect. 
 
 The commissioners arrived at Newcastle (Jan. 22) ; the 
 Scottish parliament had officially consented to surrender the 
 king (Jan. 16). § " I am sold and bought," said he, when he 
 heai'd of it. Yet he received the commissioners well, talked 
 cheerfully with them, congratulated lord Pembroke upon hav- 
 ing been able at his age, and in so severe a season, to inake 
 so long a journey without fatigue, inquired the state of the 
 roads, appeared, in short, anxious for them to think him glad 
 to return to the parliament. || Before quitting him, the Scottish 
 commissioners, lord Lauderdale in particular, the most clear- 
 sighted of all, made a last attempt with him in favor of the 
 covenant : " If he would but adopt it," they said, " instead of 
 giving him up to the English, we will take him to Berwick, 
 and obtain reasonable conditions for him." They even offered 
 Montreuil, who still served as a mediator between them, a large 
 sum of money if he could only obtain a promise from the king.lT 
 Charles persisted in his refusal, but without complaining of the 
 
 * Burnet's Memoirs of the Hamiltons, 307. 
 t Pari'. Hist., ut sup. t Whitelocke, 230. 
 
 § Pari. Hist., iii., 541. I| Herbert, 8. 
 
 IT Thurloe, State Papers, i., 87 ; Letter of M. de Montreuil to M. do 
 Brionne, February 2, 1647. 
 
ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 337 
 
 conduct of the Scots towards him, treating the commissioners 
 of both nations with equal civility, evidently anxious to avoid 
 exhibiting either distrust or anger.* The Scots, wearied out, 
 at length took their departure ; Newcastle was given up to 
 the English troops (Jan. 30) ; and the king left it on the 9th 
 of February, escorted by a regiment of horse. He travelled 
 slowly ; all the way an eager crowd flocked to meet him ; 
 persons afflicted with the king's evil were brought to him and 
 placed round his carriage, or at the door of the house which 
 he occupied, that he might touch them as he passed. The 
 commissioners were alarmed, and forbade this concourse,']' but 
 to little purpose, for no one was yet accustomed to oppress or 
 to fear, and the soldiers themselves dared not drive back the 
 people too roughly.:}: Approaching Nottingham, Fairfax, 
 whose head-quarters were there, came out to meet the king, 
 alighted as soon as he saw him, kissed his hand, and mounting 
 his horse again, went through the town by his side in respect- 
 ful conversation. " The general is a man of honor," said the 
 king, when he left him, " he has kept his word with me ; "§ 
 and two days after (Feb. 16) when he entered Holmby, where 
 a great many gentlemen and others of the neighborhood had 
 met to celebrate his arrival, he highly congratulated himself 
 on the reception he had received from his subjects. || 
 
 At Westminster even, the presbyterians conceived some dis- 
 quietude at all this, but it soon gave way to the joy of finding 
 themselves masters of the king, and free at length boldly to 
 attack their enemies. Charles arrived at Holmby on the 16th 
 of February ; and on the 19th the commons had already voted 
 that the army should be disbanded, excepting such part of it 
 as might be required for the Irish war, the service of the gar- 
 rison and the police of the kingdom. IT Fairfax himself was 
 near being deprived of the command of the troops retained ;** 
 
 * Thurloe, State Papers, i., 87 ; Letter of M. de Montreuil to M. de 
 Brionne, February 2, 1647, 
 
 t By a declaration published at Leeds, February 9, 1647 ; Pari. Hist., 
 iii., 549. 
 
 t Herbert, 10. 
 
 § Whitelocke, 238. It is not known to what promise Charles alluded ; 
 perhaps to that of receiving him and talking with him as Fairfax did. 
 
 11 Herbert, 10. 
 
 IT Pari. Hist, iii., 558. This motion was adopted by 159 to 147. 
 
 ** The motion was rejected by a majority of only 12, 159 to 147. — 
 Pari. Hist., ut sup. 
 29 
 
338 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 and, though he was left in possession of it, it was decreed, that 
 no member of the house could serve with him, that he should 
 have under his command no officer above the rank of colonel, 
 and that they should all be bound to conform to the presby- 
 terian church, and to adopt the covenant.* On their side, the 
 lords, to relieve, as they said, the counties round London, the 
 most devoted of all to the public cause, requii'ed that the army, 
 pending its dismissal, should take up its quarters at a greater 
 distance from the metropolis (March 24. )f A loan of 200,000/. 
 was opened in the city to pay the disbanded troops a portion of 
 their arrears.:}: Finally, a special committee, on which sat 
 nearly all the presbyterian leaders. Holies, Stapleton, Glynn, 
 Maynard, Waller, was ordered to superintend the execution 
 of these measures, and in particular to hasten the departure of 
 those succors which the unfortunate Irish protestants had so 
 long been expecting. § 
 
 The attack was not unforeseen : for the last two months the 
 independents had felt their influence decline in the house, for 
 most of the new members, who at first had acted with them, 
 from a dread of presbyterian despotism, were beginning to 
 turn against them.|| " What misery," said Cromwell one day 
 to Ludlow, " to serve a parliament ! let a man be ever so true, 
 if a lawyer calumniate him he can never recover it ;"'whereas, 
 in serving under a general, one is as useful, and there is 
 neither blame nor envy to dread ; if thy father were alive he 
 would soon let some of them hear what they deserve. "IT A 
 sincere republican, and as yet a stranger to the intrigues of 
 his party, though he fully shared their passions, Ludlow did 
 not understand his friend's meaning, and did not meet his 
 advances ; but others were more easily deceived and seduced. 
 Cromwell had already, in the army, several able accomplices 
 and blind instruments ; Ireton, who shortly after became his 
 son-in-law, a man bred to the law, but now commissary-gene- 
 ral of the cavalry, of a firm, obstinate, and subtle spirit, ca- 
 pable of carrying on silently, and with deep cunning, the 
 boldest designs, veiled under an appearance of rough honesty ; 
 Lambert, one of the most brilliant officers of the army, ambi- 
 tious, vain, and who, like Ireton, brought up to the law, had 
 
 * This motion was adopted by 136 to 108.— Id., ib. f Id., ib. 
 
 t Rush worth, i., 4, 449. § Holies, Mem., 75 ; Rushworth, ut sup. 
 II Id., ib. IT Ludlow, 79. 
 
ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 339 
 
 retained of his studies a power of insinuation, a readiness of 
 speech, which he liked to make use of with the soldiers ; 
 Harrison, Hammond, Pride, Rich, Rainsborough, all of them 
 colonels of tried valor, popular, and personally attached to 
 him : Harrison, because in pious meetings they had sought 
 the Lord together ; Hammond, because he was indebted to 
 him for his marriage with a daughter of Hampden ;* the 
 others, because they felt the ascendency of his genius, or ex- 
 pected their rise with his, or simply obeyed him as soldiers. 
 By their means, Cromwell, though, the war being over, he had 
 resumed his seat at Westminster, maintained all his influence 
 in the army, and from a distance exercised there his indefati- 
 gable activity. As soon as the disbanding of the troops was 
 talked of, these men in particular were loud in their murmurs ; 
 it was to them that, from London, news, insinuations, sugges- 
 tions were sent, which they immediately circulated underhand 
 throughout the army, exhorting the soldiers to insist upon the 
 payment of the whole of their arrears, to refuse to serve in 
 L'eland, to avoid disunion among themselves. Cromwell, 
 meanwhile, to disarm suspicion apparently inactive, was con- 
 stantly deploring from his place in the house the discontent 
 of the army, and pouring forth protestations of his devotion to 
 parliament. f 
 
 First came a petition signed only by fourteen officers 
 (March 25),:]: written in an humble and conciliatory tone. 
 They promised to go to Ireland at the first orders, and con- 
 tented themselves for the present with ofiering modest counsel 
 as to the payment of arrears and the guarantees that the 
 troops had a right to expect. The house thanked them, but 
 haughtily intimated that it became none to direct parliament 
 what to do.§ As soon as this answer reached the army, 
 another petition was instantly prepared, far more firm and 
 definite than the first. It demanded that the arrears should 
 be strictly liquidated ; that no one should be obliged to go to 
 Ireland against his will ; that disabled soldiers and the widows 
 and children of soldiers should receive pensions ; that prompt 
 payments on account might relieve the troops from becoming 
 a burden on the people among whom they were quartered. 
 It was no longer by a few individuals, but in the name of the 
 
 * Clarendon, iii., 118. t Holies, Memoirs, 84. 
 
 X Pari. Hist., iii., 560. § lb., iii., 562. 
 
340 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 whole body of officers and soldiers, that the petition was 
 drawn up ; and it was addressed, not to Parliament, but to 
 Fairfax, the natural representative of the army and guardian 
 of its rights. It was read at the head of each regiment, and 
 such officers as refused to sign it were threatened.* 
 
 Upon the first intelligence of these proceedings, parliament 
 commanded Fairfax to prohibit them, declaring that whoever 
 should persist in them would be considered an enemy of the 
 state and disturber of the public peace ; it further required 
 certain of the officers to attend the house and explain their 
 conduct. f 
 
 Fairfax promised obedience : Hammond, Pride, Lilburne, 
 and Grimes went to Westminster (April 1), and loudly re- 
 pelled the charges brought against them : " It is not true," 
 said Pride, " that the petition was read at the head of each 
 regiment ;" it was at the head of each company that it had 
 been read ; the house did not press the matter further — it was 
 sufficient, they said, that the petition was abandoned and 
 disavowed.:]: 
 
 The preparations for disbanding the army were resumed : 
 the loan opened in the city went on slowly, and was not 
 enough ; a general tax of 60,000?. a-month was imposed to 
 make up the amount. § Above all, the formation of the corps 
 destined for Ireland was hastened : great advantages were 
 promised to those who would enlist in them ; and Skippon 
 and Massey were appointed to command them.|| Five com- 
 missioners, all of the presbyterian party, proceeded to head- 
 quarters to make these resolutions known. 
 
 On the day of their arrival (April 15), two hundred officers, 
 assembled in the house of Fairfax, entered into conference 
 with them : " Who will command us in Ireland ?" asked 
 Lambert. " Major-general Skippon and major-general Mas- 
 sey are appointed." " The great part of the army," replied 
 Hammond, " will readily follow major-general Skippon, which 
 
 * Pari. Hist, iii., 562—567; Whitelocke, 241. 
 
 t This declaration was made on the 30th of March, 1647 ; Pari. 
 Hist., iii., 567. 
 
 X Rushworth, i., 4, 444. 
 
 § The ordinance, proposed in the beginning of April, was not defi- 
 nitely adopted till the 23d of June following. (Rushworth, 1., 4, 582.) 
 The tax was voted for one year. 
 
 II Rushworth, i., 4, 452. 
 
ENSLISH REVOLUTION. 34i 
 
 otherwise they would not ; they know the worth and valor 
 of that great soldier ; but they must also have the general 
 ofTicers of whom they have had such experience." "Yes, 
 yes," cried the officers ; " give us Fairfax and Cromwell, and 
 we will go." The commissioners, quite disconcerted, left 
 the room, requesting that all the well-disposed would come to 
 them at their lodgings. Scarcely more than twelve or fifteen 
 accepted the invitation.* 
 
 A few days after (April 27),-j- a hundred and forty-one 
 officers addressed a solemn justification of their conduct to 
 parliament : " We hope, by being soldiers," they said, " we 
 have not lost the capacity of subjects, nor divested ourselves 
 thereby of our interests in the commonwealth ; that in pur- 
 chasing the freedom of our brethren, we have not lost our 
 own. For our liberty of petitioning, we hope the house will 
 never deny it to us, as it has not denied it to its enemies, but 
 justified and commended it, and received misrepresentations 
 of us. The false suggestions of some men have informed you 
 that the army intended to enslave the kingdom : we earnestly 
 implore your justice to vindicate us, and that our hardly, 
 earned wages may be cared for, according to our great neces- 
 sities, more especially those of the soldiers." 
 
 The house had scarcely finished reading this letter (April 
 30), when Skippon rose, and delivered another, which had 
 been brought to him the day before by three private soldiers. 
 In it eight regiments of horse expressly refused to serve in 
 Ireland. It was, they said, a perfidious design upon them 
 and many of the godly party, a pretext to separate the soldiers 
 from the officers they loved, and to conceal the ambition of a 
 few men who had long been servants, but who having lately 
 tasted of sovereign power, were now, in order to remain 
 masters, degenerating into tyrants. At this personal attack, 
 the presbyterian leaders, alike astonished and irritated, de- 
 manded that the house, laying aside all other business, should 
 summon before it and question the three soldiers. They 
 came ; their demeanor was firm, their deportment unembar- 
 rassed.:]: " Where was this letter got up ?" inquired the 
 
 * Rushworth, i., 4, 457; Whitelocke, 244. 
 \ Pari. Hist, iii., 568 ; Rushworth, i., 4, 469—472. 
 J Their names were Edward Sexby, William Allen, and Thomas 
 Sheppard. 
 
 29* 
 
342 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 speaker. " At a meeting of the regiments." " Who wrote 
 it?" "A council of delegates appointed by each regiment." 
 "Did your officers approve of it?" "Very few of them 
 know anything about it." " Do you know that none but 
 royalists could have suggested such a proceeding ? You your, 
 selves, were you ever cavaliers ?" " We entered the service 
 of parliament before the battle of Edge-hill, and have re- 
 mained in it ever since." One of the three stepped forward : 
 " I received, on one occasion, five wounds ; I had fallen ; 
 major-general Skippon saw me on the ground ; he gave me 
 five shillings to get relief; the major-general can contradict 
 me if I lie." " It is true," said Skippon, looking with interest 
 at the soldier. " But what means this sentence in which you 
 speak about sovereign power ?" " We are only the agents 
 of our regiments ; if the house will give us its questions in 
 writing, we will take them to the regiments and bring back 
 the answers."* 
 
 A violent tumult arose in the house ; the presbyterians 
 broke out into threats. Cromwell, leaning towards Ludlow, 
 who was sitting next to him, said, " These men will never 
 leave, till the army pull them out by the ears."f 
 
 Anger soon gave way to uneasiness ; the discovery just 
 made was an alarming one ; it was no longer discontented 
 soldiers whom they had to repress ; the whole army was 
 banded together, was erecting itself into an independent, 
 perhaps rival power, had already its own government. Two 
 councils, composed the one of officers, the other of delegates 
 or agitators, named by the soldiers, regulated all its proceed- 
 ings, and were preparing to negotiate in its name. Every 
 precaution had been taken to keep up this growing organiza- 
 tion ; every squadron, every company named two agitators ; 
 whenever it was necessary for them to meet, every soldier 
 gave fourpence to defray the expenses, and the two councils 
 were never to act but in common.:]: At the same time, a re- 
 port was spread, and not without foundation, that proposals 
 had reached the king from the army ; it was said that it 
 
 * Rushworth, i., 4, 474 ; Holies, Memoirs, 89 ; Whitelocke, 249. 
 t Ludlow, 81. 
 
 t Rushworth, i., 4, 485; Fairfax, 106; Holies, ut sup.; Ludlow, 
 ut sup. 
 
ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 843 
 
 oifered to re-establish him in his just rights,* if he would 
 place himself at its head and under its care. In parliament 
 itself, at the manifestation of this new power, and dreading 
 its immediate strength still more than its triumph, the more 
 cautious members became timid ; some left London ; others, 
 like Whitelocke, sought the favor of the generals, of Crom- 
 well in particular, who eagerly met their advances. f It was 
 resolved to try the effect of compliance, and to treat with the 
 army through its own leaders. Two months' pay, instead of 
 six weeks', as first voted, was promised to the troops who 
 were to be disbanded (May 14) ;:{: an oi'dinance was drawn 
 up for a general amnesty for all disorders and illegal acts 
 committed during the war ;§ and funds were assigned to 
 assist the widows and children of soldiers. || Finally, Crom- 
 well, Ireton, Skippon, Fleetwood, all the generals who were 
 members of the commons, and who were acceptable to the 
 army, were charged to re-establish harmony between it and 
 the parliament. IF 
 
 A fortnight passed without their presence at head-quarters 
 appearing to produce any effect. They wrote often, but 
 their letters contained nothing : sometimes the council of 
 officers had refused to answer without the concurrence of 
 the agitators ; sometimes the agitators themselves had re- 
 quested time to consult the soldiers.** Every day, and under 
 the eyes of the commissioners of parliament, this hostile 
 government acquired more consistency and power. Yet 
 Cromwell ceased not to write that he was exhausting him- 
 self in futile efforts to appease the army, that his own influ- 
 ence was greatly suffering in consequence, and that he him- 
 self should soon become an object of suspicion and odium to 
 the soldiers. -ff Some of the commissioners at length returned 
 
 * Proposals of this nature had in fact been made to the king by some 
 officers in the beginning of April ; Charles rejected them. — Clarendon, 
 State Papers, ii., 365. 
 
 t Whitelocke, 248. J Rushworth, i., 4, 484. 
 
 § lb. The ordinance was definitively adopted on the 21st of May — 
 Ibid.,4S9. 
 
 II Holies, 91. 
 
 IT They went to the head-quarters at Saffron Walden, in Essex on the 
 7th of May, 1647. 
 
 ** Rushworth, i., 4, 4S0, 485, 487 ; Huntingdon, Memoirs (1702), 152. 
 
 tt Clarendon, iii., 357, &c. 
 
344 HISTORV OF THE 
 
 to London, bringing from the army the same proposals on the 
 one hand, the same refusals on the other.* 
 
 The presbyterian leaders had expected this ; and profiting 
 by the disposition of the house, which had hoped for better 
 things, obtained in a few hours the adoption of more decided 
 resolutions. On a motion of Holies, it was voted that the 
 troops which would not enlist for Ireland, should be instantly 
 disbanded ; all the details of this measure were arranged, the 
 day, the place, the means. The corps wei'e to be dissolved 
 suddenly, separately, each in its quarters, almost at the same 
 time, or at very short intervals, so that they might neither 
 concert nor assemble together. The money necessary to carry 
 out the first acts of the operation was forwarded to different 
 points, and commissioners, all of them presbyterians, were 
 sent to superintend its execution. •]" 
 
 They found the army in the most violent confusion : in- 
 formed of the blow which threatened them, most of the regi- 
 ments had mutinied ; some, expelling such officers as they 
 distrusted, had of their own authority put themselves in 
 motion, with colors flying, to join their comrades ; others had 
 entrenched themselves, armed and equipped, in churches, 
 declaring that they would not disperse ; some had seized the 
 money destined to pay the disbanded troops ; all clamorously 
 demanded a general meeting, in which the whole army might 
 be heard ; and a letter was immediately addressed to Fairfax 
 (May 29) in the name of the soldiers, saying, that if their 
 officers refused to lead them, they well knew how to meet 
 without them and defend their own rights. Fairfax discon- 
 certed, afflicted, exhorted the officers, hearkened to the soldiers, 
 wrote to paiiiament, alike sincere and alike uninfluential with 
 all parties, equally incapable of resigning popularity or ex- 
 ercising power. At last he called a council of war (May 26), 
 and the officers, with only six exceptions, voted the resolutions 
 of parliament were not satisfactory, that the army could not 
 disperse without better securities, that it should draw its quar- 
 ters nearer together ; that a general meeting should take place 
 to calm the fears of the soldiers ; and that an humble represen- 
 
 * Rushworth, i., 4, 491. 
 
 t Rushworth, i., 4, 493, 494, 496; Pari. Hist, iii., 5S2 ; Holies, 
 Memoirs, 125. These resolutions were adopted by the house of lords 
 on May 22, 1647. 
 
ENGLISH REVOLUTION* " 845 
 
 tation from the council should inform the parliament of all that 
 had taken place.* 
 
 No illusion was longer possible ; its authority thus braved, 
 parliament could no longer suffice to itself; it required against 
 such enemies some other strength than its name, some other 
 support than the law. This could only be given it by the 
 king, on one hand, or by the city, still altogether presbyterian, 
 and very near becoming royalist, on the other. Some 
 measures had already been taken with this view ; by the 
 consent of the common council, the command of the militia 
 had been taken from the independents and transferred to a 
 committee of presbyterians jf a more numerous guard had 
 been placed round the doors of parliament ;:|: 12,000Z. addi- 
 tional had been assigned for their maintenance ; crowds of the 
 cashiered officers, the faithful remnant of Essex's army, so- 
 journed freely in the city. To the great regret of the party, 
 Essex himself was no more ; he had died almost suddenly, at 
 the latter end of the preceding year (Sept. 14), on his return 
 from a hunting party, just at the time when it was said he 
 was preparing to make a signal effort in favor of peace ; and 
 his death had seemed to the presbyterians so terrible a blow 
 that a rumor was spread of his having been poisoned by his 
 enemies. But Waller, Poyntz, Massey were full of zeal, and 
 all ready to declare themselves. As to the king, parlia- 
 ment might very well fear that he did not entertain towards 
 them a feeling much more favorable than before ; twice, 
 with the hard bigotry of theological hatred, they had 
 refused him the attendance of his chaplains (Feb. 19 and 
 March 8) ; and two presbyterian ministers, Messrs. Marshall 
 and Caryll, solemnly celebrated their own form of worship, 
 at Holmby, though Charles constantly refused to attend ;§ his 
 most trusty servants had been removed from him ;|| every 
 attempt to correspond with his wife, his children, or his 
 friends, was strictly prevented ;*[[ it was with great difficulty 
 that one of the commissioners of the Scottish parliament, lord 
 Dunfermline, obtained permission to converse with him (May 
 13) ;** finally, he had (May I2)ff addressed to parliament a 
 
 * Rushworth, i., 4, 596; Pari. Hist, iii., 5S5 ; Holies, 126. 
 
 t By an ordinance of the 4th of May, 1647 ; Rushworth, i., 4, 472, 478 
 
 i lb., 496. § Pari. Hist., iii., 557—550; Herbert, 11. || lb., 13. 
 
 IT Rushworth, i., 4, 453, 482. 
 
 •♦ Rushworth, i., 4, 483. > ft Pari. Hist., iii., 577—581. 
 
34e6 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 detailed answer on the proposal he had received at Newcastle, 
 and more than a fortnight had elapsed without any disposition 
 being manifested to take it into consideration. After so much 
 and such vexatious rigor, a reconciliation seemed difficult. 
 Yet the necessity of the case was urgent ; if the king had 
 reason to complain of the presbyterians, he still knew that 
 they did not desire his utter ruin. Even at Holmby, though 
 so strictly watched, the usual honors of royalty were observed 
 towards him ; his household was maintained with splendor, 
 the ceremonies of the court exactly adhered to ; on the part 
 of the resident commissioners, who were all presbyterians, 
 nothing in their deportment was wanting in etiquette and 
 respect, and they accordingly lived upon very good terms 
 together ; sometimes the king invited them to accompany him 
 in his walks, sometimes he played at chess or ai bowls with 
 them, always treating them with marked attention, and seek- 
 ing their society.* Assuredly, they thought, he could not be 
 ignorant that the enemies of parliament were also his own, 
 nor refuse the only means of safety that was now offered him. 
 The lords voted (May 20)f that his majesty should be invited 
 to reside near London, in Oatlands Castle ; the commons, 
 without joining in the vote, manifested the same wish ; the cor- 
 respondence with the resident commissioners, particularly with 
 colonel Greaves, the commandant of the garrison, became 
 active and mysterious : already at Westminster and in the 
 city, every one was indulging in the hope that the king would 
 soon unite with his parliament, when, on the 4th of June, the 
 news arrived that the day before the king had been taken from 
 Holmby by a detachment of seven hundred men, and was 
 now in the hands of the army. 
 
 And so it was ; on the 2d of June, as the king was playing 
 at bowls, after dinner, on Althorpe Down, two miles from 
 Holmby, the commissioners who accompanied him remarked 
 with astonishment, among those standing by, a stranger in the 
 uniform of Fairfax's regiment of guax'ds. Colonel Greaves 
 asked him who he was, whence he came, what was talked of 
 in the army ; the man answered somewhat abruptly and 
 haughtily, as if conscious of his own importance, yet without 
 impertinence. Soon afterwards, a report circulated round the 
 
 *Herbert, 12. i Pari. Hist, iii., 581. 
 
ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 847 
 
 king that a numerous body of horse was approaching Holmby ; 
 " Did you hear of them ?" said Greaves to the stranger. " 1 
 did more than hear, I saw them yesterday not thirty miles off." 
 This caused great alarm ; all immediately returned to 
 Holmby ; some preparations were made to resist an attack ; 
 the garrison promised to remain faithful to the parliament. 
 Towards midnight, a body of horse arrived under the walls 
 of the castle, and demanded entrance. " Who is your com- 
 mander ?" inquired the commissioners. " We all command," 
 was the reply. One of them came forward, the same who 
 had been seen a few hours before on Althoi'pe Down : " My 
 name is Joyce," said he ; "I am a cornet in the general's 
 guard ; I want to speak to the king." " From whom ?" 
 " From myself." The commissioners laughed. " It's no 
 laughing matter," said Joyce ; " I come not hither to be 
 advised by you ; I have no business with the commissioners ; 
 my errand is to the king, and speak with him I must and will 
 presently." Greaves and major-general Brown, one of the 
 commissioners, ordered the gan*ison to hold themselves in 
 readiness to fire ; but the soldiers had talked with the new 
 comers, the portcullis was lowered, the gates opened, and 
 Joyce's men were already in the castle-yard, alighting from 
 their horses, shaking hands with their comrades, saying they 
 were come by order of the army to place the king in safety, 
 as there was a plot to carry him off, take him to London, raise 
 other troops, and begin a second civil war ; and colonel 
 Greaves, commandant of the garrison, they added, had en- 
 gaged to accomplish the treachery. On hearing this, the 
 soldiers exclaimed that they would not forsake the army ; 
 Greaves disappeared, and made his escape in all haste. After 
 a few hours' conference, the commissioners saw that all hope 
 of resistance must be given up. It was noon ; Joyce took 
 possession of the castle, posted sentinels about it, and then 
 retired till evening to give his men some repose. 
 
 He returned at ten, and requested to be taken to the king. 
 " The king is in bed," was the answer. " I don't care," said 
 he, " I have waited long enough ; I must see him ;" and, 
 with a cocked pistol in his hand, he caused himself to be con- 
 ducted to the apartment occupied by Charles. " I am sorry," 
 said he, to the gentleman in attendance, " to disturb the rest 
 of his majesty ; but I cannot help it j I must needs speak with 
 
348 HISTOKY OF THE 
 
 him, and that at once." He was asked whether he was 
 authorized by the commissioners. " No ; I have put guards 
 at their doors, and my orders come from men who do not fear 
 them." They urged him to lay aside his arms, but he abso- 
 lutely refused. Some hesitation was shown to open the door ; 
 he grew angry. The king, awakened by the quarrel, rang, 
 and gave orders that he should be admitted. Joyce entered, 
 uncovered, but his pistol slill in his hand, and with a deter- 
 mined though not insulting air. The king, in the presence 
 of the commissioners, whom he sent for, had a long conference 
 with him, and then dismissed him, saying : " Good night, Mr. 
 Joyce ; I will readily go with you, if your soldiers confirm all 
 you have promised me." 
 
 Next morning, at six, Joyce's men were drawn up on horse- 
 back in the castle yard. The king appeared at the top' of the 
 stairs, followed by the commissioners and his servants. Joyce 
 came forward. " Mr. Joyce," said the king, " I must ask 
 you, by what authority you pretend to seize me and take me 
 from this place ?" " Sir, I am sent by authority of the army, 
 to prevent the designs of its enemies, who would once more 
 plunge the kingdom in blood." " This is no legal authority ; 
 I acknowledge no other in England than my own, and after 
 mine, that of the parliament. Have you a written warrant 
 from sir Thomas Fairfax ?" " I have orders from the army, 
 and the general is comprised in the army." " That is no 
 answer ; the general is at the head of the army ; have you a 
 written warrant ?" "I beg that your majesty will question 
 me no further ; 1 have already said enough." " Come, Mr. 
 Joyce, be frank with me ; tell me, where is your commis- 
 sion ?" " There it is, sir." " Where ?" " There." " But 
 where ?" " There, behind me ;" and he pointed to his sol- 
 diers. " Believe me," said the king, smiling, *' your instruc- 
 tions are written in very legible characters ; 'tis truly a fair 
 commission ; you have a company of as handsome, proper 
 gentlemen as I have seen a great while. But you must know 
 that, to take me hence, you must employ force, if you do not 
 promise I shall be treated with respect, and that nothing shall 
 be required of me against my conscience or my honor." 
 " Nothing ! nothing !" exclaimed all the soldiers. " We 
 should be most unwilling," said Joyce, " to force men to act 
 against their conscience, much less your majesty." " Now, 
 
ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 349 
 
 gentlemen, for the place you intend to have me to ?" "To 
 Oxford, sir, if you please." " No, the air is not good," 
 "Then to Cambridge." "No, I would rather go to New. 
 market ; it is an air that always agreed with me." " As you 
 please, sir." As the king was retiring, the commissioners 
 advanced a few steps towards the troop : " Gentlemen," said 
 lord Montague, " we are here in trust from both houses, and 
 desire to know whether you all agree to what Mr. Joyce has 
 said ?" " All, all !" " Let those," said major-general 
 Brown, " who wish the king should remain with us, say so." 
 " None, none !" was the reply. Their powerlessness thus 
 manifested, the commissioners submitted ; three of them got 
 into the carriage with the king, the others mounted their 
 horses, and Joyce gave the word to march.* 
 
 A messenger was despatched at the same moment to Lon- 
 don, bearing a letter in which Joyce announced to Cromwell 
 that all had succeeded. If he did not find Cromwell in Lon- 
 don, the messenger was to deliver the letter to sir Arthur 
 Haslerig, and, in his absence, to colonel Fleetwood. It was 
 Fleetwood who received it ;f Cromwell was at head-quarters, 
 with Fairfax, who was greatly troubled when he heard what 
 had taken place. " I do not like it," he said to Ireton ; " who 
 gave such orders ?" " I ordered," replied Ireton, " that the 
 king should be secured at Holmby, but not that he should be 
 carried away." " It was quite necessary," said Cromwell, 
 who at that moment arrived from London, " or the king would 
 have been taken, and had back to parliament." Fairfax at 
 once sent colonel Whalley with two regiments of horse to 
 meet the king, and take him back to Holmby ; Charles re- 
 fused to return, protesting against the violence to which he 
 had been subjected, but, in reality, well pleased to change his 
 prison, and that discord prevailed among his enemies. Two 
 days after, Fairfax himself, and all his staff, Cromwell, Ire- 
 ton, Skippon, Hammond, Lambert, and Rich, presented them- 
 selves to him (June 7) at Childersley, near Cambridge. Most 
 of them, Fairfax being the first, respectfully kissed his hand ; 
 Cromwell and Ireton alone kept apart. Fairfax protested to 
 the king that he had known nothing about his removal. " I 
 
 * Rushworth, i.,4, 502, 513—517 ; Pari. Hist, ill., 58S— 601 ; Her- 
 bert, 17—24 ; Ludlow, 82. 
 
 t Holies, Memoirs, 97 ; Huntingdon, Memoirs, 312. 
 30 
 
350 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 will not believe it," said Charles, " unless you have Joyce 
 forthwith hanged."* Joyce was summoned : " I told the 
 king," said he, " that I had no warrant from the general ; I 
 acted by order of the army ; let the army be assembled ; if 
 three parts of them do not approve of what I have done, I 
 consent to be hanged at the head of my regiment." Fairfax 
 talked of having him tried by a court-martial, but to no pur- 
 pose. " Sir," said the king to him, when he left him, " I 
 have as good interest in the army as you ;" and he desired to 
 be taken back to Newmarket. Colonel Whalley here took 
 up his quarters with him ; Fairfax returned to head-quarters, 
 and Cromwell to Westminster, where, for the last four days, 
 all had been wondering at his absence. f 
 
 He found both houses a prey to sudden alternations of an- 
 ger and fear, decision and weakness. The first news that the 
 king was carried off caused general dismay ; Skippon, whom 
 the presbyterians persisted in regarding as one of their party, 
 moved, in a lamentable tone, that a solemn fast should be or- 
 dained, to obtain from the Lord the restoration of harmony 
 between the parliament and the army ; and meanwhile it was 
 voted, on the one hand, that a considerable sum on account of 
 arrears should be advanced forthwith, and, on the other, 
 that the declaration which had treated the first petition from 
 the officers as seditious, should be rescinded and erased from 
 the Journals (June 5).:}: Further information, however, by 
 exciting indignation, restored some degree of courage to the 
 parliament ; they received from the commissioners details of 
 what had taken place at Holmby ; they became acquainted 
 with the letter from Joyce to Cromwell ; they even thought 
 they knew exactly on what day, at head-quarters, in a confer- 
 ence between some officers and the principal agitators, this 
 audacious coup-de-main§ had been planned and decided upon 
 at Cromwell's instigation. When the lieutenant-general re- 
 appeared in the house, their suspicions were given utterance 
 to ; he repelled with vehemence, calling God, angels, men to 
 witness, that up to that day Joyce was as unknown to him as 
 
 * Huntingdon, Memoirs, 153. 
 
 t Rushworth, i.,4, 545, 549; Herbert, 25; Warwick (1701), 299, 
 Fairfax, 116. 
 
 i Pari. Hist, iii., 592, 597; Holies, Memoirs, 132. 
 § According to Holies, 96, it was on the 30th of May. 
 
ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 351 
 
 the light of the sun to the unborn child.* None the less for 
 that, the conviction of Holies, Glynn, and Grimstone, re- 
 mained unshaken, and they sought everywhere for proofs, 
 resolved to take the first opportunity of moving his arrest. 
 One morning, a little before the house met, two officers waited 
 upon Grimstone. " Not long since," said they, " was dis- 
 cussed, in an assembly of officers, whether it would not be 
 well to purge the army, so as to have there only men in whom 
 confidence could be placed ; ' I am sure of the army,' Crom- 
 well said, on the occasion, ' but there is another body which 
 it is far more urgent to purge, the house of commons — and 
 the army alone can do this.' " " Will you repeat these words 
 to the house ?" asked Grimstone. " We are ready to do so," 
 answered the officers ; and they accompanied him to West- 
 minster. The house was sitting : a debate was begun : " Mr. 
 Speaker," said Grimstone, as soon as he entered, " I move 
 that this debate be adjourned ; I have a much more urgent mat- 
 ter to put to it, a far graver question, a question affecting our 
 liberty, our very existence ;" and he forthwith charged Crom- 
 well, who was present, with intending to employ the army 
 against the parliament. " My witnesses are here," he said ; 
 " I move that they be admitted." The two officers came, 
 and repeated their statement. They were no sooner with- 
 drawn than Cromwell arose, and, falling on his knees, after 
 a passion of tears, with a vehemence of sobs, words, and ges- 
 tures that filled the whole assembly with emotion or asto- 
 nishment, poured forth invocations and fervent prayers, in- 
 voking upon his head every curse of God, if any man in the 
 kingdom was more faithful than he to the house. Then, 
 rising, he spoke for more than two hours of the king, the 
 army, of his enemies, of his friends, of himself; touching 
 upon and mixing up all things ; humble and audacious, ver- 
 bose and impassioned, earnestly repeating, again and again, 
 that he was unjustly assailed, compromised without reason ; 
 that, with the exception of a few men whose eyes were 
 turned towards the land of Egypt, officers and soldiers, all 
 were devoted to him, and easy to keep under his command. 
 In a word, such was his success, that when he sat down, the 
 ascendency had altogether gone over to his party, and " if 
 
 • Harris, Life of Crornwell, 97, in the note. 
 
352 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 he had pleased," as Grimstone himself said, thirty years 
 afterwards, "the house would have sent us to the Tower, 
 me and my officers, as calumniators."* 
 
 But Cromwell was too wise to be eager for revenge, too 
 clear-sighted to deceive himself respecting the real value of 
 his triumph. He immediately saw that such scenes could not 
 be repeated, and the very same evening secretly left London, 
 joined the army assembled at Tripole Heath (June 10),"]* near 
 Cambridge, and laying aside towards the presbyterians and 
 the house that disguise which he felt could no longer be main- 
 tained, even with his hypocrisy, placed himself openly at the 
 head of the independents and the soldiers. 
 
 A few days after his arrival, the army was on its march to 
 London ; a solemn engagement to maintain their cause to the 
 last had been subscribed by all the regiments ; under the title 
 of an humble refresentaiion, they had addressed to parliament 
 (June 14), no longer merely the picture of their own griev- 
 ances, but the haughty expression of their views as to public 
 affairs, the constitution of parliament, the elections, the right 
 of petition, the general reform of the state.:]: Finally, to these 
 unprecedented demands was joined a project of impeachment 
 against eleven members of the commons, Holies, Stapleton, 
 Maynard, &c.,§ the enemies of the army, as they said, and 
 the sole cause of the fatal mistakes into which parliament had 
 fallen respecting it. 
 
 The presbyterians had foreseen the blow, and sought before- 
 hand to shield themselves against it. For the last fortnight 
 they had been using every effort to excite in their favor the 
 people of the city : complaints had been made of the taxes on 
 salt and meat : they were abolished (June 11 and 25) ;1| the 
 apprentices had protested against the suppression of religious 
 festivals, particularly that of Christmas, hitherto always a pe- 
 riod of merriment all over England : days of public recreation 
 were appointed to take their place (June 8) ;1[ there was still 
 
 * Burnet, i., 77. f Holies, 99. % Rushworth, i., 4, 564. 
 
 § Denzil Holies, sir Philip Stapleton, sir William Lewis, sir John 
 Clotworthy, Sir William Waller, sir John Maynard, Glynn, Anthony 
 Nichols, major-general Massey, and colonels Waller, Long and Harley 
 (ib., 570). 
 
 II Whitelocke, 252 ; Rushworth, i. 4, 592. 
 
 IT Pari. Hist., iii., 594; Whitelocke, 251—254; Rushworth, i. 4, 
 4(50, 548. 
 
ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 353 
 
 a general clamor against the rapacity of a crowd of members, 
 the accumulation of offices, indemnities, profits on sequestra- 
 tions ; the commons voted that no member should henceforth 
 accept any lucrative office, or gift, or assigneeship of the 
 estates of delinquents, and even that they should return into 
 the public treasury the sums they had already received, and 
 that their lands should be subjected to the common law for the 
 payment of their debts (June 10) ;* lastly, the committee 
 which had been appointed to receive the complaints of citizens, 
 had fallen into disuse ; it was reinstated on a more vigorous 
 footing (June 3).f 
 
 But the day was come in which concessions were no longer 
 a proof of anything but distress, and in which parties only 
 acknowledged their faults to expiate them. The city detested 
 the independents, but feared them ; towards the presbyterian 
 chiefs it felt a devotion devoid of respect or confidence, as 
 towards decried and vanquished masters. For awhile these 
 measures seemed to produce some effect : the common coun- 
 cil declared their firm design to support parliament (June 10) ;:[: 
 a few squadrons of citizens were formed ; the militia were 
 recruited ; the disbanded officers came in crowds to inscribe 
 their names at Massey's, Waller's, and Holles's ; prepara- 
 tions for defence were made round London ;§ parliament 
 voted (June 11) that the army should be called upon to retire, 
 suri'ender the king to its commissioners, and that his majes- 
 ty should be requested to reside at Richmond under the protec- 
 tion of parliament alone (June 15). || But the army conti- 
 nued to advance. Fairfax wrote in its name to the common 
 council (June 11 and 14),1I complaining of their allowing 
 men to be recruited against it. The council sent an unmean- 
 ing reply, assigning its fears as an excuse, and protesting that 
 if the army would retire, and consent to remain quartered 
 forty miles from London, all dissensions would soon cease 
 (June 12 and 15).** Fairfax answered, that this letter came 
 too late ; that his head-quarters were already at St. Albans, 
 and that a month's pay was absolutely necessary. ff Parlia- 
 
 * Pari. Hist, iii., 603 : Whitelocke, 255. f Rushworth, i., 4, 500. 
 t Pari. Hist., iii., 600 ; Whitelocke, 251. 
 § Rushworth, i., 4, 552, &c. ; Pari. Hist., iii., 614. 
 II Pari. Hist., iii., 614. IT lb., 608—628. 
 
 ** Rushworth, i., 4, 557 ; Pari. Hist, iii., 630. 
 ft Rushworth, i., 4, 560 ; Pari. Hist., iii., 613. 
 30* 
 
354 KISTOKY OF THE 
 
 ment voted the pay, and insisted upon a retrograde movement 
 (June 15 and 21.)* The army required that the eleven mem- 
 hers, its enemies, should first be expelled from parliament 
 (June 23). j" The commons could not resolve to deal them- 
 selves, with their own hands, so heavy a blow ; the point had 
 already been several times brought under discussion, but the 
 majority had always answered that a vague accusation, with- 
 our facts to support accusations, without proofs to make out 
 the facts, could not deprive members of parliament of their 
 rights. :j: " The first accusation against lord Strafford," urged 
 the army, " was also vague and entirely general ; as you did 
 then, we will do now, furnish our proofs afterwards ;"§ and 
 it still advanced. On the 26th of June its head-quarters were 
 at Uxbridge. The city dispatched commissioners to it, but 
 with no effect. The alarm increased every day ; already the 
 shops were kept shut, and the eleven members were bitterly 
 animadverted upon for an obstinacy so deeply compromising 
 for parliament and the city. They readily understood this 
 language ; and offered themselves to retire. Their devotion 
 was accepted with eager gratitude (June 26) ;|| and the very 
 day of their retirement, the commons voted that they adopted 
 all the proceedings of the army, would provide for its support, 
 that commissioners should be appointed to regulate in concert 
 with those of the army the affairs of the kingdom ; that in the 
 meantime the king should be requested not to come to Rich- 
 mond as it had lately been desired, and that in any case he 
 should not reside nearer London than the head-quarters of the 
 army.TT On these conditions Fairfax drew back a few miles, 
 and appointed ten commissioners to treat with those of parlia- 
 ment (June 30 and July 1).** 
 
 When the king heard of these resolutions, he was preparing 
 to set out for Richmond, according to the desire of parliament, 
 or at least to attempt to do so, for since that wish had been 
 
 * Pari. Hist., iii., 631—639. t lb., 640—650. ' 
 
 t Holies, 119, &c. ; Pari. Hist., iii., 653. § Rushworth, i., 4, 594. 
 
 II Pari. Hist., iii., 654; Holies, 124; Clarendon, State Papers, ii., 
 App., xxxviii. ' 
 
 IT Pari. Hist., iii., 656. 
 
 ** Rushworth, i., 4, 596 ; Pari. Hist., iii., 661. The commissioners 
 appointed by the army were, Cromwell, Ireton, Fleetwood, Rainsbo- 
 rough, Harrison, sir Hardress Waller, Rich, Hammond, Lambert, and 
 Desborough. 
 
ENGLISH KE VOLUTION. 355 
 
 expressed, he had been the object of the closest surveillance, 
 had been dragged, as it were, from town to town after the 
 army, and at every halting-place found a number of guards 
 placed round his lodgings. He had manifested great indig- 
 nation at this : " Since my parliament," he said, " asks me to 
 go to Richmond, if any one offers to prevent me, it must be by 
 force and by seizing my bridle-rein ; and for him that may 
 dare attempt this, it shall not be my fault if it be not the last 
 action of his life."* When he learned that the parliament 
 itself opposed his departure, that it had conceded everything 
 to the army, and was negotiating v/ith it as with a conqueror, 
 he smiled contemptuously at this humiliation of his first ad- 
 versaries, and hastened to give another direction to his in- 
 trigues. Save the measures taken to prevent his escape, he 
 had no matter of complaint against the army ; the officers 
 were as respectful towards him and far more complaisant than 
 the commissioners of parliament. Two of his chaplains, doc- 
 tors Sheldon and Hammond, had been allowed to live with 
 him, and freely to do spiritual duty according to the rites of 
 the episcopal church ; his old servants, even the cavaliers who 
 had been lately in arms, were no longer indiscriminately for- 
 bidden access to him • the duke of Richmond, the earl of 
 Southampton, the marquis of Hertford, obtained leave to visit 
 him ; the leaders of the army seemed to take great pleasure 
 in showing the royalist noblemen that they were capable of 
 tempering power with generosity ; and even in the inferior 
 ranks, the military spirit repelled those minute precautions, 
 those petty rigors, from which, at Newcastle and Holmby, the 
 king had so often been a sufferer. j" Since the surrender of 
 Oxford, his youngest children, the duke of York, the princess 
 Elizabeth, and the duke of Gloucester, had resided either at 
 St. James's Palace or Sion House, near London, under the 
 charge of the earl of Northumberland, to whom parliament 
 had entrusted them. Charles expressed a wish to see them,- 
 and Fairfax at once urged the request officially upon parlia- 
 ment. " Who, if he can imagine it to be his own case," he 
 said, " cannot but be sorry if his majesty's natural affection to 
 his children, in so small a thing, should not be complied 
 with ?":{: The interview took place (July 15) at Maidenhead, 
 
 * Huntingdon, Memoirs. t Herbert, passim. 
 
 JHis letter was of the 8th of July ; Pari. Hist, iii., 679. 
 
356 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 amidst a large concourse of people, who strewed with ever- 
 greens and flowers the roads by which the royal family came 
 to meet each other ; and far from conceiving any anger or 
 distrust at this, officers and soldiers, touched, in common with 
 the people, by the happiness of the father at the sight of his 
 children, permitted him to take them with him to Caversham, 
 where he then resided, and keep them for two days.* Some 
 of them, moreover, Cromwell and Ireton in particular, too 
 cleai'-sighted to flatter themselves that their struggle with the 
 presbyterians was at an end and their victory secure, felt, on 
 calculating all the chances, uneasy respecting the future, and 
 considering the various aspects which the approaching crisis 
 might assume, put it to one another whether the favor of the 
 king restored to authority by their hands, would not be the 
 best security for their party, the surest means of fortune and 
 power for themselves."]* 
 
 The rumor of this disposition of things, of the attentions 
 paid by the army to the king, of the advances made to him 
 by some of its leaders, soon spread throughout the kingdom. 
 The conditions offered him were even stated, and pamphlets 
 were circulated, some praising, others blaming the army. 
 The leaders thought it necessary officially to contradict these 
 reports, and even to demand, in a tone of anger, the punish- 
 ment of their authors (July l).j^ But the negotiations with 
 the king were none the less continued. The officers were 
 respectful, courteous, assiduous in their attentions ; familiar, 
 almost friendly intercourse was established between them and 
 the cavaliers, as between men who, having honorably fought 
 each other, now only desired to live in peace. The king him- 
 self wrote to the queen on the subject with some confidence, 
 and the new hopes soon became the sole topic of conversation 
 with the few emigrants who had followed her to Paris, or had 
 sought refuge in Normandy, at Rouen, Caen, or Dieppe. Two 
 men, in particular, occupied themselves in spreading the in- 
 telligence abroad, carefully making it appear that they knew 
 more about the matter than they thought fit to explain, and 
 that no one could render in this affair such important services 
 to the king as themselves. One of them, sir John Berkley, 
 had valiantly defended himself in Exeter, and had not sur- 
 
 * Rushworth, i., 4, 625 ; Clarendon, iii., 86. 
 
 t Huntingdon, Memoirs, 155. J Pari. Hist., ut sup. 
 
ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 357 
 
 rendered the place till three weeks before the king fled to the 
 Scottish camp ; the other, Ashburnham, had only quitted the 
 king at Newcastle, to escape the effects of the animosity borne 
 him by parliament ; both vain, boasting intriguers, Berkley 
 with most courage, Ashburnham more crafty, and possessing 
 more influence over the king. Berkley, by chance, Ash- 
 burnham, by order of Charles himself, had had some cor- 
 respondence with a few of the principal officers, enough, in 
 their opinion, to boast of and profit by. The queen received 
 all their assurances without hesitation ; and by her orders, in 
 the beginning of July, they both set out, a few days after each 
 other, to present themselves to the king and the army as ne- 
 gotiators.* Berkley was no sooner landed, than a cavalier of 
 his acquaintance, sir Allen Apsley,"]" came to meet him, sent 
 by Cromwell, Lambert, and some others, to assure him that 
 they had not forgotten their conversation with him after the 
 taking of Exetei', nor his excellent counsels, and that they 
 were ready to benefit by them, and pressed him to hasten. 
 On receiving this message, proud to find himself of more im- 
 portance than even he himself had imagined, Berkley, stop- 
 ping but a moment in London, pressed on to head-quarters, at 
 this time at Reading. He had only been there three hours, 
 when Cromwell sent to apologize for not being able to visit 
 him at once : and the same day, at ten in the evening, Berkley 
 heard Cromwell, Rainsborough, and sir Hardress Waller an- 
 nounced. All three made protestations of their good in- 
 tentions towards the king, Rainsborough drily, Cromwell with 
 expressions of deep feeling : " I have just witnessed," said he, 
 " the most touching spectacle, the interview of the king with 
 his children ; no one has been more deceived than I about his 
 majesty ; he is, I am now sure of it, the best man in the three 
 kingdoms ; for our parts, we are infinitely indebted to him ; we 
 had been ruined, utterly undone, had he accepted the pro- 
 posals of the Scots at Newcastle. May God deal out his 
 goodness to me according to the sincerity of my heart towards 
 his majesty !" According to him, the officers were all con- 
 vinced that if the king did not resume possession of his just 
 rights, no man in England could enjoy in security his life and 
 property ; and a decisive step on their part would soon leave 
 
 * Clarendon, iii., 81, f Mrs, Hutchinson's brother. 
 
358 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 no doubts on his majesty's mind of their true sentiments. 
 Berkley, perfectly delighted, procured next morning an au- 
 dience of the king, and gave him an account of this interview. 
 Charles received it coldly, as one who had often received 
 similar overtures, and put no trust in them, or wished, at all 
 events, by his reserve, to have his belief purchased at a valua- 
 ble rate. Berkley retired confounded, but thinking, not with- 
 out some resentment, that the king, who knew him but little, 
 perhaps entertained some prejudice against him, and that Ash- 
 burnham, who would shortly arrive, would be more success- 
 ful. Meanwhile, he continued his negotiations with the army j 
 the officers crowded around him, and even the common agi- 
 tators, some the friends and creatures of Cromwell, others who 
 mistrusted him and advised Berkley to be on his guard against 
 him — " For," said they, " he is a man on whom no one can 
 rely, and who changes his conduct and language every day 
 to every person, wholly absorbed with the desire of being at 
 all events, let what may occur, the leader of the successful 
 party." Ireton, however, Cromwell's most intimate confidant, 
 seemed to Berkley to act with perfect fairness and candor; he 
 communicated to him the proposals that the general council 
 of officers was preparing, and even adopted some alterations 
 that he suggested. Nothing so moderate had hitherto been 
 offered to the king : they required that he should give up for 
 ten years the command of the militia and the nomination to 
 the great offices of state : that seven of his councillors should 
 remain banished from the kingdom : that all civil and coercive 
 power should be withdrawn from the presbyterian bishops and 
 ministers ; that no peer created since the outbreak of the war 
 should be allowed to take his seat in the house ; that no cavalier 
 should be admitted a member of the next parliament. " It is 
 necessary," said Ireton, " that some difference should exist 
 and appear between the conquered and the conquerors." But 
 to these conditions, much less exacting than those of parlia- 
 ment, was not added the obligation of abolishing the episcopal 
 church, nor that of ruining the majority of the royalists by 
 enormous fines, nor the legal interdiction, so to speak, of the 
 king and his party during the pleasure of the parliament. 
 On the other hand, the army, it is true, required reforms not 
 previously demanded, and, in reality of a still graver character : 
 a more equal distribution of electoral rights and of public 
 
ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 359 
 
 taxation ; a change in the civil procedure, the abolition of a 
 crowd of political, judicial, and commercial privileges ; in a 
 word, the introduction into the social system, and into law, of 
 priciples of equality hitherto unknown. But even in the 
 thoughts of the proposers, it was not against the king, his 
 dignity or power, that these demands were directed ; none 
 deemed prerogative interested in the maintenance of rotten 
 boroughs, the scandalous profits of the lawyers, or the frauds 
 of a few debtors. Berkley, accordingly, looked upon these 
 conditions as characterized by unhoped-for lenity ; never, in 
 his opinion, had a crown so nearly lost been recovered at so 
 cheap a rate. He solicited and obtained leave to communicate 
 them privately to the king (about July 2.5), before they were 
 officially presented by the army. His astonishment was still 
 greater than at their first interview ; Charles considered the. 
 conditions very hard, and spoke of them indignantly : " If 
 they really wished to come to terms with me," he said, "they 
 would make propositions that I could accept." Berkley ven- 
 tured to make a few observations, and to urge the danger of a 
 refusal : " No," said the king, abruptly breaking off the con- 
 versation, " without me these people cannot extricate them- 
 selves ; you will soon see them too happy to accept more 
 equitable conditions."* 
 
 Berkley was endeavoring in vain to find out the grounds 
 for such confidence, when the news reached head-quarters 
 that the most violent insurrectionary excitement prevailed in 
 the city, that bands of citizens and apprentices were constant- 
 ly besieging Westminster-hall, that it was expected every 
 hour parliament would be obliged to vote the return of the 
 king and the re-admission of the eleven members, resolutions 
 most fatal to the army and its party. For the last fortnight, 
 especially since a leave of absence for six months (July 20)f 
 sent to the eleven members had deprived their party of all 
 immediate hope, symptoms more and more threatening, mobs, 
 petitions, tumultuous cries, gave announcement of this explo- 
 sion ; a measure which was regarded on both sides as decisive, 
 caused it to burst forth. The presbyterian committee, en- 
 trusted for the last two months with the direction of the Lon- 
 don militia, was dissolved, and the independents regained pos- 
 
 * Berkley, Memoirs. 
 
 t Pari. Hist, iii., 712 ; Rushworth, i., 4, 628. 
 
360 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 session of that important position (July 25). The city could 
 not resign itself to be thus represented and commanded by its 
 enemies ; in a few hours the excitement became general ; a 
 paper posted up in Skinner's-hall, containing an engagement 
 to use every effort to accomplish the king's return in honor 
 and liberty to London, was instantly covered with an im- 
 mense number of signatures ; upon the departure of the 
 courier for head-quarters, copies of it were dispatched all over 
 England ; a petition was drawn up demanding for it the sanc- 
 tion of parliament ; the disbanded officers united with the 
 people ; everything announced a movement as general as en- 
 ergetic* 
 
 The army immediately marched towards London (July 
 23) ; Fairfax wrote threatening letters in its name ; in parlia- 
 ment, the independents, strengthened by this support, declared 
 all persons who should subscribe the engagement of the city 
 to be traitors (July 24). But these threats came too late to 
 repress public excitement ; on the second day after this decla- 
 ration, early in the morning, numerous groups of apprentices, 
 disbanded officers, and watermen, pressed around the doors of 
 Westminster-hall ; noisy, abusive, and evidently come with 
 some daring design. On taking their seats (July 26), the 
 alarmed commons ordered the doors to be closed, and that no 
 member should leave without permission. A petition was 
 then presented from the common council, in moderate and 
 respectful terms, requesting that the command of the militia 
 should be restored to the leaders from whom it had just been 
 withdrawn, and informing parliament of the impatience of the 
 people, but without any appearance of a desire to intimidate. 
 While the house was discussing this petition, the speaker 
 received notice that the multitude outside had another to pre- 
 sent ; two members went out to receive it ; it was read imme- 
 diately. It expressed the same feelings as that of the com- 
 mon council, in language much more temperate than had been 
 anticipated. But the debate continued, and no answer was 
 returned ; the day was drawing to a close ; the multitude, 
 instead of growing tired, became irritated ; it took possession 
 of all the avenues to the house ; already the tumult of feet 
 and voices rang through the hall ; cries of " Let us go in ! 
 
 • Pari. Hist, iii., 713; Rushworth, i., 4, 635 ; Holies, 144, &c. 
 
ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 361 
 
 let US go in ! " were heard, and violent blows shook the door. 
 Several members drew their swords, and for a moment drove 
 back the assailants. The house of peers was equally me- 
 naced ; some apprentices climbed up to the windows, and 
 hurled stones through them, quite ready to proceed to greater 
 extremities if they were not heard. The members in either 
 house resisted for a while : at last, the door of the commons 
 was broken open ; the most furious of the rioters, to the num. 
 ber of forty or fifty, rushed in, and with their hats on, and the 
 most menacing gestures, supported by the crowd pressing 
 behind them, exclaimed : " Vote, vote ! " Parliament gave 
 way ; the declaration of the preceding day was revoked, and 
 the militia again placed under the direction of the presbyte- 
 rian committee. The tumult seemed at an end ; the members 
 rose to depart, the speaker had left the chair ; the mob seized 
 him, and made him resume it. " What do you require fur- 
 ther ? " asked he. " That the king be desired to come to 
 London forthwith." The proposition was immediately put to 
 the vote and adopted ; Ludlow alone opposed it by a firm and 
 loud "No."* 
 
 At this news, an excitement nearly as great arose in the 
 army, particularly in the lower ranks, among the agitators 
 and soldiers ; on all sides, the king was charged with perfidy, 
 with being an accomplice in what had taken place. Lord 
 Lauderdale, who had come from London to confer with him 
 on the part of the Scottish commissioners, gave rise to so much 
 distrust, that one morning before he was up a party of soldiers 
 abruptly entered his bed-room and obliged him to depart im- 
 mediately, without again seeing the king.']' Ashburnham, 
 who had arrived three days before, increased their displeasure 
 and suspicions by his scornful insolence ; he refused all 
 intercourse with the agitators : " I have always lived in the 
 best company," said he to Berkley ; " I cannot converse with 
 such fellows as these : if we could gain the officers sure to 
 the king, through them we shall have the whole army ; and I 
 shall therefore apply myself wholly to them.":}: Even among 
 those officers who had made advances to the king, several 
 now began to hold themselves apart : " Sir," said Ireton, 
 
 * Pari. Hist, iii., 717, &c. ; Rushworth, i., 4, 640—644; Ludlow, 
 88 
 
 t Rushworth, ii., 4, 737. t Berkley, 34. 
 
 31 
 
362 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 " you assume to be arbiter between the parliament and us ; it 
 is we who will be arbiters between you and the parliament."* 
 Yet, still uneasy as to what was passing in London, they 
 resolved formally to present their proposals to him (Aug. 1). 
 Ashburnham and Berkley were present at the conference. 
 Charles was cold and haughty, listened with an ironical smile 
 to the reading of the proposals, rejected almost all of them in 
 few words and a bitter tone, as if sure of his strength, and 
 well-pleased to manifest his displeasure. Ireton roughly sup- 
 ported them, saying that the army would make no further con- 
 cessions. Charles interrupted him abruptly : " You cannot 
 be without me ; you will fall to ruin if I do not sustain you." 
 The officers looked at Ashburnham and Berkley with asto- 
 nishment, as if to inquire the meaning of such a reception ; 
 Berkley, in his turn, sought by his anxious looks to warn the 
 king of his imprudence, but without success. At last, ap- 
 proaching him, he whispered in his ear : " Your majesty 
 speaks as if you had some seci'et strength and power that I do 
 not know of; and since your majesty hath concealed it from 
 me, I wish you had concealed it from these men too." Charles 
 perceived he had said too much, and hastened to soften his 
 language ; but the officers, most of them, at least, had already 
 taken their resolution; Rainsborough, indeed, the most op- 
 posed of them all to any accommodation, had silently left the 
 room, to inform the army that it was impossible to trust the 
 king ; and the conference ended in a dry, listless manner, as 
 between persons who could no longer agree, nor longer de- 
 ceive one another.f 
 
 The officers had scarcely returned to head-quarters when 
 several carriages arrived from London ; and to the great 
 astonishment of the crowd, more tlian sixty members of both 
 houses alighted from them,^ having at their head their two 
 speakers, lord Manchester and Mr. Lenthall, who explained 
 that they had just escaped from the fury of the mob, and had 
 
 * Berkley, 34. f lb., 35. 
 
 {The number is very, uncertain ; Holies positively mentions eight 
 lords, and fifty-eight members of the commons ; Rushworth (ii., 4, 750) 
 speaks of fourteen lords and about one hundred members of the com- 
 mons ; this is also the statement of Whitelocke (263). The call of the 
 house made in the upper house, on the 30th of July, indicates the ab- 
 sence of twenty lords. — Pari. Hist., iii., 727. All the fugitives did n^t 
 leave London together. 
 
ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 363' 
 
 come to the army for safety and freedom. The joy of the 
 army was equal to its surprise : it had dreaded a violent rup- 
 ture with parliament, but now it was the parliament itself, 
 with its legal chiefs, its faithful members, which sought its 
 protection. Officers and soldiers surrounded the fugitives, 
 listened with indignation to the recital of the dangers and 
 insults they had been subjected to, were profuse in thanks, in 
 expressions of devoted respect, and praised the Lord for in- 
 spiring them with so patriotic a resolution. With Cromwell 
 and his friends all this surprise was feigned ; for the last five 
 days, by agents in London, particularly by the intervention 
 of St. John, Vane, Haslerig, and Ludlow, they had been labor- 
 ing to produce this secession.* 
 
 Berkley hastened to communicate this melancholy news to 
 the king, conjuring him on the instant to address a letter to 
 the leaders of the army which should give them hopes of a 
 better reception for their proposals, or which should at least 
 disarm suspicion, and lessen the ill effect of the late interview. 
 This, he said, was the advice of Cromwell and Ireton, who, 
 on this condition, still answered for the disposition of the 
 army. But Charles had also received news from London : 
 the riot had taken place by his contrivance and consent, and 
 he now learned that on the very day the fugitive members 
 departed, the members, who remained, a large majority, had 
 elected two new speakers ; the commons, Mr. Pelham, the 
 peers, lord Willoughby of Parham ; that the eleven proscribed 
 members had resumed their seats, and that parliament thus re- 
 organized had immediately sent orders for the army to stop 
 where it was, had directed the city to prepare every means 
 of defence, and Massey, Brown, Waller, and Poyntz to raise 
 regiments with all speed. The zeal of the people in London, 
 it was said, was very great : at a meeting of the common 
 council, thousands of apprentices presented themselves, and 
 swore to do their utmost for the crown, against whatever dan- 
 ger, against whatever enemies. The inhabitants of South- 
 wark alone had manifested opposite sentiments ; but as they 
 were bringing up their petition to Guildhall, Poyntz, followed 
 by a few officers, drove them back so roughly, that assuredly 
 they would not venture to make another attempt. Money 
 
 * Pari. Hist., iii., 723—731 ; Rushworth, 1., 4, 646; Ludlow, Mem. 
 88, &c. 
 
364 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 was levied, cannon placed on the ramparts. Finally, the 
 king was formally invited to return to London ; and this vote, 
 proclaimed by sound of trumpet in every street, was to reach 
 him within a few hours, or at the latest next day.* 
 
 " I shall wait," said the king to Berkeley ; " there will be 
 time enough to write this letter." Meantime, a messenger 
 arrived from head-quarters ; fresh fugitives from Westminster 
 had come to join their colleagues ; others had written that 
 they should retire into the country, and disavow this pre- 
 tended parliament. Even in London, the independents, few 
 in number but determined, lost neither time nor courage ; 
 they thwarted, delayed, and weakened every measure they 
 could not absolutely prevent ; the money collected was but 
 slowly employed ; Massey's recruits were without arms ; a 
 few presbyterian preachers, Mr. Marshall among others, gained 
 over by the army, exerted themselves with the people to 
 arouse their fears and to inspire them with a desire for recon- 
 ciliation ; worthy members of parliament and of the council, 
 already listened to them, flattered by the idea of having the 
 honor to re-establish peace. In a word, Cromwell sent word 
 to Ashburnham that within two days the city would be in 
 their power. f 
 
 Charles still hesitated ; he assembled his most confidential 
 servants ; the letter was composed, debated, thrown aside, 
 resumed ; at length he signed it (Aug. 4).:j: Ashburnham 
 and Berkley set off with it to head-quarters ; they met on the 
 road a second messenger, dispatched by two officers, friends 
 of theirs, to urge its transmission with the least possible delay ; 
 they arrived. The submission of the city had arrived before 
 them. The fugitive members had just reviewed the army on 
 Hounslow Heath (Aug. 3), amidst immense acclamations ; it 
 was marching with them at its head towards London, certain 
 of entering it without obstacle. The king's letter and alliance 
 were no longer of any value to conquerors. § 
 
 On the second day after, the 6th of August, a brilliant and 
 formidable procession set out from Kensington for Westmin- 
 ster j three regiments composed the vanguard, a fourth the 
 
 * Rushworth, i., 4, 652—656 ; Paii. Hist., iii., 728. 
 
 t Berkley, 38 ; Ludlow, 90. f Rushworth, ii., 4, 753. 
 
 § Berkley, 39 ; Rushworth, ii., 4, 750. 
 
ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 365 
 
 rear ; between them rode Fairfax and his staiF on horseback, 
 the fugitive members in their carriages, and behind them a 
 multitude of their partisans, eager to share their triumph. A 
 double rank of soldiers lined the road, all with branches of 
 laurel in their hats, and shouting, " Long live the parliament ! 
 the free parliament !" At Hyde park they found the lord 
 mayor and aldermen come to compliment the general on the 
 re-establishment of peace between the array and the city ; 
 Fairfax scarcely answered them as he passed. Further on, 
 at Charing-cross, the common council in a body presented 
 themselves in like manner, and had an equally unfavorable 
 reception. Arrived at Westminster, it was discovered that 
 most of the presbyterian leaders were flown, or had concealed 
 themselves ; Fairfax re-established the friends of the army in 
 their seats, listened with an air of modesty to their pompous 
 thanks, heard a month's pay voted for his troops, and then 
 went to take possession of the Tower, of which he had just 
 been appointed governor.* 
 
 Two days after, Skippon in the centre and Cromwell in the 
 rear, the whole army marched through London, grave, silent, 
 in the strictest order ; no excesses were committed, not one 
 citizen received the slightest insult ;f the leaders desired at 
 once to reassure and to awe the city. They did not fail in this 
 object : at the sight of those armed men, so disciplined though 
 so haughty in their mien, so obedient, yet so threatening, the 
 presbyterians shut themselves up in their houses, the inde- 
 pendents everywhere resumed possession of power, the timid 
 crowded with eager confidence round the conquerors. The 
 common council solicited Fairfax and his officers to accept a 
 public dinner. He refused ; they only the more hastened the 
 chasing of a golden ewer to be offei'ed to him.ij: There was 
 even a certain number of apprentices who came to offer him 
 their congratulations, and he received them in a formal 
 audience, delighted to make it appear that among these 
 dreaded youths also, the army had its partisans. § On their 
 part, both houses, the lords more especially, made a servile 
 parade of their gratitude, and voted that all that had been 
 done during the absence of the members who had sought a 
 
 * Rushworth, ii., 4, 756 ; Pari. Hist., iii., 736, &c. ; Holies, 169. 
 t Ludlow, 90. t Rushworth, ii., 4, 761—764 ; Holies, 220. 
 
 § Rushworth, ii., 4, 778. 
 31* 
 
366 HISTOEY OF THE 
 
 refuge with the army, was of itself null and void, without 
 any special repeal (Aug. 6).* This vote disquieted the com- 
 mons ; they were ready to prosecute the authors of the riot 
 which had caused the secession ; but most of the members 
 who had remained at Westminster had taken a part in those 
 acts which they were now called upon to declare absolutely 
 void ; three times they refused to yield this point (Aug. 10 
 and 19). f Next day (Aug. 20), a troop of horse encamped 
 in Hyde park • troops were stationed round the house, at every 
 avenue to it ; within, Cromwell and Ireton supported with 
 menaces the resolution of the lords ;:|: it was at length adopted ; 
 and nothing was now wanting to the triumph of the army, for 
 even those who had been subjected by it, proclaimed its le- 
 gitimacy. 
 
 After this great and facile success, the revolutionary move- 
 ment, hitherto restrained or regulated, even among the inde- 
 pendents, by the necessities of the struggle, soared freely ; 
 each man's passions, hopes, and dreams became bold, and 
 openly declared themselves. In the higher ranks of the party, 
 in the house of commons, in the general council of officers, 
 republican projects came forth plain and positive : already, 
 for some time past. Vane, Ludlow, Haslerig, Martyn, Scott, 
 and Hutchinson, had scarcely answered when any one ac- 
 cused them of hostility to monarchy ; they now openly spoke 
 of it with contempt ; the principle of the sovereignty of the 
 people, and, in the name of the people, one sole assembly 
 appointed by the people, now guided all their actions and 
 words ; in their conversations, any idea of accommodation 
 with the king, no matter upon what terms, was treated as 
 treason. In the ranks below them, among the people as well 
 as in the army, the excitement of men's minds was as general 
 as it was intense ; in everything, reforms till then unheard of 
 were demanded, on all sides reformers rose up ; to their wild 
 desires no law imposed respect, no fact seemed an obstacle ; 
 all the more confident and imperious, in proportion to the 
 profoundness of their ignorance and obscurity, their petitions, 
 their pamphlets every day poured foi'th, hurled menace in all 
 
 *Parl. Hist.,iii., 745. 
 
 t The proposition was rejected by 96 to 93, 85 to 83, and 87 to 84 ; 
 Pari. Hist., iii., 756—773. 
 
 X Holies, Memoirs, 172; Pari. Hist, iii., 758—773. 
 
ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 367 
 
 directions. Summoned before the judges, they brought the 
 judges themselves in question, and ordered them to leave seats 
 they had usurped ; attacked in the churches by the presbyte- 
 rian ministers, they rushed to the pulpit, dragged from it the 
 preachers, and preached in their place, sincere in the very 
 ravings they made use of to serve their passions. No power- 
 ful and entii'e theory, no precise and general plan presided 
 over this movement ; all of them republicans, these popular 
 champions carried their thoughts and wishes far beyond a 
 revolution in the government ; they aimed at changing society 
 itself, the relations, manners, and feelings of the community ; 
 but in all this their views were narrow and confused ; some 
 spent their daring in merely prosecuting some important but 
 partial innovation, such as the abolition of the privileges of 
 the lords or the lawyers ; others were content with some 
 pious dream, such as expecting the approaching reign of the 
 Lord ; others, under the name of rationalists, claimed abso- 
 lute sovereignty for each man's reason ;* others talked of in- 
 troducing a strict equality of rights and property, and these, 
 their enemies nick-named levellers. But neither this decried 
 name, which they always vehemently rejected, nor any other, 
 was appropriate to them ; for they neither formed a sect 
 devoted to a systematic beliefj nor a faction eager to advance 
 towards a definite end. Citizens or soldiers, visionaries or 
 demagogues, felt a desire of innovation, earnest but without 
 any plan ; vague instincts of equality, above all, a rude spirit 
 of independence ; such were their common characteristics ; 
 and inspired by an ambition short-sighted but pure, perfectly 
 intractable by all whom they deemed weak or self-interested, 
 they constituted in turn the strength and the terror of the dif- 
 ferent parties, all successively compelled to make use of and 
 to deceive them. 
 
 No one had succeeded as well in doing the one and the 
 other as Cromwell ; no one enjoyed as he did the confiding 
 intimacy of those obscure but powerful enthusiasts. Every- 
 thing in him had found favor in their eyes ; the irregular 
 outbursts of his imagination, his eagerness to make himself 
 the equal and the companion of the rough and boorish, his 
 language at once mystic and familiar, his manners by turns 
 
 * Clarendon, State Papers, ii., Appendix 11. 
 
368 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 commonplace and exalted, giving him at one time the air of 
 an inspired preacher, and at others that of a plain peasant, 
 even that free and supple genius which seemed to place at the 
 service of a holy cause all the resources of mundane ability. 
 He had sought and found among them his most useful agents, 
 Ayres, Evanson, Berry, Sexby, Sheppard, Wildman, all 
 leading members of the council of agitators, all ever ready 
 at a word from the lieutenant-general to stir up the army 
 against king or parliament. Lilburne himself, the most un- 
 manageable and least credulous of these men, who had quitted 
 his regiment because he could not obey, had the greatest 
 confidence in Cromwell : " I have looked upon you," he wrote 
 to him, " as among the powerful ones of England, as a man 
 with heart perfectly pure, perfectly free from all personal 
 views ;"* and Cromwell more than once had made use of Lil- 
 burne's courage against the presbyterians. But when the 
 ruin of the latter seemed accomplished, when the independents 
 held in their power the king, the parliament, and the city, 
 when all the revolutionary passions and desires burst forth, 
 insatiable, blind, ungovernable, the situation of the leaders of 
 the party, that of Cromwell in particular, already the object 
 to whom all men's attention was turned, became affected. In 
 their turn, they incurred distrust and felt fear. Many of their 
 own party had viewed with disapprobation the negotiations 
 entered into with the king ; necessity alone, the danger of 
 falling within the power of the presbyterians, had dominated 
 disgust and kept suspicions under constraint. Now all this 
 necessity had disappeared ; the Lord had given into the hands 
 of his servants all his enemies. Yet instead of securing and 
 perfecting the triumph of His cause, the conqueror continued 
 to live in friendship with, to treat with the delinquents. The 
 first, the most culpable of all, the one on whose head a few 
 of the faithful had already, for two years,"!" been invoking 
 public vengeance, and who lately, in his insane pride, had 
 rejected proposals which ought perhaps never to have been 
 made to him, the king, far from losing anything by the late 
 events, had almost regained by them his power and splendor. 
 With the consent of the generals, he had returned to his 
 
 * Letter of March 25th, 3647. 
 
 t As early as May, 1646, a few independents had demanded the pun- 
 ishment of the king, as the greatest delinquent. — Baillie, ii., 209. 
 
ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 369 
 
 palace of Hampton Court (Aug. 24), and resided there amid 
 idolatrous pomp, surrounded by a court more arrogant than 
 ever. His former councillors, Richmond, Hertford, Capel, 
 Southampton, had hastened to rejoin him, as if he were about 
 to reassume the exercise of sovereign power.* Ormond him- 
 self, the most dangerous leader of the royalists in Ireland, he 
 who had so lately kept up the struggle in that kingdom 
 against the parliament, and only had at last, with the greatest 
 difficulty, been induced to surrender Dublin, Ormond, upon 
 his return to England, had been received by the general, the 
 lieutenant-general, by almost all the leading personages of 
 the army, with eager complaisance,"}" and had free access to 
 the king, doubtless meditating with him another insurrection 
 in Ireland. At the same time, the most active confidants of 
 the king, Berkley, Ashburnham, Ford, and Apsley, were con- 
 stantly going to and fro between the court and head-quarters ; 
 the doors of Cromwell and Ireton were always open to them, 
 while a number of the well-affected could gain no admittance 
 there. Cromwell and Ireton themselves, either in person or 
 by their messengers, maintained an assiduous intercourse 
 with the king ; they had been seen walking alone with him in 
 the park, were known to be often closeted with him. Even 
 their wives, Mrs. Cromwell, Mrs. Ireton, Mrs. Whalley, had 
 been presented at Hampton Court, and the king had received 
 them with great honors.:}: So much familiarity was scandal- 
 ous ; such repeated conference must needs mean treachery. 
 Every day, among the republicans and enthusiasts, particu- 
 larly in the meetings of the soldiers, this language was held. 
 Even from the dungeon of the Tower, where the lords had 
 imprisoned him, to repress if possible his harangues and pam- 
 phlets, Lilburne addressed to Cromwell violent reproaches, 
 and his letter finished with these words : "If you despise, as 
 hitherto, my warnings, be sure I will use against you all the 
 power and influence I have, and so as to produce in your for- 
 tune changes that shall little please you."§ 
 
 Cromwell had small respect for Lilburne's advice, and cared 
 not for his threats, standing alone, but it was different when 
 they were backed by the anger of so many of his heretofore 
 
 * Herbert, 33 ; Hutchinson, 276. t Whitelocke, 267. 
 
 t Clarendon, State Papers, ii., Appendix 11. 
 § This letter bears date 13th August, 1647. 
 
370 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 devoted adherents. Ready to throw himself, when necessary, 
 even with temerity, into the vortex of intrigue and daring 
 hopes, he had still a keen sense of dangers and obstacles, and 
 whatever his aim or passion, looked around him on eveiy 
 side, found out all that was going on, and directed his course 
 accordingly. He begged Berkley and Ashbumham not to 
 visit him so often, and the king to permit him to observe more 
 caution in their intercourse. " If I am an honest man," he 
 said, " I have done enough to convince his majesty of the 
 sincerity of my intentions; if not, nothing will suffice."* At 
 the same time, he went to the Tower, paid Lilburne a long 
 visit, held forth in earnest and pathetic language touching his 
 zeal for their common cause, urged with vehemence the danger 
 of the slightest disunion, asked him what he meant to do upon 
 regaining his liberty, and promised, upon taking leave, to use 
 every effort with the committee to whom the subject was re- 
 ferred, to hasten his release. f 
 
 Lilburne was not set at liberty ; the committee, of which 
 Heniy Martin was chairman, even postponed their report jij: 
 and the intercourse of Cromwell with the king, though less 
 open, was not less active. A stranger to the blind presumption 
 of his party, devoured by ambition and doubt, the most con- 
 trary combinations and anticipations agitated his mind, and he 
 was unwilling to break faith or to pledge himself to any of 
 them irremediably. The success of the republicans seemed 
 to him questionable, the desires of the enthusiasts chimerical ; 
 the casuistical and passionate insubordination of the soldiers 
 threatened his own power ; the quality of his mind rendered 
 him intolerant of disorder, even while fomenting it ; the king's 
 name was still a power, his alliance a means, his re-establish- 
 ment a chance ; he kept it in reserve like many others, ready 
 to abandon it for a better, pushing his own fortune by every 
 path vvhich promised the greatest or readiest success. The 
 king, on his side, well informed of the disposition of minds in 
 parliament and the army, gave another turn to his negotia- 
 tions ; they were now addressed less to the party than to its 
 leaders, and indicated individual favor rather than public con- 
 cessions. To Ireton was offered the government of Ireland ; 
 to Cromwell the office of commander-in-chief, the colonelcy 
 
 * Berkley, 42. 
 
 t Biographia Britannica, Article Lilburne, v. 2950. % lb. 
 
ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 371 
 
 of the king's guards, the title of earl of Essex, and the garter ; 
 similar advantages were mentioned with reference to their 
 principal friends. Meantime, two royalists, judge Jenkins 
 and a cavalier, sir Lewis Dewes, prisoners in the Tower with 
 Lilburne, were continually talking with him of the treaty 
 already concluded, they said, between the generals and the 
 court, mentioned its conditions, stirred up his suspicions, and 
 urged him to propagate them. Merely suspected, such a 
 bargain threw the party into confusion ; accepted, it would 
 assure the king the support of the leaders, or leave themselves 
 without support.* 
 
 The two generals could not be ignorant as to these 
 manoeuvres ; they had surrounded the king with their spies ; 
 colonel Whalley, whose regiment had charge of him, was the 
 cousin and creature of Cromwell ; the least incident in the 
 king's life, his walks, his conversations, the visits and the pro- 
 ceedings of his councillors, the indiscretions of his servants, 
 were minutely reported to them ;f and more than once they 
 complained that reports from Hampton Court, spread abroad 
 as if by design, by destroying their credit with the army, 
 rendered them incapable of serving the king in that quarter. 
 Ireton, in particular, of more unbending mind, and less tole- 
 rant of deceit, was so much displeased, that he was on the 
 point of breaking off the negotiations. They, however, con- 
 tinued ; and soon even the public conduct of the generals 
 seemed to confirm the suspicions of the soldiers. At the 
 entreaties of the Scots, and to give some satisfaction to the 
 friends of peace (Aug. 27),:}: parliament had decided that the 
 proposals made at Newcastle should once more be presented 
 to the king ; the earls of Lauderd-ale and Lanark, lately 
 arrived at Hampton Court, once more conjured him to accept 
 them and join the presbyterians, who alone were sincere in 
 the wish to save him.§ Alarmed at this danger, Cromwell 
 and Ireton redoubled their protestations and promises to the 
 king, advised him to reject the proposals, to require that those 
 of the army, far more moderate, should be made the basis of 
 a new negotiation, and promised to support the demand with 
 
 * Berkley, 40. 
 
 t See, in Rushworth, ii., 4, 79.5, a letter, in which Whalley gives an 
 account of the manner in which the king spends his time, and of every- 
 thing which happens at Hampton Court. 
 
 t Pari. Hist., iii., 774. § Ludlow, 92. 
 
372 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 their utmost influence. " We are determined," Ireton sent 
 him word, " to purge the house, and purge it again, and 
 purge it still, until it shall be disposed to arrange amicably 
 your majesty's affairs ; for my part, rather than fail in what I 
 have promised the king, I would ally myself with the French, 
 the Spaniards, the cavaliers, with any who would assist me 
 in accomplishing it."* Charles followed the advice of the 
 generals, and on receiving his answer,"!" a violent debate arose 
 in the commons ; the irritated presbyterians would not deviate 
 from their proposals ; the fanatics demanded that none at all 
 should be received or offered. As they had promised, Crom- 
 well and Ireton urged the fulfilment of the king's desire, and 
 that a treaty should be opened between him and the parlia- 
 ment, on the conditions offered by the army ; a step, on their 
 part the more marked from its being altogether without result, 
 the presbyterians and the fanatics having united to defeat it 
 (Sept. 22).t 
 
 The distrust and anger of the soldiers assumed a menacing 
 form J at every station societies were formed, some of them 
 open and tumultuous, others secret ; everywhere the w^ords 
 " ambition, treachery, deceit," were re-echoed, always in 
 connexion with the name of Cromwell ; every expression 
 which had escaped from him in the heat of discourse was 
 brought to mind and angrily commented upon : he had, for 
 instance, talked of the necessity of ceasing the persecution 
 of the cavaliers ; he had said : " Now that I have the king in 
 my hand, I have the parliament in my pocket : "§ at another 
 time : " Since Holies and Stapleton have had so much author- 
 ity, I do not see why I should not govern the kingdom as well 
 as they. And again, it was he who in the committee charged 
 with the affair of Lilburne, had brought forward a thousand 
 little incidents, tending to have him still kept in prison. || Lil- 
 burne formally denounced him to the agitators, enumerating 
 all the offices held by him and his adherents. IT The agitators 
 in their turn demanded of parliament the release of Lilburne,** 
 
 * Huntingdon, 155. 
 
 t The answer was dated September 9, 1647. — Pari. Hist, iii., 
 777—779. 
 
 i Berkley, 44 ; Ludlow, ut sup. ; Huntingdon, 321. 
 § Banks, A Critical Review, &c., 83. 
 11 Biographia Britannica, art. ' Lilburne.' IT lb. 
 
 ** Rushworth, ii., 4, 790. 
 
ENGLISH KE VOLUTION. 373 
 
 of Fairfax that of four soldiers, confined, as they said, merely 
 for a few offensive and threatening words against the king.* 
 It was even proposed among Lilburne, Wildman, and some 
 others, to get rid of Cromwell by assassination.f No such at- 
 tempt, however, was made ; but whether on this occasion, or 
 from some other cause, even the council of agitators became 
 suspected by the soldiers ; the lieutenant-general, they said, 
 had spies among them who informed him of everything. To 
 avoid this danger, several regiments appointed, under the name 
 of new agents, purer agitators, charged to watch the traitors 
 and serve the good cause in whatever place, at whatever price, 
 A few superior officers, and some members of the commons, 
 Rainsborough, Ewers, Harrison, Robert Lilburne,:}: and Scott, 
 placed themselves at the head of this movement; and the 
 most violent faction, thus separated from the general council 
 of officers and parliament, began openly to proclaim its maxims 
 and designs. § 
 
 Cromwell grew uneasy : he saw the army disunited, the 
 royalists and the presbyterians watching the moment to profit 
 by its discords, himself attacked by men of inexorable will, 
 hitherto his most faithful allies, his most useful instruments. 
 From day to day the king's intentions became more and more 
 suspected : " I shall play my game as well as I can," said 
 Charles to Ireton, who pressed him to join them openly ;|| and 
 lords Lauderdale and Lanark, still assiduous in their attend- 
 ance, promised him the support of a Scottish army if he would 
 accept of their alliance. Already, it was said, the prelimina- 
 ries of a treaty were agreed upon ; it was even added that in 
 Scotland, where Hamilton's credit prevailed over that of 
 Argyle, troops were marching towards the borders. IT On their 
 side, the English cavaliers, Capel, Langdale, and Musgrave, 
 were secretly getting up an insurrection. " Be assured," the 
 king had said to Capel, " the two nations will soon be at war ; 
 the Scotch promise themselves the co-operation of all the pres- 
 byterians in England ; let our friends, then, hold themselves 
 ready and in arms ; for otherwise, whichever party is victori- 
 
 * Rushworth, ii., 808. t Holies, 185. 
 
 I The brother of John Lilburne, and colonel of a regiment of infantry. 
 § Beginning of October. — Ludlow, 91 ; Journals, Lords, Nov. 16, 
 
 17, 1647. 
 
 II Hutchinson, 277. - IT Rushworth, ii., 4, 786—810. 
 
 32 
 
374 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 ous, we shall get very little by it."* Meantime, the situation 
 of the army quartered near London became critical ; the city 
 paid no attention to the demands made for money to pay the 
 men. and the officers knew not how to govern troops whom 
 theyrfjould not pay.f In all directions the most daring pamph- 
 lets were circulated ; some setting forth the designs of the 
 soldiers against the king, others the king's negotiations with 
 the generals. In vain had Fairfax demanded and obtained, 
 readily enough so far, the establishment of a rigorous censor- 
 ship ;:f in vain had Cromwell himself represented to the city 
 the necessities of the army ; in vain had he displayed all the 
 resources of reason and craft, to persuade the fanatics that 
 they must restrain their fanaticism if they thought to be paid 
 by the moderate, the moderate that, to keep the fanatics in 
 check, they must pay them ;§ in vain had he succeeded in 
 getjting some of his confidants elected among the new agents 
 of the soldiers. His efforts were without result ; even his 
 very prudence turned against him ; he had kept up a corres- 
 pondence, had secured, as he imagined, means of action with 
 all parties ; and now everywhere a wild, indomitable excite- 
 ment threatened to countervail his schemes, to ruin his influ- 
 ence. The end of so much ability, so much exertion, had 
 only been to burden his situation with greater difficulty and 
 danger. 
 
 Amid this perplexity, one of the spies he had at Hampton 
 Court, in the very chamber of the king, sent him word that 
 on that day, a letter addressed to the queen would be de- 
 spatched from the castle, containing Charles's real designs to- 
 wards the army and its leaders. The letter, sewn up in a 
 saddle, carried on his head by a man, not in the secret, would 
 reach, about ten o'clock that night, the Blue Boar in Holborn ; 
 a horse was ready waiting there to take the bearer to Dover, 
 whence the packet would sail for France. Cromwell and 
 Ireton at once formed their resolution. Disguised as private 
 soldiers, and followed by a single trooper, they left Windsor 
 to go to the appointed place. On their arrival, they placed 
 their attendant on the watch at the door, and entering the 
 
 * Clarendon, iii., 106. f Rushworth, ii., 4, 804, &c. 
 
 t By an ordinance of September 30, 1647 ; Pari. Hist., iii., 779—781 ; 
 Rushworth, ii., 4, 799. 
 
 § Rushworth, ii., 4, 883, 884. 
 
ENGLISH EEVOLITTION. 875 
 
 tavern, sat down at a table and had some beer. Towards ten, 
 the messenger appeared, the saddle on his head : receiving 
 immediate notice of this, they went out, sword in hand, seized 
 the saddle under the pretext that they had orders to search 
 everything, carried it into the inn, ripped it open, found the 
 letter, carefully closed up the saddle again, and then returned 
 it to the terrified messenger, saying, with an air of good hu- 
 mor, that he was an honest fellow, and might continue his 
 journey. 
 
 Their informant had not deceived them : Charles, indeed, 
 wrote to the queen that he was courted alike by both factions, 
 that he should join the one whose conditions should be most 
 for his advantage, and that he thought he should rather treat 
 with the Scottish presbyterians than with the army : " For the 
 rest," he added, " I alone understand my position ; be quite 
 easy as to the concessions which I may grant ; when the time 
 comes, I shall very well know how to treat these rogues, and 
 instead of a silken garter, I will fit them with a hempen 
 halter." The two generals looked at each other, and all their 
 suspicions thus confirmed, returned to Windsor, henceforward 
 as free from uncertainty respecting their designs upon the 
 king as respecting his towards them.* 
 
 It was full time their conduct should cease to be wavering 
 and undecided : the wrath of the fanatics broke forth, and 
 threw the army into the greatest confusion. On the 9th of 
 October, in the name of five regiments of horse, among which 
 Cromwell's own regiment figured, the new agitators drew up, 
 under the title of " The Case of the Army," a long decla- 
 ration of their suspicions, their principles, and their wishes. 
 On the 18th, they presented it officially to the general ; and 
 on the 1st of November a second pamphlet, entitled, " An 
 Agreement of a People for a firm and present Peace on the 
 ground of common right," addressed to the whole nation in 
 the name of sixteen regiments. In both, the soldiers accused 
 the officers of treachery, the parliament of malversation, ex- 
 horted their comrades to join them, and demanded that the 
 present parliament should be speedily dissolved ; that for the 
 future no person or body should share sovereign power with 
 the house of commons ; that parliament should be triennial ; 
 
 * This occurred in the course of October ; Clarendon, State Papers, 
 ii.. Appendix, xxxviii. 
 
376 HISTOKY OF THE 
 
 that the suffrage should be equally distributed over the 
 country according to population and taxation ; that no member 
 should be capable of being elected to two successive parlia- 
 ments, no citizen imprisoned for debt, or compelled to serve 
 in the army or navy, or excluded from any office merely on 
 account of his religion ; that the provinces should appoint 
 all their own magistrates ; that the civil law, equal for all, 
 should be reformed and recast in a single code ; finally, that 
 certain rights, above all, liberty of conscience, should be de- 
 clared inviolable, and superior to all human power.* 
 
 At this declaration of popular ideas and hopes, the uneasi- 
 ness of the leaders was extreme ; many of them, and these 
 the more intelligent, though enemies to the court and to the 
 presbyterians, regarded royalty and the upper house as so 
 potent, so deeply rooted in the traditions, laws, and manners 
 of the people, that a republic, now at length seen near at 
 hand, close impending, had the effect of a perilous chimera. 
 Among the republicans themselves, the majority, though sin- 
 cere and daring, were far from participating in all the views 
 of the soldiers ; some, with influence in the elections for their 
 town or county, feared that a new system would deprive them 
 of their preponderance ; others, who had got possession of 
 church property, heard with terror the people express their 
 indignation that this property should have been sold at so low 
 a price, and demand that all such sales should be annulled ; 
 the lawyers were anxious to retain their influence and their 
 profits ; all these classes and others vehemently opposed the 
 idea of the house being dissolved, and their cause being left 
 to the chances of a new election. Their common sense, 
 moreover, revolted at the little social importance, the insane 
 mysticism, the haughty insubordination of the reforming 
 soldiers. How establish a government, in the face of the 
 royalists and presbyterians, with an ungovernable faction, 
 senseless enough to put in jeopardy, day after day, the union 
 with the army, its only support ? How assail, for the sake 
 of the reveries of obscure sectarians, all the traditions, all the 
 ancient and respected rights of England ? Yet these same 
 reveries were exciting in the minds of the lower classes, in 
 almost every part of the kingdom, a fermentation, altogether 
 
 * Rushworth, ii., 4, 845, 859 ; Godwin, ii., 445. 
 
ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 377 
 
 unprecedented ; those vague, glowing notions of absolute 
 justice, those impassioned desires for equal happiness, which, 
 often suppressed, are never extinguished in the heart of man, 
 burst forth in all directions, with a blind and furious confi- 
 dence ; and the leaders themselves, who would not listen to, 
 knew not how to answer them, for, at bottom, they shared the 
 principles in whose name these wishes were proclaimed. 
 
 Their first proceedings were consequently feeble and fluc- 
 tuating. Parliament voted that the two pamphlets were a 
 crime against the government of the kingdom, and that it 
 would prosecute their authors ; but at the same time, to please 
 the republicans, it declared that the king was bound to adopt 
 whatever should be proposed to him by parliament (Nov. 6).* 
 The general council of officers assembled at Putney (Oct. 
 22),-j- invited the principal agitators to join them, and a com- 
 mittee, in which several of them sat, received orders to draw 
 up, without delay, a statement of their demands. In a short 
 time, accordingly, the committee presented to parliament a 
 report, embodying most of these demands ; but the name and 
 essential prerogatives of the king were equally set forth in it 
 (Nov. 2).:}: The agitators protested against this ; they were 
 promised that in an early council, the question whether mon- 
 archy was any longer to exist should be freely discussed. 
 But when the day came, Ireton abruptly quitted the council, 
 protesting that he would never re-enter it if such a question 
 was even touched upon. The debate was adjourned till the 
 following Monday, November 6th ; and whether once more to 
 evade it, or whether more compliance was hoped for from the 
 soldiers in a body, it was agreed that the army should be sum- 
 moned to a general meeting, at which it might give expression 
 to its common sentiments. § 
 
 But Cromwell, who had proposed, easily discerned the dan- 
 ger of this remedy. Each fresh debate excited fresh dis- 
 union in the army ; the more they were consulted, the more 
 they shook off the government of their leaders and fell into 
 anarchy. Ij To save, to make it of use, it was essential with- 
 
 * Journals, &c. November 5th and 6th ; Pari. Hist., iii., 785. 
 t Rushworth, ii., 4, 849. J lb., 861, &c. 
 
 § Clarendon, State Papers, ii., App. xli. ; Letter of several agitators 
 to their respective regiments; Godwin, ii., 451. 
 II Clarendon, ut sup. 
 
 32* 
 
378 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 out delay to restore in it discipline, to regain over it command. 
 Very determined steps were necessary to effect this. It was 
 clear that the soldiers, at least the most active among them, 
 the leaders and fanatics, were resolved to get rid of the king, 
 that they would forsake, nay attack whomsoever should ap- 
 pear favorable to him ; that he alone would command their 
 obedience and their strength, who should in this adopt their 
 common will, and execute it. Cromwell formed his resolution. 
 When the day of the council came, all debate was forbidden ; 
 the superior officers declared, that to re-establish harmony in 
 the army it was necessary that all, officers and agitators, 
 should return to their regiments ; that instead of a general 
 meeting, there should be three special meetings in the quarters 
 of the principal divisions ; and that, meanwhile, the council 
 should suspend its sittings, and leave the general and the par- 
 liament to act.* The king's situation at Hampton Court was 
 suddenly changed : his councillors, Richmond, Southampton, 
 and Ormond, received orders to depart ; his most trusty ser- 
 vants, Berkley and Ashburnham among others, were with- 
 drawn from him ; his guards were doubled ; he no longer en- 
 joyed the same liberty in his walks. From all sides dark 
 hints~ reached him ; it was said that the soldiers intended to 
 seize his person and to take him from the officers as these had 
 taken him from the parliament. Cromwell himself wrote on 
 the subject, with uneasiness, to Colonel Whalley, whether he 
 really feared some attempt of the kind, or that he merely 
 wished to alarm the king, or rather that, careful as ever to be 
 prepared against all chances, he wished still to deceive him 
 respecting his intentions and retain the appearance of a desire 
 to serve him.*]" 
 
 These changes, these reports, so many new restrictions, a 
 thousand rumors of treachery, of unprecedented designs, even 
 of murder, threw the unhappy Charles into a state of anxiety 
 each day more painful ; his imagination, susceptible and vivid, 
 though grave, was disturbed ; a bad day's sport, a painful 
 dream, the going out of his lamp in the night,:]: everything 
 seemed to him an ominous presage ; everything seemed to him 
 possible at the hands of such enemies, though his pride refused 
 to believe they would dare proceed to extremities. Flight was 
 
 * Rushworth, ii., 4, 666. f lb., ii., 4, 842 ; Holies, 187. 
 
 X Heibert, 88. 
 
ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 379 
 
 suggested to him ; he was tempted to adopt the suggestion ; 
 but whither fly ? how ? with what aid ? The Scottish com- 
 missioners offered to favor his escape. One day, while he 
 was hunting, Lauderdale had it intimated to him that they were 
 close by with fifty horse, and that if he would join them, 
 they would depart at full speed for the north.* But sudden 
 resolutions confused the king ; besides, what asylum was he 
 to look for in Scotland, which had already given him up, 
 where he had no longer any means whatever of resisting the 
 presbyterian yoke and the covenant ? He refused. By 
 another party he was advised to embark and retire to the isle 
 of Jersey, where the facility of passing over to the continent 
 would compel all parties to keep fair with him. But he still 
 relied on the strength of their continued promises, on the good 
 will of the officers ; he flattered himself their coldness was 
 only forced and counterfeited, that at the next meeting of the 
 army they would get the better of the agitators, re-establish 
 discipline, and renew their negotiations with him. He did 
 not wish to leave England before this last trial. f Yet the idea 
 of flight became more and more familiar to him, more and 
 more urgent ; he was told that a German prophet had pre- 
 sented himself to the council of agitators, announcing that he 
 was charged to reveal the will of heaven ; but at the bare 
 mention of reconciliation with the king, they had refused to 
 hear him. In every possible way, Cromwell had it insinuated 
 to him that flight was necessary. Some one, it is not known 
 who, spoke to the king of the Isle of Wight as a convenient 
 and safe asylum ; it was near the mainland, its population 
 was royalist ; only just before, colonel Hammond, nephew of 
 one of the king's most faithful chaplains, had been appointed its 
 governor. Charles listened with more attention to this sugges- 
 tion than to any other, collected information, and even made 
 some preparations.:}: Yet he still hesitated, and sought on all 
 
 * Burnet, Memoirs of the Hamiltons, 324. 
 
 t Berkley, 47, &c. ; Warwick, 307 ; Burnet, Memoirs of the Hamil- 
 tons, 326 ; Ludlow, 92. 
 
 t This is what evidently results from an account of the king's re- 
 sidence in the Isle of Wight, addressed, after the Restoration, to 
 Charles II., by sir John Bowring, a man otherwise obscure, but who 
 was at that time employed in the secret mancEuvres of Charles I. I 
 >vonder this little work, though disfigured by many errors, and evi- 
 dently written by a man solely intent upon making the most of him- 
 
380 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 sides something to decide him. An astrologer, William Lilly, 
 was at this time in high repute in London ; inclined to the 
 popular party, but refusing no one his predictions and advice. 
 The king commissioned a woman, Mrs. Whore wood, to consult 
 him in his name as to the place to which he had best retire ; 
 and out of a thousand pounds which had just been sent him 
 by alderman Adams, a devoted royalist, Mrs. Whorewood 
 received five hundred for her mission. The stars having been 
 solemnly interrogated, Lilly answered, that the king should 
 retire to the east, into Essex, twenty miles from London, and 
 Mrs, Whorewood hastened back with this answer to Hampton 
 Court.* Charles, however, had not waited for it ; on the 9th 
 of November, an anonymous letter, written as it would seem 
 by a sincere friend, warned him that the danger was pressing ; 
 that within a few hours past, the agitators had resolved, in a 
 nocturnal meeting, to make away with him, and that every- 
 thing was to be dreaded if he did not immediately place him- 
 self out of their reach. ■]• Another letter warned him to beware 
 of the guard which should be placed in charge of the castle:}: 
 on the next day but two. Struck with dismay, Charles took 
 his resolution ; on the 11th of November, at nine in the eve- 
 ning, leaving several letters on the table, and followed by a 
 single valet-de-chambre, William Legge, he proceeded by a 
 back staircase to a door which opened into the park on the 
 side of the forest, where Ashburnham and Berkley, informed 
 of his design, were in attendance with horses. They directed 
 their course to the south-west ; the night was dark and stormy ; 
 the king, who alone was acquainted with the forest, served as 
 a guide to his companions ; they lost their way, and did not 
 reach till day-break the little town of Sutton, in Hampshire, 
 where, by the care of Ashburnham, a relay of horses was pre- 
 pared for them. At the very inn where he awaited them, a 
 committee of parliamentarians was assembled, deliberating on 
 
 self, but which yet contains characteristic and curious details, should 
 have escaped the attention of the English historians ; Mr. Godwin is, 
 as far as I know, the only writer who has mentioned it ; it was taken 
 from lord Halifax's papers, and is to be found in a 12mo. volume, en- 
 titled, Miscellanies, Historical and Philological (London, 1703). See 
 also Rushworth, ii., 4, 951 ; Berkley, ut sup. 
 
 * William Lilly, History of his Life and Times (1775), 60; Biogra- 
 phia Britannica, article Lilly. 
 
 t Clarendon, State Papers, ii.. Appendix, xli. % Berkley, 40. 
 
ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 381 
 
 the affairs of the county. The party set off again immediately, 
 and proceeded towards Southampton, but without the king's 
 having expressly declared to what place he would go. On 
 the descent of an eminence near the town : " Let us alight," 
 said Charles, " and consult on what is best to be done." 
 First, it is said, they talked of a vessel which Ashburnham 
 was to have secured, and of which they had no news ; then of 
 turning into the western counties, where Berkley guaranteed 
 the devoted support of many friends ; at last of the Isle of 
 Wight, a more convenient resolution than any other which 
 presented itself at the time, removing the immediate perplexi- 
 ties of their situation, and evidently from the road they had 
 taken, that which the king had proposed to himself when he 
 came away. But the governor was not apprised : could he 
 be trusted without security ? It was arranged that Ashburn- 
 ham and Berkley should proceed to the island, and after sounding 
 Hammond, acquaint him with the mark of confidence he was 
 on the point of receiving, and that the king should await their 
 return a few miles distant, at Tichfield, a mansion occupied 
 by lord Southampton's mother. They separated, and next 
 morning the two cavaliers, landing in the island, went direct 
 to Carisbrook Castle, the residence of the governor. Ham- 
 mond was not there, but at Newport, the chief town of the 
 place, whence, however, he was expected to return that day. 
 Ashburnham and Berkley took the road to the town, and meet- 
 ing Hammond, informed him, without preamble, of the purport 
 of their coming. Hammond turned pale, the reins fell from 
 his hands, his whole body trembled : " Oh, gentlemen," said 
 he, " you have undone me by bringing the king into this 
 island ; if he is not yet landed, pray let him not come ; for 
 what between my duty to his majesty and my gratitude for 
 this fresh obligation of confidence, and my observing my trust 
 to the army, I shall be confounded." They endeavored to 
 calm him, enlarging upon the immense service he would 
 render the king, and the engagements which the army itself 
 had contracted with his majesty, but intimating that if he did 
 not coincide with them, the king was very far from desiring to 
 force himself upon him. Hammond continued his lamentations. 
 But when the two cavaliers, in their turn, appeared distrustful 
 and about to withdraw their proposal, he exhibited less indeci- 
 sion, inquired where the king was, if he was not in dangei*, 
 
382 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 and even expressed some regret that he had not at once 
 entirely trusted himself to him. The conversation was carried 
 on for a long time, on either side with anxious caution, both 
 parties almost equally afraid to break it off or to commit 
 themselves. At length Hammond seemed to yield : " The 
 king," he said, " shall not have to complain of me ; it shall not 
 be said I disappointed his expectations ; I will act as a man 
 of honor ; let us go together, and tell him so." Berkley, still 
 suspicious, would have evaded this proposal ; but Ashburnham 
 accepted it, and they immediately set out together, Hammond 
 being accompanied only by one of his officers, named Basket. 
 A boat conveyed them in a few hours to Tichfield, and on their 
 arrival Ashburnham alone went up to the king, leaving Berk- 
 ley, Hammond, and Basket in the court-yard of the castle. 
 On hearing his story : " Oh, John ! John !" exclaimed Charles, 
 " thou hast undone me by bringing this governor here ; dost 
 thou not perceive that I can now not stir a foot without him ?" 
 In vain Ashburnham urged Hammond's promises, the good 
 feeling he had displayed, his hesitation, a proof of his sincerity. 
 The king, in despair, walked rapidly up and down the apart- 
 ment, now with his arms folded, now raising hands and eyes to 
 heaven with an expression of the deepest anguish ; at length, 
 Ashburnham, moved in his turn, said : " Sire, colonel Ham- 
 mond is here with only another man ; nothing is so easy as to 
 make sui'e of him." " What," replied the king, " would you 
 kill him ? Would you have it said that he hazarded his life 
 for me, and that I unworthily deprived him of it ? No, no, it 
 is too late to take any other course ; we must trust to God." 
 Meantime, Hammond and Basket growing impatient, Berkley 
 went to the king, and was directed to bring them up. Charles 
 received them with an open and confiding air ; Hammond 
 renewed his promises, more extended even, though still vague 
 and embarrassed. The day was declining ; they embarked 
 for the island. The report that the king was at hand had 
 already spread there ; many of the inhabitants came to meet 
 him ; as he passed through the streets of Newport, a young 
 woman advanced towards him and presented him with a red 
 rose in full blow, notwithstanding the severity of the season, 
 praying aloud for his deliverance. He was assured that the 
 whole population was devoted to him, that even at Carisbrook 
 Castle the entire garrison consisted of twelve veterans, all well 
 
ENGLISH EEVOLTJTION. 383 
 
 disposed to him, and that he might at any time he pleased 
 easily escape. Charles's terrors were gradually appeased ; 
 and next morning, when, on rising, he contemplated from the 
 windows of the castle the charming view which the sea and 
 land presented from that spot, when he had breathed the morn- 
 ing air, when he saw in Hammond every demonstration of 
 respect, when he received full permission to ride about the 
 island at will, to retain his servants, to receive whom he 
 pleased, his long troubled spirit once more felt a sense of 
 security : " After all," he said to Ashburnham, " this governor 
 is a gentleman ; I am here out of reach of the agitators ; I am 
 in hopes I shall have to congratulate myself on the resolution I 
 have adopted."* 
 
 * Berkley, 57, &c. ; Herbert, 38 ; Ludlow, 94; Clarendon, iii., 118. 
 
384 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 BOOK THE EIGHTH. 
 
 1647—1649. 
 
 The rendezvous at Ware — Cromwell suppresses the agitators, and af- 
 terwards reconciles himself with them — The parliament sends to 
 the king in four bills the preliminary conditions of peace — The 
 king rejects them, and secretly treats with the Scots — The parlia- 
 ment resolves that it will have no further communication with the 
 king — General discontent and reaction in favor of the king — Embar- 
 rassment of Cromwell and the independents — Breaking out of the 
 second civil war — Fairfax's campaign in the east and round London, 
 Cromwell's in the west, Lambert's in the north — Siege of Colches- 
 tei- — The Scots enter England — Cromwell marches against them — 
 Battles of Preston, Wigan, and Warrington — Cromwell in Scotland — 
 The presbyterians regain the ascendency in London — The parliament 
 again opens a treaty with the king — Negotiations at Newport — 
 Changes in the situation of parties — The army carries off the king 
 from the Isle of Wight — He is removed to Hurst castle — Then to 
 Windsor — Last efforts of the presbyterians in his favor — Trial and 
 death of the king — Monarchy abolished. 
 
 The parliamentary commissioners and the officers of the gar- 
 rison at Hampton Court waited for the king to appear at the 
 supper table at the accustomed time ; astonished at not seeing 
 him, they at length went to his room, and there found only 
 three letters in his own handwriting, addressed, one to lord 
 Montague, president of the committee, one to colonel Whalley, 
 the third to the speaker of the house of lords. To the latter 
 the king gave as the reason for his flight the plots of the agi- 
 tators, and his right to live free and in safety like any other 
 citizen. The two other letters were merely to express to 
 Montague and Whalley his thanks for their attentions, and to 
 direct them what to do with his horses, dogs, pictures, and the 
 minor articles of furniture in his apartments. No indication 
 was given as to the road he meant to take, nor the place of 
 his retreat.* 
 
 Great was the consternation in Westminster Hall, and all 
 
 * Pari. Hist, iii., 786, &c. 
 
ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 385 
 
 the greater that, concurrently with the news from Hampton 
 Court, came a letter from head-quarters at Windsor, written 
 at midnight by Cromwell, who had hastened, he said, to com- 
 municate the intelligence to parliament.* He, then, had been 
 the first to know of it, before parliament, perhaps before the 
 king's departure ; for a report became current that precisely 
 on the 11th, the previously strict watch of the garrison at 
 Hampton Court had been relaxed, that sentinels had even been 
 withdrawn from the posts they usually guarded. f Letters 
 soon came (Nov. 13) from Hammond, informing the house of 
 the king's arrival,:]: protesting entire devotion to their service, 
 and requesting their instructions. Yet men's fears were not 
 dispelled ; Cromwell also had received letters from Hammond, 
 as if all the servants of parliament thought themselves bound to 
 give him information and consult him on every occasion ; and 
 he reported the letters and their contents to the house with an 
 exhilaration of manner which astonished the least suspicious,^ 
 and appeared to them even, an alarming symptom of some 
 success, of the fulfilment of some hope, the nature of which 
 they in vain attempted to discover. 
 
 Two days had scarcely elapsed before he inspired his ene- 
 mies with other and still greater alarm. It was on Nov. 15th, 
 that the first of the three appointed meetings of the army, 
 which were to put an end to its dissensions, was to take place 
 at Ware, in Hertfordshire. Cromwell proceeded thither with 
 Fairfax, surrounded by the ofiicers of whom he was sure. 
 Only seven regiments were summoned, those which had shown 
 the least excitement, and with whom it seemed most easy to 
 re-establish discipline. Cromwell relied upon their subjection 
 to intimidate, or upon their example to calm the more furious. 
 But when they arrived on the common at Ware, the generals 
 found nine regiments instead of seven ; Harrison's regiment 
 of cavalry, and Robert Lilburne's of infantry had come with- 
 out orders, and in a state of the fiercest excitement. The 
 latter had expelled all their ofiicers above the rank of lieute- 
 nant, except captain Bray, who was now in command of 
 them ; every soldier wore on his hat a copy of The Agree- 
 ment of the People, with this inscription : " Liberty for Eng, 
 
 * Rushworth, ii., 4, 871. f Ludlow, 95. | Pari. Hist., iii., 789. 
 § Clarendon, iii., 130, 
 
 .33 
 
386 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 land, their rights for the soldiers." From time to time, as if 
 seized with a common impulse, their shouts re-echoed over 
 the plain : Rainsborough, Ewers, Scott, John Lilburne him- 
 self, lately permitted by the commons to leave the Tower 
 every morning for the benefit of his health, galloped over the 
 common, riding from troop to troop, encouraging the more 
 animated, calling the moderate cowards, repeating everywhere 
 that since the sword was in their hands, they were in con- 
 science bound to use it, to secure fully and for ever the liberty 
 of their country. Amidst this tumult, Fairfax, Cromwell, and 
 their staff, advanced towards the peaceable regiments, and 
 read to them, in the name of the general council of officers, a 
 calm and firm remonstrance, reproaching the new agitators 
 with their seditious proceedings and the dangers they brought 
 upon the army ; reminding them of the proofs of affection 
 and fidelity their chiefs had given them, the triumphs they 
 had obtained under their command, and promising to support 
 the just demands of the soldiers in parliament, whether for 
 themselves or their country, if, in their turn, they would sign 
 an engagement to return under the laws of discipline, and 
 henceforward respect the orders of their officers. Seven regi- 
 ments received this address with joyful acclamations. Fair- 
 fax advanced towards that of Harrison. The troopers no 
 sooner heard him repeat their promises, than they tore the 
 copy of the agreement from their hats, and exclaimed that 
 they had been deceived, and would live and die with their 
 general. Lilburne's regiment still remained rebellious and 
 violently excited ; it even began to answer Fairfax by sedi- 
 tious shouts ; Cromwell advanced : " Take that paper from 
 your hats !" he cried to the soldiers ; they refused ; he sud- 
 denly entered among their ranks, and pointed out and caused 
 to be arrested fourteen of the most mutinous : a court-martial 
 was assembled on the spot, and three soldiers condemned to 
 death. " Let them draw lots," the council ordered, " and let 
 him upon whom it falls be shot instantly." It fell upon Richard 
 Arnell, a wild agitator ; the execution took place forthwith, in 
 front of his regiment ; the other two condemned men, with 
 their eleven companions, were marched away. Major Scott 
 and captain Bray were put under arrest ; deep silence pre- 
 vailed ; all the divisions returned to their quarters ; the two 
 other meetings passed over without the slightest murmur, and 
 
ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 387 
 
 the whole army seemed once more under the full command 
 of its leaders.* 
 
 Ci'omwell, however, did not deceive himself respecting the 
 uncertainty, the danger even, of such a triumph : when he 
 announced it to the commons (Nov. 19),'|' amidst the thanks 
 voted him by the majority, delighted at the defeat of the 
 agitators, the presbyterian leaders did not conceal their cold- 
 ness, nor the republicans their anger : to the first, any success 
 of Cromwell's was a matter of suspicion, whatever its apparent 
 effect ; the latter regarded his conduct at the- meeting at Ware 
 as another proof of treachery. Ludlow opposed the vote of 
 thanks ;:): the preacher, Saltmarsh, came up from the country, 
 as he said, by*an express command of God, to tell the generals 
 that the Lord had forsaken them, since they had imprisoned 
 his saints ;§ in short, after the first stupor was over, a crowd 
 of subaltern and noncommissioned officers, soldiers, nearly all 
 the revolutionary agents of the regiments, declared to Cromwell 
 and Ireton, that no severity, no temporary check should turn 
 them from their designs ; that they were resolved to get rid 
 of the king, and establish a republic ; that at the risk of losing 
 all, they would divide the army, take with them at least two- 
 thirds of it, and prosecute the enterprise alone rather than be 
 thus put down. Cromwell had no desire to reduce them to 
 this extremity ; he had intended, by a signal example, to cut 
 short the progress of anarchy in the army ; but he knew the 
 power of the fanatics, and was quite disposed to a reconciliation 
 with them. Without declaring for a republic, he spoke ill to 
 them of the king, acknowledged they were in the right to hope 
 nothing from him, owned that for himself the vanities of this 
 world had dazzled him for a moment, that he had not been 
 able to discern clearly the work of the Lord, nor trust wholly 
 to his saints, humbled himself before them, and implored the 
 aid of their prayers to obtain his pardon from Heaven. The 
 *most popular preachers, among others Hugh Peters, an in- 
 triguing and prating enthusiast, undertook to spread abroad his 
 protestations and admissions. Cromwell even sent comforting 
 promises to the soldiers in prison. All he insisted upon, and 
 this he did in the firmest tone, was the necessity of maintain- 
 
 * Rushworth, ii., 4, 875 ; Pari. Hist., iii., 791 ; Clarendon, iii., 132 ; 
 Mazeres, Select Tracts, part 1, preface 33 — 73 ; Godwin, ii., 462. 
 t Whitelocke, 279. |: Ludlow, 96. § Whitelocke, 285. 
 
388 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 ing union and discipline in the army, as the only means of 
 success or even of safety.* Many believed his w^ords, ever 
 impassioned and powerful ; others, not so blind, felt how much 
 they needed his talents, and even while doubting his repent- 
 ance, could not make up their minds to reject it. Most of 
 them, besides, confessed that the agitators had been too hasty, had 
 gone too far, and that the soldiers owed to their officers more sub- 
 mission and respect. Rainsborough, Scott, and Ewers, admit- 
 ted themselves in the wrong, and promised more prudence for 
 the future. A great meeting took place at last at head-quarters 
 (Dec. 22); officers, agitators, and preachers, passed ten hours 
 together in conversation and prayer ; the common interest pre- 
 vailed over, without altogether dissipating, their mutual rancor 
 and distrust ; it was decided that the prisoners should be set 
 at liberty, that captain Bray should return to his regiment, 
 and that parliament should be requested to restore to Rains- 
 borough the office of vice-admiral, which it had taken from 
 him. I This reconciliation, of which the king's ruin was the 
 condition, was celebrated by a solemn feast (Jan. 9, 1648).+ 
 
 At this point of time, there arrived at head-quarters sir John 
 Berkley, whom Charles, informed of the result of the meeting 
 at Ware, had hastened to send to the generals, to congratulate 
 them on their victory and to remind them of their promises (in 
 the latter end of November). Though the bearer of letters 
 not only from the king, but from Hammond to Fairfax, Ireton, 
 and Cromwell, Berkley was not without uneasiness ; he had 
 met, on his road, with cornet Joyce, who had expressed as- 
 tonishment at his temerity, and told him that the agitators, so 
 far from fearing anything, had drawn over the generals to 
 their views, and were preparing to bring the king to trial. 
 When he arrived at Windsor, the council of officers was as- 
 sembled ; he presented himself, and handed his letters to the 
 general. He was ordered to withdraw. Recalled in half an 
 hour, Fairfax sternly addressed him : " We are the parlia- • 
 ment's army ; we have no ans\\er to give to the proposals of 
 his"" majesty ; our employers alone must judge of them." 
 Berkley looked at Ireton, then at Cromwell j they scarcely 
 
 * Berkley, 75. 
 
 fRushworth, ii., 4, 943 ; Clarendon, State Papers, ii ; Appendix, 
 Xliv. ; Whitelocke, 285. 
 t Rushworth, ii., 4, 959. 
 
ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 389 
 
 bowed, and that with a smile of contempt. He withdrew quite 
 astounded : the day passed without his being able to obtain an 
 explanation or any intelligence ; at length, towards the evening, 
 the commandant Watson, the officer with whom he had been 
 most intimate, sent him word to be at midnight in a certain 
 paddock behind the Garter Inn, where he would meet him. 
 From him, Berkley learned what had taken place, and with 
 what ardor the army was transported : "It is such," he said, 
 " that I hazard my life in coming here ; for even this very 
 afternoon, Ireton made two proposals ; one to send you prisoner 
 to London, the other to forbid any' one to speak to you under 
 pain of death. If the king can escape, let him do it, as 
 he loves his life." " Do you advise me," said Berkley, " to 
 send to Cromwell and Ireton the letters which the king has 
 given me for them V " By all means; otherwise they would 
 distrust I had revealed their designs to you."* 
 
 As Watson had foreseen, Berkley from the two generals 
 obtained neither interview nor answer. " I will do my best to 
 serve the king," Cromwell alone sent word ; " but he must 
 not expect I shall ruin myself for his sake." Sir John 
 hastened to send this melancholy news to the king, conjuring 
 him to get away without losing an instant. Charles, perhaps, 
 might have done so ; for a vessel, sent by the queen, had, it 
 is said, been cruising about the island for several days past.f 
 But a fresh intrigue had reanimated the king's hopes. After 
 a warm debate in the commons,:}: the house had just voted 
 (Dec. 14) that four propositions should be presented to him in 
 the form of bills ; and that if he accepted them, he should be 
 allowed, as he had several times requested, to treat in person 
 with the parliament. They were — first, that the command of 
 the sea and land forces should appertain for twenty years to 
 parliament, with power of continuation thereafter, if the safety 
 of the kingdom should seem to require it ; 2, that the king 
 should revoke all his declarations, proclamations, and other 
 acts published against the house, imputing to it illegality and 
 rebellion ; 3, that he should annul all the patents of peerage 
 he had granted since he left London; 4, that parliament should 
 
 * Berkeley, 73. flh.,'16. 
 
 X The motion took place in the house of lords on the 26th of No- 
 vember, and the commons adopted it on the 27th, by 115 to 106. — 
 Pari. Hist, ill., 803. 
 
 33* 
 
390 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 be empowered to adjourn for whatever time, and to whatever 
 place it should think proper. Charles, notwithstanding his 
 distress, had no idea of sanctioning these bills, and thus ac- 
 knowledging the legitimacy of the war which had brought 
 him to this extremity ; but he knew that the Scottish com- 
 missioners had strongly opposed them, that they had exhibited 
 a bitter resentment of the contempt with which parliament 
 had received their remonstrances :* he had received from 
 them, concurrently with Berkley's letter, secret advice to 
 reject propositions so offensive, and a promise that they would 
 themselves come to the Isle of Wight and treat with him, in 
 the name of Scotland, on far better conditions. " I must 
 wait," he said to Berkley on his return ; " I will settle with 
 the Scots before I leave the kingdom ; if they once saw me 
 out of the hands of the army, they would double their de- 
 mands. "f 
 
 Lords Lauderdale, Lowden, and Lanark, accordingly, ar- 
 rived at Carisbrook Castle, nearly at the same time (Dec. 23, 
 1647) with lord Denbigh and his five colleagues,:}: the com- 
 missioners from Westminster. The negotiations already 
 opened at Hampton Court were now renewed between them 
 and the king with great mystery • for, they said, they had 
 only to protest to him personally against the proposals of par- 
 liament. In two days the treaty was concluded, drawn up, 
 signed (Dec. 26), and hidden in a garden in the island until 
 it could be taken away in safety. It promised the king the 
 intervention of a Scottish army to re-establish him in his just 
 rights, on condition that he would confirm the presbyterian 
 establishment for three years in England, himself and his 
 friends not being required to conform to it ; and that, at the 
 end of that term, the assembly of divines should be consulted, 
 and he should definitively settle, in concert with parliament, 
 the constitution of the church. Several stipulations to the 
 advantage of Scotland, and which would have been highly 
 offensive to the honor of England, accompanied this general 
 concession. It was also agreed that to aid the Scottish army, 
 the cavaliers all over the kingdom should take arms ; that 
 Ormond should go and re-assume the command of the royalist 
 party in Ireland, and that the king himself, as soon as he 
 
 • Pari. Hist, iii., 825. t Berkley, 80. | Pari. Hist., iii., 824. 
 
ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 89l 
 
 should have rejected the four propositions, should escape from 
 the island and proceed to the borders of Scotland, to Berwick, 
 or some other place, and wait in liberty for the moment of 
 action.* 
 
 Everything thus settled, Charles sent word to the parlia- 
 mentary commissioners that he was ready to give them his 
 answer (Dec. 27). He had resolved, three years before, in 
 the negotiations at Oxford, to deliver it to them in a sealed 
 envelope, fearing that, once aware of his refusal, perhaps 
 even of his projects, they might take measures that would 
 undo the whole. But lord Denbigh obstinately refused to 
 receive the king's message in this form. " Parliament," he 
 said, " has charged us to bring back, not anything it may 
 please your majesty to give us, but the adoption or rejection 
 of the four bills." Charles was obliged to comply, and read 
 the message aloud : it absolutely rejected the propositions, and 
 requested to treat in person, without being pledged to accept 
 anything beforehand. The commissioners withdrew, held a 
 short conference with Hammond, and returned to Westmin- 
 ster, and a few hours after their departure, while the king was 
 discussing with Ashburnham and Berkley the means of es- 
 cape prepared for the following night, the gates of the castle 
 were closed, entrance forbidden to all strangers, the guards 
 everywhere doubled, and almost all the king's servants, Ash- 
 burnham and Berkley the first, received orders to quit the 
 island forthwith. f 
 
 Full of anger and painful uneasiness, Charles sent for 
 Hammond : " Why," said he, " do you use me thus ? Where 
 are your orders for it ? Was it the spirit that moved you to 
 it ? " Hammond, who had no formal orders, was silent, and 
 hesitated ; at last, he spoke of the answer his majesty had just 
 made to the proposals of parliament. " Did you not engage 
 your honor," said the king, " you would take no advantage 
 against me in any case ? " Hammond : " I said nothing." 
 The king: "You are an equivocating gentleman. Will you 
 allow me any chaplain ? You pretend for liberty of con- 
 science ; shall I have none ? " Hammond : " I cannot allow 
 
 * Clarendon, iii., 151 ; Burnet, Memoirs of the Hamiltons, 325 — 
 334. 
 
 t Berkley, 92; Pari. Hist, iii., 828— S30 ; Bowring, 92—94; Cla- 
 rendon, iii., 134. 
 
392 HISTORY OF THfi 
 
 you any chaplain." The king: "You use me neither like 
 a gentleman nor a Christian." Hammond: " I will speak with 
 you when you are in a better temper." The king : " I have 
 slept well to-night." Hammond : "I have used you very 
 civilly." The king: "Why do you not so now then?" 
 Hammond : " Sir, you are too high." The king : " My shoe- 
 maker's fault, then ; and yet my shoes are of the same last." 
 This he repeated several times as he walked the room, then 
 turning towards Hammond, he said : " Shall I have liberty to 
 go about to take the air ? " Hammond : " No, I cannot grant 
 it." The king : " You cannot grant it ! Is this the faith you 
 owe me ? Is this your allegiance ? Answer." Hammond 
 hastily left the room, agitated and with tears in his eyes ; but 
 he in no respect altered his late arrangements.* 
 
 Meantime, the parliamentary commissioners arrived at West- 
 minster : they had no sooner given an account of their journey 
 and its results, than a member till then unnoticed in the house, 
 sir Thomas Wroth, rose (Jan. 3, 1648) : " Mr. Speaker," said 
 he, " Bedlam was appointed for madmen, and Tophet ■\ for 
 kings ; but our kings of late have carried themselves as if 
 they were fit for no place but Bedlam ; I propose we lay the 
 king by, and settle the kingdom without him. I care not what 
 form of government you set up, so it be not by kings or devils." 
 
 * Clarendon, State Papers, ii., Appendix, 44; Rushworth, ii., 4, 959, 
 960; Whitelocke, 286. 
 
 t That is to say, " Hell." Topheth is a Hebrew word, which in its 
 general acceptation, means an abominable thing, a thing worthy of ex- 
 ecration (the radical word signifies " to split with disgust"), and as a 
 proper name, it designates a place in the valley of Ben Hinnom, " the 
 valley of the sons of lamentation, where sacrifices had long been offered 
 to Moloch, and where the statues of the false gods were thrown when 
 their altars were demolished on the heights of Jerusalem, and which 
 afterwards became a sort of receptacle for all the filth and impurities of 
 the town, and where the bodies of executed criminals were burnt. It 
 is in this sense that the prophet Isaiah, menacing with utter ruin Senna- 
 cherib and his army, says (chap, xxx., 33), " F'or Tophet is ordained 
 of old ; yea, for the king it is prepared" 8fc. Yet some ancient 
 divines, among others St. Jerome and the Chaldean paraphrast, simply 
 understood by Tojo^e^/i, " Hell, " Gehenna;" and after them, Calvin and 
 the theologians of the Reformation, have given no other acceptation to 
 this word. It is in this sense that it is employed in the English version 
 of the Bible, that it is used by Milton (Par. Lost, book i., lines 392, 
 493-495) ; and the writers of his time ; and sir Thomas Wroth alluded 
 to this passage in Isaiah, which was at that time, as well as all other 
 Scripture texts, present to the memory of most of his auditors. 
 
ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 393 
 
 Ireton immediately supported the motion. " The king," he 
 said, " has denied safety and protection to his people by deny- 
 ing the four bills ; subjection to him is only in exchange of 
 his protection to his people ; this being denied by him, we may 
 as well deny any more subjection to him, and settle the king- 
 dom without him." Astounded at so rough an attack, irritated 
 themselves by the king's refusal, the presbyterians appeared 
 for awhile perplexed and timid ; several members, however, 
 spoke against the proposition : " To adopt it," said Maynard, 
 " is, as far as in us lays, to dissolve the pai'liament ; when 
 kings have refused to receive our petitions, or admit our ad- 
 dresses, this has always been held the highest breach of our 
 privileges, because it tended to our dissolution without dis- 
 solving us ; and if we now, on our parts, determine we will 
 receive no more messages from him, nor make any more ad- 
 dresses to him, we declare we are no longer a parliament." 
 The discussion was prolonged and grew warm ; the presby- 
 terians regained confidence ; the house, at first indifferently 
 disposed towards them, seemed wavering ; Cromwell rose : 
 " Mr. Speaker," said he, " the king is a man of great sense, 
 of gi'eat talents, but so full of dissimulation, so false, that there 
 is no possibility of trusting him. While he is protesting his 
 love for peace, he is treating underhand with the Scottish com- 
 missioners, to plunge the nation into another war. It is now 
 expected the parliament should govern and defend the kingdom 
 by their own power and resolution, and not teach the people 
 any longer to expect safety and government from an obstinate 
 man, whose heart God hath hardened ; the men who, at the 
 expense of their blood, defended you from so many perils, will 
 again defend you, with the same courage and fidelity, against 
 all opposition. Teach them not, by neglecting your own and 
 the kingdom's safety, in which their own is involved, to think 
 themselves betrayed, and left hereafter to the rage and malice 
 of an irreconcilable enemy whom they have subdued for your 
 sake, lest despair teach them to seek their safety by some other 
 means than adhering to you, who will not stick to yourselves. 
 And how destructive such a resolution in them will be to you 
 all, I tremble to think, and leave you to judge ;" and he sat 
 down with his hand on his sword hilt. No one spoke after 
 him ; the motion, immediately adopted (by 141 to 92), was 
 sent the next day to the upper house (Jan. 4). At first the 
 
394 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 lords appeared to hesitate ; the debate was twice adjourned 
 (from Jan. 4 to 8 ; then from 8 to 11) : two declarations came 
 from the army ;* one addressed to the commons, full of con- 
 gratulations, and threats against their enemies : the other to 
 the lords, mild, conciliatory, contradicting the reports spread 
 abroad as to danger threatening the peerage, and promising to 
 support it in all its rights. The cowardly portion of the house 
 could as they pleased appear alarmed or reassured ; the dis- 
 cussion was brought to a close, and when the motion was put 
 (Jan. ]5), lords Warwick and Manchester alone opposed it."j" 
 
 On the other hand, energetic and formidable protests were 
 sent forth from all parts of the kingdom. " Now at last," 
 cried the cavaliers, " are fulfilled those accusations and pre- 
 dictions so often treated as chimeras or calumnies;" and on 
 all sides, crowds of voices hitherto wavering, joined them in 
 denouncing this execrable treason. Before there was time for 
 the king to answer the declarations of parliament, several 
 answers appeared, emanating from the spontaneous zeal of pri- 
 vate citizens.:]: Never had so many reports of royalist plots, 
 never had so many and such violent pamphlets besieged West- 
 minster. § In the Isle of Wight itself, captain Burley, a half- 
 pay naval officer, had the drum beat through the streets of 
 Newport, and, collecting a body of laborers, children, and 
 women, put himself at their head to go and release the king 
 from prison. The attempt was immediately frustrated, and 
 Burley hanged as guilty of having made war against the king 
 in his parliament. II Similar feelings and desires agitated those 
 counties which, just before, had been opposed to the royal 
 cause ; even at the very doors of parliament, some of Essex's 
 disbanded soldiers tumultuously assembled, crying : " God 
 save the king !" stopping the coaches and making those within 
 join them in drinking his health. H The republicans were in- 
 censed at finding themselves thus disturbed in their victory : 
 
 * Januaryllth ; they are dated the 9th. 
 
 t Pari. Hist., iii., 830-837; Clement Walker, History of Indepen- 
 dency (1648), 72; Clarendon, iii., 142. 
 
 J Clarendon, iii., 144. 
 
 § Rushworth, 4, 929, 974, 1002 ; two pamphlets, more particularly, 
 entitled " The Parliament's Ten Commandments," and *' The New 
 Testament of our Lords and Saviors the House of Commons sitting at 
 Westiiiinster," caused great excitement. 
 
 II Clarendon, iii., 137. IT Pari. Hist., iii., 804. 
 
ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 395 
 
 in vain they obtained addresses of congratulation* from a few 
 counties ; in vain the commons proclaimed their design of re- 
 forming the law, and of rendering the attainment of justice 
 less expensive ; in vain did they even suspend their own privi- 
 leges in reference to prosecutions and debts (Jan. 4).f These 
 important ameliorations were only desired and appreciated by 
 the party itself or a few superior minds ; some of them shocked 
 the prejudices of the people, others were not understood by 
 their ignorance ; with all, the interested motive which seemed 
 to dictate them destroyed their effect. This want of popularity 
 must be made up for by tyranny. The proceedings already 
 commenced against such members of parliament and city ma- 
 gistrates as were considered authors or fomenters of presbyte- 
 rian or royalist riots, were urged forward ;:j: whoever had 
 borne arms against parliament received orders to leave Lon- 
 don, and were forbidden to reside within twenty miles of its 
 walls (Dec. 17, 1647) ;§ a general revision of the justices of 
 the peace throughout the kingdom was directed, with the view 
 of getting rid of all whose principles should be suspected ;|| it 
 was enacted that no delinquent, no person who had taken any 
 part or was accused of having taken a part in any plot against 
 the parliament, might be elected a lord mayor, alderman, or 
 member of the common council of the city, or even vote at the 
 election of these magistrates (Dec. 17) ;1F the same disquali- 
 fication was shortly after applied to the functions of jurymen 
 and to the election of members of parliament.** The com- 
 mittee appointed to suppress the licentiousness of the press 
 received orders to sit every day, and a sum was put at their 
 disposal (Jan. 6, 1648),'|"f to reward those who should discover 
 and seize the presses of the malignants. Finally, the army 
 once more marched through London with all the paraphernalia 
 of war, and three thousand men were detached from it and 
 quartered, half at Whitehall half at the Tower.:}::}: 
 
 The fanatics, the men of stern, narrow mind, the populace 
 
 * Rush worth, ii., 4, 973. 
 
 t Pari. Hist., iii., 830 ; Rushworth, ii., 4, 985. 
 j Rushworth, ii., 4, 922 ; Pari. Hist., iii., 838—842. 
 § Rushworth, ii., 4, 933. || lb., 920. IT lb., 934. 
 
 ** lb., 1252. tt lb., 957. 
 
 XX Journal's of the House of Commons, January 27, 1648 ; Walker, 
 72, 79. 
 
396 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 of the party, congratulated themselves on these measures as 
 signal proofs of their strength, and redoubled their ardor. 
 Cromwell alone, though co-operating in, felt uneasy about 
 them, not from any scruple, nor that he hesitated at anything 
 tending to success ; but, despite his resolutions against the 
 king, the hopes and pretensions of the republicans and enthu- 
 siasts appeared to him insane. Throughout the country he 
 saw the principal freeholders, the rich citizens, almost every 
 person of any note, retiring from public affairs, forsaking the 
 committees of management and local magistracies, and power 
 passing into the hands of people of an inferior condition, eager 
 to seize it, capable of exercising it with vigor, but ill-fitted to 
 retain it. He could not believe that England would long con- 
 sent to be thus governed, or that anything at all permanent 
 could be founded on the legal oppression of so many and such 
 considerable citizens, nor that the discord and anarchy daily 
 increasing in parliament and under its sway, could end other- 
 wise than in the destruction of the conquerors. His indefati- 
 gable imagination was set to work to find out some means of 
 putting an end to this state of things, or at least to discover in 
 this dark chaos his own quickest and safest road to greatness. 
 He assembled, one day at dinner at his house, the principal 
 independents and presbyterians, clerical and lay, and earnestly 
 expatiated on the necessity of conciliation, or at least of sus- 
 pending their quarrels, in order to face together the new dan- 
 gers it was easy to see were impending. But the humor of 
 the presbyterians was too unbending, and their theological pre- 
 tensions too exclusive to admit of such combinations. The 
 conference was without result. Cromwell got up another of 
 some political leaders, most of them general officers like him- 
 self, and the republicans. It was necessary, he said, that they 
 should in concert investigate what government best suited 
 England, as it was now their part to regulate it ; but, in reality, 
 he aimed at discovering which among them was likely to hold 
 out, and what he had to expect or fear from them. Ludlow, 
 Vane, Hutchinson, Sidney, and Haslerig, loudly declared their 
 feelings, rejecting all idea of a monarchy as condemned by 
 the Bible, by reason, and by experience. The generals were 
 more reserved ; according to them, a republic was desirable, 
 but its success doubtful ; it was better to come to no sudden 
 determination, but to watch the progress of things, the neces- 
 
ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 397 
 
 sities of the times, and obey from day to day the directions of 
 Providence. The republicans insisted upon an unequivocal 
 declaration. The discussion grew warm; Ludlow, among 
 others, pressed Cromwell hard to declare himself, for they 
 were resolved, he said, to know who were their friends. 
 Cromwell evaded the point for awhile, till, at last, urged more 
 and more, he suddenly rose, and, with a forced jest, hastily 
 quitted the room, flinging as he went out a cushion at Ludlow's 
 head, who sent another after him, " which," says Ludlow, 
 " made him hasten down stairs faster than he desired."* 
 
 Meantime, the danger drew nigh ; the number and boldness 
 of the malcontents increased every day : not only in the west 
 and north, but around London, in Middlesex, Essex, Surrey, 
 and Kent, at the table of some rich gentleman, at the assizes, 
 at the markets, in every place where the cavaliers could con- 
 cert or mix with the people, royalist petitions, plans, and 
 insurrections, were got up and openly announced. At Can- 
 terbury, on Christmas day, as the inayor was endeavoring to 
 enforce the ordinance which suppressed that festival, a violent 
 tumult arose, amid the cry : " God, king Charles, and the 
 county of Kent !" The city arsenal was broken open, several 
 houses of parliamentarians attacked, the municipal officers 
 very roughly handled, and, but for the prompt arrival of some 
 troops, the peasants of the neighborhood would have joined the 
 movement and carried it out.f In London, one Sunday in 
 church time, some apprentices were playing at bowls in Moor- 
 fields (April 9, 1648) ; a guard of militia ordered them to dis- 
 perse, they resisted, and beat off the militia ; routed in their 
 turn by a detachment of cavalry, they spread all over the city, 
 calling to their aid their companions and the Thames water- 
 men; numerous bands assembled in every direction; they 
 met in the night, took two of the gates of the city by surprise, 
 stretched chains across the streets, and with drums beating 
 and shouts of "God and king Charles," attacked the Mansion- 
 house, got possession of a cannon, then of a magazine of arms, 
 and at daybreak seemed masters of the city. A council of 
 war had sat all night ; they hesitated to attack the rebels ; 
 they questioned whether the two regiments quartered in Lon- 
 don would be sufficient, whether it would not be best to await 
 
 * Ludlow, 103. t Rushworth, ii., 4, 948. 
 
 34 
 
398 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 reinforcements. Fairfax and Cromwell decided for an imme- 
 diate attack : it was as immediately successful ; in two hours 
 nothing was to be heard in the streets but the regular step of 
 the troops returning to their quarters.* But though they had 
 fled, the people were not conquered ; every day some unex- 
 pected event happened to augment their anger and raise their 
 courage ; the presbyterian members and city aldermen, when 
 brought by the commons before the upper house, obstinately 
 refused to acknowledge its jurisdiction, to kneel at the bar, or 
 even to take off their hats and listen to the reading of the 
 charges ; and every time they appeared at Westminster, the 
 multitude, as they came forth, hailed them with transport.^ 
 Public meetings were forbidden ; the committee of manage- 
 ment of each county was empowered to arrest and commit to 
 prison all the disaffected — nay, all the suspected (April 18) ;:{: 
 but public excitement made more rapid progress than tyranny : 
 at Norwich, Bury St. Edmunds, Thetford, Stowmarket, and a 
 multitude of other places, upon the slightest pretext, the drum 
 beat, the inhabitants flew to arms, and the troops did not always 
 find a mere menacing display answer the purpose of repres- 
 sion. § They had soon, moreover, other things to dread than 
 mere riots, mere citizen mobs. In Pembrokeshire, South 
 Wales, captains Poyer and Powel and major-general Lang- 
 horn, distinguished ofiicers, who had made their way in the 
 parliamentary army, forsook it (towards the end of Feb.),|| 
 raised the royal standard, and supported by the cavaliers of 
 the district, saw the whole country in a few days in their 
 power. At about the same time, the Scottish parliament met 
 (March 2). Hamilton and the royalists, masked by an alliance 
 of the moderate presbyterians, had prevailed in the elections ; 
 in vain had Argyle and the more violent of the clergy endea- 
 vored to thwart them ; as vainly had commissioners from 
 London lavishly distributed money and threats in Edinburgh ; 
 circumspect, even humble in its language to the fanatics, but 
 in reality favorable to the king, the parliament immediately 
 
 * Rushworth, ii., 4, 1051 ; Whitelocke, 299; Pari. Hist, iii., 875. 
 t Pari. Hist, iii., 844, 874, 877, 880, 881. 
 t Rushworth, ii., 4, 1062. 
 
 § Rushworth, ii., 4, 1071, 1119 ; Journals, Lords, May 19th ; Journals, 
 Commons, June 12th. 
 II Rushworth, ii., 4, 1016. 
 
ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 399 
 
 voted (May 3) the formation of a committee of danger invested 
 with the executive power, and the levy of an army of forty 
 thousand men, charged to defend, against the republicans and 
 sectaries, the covenant and royalty.* The cavaliers in the 
 north of England only awaited the signal to break out. For 
 more than a month past their principal leaders, Langdale, 
 Glenham, and Musgrave, had been living in Edinburgh, some- 
 times openly and sometimes in secret, concerting with Hamil- 
 ton their plan of insurrection. In Ireland, lord Inchiquin, lord- 
 lieutenant of the province of Munster, and hitherto the surest 
 support of parliament against the insurgents, also went over to 
 the king's standard. f Finally, when all this news came to 
 London, the presbyterians, both in parliament and in the city, 
 raised their heads : and to cover their hopes, made a loud out- 
 cry about their fears. A man named John Everard, came and 
 made oath to the common council (April 23) that, two nights 
 before, being in bed at the Garter inn at Windsor, he had 
 heard in the adjoining room, several officers, among others 
 quarter-master-general Grosvenor and colonel Ewers, promise 
 each other that the moment the Scots set foot in the kingdom 
 the army should enter the city, disarm all the citizens, exact 
 from them a million sterling under pain of pillage, and send, 
 moreover, at the city expense, all the well-disposed they could 
 collect, to the various regiments. According to Everard, Ire- 
 ton was acquainted with this design. j: Hereupon a petition 
 was forthwith drawn up and presented to the house (April 27) ; 
 in it the common council required that the city should again 
 be put in possession of its chains, which had been taken from 
 it after the late riots, that the army should remove its head- 
 quarters to a greater distance, and that all the forces in London 
 and the suburbs should be placed under the command of 
 Skippon. These demands were immediately granted ; and 
 the next day, the 28th of April, after a debate of which no 
 record exists, the commons voted : 1, that they would not 
 change the fundamental government of the kingdom by king, 
 lords, and commons ; 2, that the proposals made to the king 
 
 * Baillie, Letters, ii., 281; Rushworth, ii., 4, 1040; Laing, iii., 
 394—400. 
 
 t Rushworth, ii., 4, 1060, 1063; Carte, Life of Ormond, ii., 23; 
 Clarendon, iii., 150. 
 
 X ParL Hist., iii., 881. 
 
400 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 at Hampton Court should be made the basis of the measures 
 it was essential to adopt to re-establish public peace ; 3, that, 
 notwithstanding the vote of the preceding 3d of January, for- 
 bidding any further address to the king, every member should 
 be at liberty to propose what he should think requisite for the 
 good of the country.* 
 
 For three weeks Cromwell had foreseen and endeavored to 
 prevent this reverse : in the name of the leaders of the army 
 and of the party, he had caused an offer to be made to the 
 common council (April 18), that the command of its militia 
 and of the Tower should be restored to the city, and that the 
 accused aldermen should be set at liberty, if it pledged itself 
 to take no part in aid of the Scots in their approaching inva- 
 sion ; but his offers had been rejected. f Compelled to resign 
 all hopes of conciliation, when he saw the presbyterians re- 
 gaining courage in the city and credit in the parliament, he 
 was filled with a passionate desire to risk a decisive blow. 
 He went to head-quarters, assembled the council of officers, 
 and proposed that the army should march upon London, expel 
 all their adversaries from parliament, and in a word, take full 
 possession of power in the name of the well affected and of 
 the public safety. In the first instance, the council was about 
 to adopt the proposal, but so violent an attack on the rights 
 of a parliament, long the idol and master of the country, still 
 alarmed the boldest ; they hesitated. Fairfax, who began to 
 be uneasy at what he was doing, took advantage of this, and 
 resisted the entreaties of the lieutenant-general, who wished 
 to give orders for the movement at once ; the project was 
 abandoned.:]: Discomfited by this second failure, suspected by 
 some for his endeavors at accommodation, by others for the 
 violence of his designs, Cromwell, unable to endure such in- 
 action, such embarrassment, resolved at once to leave London, 
 to march and fight the insurgents in the west, and regain by 
 war the ascendency he felt he was losing. He easily ob- 
 tained this mission from the parliament. While the troops 
 which were to accompany him were making their preparations 
 for departure, he one day complained to Ludlow of his situa- 
 tion, went over all he had done for the common cause, what 
 perils, what enmity he had braved, and exclaimed against the 
 
 * Pari. Hist.,iii., 882, 883. f Walker, 83. | Fairfax, 110. 
 
ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 401 
 
 ingratitude of his party. Ludlow listened to his complaints, 
 and reminded him, in his turn, of the grounds he had given 
 for distrust, pressed him to renounce intrigue and ambition, 
 and upon this condition promised him the cordial support of 
 the republicans, and was delighted with the docile attention 
 his exhortations had obtained.* A few days after, at the head 
 of five regiments, Cromwell took his departure for Wales, and 
 almost at the gates of London, at a meeting previously ar- 
 ranged, some presbyterian ministers had a conference with 
 him, from which they retired equally satisfied. "j" 
 
 He was no sooner gone, than the war he went to seek broke 
 out on all sides round parliament : the cavaliers had, indeed, 
 agreed among themselves to attempt nothing till the Scots had 
 entered the country ; but every day, in one place or other, the 
 popular impulse, a favorable opportunity, some unexpected 
 and apparently imperative circumstance, precipitated the in- 
 surrection. Some inhabitants of Essex had petitioned that 
 negotiations should be re-opened with the king, and the army 
 disbanded, after the payment of arrears (May 4).:j: Following 
 their example, seven or eight hundred gentlemen, freeholders, 
 and farmers of Surrey, repaired to London (May 13), bearing 
 a similar petition ; but its tone was far more haughty ; it re- 
 quired that the king, recalled to Whitehall, should be replaced 
 on his throne with the splendor of his ancestors ; and when 
 they arrived at Westminster, as they were passing through 
 the ante-rooms, some of them, addressing the soldiei's, said : 
 " Why stand you there to guard a company of rogues ?" 
 The soldiers warmly resented this affront ; a quarrel rose, 
 the soldiers were disarmed and one of them killed. A rein- 
 forcement of troops arrived ; and the petitioners, charged in 
 their turn, pursued from passage to passage, from hall to hall, 
 from street to street, did not, however, fly till after a vigorous 
 resistance, leaving five or six of their number dead at the 
 doors of parliament. § On hearing this, the royalists of Kent, 
 who were also preparing a petition, formed themselves into 
 divisions of fbof^ and horse, chose officers, appointed places of 
 rendezvous, made Goring, earl of Norwich, their general, 
 took possession of Sandwich, Dover, and several forts, and 
 
 * Ludlow, 105. t Hutchinson, 288. J Rushworth, ii., 4, 1101. 
 § Rushworth, ii., 4, 1116; Pari. Hist, iii., 886; Whitelocke, 306; 
 Ludlow, 103. 
 
 34* 
 
402 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 assembled at Rochester (May 29), to the number of more 
 than seven thousand, mutually engaged to march together and 
 in arms to present their petition to parliament.* As soon as 
 the banner of revolt was raised upon this pretext, others 
 openly unfurled it, without taking the trouble of drawing up, 
 in the form of petition or otherwise, their grievances and their 
 wishes. Sir Charles Lucas in Essex, lord Capel in Hertford- 
 shire, sir Gilbert Byron in the neighborhood of Nottingham, 
 openly raised troops for the king's service. Parliament heard 
 that, in the north, in order to open the way for the Scots into 
 the kingdom, Langdale and Musgrave had surprised, and now 
 occupied, the one Berwick, the other Carlisle. f Some symp- 
 toms of excitement also appeared in the fleet stationed in the 
 Downs ; Rainsborough, who was vice-admiral, set off imme- 
 diately to repress it ; but the sailors refused to receive him 
 (May 27), put all their officers in a boat, sent them on shore, 
 declared for the king, and without any leader above the de- 
 gree of boatswain, sailed for Holland, where the duke of 
 York, who had lately succeeded in making his escape from 
 St. James's, and soon after the prince of Wales himself, took 
 the command of them.ij: Even in London, men were pri- 
 vately enlisted, royalist oaths circulated, and armed bands 
 passed through the city to join the insurgents ;§ the houses 
 of the earl Holland and of the young duke of Buckingham 
 were at all hours filled with malcontents, who came to inquire 
 on what day, at what place, they were to assemble in arms.|| 
 In every direction, in short, the insurrection, like an un- 
 quenchable conflagration, raged and extended, still more and 
 more closely pressing upon Westminster ; all the efforts of the 
 committee of Derby House, where the independents prevailed, 
 all the skill of Vane and St. John, in finding out informers 
 and unravelling plotSjIT did not prevent the cry of " God and 
 king Charles !" from sounding constantly in the ear of parlia- 
 ment. 
 
 The presbyterians themselves took alarm ; the Scots, their 
 
 * Rushworth, ii., 4, 1130. f Rushworth, ii., 4, 1099, 1105. 
 
 J Clarendon, iii., 204; Pari. Hist, iii., 896, 899, 906; Godwin, Hist 
 of the Commonwealth, ii., 531—533, 551—556. 
 
 § Rushworth, ii., 4, 1117, 1174 ; Pari. Hist, iii., 892—893, 
 II Whitelocke, 317 ; Clarendon, iii., 264. 
 IT Pari. Hist, iii., 887—892. 
 
ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 403 
 
 firmest support, did not arrive ; they found themselves on the 
 point of falling into the hands of the cavaliers, the sole mas- 
 ters of this new movement, and who having no better liking 
 for presbyterian doctrines and intentions than for any others, 
 indiscriminately denounced the whole parliament, demanded 
 the laws and the king of old England, insultingly defied the 
 austere rigors of the new form of worship, openly practised 
 forbidden games, celebrated suppressed festivals, and raised 
 once more the maypoles.* Hammond sent word that the king 
 had been on the point of effecting his escape (May 31) ;-j- and 
 the most moderate shuddered with fear at the thought of his 
 appearing all at once at the gates of London at the head of 
 these thousands of insurgents : party hatreds, the desire for 
 peace, alarm for the future, all gave way before this great 
 danger. To deprive the rebellion of its most specious pretexts, 
 negotiations with the king were again voted (May 8 and 24) ;^ 
 the aldermen of the city were fully acquitted (May 23) ;§ 
 Skippon took the command of the militia, colonel West that 
 of the Tower, from which he had been removed by Fairfax 
 (May 18) ;1| and an ordinance against heresy and swearing, 
 which authorized even the infliction of death in certain cases, 
 attested the return of presbyterian ascendency jIT but, at the 
 same time, all idea of concession or forbearance towards the 
 cavaliers was sternly rejected ; a fresh order was issued, 
 banishing from London, under still more severe penalties than 
 before (May 23),** all papists and malignants ; the property 
 of delinquents was appropriated to paying the debts due to the 
 friends of the good cause (May ll);-j-f the sale of church 
 lands was hastened j :}::}: reinforcements were sent to the garri- 
 
 * Whitelocke, 305. 
 
 t Pari. Hist, iii., 899—909, 921—928; Clarendon, iii., 353. 
 i Pari. Hist, iii., 885—892. § lb., 891. 
 
 II Rushworth, ii., 4, 1118. H Journals, Lords. 
 
 ** Rushworth, ii., 4, 1124. ft lb-, IHO. 
 
 IJ Harris, Life of Cromwell, 306. — In the course of the years 1647, 
 1648, 1649, 1650, and 1651, there was sold property belongiiig — 
 To the see of York, to the amount of £65,786 7 If 
 
 — the see of Durham . . . 68,121 15 9 
 
 — the see of Carlisle . . . 6,449 11 2 
 
 — the see of Chester . . . 1,129 18 4 
 
 Total . , £141,487 12 4| 
 
404 HISTORY OF THB 
 
 son of Carisbrook (towards the end of May) ;* the common 
 council, after having received communications which were to 
 it, it said, " as a beam of light piercing through dark clouds," 
 solemnly protested that it was resolved to live and die with the 
 parliament (May 20). f Finally, Fairfax received orders im- 
 mediately to open a campaign against the bands who infested 
 the neighborhood of London ; Lambert to march to the north, 
 to repress, at all events, the insurrection that Langdale and 
 Musgrave had raised while waiting for the arrival of the Scots ; 
 and by a violence till then unheard of, doubtless to prove the 
 sincerity of their rigorous proceedings, the commons voted 
 that the king's presence no longer affording an excuse for the 
 rebels, no quarter should be given them (May 11)4 
 
 Three days after his departure from London (June 1), 
 Fairfax had come up to and beaten, at Maidstone, the princi- 
 pal body of the insurgents ; in vain had they sought to avoid 
 so sudden an encounter ; in vain, when obliged to fight, had 
 they maintained, in the streets of the town, a long and bloody§ 
 conflict. Still animated by the most ardent fanaticism, inured 
 to war, detesting the cavaliers, and despising their new re- 
 cruits, Fairfax's soldiers passionately pressed forward a war 
 the dangers of which seemed almost an insult. They tra- 
 versed by forced marches the county of Kent, daily dispersing 
 some gathering or retaking some place, rough in their demea- 
 nor towards the country, but exact in their discipline, and 
 allowing the royalists neither refuge nor repose. Goring, 
 nevertheless, succeeded in again assembling three or four 
 thousand men, and appeared at their head on Blackheath (June 
 3), almost at the gates of London, incited by the hope that an 
 insurrection would break out at his approach, or that at least 
 he should receive some secret assistance. He even wrote to 
 the common council, requesting leave to pass through the city 
 in order to proceed quietly with his men into Essex. But the 
 council, so far from sending him an answer, forwarded, with- 
 out opening it, his letter to the commons, pi-epared, it sent 
 word, to regulate its conduct in all things according to their 
 wishes. II Upon hearing this the cavaliers grew dispirited, and 
 
 *Rushworth, ii., 4,1130. 
 
 t Pari. Hist., iii., S90. t Journals, Commons. 
 
 §Rushworth, ii., 4, 1137; Pari. Hist., iii., 902; Ludlow, 107. 
 II Rushworth, ii., 4, 1130 ; Whitelocke, 309 ; Ludlow, ut sup. 
 
ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 405 
 
 disorder spread among them ; they deserted in troops, and 
 Goring had great difficulty in collecting a sufficient number 
 of boats for them to cross the Thames at Greenwich with 
 seven or eight hundred men, who followed him into Essex. 
 There he found the insurrection, under the direction of sir 
 Chai'les Lucas, still powerful and confident. Lord Capel 
 joined them with a troop of cavaliers from Hertfordshire ; 
 they marched together for Colchester (June 12), with some- 
 what raised spirits, intending to rest there for a day or two 
 and then overrun together Suffolk and Norfolk, raise the roy- 
 alists as they went, and march upon London through Cam- 
 bridge at the head of a numerous army. But they had 
 scarcely entered the town, when Fairfax appeared under the 
 walls and closely invested it (June 13). A fortnight's cam- 
 paign had thus sufficed to enclose in one town, almost without 
 means of defence, the wreck of the insurrection which had so 
 lately surrounded London on all sides. The insurgents en- 
 deavored to rally at several points, in the counties of Rutland, 
 Northampton, Lincoln, and Sussex.* In the city itself, 
 under the eyes of parliament, lords Holland, Peterborough, and 
 Buckingham, took arms ; and, followed by about a thousand 
 cavaliers, marched out of London (July 5), proclaiming that 
 they had no design of sacrificing public liberty to the king, 
 and only desired to restore to him his legal rights. But while 
 they were still in the neighborhood of the metropolis, sir Mi- 
 chael Livesey, who had been sent from head-quarters against 
 them, suddenly attacked them (July 7), killed several of their 
 officers, among others the young sir Francis Villiers, brother 
 to the duke of Buckingham, and reinforced next day by colo- 
 nel Scrope's regiment, pursued them without respite into 
 Huntingdonshire, where, weary of this constant retreating, 
 they dispersed in all directions, leaving lord Holland wounded 
 in the hands of the enemy (July 10). f In the east and south, 
 similar attempts had no better result. Letters were received 
 from Cromwell (June 16), promising that in a fortnight Pem- 
 broke Castle, the bulwark of the insurgents in the west, would 
 be in his power. ^ In the North, Lambert, though with infe- 
 
 *Rushworth, ii., 4, 1135, 1145, 1149, 1150, 1169; Ludlow, i., 
 300. 
 
 fRushworth, ii., 4, 1178, IISO, 11S2, 11S7; Pari. Hist, iii., 925— 
 927 ; Ludlow, 110 ; Clarendon, iii., 266. 
 
 X Rushworth, ii,, 4, 1159. 
 
406 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 rior forces, valiantly maintained the honor and authority of 
 parliament against Langdale's cavaliers.* Finally, Colches- 
 ter, notwithstanding the indomitable resistance of the besieged, 
 alike unmoved by offers and by attacks, was assailed by 
 famine, and could not hold out long against Fairfax, who had 
 nothing else to attend to.j" 
 
 Freed from their first anxiety, sure of not falling a prey to 
 the cavaliers, the presbyterians again began to feel uneasy 
 about the independents and the army, and to meditate peace. 
 The petitions in favor of it, still numerous, though less im- 
 perious, were now better received.:]: The proscription of the 
 eleven members was revoked, and they were invited to re- 
 sume their seats (June 8).§ New proposals to the king, less 
 rigorous than the former, were talked of; a disposition was 
 shown to resume negotiations with him, if he would consent — 
 1, to repeal all his proclamations against the parliament ; 2, 
 to give up to it for ten years the disposal of the sea and land 
 forces ; 3, to establish throughout the kingdom the presbyte- 
 rian church for three years (June 6).|| A special committee 
 (June 26)11 was appointed to consider the best mode of attain- 
 ing the desired object, and at what time, in what place, and 
 in what form it would be proper to treat. One member even 
 inquired whether it would not be desirable for the king imme- 
 diately to return to Windsor ; ** and upon a petition to that 
 effect from the city (June 27), the lords voted that the con- 
 ferences should be held at London. ff Finally, on the 30th of 
 June, the vote forbidding any further address to the king was 
 rescinded ;:j::j: and three days after, a motion was made in the 
 house of commons that another treaty should be offered to the 
 king without delay. 
 
 But the independents had also regained confidence ; proud 
 of the success of their soldiers, they violently opposed this 
 motion : " No time," said Thomas Scott, " can be seasonable 
 for such a treaty, or for a peace with so perfidious and im- 
 placable a prince ; it will always be too soon or too late. He 
 that draws his sword upon the king must throw his scabbard 
 
 * Rushworth, 1159 ; Clarendon, iii., 228. 
 
 t Rushworth, ii., 4, 1204; Whitelocke, passim. 
 
 t Pari. Hist , iii., 921. § lb., 907. || lb., 904. 
 
 IT Rushworth, ii. 4, 1164. ** lb., 1162. ft Journals, Lords. 
 
 U Pari Hist., iii., 921. 
 
ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 407 
 
 into the fire ; all peace with him would prove the spoil of the 
 godly." The presbyterians did not undertake to defend the 
 king, but they declaimed against the pseudo-godly, who advo- 
 cated war because war was conducive to their private for- 
 tunes. " The people," they said, " have been despoiled by 
 war, and will no longer be made fuel to that fire wherein 
 these salamanders live, nor any longer feed those horse-leech- 
 es, the army, their engaged party and servants, with their own 
 blood and marrow." It was then asked where the negotia- 
 tions were to be opened: the presbyterians contended for 
 London, o«r some place in the neighborhood, the independents 
 for the Isle of Wight, where Charles was in their power. 
 " If you treat with this enraged king in London," said Scott, 
 " who can secure the parliament that the city will not make 
 their peace with him by delivering up your heads to him for a 
 sacrifice, as the men of Samaria did the heads of the seventy 
 sons of Ahab ? " It was further said by colonel Harvey, 
 " if the king promised to reside in one of his houses not nearer 
 London than ten miles, what security would his word be that 
 he would reiTiain there till the treaty was concluded ? The 
 king's promise hath been broken over and over again : put 
 no trust in princes." Several members spoke in support of 
 this view, and among others Vane. Sir Symonds d'Ewes 
 said : " I am quite of a contrary opinion ; the house not only 
 ought, but must trust the king ; Mr. Speaker, if you know 
 not in what condition you are, give me leave, in a word, to 
 tell you it : your silver is clipped, your gold shipped, your 
 ships are revolted, yourselves contemned ; your Scots friends 
 enraged against you, and the affection of the city and king- 
 dom quite alienated from you. Judge, then, whether you are 
 not in a low condition, and also if it be not high time to en- 
 deavor a speedy settlement and reconcilement with his ma- 
 jesty ? "* The independents vehemently protested against this 
 address ; but many members, strangers to faction, and in the 
 habit of suppoi'ting either party, according to circumstances, 
 silently approved of what sir Symonds had said ; parliament 
 resolved that it was necessary to treat ; but the house, contra- 
 ry to the wish of the lords, persistedf (by eighty to seventy- 
 two) in requiring from the king the adoption, in the first in- 
 
 * Walker, 108—110; Pari. Hist., iii., 922—924. 
 t Pari. Hist., iii., 924. 
 
403 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 stance, of the three bills, and nothing was decided as to the 
 place where negotiations should be opened. 
 
 Parliament and the common council were discussing the 
 feasibility of their taking place in London, without danger to 
 the king or parliament,* when news arrived that the Scots 
 had entered the kingdom (July 8),f and that Lambert was 
 retreating before them. Notwithstanding the intrigues of 
 Argyle and the furious preaching of a part of the clergy, 
 Hamilton had at last succeeded in raising and putting in 
 motion an army. It did not correspond, it is true, to the first 
 resolution of parliament ; instead of forty thousand, it scarcely 
 reckoned fourteen thousand men ; the court of France had 
 promised arms and ammunition : none had been received ; 
 the prince of Wales was to have crossed over to Scotland and 
 taken the command : he still remained in Holland ; even Lang- 
 dale and Musgrave's cavaliers had not joined them, for they 
 refused to take the covenant, and Hamilton could not place 
 such misbelievers by the side of his soldiers, without ruining 
 himself with his own party ; they accordingly formed a sepa- 
 rate body, which seemed to act only on its own account, and 
 always at a distance from the Scots. In short, Hamilton's pre- 
 parations, thwarted by so many obstacles, were not completed, 
 nor his regiments full, nor his artillery in order, when the 
 premature breaking out of the royalist insurrections in Eng- 
 land obliged him to hasten his departure ; and he left Scotland 
 ill-provided, and pursued by the invectives of a multitude of 
 fanatics, who prophesied the ruin of an army employed, they 
 said, to restore the king to his rights before Christ was put in 
 possession of his.lj: 
 
 The news of the invasion none the less agitated all England ; 
 there seemed no means of resisting it ; Fairfax was still kept 
 before Colchester, Cromwell before Pembroke : insurrection, 
 scarcely repressed, might any hour break out again in all 
 directions. The embarrassment of the presbyterians was ex- 
 treme ; the people, even those well disposed towards them, 
 were as inveterate as ever against the Scots, only spoke of 
 them with insult, ]?ecalled to one another how they had lately 
 
 * Rushvvorth, ii., 4, 11S5. 
 
 t Pari. Hist., iii., 931 ; Rushworth, ii., 4, 1188. 
 I Rushworth, ii., 4, 1196—1198 ; Clarendon, iii., 222; Ludlow, 108; 
 Laing, Hist, of Scotland, iii., 394, 
 
ENGLISH REVOLXJTION. 409 
 
 sold the king they now pretended to deliver, and demanded 
 that, before anything else was done, these rapacious and lying 
 foreigners should be driven from the kingdom. A motion was 
 made in the house of commons (July 14) * declaring them 
 public enemies, and all who had taken part in inviting them 
 traitors ; ninety members voted against the motion, but hesi- 
 tatingly and without success ; it was rejected, however, in the 
 upper house (July 18).")" The lords resolved that the negotia- 
 tions with the king should be hastened,:]: and in the lower house 
 the presbyterians (July 28, by 71 to 64), § carried a motion no 
 longer to insist upon the three bills previously made the pre- 
 liminary condition of any treaty. But without troubling itself 
 about these vicissitudes in the daily position of parties, the. 
 Derby-house committee, still under the influence of the inde- 
 pendents, sent money and reinforcements to Lambert, ordered 
 Cromwell to forward what troops he could spare to the north, 
 and to march thither himself as soon as he should be at liberty ; 
 and the republican leaders themselves, humbling their distrust 
 before his genius, wrote to him privately to fear nothing, but to 
 act with vigor, and i-ely upon them, regardless of any opposi- 
 tion he might heretofore have met with at their hands. |j 
 
 Cromwell had waited for neither orders nor promises ; 
 already a month since, well informed, perhaps by Argyle him- 
 self, of the condition and movements of the Scottish army, he 
 had sent word to Lambert to fall back as soon as it appeared, 
 to avoid an engagement, and that he would soon be ready to 
 support him. And so it happened ; Pembroke castle capitu- 
 lated three days after the invasion (July 11) ; and two days 
 after, Cromwell set out, at the head of five or six thousand men, 
 ill shod, ill clad, but proud of their glory, irritated by their 
 perils, full of confidence in their leader, of contempt for their 
 enemies, eager to fight and certain of victory : " Send me some 
 shoes for my poor tired soldiers," Cromwell wrote to Derby^ 
 house ; " they have a long march to take. "IT And he traversed 
 nearly all England, first from west to east, then from south to 
 north, with a rapidity till then without example,** lavish, on his 
 
 * Pari. Hist.; iii., 934. f lb., 936. 
 
 t Rushworth, ii., 4, 1183. § Pari. Hist, iii., 956. 
 
 II Ludlow, iii. ; Godwin, Hist, of the Commonwealth, ii., 591. 
 IT Rushworth, ii., 4, 1206. 
 
 ** He took his road from Pembroke to Yorkshire, through Gloucester, 
 Warwick, Nottingham, and Doncaster. 
 35 
 
410 * , HISTORY OF THE 
 
 way, of protestations, of pious ebullitions, intent on dispelling 
 suspicions, on gaining the hearts of the blindest fanatics, on 
 enlisting the sympathies of his soldiers.* Thirteen days after 
 his departure, his cavalry which had been sent in advance, had 
 united with that of Lambert (July 27), and he rejoined it him- 
 self the 7th of August, at Knaresborough in Yorkshire, the two 
 corps forming together nine or ten thousand men. Meantime, 
 the Scots had advanced by the western road through Cumber, 
 land, Westmoreland, and Lancashire, but they were full of 
 indecision, made long halts, were scattered over a line of fifteen 
 or twenty miles, were internally agitated by religious, political, 
 and military dissensions, and in complete ignorance of the 
 enemy's movements. Suddenly, Langdale, who with the 
 English insurgents was some way in advance of the main 
 body, to the left, sent word to Hamilton that Cromwell was 
 approaching, that he had certain information of it, and that 
 everything announced on his part an intention of giving battle. 
 " Impossible," replied the duke, " they have not time to come ; 
 if Cromwell is so near, it is assuredly only with a very few 
 men, and he will take good care not to attack us ;" and he i*e- 
 moved his head-quarters to Preston. Another message (Aug. 
 17) soon reached him ; Langdale's cavalry was already 
 engaged with Cromwell's ; Langdale promised to hold out ; his 
 position was good, his men in spirits ; he only wanted some 
 reinforcements, a thousand men at least, and he would give the 
 whole army time to rally and crush the enemy. Hamilton 
 promised reinforcements ; Langdale fought for four hours ; 
 by his own admission, Cromwell had never met with so 
 desperate a resistance. But no assistance came, and the 
 gallant cavalier was obliged to yield. Leaving the defeated 
 English to an undisturbed retreat, Cromwell marched straight 
 upon the Scots, who were hurrying across the Ribble to 
 place this obstacle between him and them ; most of the regi- 
 ments were already on the other side ; only two brigades of 
 infantry, and Hamilton himself with a few squadrons, re- 
 mained on the right bank to cover their retreat ; Cromwell at 
 once dispersed them, and passing the I'iver with them, and 
 giving his troops but a short repose, continued next morning 
 (Aug. 18) at daybreak his pursuit of them, still marching to- 
 wards the south, and continuing, even in flight, their invading 
 
 * Hutchinson, 2S8. 
 
ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 411 
 
 movement. He overtook them the same day at Wigan, fifteen 
 miles from Preston, and cut their rearguard to pieces. The 
 pride of two victories, the hope of a decisive triumph, the very 
 impatience of fatigue, hourly augmented the courage of his 
 soldiers ; the pursuit was recommenced the next day (Aug. 
 19), and with even greater rapidity and determination. Irri- 
 tated in their turn at being thus pressed upon by an inferior 
 number, and meeting with an advantageous defile near War- 
 rington, the Soots suddenly turned and faced them, and a third 
 battle took place, longer and more bloody than the previous 
 two, but with the same result. The English carried the defile, 
 and afterwards, also at Warrington, a bridge over the Mersey, 
 which the Scots were about to break down, in order to give 
 themselves breathing time. Vociferous dismay now manifested 
 itself in the Scottish army ; a council of war declared that the 
 infantry, being without ammunition, could no longer resist ; 
 it surrendered in a body. Hamilton, at the head of the cavalry, 
 went off towards Wales, to revive the royalist insurrection 
 there ; but, suddenly changing his mind, he proceeded to the 
 north-east, in the hope of being able to reach Scotland ; but 
 everywhere, as he passed, the peasantry rose in arms, and the 
 magistrates summoned him to surrender ; at Uttoxeter, in 
 Staffordshire, on hearing a rumor that he purposed to escape 
 with a few officers, his own cavalry mutinied ; at this moment, 
 Lambert and lord Grey of Groby, who had been sent in pur- 
 suit of him, were close at hand ; too faint-hearted to struggle 
 against so adverse a fate, he (Aug. 25) left his men to surren- 
 der or disband at their pleasure, accepted himself the condi- 
 tions proposed by Lambert, was sent prisoner to Nottingham, 
 and after a fortnight's campaign, Cromwell, finding no trace of 
 the Scottish army on English ground, marched towards Scot- 
 land to invade it in his turn, and thus wrest from the royalist 
 presbyterians all means of action and of safety.* 
 
 But in extreme peril, parties, so far from giving way, often 
 become invigorated, and deal out their hardest blows. Even 
 before this important intelligence reached Westminster, as 
 soon as they saw Cromwell in movement against the Scots, 
 the presbyterians clearly comprehended that his triumph 
 
 * Rushworth, ii., 4, 1237; Pari. Hist., iii., 997-1000; Laing, iii., 
 400-403; Godwin, ii., 563-572; Baker, A Chronicle of the Kings of 
 England, &c. (1665), 606. 
 
412 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 would be their ruin, and that his downfall, or an immediate 
 peace, could alone save them. They at once directed their 
 most energetic efforts to secure both the one and the other of 
 these objects. Holies, who, notwithstanding the recall of the 
 eleven members, had hitherto continued to reside in France, 
 on the coast of Normandy, came and resumed his seat in the 
 house of commons (Aug. 14).* Huntington, lately a major 
 in Cromwell's own regiment, publicly denounced, in a memo- 
 rial addressed to the upper house, the intrigues of the lieute- 
 nant-general, his promises first, and then his perfidy to the 
 king, the audacit)^ of his ambition, his contempt of parliament, 
 of the laws, of the common duties and rights of men, the per- 
 nicious principles, the threatening designs which sometimes 
 pierced through his hypocrisy, and broke out in his familiar 
 conversations. The lords ordered the memorial to be read, 
 and Huntingdon made oath of its truth (Aug. 8). He pur- 
 posed likewise to present it to the commons, but so great was 
 the terror already inspired by the name of Cromwell, that no 
 member would take charge of it. He sent it in an envelope 
 to the speaker ; Lenthall did not mention it to the house ; he 
 attempted to give it to the serjeant-at-arms, but he refused to 
 take it ; the lords transmitted it officially to the commons ; 
 lord Wharton, one of Cromwell's most intimate confidants, fol- 
 lowed the messengers out, sent word to the speaker what they 
 were coming with, and they were not admitted. f The inde- 
 pendents vehemently denounced all these attempts against their 
 general ; they denounced it as base cowardice thus to attack 
 an absent man, who was, perhaps at that very hour, delivering 
 his country from foreign invasion, and many of the presbyte- 
 rians themselves were intimidated by this argument. The 
 idea of destroying the lieutenant-general in this direct man- 
 ner was given up, and Huntingdon contented himself with 
 having his memorial printed. The steps taken for the esta- 
 blishment of peace had more success : in vain did the inde- 
 pendent leaders, particularly Vane and St. John, exhaust 
 every stratagem to prolong the debates ; in vain did their less 
 refined colleagues, Scott, Venn, Harvey, and Weaver, give 
 way to the fiercest language against their adversaries ; this 
 very violence, the daily increasing anarchy, the arrogance of 
 
 * Rushworth, ii., 4, 1226. 
 
 t Pari. Hist , iii., 965 ; Whitelocke, 327. 
 
ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 413 
 
 the soldiers, the impei'ious tone of even the most pacific pam- 
 phlets and petitions, everything manifested to the house its 
 own decline, everything led those who were not too deeply 
 engaged in faction to desire peace. " Mr. Speaker," said 
 Rudyard, one day, " we have sat thus long, and have come 
 to a fine pass, for the whole kingdom is now become parlia- 
 ment all over ; the army hath taught us a good while what to 
 do, and would still teach us what we shall do ; the city, the 
 country, and reformadoes, teach us what we should do : and 
 all because we ourselves know not what to do ;"* and the 
 majority thinking with him that peace alone could relieve 
 them from its discreditable embarrassments, at last took their 
 resolution, voted that fresh negotiations should be immediately 
 opened with the king, agreed (July 29)f , to silence the inde- 
 pendents, that they should take place in the Isle of Wight, 
 and (August 2)j^ charged three commissioners to proceed 
 thither with a formal proposal to the king, requesting to know 
 in what part of the island he would like to reside during the 
 treaty, and which of his councillors he wished to have with 
 him. 
 
 The independent leaders did not deceive themselves ; this 
 was a clear defeat. Finding the crisis approach, and more 
 fearful of their triumph than of their threats, the majority 
 had manifestly passed over to their opponents. Ludlow di- 
 rectly proceeded to head-quarters, still before Colchester : 
 " They are plotting," he said to Fairfax, " to betray the cause 
 for which so much blood has been shed ; they will have peace 
 at any price ; the king, being a prisoner, will not think him- 
 self bound by his promises ; even those who most urge nego- 
 tiations care little about making him fulfil them ; to employ 
 his name and authority to destroy the army is their only aim ; 
 the army has achieved power ; it must make use of it to pre- 
 vent its own ruin' and that of the nation." Fairfax admitted 
 this, protested that, in case of need, he would be ready to em- 
 ploy the force he had at his disposal for the safety of the pub- 
 lic cause : " But," said he, " I must be clearly and positively 
 called upon to do so ; and for the present, I must prosecute 
 this wearisome siege, which has already lasted so long, de- 
 spite all our efforts." Ludlow went to Ireton, whom Crom- 
 
 * Pari. Hist., iii., 957. 
 
 t Pari. Hist, iii., 986. { Pari. Hist., iii., 964, 965. 
 
 35* 
 
414 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 well had taken care to leave with the general, and from whom 
 he expected more zeal. " The moment is not yet come," 
 said Ireton ; " we must let the negotiations go on, and the 
 peril become evident."* The republicans, in default of the 
 army, got up threatening petitions to parliament, one, among 
 the rest, drawn up by Henry Martyn (Sept. ll),t which, set- 
 ting forth all the principles of the party, summoned the com- 
 mons to declare themselves the sovereign power, and at length 
 to answer the expectations of the people by giving them the 
 reforms they had anticipated when they took up arms for the 
 parliament. The commons made no reply ; two days after, 
 a second petition came, complaining bitterly of such contempt ; 
 and this time the petitioners waited in a body at the door, an- 
 grily crying : " We know no use of a king or lords any 
 longer ! these distinctions were the devices of men ; God 
 made us all equal ; there are many thousands will spend their 
 blood in maintenance of these principles ; forty thousand of 
 us have signed this petition, but we hold five thousand horse 
 would do more good in it." Even some of the members, 
 Scott, Blackiston, and Weaver, went out, mingled familiarly 
 with the crowd, and encouraged them. The house persisted 
 in its silence ; but the firmer it showed itself, the more vio- 
 lently did the party hurry on towards its most extreme de- 
 signs, and five days after this scene (Sept. 18),^ Henry Mar- 
 tyn suddenly departed for Scotland, which Cromwell had just 
 entered. 
 
 At the same time (Sept. 13), fifteen commissioners pro- 
 ceeded to the Isle of Wight, five lords and ten members of 
 the commons,^ all, excepting Vane, and perhaps lord Say, 
 favorable to peace. Never had negotiation excited such 
 anxious expectation ; it was to last forty days ; the king had 
 eagerly accepted it, giving his word that during that period 
 and for twenty days after, he would make no attempt to 
 escape. Twenty of his oldest servants, lords, divines, lawyers, 
 had been permitted to advise with him ; he had even requested 
 
 * Ludlow, 113. 
 
 t Pari. Hist., iii., 1005—1012 ; Rushworth, ii.,4, 1257. 
 
 t Whitelocke, 337. 
 
 § The lords Northumberland, Pembroke, Salisbury, Middlesex and 
 Say, Wenman ; Messieurs Holies, Pierpoint, Vane, Grimstone, sir John 
 Potts, John Carew, Samuel Brown, John Glynn, and John Bulkley. 
 
ENGLISH KEVOLUTION. 415 
 
 and obtained that part of his household, domestics, pages, 
 secretaries, chamberlains, grooms of the chamber and so on, 
 should be restored to him on this occasion.* Accordingly 
 when the commissioners arrived in the little town of Newport 
 (Sept. 15), the throng was so great that thi'ee days passed be- 
 fore all the new-comers could procure lodgings. Meantime, 
 the commissioners waited upon the king every morning, pro- 
 foundly respectful but very reserved, and no one of them ven- 
 turing to converse with him in private. But on the other 
 hand, most of them held familiar communication with his 
 councillors, and through them conveyed to him their advice, 
 exhorting him above all things to accept at once and without 
 discussion the proposals of parliament ; for, said they, all 
 would be lost if the negotiation was not concluded and the 
 king returned to London before the army and Cromwell 
 should arrive there.f Charles seemed to believe in the sin- 
 cerity of their counsels and inclined to adopt them ; but in his 
 heart he nourished a far different hope : Ormond, who for the 
 last six months had found refuge in Paris, was about to reap- 
 pear in Ireland, provided with the money and ammunition 
 which the court of France had promised him ; he was upon 
 his arrival, and in concert with lord Inchiquin, to conclude a 
 peace with the catholics, and enter upon a vigorous war 
 against the parliament ; so that the king, who was then to 
 make his escape, might have a kingdom and soldiers ::{: " This 
 new negotiation," he wrote (August) to sir William Hopkins, § 
 who was charged to arrange his flight, " will be derisive, like 
 the rest ; there is no change in my designs." The conference 
 was officially opened on the 18th of September ; the king sat 
 under a canopy at the upper end of the hall ; a little before 
 him were the commissioners from Westminster seated round a 
 table ; behind his chair stood his own councillors, perfectly 
 silent ; for it was with the king in person that the parliament 
 desired to treat ; any mediator would have seemed to lower 
 its dignity ; and in their punctual submission, the commis- 
 sioners were scarcely prevailed upon to permit the presence 
 
 * Pari. Hist , iii., 1001 ; Journals, Lords, Aug. 24. 
 t Clarendon, iii., 316, &c. ; Herbert, Memoirs, 72. 
 i Carte, Life of Ormond, ii., 20— 3S. 
 
 § The king's letters to sir William Hopkins were published in the 
 third edition of Wagstaft''s work, " Vindication of the Royal Martyr." 
 
416 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 of any witnesses whatever. Charles, accordingly, maintained 
 the discussion alone ; only, when he thought fit, he might re- 
 tire into an adjoining room, to take the advice of his council- 
 lors.* At the sight of their king thus solitary, thus thrown 
 upon his own resources, an inward emotion thrilled the hearts 
 of all present. Charles's hair had turned grey : an expres- 
 sion of habitual sadness had blended with the haughtiness of 
 his glance ; his deportment, his voice, his every feature re- 
 vealed a proud but yet subdued soul, alike incapable of 
 struggling against its destiny, or of yielding to it ; a touching 
 and singular mixture of grandeur without power, of presump- 
 tion without hope. The proposals of parliament, still the 
 same, except a few unimportant modifications, were success- 
 ively read and examined. Charles entered with a good grace 
 into the discussion, calm, ready to answer any questions, 
 taking no offence at objections, and skilfully making the most 
 of the good points of his case ; astonishing, in short, his most 
 prejudiced adversaries by the firmness of his mind, his gentle- 
 ness, and his knowledge of the affairs and laws of the king- 
 dom. " The king," said the earl of Salisbury one day to sir 
 Philip Warwick, " has made marvellous progress." " No, 
 my lord," replied Warwick, " the king was always what he 
 is now, but your lordship perceives it too late." Buckley, one 
 of the commissioners from the commons, urged him to accept 
 the whole, assuring him that " the treaty once ended, the 
 devil himself would not be able to break it." " Sir," said 
 Charles, " if you call this a treaty, consider whether it be 
 not like the fray in the comedy where the man comes out and 
 says, ' There has been a fray and no fray ;' and being asked 
 how that could be, ' why,' says he, ' there hath been three 
 blows given, and I had them all.' Look whether this be not 
 a parallel case : I have granted, absolutely, most of your pro- 
 positions, and with great moderation limited only some few of 
 them ; and you make me no concessions. "f He had, indeed, 
 consented to the demands of parliament, as to the command 
 of the sea and land forces, the nomination to the great offices 
 of state, as to Ireland, even as to the legitimacy of the resist- 
 ance which had brought on the civil war ; but instead of giv- 
 ing up at once and without hesitation, he disputed every foot 
 
 * Herbert, 72 ; Warwick, 323 ; Clarendon, ut sup 
 t Warwick, 323. 
 
ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 417 
 
 of the ground he could no longer defend ; sometimes himself 
 addressing different proposals to the house, sometimes seeking 
 to elude his own concessions, pertinacious in asserting his 
 right at the very moment he was giving it up, inexhaustible 
 in subtleties and reticences, daily giving his adversaries some 
 new reason to think that the hardest necessity was their only 
 security against him. Moreover, he persisted as much from 
 conscientious motives as with a view to the interest of his 
 prerogative, in opposing the abolition of episcopacy and the 
 severities which they desired to inflict on his principal sup- 
 porters. Finally, after having solemnly promised that all 
 hostilities in Ireland should cease,* he secretly wrote to Or- 
 mond (Oct, 10) :")" " Obey my wife's orders, not mine, until I 
 shall let you know I am free from all restraint ; nor trouble 
 yourself about my concessions as to Ireland ; they will not 
 lead to anything ;" and the day on which he had consented to 
 transfer to parliament for twenty years the command of the 
 army (Oct. 9),:}: he wrote to sir William Hopkins : " To tell 
 you the truth, my great concession this morning was made 
 only with a view to facilitate my approaching escape ; with- 
 out that hope, I should never have yielded in this manner. 
 If I had refused, I could, without much sorrow, have returned 
 to my prison ; but as it is, I own it would break my heart, 
 for I have done that which my escape alone can justify. "§ 
 
 The parliament, though without any exact information, 
 suspected all this perfidy ; even the friends of peace, the men 
 most affected by the king's condition, and most earnest to save 
 him, replied but hesitatingly to the charges of the independents. 
 At the same time, the presbyterian devotees, though moderate 
 in their political views, were invincible in their hatred of 
 episcopacy, and would admit of no compromise, no delay, in 
 reference to the triumph of the covenant. This idea, more- 
 over, had fixed itself in men's minds, that after so many evils 
 bi'ought upon the country by war, it was necessary that the 
 conquered party should legally undergo its responsibility, and 
 that to satisfy divine justice, manifested in the Holy Scriptures 
 by so striking examples, the crime of the real culprits should 
 
 * Journals, Lords, Dec. 1. 
 
 t Carte, Life of Ormond, ii., Appendix, No. 31, 32, p. 17. 
 
 I Pari. Hist., hi., 1048. 
 
 § Wagstaff, Vindication of the Royal Martyr, &c.. Appendix, 161. 
 
418 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 be expiated by their punishment. The number of these was 
 discussed : the popular fanatics demanded a multitude of 
 exceptions to the amnesty which was to be proclaimed upon 
 the restoration of peace ; the presbyterians only demanded 
 seven,* but this with insurmountable determination, for they 
 would have thought they accepted their own condemnation in 
 giving up one of them. Narrow prejudices and feelings of 
 hatred thus impeded even among the peace-party the success 
 of the negotiations. Five times (Oct. 2, 11, and 27 ; Nov. 2, 
 and 24), during their continuation, the king's offers or conces- 
 sions were voted insufficient. Meantime, the period appointed 
 for the duration of the confei'ences expired ; their term was 
 thrice extended (Nov. 2, 18, and 24) ; it was decided (Oct, 20) 
 that Sundays and holidays should not be reckoned,^ but all 
 this without any further concession, without giving the negotia- 
 tors any fresh instructions or the slightest discretion. The 
 king, on his part, declared, upon his honor and faith, that he 
 would go no further : " I will be like that captain," he said, 
 " that had defended a place well, and his superiors not being 
 able to relieve him, he had leave to surrender it ; but," he 
 replied, " though they cannot relieve me in the time I demand 
 it, let them relieve me when they can ; else I will hold it out 
 till I make some stone in it my tombstone. And so will I do 
 by the Church of England ;"J and the negotiation remained 
 motionless and futile, serving no purpose but to display the 
 impotent anxiety of the two parties, both obstinately blinding 
 themselves to the necessity of the case.§ 
 
 Yet around them all things were hastening onwards, and 
 daily assuming a more threatening aspect. After two months 
 of the most desperate resistance, Colchester, conquered by 
 famine and sedition, at last surrendered (Aug. 27)j|| and the 
 next day a court-martial condemned to death three of its 
 bravest defenders, sir Charles Lucas, sir George Lisle, and 
 sir Bernard Gascoign as an example, it was said, to future 
 rebels who might be tempted to imitate them. In vain did 
 the other prisoners, lord Capel at their head, entreat Fairfax 
 
 * Lords Newcastle and Digby, sir Marmaduke Langdale, sir Richard 
 Greenville, David Jenkins, sir Francis Doddington, and sir John Byron. 
 
 t Pari. Hist., iii., 1058. t Warwick, 327. 
 
 § Clarendon, State Papers, ii., 222—261; Pari. Hist, iii., 1002— 
 1129 ; Warwick, ut sup. 
 
 II Rushworth, ii., 4, 1241—1249. 
 
ENGLISH EEVOLUTION. 419 
 
 to suspend the execution of the sentence, or at least that they 
 should all undergo it, since all were alike guilty of the offence 
 of these three. Fairfax, excited by the long struggle, or rather 
 intimidated by Ireton, made no answer, and the condemned 
 officers were ordered to be shot on the spot. Sir Charles 
 Lucas was the first executed ; as he fell. Lisle ran and kissed 
 him, and immediately standing up : " Soldiers," he exclaimed, 
 " come nearer ; you are too far off." " Rest assured," they 
 replied, " we'll hit you." " Comrades," answered Lisle, 
 smiling, " I have been nearer, and you missed me ;" and he 
 fell by the side of his friend. Gascoign was taking off his 
 coat, when a reprieve arrived for him from the general.* 
 Colchester being taken, there was no longer, in the eastern 
 counties, any rallying point for insurrection. In the north, 
 Cromwell, having conquered Hamilton, entered Scotland 
 without obstacle (Sept. 20) ; the peasants of the western 
 counties rose in a body at the first rumor of his victory ; and 
 each parish, led by its minister, marched towards Edinburgh 
 to drive the royalists thence ;'\ six miles from Berwick, at 
 lord Mordington's seat, Argyle, who had come to meet him, 
 had (Sept. 22):}: a long conference with him ; both as clear- 
 sighted as daring, success did not blind them to the danger 
 before them ; the Scottish royalists, powerful notwithstanding 
 their defeat, and still in arms in many places, manifested a 
 determination not to subject themselves unresistingly to a 
 bloody reaction ; a treaty forthwith concluded (Sept. 26)§ 
 secured to them full tranquillity and the enjoyment of their 
 property, on condition of disbanding their troops, abjuring any 
 engagement in favor of the king, and renewing the oath " to 
 the holy league which ought never to have ceased to exist 
 between the two kingdoms." Thus re-established in the pos- 
 session of government, Argyle and his party received Crom- 
 well at Edinburgh with great pomp ; the committee of the 
 states, the municipal body, which had been thoroughly purged, 
 
 * Clarendon, iii., 268. 
 
 t This expedition was called in Scotland the insurrection of the 
 " whigamores," from the word " whigagm," used by the peasants in 
 driving their horses. Thence the name of Whigs, afterwards given to 
 the party opposed to court, as the representative and successor of the 
 most zealous Scottish covenanters. Burnet, i., 74. 
 
 i Rushworth, ii., 4, 1282. 
 
 § Burnet, Memoirs of the Hamiltonsf, 367, 368 ; Laing, iii., 405. 
 
420 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 the fanatic ministers and people, overwhelmed him with daily 
 visits, speeches, sermons, and banquets ; but urged by the 
 reports from Henry Martyn, and leaving with them Lambert 
 and two regiments to maintain their power, he retraced with 
 all speed the road to England (Oct. 11).* He had scarcely 
 entered Yorkshire, where he seemed solely engaged in com- 
 pleting the suppression of the insurrection, than numerous 
 petitions were sent from that county, addressed to the commons 
 only, demanding prompt justice upon the delinquents, what- 
 ever their rank or name. At the same time, the same demand 
 was expressed by other counties, and always presented or 
 supported by the friends of Cromwell (Oct. 10 and Nov. 6). 
 The presbyterians opposed it in the name of the great charter, 
 and of the laws of the kingdom : " We have had, Mr. Speaker," 
 said Denis Bond, an obscure republican, " many doctrines 
 preached here by several gentlemen, against the power of this 
 house ; such as that we cannot try my lord of Norwich 
 but by his peers, because it is against Magna Charta ; but I 
 trust ere long to see the day when we may have power to 
 hang the greatest lord of them all, if he deserves it, without 
 trial by his peers ; and I doubt not we shall have honest, 
 resolute judges to do it, notwithstanding Magna Charta. "f 
 The house rejected these petitions, but others immediately 
 followed, far more explicit and formidable, for they came from 
 the regiments of Ireton, Ingoldsby, Fleetwood, Whalley, and 
 Overton, and explicitly demanded, of the commons that justice 
 should be done upon the king, of Fairfax the re-establishment of 
 the general council of the army, " the only remedy," they said, 
 " against the disasters which threaten us, either by its repre- 
 sentations to the house or by other means (Oct. 18 and 30). "ij: 
 The council accordingly resumed its sittings, and, on the 20th 
 of November, the speaker informed the house that certain 
 officers were at the door, with colonel Ewers at their head, 
 who were come in the name of the general and the army to 
 present a paper to them ; it was a long remonstrance, similar 
 to that which, seven years before (Nov. 21, 1641), § on the 
 
 * Rushworth, ii., 4, 1295, 1296. 
 
 t Pari. Hist, iii., 1042; Rushworth, ii.,4, 1318; Whitelocke, 346. 
 i Pari. Hist., iii., 1056, 1077 ; Rushworth, ii.,4, 1297, 1311 ; White- 
 locke, 343, 1641. 
 
 § See p. 143 of this work. 
 
ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 421 
 
 same day, and in order effectually to break off with him, the 
 commons had themselves addressed to the king. Adopting 
 their example, the army enumerated in their petitions all the 
 evils, all the fears of England, imputing them to the want of 
 energy in the parliament, to its neglect of public interests, to 
 its negotiations with the king ; it called upon it to bring him 
 solemnly to trial, to proclaim the sovereignty of the people, to 
 decree that henceforward the king should be elected by its 
 representatives, to put an end to the present session, but pro- 
 vide before separating for the equal distribution of the suffrage, 
 for the regular meeting of future parliaments, for all the 
 reforms desired by the well-affected, and threatening, finally, 
 though in guarded expressions, that the army itself would pro- 
 ceed to save the country, if it remained any longer compro- 
 mised by the negligence or weakness of men who, after all, 
 were only, like the soldiers, the delegates and servants of their 
 fellow-citizens.* 
 
 On hearing this read, a complete storm arose in the house ; 
 the independents, Scott, Holland, and Wentworth, loudly de- 
 manded that the army should forthwith receive the thanks of 
 the house for these frank and courageous counsels ; the pres- 
 byterians, some with indignation, others in terms flattering to 
 the officers, urged the house to lay aside the remonstrance, 
 and, by way of marking their displeasure, return no answer 
 to it.f This expedient suited the timid as well as the bold ; 
 it was adopted after two days' debate (Nov. 20 and 29), by a 
 great majority (125 to 53). But the day had come when vic- 
 tories served only to hasten the final defeat : out of doors, as 
 well as within, excitement and confusion were at their height ; 
 already there was talk of Cromwell's approaching return ;:]: 
 already the army announced the design of marching upon 
 London. § The royalists, losing all hope, now only thought 
 of getting rid of, or avenging themselves on, their enemies, no 
 matter by what means : several republican members were in- 
 sulted and attacked in the streets ;|| hints reached Fairfax, 
 even from France, that two cavaliers had resolved to assassi- 
 nate him at St. Albans ;ir at Doncaster, a party of twenty 
 
 * Pari. Hist., iii., 1077—1128 ; Whitelocke, 355. 
 t Mercui-ius Pragmaticus, No. 35. X Rushworth, ii., 4, 1320. 
 
 § Whitelocke, 358 ; Pari. Hist, iii., 1137—1141. 
 II Rushworth, ii., 4, i., 279 IT lb., 1280. 
 
 36 
 
423 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 men carried off Rainsborough, who commanded there, and 
 three of them poniarded him at the moment he was endeavor- 
 ing to escape from them (Oct. 29);* there was even a report 
 that a plot was forming to murder eighty of the most influen- 
 tial members as they left the house. f At last, amidst this an- 
 archical fury, the news came, one upon the other, that in two 
 days (Dec. 2) Cromwell would be at head-quarters ; that in 
 the Isle of Wight, the governor, Hammond, suspected of too 
 great consideration for the king and the parliament, had re- 
 ceived orders from Fairfax (Nov. 25) to resign his post, to re- 
 turn to the army, and transfer the charge of the king to colonel 
 Ewers ;^ that on hearing this, Charles, seized with fear, had 
 extended his concessions, closed the conferences at Newport, 
 and that, on the same day (Nov. 28), the commissioners had 
 set off with his definitive offers to parliament. 
 
 They arrived the next day, most of them deeply affected by 
 the peril in which they had left the king, and by his last fare- 
 well : " My lords," he said to them, " you come to take leave 
 of me, and I can scarcely believe we shall ever meet again ; 
 but the will of God be done ! I give him thanks, I have made 
 my peace with him, and I shall without fear suffer all it shall 
 please men to do unto me. My lords, you cannot be ignorant 
 that in my ruin you may already perceive your own, and that 
 near at hand. I pray God that he may send you better friends 
 than I have found. I am not ignorant of the plot contrived 
 against me and mine ; but nothing affects me so much as the 
 spectacle of the sufferings of my people and the presentiment 
 of the evils prepared for them by men who, always talking of 
 the public good, only seek to gratify their own ambition. "§ 
 As soon as the commissioners had made their report (Dec. 1), 
 though the king's new concessions differed but little from those 
 they had so many times rejected, the presbyterians proposed 
 to the commons to declare them satisfactory and fit to serve as 
 the basis of peace. The motion was even supported by Na- 
 thaniel Fiennes, son of lord Say, and lately one of the most 
 violent of the independent leaders. The debate had already 
 lasted several hours, when information was received of a letter 
 
 * Clarendon, iii., 287 ; Whitelocke, 341 ; Rushworth, ii., 4, 1315. 
 t Rushworth, ii., 4, 1270. t Pari. Hist., iii., 1133—1137. 
 
 § The Works of King Charles the Martyr, London, 1662, 424. 
 
• ENGLISH EEVOLUTION. 423 
 
 from Fairfax to the common council, in which he announced 
 that the army was marching upon London : " Question ! ques- 
 tion !" immediately shouted the independents, eager to make 
 the most of this alarm. But, contrary to their expectations, 
 and notwithstanding all their efibrts, the debate was adjoui'ned 
 till the next day.* It was then resumed more fiercely than 
 ever, amid the movement of the troops who were pouring in 
 on all sides, and taking up their quarters at St. James's, at 
 York House, throughout Westminster and the city. The in- 
 dependents still looked to fear to give them the victory : " By 
 this debate," said Vane, " we shall soon guess who are our 
 friends and who our enemies ; or, to speak m_ore plainly, we 
 shall understand by the carriage of this business, who are the 
 king's party in the house, and who for the people." " Mr. 
 Speaker," quickly followed another member whose name is 
 not known, " since this gentleman has had the presumption to 
 divide this house into two parts, I hope it is as lawful for me 
 to take the same liberty, and likewise to divide the house into 
 two parts upon this debate. Mr. Speaker, you will find some 
 that are desirous of a peace and settlement, and those are such 
 as have lost by the war ; others you will find that are against 
 peace, and these are such as have gained by the war. My 
 humble motion, therefore, is this, that the gainers may con- 
 tribute to the losers, that we may all be brought to an equal 
 degree ; for till then the balance of the commonwealth will 
 never stand right toward a settlement." The independents 
 opposed this, but with some embarrassment, for in both parties 
 personal interest exercised a power which they themselves 
 scarcely ventured to deny. Rudyard, Stephens, Grimstone, 
 Walker, Prideaux, Wroth, Scott, Corbet, and many others, 
 successively supported and opposed the motion without the 
 debate appearing to draw to a conclusion. Day declined ; 
 several members had already retired ; one of the independents 
 proposed to call for lights : " Mr. Speaker," said a presby- 
 terian, " I perceive very well that the drift of some gentlemen 
 is to take advantage not only of the terror now brought on us 
 by the present approach of the army, but also to spin out the 
 debate of this business to an unseasonable time of night, by 
 which means the more ancient members of the house (whom 
 
 * Pari. Hist., iii., 1142—1145. 
 
424 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 they look upon as most inclined to peace) will be tired out and 
 forced to depart before we can come to a resolution ; and 
 therefore I hope the house will not agree to this last proposal ;" 
 and, notwithstanding the clamors of the independents, the de- 
 bate was again adjourned.* 
 
 Two days after,-]- when they met, a dark rumor agitated the 
 house ; the king, it was said on all sides, had been carried 
 away from the Isle of Wight in the night, despite his resist- 
 ance, and taken to Hurst Castle, a sort of prison, standing on 
 the coast opposite the island, at the extremity of a barren, 
 deserted, and unhealthy promontory. Vehemently called 
 upon for an explanation, the independent leaders remained 
 silent ; but the speaker read letters from Newport addressed 
 to the house by major Ralph, who commanded in the absence 
 of Hammond. The rumor was well founded, and all com- 
 munication between the king and the parliament henceforward 
 impossible, except with the consent of the army.^ 
 
 On the 29th of November, towards evening, a few hours 
 after the conference at Newport was over, and the commis- 
 sioners departed, a man in disguise said to one of the king's 
 people : " Troops have just landed in the island ; tell the 
 king he will be carried away to-night." Charles immediately 
 sent for the duke of Richmond, and the earl of Lindsey, and 
 colonel Edward Cook, an officer who possessed his confidence, 
 and asked how they could ascertain whether the report was 
 true. It was useless to question major Ralph : nothing but 
 short, vague answers were to be got from him : " The king 
 may sleep quietly to-night ; upon my life, no one will disturb 
 him to-night." Cook offered to mount his horse, ride round 
 the coast, and in particular go to Carisbrook, where it was 
 going on. The night was dark, it rained heavily, the service 
 was a dangerous one; the king hesitated to accept it, but 
 Cook insisted, and went off. He found the garrison of Caris- 
 brook reinforced ; there were ten or twelve fresh officers, by 
 whom captain Bowerman, who commanded there, was almost 
 openly watched ; there was altogether an air of mysterious 
 agitation. He returned in all haste to bring the king this 
 
 * Pari. Hist., iii., 1145—1147 ; Ludlow, 117. 
 
 t December 4th ; the debate had been adjourned till that day, be- 
 cause the 3d was a Sunday, 
 t Pari. Hist., iii., 1147, 1148. 
 
ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 425 
 
 information, when, on reaching Newport, towards midnight, 
 he found the house the king occupied surrounded with guards ; 
 there were some under every window, even inside the house, 
 at the very door of the king's chamber, into which the smoke 
 of their pipes penetrated. There was now no room for 
 doubt ; the two lords conjured the king to attempt an escape 
 that very hour, at all risks. This counsel was not agreeable 
 to the timid sedateness of Charles ; he alleged the difficulty, 
 the irritation it would cause in the army : " If they do take 
 me," said he, " they must preserve me for their own sakes, for 
 neither party can secure its own interests without joining 
 mine with them." " Take heed, sir," said Lindsey, " lest 
 your majesty fall into such hands as will not steer by such 
 rules of policy. Remember Hampton Court." " Colonel," 
 said Richmond to Cook, " how did you pass ?" Cook : "I 
 have the word." Richmond : " Could you enable me to pass, 
 too ?" Cook : " I have no doubt of it." Richmond put on a 
 trooper's cloak ; they went out, passed through all the stations, 
 and returned without any interruption. Standing with the 
 king near a window, the two lords passionately renewed their 
 entreaties ; the colonel, drenched with rain, stood alone before 
 the fire : " Ned Cook," said the king, suddenly turning to- 
 wards him, " what do you advise in this case ?" Cook hesi- 
 tated to answer : " Your majesty," he said, " has here your 
 privy councillors." "Ned, I command you to give me your 
 advice." Cook : " Well, then, will your majesty allow me to 
 address you a question ?" The king : " Speak." Cook : 
 " Suppose I should not only tell your majesty, but prove to 
 you that the ai"my intend forthwith to seize your person ; if 
 I add, that I have the word, horses ready at hand, a vessel 
 attending me, hourly expecting me, that I am ready and 
 desirous to attend you, that this dark night seems made on 
 purpose, that I see no difficulty in the thing, what would your 
 majesty do ?" Charles remained silent for a moment ; then, 
 shaking his head, he said : " No, they promised me and I 
 promised them ; I will not break first." Cook : " But, sir, I 
 presume that by ' they' and ' them' your majesty means the 
 parliament ; if so, the scene is changed ; it is the army who 
 want to throw your majesty into prison." The king : " No 
 matter ; I will not break my word : good night, Ned ; good 
 night, Lindsey ; I am going to rest as long as I can." Cook : 
 36* 
 
426 HISTOKY OF THE 
 
 " I fear it will not be long." The king : " As it please God." 
 It was one o'clock ; they withdrew, and Charles went to bed, 
 Richmond alone remained with him. 
 
 At break of day there was a knocking at the door ; " Who 
 are you ? what do you want ?" asked Richmond. " Officers 
 of the army, who want to speak with the king." Richmond 
 did not open the door, waiting for the king to be dressed ; the 
 knocks were repeated, and with violence : " Open the door," 
 said Charles to the duke ; and before he was out of bed, 
 several officers, with lieutenant-colonel Cobbett at their head, 
 rushed into the room. " Sir," said Cobbett, " we have orders 
 to remove you." The king: "Orders, from whom?" Cobbett: 
 " From the army." The king : " Whither am I to be removed ?" 
 Cobbett : " To the castle." The king : " What castle ?" Cob- 
 bett : " To the castle." The king: " The castle is no castle ; 
 I am ready to follow you to any castle, but name it." Cobbett 
 consulted his companions, and at last answered, " To Hurst 
 castle." The king turned towards Richmond, and said ; 
 " They could not name a worse j" and then addressing Cob- 
 bett, he said : " Can I have none of my servants with me ?" 
 Cobbett : " Only those absolutely indispensable." Charles 
 named his two valets-de-chambre, Harrington and Herbert, 
 and Mildmay his esquire-carver. Richmond went out to order 
 breakfast, but before it was ready the horses were brought up. 
 " Sir," said Cobbett, " we must go." The king got into the 
 carriage without uttering a word, Harrington, Herbert, and 
 Mildmay with him ; Cobbett came forward to get in, but 
 Charles barred the way with his foot, and had the door imme- 
 diately closed. They drove off under t]ie escort of a detach- 
 ment of cavalry ; a little vessel was waiting at Yarmouth ; 
 the king embarked in it, and, three hours after, was shut up in 
 Hurst castle, having no communication from without, in a room 
 so dai'k that at mid-day flambeaux were necessary, and under 
 the guard of colonel Ewer, a far rougher and more dangerous 
 jailer than Cobbett had been.* 
 
 At this intelligence the presbyterians gave free course to 
 their indignation : " The house," they cried, " guaranteed the 
 king during his stay at Newport, respect, security, and liberty ; 
 they are dishonored, undone, if they do not give marked resist- 
 
 * Colonel Cook's narrative in Rushworth, ii., 4, 1344 — 1348 • Her' 
 bert, 83 ; Pari. Hist., 1149—1151 ; Clarendon, iii., 359. 
 
ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 427 
 
 ance to this insolent rebellion," They voted accordingly that 
 the king had been taken away without the knowledge or con- 
 sent of the house ; and the debate relative to peace was re- 
 sumed with redoubled earnestness. It had already lasted 
 more than twelve hours ; the night was far advanced • though 
 the assembly was still numerous, fatigue began to surmount 
 the zeal of the more feeble and aged; a man rose, famous among 
 the martyrs of public liberty, but who had only sat in the house 
 three weeks — the same Prynne, who, twelve years before, had 
 sustained so hard a struggle against the tyranny of Laud and 
 of the court : " Mr. Speaker," said he, " first, I would remove 
 two seeming prejudices, which else may enervate the strength 
 of what I am about to say : some members, firstly, have 
 aspersed me, that I am a Royal Favourite, alluding to the title 
 of one of my works. All the royal favor I ever yet received 
 from his majesty or his party, was the cutting off of my ears, 
 at two several times, one after another, in a most barbarous 
 manner ; the setting me upon three several pillories in a dis- 
 graceful manner, for two hours at a time ; the burning of my 
 licensed books before my face by the hand of the hangman ; 
 the imposing of two fines upon me of 5000Z. a-piece ; exclusion 
 from the house, and court, and university of Oxford ; the loss 
 of my calling, almost nine years' space ; above eight years 
 imprisonment, without pens, ink, paper, or books, except my 
 Bible, and without access of friends, or any allowance of diet 
 for my support. If any member envy me for such royal 
 favors, I only wish him the same badges of favor, and then he 
 will no more causelessly asperse me for a Royal Favorite, or 
 apostate from the public cause." He spoke for several hours 
 after this, minutely discussing all the king's proposals, all the 
 pretensions of the army ; considering in turn in their different 
 aspects, the state of parliament and of the country, grave with- 
 out pedantry, earnest without anger, evidently elevated by the 
 energy and disinterestedness of his conscience above the 
 passions of his sect, the faults of his own character, and the 
 usual extent of his own talent. " Mr. Speaker," he said, be- 
 fore he concluded, " they further object that, if we discontent 
 the army, we are undone ; they will all lay down their arms, 
 as one commander of eminence hath here openly told you he 
 must do, and serve us no longer ; and then, what will become 
 of us and all our faithful friends ? If the army do so, I shall 
 
428 
 
 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 not much value the protection of such inconstant, anutinous, 
 and unreasonable servants ; and I doubt not, if they forsake 
 us on so slight a ground, God himself and the whole kingdom 
 will stand by us ; and if the king and we shall happily con- 
 clude this treaty, I hope we shall have no great need of their 
 future service. However, fiat justitia, mat ccBlum j let us do 
 our duty, and leave the issue to God." The house had listened 
 to this speech with attention, with profound emotion ; it was 
 nine o'clock in the morning ; the house had sat twenty-four 
 hours ; there were still present two hundred and forty- 
 four members ; they at length went to a division ; and it 
 was resolved by one hundred and forty against one hun- 
 dred and four, that the king's reply was an adequate basis 
 of peace.* 
 
 Power was escaping from the independents ; they had ex- 
 hausted even fear ; all those members who could be influenced 
 by it had given way or retired. In vaid did Ludlow, Hutch- 
 inson, and a few others, in order to throw the house into con- 
 fusion, demand leave to enter a protest against the decision ; 
 their wish was rejected, as contrary to the usages of the 
 house, and no notice taken of it in the way they desired. f 
 After the rising of the house, the independent leaders as- 
 sembled ; a great number of oflacers, arrived that morning 
 from head-quarters, joined them : the peril was imminent ; 
 but, masters of the army, they had that at command with 
 which to resist it ; sincere fanatics or ambitious free-thinkers, 
 no institution, no law, no custom, had any longer importance 
 in their eyes ; with the former, it was held to be a duty to 
 save the good cause ; the others were impelled by necessity. 
 It was agreed that the day was come for action, and six of 
 those present, three members of the house, and three officers, 
 were charged to take immediate steps to ensure success. 
 They passed several hours together, a list of the commons 
 before them on the table, examining one by one the conduct 
 and principles of each member, exchanging information, and 
 sending orders to their confidants. Next day, the 6th of De- 
 cember, at seven in the morning, under the direction of Ireton, 
 and before Fairfax knew anything of the matter, the troops 
 were in motion. With Skippon's consent, the parties of 
 
 * Pari. Hist., iii., 1151—1240. f Ludlow, 117 ; Hutchinson, 301. 
 
ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 429 
 
 militia, who guarded Parliament, had been withdrawn ; two 
 regiments, that of colonel Pride, infantry, and that of colonel 
 Rich, cavalry, occupied Palace Yard, Westminster hall, the 
 stairs, vestibule, and every access to the house ; at the door 
 of the commons stood Pride, with the list of proscribed mem- 
 bers in his hand, and near him lord Grey of Groby and an 
 usher, who pointed them out to him as they arrived : " You 
 must not go in," said Pride to each ; and he had had some of 
 the most suspected seized and taken away. A violent tumult 
 soon arose all round the house ; the excluded members tried 
 every access, asserted their rights, and called upon the soldiers 
 to vindicate them ; the soldiei's laughed and jeered. Some, 
 Prynne amongst others, resisted strenuously ; " I will not stir 
 of my own accord," said he ; and some officers pushed him 
 insultingly down the stairs, delighted to make use of their 
 party's power for the purposes of individual tyi'anny. Forty- 
 one members were arrested in this manner, and shut up for 
 the time in two adjoining rooms ; many others were excluded 
 without being arrested. Two only, of those comprised in 
 Pride's list, Stephens and colonel Birch, had succeeded in 
 getting into the house ; they were drawn to the door under 
 some pretext and immediately seized by the soldiers. " Mr. 
 Speaker," cried Birch, endeavoring to force his way back 
 into the house, " will the house suffer their members to be 
 pulled out thus violently before their faces, and yet sit still ?" 
 The house sent their sergeant-at-arms to order the members 
 who were outside to come and take their seats ; Pride would 
 not allow them to go : the sergeant was sent a second time, 
 but could not get to them. The house resolved that they 
 would not proceed to business until their members were ad- 
 mitted, and appointed a committee to go to the general and 
 demand their release. The committee had scarcely gone, 
 when a message arrived from the army, presented by lieu- 
 tenant-colonel Axtell, and some officers ; they demanded the 
 official exclusion of the arrested members, and of all those 
 who had voted for peace. The house returned no answer, 
 waiting the result of the proceedings of their committee. The 
 committee brought back word that the general in his turn 
 refused to reply, until the house had come to some decision on 
 the message of the army. Meantime, the excluded members 
 had been taken away from Westminster, and led from one 
 
430 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 quarter of London to another, from tavern to tavern, some- 
 times crowded into coaches, sometimes hurried along on foot 
 through the mud, surrounded by soldiers demanding their 
 arrears. The preacher Hugh Peters, chaplain to Fairfax, 
 came solemnly, sword on thigh, by the general's orders, to 
 take down their names ; called upon by several of them to 
 say by what right they were arrested — "By the right of the 
 sword," said he. They sent to entreat Pride to hear them ; 
 " I have no time/' was the answer ; " I've something else to 
 do." Fairfax and his council, who were sitting at Whitehall, 
 at last promised them an audience : they went thither ; but 
 after waiting several hours, three officers came out apd an- 
 nounced that the general was so busy, he could not receive 
 them. Some embarrassment was visible under this contempt ; 
 it was clear that the dominant party wished to avoid an inter- 
 view with these men, lest their invincible pertinacity should 
 necessitate too much rigor. Notwithstanding the audacity of 
 their designs and of their acts, the conquerors still retained in 
 the bottom of their hearts, without suspecting it themselves, a 
 secret respect for ancient and legal order ; in drawing up their 
 proscription list, they had confined themselves within the limits 
 of what they deemed the necessity of the case, hoping that a 
 qualified purification of parliament would suffice to secure 
 their triumph. They saw with anxiety the house obstinately 
 claiming their members, and their adversaries still retaining 
 a powerful party, perhaps even the majority. But hesitation 
 was impossible : they resolved to begin again. Next day (the 
 7th) the troops once more closed up every avenue to the house ; 
 the same scene was renewed ; forty more members were ex- 
 cluded ; several others were arrested in their ov/n houses. 
 They wrote to the house to be released ; but this time the 
 defeat of the presbyterians was completed ; instead of answer- 
 ing them favorably, the house adopted, by fifty votes to twenty- 
 eight, a motion for taking the proposals of the army into con- 
 sideration. This minority retired of their own accord, pro- 
 testing that they would not return to the house until justice 
 should be done to their colleagues ; and after the expulsion 
 of one hundred and forty -three members, who, for the most 
 part, were not arrested or silently quitted their confinement 
 after a few hours, the republicans and the army at length 
 
ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 431 
 
 found themselves, at Westminster, as well as elsewhere, in 
 full possession of power.* 
 
 Thenceforward everything gave way before them ; there 
 was no resistance ; not a single opposing voice disturbed the 
 party in the intoxication of their victory ; they alone spoke, 
 they alone acted in the kingdom, and might anticipate the 
 universal submission or consent of the country. The enthu- 
 siasm of the fanatics was at its height — " Like Moses," said 
 Hugh Peters to the generals, in a sermon before the remnant 
 of the two houses — " like Moses, you are destined to take the 
 people out of the bondage of Egypt : how will this be ac- 
 complished ? that is what has not yet been revealed." He 
 put his hands before his eyes, laid his head on the cushion, 
 and, rising thence suddenly, exclaimed : " Now I have it, by 
 revelation ! Now I shall tell you ! This army must root up 
 monarchy, not only here, but in France, and other kingdoms 
 round about ; this is to bring you out of Egypt. This army 
 is that corner-stone, cut out of the mountain, which must 
 dash the powers of the earth to pieces. 'Tis objected, the 
 way we walk in is without precedent : what think you of the 
 Virgin Mary ? was there ever any precedent before that a 
 woman should conceive without holding the company of man ? 
 This is an age to make examples and precedents in;""j" 
 and the mob of the party gave way with transport to this 
 mystical pride. Amidst all this exultation, on the very day 
 when the last of the presbyterians retired from the commons 
 (Dec. 7), Cromwell came and resumed his seat : " God is my 
 witness," he repeated everywhere, " that I know nothing of 
 what has been doing ill this house, but the work is in hand, I 
 am glad of it, and now we must carry it through.":}: The 
 house received him with the most marked demonstrations of 
 gratitude. The speaker addressed to him official thanks for 
 his campaign in Scotland ; and on leaving the house, he took 
 up his lodgings at Whitehall, in the king's own apartments. § 
 Next day, the army took possession of the cash-chests of the 
 various committees, being forced, they said, to provide for 
 
 *Parl. Hist, iii., 1240—1249; Rushworth, ii., 4, 1353—1356 ; Lud- 
 low, 118; Hutchinson, 301; Walker, History of Independency, ii., 
 29, &c. 
 
 t Walker, ii., 50; Pari. Hist, iii., 1252. t Ludlow, 117. 
 
 § Pari. Hist, iii., 1246 ; Whitelocke, 357. 
 
432 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 their own wants, in order no longer to be a burden to the 
 country.* Three days after (Dec. 11), they sent to Fairfax, 
 under the title of " A new Agreement of the People," a plan 
 of a republican government, drawn up, it is said, by Ireton, 
 and requested him to submit it for discussion to the general 
 council of officers, who would afterwards present it to parlia- 
 ment. f Meantime, and without taking the trouble of asking 
 the consent of the lords, the commons repealed all the acts, 
 all the votes lately adopted in favor of peace, and which would 
 have placed obstacles in the way of the revolution (Dec. 12 
 and 13). :j: At last, petitions reappeared that the king, who 
 alone, they said, was guilty of so much bloodshed,^ should 
 be brought to trial ; and a detachment was sent from head- 
 quarters, with orders to bring him from Hurst castle to 
 Windsor. 
 
 On the 17th, in the middle of the night, Charles was 
 awakened by the noise of the drawbridge being lowered, and 
 of a troop of horse entering the castle-yard. In a few moments 
 all was again silent ; but Charles was anxious ; before day- 
 break, he rang for Herbert, who slept in an adjoining room : 
 " Did you hear the noise about midnight ?" he inquired. " I 
 heard the drawbridge lowered," said Herbert ; " but I dared 
 not, without your majesty's orders, go out of my room at so 
 unseasonable an hour." " Go and inquire what is the mat- 
 ter." Herbert went, and soon returning, said major Harri- 
 son had arrived. A sudden agitation appeared on the king's 
 countenance ; " Are you sure," he said, " it is major Harri- 
 son ?" Herbert : " Captain Reynolds told me so." The 
 king: " Then I believe it ; but did you see the major?" Her- 
 bert: "No, sir." The king: " Did Reynolds tell you what 
 the major's business is ?" Herbert : " I did all I could to 
 learn, but the only answer I could get was, that the occasion 
 of his coming would soon be known." The king sent Her- 
 bert away, and then recalled him in about an hour after. He 
 found the king so deeply agitated, that he wept. " Why 
 weep you ?" asked Charles. " Because I perceive your ma- 
 jesty so much troubled and concerned at this news." " I am 
 not afraid," said Charles ; " but do not you know that this is 
 the man who intended to assassinate me, as by letter I was 
 
 * Rushworth, ii., 4, 1356. + Ibid., ii., 4, 1358, 1365. 
 
 t Pari. Hist., iii., 1247—1249. § Rushworth, ii., 4, 1372. 
 
ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 433 
 
 informed, during the late treaty. To my knowledge I never 
 saw the major, or did him an injury. I would not be taken 
 by surprise ; this is a place fit for such a purpose, Herbert, 
 I trust to your care ; go again and make further inquiry into 
 his business." Herbert, this time more fortunate, learnt that 
 the major was come to take the king to Windsor, in three 
 days at latest ; and he hastened to inform Charles of it. 
 " Well and good," he answered, his eyes brightening with 
 joy ; " what, do they at last become less obdurate ? Windsor 
 is a place I ever delighted in ; it will make amends for what 
 I have suffered here." 
 
 Two days after, in fact, lieutenant-colonel Cobbett came to 
 tell the king that he had orders to take him immediately to 
 Windsor, whither Harrison had already returned. Charles, 
 far from objecting, hastened the departure himself. Three 
 miles from Hurst he found a body of horse, charged to escort 
 him to Winchester. Everywhere on his road a crowd of gen- 
 tlemen, citizens, peasants, came round him ; some of them, 
 mere sight-seekers, who retired after they had seen him pass, 
 without any particular observation ; others deeply interested 
 and praying aloud for his liberty. As he approached Win- 
 chester, the mayor and aldermen came to meet him, and pre- 
 senting him, according to custom, the mace and keys of the 
 city, addi'essed to him a speech full of affection. But Cob- 
 bett, rudely pushing his way towards them, asked if they had 
 forgotten that the house had declared all who should address 
 the king traitors ; whereupon, seized with terror, the func- 
 tionaries poured forth humble excuses, protesting they were 
 ignorant of the will of the house, and conjuring Cobbett to 
 obtain their pardon. The next day the king resumed his 
 journey. Between Alresford and Farnham another corps of 
 cavalry was drawn up, waiting to relieve the party which had 
 escorted him thus far ; the officer in command was good-look- 
 ing, richly equipped, wearing a velvet Montero cap, a new 
 buff coat, and a fringed scarf of crimson silk. Charles, 
 struck with his countenance, passed slowly by him, and re- 
 ceived a respectful military salute. Rejoining Herbert : 
 " Who," asked the king, " is that officer ?" " Major Harri- 
 son, sir." The king immediately turned round, and looked at 
 him so long and so attentively that the major, confused, re- 
 tired behind the troops to avoid his scrutiny. " That man,'" 
 37 
 
434 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 said Charles, " looks like a true soldier ; I have some judg- 
 ment on faces, and feel I have harbored wrong thoughts of 
 him." In the evening, at Farnham, where they stopped to 
 sleep, Charles saw the major in a corner of the room ; he 
 beckoned him to approach ; Harrison obeyed with deference 
 and embarrassment, with an air at once fearless and timid : 
 the king took him by the arm, led him into the embrasure of 
 a window, and conversed for nearly an hour with him, and 
 even spoke of the information he had received concerning 
 him : " Nothing can be more false," said Harrison ; " this is 
 what I said, and I can repeat it : it is, ' that the law was 
 equally obligatory to great and small, and that justice had no 
 respect to persons ;' " and he dwelt upon the last words with 
 marked emphasis. The king broke off the discourse, sat 
 down to table, and did not again address Harrison, though he 
 did not appear to attach to what he had said any meaning 
 which alarmed him. 
 
 He was to reach Windsor the next day ; on leaving Farn- 
 ham, however, he declared that he would stop at Bagshot, and 
 dine in the forest, at lord Newburgh's, one of his most faithful 
 cavaliers. Harrison dared not refuse, though so much eager- 
 ness inspired him with some suspicions. They were well 
 founded ; lord Newburgh, a great amateur of horses, had one 
 which was considered the fleetest in all England ; for a long 
 time past, in secret correspondence with the king, he had per- 
 suaded him to lame the horse he rode, promising him one with 
 which it would be easy for him to escape suddenly from his 
 escort and baffle all pursuit through the bye-paths of the 
 forest, with which the king was well acquainted. Accord- 
 ingly, from Farnham to Bagshot, Charles was constantly com- 
 plaining of his horse, saying that he would change it ; but 
 on arriving at lord Newburgh's, he found that the one he 
 had relied upon had been so severely kicked in the stable, 
 that it was altogether unavailable. Lord Newburgh, greatly 
 concerned, offered others to the king, which he said were ex- 
 cellent, and would answer every purpose. But even with the 
 fleetest the attempt would have been perilous ; for the troopers 
 kept close to the king, and each carried a cocked pistol in 
 his hand. Charles readily abandoned the idea of running 
 such risks ; and in the evening, on arriving at Windsor, de- 
 lighted to re-enter one of his own palaces, to occupy one of 
 
ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 435 
 
 his own chambers, to find all things prepared to receive him 
 nearly the same as heretofore when he came with his court to 
 spend some holidays in that beautiful palace, far from being 
 tormented by any sinister presages, he seemed almost to have 
 forgotten that he was a prisoner.* 
 
 The same day (Dec. 23),-|- almost at the same moment, the 
 commons voted that he should be brought to trial, and ap- 
 pointed a committee to draw up his impeachment. Notwith- 
 standing the small number of members present, several voices 
 rose against the measure. Some demanded that they should 
 limit themselves to deposing him, as their predecessors had 
 done with some of his ; others, without expressing it, would 
 have wished him to be got rid of privately, so as to profit by 
 his death without having to answer for it. But the daring 
 free-thinkers, the sincere fanatics, the rigid republicans, in- 
 sisted upon a solemn public trial, which should prove their 
 power and proclaim their right. :j: Cromwell alone, in reality 
 more eager for it than any other person, still hypocritically 
 affected moderation. " If any one," he said,§ " had moved 
 this upon design, I should think him the greatest traitor in the 
 world ; but since Providence and necessity have cast us upon 
 it, I pray God to bless our counsels, though I am not prepared 
 on the sudden to give my advice." By one of those strange 
 but invincible scruples, in which iniquity betrays itself while 
 seeking a disguise, in order not to bring the king to trial with- 
 out a law in the name of which he could be condemned, the 
 house voted (Jan. 2)|| as a principle, that he had been guilty 
 of treason in making war against the parliament ; and on the 
 motion of Scott,ir an ordinance was forthwith adopted, institut- 
 ing a high court** to try him. One hundred and fifty com- 
 missioners were to compose it : six peers, three high judges, 
 eleven baronets, ten knights, six aldermen of London, all the 
 important men of the party, in the army, the commons, in the 
 city, except St. John and Vane, who formally declared that 
 they disapproved of the act, and would not take any part in it. 
 When the ordinance was presented for the sanction of the 
 
 * Herbert, 93, &c. ; Clarendon, iii., 377 ; Rushworth, ii., 4, 1375 ; 
 Whitelocke, 363. 
 
 t Pari. Hist., iii., 1252. X Whitelocke, ut sup ; Clarendon, ii,, 380. 
 § Walker, 2, 54. || Pari. Hist., iii., 1253. IT Walker, 2, 5-5. 
 
 ** Pari. Hist, iii., 1254. 
 
436 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 upper house (Jan. 2), some pride seemed to revive in that 
 assembly, hitherto so servile that they seemed to have fully 
 admitted their own nothingness : " There is no parliament 
 without the king," maintained lord Manchester, " therefore 
 the king cannot commit treason against parliament." " It has 
 pleased the commons," said lord Denbigh, " to put my name 
 to their ordinance ; but I would be torn to pieces rather than 
 take part in so infamous a business." " I do not like," said 
 the earl of Pembroke, " to meddle with affairs of life and 
 death ; I shall neither speak against the ordinance nor consent 
 to it ;" and the lords present, twelve in number, unanimously 
 rejected it.* Next day, receiving no message from the lords, 
 the commons appointed two of their members to go to the upper 
 house, to have its journals laid before them, and to ascertain 
 what resolution it had come tcf On their report (Jan. 4), 
 they immediately voted that the opposition of the lords should 
 not constitute an obstacle ; that the people being, after God, 
 the source of all legitimate power, the commons of England, 
 elected by and representing the people, possessed the sovereign 
 power ; and by a fresh ordinance (Jan. 6),:|: the high court 
 of justice, instituted in the name of the commons only, and 
 reduced to one hundred and thirty-five members, § received 
 orders to meet without delay to arrange the preliminaries. 
 
 They met accordingly for this purpose in private, on the 
 8th, 10th, 12th, 13th, 15th, 17th, 18th, and 19th of January, 
 John Bradshaw, a cousin of Milton, and an eminent advocate, 
 presiding — a man grave and gentle in his manners, but of a 
 narrow, austere mind, a sincere fanatic and yet ambitious, 
 inclined to avarice though ready to lay down his life for his 
 opinions. Such was the state of public feeling, that insur- 
 mountable dissension prevailed even in this court ; no sum- 
 mons, no effort succeeded in collecting at these preparatory 
 meetings more than fifty-eight members : Fairfax attended the 
 
 * Pari. Hist., iii., 1256. f lb. J lb., 1257. 
 
 § The omission of six peers and the three chief justices, reduced the 
 original number of commissioners to one hundred and forty-one ; two 
 lawyers, Bradshaw and Nicholas, were added, which made it one hun- 
 dred and forty-three. Yet the second ordinance contains only one 
 hundred and thirty-five names ; there were doubtless other omissions 
 which they did not take the trouble to explain. Alderman Roland 
 Wilson, for instance, refused to participate in the trial, and his name is 
 not found in the second list — Whitelocke, 366. 
 
ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 437 
 
 first meeting, but no other. Even among those who did attend, 
 several only came to declare their opposition : this was the 
 course pursued, among others, by Algernon Sidney, still young, 
 but already influential in the republican party. Retired for 
 some time to Penshurst castle, the seat of his father lord Lei- 
 cester, when he heard of his nomination on the high court, he 
 immediately went to London, and in the sittings of the 13th, 
 15th, and 19th of January, though the question appeared de- 
 cided, warmly opposed the trial. He above all things dreaded 
 the people's conceiving an aversion for a republic, perhaps a 
 sudden insurrection, which would save the king and lose the 
 commonwealth beyond recall : " No one will stir," cried Crom- 
 well, annoyed at these suggestions ; " I tell you, we will cut 
 his head off v/ith the crown upon it." " Do what you please," 
 answered Sidney ; " I cannot hinder you ; but I certainly 
 will have nothing to do with this affair;" and he went out, 
 and never returned.* At length, consisting only of members 
 who readily accepted their mission, the court entirely occupied 
 itself with arranging the form of the trial. John Cook, a coun- 
 sellor of some reputation and the intimate friend of Milton, was 
 appointed attorney-general, and as such Vv^as charged to take 
 the lead in drawing up the act of accusation, and in supporting 
 it on the trial. Elsynge, who had been clerk of the commons 
 up to this period, having retired under pretext of illness, Henry 
 Scobell was selected to take his place. They carefully dis- 
 cussed what regiments and how many should be on service 
 during the trial ; where sentinels should be stationed — some 
 were placed even on the leads, and at every window which 
 looked upon the hall — what barriers should be erected to keep 
 the people apart, not only from the tribunal, but also from the 
 soldiers. The 20th of January was appointed for the king to 
 appear before the court at Westminster hall ; and so early as 
 the 17th, as if his condemnation had already been pi'onounced, 
 the commons had charged a committee to visit the palaces, 
 castles, and residences of the king, and to draw up an exact 
 inventory of his furniture, henceforth the property of par- 
 liament.f 
 
 When colonel Whychott, governor of Windsor, told the 
 
 * Leicester's Journal, April ; Godwin, Hist, of the Commonwealth, 
 ii., 669. 
 
 t Pari. Hist., iii., 1259 ; State Trials, iv., 1045—1067. 
 37* 
 
438 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 king that in a few days he would be transferred to London : 
 " God is everywhere," answered Charles, " alike in wisdom, 
 power, and goodness."* Yet the news inspired him with great 
 and unexpected uneasiness ; he had lived for the last three 
 weeks in the most unwonted feeling of security, rarely and 
 incorrectly informed of the resolutions of the house, comfort- 
 ing himself with some reports from Ireland which promised 
 him speedy assistance, and more confident, gayer even, than 
 his servants had for a long time seen him : "In six months," 
 he said, " peace will be re-established in England ; if not, I 
 shall receive from Ireland, Denmark, and other kingdoms, the 
 means of righting me ;"■!" and another day he said : " I have 
 three more cards to play, the worst of which may give me 
 back everything.":}: And yet one circumstance had lately 
 disturbed him ; until almost the close of his stay at Windsor 
 he had been treated and served with all the etiquette of court ; 
 he dined in public, in the hall of state, under a canopy ; the 
 chamberlain, esquire-carver, maltre-d'hotel, and cup-bearer 
 performed their accustomed offices in the accustomed manner ; 
 the cup was presented to him kneeling, the dishes were brought 
 in covered, were tasted, and he enjoyed with tranquil gravity 
 these solemn manifestations of respect. All at once, on the 
 reception of a letter from head-quarters, there was a total 
 change ; the dishes were brought in uncovered by soldiers, 
 were no longer tasted, none knelt to him, the habitual etiquette 
 of the canopy completely ceased. Charles bitterly grieved at 
 this: "The respect and honor denied me," said he, "no 
 sovereign prince ever wanted, nor even subjects of high de- 
 gree, according to ancient practice ; is there anything more 
 contemptible than a despised prince ?" and to avoid this insult 
 he took his repast in his own rooni, almost alone, himself se- 
 lecting two or three dishes from the list presented to him.§ 
 
 On Friday, the 19th of January, a troop of horse appeared 
 at Windsor, with Harrison at its head, appointed to remove the 
 king ; a coach and six waited in the yard of the castle ; 
 Charles entered it, and a few hours after once more re-entered 
 London and St. James's palace, surrounded on all sides by 
 
 * Herbert, 105. t Whitelocke, 366. 
 
 J Leicester's Journal ; Godwin, History of the Commonwealth, 660. 
 § Herbert, 109. 
 
ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 439 
 
 guards, with two sentinels at the very door of his chamber, 
 and Herbert, who slept by his bed-side, alone to serve him.* 
 
 Next day, the 20th, towards noon, the high court, assembled 
 in a secret sitting in the painted chamber, arranged the final 
 details of their task ; they had scarcely finished prayers, when 
 it was announced that the king, carried in a sedan between 
 two ranks of soldiers, was at hand ; Cromwell ran to the win- 
 dow, and turning round, pale, yet very animated : " My mas- 
 ters, he is come — he is come !" he cried ; " and now we are 
 doing that gi'eat work that the whole nation will be full of; 
 therefore, I desire you to let us resolve here what answer we 
 shall give the king, when he comes before us ; for the first 
 question he will ask us will be, by what authority and com- 
 mission we do try him." No one for a while answered; at 
 last Henry Martynf said : " In the name of the commons and 
 parliament assembled, and of all the good people of England." 
 No objection was made, and the court proceeded in solemn 
 order to Westminster hall, the lord-president, Bradshaw, at 
 their head, with the sword and mace before him, preceded by 
 sixteen officers armed with partisans. The president took his 
 seat in a chair of crimson velvet ; below him was the clerk 
 of the house, at a table with a rich Turkey cover on which 
 were placed the mace and sword ; to the right and left, on 
 seats of scarlet cloth, sat the members of the court ; at the two 
 extremities were men-at-arms, who stood somewhat in advance 
 of the tribunal. The court having taken their seats, the doors 
 were opened and the crowd rushed in ; silence being restored, 
 and the act of the commons read which authorized the court, 
 the names were called over ; there were sixty-nine members 
 present. " Mr. Sergeant," said Bradshaw, " bring in the 
 prisoner, "ij: 
 
 The king appeared, under the guard of colonel Hacker and 
 thirty-two officers ; a chair of crimson velvet was prepared 
 for him at the bar : he advanced, cast a long and severe look 
 
 * Herbert, 110 ; Rushworth, ii., 4, 1395 ; State Trials, v., 1019 ; Nut- 
 ley's evidence in Harrison's trial. 
 
 t State Trials, v., 1201 ; sir Purbeck Temple's evidence in the trial of 
 Henry Martyn. 
 
 X Most of the facts of the king's trial are taken from two contempo- 
 rary accounts inserted in the State Trials, iv., 989 — 1154, to which the 
 reader is referred once for all. 
 
440 HISTOEY OF THE 
 
 on the tribunal, sat down in the chair without removing his 
 hat, suddenly rose again, looked behind him at the guard 
 placed at the left, and the crowded spectators at the right of 
 the hall, once more turned his eyes towards the judges, and 
 then sat down amidst universal silence. 
 
 Bradshaw rose immediately: "Charles Stuart, king of Eng- 
 land," said he, " the commons of England, assembled in par- 
 liament, taking notice of the effusion of blood in the land, 
 which is fixed on you as the author of it, and whereof you are 
 guilty, have resolved to bring you to a trial and judgment, 
 and for this cause the tribunal is erected. The charges will 
 now be read by the solicitor-general." 
 
 The attorney-general. Cook, then rose to speak : " Silence !" 
 said the king, touching him with his cane on his shoulder. 
 Cook turned round, surprised and irritated ; the head of the 
 king's cane fell off; a short but violent emotion appeared in 
 his features ; none of his servants were near enough to pick 
 up the head of the cane for him ; he stooped, took it up him- 
 self, sat down, and Cook read the act of accusation, which, 
 imputing to the king all the evils arising, first from his 
 tyranny, then from the war, demanded that he should be 
 bound to answer the charges brought against him, and that 
 justice should be done upon him as a tyrant, traitor, and mur- 
 derer. 
 
 While this was reading, the king, still seated, looked tran- 
 quilly, sometimes on the judges, sometimes on the public ; 
 once, for a moment, he rose, turned his back to the tribunal 
 to look behind him, and sat down again with an air at once 
 of curiosity and indifference. He smiled at the words, 
 " Charles Stuart, tyrant, traitor, and murderer," but said 
 nothing. 
 
 When Cook had finished : " Sir," said Bradshaw to the 
 king, " you have heard the charge ; the court awaits your 
 answer." 
 
 The king : " I do wonder for what cause you convene me 
 here. But lately I was in the Isle of Wight, and there I was 
 treated with by divers honorable persons, lords, and commons, 
 as to a treaty of peace, and the treaty was nigh perfection. I 
 desire to knov/ by what authority I was hurried thence hither ; 
 I mean lawful authority, for there are many unlawful powers, 
 
ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 441 
 
 such as that of highwaymen. I desire to know this, I say, 
 before I answer your charge." 
 
 Bradshaw : " If you had pleased to pay attention to what 
 the court said to you on your arrival, you would know what 
 that authority is. They desire you, in the name of the Eng- 
 lish people, of whom you were elected king, to answer." 
 
 The king : " No, sir ; this I deny." 
 
 Bradshaw : " If you demur to the junsdiction of the court, 
 I must let you know the court overrules your demurrer. You 
 must plead, or the court will take the charge 2'?'o confessoJ^ 
 
 The king : " I tell you, England never was an elective 
 kingdom ; that it has been for more than a thousand years an 
 hereditary kingdom. Let me, then, know really by what 
 authority I am summoned here. There is lieutenant-colonel 
 Cobbett ; ask him whether it was not by force he brought me 
 from the Isle of Wight. I will uphold, as much as any here, 
 the just privileges of the house of commons. But I see no 
 lords here : where are the lords that should go to make up a 
 parliament 1* A king, also, is essential. Is this what you 
 call bringing the king to his parliament ? " 
 
 Bradshaw : " Sir, the court awaits from you a definitive 
 answer. If what we tell you of our authority is not sufficient 
 for you, it is sufficient for us ; we know it is founded on the 
 authority of God and of the kingdom." 
 
 The king : " It is neither my opinion nor yours that is to 
 decide." 
 
 Bradshaw : " The court have heard you ; you will be dis- 
 posed of according to their orders. Take away the prisoner. 
 The court adjourns to Monday next." 
 
 The court retired ; the king departed with the same escort 
 that brought him. As he got up, he looked at the sword placed 
 upon the table: "I do not fear that," said he, pointing to it 
 with his cane. As he went down stairs, a few voices were 
 heard to cry — "Justice ! justice ! " but a far greater number 
 shouted — " God save the king ! God save your majesty ! " 
 
 On the Monday, at the sitting of the court, sixty-two mem- 
 bers being present, the court commanded that entire silence 
 should be observed, under pain of imprisonment ; but, never- 
 theless, when the king arrived he was hailed with loud accla- 
 
 * State Trials, v., lOSl ; in Cook's trial, evidence given by Nutley. 
 
442 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 mations. The same discussion was renewed on both sides 
 with equal pertinacity. " Sir," Bradshaw at length said, 
 " neither you nor any one else will be allowed to dispute the 
 jurisdiction of this court ; they sit here by the supreme au- 
 thority of the nation, the commons assembled in parliament, 
 to whom your ancestors ever were, and to whom you are, ac- 
 countable." 
 
 The king : " By your favor, show me one precedent." 
 
 Bradshaw rose angrily, and said : " Sir, we sit not here to 
 answer your questions. Plead to the charge ; guilty, or not 
 guilty?"* 
 
 The king : " You have not heard my reasons." 
 
 Bradshaw : " Sir, you have no reasons to give against the 
 highest of all jurisdictions." 
 
 The king : " Then show me this jurisdiction, in which rea- 
 son is not heard." 
 
 Bradshaw : " Sir, we show it to you here ; it is the com- 
 mons of England. Sergeant, take away the prisoner !" 
 
 The king turned suddenly round towards the people, and 
 said : " Remember that the king of England suffers, being not 
 permitted to give his reasons for the liberty of the people ! " 
 and an almost general cry arose : " God save the king ! "-j- 
 
 The next sitting, on the 23d of January, exhibited the same 
 scenes ; the sympathy of the people for the king became daily 
 more earnest ; in vain did the irritated officers and soldiers 
 shout the menacing cry of " Justice ! Execution !" the inti- 
 midated crowd were silent for a moment ; but, upon some 
 fresh incident, forgot their alarm, and " God save the king !" 
 echoed on all sides. It was even heard among the troops : on 
 the 23d, as the king was leaving after the rising of the court, 
 a soldier of the guard cried aloud, " Sire, God bless you !" 
 An officer struck him with his cane. " Sir," said the king, 
 " the punishment exceeds the offence."^ At the same time 
 representations were sent from abroad, and proceedings taken, 
 not very formidable, it is true, and most of them not very ur- 
 gent, but still fanning the flame of public indignation. The 
 French minister delivered to the commons (Jan. 3) a letter 
 from the queen, Henrietta-Maria, soliciting permission to 
 
 * State Trials, v., 1086, in the trial of the regicides, and particiilarly 
 in that of Cook ; John Heme's evidence. 
 ■} State Trials, v., 1086. t Herbert, 114. 
 
ENGLISH KKVOLUXION. 44j 
 
 come and join her husband, either to persuade him to yield 
 to their wishes or to give him the consolations of affection.* 
 The prince of Wales wrote to Fairfax and to the council of 
 officers, in the hope of awakening in their breasts some feel- 
 ing of loyalty. f The Scottish commissioners officially pro- 
 tested in the name of that kingdom, against all that was going 
 on (Jan. 6 and 22)4 The early arrival of an extraordinary 
 embassy from the States, sent to interpose in the king's favor, 
 was announced ; already John Cromwell, an officer in the 
 service of the Dutch, and cousin to Oliver, was in London, 
 besetting the lieutenant-general with almost threatening re- 
 proaches. § The printing of a manuscript entitled Royal 
 Sighs, the production, it was said, of the king himself, and of 
 a nature to excite an insurrection for his deliverance, was dis- 
 covered and its publication stopped. |j On all sides, in a 
 word, if not great obstacles, at least new causes of fermenta- 
 tion arose, which would assuredly disappear, the republicans 
 promised themselve?, as soon as the question should be put to 
 an end ; but which, so long as it remained in suspense, ren- 
 dered every day's delay more embarrassing and perilous. 
 
 They resolved to relieve themselves at once from this situa- 
 tion, to cut short any further debate, and that the king should 
 only appear again to receive his sentence. Whether from a 
 lingering respect for legal forms, or to produce, if required, 
 new proofs of Charles's bad faith in the negotiations, the court 
 employed the 24th and 25th in collecting evidence from thirty- 
 two witnesses. On the 25th, at the close of their sitting, and 
 almost without any discussion, they voted the king's con- 
 demnation as a tyrant, traitor, murderer, and enemy to the 
 country. Scott, Martyn, Harrison, Lisle, Say, Ireton, and 
 Love, were charged to draw up the sentence. There were 
 only forty-six members present that day. On the 26th, sixty- 
 two members being assembled with closed doors, the form 
 of the sentence was determined upon after some discussion. 
 The court adjourned to the following day, then to pronounce 
 it. On the 27th, at noon, after two hours' conference in the 
 painted chamber, the sitting began, according to custom, by 
 
 * Clarendon, iii., 368. f Ib-> 296. t Pari. Hist., iii., 1277, &c. 
 § Banks, Critical Review, &c., 103; Mark Noble, Memoirs of the 
 Protectoral House, &c., i., 50. 
 II The famous EJxcoj' BamXiKfj. 
 
444 HISTORY OF THB 
 
 calling over the names ; when Fairfax's was called : " He 
 has too much wit to be here !" exclaimed the voice of a woman 
 from the gallery. After a moment's surprise and hesitation, 
 the clerk proceeded : sixty-seven members were present. 
 When the king entered the hall, a violent cry of " Execu- 
 tion ! Justice ! Execution !" was raised. The soldiers were 
 very excited, Axtell, who commanded them, animating their 
 shouts ; a few groups scattered here and there about the hall 
 joined in these clamors ; but the crowd was silent and in con- 
 stemation. 
 
 "Sir," said the king to Bradshaw, before he sat down, "I 
 shall ask to speak a word ; I hope I shall not give you occa- 
 sion to interrupt me." 
 
 Bradshaw : " You shall answer in your turn ; first listen to 
 the court." 
 
 The king : " Sir, by your favor, I desire to be heard. It 
 is but a word. An immediate judgment " 
 
 Bradshaw : " Sir, you shall be heard in fit time ; you must 
 first hear the court." 
 
 The king : " Sir, I desire .... what I have to say is con- 
 cerning that which the court is, I think, about to pronounce ; 
 and it is not easy, sir, to recall a precipitate judgment." 
 
 Bradshaw : " You will be heard, sir, before judgment is 
 passed. Till then you must abstain from speaking." 
 
 On hearing this promise some serenity re-appeared on the 
 king's countenance ; he sat down : Bradshaw went on : 
 
 " Gentlemen, it is well known to you all that the prisoner 
 here at the bar has several times been brought before the 
 court to answer a charge of high treason and other great 
 crimes, brought against him in the name of the people of 
 England—" 
 
 " It's a lie ! . Not one half of them," cried the same voice 
 which had answered at the name of Fairfax : " Where are 
 they or their consents ? Oliver Cromwell is a traitor !" 
 
 The whole assembly was startled : all eyes were turned 
 towards the gallery. " Down with the w — ," cried Axtell, 
 " shoot them !" The speaker was soon found to be lady 
 Fairfax.* 
 
 A general excitement arose : the soldiers, though nume- 
 
 • State Trials, 1150 ; Evidence of sir Purbeck Temple. 
 
ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 445 
 
 rously interspersed with the crowd, and using little ceremony, 
 had much difficulty in repressing it : order being at length 
 somewhat re-established, Bradshaw recited the king's obsti- 
 nate refusal to answer to the charge, the notoriety of the crimes 
 imputed to him, and then declared that the court were agreed 
 as to the sentence, but consented, before pronouncing it, to 
 hear the prisoner's defence, provided he would desist from 
 denying their jurisdiction. 
 
 " I ask," said the king, " to be heard in the painted cham- 
 ber, by the lords and commons, on a proposal which is of far 
 greater importance to the peace of the kingdom and the 
 liberty of my subjects than to my own preservation." 
 
 Deep agitation pervaded the court and the assembly ; 
 friends and enemies all endeavored to imagine with what 
 intention the king requested this conference with the two 
 houses, and what he could have to propose to them ; a thou- 
 sand different suggestions went about ; the majority seemed 
 to think that he wished to abdicate the crown in favor of his 
 son. But whatever it might be that he intended, the per- 
 plexity of the court was extreme ; the party, notwithstanding 
 their triumph, did not feel itself in a position either to lose 
 time or to run fresh hazards ; among the judges themselves, 
 some indecision was perceptible. To escape the peril, Brad- 
 shaw maintained that the king's request was only a trick still 
 to escape the jurisdiction of the court ; a long and close debate 
 took place between them on this subject. Charles again and 
 again insisted, more and more urgently, on being heard ; but 
 on each occasion the soldiers round him became more and 
 more noisy and abusive ; some lit their pipes and blew the 
 smoke towards him ; others murmured in coarse terms at 
 the slowness of the trial ; Axtell laughed and joked aloud. 
 In vain did the king several times turn towards them, and 
 sometimes by gesture, sometimes by words seek to obtain a 
 few moments of attention or at least of silence ; he was an- 
 swered by the cries: "Justice! Execution!" At length, 
 deeply agitated, almost beside himself: " Hear me ! hear me !" 
 he cried, in passionate accents ; the same shouts were re- 
 newed :* suddenly an unexpected movement exhibited itself 
 among the judges. Colonel Downs, one of the members of 
 
 * State Trials, v., 1150, 1151 ; in Axtell's Trial. 
 38 
 
446 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 the court, became violently agitated and sought to rise from 
 his chair ; in vain did the colleague on each side, Cawley and 
 colonel Wanton, seek to keep him down, and compose him : 
 " Have we hearts of stone ?" he said ; " are we men ?" " You 
 will ruin us and yourself," said Cawley. " No matter," re- 
 plied Downs, " if I die for it, I must do it." On hearing this, 
 Cromwell, who sat beneath him, suddenly turned round : 
 "Colonel," said he, " are you yourself? What mean you? 
 Can't you be quiet ?" " Sir," answered Downs ; " no, I can- 
 not be quiet ;" and immediately rising, he said to the presi- 
 dent : " My lord, I am not satisfied to give my consent to this 
 sentence, and have reasons to offer to you against it, and I 
 desire the court may adjourn to hear me, and deliberate." 
 " If any one of the court," gravely answered Bradshaw, " be 
 unsatisfied, the court must adjourn j" and they all immedi- 
 ately passed into an adjoining room. 
 
 They were no sooner there than Cromwell roughly assailed 
 the colonel, upbraiding him for the difficulty and confusion in 
 which he was involving the court. Downs defended himself 
 with agitation, alleging that perhaps the king's proposals would 
 be satisfactory ; that, after all, what they had sought, what 
 they still sought, were good and solid guarantees ; that they 
 ought not to refuse, without knowing what they were, those 
 which the king wished to ,offer ; that they owed to him at 
 least to hear him, and to respect, in his person, the ordinary 
 rules of common justice. Cromwell heard him with rude 
 impatience, moving round and round him, and interrupting 
 him at every word : " At last," said he, " we see what great 
 reason the gentleman had to put such a trouble and disturb- 
 ance upon us ; sure, he doth not know that he hath to do with 
 the hardest hearted man that lives upon the earth. However, 
 it is not fit that the court should be hindered from their duty 
 by one peevish man. The bottom of all this is known ; he 
 would fain save his old master ; let us, without more ado, go 
 back and do our duty." In vain did colonel Hai'vey and 
 some others support the opinion of Downs ; the discussion 
 was speedily repressed ; in half an hour, the court returned 
 to the hall, and Bradshaw declared to the king that they re- 
 jected his proposition.* 
 
 * State Trials, v., 1197, 1205, 1211, 1218; in the trials of Harvey, 
 
ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 447 
 
 Charles seemed quite overcome, and renewed the applica- 
 tion but hesitatingly ; " If you have nothing more to say," 
 said Bradshaw, " we shall proceed to sentence." " Sir, I 
 have nothing more to say," replied the king ; " but I shall 
 desire that what I have said may be entered." Bradshaw, 
 without answering, told him he was about to hear his sen- 
 tence ; but before having it read, he addressed to the king a 
 long speech, a solemn apology for the conduct of parliament, 
 in which all the king's faults were set forth, and all the evils 
 of the civil war cast upon him alone, since his tyranny had 
 made resistance a duty as well as a necessity. His language 
 was stern, bitter, but grave, godly, free from insult, the result 
 of a conviction evidently profound, though blended with some- 
 what of vindictive emotion. The king listened without in- 
 terrupting him, grave as himself. Yet, as the speech drew 
 near its conclusion, a visible agitation took possession of him ; 
 as soon as Bradshaw stopped, he attempted to speak. Brad- 
 shaw opposed it, and gave orders to the clerk to read the 
 sentence ; when he had done : " The sentence now read and 
 published," he said, " is the act, sentence, judgment, and re- 
 solution of the whole court;" and the whole court stood up in 
 sign of assent. " Sir," suddenly exclaimed the king, " will 
 you hear me a word ?" 
 
 Bradshaw : " Sir, you are not to be heard after the sen- 
 tence." 
 
 The king : " No, sir ?" 
 
 Bradshaw : " No, sir, by your favor. Guards, withdraw 
 the prisoner !" 
 
 The king : " I may speak after sentence, by your favor, 
 sir ; I may speak after my sentence, ever. By your favor." 
 
 (" Hold !" said Bradshaw.) " The sentence, sir, 1 say, 
 
 sir, I do 1 am not suffered to speak : expect what justice 
 
 other people will have !" 
 
 The soldiers here surrounded him, and removing him from 
 the bar, carried him with violence to the place where his sedan 
 waited for him ; as he went down the stairs, he had to endure 
 the grossest insults ; some threw their lighted pipes in his 
 way ; others blew the smoke of their tobacco in his face ; all 
 
 Robert Lilburne, Downs, and Wayte, and from the narrative of the 
 accused themselves. 
 
448 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 cried close to hiin, " Justice ! execution !"* Yet the people 
 still mixed up with these cries, the shout, " God save your 
 majesty ! God deliver your majesty from the hands of your 
 enemies !" and till he had seated himself in the sedan, the 
 bearers stood with their hats off, notwithstanding Axtell's 
 orders to the contrary, who even struck them for their disobe- 
 dience. They set out for Whitehall ; the troops lined each 
 side of the road ; before the shops, at every door, every win- 
 dow, there was a crowd of people, most of them silent, some 
 weeping, others praying aloud for the king. Every few 
 minutes, the soldiers, to celebrate their triumph, renewed the 
 cry, " Justice ! Justice ! Execution !" But Charles had 
 regained his accustomed serenity ; and, too proud to believe 
 in the sincerity of their hatred, said, as he came out of the 
 chair : " Poor souls, for a piece of money they would do so for 
 their commanders !"f 
 
 As soon as he arrived at Whitehall ; " Hark ye !" said he 
 to Herbert, " my nephew the prince elector, and some other 
 lords that love me, will endeavor to see me, which I would 
 take in good part, but my time is short and precious, and I 
 am desirous to improve it the best I may ; I wish to employ 
 it in preparation ; I hope they will not take it ill, that none 
 have access to me but my children. The best office they can 
 now do for me is to pray for me." He asked to see his 
 younger children, the princess Elizabeth and the duke of 
 Gloucester, who had remained in charge of parliament, and 
 Juxon, bishop of London, of whom we had already, through 
 the intervention of Hugh Peters, obtained religious assistance. 
 Both requests were granted. Next day, the 28th, the bishop 
 went to St. James's, whither Charles had been transferred ; 
 when he saw the king, he burst into an agony of grief: 
 " Leave off this, my lord," said Charles ; " we have not time 
 for it ; let us think of our great work, and prepare to meet 
 that great God, to whom, ere long, I am to give an account 
 
 * State Trials, v., 1151, in Axtell's trial. A witness deposed, on the 
 trial of Augustin Garland, one of the judges, that he had seen him at 
 the foot of the stairs spit in the king's face. Garland absolutely de- 
 nied it, and the judges did not insist. Herbert, who accompanied the 
 king, does not mention it either. I have not, therefore, thought proper 
 to mention it as authentic, through Warwick, who had almost all the 
 details inserted in his memoirs from bishop Juxon, expressly affirms it. 
 
 t State Trials, iv., 1130 ; Herbert, Memoirs, 114 
 
ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 449 
 
 of myself. I hope I shall do it with peace, and that you will 
 assist me therein. We will not talk of these rogues, in whose 
 hands I am ; they thirst after my blood, and they will have 
 it, and God's will be done ! I thank God, I heartily forgive 
 them ; and I will talk of them no more." He passed the rest 
 of the day in pious conference with the bishop ; it was with 
 great difficulty he obtained permission to be left alone in his 
 room, where, at first, colonel Hacker had posted two soldiers ; 
 and, as it were, all the while Juxon was with him, the door 
 was opened every few minutes by the sentinel on duty, to 
 make sure that the king was there. As he had anticipated, 
 his nephew the prince-elector, the duke of Richmond, the 
 marquis of Hertford, the earls of Southampton and Lindsey, 
 and other old servants, came to see him ; but he did not re- 
 ceive them. Mr. Seymour, a gentleman in the service of the 
 prince of Wales, arrived the same day from the Hague,* 
 bearer of a letter from the prince ; the king ordered him to be 
 admitted, read the letter, threw it into the fire, gave his 
 answer to the messenger, and sent him away immediately. 
 Next day, the 29th, almost at dawn of day, the bishop re- 
 turned to St. James's. Morning prayers over, the king pro- 
 duced a box, containing broken crosses of the order of St. 
 George and of the garter : " You see," he said to Juxon, " all 
 the wealth now in my power to give my two children." The 
 children were then brought to him ; on seeing her father, the 
 princess Elizabeth, twelve years old, burst into tears ; the 
 duke of Gloucester, who was only eight, wept also when he 
 saw his sister weeping ; Charles took them upon his knees, 
 divided his jewels between them, consoled his daughter, gave 
 her advice as to the books she was to read to strengthen her- 
 self against popery, charged her to tell her brothers that he 
 had' forgiven his enemies, her mother that in thought he had 
 ever been with her, and that to the last hour he loved her as 
 dearly as on their marriage day ; then turning towards the 
 little duke : " My dear heart," he said, " they will soon cut 
 off thy father's head." The child looked at him fixedly and 
 earnestly : " Mark, child, what I say ; they will cut off my 
 head, and perhaps make thee king ; but mark what I say, 
 
 * According to Tomlinson's evidence (State Trials, v., 1179), it was 
 on the day of his death, and at Whitehall, that the king received Mr. 
 Seymour ; I have followed Herbert's account — Memoirs, ut sup. 
 
 38* 
 
450 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 thou must not be king so long as thy brothers Charles and 
 James live, but they will cut off thy brothers' heads if they 
 can catch them ; and thine, too, they will cut off at last ! 
 Therefore, I charge thee, do not be made a king by them." 
 " I will be torn in pieces first !" replied the child, with great 
 emotion. Charles fervently kissed him, put him down, kissed 
 his daughter, blessed them both, and called upon God to bless 
 them ; then suddenly rising : " Have them taken away," be 
 said to Juxon ; the children sobbed aloud ; the king, standing 
 with his head pressed against the window, tried to suppress his 
 tears ; the door opened, the children were going out, Charles 
 ran from the window, took them in his arms, blessed them 
 once more, and at last tearing himself from, their caresses, fell 
 upon his knees and began to pray with the bishop and Her- 
 bert, the only witnesses of this deeply painful scene.* 
 
 On the same morning the high court had met, and appointed 
 the execution to take place next day, January 30, between 
 ten and five o'clock ; but when it became necessary to sign 
 the fatal order, it was with great difficulty the commissioners 
 could be got together ; in vain two or three of the most de- 
 termined stood outside the door, stopped such of their col- 
 leagues as were passing by towards the house of commons, 
 and called upon them to come and affix their names. f Several 
 even of those who had voted for the condemnation, kept out of 
 the way, or expressly refused to sign. Cromwell himself, gay, 
 noisy, daring as ever, gave way to his usual coarse buffoonery ; 
 after having signed himself — he was the third to do so — he 
 smeared with ink Henry Martyn's face who sat by him, and 
 who immediately did the same to him. Colonel Ingoldsby, 
 his cousin, who had been appointed a member of the court, 
 but had never taken his seat, accidentally came into the hall : 
 " This time," said Cromwell, " he shall not escape ;" and 
 laughing aloud, he seized Ingoldsby, and with the assistance 
 of a few other members, put the pen between his fingers, 
 and guiding his hand, obliged him to sign.:]: Fifty-nine sig- 
 natures were at last collected ; many, either from agitation 
 or design, such mere scrawls that it was almost impossible to 
 
 *Rushworth, ii., 4, 1398 : Journals, Commons, Jan. 20. 
 t State Trials, v., 1219 ; Thomas Wayte's trial. 
 
 j Harris, Life of Cromwell, 201 ; Mark Noble's Memoirs of the Pro- 
 tectoral House, i., 118. 
 
ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 451 
 
 make them out. The order was addressed to colonel Hacker, 
 colonel Huncks, and lieutenant Phayre, who were charged to 
 see to the execution. Hitherto the ambassadors extraordi- 
 nary from the States, Albert Joachim and Adrien Pauw, 
 who had been five days in London, had vainly solicited an 
 audience of parliament ; neither their official request, nor their 
 private applications to Fairfax, Cromwell, and some other 
 officers, had obtained it for them. They were suddenly in- 
 formed, about one o'clock, that they would be received at two 
 by the lords, at three by the commons. They went im- 
 mediately, and delivered their message ; an answer was pro- 
 mised them, and as they returned to their lodgings they saw 
 commencing, in front of Whitehall, the preparations for the 
 execution. They had received visits from the French and 
 Spanish ambassadors, but neither would join in their pro- 
 ceedings ; the first satisfied himself with protesting, that for a 
 long time past he had foreseen this deplorable event and done 
 all in his power to avert it ; the other said he had not yet re- 
 ceived orders from his court to interfere in the matter, though 
 he every hour expected them. Next day, the 30th, about 
 twelve, a second interview with Fairfax, in the house of his 
 secretary, gave the Dutch ambassadors a gleam of hope ; the 
 general had been moved by their representations, and, seem- 
 ing at length resolved to rouse himself from his inaction, pro- 
 mised to go immediately to Westminster, to solicit at least a 
 reprieve. But as they left him, before the very house in 
 which they had conversed with him, they met a body of 
 cavalry, clearing the way ; all the avenues to Whitehall, all 
 the adjacent streets, were equally filled with them ; on all 
 sides they heard it said that everything was ready, and that 
 the king would soon arrive.* 
 
 And so it was : early in the morning, in a room at White- 
 hall, beside the bed from which Ireton and Harrison had not 
 yet risen, Cromwell, Hacker, Huncks, Axtell, and Phayre 
 had assembled to draw up the last act of this fearful pro- 
 
 * These details are taken from the correspondence of the ambassadors 
 themselves with the States, of which a translation is appended to the 
 present volume. They prove how doubtful, notwithstanding Herbert's 
 narrative, whom in other respects Mr. Godwin is wrong in disbeliev- 
 ing, is the anecdote after which almost all the historians have related 
 that Ireton and Harrison had passed the time in prayers with Fairfax 
 to conceal from him what was going on. 
 
452 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 ceeding, the order to the executioner : " Colonel," said Crom- 
 well to Huncks, " it is you who must write and sign it." 
 Huncks obstinately refused : " What a stubborn grumbler !" 
 said Cromwell. " Colonel Huncks," said Axtell, " J am 
 ashamed of you ; the ship is now coming into the harbor, and 
 will you strike sail before we come to anchor ?" Huncks 
 persisted in his refusal ; Cromwell, muttering between his 
 teeth, sat down, wrote the order himself and presented it to 
 colonel Hacker, who signed it without objection.* 
 
 Nearly at the same moment, after four houi's' profound 
 sleep Charles left his bed : " I have a great work to do this 
 day," he said to Herbert ; " I must get up immediately ;" and 
 he sat down at his dressing-table. Herbert, in his agitation, 
 combed his hair with less care than usual : " I pray you," 
 said the king, " though my head be not long to remain on my 
 shoulders, take the same pains with it as usual ; let me be as 
 trim to-day as may be ; this is my second marriage day ; for 
 before night I hope to be espoused to my blessed Jesus." As 
 he was dressing, he asked to have a shirt on more than ordi- 
 nary : " The season is so sharp," he said, " as may make me 
 shake, which some observers will imagine proceeds from fear. 
 I would have no such imputation ; I fear not death ; death is 
 not terrible to me. I bless my God I am prepared." At day- 
 break the bishop arrived and commenced the holy service ; as 
 he was reading, in the 27th chapter of the gospel according 
 to St. Matthew, the passion of Jesus Christ, the king asked him : 
 " My lord, did you choose this chapter as being applicable to 
 my present condition ?" " May it please your majesty," said 
 the bishop, " it is the proper lesson for the day, as the calendar 
 indicates." The king appeared deeply affected, and con- 
 tinued his prayers with even greater fervor. Towards ten, 
 a gentle knock was heard at the door ; Herbert did not stir ; a 
 second knock was heard, rather louder, but still gentle : " Go 
 and see who is there," said the king : it was colonel Hacker : 
 " Let him come in," said the king. " Sir," said the colonel, 
 with a low and half-trembling voice, " it is time to go to White- 
 hall ; but you will have some further time to rest there." " I 
 will go directly," answered Charles ; " leave me." Hacker 
 went out : the king occupied a few moments more in mental 
 
 * State Trials, v., 1148—1180 ; Axtell and Hacker's trial. 
 
ENGLISH REVOLUTION. 453 
 
 prayer ; then, taking the bishop by the hand : " Come," said 
 he, " let us go ; Herbert, open the door. Hacker is knocking 
 again;" and he went down into the park, through which he 
 was to proceed to Whitehall. 
 
 Several companies of infantry were drawn up there, form- 
 ing a double line on each side of his way ; a detachment of 
 halberdiers marched on before, with banners flying ; the 
 drums beat ; not a voice could be heard for the noise. On the 
 right of the king was the bishop ; on the left, uncovered, 
 colonel Tomlinson, the officer in command of the guard, 
 whom Charles, touched by his attentions, had requested not 
 to leave him till the last moment. He talked with him, on 
 the way, of his funeral, of the persons to whom he wished the 
 care of it to be entrusted, his countenance serene, his eye 
 beaming, his step firm, walking even faster than the troops, 
 and blaming their slowness. One of the officers on service, 
 doubtless thinking to agitate him, asked him whether he had 
 not concurred with the duke of Buckingham in the death of 
 the king his father : " Friend," answered Charles, with gentle 
 contempt, " if I had no other sin, I speak it with reverence t6 
 God's majesty, I assui'e thee I should never ask him pardon."* 
 Arrived at Whitehall he ascended the stairs with a light step, 
 passed through the great gallery into his bed-room, where he 
 was left alone with the bishop, who was preparing to adminis- 
 ter the sacrament. Some independent ministers, Nye and 
 Goodwin among others, came and knocked at the door, saying 
 that they wished to offer their services to the king : " The king 
 is at prayers," answered Juxon : they still insisted. " Well, 
 then," said Charles to the bishop, " thank them from me for 
 the tender of themselves, but tell them plainly, that they that 
 so often causelessly prayed against me, shall not pray with me 
 in this agony. They may, if they please, I'll thank them for 
 it, pray for me." They retired ; the king knelt, received the 
 communion from the hands of the bishop, then rising with 
 cheerfulness : " Now," said he, " let the rogues come ; I have 
 heartily forgiven them, and am prepared for all I am to un- 
 dergo." His dinner had been prepared ; he declined taking 
 any : " Sire," said Juxon, " your majesty has long been fast- 
 ing ; it is cold ; perhaps on the scaffold some faintness ." 
 
 " You are right," said the king, and he took a piece of bread 
 
 * Warwick, 342. 
 
454 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 and a glass of wine. It was now one o'clock: Hacker knocked 
 at the door ; Juxon and Herbert fell on their knees : " Rise, 
 my old friend," said Charles, holding out his hand to the 
 bishop. Hacker knocked again ; Charles ordered the door to 
 be opened : " Go on," said he, " I follow you." He advanced 
 through the banqueting hall, still between a double rank of 
 soldiers ; a multitude of men and women, who had rushed in 
 at the peril of their lives, stood motionless behind the guard, 
 praying for the king as he passed, uninterrupted by the 
 soldiers, themselves quite silent. At the extremity of the hall 
 an opening made in the wall led straight upon the scaffold, 
 which was hung with black ; two men, dressed as sailors and 
 masked, stood by the axe. The king stepped out, his head 
 erect, and looking around for the people, to address them ; but 
 the troops occupied the whole space, so that none could ap- 
 proach : he turned towards Juxon and Tomlinson : " I cannot 
 be heard by many but yourselves," he said, " therefore to you 
 I will addi'ess a few words ;" and he delivered to them a short 
 speech which he had prepared, grave and calm, even to cold- 
 ness, its sole purport being to show that he had acted right, 
 that contempt of the rights of the sovereign was the true cause 
 of the people's misfortunes, that the people ought to have no 
 share in the government, that upon this condition alone would 
 the country regain peace and its liberties. While he was 
 speaking, some one touched the axe ; he turned round hastily, 
 saying, " Do not spoil the axe, it would hurt me more ;" and 
 again, as he was about to conclude his address, some one else 
 again approaching it : " Take care of the axe, take care !" he 
 repeated, in an agitated tone. The most profound silence 
 prevailed : he put a silk cap upon his head, and addressing the 
 executioner, said : " Is my hair in the way ?" " I beg your 
 majesty to put it under your cap," replied the man, bowing. 
 The king with the help of the bishop, did so. " I have on my 
 side a good cause and a merciful God !" he said to his venera- 
 ble servant. Juxon : " Yes, sire, there is but one stage more : 
 it is full of trouble and anguish, but it is a very short one ; 
 and consider, it will carry you a great way j it will carry you 
 from earth to heaven !" The king : " I go from a corruptible 
 to an incorruptible crown, where I shall have no trouble to 
 fear!" and, turning towards the executioner: "Is my hair 
 right ?" He took off his cloak and George, and gave the 
 
ENGLISH REVOLrXION. 455 
 
 George to Juxon, saying : " Remember."* He then took off 
 his coat, put on his cloak again, and looking at the block, said 
 to the executioner : " Place it so it may be firm." " It is firm, 
 sir," The king : " I will say a short prayer, and when I hold 
 out my hands, then . . . ." 
 
 He stood in meditation, murmured a few words to himself, 
 raised his eyes to heaven, knelt down, and laid his head upon 
 the block ; the executioner touched his hair to put it still fur- 
 ther under his cap ; the king thought he was going to strike. 
 " Wait for the signal," he said. " I shall wait for it, sir, 
 with the good pleasure of your majesty." In a minute the 
 king held out his hands ; the executioner struck ; the head 
 fell at a blow. " This is the head of a traitor ! " cried he, 
 holding it up to the people ; a long deep groan arose from the 
 multitude ; many persons rushed to the scaffold to dip their 
 handkerchiefs in the king's blood. Two troops of horse ad- 
 vancing in different directions, slow^ly dispersed the crowd. 
 The scaffold being cleared, the body was taken away : it was 
 already enclosed in the coffin when Cromwell desired to see 
 it ; he looked at it attentively, and, raising the head, as if to 
 make sure that it was indeed severed from the body j "This," 
 he said, " was a well-constituted frame, and which promised 
 a long life."'!' 
 
 The coffin remained exposed for seven days at Whitehall ; 
 an immense concourse pressed round the door, but few ob- 
 tained leave to go in. On the 6th of February, by order of 
 the commons, it was delivered to Herbert and Mildmay, with 
 authority to bury it in Windsor castle, in St. George's chapel, 
 where Henry the Eighth lies. The procession was decent, 
 though without pomp ; six horses covered with black cloth 
 drew the hearse ; four coaches followed, two of which, also 
 hung with black cloth, conveyed the king's latest servants, 
 those who had followed him to the Isle of Wight. Next day, 
 the 8th, with the consent of the commons, the duke of Rich- 
 mond, the Marquis of Hertford, the earls of Southampton and 
 Lindsey, and bishop Juxon, arrived at Windsor, to assist at the 
 funeral ; they had engraved on the coffin these words only : — 
 CHARLES, REX, 
 1648.:!: 
 
 * It was never known to what the king alluded. f Noble, i., 118. 
 { Old Style. The English year, not being as yet regulated by the 
 
456 HISTORY OF THE ENGLISH KE VOLUTION. 
 
 As they were removing the body from the interior of the 
 castle to the chapel, the weather, hitherto clear and serene, 
 changed all at once : snow fell in abundance ; it entirely cov- 
 ered the black velvet pall, and the king's servants, with a 
 melancholy satisfaction, viewed in this sudden whiteness of 
 their unhappy master's coffin, a symbol of his innocence. 
 On the ai'rival of the procession at the place selected for se- 
 pulture, bishop Juxon was preparing to officiate according to 
 the rites of the English church, but Whychcott, the governor 
 of the castle, would not permit this : " The liturgy decreed 
 by parliament," he said, " is obligatory for the king as for all." 
 They submitted ; no religious ceremony took place, and the 
 coffin being lowered into the vault, all left the chapel, and the 
 governor closed the door. The house of commons called for 
 an account of the expense of the obsequies, and allowed five 
 hundred pounds to pay for them. On the day of the king's 
 death, before any express had left London, they published an 
 ordinance, declaring whomsoever should pi'oclaim in his stead 
 and as his successor " Charles Stuart his son, commonly call- 
 ed prince of Wales, or any person whatsoever, a traitor."* 
 On the 6th February, after a long discussion, and notwith- 
 standing a division of twenty-nine to forty- four, the house of 
 lords was solemnly abolished. f Finally, the next day, the 
 7th, a decree was adopted, running thus : "It hath been found 
 by experience, and this house doth declare, that the office of 
 a king, in this nation, and to have the power thereof in any 
 single person, is unnecessary, burthensome, and dangerous to 
 the liberty, safety, and public interest of the people of this na- 
 tion, and therefore ought to be abolished ;":[: and a new great 
 seal was engraved, § bearing on one side a map of England 
 and Ireland, with the arms of the two countries ; and on the 
 reverse, a representation of the house of commons sitting, 
 with this inscription, suggested by Henry Martyn : " The first 
 year of liberty restored by the blessing of God, 1648." 
 
 Gregorian Calendar, then began on the 24th of March ; January 30th, 
 164S, the day of Charles's death, corresponds with our 9th of Februa- 
 ry, 1649. 
 
 * Pari. Hist, iii., 12S1. f ^b., 1284. J lb., 12S5. 
 
 § The order wag given as early as the 9th of February; Pari. Hist., 
 lii., 1258. 
 
APPENDIX 
 
 ILLUSTRATIONS AND HISTORICAL DOCUMENTS. 
 
CONTENTS OF THE APPENDIX. 
 
 I. Symptoms of the spirit of opposition and liberty in the reign of 
 
 Elizabeth. 
 II. Writing found in the hat of Felton, the assassin of the Duke of 
 
 Buckingham. 
 
 III. Character of the administration of Strafford in Ireland. 
 
 IV. Fines imposed for the benefit of the crown, from 1629 to 1640. 
 V. Instructions from the king to the marquis of Hamilton respect- 
 ing the synod of Glasgow, in 1638. 
 
 VI. Composition of the army raised by the parliament in 1642. 
 VII. Employment of catholics in the royal army. 
 VIII. Petition against peace from the common council to the house of 
 commons, presented August 7, 1643. 
 IX. Petition in favor of peace, from the women of London, pre- 
 sented August 9, 1643. 
 X. Declaration and justification of John Pym. 
 XI. Letter from the king to prince Rupert, ordering him to relieve 
 
 York. 
 XII. The self-denying ordinance, adopted April 3, 1643. 
 
 XIII. Extract from the minutes of the council held at Oxford, Dec. 5, 
 
 1644. 
 
 XIV. Cavalier songs against David Lesley and the Scottish troops re- 
 
 called from England to the assistance of the Scottish pres- 
 byterians, who had been defeated by Montrose. 
 XV. Inedited documents and despatches relative to the extraordinary 
 embassy sent to London, January, 1649, from the States- 
 general of the United Provinces, to intercede with the 
 parliament in favor of Charles the First. (Taken from the 
 archives of the Hague.) 
 
ENGLISH KEVOLITTION. 459 
 
 APPENDIX 
 
 OF 
 
 ELUCIDATIONS AND HISTORICAL DOCUMENTS. 
 
 Sytnptoms of the Spirit of Opposition and Liberty in the reign 
 of Elizabeth. 
 
 In the month of November, 1575, Mr. Peter Wentworth, a member of 
 the house of commons, having made a speech in defence of the privi- 
 leges of the house, and especially that of liberty of speech, was arrested 
 by order of the queen, and underwent before a committee of the house, 
 on which sat several privy councillors, the following examination, a 
 curious record of the spirit of independence which began to manifest 
 itself at this time, and of the approbation which the very men 
 entrusted with the task of repressing it, felt themselves compelled to 
 accord it. 
 
 " Committee. Where is your late speech you promised to deliver 
 in writing ? 
 
 Wentworth. Here it is, and I deliver it upon two conditions : first, 
 that you shall peruse it all, and if you can find any want of good will to 
 my prince and state in any part thereof, let me answer all as if I had 
 uttered all. The second is, tliat you shall deliver it unto the queen's 
 majesty ; if her majesty, or you of her privy council, can find any want 
 of love to her majesty or the state therein, also let me answer it. 
 
 Committee. We will deal with no more than you uttered in the 
 house. 
 
 Wentworth. Your honors cannot refuse to deliver it to her majes- 
 ty ; for I do send it to her majesty as my heart and mind, knowing it 
 will do her majesty good ; it will hurt no one but myself. 
 
 Committee. Seeing your desire is to have us deliver it to her ma- 
 jesty, we will deliver it. 
 
 Wentworth. I humbly require your honors to do so. 
 
 [Then, the speech being read, they went on :] 
 
 Committee. Here you have uttered certain rumors of the queen's 
 majesty : where and when heard you them .' 
 
460 APPENDIX. 
 
 Wentworth. If your honors ask me as councillors to her majesty, 
 you shall pardon me — I will make you no answer. I will do no such 
 injury to the place from whence I came, for I am now no private per- 
 son, I am a public, and a councillor to the whole state in that place, 
 where it is lawful for me to speak my mind freely ; and not for you, as 
 councillors, to call me to account for anything that I do speak in the 
 house ; and therefore if you ask me as councillors to her majesty, you 
 shall pardon me, I will make no answer ; but if you ask me as commit- 
 tees from the house, I will make you the best answer I can. 
 
 Committee. We ask you as a committee from the house. 
 
 Wentworth. I will then answer you ; and the willinger for that 
 mine answer will be in some part so imperfect, as of necessity it must 
 be. Your question consisteth of these two points ; where and of whom 
 I heard these rumors. The place where I heard them was the parlia- 
 ment house ; but of whom, I assure you, I cannot tell. 
 
 Committee. This is no answer, to say you cannot tell of whom, 
 neither will we take it for any. 
 
 Wentworth. Truly your honors must needs take it for an answer, 
 when I can make you no better. 
 
 Committee. Belike you have heard some speeches, in the town, of 
 her majesty's misliking of religion and succession ; you are loth to utter 
 of whom, and did use speeches thereupon. 
 
 Wentworth. I can assure your honors, I can show you that speech 
 at my own house, written with my hand two or three years ago. So 
 that you may thereby judge, that I did not speak it of anything that I 
 heard since I came to town. 
 
 Committee. You have answered that, but where heard you it, 
 then ? 
 
 Wentworth. If your honors do think I speak for excuse' sake, let 
 this satisfy you : I protest before the living God, I cannot tell of whom 
 I heard these rumors ; yet I do verily think that I heard them of a 
 hundred or two in the house. 
 
 C0MM1.TTEE. Then of so many you can name some ? 
 
 Wentworth. No, surely, because it was so general a speech, I 
 marked none ; neither do men mark speakers commonly when they be 
 general ; and I assure you, if I could tell, I would not. For I will 
 never utter anything told me, to the hurt of any man, when I am 
 not enforced thereunto, as in this case I may choose. Yet I would 
 deal plainly with you, for I would tell your honors so, and if your honors 
 do not credit me, I will voluntarily take an oath, if you offer me a book, 
 that I cannot tell of whom I heard those rumors. But if you offer me 
 an oath of your authorities, I will refuse it ; because I will do nothing 
 to infringe the liberties of the house. But what need I to use these 
 speeches ? I will give you an instance, whereupon I heard these ru- 
 mors, to your satisfying, even such a one as, if you will speak the truth, 
 you shall confess you heard the same as well as I. 
 
 Committee. In so doing, we will be satisfied : what is that . 
 
 Wentworth. The last parliament [13th Eliz.], he that is now 
 speaker [Robert Bell, Esq.], and who was also speaker in the first ses- 
 sion of the present parliament [14th Eliz.], uttered a very good speech 
 for the calling in of certain licenses granted to four courtiers to the 
 
APPENDIX. 461 
 
 utter undoing of 6000 or 8000 of the queen's subjects. This speech 
 was so disliked by some of the council, that he was sent for ; and so 
 hardly dealt with, that he came into the house with such an amazed 
 countenance, that it daunted all the house in such sort that for ten, 
 twelve, or sixteen days, there was not one in the house that durst deal 
 in any matter of importance. And in those simple matters that they 
 dealt in, they spent more words and time in their preamble, requiring 
 that they might not be mistaken, than they did in the matter they spake 
 unto. This inconvenience grew unto the house by the council's hard 
 handling of the same good member, whereon this rumor grew in the 
 house : " Sirs, you may not speak against licenses, the queen's majesty 
 will be angry, the privy council, too, will be angry ;" and this rumor I 
 suppose there is not one of you here, but heard it as well as I. I be- 
 seech your honors discharge your consciences herein as I do. 
 
 Committee. We heard it, we confess, and you have satisfied us in 
 this ; but how say you to the hard interpretation you made of the mes- 
 sage that was sent into the house. [The words were recited.] We 
 assure you we never heard a harder interpretation of a message. 
 
 Weivtworth. I beseech your honors first, was there not such a mes- 
 sage sent into the house ? 
 
 Committee. We grant that there was. 
 
 Wentworth. Then I trust you will bear me record that I made it 
 not ; and I answer for that, so hard a message could not have too hard 
 an interposition made by the wisest man in England. For can there, 
 by any possible means, be sent a harder message to a council gathered 
 together to sei've God, than to say : " You shall not seek to advance the 
 glory of God !" I am of this opinion ; that there cannot be a more 
 wicked message than it was. 
 
 Committee. You may not speak against messages, for none sendeth 
 them but the queen's majesty. 
 
 Wentworth. If the message be against the glory of God, against 
 the prince's safety, or against the liberty of this parliament house, 
 whereby the state is maintained, I neither may nor will hold my peace. 
 I cannot, in so doing, discharge my conscience, whosoever doth send it. 
 And I say, that I heartily repent me, for that I have hitherto held my 
 peace in these causes ; and I do promise you all, if God forsake me not, 
 that I will never, during life, hold my tongue if any message is sent 
 wherein God is dishonored, the prince reviled, or the liberties of the 
 parliament impeached ; and every one of you here present ought to 
 repent you of these faults, and to amend them. 
 
 Committee. It is no new precedent to have the prince to send mes- 
 sages. [There were two or three messages recited sent by two or three 
 princes.] 
 
 Wentworth. Sirs, I say you do very ill to allege precedents in this 
 order. You ought to allege good precedents, to comfort and embolden 
 men in good doings, and not evil precedents to discourage and terrify 
 men to do evil. 
 
 Committee. But what meant you to make so hard interpretation of 
 messages ? 
 
 Wentworth. Surely, I marvel what you mean by asking this ques- 
 tion. Have I not said, so hard a message could not have too hard an 
 
 39* 
 
462 
 
 interpretation ? And have I not set down the reason that moved me in 
 my speech — that is to say, that for the receiving and accepting that 
 message, God has passed so great indignation upon us, that he put into 
 the queen's heart to refuse good and wholesome laws for her own pre- 
 servation, which caused many loving and faithful hearts for grief to 
 burst out with sorrowful tears ; and moved all papists, traitors to God, 
 to her majesty, and to every good Christian government, in their sleeves 
 to laugh the whole parliament house to scoi-n. Have I not thus said, 
 and do not your honors think it so ? 
 
 Committee. Yes, truly. But how durst you say, that the queen 
 had unkindly abused herself against the nobility and people .' 
 
 Wentworth. I beseech your honors, tell me how far you can stretch 
 these words, of her unkindly abusing and opposing herself against her 
 majesty's nobility and people ? Can you apply them any further than 
 I have applied them — that is to say, in that her majesty called the par- 
 liament on purpose to prevent traitorous perils to her person, and for 
 no other cause ; and in that her majesty did send unto us two bills, 
 willing us to take our choice of that we liked best fof her majesty's 
 safety, and thereof to make a law, promising her royal consent there- 
 unto ; and did we not first choose the one, and her majesty refused it? 
 Yet did not we, nevertheless, receive the other ? and agreeing to make 
 a law thereof, did not her majesty in the end refuse all our travails ? 
 And did not the lord keeper, in her majesty's presence, in the begin- 
 ning of the parliament, show this to be the occasion that we were 
 called together ? And did not her majesty, in the end of the parlia- 
 ment, refuse all our travails .' Is not this known to all here present, 
 and to all the parliament house also ? I beseech your honors discharge 
 your consciences herein, and utter your knowledge simply as I do ; for, 
 in truth, herein did her majesty abuse her nobility and subjects, and did 
 oppose herself against them by the way of advice. 
 
 Committee. Surely, we cannot deny it ; you say the truth. 
 
 Wentworth. Then, I beseech your honors, show me if it were 
 not a dangerous doing to her majesty in these two respects : first, in 
 weakening, wounding, and discouraging the hearts of her majesty's 
 loving and faithful subjects, thereby to make them the less able, or the 
 more fearful and unwilling, to serve her majesty another time .' On 
 the other side, was it not a raising up and encouraging the hearts of her 
 majesty's hateful enemies to adventure any desperate enterprise to her 
 majesty's peril and danger ? 
 
 Committee. We cannot deny but that it was very dangerous to her 
 majesty in these respects. 
 
 Wentworth. Then, why do your honors ask, how I dai-e tell a 
 truth, to give the queen warning to avoid her danger ? I answer you 
 thus : I do thank the Lord my God that I never found fear in myself to 
 give the queen's majesty warning to avoid her danger ; be you all afraid 
 thereof, if you will, for I praise God I am not, and I hope never to live 
 to see that day ; and yet I will assure your honors, that twenty times 
 and more, when I walked in my grounds, revolving this speech, to 
 prepare against this day, my own fearful conceit did say unto me, that 
 this speech would carry me to the place whither I shall now go, and 
 fear would have moved me to put it out ; when I weighed, whether in 
 
APPENDIX. 463 
 
 good conscience, and the duty of a faithful subject, I might keep my- 
 self out of prison and not warn my prince of walking in a dangerous 
 course, my conscience said unto me, that I could not be a faithful sub- 
 ject if I had more respect to avoid my own danger than my prince's 
 danger. Therewithal I was made bold, and went forward, as your 
 honors heard ; yet when I uttered those words in the house, that there 
 was none without fault, no, not our noble queen, I paused, and beheld 
 all your countenances, and saw plainly that those words did amaze you 
 all ; then I was afraid with you for company, and fear bade me to put 
 out those words that followed, for your countenances did assure me, 
 that not one of you would stay me of my journey ; yet the considera- 
 tion of a good conscience, and of a faithful subject, did make me bold 
 to utter it in such sort as your honors heard. With this heai-t and 
 mind I spake it ; and I praise God for it ; and if it were to do again, I 
 would, with the same mind, speak it again. 
 
 Committee. Yea, but you might have uttered it in better terms : 
 why did you not so ? 
 
 Wentworth. Would you have me to have done as you of her ma- 
 jesty's council do, to utter a weighty matter in such terms as she should 
 not have understood ? To have made a fault then, it would have done 
 her majesty no good, and my interest was to do her good. 
 
 CoMMTiTTEE. You havc answercd us. 
 
 Wentworth. Then I praise God for it. 
 
 And he bowed. 
 
 Mr. Seckford. Mr. Wentworth will never acknowledge himself to 
 make a fault, nor say that he is sorry for anything he doth speak. You 
 shall heai" none of these things come out of his mouth. 
 
 Wentworth. Mr. Seckford, I will never acknowledge that to be a 
 fault to love the queen's majesty while I live ; neither will I be sorry 
 for giving her majesty warning to avoid danger, while the breath is in 
 my body. If you do think it a fault to love her majesty, or to be sorry 
 that her majesty should have warning to avoid her danger, say so, for I 
 cannot; speak for yourself, Mr. Seckford. — Pari. Hist., i., 794-7. 
 
 IT. 
 
 Paper foU7id in the hat of Felton, the murderer of the 
 Duke of Buckingham. 
 
 The original writing still exists ; and Mr. Lingard published it ver- 
 batim in his History. It is as follows : — 
 
 " That man is Cowardly base, and deserveth not the name of a gen- 
 tleman or Souldier that is not willinge to sacrifice his life for the honor 
 of his God, his King, and his Countrie. Lett noe man commend me 
 for doeinge of "it, but rather discommend themselves as the cause of it ; 
 for if God had not taken ovr harts for ovr sinnes, he wd not have gone 
 so long vnpunished." 
 
 " Jo. Felton." 
 — Lingard's History of England, ix., 394. 
 
464 APPENDIX. 
 
 III. 
 Character of Lord Strafford's Administration in Ireland. 
 
 The letter, from which the following extract is taken, addressed by 
 Straftbrd to his intimate friend, sir Christopher Wandesford, master of 
 the rolls in Ireland, gives an account of the manner in which he had 
 answered to the king and council the charges which had been brought 
 against him : — 
 
 " I then craved admission to justify myself in some particulars 
 wherein I had been very undeservedly and bloodily traduced. 
 
 " So I related to them all that had passed betwixt myself, earl of St. 
 Albans, Wilmot, Mountnorris, Piers Crosby, and the jury of Galway, 
 that hereupon touching_^and rubbing in the course of my decree upon 
 their particulars, themselves and friends have endeavored to possess the 
 world I was a severe and an austere, hard conditioned man — rather, in- 
 deed, a bashaw of Buda than the minister of a pious and Christian king. 
 Howbeit, if I were not much mistaken in myself, it was quite the con- 
 trary ; no man could show wherein I had expressed it in my nature, no 
 friend I had would charge me with it in my private conversation, no 
 creature had found it in the managing of my own private affairs, so as 
 if I stood clear in all these respects, it was to be confessed by any equal 
 mind, that it was not anything within, but the necessity of his majesty's 
 service, which forced me into a seeming strictness outwardly. And that 
 was the reason, indeed ; for where I found a Crown, a Church, and a 
 people spoiled, I could not imagine to redeem them from under the 
 pressure with gracious smiles and gentle looks ; it would cost warmer 
 water than so. True it wjis, that where a dominion was once gotten 
 and sealed, it might be stayed and kept where it was by soft and mode- 
 rate counsels ; but where a sovereignty (be it spoken with reverence) 
 was going down the hill, the nature of a man did so easily slide into the 
 paths of an uncontrolled liberty, as it would not be brought back with- 
 out strength, nor be forced up the hill again but by vigor and force. 
 And true it was indeed, I knew no other rule to govern by, but by re- 
 ward and punishment ; and I must profess, that where I found a person 
 well and entirely set for the service of my master, I should lay my hand 
 under his foot, and add to his respect and power all I might ; and that 
 where I found the contrary, I should not dandle him in my arms, or 
 soothe him in his untoward humor, but if he came in my reach, so far 
 as honor and justice would warrant me, t must knock him soundly over 
 the knuckles ; but no sooner he became a new man, apply himself as he 
 ought to the government, but I also change my temper, and express 
 myself to him, as to that other, by all the good offices I could do him. 
 If this be sharpness, and this be severity, I desired to be better in- 
 structed by his majesty and their lordships, for, in truth, it did not seem 
 so to me ; however, if I were once told that his majesty liked not to be 
 thus served, I would readily conform myself, and follow the bent and 
 current of my own disposition, which is to be quiet, not to have debates 
 and disputes with any. 
 
 " Here his majesty interrupted me, and said, that was severity ; 
 wished me to go on in that way, for if I served him otherwise, I should 
 not serve him as he expected from me." — Strafford's Letters and De- 
 spatches, ii., 20. 
 
APPENDIX. 465 
 
 IV. 
 
 Fines imposed for the profit of the Crown from 1629 to 1640. 
 
 1. Richard Chambers, for having refused to pay custom duties 
 
 not voted by parliament, fined ----- £2,000 
 
 2. Hillyard, for having sold saltpetre .» 5,000 
 
 3. Goodenough, for the same cause ----- 1,000 
 
 4. Sir James Maleverer, for not having compounded with the 
 
 king's commissioners for the title of knighthood - - 2,000 
 
 5. The earl of Salisbury, for encroachments on the royal forests 20,000 
 
 6. The earl of Westmoreland, idem. 19,000 
 
 7. Lord Newport, idem. 3,000 
 
 8. Sir Christopher Hatton, idem. 12,000 
 
 9. Sir Lewis Watson, idem. 4,000 
 
 10. Sir Anthony Cooper, for having changed arable into grass 
 
 land 4,000 
 
 11. Alexander Leighton, for a libel 10,000 
 
 1 2. Henry Sherfield, for having broken some panes of stained 
 
 glass in Salisbui-y Cathedral ----- 500 
 
 13. John Overman, and several other soap-makers, for not hav- 
 
 ing followed the king's orders in the fabrication and sale 
 
 of soap, 13,000 
 
 14. John Rea 2,000 
 
 15. Peter Hern and several others, for having exported gold - 8,100 
 
 16. Sir David Foulis and his son, for having spoken disrespect- 
 
 fully of the northern court 5,500 
 
 17. Prynne, for a libel 5,000 
 
 18. Buckner, censor, for having allowed Prynne's book to be 
 
 published --------- 50 
 
 19. Michael Sparkes, printer, for having printed the said book 500 
 
 20. Alison and Robins, for having spoken ill of archbishop 
 
 Laud 2,000 
 
 21. Bastwick, for a libel 1,000 
 
 22. Prynne, Burton, and Bastwick, for libels - - - 15,000 
 
 23. Prynne's servant, for the same cause - - - - 1,000 
 
 24. Bowyer, for having spoken against Laud . - - 3,000 
 
 25. Yeomans and Wright, for dying silks improperly - - 5,000 
 
 26. Savage, Weldon, and Burton, for having spoken ill of lord 
 
 Falkland, lord-lieutenant of Ireland - - - - 3,500 
 
 27. Grenville, for speaking ill of the earl of Suffolk - - 4,000 
 
 28. Favers, idem. 1,000 
 
 29. Morley, for having abused and struck sir George Theobald, 
 
 within the precinct of the court - . . . io,000 
 
 30. Williams, bishop of Lincoln, for having spoken ill of Laud 10,000 
 
 31. Bernard, for having preached against the use of the crucifix 1,000 
 
 32. Smart, for having preached against the ecclesiastical inno- 
 
 vations of Dr. Cozens, &c. 500 
 
 £ 173,650 
 This list is far from being complete ; you may find a multitude of 
 other causes, amounting to a considerable sum, in Rushworth, vols. i. 
 and ii. 
 
4S6 APPENDIX. 
 
 V. 
 
 Instructions sent by the King to the Marquis of Hamilton, for the 
 holding of the Synod at Glasgow, in 1638. 
 
 " And as for this general assembly, though I can expect no good from 
 it, yet I hope you may hinder much of the ill ; first, by putting divisions 
 among them, concerning the legality of their elections, then by protes- 
 tations against their tumultuous proceedings." 
 And elsewhere : 
 
 " As for the opinions of the clergy to prorogue this assembly, I ut- 
 terly dislike them, for I should more hurt my reputation by not keeping 
 it, than their mad acts can prejudice my service ; vpherefore I command 
 you hold your day ; but, as you write, if you can break them by proving 
 nullities in their proceedings, nothing better." — Burnet, Memoirs of the 
 Hamiltons (1677), 82, 88. 
 
 VI. 
 
 Composition of the Army raised by Parliament in 1642.* 
 
 General-in-chief: Robert Devereux, eaii of Essex. 
 Major-general (or, as that office was then called, Serjeant major- 
 general), sir John Merrick. 
 
 General of artillery : John Mordaunt, earl of Peterborough. f 
 
 Colonels of Infantry Regiments. 
 
 The earl of Essex. 
 The earl of Peterborough. 
 Henry Gray, earl of Stamford. 
 William Fiennes, viscount Say. 
 Edward Montague, viscount Man- 
 
 deville.J 
 John Carey, viscount Rochford.§ 
 Oliver St. John, viscount St. John. 
 Robert Greville, lord Brook. 
 John Roberts, lord Roberts. 
 Philip Wharton, lord Wharton. 
 
 John Hampden. 
 Denzil Holies. 
 Sir John Merrick. 
 Sir Henry Cholmondley. 
 Sir William Constable. 
 Sir William Fairfax. || 
 Charles Essex. 
 Thomas Grantham. 
 Thomas Ballard. 
 William Bampfield. 
 
 * From a pamphlet published m London in 1642, and entitled " The 
 List of the Army raised under the command of his excellency Robert 
 earl of Essex." 
 
 ^ On the death of the earl of Peterborough, sir John Merrick became 
 general of the artillery, and Philip Skippon was appointed major- 
 general. 
 
 X Lord Manchester, known also by the name of baron Kimbolton. 
 
 § Also called lord Hunsdon. 
 
 II A cousin of the celebrated sir Thomas Fairfax. 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 467 
 
 Colonels of Troops of Horse."* 
 
 The earl of Essex. 
 
 The earl of Bedford. 
 
 The earl of Peterborough, 
 
 The earl of Stamford. 
 
 Viscount Say. 
 
 Viscount St. John. 
 
 Basil Fielding, viscount Fielding, f 
 
 Lord Brook. 
 
 Lord Wharton. 
 
 William Willoughby, lord Wil- 
 
 loughby of Parham. 
 Ferdinand Hastings, lord Hast- 
 
 ings, 
 Thomas Grey, lord 
 
 Groby. 
 Sir William Balfour. 
 Sir William Waller. 
 Sir Arthur Haslerig. 
 Sir Walter Earl. 
 Sir Faithful Fortescue. 
 Nathaniel Fiennes. 
 Francis Fiennes. 
 John Fiennes. 
 Oliver Cromwell. 
 Valentine Wharton. 
 Henry Ireton. 
 Arthur Goodwin. 
 John Dalbier. 
 Adrian Scrope. 
 Thomas Hatcher. 
 John Hotham. 
 Edward Berry. 
 Sir Robert Pye. 
 Sir William Wray. 
 Sit John Saunders. 
 John Alured. 
 Edwin Sandys 
 John Hammond. 
 Thomas Hammond 
 
 Grey of 
 
 Alexander Pym. 
 Anthony Mildmay. 
 Henry Mildmay. 
 James Temple. 
 Thomas Temple. 
 Arthur Evelyn. 
 Robert Vivers. 
 Hercules Langrish. 
 William Pretty. 
 William Pretty. 
 James Sheffield. 
 John Gunter. 
 Robert Burrel. 
 Francis Dowit. 
 John Bird. 
 Matthew Drapper. 
 Matthew Dimock. 
 Horace Carey. 
 John Neal, 
 Edward Ayscough. 
 George Thompson. 
 Francis Thompson. 
 Edward Keightly. 
 Alexander Douglas 
 Thomas Lidcot'. 
 John Fleming. 
 Richard Grenville 
 Thomas Terril. 
 John Hale. 
 William Balfour. 
 George Austin. 
 Edward Wingate. 
 Edward Baynton. 
 Charles Chichester, 
 Walter Long. 
 Edmund West. 
 William Anselm. 
 Robert Kirle. 
 Simon Rudgeley. 
 
 * In the writings of the period they are often called captains, 
 t Sometimes also called lord Newnham ; he was the son of the earl 
 of Denbigh, and on his death (April, 1643) assumed the title. 
 
468 APPENDIX. 
 
 VII. 
 Employment of Catholics in the ITing's Armies. 
 
 So early as Sept. 23, 1642 — that is to say, at the very moment of the 
 breaking out of the civil v^^ar, and before the battle of Edgehill , the 
 king wrote in the following terms to the earl of Newcastle : — 
 
 " Newcastle, this is to tell you that this rebellion has grown to that 
 height, that I must not locke what opinion men ar who, at this tyme, 
 ar willing to serve me. Therefore, I do not only permit but command 
 you, to make use of all my loving subjects, without exEimining their 
 conscienses (more than their loyalty to me), as you shall finde most to 
 conduce to the uphoulding of my just regal rights." — Brodie, Hist, of 
 the British Empire, iii., 489, note. 
 
 VIII. 
 
 Petition against Peace presented to the House of Commons, August 
 7, 1643, /ro»i the Common Council of London. 
 
 " Showeth that your petitioners, having heard that such propositions 
 and offers have been lately sent from the house of peers to this honor- 
 able house, which (as we greatly fear), if yielded unto, would be des- 
 tructive to our, religion, laws, and liberties; and finding already, by 
 experience, that the spirits of all the well-affected party in the city and 
 counties adjacent, that are willing to assist the parliament, both in 
 person and purse, are much dejected thereat ; and the brotherly assist- 
 ance from Scotland, as well as the raising and maintaining of forces 
 ourselves, thereby likely to be retarded (all which the petitioners refer 
 to your serious consideration) ; and considering our present sad condi- 
 tion lies upon us in a special manner, through the incensed patience 
 of the Almighty, by delay and want of execution of justice upon traitors 
 and delinquents, and having an opportunity yet to speak, our desires are : 
 
 " That you would be pleased so to persist in your former resolutions, 
 whereupon the people have so much depended, and wherein you have 
 so deeply engaged yourselves (though you should perish in the work), 
 that justice may be done upon offenders and delinquents. And that 
 since we are as willing as ever to expose what we are and have for the 
 crowning of so good a cause, you will be pleased, by speedy passing the 
 ordinance hereto annext, or one to this effect, to put us into a probable 
 way for our and your defence, wherein your petitioners will, by the 
 blessing of God, never be wanting." 
 
 There was annexed to this petition the draft of an ordinance for 
 empowering a committee to enlist men and receive subscriptions from 
 such as should offer them. — Rush worth, ii., 3, 356. 
 
APPENDIX. 469 
 
 IX. 
 
 Petition in favor of Peace presented to the House of Commons, 
 August 9, 1643, by the Women of London. 
 
 " Showeth that your poor petitioners (though of the weaker sex) do 
 too sensibly perceive the ensuing desolation of this kingdom, unless by 
 some timely means your honors provide for the speedy recovery hereof. 
 Your honors are the physicians that can, by God's special and miracu- 
 lous blessing (which we humbly implore), restore this languishing 
 nation, and our bleeding sister, the kingdom of Ireland, which hath 
 now almost breathed her last gasp. 
 
 " We need not dictate to your eagle-eyed judgment the way ; our 
 only desire is, that God's glory in the true reformed protestant religion 
 maybe preserved, the just prerogatives and privileges of king and par- 
 liament maintained, the true liberties and properties of the subjects, 
 according to the known laws of the land, restored, and all honorable 
 ways and means for a speedy peace endeavored. 
 
 " May it therefore please your honors, that some speedy course may 
 be taken for the settlement of the true reformed protestant religion, for 
 the glory of God and the renovation of trade, for the benefit of the sub- 
 jects, they being the soul and body of the kingdom. 
 
 " And your petitioners, with many millions of atHicted souls, groan- 
 ing under the burden of these times of distress, shall ever pray." 
 
 X. 
 
 A Declaration and Vindication of John Pym, Esq. 
 
 " It is not unknown to all the world (especially to all the inhabitants 
 in and about London) with what desperate and fame-wounding asper- 
 sions my reputation, and the integrity of my intentions to God, my 
 king, and my country, hath been invaded by the malice and fury of 
 malignants, and ill-affected persons to the good of the commonwealth. 
 Some charging me with being a promoter and patronizer of all the 
 innovations which have been obtruded upon the ecclesiastical govern- 
 ment of the church of England. Others, of more spiteful and exorbi- 
 tant spirits, alleging that I have been the man, who have begot and 
 fostered all the so lamented distractions, which are now rife in the 
 kingdom ; and though such calumnies are ever more harmful to the 
 authors, than to those whom they strive to wound with them, when 
 they arrive only to the censure of judicious persons, who can distin- 
 guish forms, and see the difference betwixt truth and falsehood : yet, 
 because the scandals inflicted upon my innocence have been obvious to 
 people of all conditions, many of which may entertain a belief of those 
 reproachful reports, though, in my own soul, I am far above those 
 ignominies, and so was once resolved to have waved them, as unworthy 
 of my notice : yet, at last, for the assertion of my integrity, I concluded 
 40 
 
470 APPENDIX. 
 
 to declare myself in this matter, that all the world, but such as will not 
 be convinced, either by reason or truth, may bear testimony of my 
 innocency. To pass by, therefore, the earl of Strafford's business, in 
 which some have been so impudent as to charge me of too much par- 
 tiality and malice ; I shall declare myself fully concerning the rest of 
 their aspersions ; namely, that I have promoted and fomented the 
 differences now abounding in the English church. 
 
 " How unlikely this is and improbable, shall to every indifferent man 
 be quickly rendered perspicuous : For that I am, and ever was, and so 
 will die, a faithful son of the protestant religion, without leaving the 
 least relation in my belief to those great errors of Anabaptism, Brown- 
 ism, and the like, every man that hath any acquaintance with my con- 
 versation, can bear me righteous witness. These being but aspersions 
 cast upon me by some of the discontented clergy, and their factors and 
 abettors, because they might perhaps conceive that I had been a main 
 instrument in extenuating the haughty power and ambitious pride of the 
 bishops and prelates. As I only delivered my opinions as a member 
 of the house of commons, that attempt or action of mine had been 
 justifiable, both to God and a good conscience ; and had no way con- 
 cluded me guilty of a revolt from the orthodox doctrine of the church 
 of England, because I sought a reformation of some gross abuses crept 
 into the government by the cunning and perverseness of the bishops 
 and their substitutes ; for was it not high time to seek to regulate their 
 power, when, instead of looking to the cure of men's souls (which is 
 their genuine office), they inflicted punishment on men's bodies, banish- 
 ing them to remote and desolate places ; after stigmatizing their faces, 
 only for the testimony of a good conscience, when, not contented with 
 those insufferable insolences, they sought to bring in unheard of canons 
 into the church, Arminian or papistical ceremonies (whether you please 
 to term them, there is not much difference), imposing burdens upon 
 men's consciences, which they were not able to bear, and introducing 
 the old abolished superstition of bowing to the altar ; and if it savored 
 either of Brownism or Anabaptism, to endeavor to suppress the growth 
 of those Romish errors, I appeal to any equal minded protestant, either 
 for my judge or witness ; nay, had the attempts of the bishops desisted 
 here, tolerable they had been, and their power not so much questioned, 
 as since it hath ; for when they saw the honorable the high court of 
 parliament began to look into their enormities and abuses, beholding 
 how they wrested religion like a waxen nose, to the furtherance of their 
 ambitious purposes, then Troy was taken in, then they began to despair 
 of holding any longer their usurped authority ; and therefore, as much 
 as in them lay, both by public declarations and private councils, they 
 labored to foment the civil differences between his Majesty and his 
 parliament, abetting the proceedings of the malignants with large sup- 
 plies of men and money, and stirring up the people to tumults by their 
 seditious sermons. Surely, then, no man can account me an ill son of 
 the commonwealth, if I deliver my opinion, and pass my vote freely 
 for their abolishment ; which may by the same equity be put in practice 
 by this parliament ; as the dissolution of monasteries and their lazy 
 inhabitants, monks and friars, was in Henry the Eighth's time ; for 
 without dispute, they carried as much reputation in the kingdom then, 
 
APPENDIX. 471 
 
 as bishops have done in it since ; and yet a parliament then had power 
 to put them down ; why, then, should not a parliament have the power 
 to do the like to these, every way guilty of as many offences against the 
 state as the former ? For my own part, I attest God Almighty, the 
 knower of all hearts, that neither envy, nor any private grudge to all or 
 any of the bishops, hath made me averse to their function, but merely 
 my zeal to religion and God's cause, which I perceived to be trampled 
 under foot by the too extended authority of the prelates ; who accord- 
 ing to the purity of their institution, should have been men of upright 
 hearts, and humble minds, shearing their flocks, and not flaying them, 
 when it is evident they were the quite contrary. 
 
 " And whereas some will allege, it is no good argument to dissolve 
 the function of bishops, because some bishops are vicious : to that 
 answer, since the vice of these bishops was derivative from the author- 
 ity of their function, it is very fitting the function, which is the cause 
 thereof, be corrected, and its authority divested of its borrowed feathers ; 
 otherwise, it is impossible but the same power which made these pre- 
 sent bishops (should the episcopal and prelatical dignity continue in its 
 ancient height and vigor) so proud and arrogant, would infuse the same 
 vices into their successors. 
 
 " But this is but a molehill to that mountain of scandalous reports 
 that have been inflicted on my integrity to his sacred majesty ; some 
 boldly averring me for the author of the present distraction between 
 his majesty and his parliament, when I take God, and all that know my 
 proceedings, to be my vouchers, that I neither directly nor indirectly 
 ever had a thought tending to the least disobedience or disloyalty to his 
 majesty, whom I acknowledge my lawful king and sovereign, and would 
 expend my blood as soon in his service as any subject he hath. 'T is 
 true, when I perceived my life aimed at, and heard myself proscribed 
 a traitor, merely for my entireness of heart to the service of my country, 
 was informed that I, with some other honorable and worthy members 
 of parliament, were against the privileges thereof demanded, even in 
 the parliament house, by his majesty, attended by a multitude of men 
 at arms and malignants, who, I verily believe, had for some ill ends of 
 their own persuaded his majesty to that excess of rigor against us ; 
 when, for my own part (my conscience is to me a thousand witnesses 
 in that behalf), I never harbored a thought which tended to any dis- 
 service to his majesty, nor ever had an intention prejudicial to the 
 state ; when, I say, notwithstanding my own innocence, I saw myself 
 in such apparent danger, no man will think me blameworthy in that I 
 took care of my own safety, and fled for refuge to the protection of the 
 parliament, which, making my case their own, not only purged me and 
 the rest of the guilt of high treason, but also secured our lives from the 
 storm that was ready to burst out upon us. 
 
 " And if this hath been the occasion that hath withdrawn his majesty 
 from the parliament, surely the fault can in no way be imputed to me, 
 or any proceeding of mine ; which never went further, either since his 
 majesty's departure or before, than so far as they were warranted by 
 the known laws of the land and authorized by the indisputable and un- 
 deniable power of the parliament ; and so long as I am secure in my 
 own conscience that this is truth, I account myself above all their 
 
472 APPENDIX. 
 
 calumnies and falsehoods, which shall return upon themselves, and not 
 wound my reputation in good and impartial men's opinions. 
 
 " But in that devilish conspiracy of Catiline, against the state and 
 senate of Rome, none among the senators was so obnoxious to the envy 
 of the conspirators, or liable to their traducements, as that orator and 
 patriot of his country, Cicero, because by his council and zeal to the 
 commonwealth, their plot for the ruin thereof was discovered and pre- 
 vented ; though I will not be so arrogant to parallel myself with that 
 worthy, yet my case (if we may compare lesser things with great) has 
 to his a very near resemblance : the cause that I am so much ma- 
 ligned and reproached by ill-affected persons, being because I have been 
 forward in advancing the affairs of the kingdom, and have been taken 
 notice of for that forwardness, they, out of their malice, converting that 
 to a vice which, without boast be it spoken, I esteem as my principal 
 virtue, my care to the public utility. And since it is for that cause 
 that I suffer these scandals, I shall endure them with patience, hoping 
 that God in his great mercy will at last reconcile his majesty to his 
 high court of parliament ; and then I doubt not to give his royal self 
 (though he be much incensed against me) a sufficient account of my 
 integrity. In the interim, I hope the world will believe that I am not 
 the first innocent man that hath been injured, and so will suspend their 
 further censures of me." — Rushworth, ii., 3, 376. 
 
 XL 
 
 Letter from the King to Prince Rupert, ordering him to go and 
 relieve York. 
 
 Ticknell (Tickenhall), 14 June, 1644. 
 " Nephew, 
 
 " First I must congratulate with you for your good successes, assur- 
 ing you that the things themselves are no more welcome to me than 
 that you are the means. I know the importance of supplying you with 
 powder, for which I have taken all possible ways, having sent both to 
 Ireland and Bristol. As from Oxford, this bearer is well satisfied that 
 it is impossible to have at present, but if he tell you that I may spare 
 them from hence, I leave you to judge, having but thirty-six left ; but 
 what I can get from Bristol (of which there is not much certainty, it 
 being threatened to be besieged) you shall have. 
 
 " But now I must give you the true state of my affairs, which if their 
 condition be such as enforces me to give you more peremptory com- 
 mands than I would v/illingly do, you must not take it ill. If York be 
 lost, I shall esteem my crown little less, unless supported by your sud- 
 den march to me, and a miraculous conquest in the South, before the 
 effects of the northern power can be found here : but if York be re- 
 lieved, and you beat the rebels' armies of both kingdoms which are 
 before it, then, but otherwise not, I may possibly make a shift (upon 
 the defensive) to spin out time, until you come to assist me. Where* 
 
APPENDIX. 473 
 
 fore, I command and conjure you, by the duty and affection which I 
 know you bear me, that (all new entei-prises laid aside) you immedi- 
 ately march (according to your first intention) with all your force to 
 the relief of York ; but if that be either lost, or have freed themselves 
 from the besiegers, or that for want of powder, you cannot undertake 
 that work, that you immediately march with your whole strength to 
 Worcester, to assist me and my army, without which, or your having 
 relieved York, by beating the Scots, all the successes you can afterwards 
 have, most infallibly will be useless unto me ; you may believe that 
 nothing but an extreme necessity could make me write thus unto you, 
 wherefore, in this case, I can no ways doubt of your punctual compli- 
 ance with 
 
 Your loving uncle and most faithful friend, 
 
 " Charles R." 
 " I command this bearer to speak to you concerning Vavasour." — 
 Evelyn, Mem., ii.. Append. 87. 
 
 XII. 
 
 The Self-denying Ordinance, adopted by the House of Commons, 
 3d April, 164.5. 
 
 " Be it ordained by the lords and commons assembled in parliament, 
 that all and every of the members of either house of parliament shall 
 be and by the authority of this ordinance are discharged at the end of 
 forty days after the passing of this ordinance, of and from all and every 
 office or command, military or civil, granted or conferred by both or 
 either of the said houses of this present parliament, or by any authority 
 derived from both or either of them, since the 20th November, 1640. 
 And be it further ordained, that all governors and commanders of any 
 island, town, castle, or fort, and all other colonels and officers inferior 
 to colonels in the several armies, not being members of either of the 
 said houses of parliament, shall, according to their respective commis- 
 sions, continue in their several places and command wherein they were 
 employed and entrusted, the 20th March, 1644, as if this ordinance had 
 not been made. And that the vice-admiral, rear-admiral, and all other 
 captains and other inferior officers in the fleet, shall, according to their 
 several and respective commissions, continue in their several places 
 and commands, wherein they were employed and entrusted, the said 
 20th March, 1644, as if this ordinance had not been made. Provided 
 always, and it is further ordained and declared, that during this war 
 the benefit of all offices, being neither military nor judicial, hereafter 
 to be granted, or any way to be appointed to any person or persons, by 
 both or either house of parliament, or by authority derived from thence, 
 shall go and enure to such public uses as both houses of parliament 
 shall appoint ; and the grantees and persons executing all such offices 
 shall be accountable to the parliament for all the profits and perqui- 
 sites thereof, and shall have no profit out of any such office, other than 
 a competent salary for the execution of the same, in such manner as 
 40* 
 
474 APPENDIX. 
 
 both houses of parliament shall order and ordain. Provided, that this 
 ordinance shall not extend to take away the power and authority of any 
 lieutenancy or deputy lieutenancy in the several counties, cities, or 
 places, or of any custos-rotulorum, or of any commissioner for justice 
 of peace, or sewers, or any commission of Oyer and Terminer, or gaol 
 delivery. Provided always, and it is hereby declared, that those mem- 
 bers of either house who had offices by grant from his majesty before 
 this parliament, and were by his majesty displaced sitting this parlia- 
 ment, and have since by authority of both houses been restored, shall 
 not by this ordinance be discharged from their said offices or profits 
 thereof, but shall enjoy the same ; anything in this ordinance to the 
 contrai-y thereof notwithstanding." — Pari. Hist., iii., 355 
 
 XIII. 
 
 Extract from the Minutes of the Council held at Oxford, Dec. 5, 
 
 1644. 
 
 " PRESENT : 
 
 The King's Most Excellent Majesty, 
 
 Prince Rupert, 
 
 Prince Maurice, 
 
 Lord Keeper, 
 
 Lord Treasurer, 
 
 Lord Duke of Richmond, 
 
 Lord Marquis of Hertford, 
 
 Lord Great Chamberlain, 
 
 Earl of Southampton, 
 
 Lord Chamberlain, 
 
 Earl of Berkshire, 
 
 Earl of Sussex, 
 
 Earl of Chichester, 
 
 Lord Digby, 
 
 Lord Seymour, 
 
 Lord Colepepper, 
 
 Mr. Secretary Nicholas, 
 
 Mr. Chancellor of the Exchequer. 
 
 " A letter was read written by the earl of Essex to his highness 
 prince Rupert, general of his majesty's armies, in these words : — 
 
 ' Sir, 
 
 ' There being a message sent from his majesty by the committees of 
 both kingdoms, that were lately at Oxford, concerning a safe conduct 
 for the duke of Richmond and earl of Southampton, without any direc- 
 tion, I am commanded, by both houses of parliament, to give your 
 highness notice, that if the king be pleased to desire a safe conduct for 
 the duke of Richmond and the earl of Southampton, with their attend- 
 ants, from the lords and commons assembled in the parliament of Eng- 
 land, at Westminster, to bring to the lords and commons assembled in 
 the parliament of England, and the commissioners of the kingdom of 
 Scotland, now at London, an answer to the propositions presented to 
 his majesty for a safe and well-grounded peace, it shall be granted 
 This is all I have at present to trouble your highness, being 
 
 ' Your highness's humble servant, 
 
 ' Dec. 3, 1644.' ' Essex. 
 
APPENDIX. 475 
 
 " This letter and the expressions therein being fully considei-ed and 
 debated, it was by the whole council unanimously resolved, that his 
 majesty's desire of a safe conduct, in the terms expressed in that letter, 
 would not be any acknowledgment or concession of the members of 
 the two houses sitting at Westminster to be a parliament, nor any ways 
 prejudice his majesty's cause. 
 
 " Whereupon his majesty declaring openly at the board, that since 
 such was their lordships' opinion, that he did therefore and eo animo 
 consent thereto, and accordingly his majesty desired his highness, 
 prince Rupert, as his majesty's general, to return this answer : — 
 
 ' My Lord, 
 
 'I am commanded by his majesty to desire of your lordship a safe 
 conduct for the duke of Richmond and the earl of Southampton, with 
 their attendants, coaches and horses, and other accommodations for 
 their journey in their coming to London, during their stay, and in their 
 return, when they shall think fit, from the lords and commons assem- 
 bled in the parliament of England, in Westminster, to bring to the 
 lords and commons assembled in the parliament of England, and the 
 commissioners of the parliament of Scotland, now at London, an answer 
 to the propositions presented to his majesty for a safe and well-grounded 
 peace. Resting, 
 
 ' Your lordship's servant, 
 
 ' Oxon, 5 Dec, 1644.' ' ' Rupert. 
 
 " Which answer was accordingly sent to London by a trumpeter. 
 
 " Edw. Nicholas." 
 
 {The following is in the handwriting of sir Edward JVicholas.) 
 
 " Memorandum : — That the king and myself of all the council board 
 were the only persons that concurred not in opinion that it was fit to , 
 call those sitting at Westminster a parliament. Prince Rupert, though 
 he was present, did not vote, because he was to execute what should 
 be resolved on by this council ; but, by the order and practice of the 
 council board, if the major part agree to any act or order, all the coun- 
 cillors that are present at the debate, albeit their dissent, are involved, 
 and are to be named as if they consented. 
 
 Evelyn, Mem., ii., Appendix, 90. " E. N." 
 
 XIV. 
 March of David Lesley. 
 
 I. 
 
 March, march, pinks of election ! 
 Why the devil don't you march onward in order ; 
 
 March, march, dogs of redemption : 
 Ere the blue bonnets come over the border. 
 
476 APPENDIX. 
 
 You shall preach , you shall pray, 
 
 You shall teach night and day ; 
 You shall prevail o'er the kirk gone a whoring ; 
 
 Dance in blood to the knees, 
 
 Blood of God's enemies ! 
 The daughters of Scotland shall sing you to snoring. 
 
 II. 
 
 March, march, dregs of all wickedness ! 
 Glory that lower you can't be debased ; 
 
 March, march, dunghills of blessedness ! 
 March and rejoice for you shall be raised 
 
 Not to board, not to rope, 
 
 But to faith and to hope ; 
 Scotland's athirst for the truth to be taught her ; 
 
 Her chosen virgin race. 
 
 How they will grow in grace. 
 Round as a neep, like calves for the slaughter ! 
 
 III. 
 
 March, march, scourges of heresy ! 
 Down with the kirk and its whilieballeery ! 
 
 March, march ! down with supremacy 
 And the kist fu' o' whistles, that maks sic a cleary ; 
 
 Fife men and pipers braw, 
 
 Merry deils, take them a', 
 Gown, lace and livery, lickpot and ladle ; 
 
 Jockey shall wear the hood, 
 
 Jenny the sark of God, 
 For codpiece and petticoat, dishclout and daidle. 
 
 IV. 
 
 March, march, blest ragamuffins ! 
 Sing, as ye go, the hymns of rejoicing ! 
 
 March, march, justified ruffians ! 
 Chosen of heaven ! to glory you' re rising. 
 
 Ragged and treacherous. 
 
 Lousy and lecherous, 
 Objects of misery, scorning and laughter ; 
 
 Never, happy race ! 
 
 Magnified so was grace ; 
 Host of the righteous ! rush to the slaughter ! 
 
 Hogg, Jacobite Relics of Scotland, i., 5, 163. 
 
 XV. 
 
 I GIVE here the unpublished documents and dispatches relative to the 
 intervention of the States General of the United Provinces in favor of 
 
APPENDIX. 477 
 
 Charles I. The first of these is in French, the others are in Dutch ; 
 I have had them completely and literally translated from certified 
 copies of the originals, which M. de Jouge, keeper of the records of 
 the Netherlands, had transcribed, and sent to me from the Hague : 
 
 " I. A Summary of what his Royal Highness the .Pri?tce of Wales 
 caused to be represented on his part and in his presence to their 
 High Mightinesses the States General of the United Provinces 
 of the JVetherlands, by the resident of the King of Great Bri- 
 tain, Sfc, Jan. 23, 1649. 
 
 " His royal highness the prince of Wales has for a long time had the 
 intention of requesting a personal audience, to acknowledge the honors 
 and great courtesies he has received from their lordships since his 
 arrival in these countries ; and now he desires it with peculiar earnest- 
 ness, on an occasion of the greatest importance in the world to his royal 
 highness, and in which he presumes their lordships will fully sympa- 
 thize. Their lordships cannot be ignorant of the great danger in 
 which the life of the king, his father, now stands ; how, after a per- 
 sonal treaty with his two houses of parliament, there was such pro- 
 gress made towards peace by the concessions of his majesty that the 
 said houses declared themselves resolved to proceed on them to the 
 establishment of the peace of the kingdom ; which would indubitably 
 have taken place had not the army seized his majesty's person, and 
 committed to prison several members of parliament who had shown 
 themselves the most disposed for the said treaty of peace. 
 
 " Such is, then, the state of that truly miserable kingdom ; the king 
 so closely confined that a gentleman, sent expressly by his royal high- 
 ness only to see his majesty, was not admitted to his presence ; the 
 parliament so broken up and dispersed that there only remain there 
 about fifty out of more than five hundred members in the house of 
 commons ; and the house of lords, who have unanimously refused their 
 concurrence in these violent proceedings, practically annihilated, by 
 a declaration of these few commons that all sovereign power in that 
 kingdom belongs to them without king or lords. So that the members 
 of parliament do not meet, except those who agree and submit to the 
 orders of a court-martial, constituted to govern the kingdom; having 
 to this end published a remonstrance containing the plan of a new go- 
 vernment, which they desire to establish to the ruin of the parliament 
 as well as of the king, subverting the fabric and constitution of the 
 kingdom, and of all its laws, and exposing the protestant religion to 
 the invasion of more heresies and schisms than ever in any century in- 
 fested the Christian church. 
 
 " Not contented with this confusion, they have passed a resolution 
 and appointed commissionei's for a trial against the person of his ma- 
 jesty, apparently to depose him and take away his life ; which his 
 royal highness cannot mention without horror, and which he is cer- 
 tain their lordships cannot hear without equal detestation. 
 
 " What influence these unprecedented proceedings may have on the 
 interest and repose of all kings, princes, and states, and how much the 
 extravagant power which these people have usurped may affect the 
 
478 APPENDIX. 
 
 tranquillity of the neighboring countries, and how far the reformed 
 religion naay suffer by these scandalous acts of those who profess it, it 
 is needless for his royal highness to urge their lordships to consider ; 
 but he contents himself with having given this sad recital of the con- 
 dition and misery in which the king and the crown of England are at 
 present ; convinced that their lordships will act thereupon according 
 to the esteem and respect they have ever shown towards so good a 
 friend and ally. His royal highness therefore promises himself, from 
 the friendship and wisdom of their lordships, as soon as possible, such 
 assistance from their counsels and otherwise, as the present extreme 
 necessity of the king his father and of his royal highness require, who 
 by this will ever be really and for ever feel obliged to contribute all in 
 their power to the support and advancement of the interest, grandeur, 
 and felicity of their lordships." 
 
 After these representations of the prince of Wales, the States re- 
 solved to send to London, as extraordinary ambassadors. Messieurs 
 Albert Joachim and Adrien de Pauw, v/ith the following instruc- 
 tions : — 
 
 " II. Instructions for Messieurs the Ambassadors of their High 
 Mightinesses sent to London in the year 1649. 
 
 " The ambassadors will represent to the parliament of England, that 
 the consequences of the king's imprisonment will turn to the advantage 
 or disadvantage of the kingdom of England, according to the modera- 
 tion or severity that shall henceforth be shown towards his person ; for 
 all neutrals are of opinion that the misfortune in which he is at pre- 
 sent, has come upon him because he v^^as of a contrary opinion to that 
 which has prevailed, as to the means to be employed to remedy the 
 evils which exist in the kidgdom of Great Britain. As it is yet time 
 to find remedies for these evils, the parliament is requested not to tole- 
 rate that all sorts of pretexts should be seized upon to aggravate the 
 grievances already charged upon the prisoner, and thus render him 
 more unhappy than he is at present. Supposing that the party who 
 has been defeated had gained the day, it is possible he might have 
 judged with rigor the conduct of his adversaries, and I'efused them all 
 means of defence ; but the States-general are persuaded that the good 
 faith of all those who shall hear the propositions of MM. the Ambas- 
 sadors, will make them answer within themselves that this would not 
 have been equitable, and that they will approve the axiom : Politicum 
 in civilibus dissensionibus, quamvis scepe per eas status Icsdatur, non 
 tamen in exitium status contenditiir, proinde qui in alterutras partes 
 descendunt hostium vice non habendi. 
 
 " MM. the States-general know that your excellencies have appoint- 
 ed commissioners-exti-aordinary to examine the king's situation ; they 
 rely as much in the choice of your excellencies as in the sincerity and 
 good faith with which the said commissioners will give, in the case in 
 question, a judgment which may be submitted to the examination of 
 the whole world, and be one day approved by the supreme Judge to 
 whom they will be responsible. AH well-disposed persons expect, 
 that in an affair of such importance, a wise and Christian course will 
 be pursued. 
 
APPENDIX. 479 
 
 " The experience of all times has shown, that distrust easily intro- 
 duces itself into governments ; that in those which are composed of 
 several bodies it is usually a powerful incitement ; that, in short, there 
 is neither shame nor dishonor to be feared, when the safety of the 
 state is concerned, which renders all fears legitimate and commenda- 
 ble. Yet nothing can be more lamentable than to give way to extrava- 
 gant suspicions, which interpret everything in an ill sense. 
 
 " If your excellencies have thought that some calamity threatened 
 the kingdom of England, in preventing it you have attained your ob- 
 ject. Every one knows that it happens to the wisest of those who go- 
 vern the commonwealth, to mix up with public affairs somewhat of 
 their private affections ; and that never to fail in the management of great 
 concerns, is a perfection above human nature, and the failing in which 
 may well be excused. 
 
 " This is what the States-general beg your excellencies to take into 
 consideration, persuaded that you will do it with the greatest wisdom. 
 Notwithstanding the distrust your excellencies have conceived respect- 
 ing so great a personage, you should take into account so long an im- 
 prisonment (which, in itself, is already, according to the common law, 
 a great punishment), and the great and notable services rendered to 
 the kingdom of England by him and his predecessors, kings and queens. 
 Your excellencies will have compassion upon him, and remember : Ut 
 eximatur periculo qui est inter vos celebri fama ne ipsis opprobrio 
 niulti ?7iagis ac magis alienentur. 
 
 " It is of great importance to the welfare of the kingdom of England, 
 that your excellencies should proceed accordingly, and follow the 
 counsel of that Roman who advised, the better to assure the measures 
 of Pompey's consulship, not to annul anything that had been done under 
 preceding governments, but only to be prudent for the time to come. 
 One may v/ith reason apply to the present circumstances, that excel- 
 lent precaution which one took to secure his own statue, by preventing 
 from being overthrown that of his enemy, whom he had completely 
 subdued. It is thus your excellencies are requested to act in an affair 
 of such high importance, which may be the source of so many troubles, 
 and to show your goodness towards this great personage, in preserving 
 him from shame and ignominy ; for it is not sparing men to allow them 
 to be dishonored. The parliament is, then, entreated to restore the 
 king to liberty. 
 
 ■" The ambassadors are also, according to circumstances, mutatis 
 mutandis, to lay the above considerations before general Fairfax and 
 the council of the army, adding, that their distinguished merit has 
 given them great authority in the kingdom of England, and that all 
 these things depend principally on them, and will turn upon their in- 
 tentions. On which account the States-general recommend this affair 
 to their great wisdom, so that they may be to England (whose greatest 
 hopes are now placed in them), not only a shield and a sword in time 
 of war, but also a help to the king in his unhappy situation, by direct- 
 ing public discussions towards a good and moderate end, by which the 
 kingdom will profit, and which will bring on themselves an immortal 
 glory. By their magnanimity, they will cause most of their fellow- 
 citizens to shed tears of joy, who are at this moment on the point of 
 
480 APPENDIX. 
 
 weeping with sorrow. Of old, it was said that the Syracusans were 
 but the body and the limbs, and that Archimedes was the soul which 
 gave motion to all ; the same thing may be said at present, with far 
 more reason, of the kingdom of England, and of his excellency and the 
 council of the army : this body and these limbs will not act, in the 
 present affair, under any other direction than that which his excellency 
 and the council of the army shall give them according to their wise 
 reflections. While thus setting forth their own eminent qualities in 
 fresh glory and grandeur, the benefit will be felt by every inhabitant 
 of the kingdom. The ambassadors will moreover add, that there was 
 a great captain and wise statesman who gloried in having never caused 
 any one of his countrymen to shed a tear, regarding as the sweetest 
 fruit of his victories that he could every day dare to meet all his fellow- 
 citizens, following the proverb : ' That clemency makes beloved and 
 reverenced all those who practise it, and that severity, far from re- 
 moving obstacles and difficulties, usually augments and multiplies 
 them.' 
 
 " Prudent physicians, also, fear to employ too powerful remedies, 
 because these often drive the disease and the life from the body at the 
 same time, and for the greater safety's sake, they prefer the use of 
 gentler means. 
 
 " If his excellency and the council of the army act thus, the hearts 
 of the well-disposed subjects of England will unite in reciprocal friend- 
 ship, better and more powerful to consolidate a state than the heaviest 
 chains of iron. 
 
 " The States-general think that the kingdom of England will be in- 
 vincible, if his excellency, as well as the council of the army, will 
 proceed on foundations so equitable to the world and so agreeable to 
 God, and which are besides so conformable to the character of the Eng- 
 lish nation, and to the situation of its affairs. Finally, the States- 
 general entreat his excellency and the council of the army to embrace 
 and employ the said means, so that the king may be enlarged from his 
 prison and restored to liberty." 
 
 III. First Despatch from Messieurs the Ambassadors-Emtraordinary 
 in England to the States- General. 
 
 " High and mighty Lords : 
 " On arriving here on the 5th* instant, towards evening, we were 
 received by the master of the ceremonies of parliament with many ex- 
 cuses, and we immediately requested and insisted upon an audience 
 for the next day. On the 6th, early in the morning, we requested, 
 through our secretaries and the master of the ceremonies, to be pre- 
 sented to both houses of parliament. In reply, the speaker of the up- 
 per house sent word to us, that the said house had adjourned to Monday, 
 and the speaker of the house of commons intimated that, notwithstand- 
 ing some particular obstacles, he would present our request, and en- 
 deavor to obtain assent to it. Our secretaries having waited for the 
 answer, the speaker let us know in the afternoon that the house had not 
 
 New Style. 
 
APPENDIX, 481 
 
 been able to sit in the morning, because all the judges, who form part 
 of it; had had to attend the high court of justice, and that for this 
 reason the lower house also had been obliged to adjourn to Monday 
 next. Learning afterwards, that on the same day the said court of 
 justice had pronounced sentence of death against the king, in his own 
 presence, we succeeded, on Sunday the 7th instant (although all occu- 
 pations that do not relate to religious worship are set aside on this day), 
 after much trouble, in obtaining in the morning, first, a private audi- 
 ence of the speaker of the lower house, then, one of that of the upper 
 house ; and, at last, in the afternoon (but not without great difficulty), 
 we were admitted to the presence of general Fairfax, lieutenant-gene- 
 ral Cromwell, and the principal officers of the army, who were at the 
 same time assembled at the general's house. We made all possible re- 
 presentations to the said speakers, general, and lieutenant-general, as 
 well in private as when assembled together ; we supported our solici- 
 tations with the most powerful arguments we could devise, to obtain a 
 reprieve of the king's execution (which, it was said, was fixed for 
 Monday), until we should have been heard by the parliament ; but we 
 only received different answers, dictated by the disposition or the 
 temper of each of them. 
 
 " On Monday the 8 th, early in the morning, we sent again to the 
 speakers of both houses, to urge them to obtain an audience for us ; 
 and after our secretaries, together with the master of the ceremonies, 
 had been kept waiting at Westminster till the afternoon, we were all 
 at once informed, scarcely ten minutes before the time, that the two 
 houses would receive us before they went to dinner, and that we were 
 to go at tv^^o o'clock to the upper house, and at three to the house of 
 commons. We acted according to this intimation, and went to the up- 
 per house, where there were very few peers, as well as to the house of 
 commons, where sat about eighty members. After having verbally 
 stated and delivered in writing the substance of our instructions, tend- 
 ing principally to have the king's execution postponed until we should, 
 in a second audience, or in conferences, have had opportunities to state 
 more powerful grounds to induce them to grant him his life, or at least 
 not to proceed precipitately to execute the sentence of death, we were 
 answered by the two speakers that our proposal should be taken into 
 consideration. 
 
 " The members of the upper house voted, that conferences on this 
 subject, between the tw^o houses, should immediately take place ; but 
 as the day was already far advanced, and as the members of the house 
 of Commons, as soon as our audience was over, rose to' depart, even 
 before we had left the anteroom, into which we had been conducted 
 on our way out, we with all speed had our proposal translated into 
 English, and delivered to the speaker of the lower house, and after- 
 wards to the speaker of the upper house. 
 
 " Yet, having seen yesterday, as we passed by Whitehall, that pre- 
 parations were making, which were said to be for the execution, and 
 having conferred for a long time this morning with the commissioners 
 of the crown of Scotland, to save, if possible, the king's life, we still 
 continued to request of parliament, through our secretaries, either an 
 answer or another audience ; and endeavored, by the intervention of 
 
 41 
 
482 APPENDIX. 
 
 the Scottish commissioners, to speak once more to the general, and met 
 him about noon at his secretary's house, at Whitehall. The general 
 was at length touched by our animated and pressing entreaties, and de- 
 clared that he would go directly to Westminster, and recommend to 
 parliament to grant the answer and the reprieve we requested, and that 
 he would take a few officers of note with him to support the application. 
 
 "But we found, in front of the house in which we had just spoken 
 with the general, about two hundred horsemen ; and we learned, as 
 well on our way as on reaching home, that all the streets, passages, 
 and squares of London were occupied by troops, so that no one could 
 pass, and that the approaches of the city were covered with cavalry, so 
 as to prevent any one froni coming in or going out. We could not, and 
 we knew not in consequence, what further to do. Two days before, 
 as well previous to as after our audience, we had, by trustworthy 
 persons, been assured that no proceeding or intei'cession in the world 
 could succeed, and that God alone could prevent the execution resolved 
 upon ; and so the Scottish commissioners, with great pains, had also 
 told us. And so it proved ; for, the same day, between two and three 
 o'clock, the king was taken to a scaffold covered with black, erected 
 before Whitehall. His majesty, accompanied by the bishop of London 
 who, it is said, had that morning, at six o'clock, administered to him 
 the holy sacrament and consolations of i-eligion, after having said a few 
 words, gave up the garter, the blue riband and his cloak, took his coat 
 off himself, and showed a great deal of firmness in all his conduct. 
 The king, having laid himself down, his head was cut oflf, and held up 
 to the gaze of the assembled crowd. 
 
 " This is what, to our great regret, we are obliged to announce to 
 your high mightinesses ; and we declare that we have employed all 
 possible diligence, without intermission and with all our power, to 
 acquit ourselves of your high mightinesses' commission, in seeking to 
 prevent the execution of this so fatal sentence. Meantime, as in this 
 country all kinds of reports are put forth, for and against, according to 
 every one's fancy, and as they ai-e often misinterpreted and embellished 
 or exaggerated, particularly now all minds are so excited, we pray 
 your high mightinesses, in case you should receive reports contrary 
 to or more alarming than the present, to place no faith in them ; and 
 to believe us, who came here at the peril of our lives, and have neg- 
 lected none of the duties with which we were charged. 
 
 " We dare not send your high mightinesses the further particulars 
 that we learn in many quarters, confidential or public, on this event, 
 as the passage is very difficult, all the sea-ports being closed. We will 
 only add that it is said the king, on the scaffold, recommended that 
 religion should be strengthened by taking the advice of Roman-catho- 
 lic divines, and that the rights of the prince his son should be respect- 
 ed ; adding, that he thought himself in conscience innocent of the 
 blood which had been shed, except of that of the earl of Strafford. Im- 
 mediately after the king's death, it was announced and proclaimed 
 throughout the city by sound of trumpet. 
 
 " We beg the Almighty to grant a long prosperity to your high 
 mightinesses, and to your high and mighty government. 
 
 Signed, " Alb. Joachim. 
 
 " London February 9th, 1 649." 
 
APPENDIX. 483 
 
 IV. Second Dispatch. 
 
 " High and Mighty Lords ; 
 
 " By our first dispatch of the 9th instant, we minutely informed your 
 high mightinesses of all the proceedings we had taken with the princi- 
 pal functionaries and other eminent personages in this country, as well 
 as of the solicitations we addressed to them, and the proposals we trans- 
 mitted publicly and in writing to the two houses of parliament (of 
 which we herein insert a copy, not having had time to append it to our 
 preceding despatch, which was sent by an unexpected opportunity), 
 proposals which were left unanswered, as was our request to be admit- 
 ted to a second audience, and which were followed by the immediate 
 execution of the king, and the prohibition to any one whomsoever, 
 under pain of high treason, to take upon himself any authority in the 
 name of monarchical power, or to acknowledge and favor the govern- 
 ment of the prince of Wales, or any other pretender to the royal suc- 
 cession. 
 
 " Already, before this event, we apprehended, and our fears have 
 since been realized, that it had been resolved am.ong the authorities 
 here to abolish entirely the monarchical government, and to establish 
 one of a quite different nature ; for it is publicly said here that the de- 
 scendants of the late king will be, without any exception, excluded for 
 ever from any sovereignty in this country, though it is not ascertained 
 what sort of government is to replace that which is abolished. 
 
 " We have also just heard that already commissioners are appointed 
 by parliament to go with all speed to Scotland, where they presume 
 and announce being able to direct affairs according to the system adopt- 
 ed in England. It is also said, publicly as well as in private, that the 
 members of the upper house show themselves displeased at the king's 
 execution, and do not at all agree with the house of commons on the 
 changes to be introduced in the government ; on the other hand, it is 
 thought that Scotland wishes to remain faithful to monarchical govern- 
 ment, and to its old institutions. It is difficult to foresee what will be 
 the issue of all these combinations and changes in the two countries ; 
 and though public tranquillity is nowise disturbed in this capital, in 
 consequence of the strict watch kept by the numerous military posts, 
 we are ignorant what, in this respect, is the situation of the provinces. 
 
 " Yesterday, we received a visit from the lieutenant-general Crom- 
 well, who spoke to us with infinite respect of the government of your 
 high mightinesses ; among other subjects, he introduced that of reli- 
 gion, giving us to understand that, with the concurrence of your high 
 mightinesses, it would be as possible as necessary to re-establish it here 
 upon a better system, and to give it a better organization. 
 
 " The earl of Denbigh, who came also yesterday to see us, spoke at 
 great length on different questions relating to the government, past and 
 ■ to come ; whence we concluded that there are still many affairs to ar- 
 range, and that the measures they purpose to take do not afford any 
 probable conjecture as to their issue and success. As the unhappy 
 event of the king's execution puts an end to the negotiation with which 
 our extraordinary embassy was charged, we will jointly use our en- 
 deavors that the affairs of our mission may suffer as little as possible. 
 
484 APPENDIX. 
 
 and may continue to be treated according to the interests and to the 
 entire satisfaction of your high mightinesses. 
 
 " The high court of justice having terminated its functions, other 
 extraordinary tribunals have been instituted, to try the peers and 
 other illustrious state prisoners, such as the duke of Hamilton, the 
 earl of Holland, lord Goring, &c. Those of a lower rank will be tried 
 by the ordinary tribunals, and the prisoners of war by a court-martial. 
 
 " Among other matters that are at present treated of in parliament, 
 it is proposed that our people should enjoy here all the rights of navi- 
 gation, commerce, manufacture, trades, and market, equally and in 
 common with the English nation. We were not ignorant of these dis- 
 positions, and moreover were given to understand that they would be 
 disposed to make more full and minute proposals to us on this subject. 
 We think we hereby give your high mightinesses an evident proof that 
 people here are occupying themselves with questions quite out of the 
 ordinary track of affairs. 
 
 " We implore the Almighty to keep in long prosperity the govern- 
 ment of your high mightinesses. 
 
 Signed, " Alb. Joachim, 
 
 " A. Pauw 
 
 " London, February 12th, 1549." 
 
 V. Third Despatch. 
 
 "High and Mighty Lords : 
 
 •' After the bloody catastrophe which put an end to the king's life, 
 an event of which our despatches of the 9th and 12th instant informed 
 your high mightinesses, we resolved to keep within our lodgings, after 
 the example of other ambassadors, and of the Scottish commissioners. 
 The French ambassador and the Scottish commissioners, however, 
 having paid us a visit before this event, and the Spanish ambassa- 
 dor having repeatedly done us the same honor before and after, 
 we could do no otherwise than return these acts of kindness ; we ac- 
 cordingly acquitted ourselves of this duty on the 13th, and we remark- 
 ed that their excellencies were deeply affected by this great event, 
 though the French ambassador had assured us beforehand of his per- 
 fect knowledge of the events which would take place. 
 
 " The ambassador of Spain, Don Alfonso de Cardenas, told us that 
 the day after this fatal event he had received orders from the king his 
 master to intervene in the affairs of this country ; but at present lie is 
 of opinion, as well as the French ambassador, that by the unexpected 
 death of the king of England, their diplomatic functions and character 
 having ceased, they cannot act any longer in their high office, nor in- 
 terfere in any respect until they have received fresh orders from their 
 court. The Scottish commissioners have sent two despatches to their 
 constituents, that is, to the Scottish parliament at present assembled ; 
 they expect an answer to their first despatch in the course of the week, 
 and will not act till they are duly authorized. 
 
 " The general opinion is that the government will undergo an entire 
 change ; that the royed family will be set aside, and another form of 
 government introduced ; that perhaps they will imitate that of the 
 
APPENDIX. 485 
 
 commonwealth of Venice, of the United Provinces, or some other re- 
 publican government. We are informed that, in fact, nine members 
 of the house of peers and eighteen of that of the house of commons are 
 to meet in commission to draw up conjointly the basis of a fresh con- 
 stitution. The 13th of this month was the day appointed for the meet- 
 ing of the king's judges, in a court of justice at Westminster-hall ; but 
 we have just been informed that the meeting did not take place, the 
 judges having alleged that they were not sufficiently qualified for this, 
 their functions having expired at the king's death, and that they can- 
 not resolve to accept so suddenly their new nominations made by par- 
 liament, nor change the title of their acts of procedure and other ne- 
 cessary formalities, such as those adopted by parliament on the 29th of 
 January, 164S, and which we transmitted to your high mightinesses by 
 our despatch of the 9th instant. We continue in the most complete 
 uncertainty as to the issue of the events which, from the diversity of 
 opinions and other fortuitous occurrences, may still undergo vicissi- 
 tudes that it is impossible to submit to any probable conjecture ; we 
 shall therefore merely remark, that hitherto public tranquillity has not 
 been in any way disturbed ; and we pray your high mightinesses to 
 attach no oftier value to our information than that which maybe merit- 
 ed by our efforts to discover truth in this maze of true and false reports 
 which we receive on all sides, and which only leave us the satisfaction 
 of confidentially informing your high mightinesses of what we have 
 been able to collect in our zeal for your service. 
 
 Signed, " Adrien Pauw, 
 
 " Alb. Joachim. 
 "London, February 15th, 1549." 
 
 VI. Fourth Dispatch. 
 
 " High and Mighty Lords : 
 " The mfoi-mation contained in our last dispatch, of the 15th of this 
 month, having appeared sufficiently important to us, we took care to 
 forward it to your high mightinesses by a safe and speedy opportunity ; 
 yet the wind having since that time been very contrary, we fear it did 
 not reach its destination so speedily as we had hoped. Since that we 
 have witnessed events of still greater importance. On the 16th of this 
 month, the house of commons, notwithstanding the expectation and the 
 wish of the commissioners of both houses, sitting in committee, and 
 which requested to be consulted on all the measures to be taken, de- 
 creed that the house of lords should from that period cease its functions, 
 and be no longer consulted or looked upon as a deliberative body, or as 
 constituting an authority in anything concerning the affairs of the 
 kingdom ; so that, notwithstanding that the lords and princes still re- 
 tain their titles and dignities, and are qualified to occupy any office 
 whatever, there will in future be only one sole house of commons as 
 the English parliament ; and the peers will no longer be admitted in 
 it but as deputies elected by the counties. Next day, the 17th, the 
 house of commons by a decree abolished for ever the office of king in 
 England. We are informed, moreover, that the parliament thus re- 
 duced to one house of commons alone, will meet once every two 
 41* 
 
486 APPEHDIX. 
 
 years for a limited time ; and that permanent executive power will be 
 vested in a council of thirty or forty members, of whom about twelve 
 may be peers. The council thus organized will represent, during the 
 recess of parliament, the sovereign power of the kingdom. This last 
 measure is not, however, so definitively resolved as the two above-men- 
 tioned. The house of commons is becoming by degrees complete by 
 the return of several members who resume their seats on signing an 
 expurgatory act, by which they declare that they renounce the opi- 
 nions which heretofore placed them in opposition to their colleagues. 
 It is also said that at an early day new judges for the higher courts will 
 be elected, and new justices of peace. 
 
 " The earl of Denbigh, speaker of the house of lords, not having 
 been able to send us a message on the 17th, came to pay us a visit on 
 the L8th, to inform us in what manner had been carried into effect the 
 dissolution of this assembly, and to deliver the last commands he had 
 received from their lordships, in transmitting to us their answer to our 
 proposals. After having read them to us, he gave us the copy, which 
 we enclose in the present dispatch, retaining himself the original ma- 
 nuscript as his personal quittance, adding, that it was, at the same time, 
 the last deliberative act of the upper house, which had not wished to 
 dissolve until it had given this mark of respect to your high mighti- 
 nesses. 
 
 " The house of commons also sent to ask us, by its own messenger, 
 when it would suit us to present ourselves to tliem to receive their 
 answer to our proposals. To which we replied, that as soon as the 
 house would acquaint us with the time appointed for this audience, we 
 would attend. 
 
 " Since the unhappy event of the king's death, we had not insisted 
 upon an answer ; and though we had heard no more about it, we learn 
 at this moment that an outline of this answer has been published in the 
 Gazette, without any official communication of it having been sent us. 
 A report had previously been spread, and even printed, that we had re- 
 quested that our proposals should not be made public. Nothing can be 
 more false than this assertion ; without having in any way interfered in 
 the matter, or having even mentioned a word on the subject, we left it 
 entirely to the discretion of the two houses, to each of which our pro- 
 posals were separately addressed in writing, with the necessary form. 
 We have remarked, besides, that the reply made by us to the speaker 
 of the house of commons when our proposals were delivered, has not 
 been inserted in the Gazette in its real tenor, and it has been hitherto 
 impossible for us to discover whether such publications appear with or 
 without tlie sanction of the superior authorities. 
 
 " On the 16th of this month, some troops of infantry and cavalry 
 marched hence to Bristol ; and there is a report that in that town, as 
 well as at Gloucester, some indignation has be enexpressed against the 
 proceedings of parliament. Here, however, and in the neighborhood, 
 all is quiet. 
 
 " To-day, being the day appointed for the appearance of the im- 
 peached lords, before the newly-created high court at Westminster- 
 hall, Goring, Capel, Hamilton, Holland, and sir John Owen, these lords, 
 with the exception of the earl of Holland, who is ill, appeared before 
 
APPENDIX. 487 
 
 that court, and after having heard each in his turn, the charges brought 
 against him, and given in answers to them, were sent back to prison to 
 await another summons for the continuation of their trial. 
 
 Signed, «« Adrieiv Pauw, 
 
 Alb. Joachim.' 
 
 VII. Fifth Dispatch. 
 
 " High and Mighty Lords : 
 ^' The commissioners of the kingdom of Scotland, having received 
 dispatches from their parliament, sent word of their contents to us last 
 evening at a somewhat irregular hour, and forwarded to us the procla- 
 mation, the decree, and the letter, copies of which accompany this dis- 
 patch. Your high mightinesses will learn by their contents, that the 
 prince of Wales has just been proclaimed by the Scottish parliament, 
 king of Great Britain, France, and Ireland. The commissioners besides 
 informed us, that a gentleman had been immediately sent abroad with 
 copies of these decrees ; that the proclamation of them had been made 
 in every direction, and that they were preparing forthwith to send an 
 envoy, furnished with the largest instructions to his majesty. It is ru- 
 mored here, that the parliament is much displeased at this measure ; 
 and particularly because the Scots did not content themselves with 
 proclaiming him king of Scotland only, but had added to his titles 
 " king of Great Britain and Ireland." Levies of troops are going on 
 here in secret, and are constantly dispatched towards Scotland and other 
 places, which makes it to be presumed that in the latter engagements 
 many men were killed. The capital yet continues to enjoy perfect 
 tranquillity, and exhibits no appearance of sedition ; the complements 
 of the men-of-war are being made up one after another, and we should 
 not be surprised if in a very short time there were nearly thirty vessels 
 perfectly equipped and ready for sea ; this number, it is confidently 
 said, will hereafter be increased to seventy, and it is added that three 
 commissioners of parliament will take the command or superintendence 
 of this fleet ; as to that, there seems no longer any mention made of the 
 earl of Warwick as commander. Last Monday, the 22d instant, the 
 gentleman-usher came to inform us that on the Wednesday or Thurs- 
 day following, we should be requested to go to parliament to receive, 
 before the whole house, an answer to our proposals. On Wednesday 
 he informed us that the audience would take place on Thursday even- 
 ing ; and accordingly on that day we were conducted in state to West- 
 minster-hall. Having been immediately introduced into the house of 
 commons, we sat down on the chairs placed for us, and the speaker 
 having read to us the answer of the house, gave us a copy of it. Where- 
 upon, we answered, in a few words, that when we had read it, we 
 would ourselves transmit it to our government, whom it was our inten- 
 tion, with the least possible delay, to rejoin, and that we availed our- 
 selves of the present opportunity to take leave of parliament in our 
 quality of ambassadors-extraordinary. The house that day was much 
 fuller than at our first audience, on account of the return of several of 
 their absent members, and the restoration of many dissentient members 
 who had successively come to resume their seats under the expurgatory 
 act. The nomination of a greater number of members b^e Vipon ,^».-^ ^f 
 
488 APPENDIX. 
 
 the first cares of the new house ; after which they proceeded to elect 
 the thirty-eight members of whom the state-council of the kingdom is 
 to be composed, and whose names and qualities your high mightinesses 
 will read in the enclosed Gazette. The judges of the kingdom also re- 
 sumed their sittings last week, and held their usual term. 
 
 " The day before our last audience, and consequently after the notifi- 
 cation we had received of it, we received the letters of your high 
 mightinesses of the 22d instant ; and having already made preparations 
 for our departure, we shall effect it as soon as possible, wishing to re- 
 turn as soon as we can to your high mightinesses, to communicate the 
 answer we have received, and render a detailed account of our mission, 
 which has been accompanied and followed by a multitude of incidents 
 and circumstances, which in the present precarious state of affairs, we 
 do not think proper to trust to paper. Contrary winds and severe frosts 
 having impeded the navigation of the Thames, we cannot fix the day 
 of our departure ; but we will seize the first opportunity to return, 
 either directly or by way of Dover and Calais, notwithstanding the in- 
 conveniences which this last passage is said to present. 
 
 " The state prisoners, viz., the duke of Hamilton, lord Goring, lord 
 Capel, and sir John Owen, have already appeared several times before 
 the high court of justice. The first put in a bill of exceptions, but it 
 was rejected, and he was ordered to prepare his defence, and counsel 
 were assigned to him ; the three others have confined themselves within 
 the terms of their defence, particularly lord Capel, against whom, as to 
 the capitulation and the quarter granted, general Fairfax and commis- 
 sary-general Iretonwere heard as witnesses, appearing for this specially 
 before the court. All these circumstances make one entertain fears as 
 to the fate of those noble personages, who are considered to be in im- 
 minent-danger. We think it proper to inform your high mightinesses, 
 that the present is the sixth dispatch we have sent you, the two pre- 
 ceding ones being of the 15th and 19th instant; the delays occasioned 
 by the contrary winds and the frost give us reason to fear that all may 
 not have reached your high mightinesses. 
 
 Signed, " Adrian Pattw, 
 
 " Alb. Joachim. 
 
 " Limdon, February 26th, 1649." 
 
489 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Abbot, Geo., Archbp. of Canter- 
 bury, suspended, 43. 
 
 Absolution, its position on the Con- 
 tinent at the accession of Charles 
 I., 26 ; its position in England at 
 and preceding the same period, 
 27, 2S, 29 ; its position in Eng- 
 land under Straftbrd, 67 ; at- 
 tempts made by the king to ex- 
 tend it, 71 ; its powerlessness in 
 1641, 112. 
 
 Agitators, or delegates, appointed 
 by the common soldiers of the 
 army to represent their views, 
 342 ; draw up " the case of the 
 army," 375. 
 
 " Agreement of the people," a plan 
 for a republic drawn up by Ire- 
 ton, 432. 
 
 Alford, Mr., his speech on the 
 amended bill of rights, 50. 
 
 Ambassadors of England insulted 
 in foreign courts, 6S. 
 
 Annandale, Earl of, declares for 
 the king, 305. 
 
 Antrim, Earl of, arrested by the 
 parliamentary forces in Ireland, 
 and discovery of his plot against 
 the parliament, 242. 
 
 Arbitrary ti-ibunals abolished, 134. 
 
 Argyle, earl of, embraces the cause 
 of the covenant, 96 ;. retires to 
 Kinneil Castle to avoid being ar- 
 rested by the king, 137 ; expla- 
 nation of the affair, 13S ; is cre- 
 ated duke of Argyle, ib. ; arrives 
 in London to co-operate with the 
 independents, 2S8 ; character- 
 ized, ib. ; concludes a treaty with 
 the Scottish royalists, 419. 
 
 Aristocracy, its condition on the 
 
 Continent at the accession of 
 Charles I., 26; its condition in 
 England at and preceding the 
 same period, 27 ; courted by the 
 king in his difficulties, 72 ; a 
 portion of it sides with the peo- 
 ple, 73 ; takes alarm at the pro- 
 gress of the church, 79. 
 Army, parliamentary, formation of, 
 decreed, 184 ; marches from Lon- 
 don to attack the king, 187 ; re- 
 viewed on Turnham-green, 193; 
 another army raised for parlia- 
 ment, 217 ; reviewed on Houns- 
 low-heath by Essex, 223 ; its 
 composition in 1644, 254; capi- 
 tulates to that of the king in 
 Cornwall, 265 ; characterized, 
 314 ; petitions parliament, 339 ; 
 several of its officers summoned 
 to the bar of the house of com- 
 mons, 340 ; demands the restora- 
 tion of Cromwell to command, 
 341 ; petitions parliament for re- 
 dress, ib. ; its increasing power, 
 342 ; opens communications with 
 the king, ib. ; several regiments 
 mutiny, 343 ; under the direction 
 of Cromwell, marches towards 
 London, 352 ; draws up an hum- 
 ble remonstrance to parliament, 
 ib. ; demands the expulsion of 
 Holies and other members, ib. ; 
 its conciliatory treatment of the 
 king, 355 ; makes proposals to 
 the king, 358 ; marches towards 
 London, 360; coolness between 
 it and the king, 362 ; reviewed on 
 Hounslow Heath, 364; marches 
 upon London, ib. ; societies 
 formed in, against the king, and 
 
490 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Cromwell and other officers, who 
 appeared to favor him, 372 ; ap- 
 points new agents to support its 
 particular views, 373 ; its de- 
 mands in 1647, 375 ; meeting of 
 a portion of, at Ware, 3S5 ; meet- 
 ing of the officers and agitators 
 at head-quarters, 388 ; marches 
 through London, 395 ; is quar- 
 tered in various parts of London, 
 ib ; petition from, calling for the 
 punishment of the king, 421 ; is 
 put in motion against the pres- 
 byterians, 427 ; its violent pro- 
 ceedings against the presbyterian 
 members of parliament, 429. 
 
 Arnell, Richard, shot for mutiny, 
 386. 
 
 Arundel, Earl of, released from the 
 Tower on demand of the lords, 
 41 ; again arrested by the king, 
 42. 
 
 Ashburnham, Mr., accompanies 
 the king in his flight from Ox- 
 ford, 321 ; characterized, 357 ; 
 his insolent demeanor towards 
 the parliamentary officers, 361 ; 
 accompanies the king in his flight 
 from Hampton Court, 380 ; his 
 preliminary interview with Ham- 
 mond, 381 ; is ordered to quit the 
 Isle of Wight, 391. 
 
 Astley, Lord, defeated at Stow by 
 the parliamentary forces, 319. 
 
 Atherton Moor, battle of, 213. 
 
 Aubigny, Lady, her connexion with 
 Waller's plot, 210. 
 
 Axtell, Col., his violent conduct at 
 the king's trial, 443 et seq. 
 
 Balfour, Sir W., tampered with 
 by the king, 128 ; dismissed from 
 the government of the Tower, 
 151. 
 
 Bampton Bush, battle of, 292. 
 
 Bancroft, Bp. of Oxford, his death, 
 112. 
 
 Bancroft, Dr., maintains the supre- 
 macy of the church, 73 ; is 
 created Archbishop of Canter- 
 bury, 74. 
 
 Barbary pirates, make descents on 
 the English and Irish coasts, 68. 
 
 Barnstaple surrenders to the royal 
 troops, 215. 
 
 Base money, coining of, proposed 
 by the king's government, 104. 
 
 Basing-House, taken by the parlia- 
 mentary forces, 312. 
 
 Bastwick, John, brought before the 
 star-chamber, 87 ; his trial, ib. ; 
 his sentence, ib. ; its execution, 
 88 ; his condemnation voted ille- 
 gal by the house of commons, 
 116; his triumphant return to 
 London, 117. 
 
 Bath, surrenders to the royal 
 troops, 215; taken by the parlia- 
 mentary forces, 312. 
 
 Batten, Admiral, cannonades Bur- 
 lington, 200. 
 
 Bedford, Earl of, his death, 128. 
 
 Bellasis, Sir H., imprisoned by the 
 king forhisliberty of speech, 104. 
 
 Bellievre, M. de, urges the king to 
 accept the propositions of par- 
 liament, 329. 
 
 Benyon, Geo., addresses a petition 
 to parliament on behalf of the 
 king, 173. 
 
 Berkley, Sir John, chai-acterized, 
 357 ; joins the king by order of 
 Henrietta Maria, ib. ; his inter- 
 view with Cromwell and other 
 leaders of the army, at Reading, 
 ib.; his interview with the king, 
 358 ; his negotiations with the 
 army, ib.; accompanies the king 
 in his flight from Hampton Court, 
 380 ; his preliminary interview 
 with Hammond, 381 ; waits on 
 Fairfax and the other generals at- 
 Windsor, 388 ; his interview 
 with Commandant Watson, 389 ; 
 is ordered to quit the Isle of 
 Wight, 391. 
 
 Berwick, taken by Langdale, 402. 
 
 Birch, CoL, arrested by Col. Pride, 
 429. 
 
 Bishoprics and deaneries, bill for 
 a^ogating them introduced into 
 the house of commons, 119. 
 
491 
 
 Bishops, bill for excluding them 
 from parliament passed by the 
 commons, 119 ; rejected by the 
 lords, ib. ; further proceedings 
 respecting the measure, 150 ; 
 some of them draw up a protest 
 declaring null and void all pro- 
 ceedings in parliament during 
 their absence from it, 151 ; are 
 impeached and sent to the 
 Tower, 152. 
 
 Biake, Col., his reception of the 
 parliamentary commissioners at 
 Wallingford, 272. 
 
 Blechington, taken by Cromwell, 
 292. 
 
 Bond, Denis, his speech in favor of 
 republicanism, 420. 
 
 Bradshaw, John, characterized, 
 436 ; chosen president of the 
 high court of commission, ib. ; 
 his altercations with the king, 
 ib., et seq. 
 
 Bray, Captain, deprived of his com- 
 mand for mutiny, 386 ; restored 
 to his command, 3SS 
 
 Brentford, battle of, 192. 
 
 Brereton, Sir Wm., continued in 
 his command by parliament, not- 
 withstanding the self-denying 
 ordinance, 293. 
 
 Bridgewater surrenders to the royal 
 troops, 215 ; taken by the par- 
 liamentary forces, 312. 
 
 Bristol surrender? to the royal 
 troops, 215 ; surrenders to the 
 parliamentary forces, 306. 
 
 Bristol, Earl of, not summoned by 
 Charles to his second parlia- 
 ment, 38 ; appeals to the peers 
 and has his claim admitted, 40 ; is 
 impeached by the king, ib. ; im- 
 peaches Buckingham, ib. ; is 
 arrested by the king, 42. 
 
 Brownists, sect of, their rise, S3 ; 
 emigrations, ib. 
 
 Brook, Lord, his speech at Guild- 
 hall, 192. 
 
 Buckingham, Villiers, Duke of, his 
 visit to Madrid with Prince 
 Charles, 28 ; impeached by the 
 
 commons, 39; characterized, ib.; 
 his answer to the charges against 
 him, 40 ; impeached by Lord 
 Bristol, ib. ; fails in his attempt 
 upon the Isle of Re, 44 ; diffi- 
 culties of his position, 45 ; his 
 speech on the occasion of a sub- 
 sidy being voted, 47 ; assassinat- 
 ed, 53. 
 
 Buckingham, Duke of, takes up 
 arms in support of the king, 405. 
 
 Burleigh, Lord, his advice to Queen 
 Elizabeth, 45. 
 
 Burley, Capt., hanged at Newport 
 for a movement in favor of the 
 king, 394. 
 
 Burton, Wm., brought before the 
 star-chamber, 87 ; his trial, ib. ; 
 his sentence, ib. ; its execution, 
 88 ; his condemnation voted ille- 
 gal by the house of commons, 
 116 ; the public honors paid him 
 on his return to London, 117. 
 
 Burlington cannonaded by Admiral 
 Batten, 200. 
 
 Byron, Sir Gilbert, raises troops for 
 the king, in Nottinghamshire, 
 402. 
 
 Byron, Sir John, appointed gover- 
 nor of the Tower, 153. 
 
 Cadiz, expedition against, dis- 
 patched by the king, 38 ; its 
 failure, ib. 
 
 Caernarvon, Lord, his death and 
 character, 227. 
 
 Cambridge universitj', sends pai-t 
 of its plate to the king, 181. 
 
 Canterbury, royalist disturbances 
 at, 397." 
 
 Capel, Lord, appointed to attend 
 Prince Charles into the West of 
 England, 291 ; raises troops for 
 the king in Hertfordshire, 402. 
 
 Carew, Mr., sent to the Tower by 
 the king, 105. 
 
 Carew, Sir Alexander, his trial 
 and execution, 281. 
 
 Carlisle, taken by the Scots, 303 ; 
 taken by the royalist troops, 402. 
 
 "Case of the army," a declaration 
 
492 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 drawn up by the discontented 
 troops, 375. 
 
 Catholics, Roman, join the army of 
 Newcastle, 200. 
 
 Catholicism, its progress under 
 Laud, 79. 
 
 Censorship of a rigorous character 
 established, 374. 
 
 Challoner, Mr,., executed for a plot 
 against the parliament, 210. 
 
 Charles I., his accession to the 
 throne of England, 25 ; assem- 
 bles a parliament, ib. ; his per- 
 sonal character, 26 ; the circum- 
 stances which placed him in an- 
 tagonism with his people, ib. ; 
 his visit to Spain previous to his 
 accession, 28 ; his reception at 
 Madrid, ib. ; his marriage with 
 Henrietta Maria, ib. ; influence of 
 the union upon his mind, ib. ; his 
 position with regard to parlia- 
 ment on his accession to the 
 throne, 34 ; his resentment of the 
 freedom of speech indulged in 
 by the house of commons, 36 ; 
 demands subsidies, engaging to 
 redress real grievances, ib. ; in- 
 dignant at the refusal of subsi- 
 dies, dissolves parliament, 37 ; 
 his position with reference to 
 his people at this juncture, ib. ; 
 intimates his intention to govern 
 by himself, ib. ; orders a loan to 
 be raised, ib. ; directs severe 
 measures against the Roman 
 aitholics, 38 ; but sells them dis- 
 pensations and pardons, ib. ; calls 
 a second parliament, ib. ; the 
 character of his despotism at this 
 period, ib. ; takes measures for 
 keeping the more popular orators 
 out of parliament, ib. ; his speech 
 to the commons on the occasion 
 of Buckingham's impeachment, 
 40 ; forbids the judges to answer 
 the questions put by the lords, in 
 the Earl of Bristol's case, 41 ; 
 sends Sir Dudley Digges and Sir 
 John Eliot to the Tower, ib. ; 
 finds himself necessitated to re- 
 
 lease them, as well as Lord 
 Arundel, ib.; dissolves his second 
 parliament, 42 ; and places Bris- 
 tol and Arundel under arrest, ib. ; 
 nature of the difficulties in which 
 he now found himself involved, 
 ib. ; orders a fresh loan to be 
 raised, ib. ; calls a third parlia- 
 ment, 45 ; his address to it, ib. ; 
 the infatuation of the principles 
 on which he proceeded, 46 ; his 
 address to the council on the 
 occasion of a subsidy being an- 
 nounced, 47 ; takes umbrage at 
 the commons insisting in the 
 first instance upon a redress of 
 grievances, 49 ; assures parlia- 
 ment of his determination to 
 maintain all the national rights, 
 but not to be interfered with in 
 his own, ib. ; returns an evasive 
 answer to the petition of rights, 
 50 ; forbids the house of com- 
 mons to meddle in affairs of state, 
 51 ; modifies this intimation, 52 ; 
 sanctions the bill of rights, 53 ; 
 prorogues parliament, 53 ; effect 
 which the murder of the duke of 
 Buckingham produced upon him, 
 54 ; adopts measures of the 
 most despotic character, ib. ; his 
 position at this juncture, ib. ; his 
 attempts to obtain the concession 
 of the tonnage and poundage 
 dues, 55 ; his differences with 
 the commons in consequence, 56 ; 
 dissolves his third parliament, 
 57 ; his proclamation on the oc- 
 casion, ib. ; perilous character of 
 the career in which he was now 
 embarked, 58 ; the nature of his 
 views at this time, ib. ; con- 
 cludes peace with France, 60; 
 and with Spain, ib. ; effect of his 
 particular class of despotism 
 upon the nation at large, at this 
 period, ib. ; his position with 
 reference to his wife's favorites, 
 61 ; his subjection to Henrietta 
 Maria, ib. ; his domestic charac- 
 ter, ib. ; his councillors at this 
 
INDEX. 
 
 498 
 
 period, 62 ; his attachment to 
 them, 65 ; his exalted idea of the 
 rights of royalty, 66 ; his mode- 
 ration towards the Roman catho- 
 lics, 67 ; the inflexibility of his 
 pride, 68 ; becomes involved in 
 pecuniary difficulties, ib. ; for- 
 bids Strafford to call the Irish 
 parliament, 64 ; character and 
 effects of his tyranny, ib. ; re- 
 sorts to all sorts of illegal and 
 oppressive methods for raising 
 money, 70 ; reintroduces long 
 since abandoned monopolies, ib. ; 
 extends the royal forests, ib. ; 
 attempts to conciliate the aristo- 
 cracy, 72 ; imposes heavy fines 
 for slights exhibited tow^ards the 
 nobility, and shares the produce 
 with the offended party, ib. ; re- 
 sorts for support to the Anglican 
 clergy, 73 ; encourages the most 
 arrogant pretensions on the part 
 of the bishops, 78 ; interposes to 
 prevent the emigration of secta- 
 ries, 84 ; succeeds in defeating 
 Hampden in the court of law, 
 90 ; his endeavors to establish 
 episcopacy in Scotland, 91 ; or- 
 ders the introduction there of an 
 Anglican liturgy, 93 ; is deter- 
 minately resisted in the attempt, 
 ib. ; sends the marquis of Hamil- 
 ton to Edinburgh to carry out his 
 purposes, 95 ; prepares for war 
 with Scotland, 96 ; despatches 
 an army towards Edinburgh, 97 ; 
 proceeds himself to York, 98 ; 
 concludes a pacification with the 
 Scots, 99 ; levies another army 
 against Scotland, ib. ; sends for 
 Strafford, ib. ; summons a new 
 parliament in England, 100 ; lays 
 the letter of the Scots to the king 
 of France before it, and an- 
 nounces his determination of re- 
 newing the war, 102 ; demands 
 subsidies, ib. ; his warm disputes 
 with his new house of commons, 
 103; offers, on certain conditions, 
 to give up all future demands for 
 
 42 
 
 ship money, ib. ; dissolves the 
 parliament, ib. ; after futile re- 
 grets for taking this step, returns 
 to despotism, 104 ; has resort to 
 oppressive and illegal means of 
 raising money, and renews his 
 persecution of popular members 
 of parliament, ib. ; departs with 
 Strafford for tlie army assembled 
 on the Border, 105 ; assembles at 
 York, the great council of the 
 peers of the kingdom, 107 ; as- 
 sembles his fifth parliament, 109 ; 
 nature of his address to it, 110 ; 
 summons Strafford to attend him, 
 113 ; his address to parliament 
 on the occasion of the proposed 
 tiiennial bill, 117 ; opens nego- 
 tiations with the earl of Bedford 
 and his friends, 121 ; forms a 
 new privy council, ib. ; has in- 
 terviews with some of the mal- 
 contents of the army, 123 ; signs 
 a petition of a threatening nature 
 to parliament prepared by them, 
 ib. ; his attempts to save Straf- 
 ford, 128 ; he announces that 
 he will never consent to the 
 earl's death, 129 ; his interview 
 with Holies on the subject, 130 ; 
 he consents to the bill condemn- 
 ing Strafford, 131 ; takes his de- 
 parture for Scotland, 136 ; his 
 attempts to gain over the army, 
 ib. ; his arrival in Edinburgh, 
 137 ; his concessions to the Scot- 
 tish parliament and church, ib. ; 
 his affairs with Hamilton and 
 Argyle, ib. ; his real design in 
 visiting Scotland, and plans in 
 concert with Montrose, 137 ; 
 leaves the responsibility of quel- 
 ling the Irish rebellion to parlia- 
 ment, 141 ; his expectations from 
 that rebellion, ib. ; returns to 
 London, 145 ; his reception on 
 his way and on his arrival, ib. ; 
 entertains the corporation of 
 London at dinner, ib. ; with- 
 draws from parliament the guard 
 assigned it by Essex, ib. ; hia 
 
494 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 efforts to rally a party around 
 him, 147; engages Hyde, Cole- 
 pepper, and Lord Falkland in his 
 immediate service, ib. ; his in- 
 dignation and fear at the popular 
 excitement which now arose, 
 
 150 ; attempts to intimidate par- 
 liament, 151 ; adopts the decla- 
 ration of the twelve bishops, nul- 
 lifying the proceedings in par- 
 liament during their absence, 
 
 151 ; affects to give way to the 
 parliament, 153 ; rejects the ap- 
 plication of the house of com- 
 mons for a guard, ib. ; has Lord 
 Kimbolton and five members of 
 the commons impeached for high 
 treason, ib. ; sends a serjeant-at- 
 arms to arrest the latter, 154 ; 
 proceeds to the house to take the 
 accused into custody himself, 
 
 155 ; his speech on the occasion, 
 
 156 ; his affliction at the failure 
 of this attempt, 157 ; demands 
 the accused at the hands of the 
 city authorities without effect, 
 158 ; his position at this junc- 
 ture, 159 ; retires to Hampton 
 Court, 160; prepares for war, 
 162 ; proceeds to Windsor, ib. ; 
 his negotiations with the parlia- 
 ment for the purpose of gaining 
 time, 163 ; authorizes the bill for 
 excluding the bishops from par- 
 liament, 166 ; proceeds to Dover, 
 ib. ; has several interviews there, 
 at Canterbury, at Theobalds, and 
 at Newmarket, with commission- 
 ers from the commons, 166, 168 ; 
 details of these conferences, ib. ; 
 proceeds to York, 169 ; his ap- 
 peals to the people, 173 ; their 
 effect, ib. ; he gains ground, 174 ; 
 his attempt upon Hull, ib. ; or- 
 ders, without effect, the West- 
 minster assizes to be held at 
 York, 176 ; his unsuccessful at- 
 tempt to dismiss the parliamen- 
 tary commissioners deputed to 
 observe his proceedings, 177 ; 
 proceeds to levy a guard, ib. ; is 
 
 defeated in the attempt, 178 ; his 
 differences with the royalist refu- 
 gees from parliament, 179 ; the 
 difficulties in which he now 
 found himself involved, ib ; 
 commissions the principal royal- 
 ists to raise troops in his name, 
 ib. ; the indecision of his pro- 
 ceedings, ib. ; essays to raise 
 money by voluntary contribution, 
 but with little effect, 181 ; breaks 
 off a commenced negotiation with 
 the parliament, 182 ; takes active 
 measures for carrying on the im- 
 pending war, 185 ; makes a pro- 
 gress through Yorkshire and 
 other counties, ib. ; erects the 
 royal standard at Nottingham, 
 186 ; establishes his head-quarters 
 at Shrewsbury, 187 ; advances 
 towards London, 188 ; is defeated 
 by Essex at Edgehill, 190 ; es- 
 tablishes his head-quarters at 
 Oxford, 191 ; obtains possession 
 of Banbury and other places, ib. ; 
 receives commissioners from the 
 parliament at Colnbrook, 192 ; 
 defeats Holies' regiment, 193 ; 
 occupies Brentford, ib. ; retreats 
 to Reading, and then to Oxfoi-d, 
 194; receives a deputation from 
 the common council, 195 ; re- 
 ceives commissioners from the 
 parliament at Oxford, 202 ; his 
 rejection of their proposals, 203 ; 
 sends a message to Hampden, 
 212 ; is rejoined by Henrietta- 
 Maria, 215 ; declares the two 
 houses at Westminster not to be 
 a true parliament, and forbids his 
 subjects to obey their orders, 
 216 ; publishes a more modified 
 proclamation, 217 ; the plan he 
 had formed for marching upon 
 London, 222 ; sends to Lord 
 Newcastle on the subject, 223 ; 
 relinquishes the enterprise, 224 ; 
 besieges Gloucester, ib. ; his in- 
 terview with deputies from that 
 city, ib. ; sends a messenger to 
 Essex with proposals of peace. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 495 
 
 225 ; raises the siege, 226 ; en- 
 gages Essex at Newbury, ib. ; 
 retires to Oxford, 227 ; his recep- 
 tion of the lords who had with- 
 drawn from parliament, 240 ; 
 excites unpopularity among the 
 nobility by taking part against 
 their claims with Prince Rupert, 
 241 ; receives intelligence that 
 the Scots are preparing to make 
 war upon him, 242 ; sends the 
 Duke of Hamilton to Edinburgh 
 with large offers, ib. ; his intri- 
 gues with the Irish discovered, 
 ib. ; progress of his affairs in 
 Ireland, 243 ; signs a year's truce 
 with the Irish rebels, and recalls 
 the English troops sent to repress 
 them, 245 ; indignation of all 
 classes at his conduct on this 
 occasion, ib. ; his interview with 
 Hyde respecting the parliament 
 at Westminster, 246 ; desires a 
 proclamation to be drawn up 
 dissolving it, ib. ; abandons the 
 project, 247 ; his objection to 
 calling a parliament at Oxford, 
 ib. ; but assents to the proposi- 
 tion, ib. ; his feeling with regard 
 to war, 250 ; is induced to write 
 to the parliament at Westmin- 
 ster, to propose negotiations, ib. ; 
 adjourns the assembly at Ox- 
 ford, 251 ; his feeling towards it, 
 ib ; quits Oxford and makes his 
 way unperceived between the 
 two camps besieging the city, 
 255 ; resumes the offensive, 257 ; 
 defeats Waller at Cropredy 
 Bridge, ib. ; advances into the 
 west to attack Fairfax, ib. ; but 
 sends at the same time a letter to 
 parliament, offering to treat, ib. ; 
 writes to Essex, 263 ; sanctions 
 a second letter to Essex from 
 Lord Wilmot and others, ib. ; 
 compels Essex to quit his army, 
 and the army itself to capitulate, 
 264; addresses another pacific 
 message to the house, 266 ; re- 
 ijolves to march upon London, 
 
 267 ; issues a proclamation, call- 
 ing upon his subjects to rise in 
 his favor, ib. ; is defeated by 
 Lord Manchester at Newbury, 
 
 268 ; receives commissioners at 
 Oxford from the parliament, 273; 
 his first public interview with 
 them, ib. ; his private interview 
 with Holies and Whitlocke, 274; 
 his second public interview with 
 the commissioners, 275 ; sends a 
 message to parliament, 276 ; 
 agrees to a conference at Ux- 
 bridge, 277 ; restores the name 
 of parliament to the houses at 
 Westminster, 2S2 ; gives audi- 
 ence to Lord Southampton at 
 Oxford, 284 ; sends Prince 
 Charles into the west of England 
 with the title of generalissimo, 
 291 ; his despondency at this pe- 
 riod, ib. ; quits Oxford for the 
 north of England, 292 ; takes 
 Leicester, 294 ; is defeated by 
 Fairfax at Naseby, 295 ; his pri- 
 vate correspondence read to the 
 citizens of London in Guildhall, 
 298 ; proceeds to Ragland Castle, 
 303 ; his letter to Prince Rupert, 
 ib. ; takes up his head-quarters 
 at York, 304 ; returns to Oxford, 
 
 305 ; marches against the Scots, 
 ib. ; returns to Ragland Castle, 
 
 306 ; his letter to Prince Rupert 
 respecting the surrender of 
 Bristol, ib. ; deprives the prince 
 and Colonel Legge of their com- 
 missions, 307 ; is defeated by the 
 parliamentarians at Rounton 
 Heath, ib. ; proceeds to Newark, 
 309 ; his interview with Prince 
 Rupert, 310 ; dissensions be- 
 tween him and Sir Richard Wil- 
 lis and other royalists, ib. ; 
 escapes to Oxford, 311 ; despe- 
 ration of his affairs, ib. ; makes 
 overtures of peace, 312 ; renews 
 them, 313 ; his secret negotia- 
 tions with the Irish Roman 
 catholics discovered, 315 ; their 
 nature, 316 ; disavows his agenta 
 
496 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 in those negotiations, but with- 
 out effect, 317; his position at 
 this time, ib. ; his endeavors to 
 sow dissensions among his oppo- 
 nents, 319 ; his correspondence 
 with Vane, ib. ; proceeds to the 
 Scottish camp, 322 ; his recep- 
 tion, ib. ; his secret plans with 
 Lord Digby, 326 ; writes to Lord 
 Ormond, 327 ; his controversy on 
 religion with Henderson, 32S ; 
 writes to Lord Glamorgan, to 
 raise money for him by pawning 
 the kingdom, ib. ; continues his 
 negotiations with the Irish Ro- 
 man Catholics, ib. ; receives 
 commissioners from the parlia- 
 ment, ib. ; his interviews with 
 de Montreuil and Davenant, 329; 
 declines the parliamentary pro- 
 positions, 330 ; receives a depu- 
 tation from Edinburgh, 333 ; his 
 letter to Hamilton respecting 
 his position, 334 ; increasing 
 sympathy of the people for him, 
 336 ; is given up by the Scots 
 and conveyed to Holmby Castle, 
 337 ; his reception by the people 
 on his way, and on his arrival, 
 ib. ; his treatment by the parlia- 
 mentary commissioners, 346 ; is 
 removed by the army to New- 
 market, ib. ; details of the affair, 
 347 ; receives Fairfax and his 
 staff at Childersley, 349 ; his 
 treatment by the army, 354 ; his 
 interview with his .youngest 
 children at Maidenhead, 355 ; 
 his friendly intercourse with the 
 leaders of the army, ib. ; his first 
 interview with Sir John Berkley, 
 358 ; differences between him 
 and the officers, 362 ; addresses 
 proposals to them, ib. ; removes 
 to Hampton Court, 368 ; his re- 
 newed intercourse with Crom- 
 well and other leaders of the ar- 
 my, 369 ; rejects proposals made 
 by parliament, 372 ; his secret 
 correspondence with the royal- 
 ists, 374; a letter from him to the 
 
 queen discovered by Cromwell, 
 ib. ; rigorous measures adopted 
 towards him by the army, 378 ; 
 consults William Lilly as to a 
 place of retreat, 380 ; escapes 
 from Hampton Court to the Isle 
 of Wight, ib. ; attempts to renew 
 his negotiations with the army, 
 388 ; his secret hopes, 389 ; re- 
 ceives commissioners from the 
 parliaments of Scotland and Eng- 
 land, at Carisbrook, 390 ; con- 
 cludes a treaty with the former, 
 ib. ; rejects the proposition of the 
 latter, 391 ; his interview with 
 Col. Hammond respecting the 
 rigorous treatment applied to 
 him, ib.,; manifestations in his 
 favor throughout the country, 
 397 et seq. ; receives commis- 
 sioners from the parliament at 
 Newport, 415 ; his double deal- 
 ing on the occasion, 417 ; his 
 firmness with reference to the 
 church of England, 418 ; his 
 touching farewell to the parlia- 
 mentary commissioners, 422 ; is 
 removed to Hurst Castle, 424 ; 
 and thence to Windsor, 432 ; his 
 conversation on the way with 
 Major Harrison, 434 ; dines at 
 Lord Newburgh's, ib. ; arrival 
 at Windsor, ib. ; his treatment 
 there, ib. ; is removed to Lon- 
 don, 438 ; appears before the 
 high court of commission, 439; 
 particulars of the first day's trial, 
 lb. ; of the second, 441 ; of the 
 third, 442 ; steps taken in his 
 behalf, ib. ; his fourth appear- 
 ance, before the court, 444 ; is 
 condemned to death, 446 ; his de- 
 meanor after sentence, 447 ; his 
 interview next day with Juxon, 
 448 ; and with his two youngest 
 children, 449 ; his conduct on 
 the day of his execution, 452; 
 his speech on the scaffold, 454'; 
 his death and funeral, 455. 
 Charles, Prince of Wales, appoint- 
 ed by his father generalissimo of 
 
INDEX. 
 
 497 
 
 the west, 291 ; offers to mediate 
 between the king and the par- 
 liament, 313 ; retires to Scilly, 
 318 ; assumes the command of 
 the mutinied parliamentary 
 navy, 402. 
 
 Chester, siege of, raised by the 
 king, 293. 
 
 Cholmondeley, Sir H., negotiates 
 witli tlie queen, 201. 
 
 Church of England, its position 
 immediately after the Reforma- 
 tion, 32 ; circumstances connect- 
 ing it with despotism, 33 ; its 
 position in the latter part of the 
 reign of Elizabeth, and under 
 James and Charles, 73 ; its inde- 
 pendence asserted by Dr. Ban- 
 croft, ib. ; its support of absolu- 
 tion, 74 ; its assertion of divine 
 right for its bishops, 78 ; its en- 
 croachments upon civil affairs, 
 79 ; the feeling of the country 
 towards it, 82 ; its clergy take an 
 oath against alterations in its 
 government, 105 ; decline of its 
 influence, 134. 
 
 Church property, act passed autho- 
 rizing the sale of, 314. 
 
 Church, reformation in, actively 
 set on foot bv the presbyterians, 
 232. 
 
 Clarke, Mr. Edward, his speech in 
 favor of prerogative censured by 
 the house of commons, 36. 
 
 " Clubmen," origin of this body, 
 301 ; their views and progress, 
 ib. ; treated with by Fairfax, 
 302 ; broken up by Cromwell, 
 312. 
 
 Cobbett, Col., removes the king to 
 Hurst Castle, 433. 
 
 Coke, Sir Edward, prevented from 
 attending the king's second par- 
 liament, 38 ; characterized, 46. 
 
 Colchester invested by Fairfax, 
 405 ; surrenders, 418. 
 
 Colepepper, Sir J., named chan- 
 cellor of the exchequer, 148 ; 
 appointed to attend Prince 
 Charles into the west, 291. 
 
 42* 
 
 Commerce, its rise in England, 30 ; 
 impeded by France, 44 ; benefit 
 it derived from Laud, 64. 
 
 Commissioners from parliament 
 wait on the king at Dover, 166 
 Canterbury, ib.; Theobalds, 167 
 Newmarket, 168; York, 176 
 Colnbrook, 192 ; Oxford, 202 
 sent to Scotland, 218 ; wait on 
 the king at Oxford, 273; their 
 reception by the people there, 
 ib. ; proceed to Newcastle to re- 
 ceive the king from the Scots, 
 336 ; wait on the king at New- 
 port, 415 ; particulars of the con- 
 ference, ib. 
 
 Commissioners from the king levy 
 oppressive exactions over the 
 country, 71. 
 
 Committee of grievances draw up 
 a report, 142. 
 
 Committee of safety appointed, 183 ; 
 of the two kingdoms appointed, 
 252. 
 
 Common council present a petition 
 in favor of war, 219 ; present a 
 petition for the more vigorous 
 prosecution of the war, 294 ; pre- 
 sent a petition against the army, 
 399 ; refuse permission to Goring 
 to pass through the city with 
 royalist succors, 404. 
 
 Commons, house of, composition 
 of, in the 14th century, 30 ; 
 wealth of, in 1628, 31 ; their 
 great advances in freedom under 
 James I., 35 ; their attitude in 
 the first parliament of Charles 
 I., 36 ; vote the customs for only 
 one year, 37 ; their attitude on 
 being assembled, 1st Charles I., 
 39 ; impeach the Duke of Buck- 
 ingham, ib. ; vote public rumor 
 a sufficient ground on which to 
 proceed, 39 ; appoint commis- 
 sioners to conduct the impeach- 
 ment, 40 ; two of their members 
 sent to the Tower by the king, 
 ib. ; their projected remonstrance 
 burnt by the hangman, 42 ; cha- 
 racter and views of the house. 
 
498 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 (3d of Chas. I.), 46 ; have acorT- 
 ference with the lords as to the 
 rights of the subject, 48 ; insist 
 upon a redress of grievances, 49 ; 
 draw up the petition of rights, 
 ib. ; their proceedings in the 
 matter, 51 ; are forbidden by the 
 king to meddle in affairs of state, 
 ib. ; present a remonstrance 
 against Buckingham and against 
 illegal collection of tonnage and 
 poundage, 53 ; are prorogued, ib.; 
 proceedings on being re-assem- 
 bled, 55 ; their resistance to the 
 king's levying tonnage and 
 poundage, ib. ; their position in 
 the estimation of the public, 81 ; 
 their composition, 4th parliament 
 of Charles I., 102 ; their proceed- 
 ings, ib. ; vote against the lords 
 interfering in money matters, 
 103 ; refuse subsidies, ib. ; their 
 attitude on the opening of the 
 king's 5th parliament, 109 ; 
 practically assume the govern- 
 ment, 115 ; raise money in their 
 own name, ib. ; vote an indemnity 
 to the Scots, 116; negotiate for 
 peace with Scotland, ib. ; their 
 powerful attitude, ib. ; feeling of 
 the majority in the 5th parlia- 
 ment of Charles, 118 ; send com- 
 missioners into the provinces to 
 remove the crucifixes, images, 
 &c., from the churches, 120; 
 attend in a body the trial of 
 Strafford, 124 ; press on the pro- 
 ceedings, 125 ; tlteir plan for 
 effecting the destruction of the 
 earl, 126 ; rumor of the house 
 being about to be blown up, 129 ; 
 their position after Strafford's ex- 
 ecution, 133 ; prorogue them- 
 selves, 136 ; send a committee to 
 watch the king's movements in 
 Scotland, ib. ; alarm of the oppo- 
 sition at the king's proceedings 
 against the covenanters in Scot- 
 land, 138 ; authorize the servants 
 of members to come armed to the 
 house for their protection, 150; 
 
 apply to the kingfor a guard, 153 ; 
 their proceedings on the demand 
 being rejected, ib. ; steps taken 
 by them on account of the im- 
 peachment of the five members, 
 154; conference with the lords, 
 155 ; their reception of the king 
 on his coming to arrest the five 
 members, 156 ; their subsequent 
 proceedings, 159 ; resolve that 
 the kingdom shall be put in a 
 state of defence, 162; their pro- 
 ceedings on the king's withdraw- 
 ing from London, 163 ; send 
 commissioners to the king re- 
 specting the militia bill, 165 ; 
 prohibit freedom of discussion, 
 174 ; reject a proposition for dis- 
 banding the army, 202 ; send 
 commissioners to wait on the 
 king at Oxford, ib. ; reject the 
 pacific measures proposed by the 
 lords, 219 ; make a declaration 
 of their attachment to the house 
 of lords, 287 ; propose to omit 
 from Fairfax's commission the 
 instruction " to watch over the 
 safety of the king's person," ib. ; 
 their violent measures to prevent 
 the king from coming to London, 
 320; vote £100,000 on account 
 of the Scots, 226 ; vote that the 
 army be disbanded, 337 ; their 
 reception of the delegates from 
 the army, 341 ; their attempts to 
 conciliate the army, 343, 353 ; 
 pass a resolution against any 
 member holding a place of profit, 
 353 ; vote new propositions to 
 the king, 339 ; pass a resolution 
 to set the king by, 394 ; pass a 
 resolution in favor of constitu- 
 tional monarchy and of peace, 
 399 ; pass a resolution in favor 
 of fresh negotiations with the 
 king, 403 ; vote new propositions 
 to the king, 406 ; their debate 
 respecting the king's concessions 
 at Newport, 422 ; vote them to 
 be satisfactory, 428 ; certain 
 members of, arrested by Colonel 
 
499 
 
 Pride by order of the army, 429 ; 
 their treatment, 430 ; further 
 proceedings against presbyterian 
 members, ib. ; repeal all the pro- 
 ceedings in favor of peace, 431 ; 
 resolve that the king shall be 
 brought to trial, 435; declare 
 him guilty of treason, and insti- 
 tute a high court of commission 
 to try him, ib. ; resolve to pro- 
 ceed with the trial of the king, 
 notwithstanding the refusal of 
 the lords to concur in it, 436 ; 
 direct an inventory to be taken 
 of the contents of all the royal 
 palaces, 437 ; abolish the office 
 of king in England, 45G ; allow 
 500/. for the expenses of the 
 king's funeral, ib. ; declare trai- 
 tors any w"ho declare a successor 
 to him, ib. 
 
 Confederation of counties for carry- 
 ing on the war, 197. 
 
 Conyers, Sir J., appointed governor 
 of the Tower, 165. 
 
 Cook, Colonel Edw., consulted by 
 the king at Newport, 424. 
 
 Cook, Mr. John, appointed attor- 
 ney-general to conduct the 
 king's trial, 437. 
 
 Cooke, Mr. Secretary, gives offence 
 to the house of commons, 48 ; his 
 speech urging subsidies, ib. 
 
 Cornwall, the men of, their bravery 
 and loyalty, 213 ; letter of thanks 
 to them from the king, 214 ; 
 (note) ; peculiarity in the landed 
 property of, ib. 
 
 Cottington, Lord, his subtlety, 72. 
 
 Cotton, Sir Robert, his speech in 
 favor of a redress of public griev- 
 ances, 36 ; summoned to aid the 
 king with his counsels, 45. 
 
 Council, great, of peers, called at 
 York, 108. 
 
 Council, privy, of a popular cha- 
 racter formed, 121. 
 
 Country gentry are ordered to keep 
 on their estates, 72 ; character- 
 ized, 148 ; their feelings towards 
 the presbyterian party, ib. ; resort 
 
 to London to support the king, 
 ib. 
 
 Court, the, its hatred of parliament, 
 59 ; its intrigues, 61 ; its animo- 
 sity to Strafford and Laud, 65 ; 
 its alarm at the proceedings of 
 the commons, 112. 
 
 Court, Northern, abolished, 118. 
 
 Covenant, solemn league and, 
 drawn up, 94 ; its purport, ib. ; 
 its immediate acceptation, ib. ; 
 agreed to by the parliament of 
 England, 229 ; its reception in 
 London, ib. 
 
 Credit, public, its origin, 115. 
 
 Cromwell, Mrs., received with 
 great honors by the king at 
 Hampton Court, 369. 
 
 Cromwell, John, his efforts in 
 favor of the king, 443. 
 
 Cromwell, Oliver, his first public 
 appearance in parliament, 55 ; 
 prevented from emigrating by an 
 order in council, 84 ; his early 
 menaces against royalty, 118 ; 
 nature of his part in the work of 
 opposition in the earlier stage of 
 his political career, 174 ; pre- 
 vents the transmission of supplies 
 to the king from Cambridge, 181 ; 
 rise of his reputation, 205 ; his 
 opinion of the parliamentary and 
 royal cavalry, 206 ; raises troops 
 in the eastern counties, 207 ; his 
 address to his recruits, ib. : his 
 rigid discipline, ib. ; his intima- 
 tion to Lord Falkland on occa- 
 sion of the grievance remon- 
 strance, 143 ; his endeavors to 
 gain over Lord Manchester, 261 ; 
 his attack on Lord Manchester 
 in the house of commons, 270 ; 
 rising distrust of him on the part 
 of thepresbyterians, ib. ; progress 
 of his influence with the army, 
 271 ; his contempt for the Scots, 
 ib. ; his speech in favor of pro- 
 secuting the war, 277 ; his power 
 over the troops, 290 ; quells a 
 mutiny in his own regiment, 
 291 ; is continued in command, 
 
500 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 notwithstanding the self-denying 
 ordinance, 292 ; defeats the roy- 
 alists at Islip Bridge and other 
 places, ib. ; continued in com- 
 mand, 293 ; again continued in 
 command, 295 ; disperses the 
 clubmen, 312; continued in 
 command for four months, 314 ; 
 is again continued in command, 
 317 ; tampers with Ludlow, 33S ; 
 his influence with the army, ib. ; 
 encourages discontent in the 
 army, 339 ; his tamperings with 
 Ludlow, 342 ; meets the advances 
 of Whitelocke and other mem- 
 bers of the commons, 343 ; soli- 
 cited by the parliament to re- 
 establish harmony between it 
 and the army, ib. ; his solemn 
 denial of any concurrence in the 
 removal of the king from Holm- 
 by, 350 ; allegations against him 
 on the part of two officers, 351 ; 
 his protestations of fidelity to 
 the commons, ib. ; repairs to the 
 camp at Triploe Heath, and 
 openly places himself at the head 
 of the army party, 352 ; his rea- 
 sons for keeping fair at first with 
 the king, 356 ; his interview with 
 Sir John Berkley at Reading, 
 357 ; characterized by some of 
 the army leaders, 353 ; his ma- 
 chinations to create dissensions 
 in the parliament, 363 ; source 
 of his .influence with the re- 
 publicans, 367 ; circumstances 
 which involved him in distrust 
 with the army republicans, 368 ; 
 his assiduous intercourse with 
 the king at Hampton Court, 369 ; 
 seeks to conciliate Lilburne, 
 370 ; nature of his feelings at this 
 period, ib. ; offers made him by 
 the king, ib. ; sentiments to- 
 wards him on the part of the 
 army, 372 ; difficulties of his po- 
 sition in Oct., 1647, 373 ; disco- 
 vers a letter from Charles to the 
 queen, explaining his real in- 
 tentions, 375 ; denounced by i 
 
 Lilburne, 373 ; project to assas- 
 sinate him, ib. ; his satisfaction 
 at the king's escaping from 
 Hampton Court, 385 ; his ener- 
 getic proceedings towards the in- 
 surrectionary troops at Ware, 
 386 ; his subsequent reception in 
 the house of commons, 387 ; his 
 speech against the king, 393 ; en- 
 deavors to reconcile the con- 
 tending parties in parliament, 
 
 396 ; is close pressed by Ludlow, 
 
 397 ; suppresses a royal insur- 
 rection in London, 398 ; seeks to 
 conciliate the citizens of London, 
 400 ; proceeds to head-quarters 
 to take decisive measures against 
 parliament, ib. ; is defeated in 
 his immediate object by Fairfax, 
 ib. ; his conversation with Lud- 
 low, on his position, ib. ; has an 
 interview with some presbyteri- 
 an ministers, 481 ; takes Pem- 
 broke castle, 409 ; and marches 
 against the Scots, ib. ; defeats 
 them at Wigan and Warrington, 
 411 ; is denounced in a pamph- 
 let by Major Huntingdon, 412 ; 
 enters Scotland, 419 ; has an in- 
 terview with Argyle, ib. ; con- 
 cludes a treaty with the Scottish 
 royalists, ib. ; is received at Ed- 
 inburgh in triumph, ib. ; returns' 
 to England, 420 ; resumes his 
 seat in the house of commons, 
 431 ; his speech on the motion 
 for bringing the king to trial, 
 435 ; his excitement on the 
 king's approaching to take his 
 trial, 439 ; resists Colonel 
 Downs' interposition in favor of 
 Charles, 446 ; his conduct on oc- 
 casion of signing the king's sen- 
 tence, 450, and on that of signing 
 the warrant for his execution, 
 452 ; visits the body of the king 
 in his coffin, 455. 
 
 Cropredy Bridge, battle of, 257. 
 Crown lands, sale of, by Elizabeth, 
 31. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 501 
 
 Dalbier, Colonel, mutiny of his 
 regiment, 290. 
 
 Darnel, Sir John, his case, and 
 that of his colleagues, 43. 
 
 Davenant, Sir William, his attempt 
 to induce the king to accept the 
 offer of parliament, 329. 
 
 Delinquents, public, denounced by 
 the commons, 112. 
 
 Denbigh, Lord, and other commis- 
 sioners from the parliament wait 
 on the king at Oxford, 273 ; re- 
 signs his commission, 289 ; waits 
 on the king, with other parlia- 
 mentary commissioners, at Ca- 
 risbrook, 391. 
 
 Devizes taken by the parliamenta- 
 rians, 312. 
 
 Devon and Cornwall, people of, 
 form a treaty of mutual neutral- 
 ity, 197. 
 
 Devonshire, Duke of, anecdote of 
 his daughter, on her convei'sion 
 to Roman-catholicism, 78. 
 
 D'Ewes, Sir Symonds, supports a 
 motion for peace, 407. 
 
 Digby, his speech against the bill 
 of attainder of Strafford condemn- 
 ed by the house of commons, 
 133; his share in the impeach- 
 ment of lord Kimbolton and the 
 five members, 154 ; his enmity 
 to Prince Rupert, 310 ; defeated 
 by the parliamentarians at Sher- 
 borne, 311. 
 
 Digges, Sir Dudley, sent to the 
 Tower by the king, 41 ; releas- 
 ed, ib. ; his speech on the occa- 
 sion of the king's forbidding the 
 house to meddle in affairs of 
 state, 51. 
 
 " Directions for public worship," 
 substituted for the Anglican li- 
 turgy, 281. 
 
 Dissent, its progress, 84, 85, 324. 
 
 Divines, assembly of, convoked, 
 208. 
 
 Dorchester surrenders to the royal 
 troops, 215. 
 
 Douglas, marquis of, declares for 
 the king, 305. 
 
 Downs, Col,, his attempt in favor 
 of the king, 446. 
 
 Ecclesiastics, bill introduced to 
 exclude them from civil func- 
 tions, 119 ; different views re- 
 specting the measure, 120. 
 
 Edgehill, battle of, 189. 
 
 EiKcov Ba(riXi%/7 published, 443. 
 
 Elizabeth, Princess,;Jier interview 
 with her father at Maidenhead, 
 355 ; her last interview with her 
 father, 449. 
 
 Eliot, Sir John, sent to the Tower 
 by the king, 41 ; released, ib. ; 
 his speech against Buckingham, 
 48 ; his speech on the king's for- 
 bidding the commons to meddle 
 in the affairs of state, 51 ; pro- 
 poses a new remonstrance against 
 tonnage and poundage, 56 ; his 
 death, 60. 
 
 Elizabeth, Queen, her policy with 
 reference to the nobility, 27 ; her 
 resistance to the principles of 
 civil liberty, 35 ; asserts her su- 
 premacy over the church, 73. 
 
 Elsynge, Mr., resigns his office of 
 clerk to the house of commons, 
 437. 
 
 England, the crisis in which she 
 was in 1643, 239. 
 
 Episcopacy, petition from London 
 for the abolition of, 119. 
 
 Essex, inhabitants of, present a 
 petition in favor of the king, 
 401. 
 
 Essex, Earl of, sent with an army 
 against the Scottish insurgents, 
 98 ; withdrawn from the court 
 in disgust, 99 ; is appointed cap- 
 tain-general South of Trent, 136; 
 grants the house of commons a 
 guard, 139 ; appointed general- 
 issimo of the parliamentary for- 
 ces, 184 ; marches out of London 
 at the head of the army, 187 
 defeats the royalist army at Edge- 
 hill, 1S9 ; besieges Reading, 204: 
 his innate antipathy to the war 
 205 ; decline of his influence 
 
502 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 ib. ; circumstances which retain- 
 ed him in command, ib. ; diffi- 
 culties of his position, 206 ; re- 
 jects proposals to open negotia- 
 tions with the king, 219 ; re- 
 lieves Gloucester, 223 ; defeats 
 the king at Newbury, 227 ; en- 
 ters London in triumph, 229 ; 
 tenders his resignation, 230 ; 
 withdraws it, ib. ; receives a 
 message from the parliament at 
 Oxford, 249 ; returns it, ib. ; re- 
 ceives a second letter, and replies 
 to it, 250 ; besieges Oxford, 254 ; 
 refuses to obey the order of par- 
 liament to resign his command in 
 the West to Waller, 255 ; his suc- 
 cesses in the west, 20 1 ; retreats 
 into Cornwall, 262 ; difficulties 
 of his position, ib. ; receives a 
 pacific letter from the king, ib. ; 
 and a letter from some of the 
 royalist lords, 263 ; rejects their 
 overtures, ib. ; sails from Fowey 
 to Plymouth, and thence writes 
 to parliament an account of his 
 disasters, 265 ; the reply of par- 
 liament, ib. ; his resignation, 
 288 ; his death, 345. 
 
 Evelyn, Sir John, proclaimed a 
 traitor by the king, 191. 
 
 Everard, John, his deposition 
 against the army, 399. 
 
 Ewers, Colonel, appointed govern- 
 or of the Isle of Wight, 422. 
 
 Fairfax, Sir Thomas, his early 
 appearance in the cause of liber- 
 ty, 177 ; his spirited conduct at 
 Heyworth Moor, 178 ; his suc- 
 cesses in the north, 205 ; defeat- 
 ed at Atherton Moor, 213 ; ap- 
 pointed governor of Hull, 217; 
 defeats the royalists at Nantwich 
 and Selby, 251 ; appointed gene- 
 ralissimo of the parliamentary 
 army, 286 ; takes up his head- 
 quarters at Windsor, 290 ; form- 
 ation of his army, ib ; invests 
 Oxford, 293 ; defeats the king at 
 Naseby, 295 ; invests Bristol, 
 
 305 ; defeats Lord Hopton at 
 Torrington, 318; blockades New- 
 bury, 321 ; meets the king at 
 Nottingham, 337 ; decline of his 
 influence with the army, 344 ; 
 calls a general council of offi- 
 cers, ib. ; his anger at the remo- 
 •val of the king from Holmby, 
 349 ; waits on the king at Chil- 
 dersley, ib. ; addresses a thre-at- 
 ening letter to the city of Lon- 
 don, 353 ; appoints commission- 
 ers to treat with parliament, 
 354 ; interposes to procure the 
 king an interview with his chil- 
 dren, 355 ; his reception of the 
 city authorities, 305 ; appeases 
 the mutinous troops at Ware, 
 385 ; his reception of Sir John 
 Berkley, at Windsor, 388 ; re- 
 sists Cromwell's project of 
 marching the army on London, 
 400 ; beats the royalists at Maid- 
 stone, 404 ; obtains possession of 
 Colchester, 418 ; reception of 
 members of the commons on oc- 
 casion of Col. Pride's proceed- 
 ings, 430 ; withdraws from the 
 high court of commission, 436. 
 
 Fairfax, Lady, her interruption of 
 the proceedings on the king's 
 trial, 444. 
 
 Falkland, Lord, his early devo- 
 tion to literature, 80 ; his inter- 
 position on behalf of Strafford, 
 113 ; characterized, 147 ; ap- 
 pointed secretary of state, 148 ; 
 characterized, 227 ; his death, 
 228. 
 
 Felton, John, assassinated the Duke 
 of Buckingham, 53 ; his execu- 
 tion, 54 ; copy of the paper found 
 in his hat. Appendix ii. 
 
 Fiennes, Nathaniel, his cowardice 
 at Bristol, 215. 
 
 Finch, Lord Keeper, his insulting 
 treatment of Prynne, 87 ; im- 
 peached, 114 ; is permitted to 
 escape, ib. 
 
 Fleet, parliamentary, mutinies, 
 402. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 503 
 
 Forests, royal, unduly extended, 
 
 70. 
 Fortescue, Sir Faithful, goes over 
 
 to the royal army at Edgehill, 
 
 190. 
 France, ambassador from, refuses 
 
 to interfere in the king's favor, 
 
 451. 
 Free inquiry, its progress, 33, 74. 
 
 Games, popular, prohibited, 232. 
 
 Gascoigne, Sir Bernard, condemned 
 by Fairfax to be shot, but re- 
 prieved, 41S, 419. 
 
 German troops levied by Bucking- 
 ham, 52. 
 
 Giles, Dr., sent by the king to 
 Hampden, 212. 
 
 Glamorgan, Lord, characterized, 
 316 ; confidence reposed in him 
 by the king, ib. ; his negotiations 
 with the Irish Roman Catholics, 
 ib. ; is arrested, 317 ; on his re- 
 lease, continues his negotiations, 
 32S. 
 
 Gloucester besieged by the king, 
 224. 
 
 Goodman, Rev. Mr., a Roman 
 Catholic priest, pardoned by the 
 house of commons, 116. 
 
 Goodwin, Rev. Mr., offers his ser- 
 vices to the king, 453. 
 
 Goring, Lord, discloses the plot of 
 the army to Lord Bedford, 123 ; 
 declares for the king, 185 ; de- 
 feated at Langport, 302 ; heads a 
 royalist rising in Kent, 401 ; as- 
 sembles a royalist army on Black- 
 heath, 404 ; retreats into Essex, 
 405. 
 
 Gourney, Lord Mayor, impeached 
 and dismissed his office by the 
 commons, 180. 
 
 Great seal, transmitted by the lord 
 chancellor to the king at York, 
 176 : replaced by the commons, 
 216 ; a new one made, 456. 
 
 Grenville, Mr., fined for speaking 
 ill of Lord Suffolk, 72 (note). 
 
 Grey, of Wark, Lord, refusing to 
 act as commissioner from the 
 
 parliament of Scotland, is sent to 
 the Tower, 218. 
 
 Grievances, report on, presented 
 by the presbyterians, 142; de- 
 bate on, 143. 
 
 Grimstone, Mayor, his attack on 
 Cromwell in the commons, 351. 
 
 Hacker, Col., signs the king's 
 death-warrant, 452. 
 
 Hall, Bishop, his treatise on the 
 divine right of bishops, 78. 
 
 Hamilton, Marquis of, opens nego- 
 tiations with the political lead- 
 ers, 121 ; affair between him and 
 the king at Edinburgh, 137 ; is 
 created duke, 138 ; sent by the 
 king to prevent a union between 
 the parliaments of Scotland and 
 England, 242 ; released from 
 prison, 333 ; regains the king's 
 favor, ib. ; his exertions for the 
 king, ib. ; leads a royalist army 
 against the parliamentary forces, 
 408; is defeated, 411; retreats 
 into Wales, ib. ; surrenders to 
 Lambert, ib. 
 
 Hammond, Col., appointed govern- 
 or of the Isle of Wight, 379 ; his 
 interview with Berkley and Ash- 
 burnham, 381 ; waits on the king 
 at Tichfield, 382 ; escorts him to 
 Carisbrook Castle, ib. ; reports 
 his arrival to parliament, 385 ; 
 his angry interview with the 
 king, 391 ; deprived of his com- 
 mand, 422. 
 
 Hampden, John, prevented from 
 emigrating by an order in coun- 
 cil, 84 ; characterized, 85 ; re- 
 fuses to pay ship-money, ib. ; 
 brings the question before the 
 judges, ib. ; loses the trial, 90; 
 his popularity, 91 ; his views 
 with reference to episcopacy, 
 121 ; moves that the remon- 
 strance on grievances be printed, 
 144 ; impeached by the king, 
 153 ; wounded in a skirmish, 
 211; his death, 212; remarks 
 upon, 213. 
 
504 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Harrison, Major, escorts the king 
 to Windsor, 433s his conversa- 
 tion on the way with Charles, 
 434. 
 
 Haslerig, Sir A., prevented from 
 emigrating by an order of coun- 
 cil, 84 ; moves the bill of attain- 
 der against Stratford, 126 ; im- 
 peached by the king, 153. 
 
 Henderson, Alex., draws up the 
 solemn league and covenant, 94 ; 
 his controversy with the king, 
 328. 
 
 Henrietta-Maria, Queen, her mar- 
 riage, 28 ; her feelings towards 
 England, 61 ; her ascendency 
 over her husband, ib. ; charac- 
 terized, ib. ; her favorites, 62 ; 
 her animosity to Strafford and 
 Laud, 65 ; her conferences with 
 the discontented officers, 122 ; 
 return from the continent with 
 supplies, 199 ; her narrow es- 
 cape at Burlington, 200 ; takes 
 up her residence at York, ib. ; 
 enters into negotiations with 
 some parliamentary leaders, 201 ; 
 impeached by the commons, 
 203; joins the king at Oxford, 
 215 ; proceeds to Exeter, 254 ; 
 embarks at Falmouth for France, 
 261 ; solicits permission to visit 
 her husband, 442. 
 
 Henry VIII., his policy with refer- 
 ence to the nobility, 27, 31 ; his 
 persecuting character, 32. 
 
 Hertford, Marquis of, his disgust 
 with the court, 214. 
 
 Herbert, Sir Edward, attorney- 
 general, impeaches Lord Kim- 
 bolton, Hampden, and others, 
 153. 
 
 Herbert, Mr., his conversation with 
 the king previous to his removal 
 to Windsor, 432 ; instructions 
 given him by the king after his 
 sentence, 448 ; his last offices 
 for the king, 452. 
 
 Heyworth Moor, meeting at, called 
 by the king, 177. j 
 
 High court of commission, insti- j 
 
 tuted for the trial of the king, 
 435 ; its preliminary meetings, 
 436; opens its proceedings, 439 ; 
 votes the king's condemnation, 
 443. 
 
 High commission, ecclesiastical 
 court of, abolished, 118. 
 
 Holborne, Mr., acts as counsel to 
 Hampden, in the ship-money 
 case, 90 ; opposes the bill of 
 attainder against Straffisrd, 128. 
 
 Holland, ambassadors from, inter- 
 pose in favor of the king, 430, 
 and Appendix. 
 
 Holland, Loi'd, his anxiety respect- 
 ing the king's intrigues with the 
 army, 136 ; deprived of his office 
 at court, 175 ; his attempts to 
 regain the king's favor, 240 ; re- 
 turns to London, 245 ; rises in 
 favor of the king, 405 ; taken 
 pi'isoner by the parliament, ib. 
 
 Holies, Denzil, characterized, 46 ; 
 his interview with the king re- 
 specting Strafford, 130; attempts 
 to save the earl, 131 ; impeach- 
 ed by the king, 153 ; his trium- 
 phant return to the parliament, 
 161; his interview with the king 
 at Oxford, 274 ; proposes strict 
 measures against the discontent- 
 ed soldiery, 344. 
 
 Hopton, Lord, characterized, 215 ; 
 accepts the commission of com- 
 mander of the king's forces in the 
 west, 317; difficulties of his po- 
 sition, ib. ; defeated by Fairfax 
 at Torrington, 318 ; retires to 
 the Land's End and thence to 
 Scilly, ib. 
 
 Hotham, Sir John, sent to the 
 Tower by the king, 104 ; appoint- 
 ed governor of Hull, 162; re- 
 fuses to deliver it up to the king, 
 175 ; arrested by parliament, 
 217 ; his trial and execution, 
 281. 
 
 Hotham, John, jun., executed, 281. 
 
 Household, royal, expenses of, 
 their increase under James L 
 and Charles I., 67 [note]. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 505 
 
 Howard, Lord, arrested by Straf- 
 ford, 107. 
 
 Hudson, Dr., accompanies the 
 king in his flight from Oxford, 
 321. 
 
 Hull, summoned by the king, 186. 
 
 Huncks, Colonel, his refusal to 
 write the king's death-warrant, 
 452. 
 
 Huntingdon, Major, denounces 
 Cromwell, 412. 
 
 flyde, Edward, his dissatisfaction 
 at the king's dissolving his 4th 
 parliament, 104 ; characterized, 
 147 ; enters the king's council, 
 148 ; prepares an answer to the 
 general remonstrance, 151 ; 
 draws up replies to the parlia- 
 mentary publications, 172 ; joins 
 the king at York, 175 ; opposes 
 the king's proposal to annul the 
 parliament at Westminster, 246 ; 
 appointed to attend prince 
 Charles into the West, 291 
 
 Impkessment, house of commons 
 pass a resolution against, 146. 
 
 Inchiquin, Lord, goes over to the 
 king, 399. 
 
 Independents, sect of, their rise 
 and persecution, 83. 
 
 Independents, party of, their rise, 
 236 ; their principles, ib. ; their 
 triumphant position after the 
 battle of Marston Moor, 260; 
 their progress, 286 ; their ar- 
 rangements for securing the ar- 
 my, ib. ; their anxiety to get the 
 king from out of the hands of 
 the Scots, 324 ; eminent men 
 enrolled beneath their banners, 
 ib. ; their attempts to excite the 
 people against tlae Scots, 325 ; 
 their indignation at the Scottish 
 demands, 331 ; temporary de- 
 cline of their influence, 338 ; 
 their effbrts to relieve their po- 
 sition, 364 ; gain over some of 
 the presbyterian members, ib. ; 
 their restoration to power, ib. ; 
 difficulties of their position, 376 ; 
 
 43 
 
 their leaders meet and resolve 
 upon strong measures against the 
 presbyterians, 428. 
 
 Industry, its progress under Chas. 
 I., 107, 
 
 Infanta of Spain, mention of her 
 projected marriage with Charles 
 I., 28. 
 
 Ingoldsby, Col., compelled by 
 Cromwell and others to sign the 
 king's sentence, 450. 
 
 Innovation, political and religious, 
 its marked advance towards the 
 end of 1643, 237. 
 
 Ireland, its progress under Straf- 
 ford, 63 ; breaking out of the 
 Roman Catholic insurrection, 
 139 ; its progress, 243. 
 
 Ireland, parliament of, votes subsi- 
 dies to the king, 194. 
 
 Irish Roman catholics, treaty be- 
 tween them and the king disco- 
 vered, 315; conditions of the 
 treaty, ib. 
 
 Irish Roman Catholic insurgents, 
 their negotiations with the king, 
 242 ; make a truce with him, 
 245 ; the hostility of the people 
 of England towards them, ib. ; 
 enlist in the king's army, ib. ; 
 women found among them, ib. 
 
 Irish royalists in England, rigors 
 exercised towards them by the 
 parliament, 314. 
 
 Ireton, H., characterized, 338; 
 keeps on terms with the king, 
 358 ; his assiduous intercourse 
 with the king at Hampton Court, 
 369 ; is offered by the king the 
 government of Ireland, 370; his 
 speech against the king, 393. 
 
 Ireton, Mrs., received with great 
 honor by the king at Hampton 
 court, 369. 
 
 Islip Bridge, battle of, 292. 
 
 James I., his policy characterized, 
 26,27; his resistance to civil 
 liberty, 34 ; his policy with re- 
 ference to the church, 73. 
 
 Jermyn, Henry, his intrigues 
 
506 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 with the discontented officers, 
 122. 
 
 Jenkins, Mr. Justice, his dealings 
 with Lilburne in the Tower, 
 371. 
 
 Jewels, crown, sold by the queen, 
 179. 
 
 Joyce, cornet, removes the king 
 from Holmby, 346 ; vindicates 
 himself to Fairfax, 350. 
 
 Judges, their subserviency to the 
 court, 41, 43, 71 ; declare Straf- 
 ford guilty of high treason, 130. 
 
 Juries, their subserviency under 
 Henry VIII. and his immediate 
 successors, 32. 
 
 Juxon, Bishop of London, appoint- 
 ed high treasurer, 64 ; advises 
 the king to save Strafford, 131 ; 
 attends the king after his sen- 
 tence, 44S ; and previous to his 
 execution, 452 et seq. 
 
 Kent, petition from, in favor of 
 the king and church, 173; roy- 
 alist movements in, 401. 
 
 Kilkenny, insurrectionary council 
 of, 244. 
 
 Killigrew, Sir H., his answer to 
 the proposal for raising money 
 among the members of parlia- 
 ment to carry on the war, ] 50. 
 
 Kilsyth, battle of, 305. 
 
 Kingston, attempt upon, by the 
 royalists, 162. 
 
 Kimbolton, Lord, impeached, 153. 
 
 Kirton, Mr., takes part in the de- 
 bate on the king's forbidding the 
 house to meddle in the affairs of 
 state, 52. 
 
 Lambert, John, characterized, 
 336. 
 
 Langdale, M., surprises Berwick, 
 402 ; defeated by Cromwell, 410. 
 
 Langhorn, Major-Gen., raises the 
 king's standard in Wales, 398. 
 
 Lansdowne, battle of, 213. 
 
 Laud, appointed bishop of London, 
 54 ; characterized, 63 ; his ad- 
 ministration, 64 ; his moderation 
 towards the catholics, 67 ; is of- 
 
 fered a cardinal's hat, ib. ; his 
 efforts in favor of the church, 75 ; 
 impeached, 114 ; his interview 
 with Strafford on the earl's way to 
 the scaffold, 132 ; executed, 281. 
 Lauderdale, earl of, his offers to 
 the king at Newcastle, 336 ; pro- 
 poses a mode of escape to the 
 king, 379 ; enters into a treaty 
 with the king in the Isle of 
 Wight, 390. 
 
 Legge, Col. W., deprived of the 
 governorship of Oxford by the 
 king, 307 ; accompanies the king 
 in his flight from Hampton 
 Court, 380. 
 
 Leicester taken by the king, 294. 
 
 Leighton, A., his condemnation 
 voted by the commons illegal, 
 116; his triumphant return to 
 London, 117. 
 
 Levellers, described, 367. 
 
 Leven, Lesley, Earl of, his recep- 
 tion of the king at Kelham, 322. 
 
 Liberty, civil, its progress in Eng- 
 land in the centuries immediate- 
 ly preceding Charles I., 29, 31, 
 32 ; circumstances which had 
 previously retarded its assertion, 
 33 ; its progress in the first half 
 of the seventeenth century, 84 ; 
 circumstances promoting its pro- 
 gress, 81, 85. 
 
 Liberty, religious, its connection 
 with civil liberty, 33. 
 
 Lilburne, John, execution of his 
 sentence, 88 ; his condemnation 
 voted by the commons illegal, 
 116 ; his triumphant return to 
 London, 117; his indomitable 
 character, 324 ; his high opinion 
 of Cromwell, 368; his reproaches 
 to Cromwell on distrusting his 
 intentions, 369 ; is visited by 
 Cromwell, 370 ; encourages the 
 mutinous troops at Ware, 386. 
 
 Lilburne, Robert, mutinous con- 
 duct of his regiment at Ware, 
 386. 
 
 Lilly, William, consulted by the 
 king, 380, 
 
507 
 
 Lindsey, Earl of, mortally wound- 
 ed, 190. 
 
 Lindsey, General, recalled to de- 
 fend Scotland against the royal- 
 ists, 305. 
 
 Lisle, Sir George, shot at Colches- 
 ter, 419. 
 
 Literature, progress of the taste for 
 in England, SO. 
 
 Littleton, Lord-chancellor, sends 
 the great seal to the king, and 
 joins his majesty at York, 176. 
 
 Liturgy, Anglican, attempt to in- 
 troduce it into Scotland, 95 ; 
 abolished, 281. 
 
 Livesey, Sir M., defeats the royal- 
 ist forces near London, 405. 
 
 Loan on the king's own account 
 ordered to be raised, 37 ; its 
 failure, 38 ; another ordered, 42 ; 
 resisted by the people, 43. 
 
 Lords, house of, refuse to sanction 
 a vote of the commons respect- 
 ing tlie customs' duties, 37 ; ad- 
 mit Lord Bristol's claim to his 
 seat, 40 ; address the king not to 
 dissolve parliament, 42 ; have a 
 conference with the commons on 
 the rights of the subject, 48; 
 urge the commons to modify 
 their views, 49 ; their conduct 
 with reference to the petition of 
 right, 49 ; advocate the views of 
 the king on the opening of the 
 fourth parliament, 102 ; reject 
 the bill for excluding the bishops 
 from parliament, 119; have the 
 independent sectaries to their 
 bar and reprove them, 120 ; 
 send commissioners to Scotland 
 to watch the king's movements, 
 136 ; contention with the com- 
 mons on the subject of the 
 bishops, 150 ; menaced in popu- 
 lar petitions, 165 ; impeach some 
 of their colleagues for absenting 
 themselves from the house, 176 ; 
 adopt peaceful measures, 216 ; 
 several members of, join the king 
 at Oxford, 221 ; reject the self- 
 denying ordinance, 282 ; com- 
 
 plain to the other house of the 
 injurious language used towards 
 them, 267 ; pass a vote of thanks 
 to the Scots, 330 ; resolve to in- 
 vite the king to Oatlands, 346 ; 
 vote to set the king by, 394 ; 
 vote a conference with the king 
 in London, 406 ; refuse their 
 concurrence in the ordinance for 
 trying the king, 435 ; abolished, 
 4.56. 
 
 London, citizens of, riotous pro- 
 ceedings of, on occasion of the 
 war with Scotland, 107; present a 
 petition against episcopacy, 119 ; 
 manifestations of, in support of 
 parliament, 149 ; their reception 
 of the king after the arrest of 
 the five members, 157 ; present 
 a petition for redress of griev- 
 ances, 160; public meeting of, 
 after the battle of Reading, 192; 
 their energy in defence of par- 
 liament, 217 ; royalist negotia- 
 tions with, 248 ; their feelings 
 towards the parliament, 353 ; 
 royalist movement of, 358 ; roy- 
 alist declaration of, in favor of 
 the king, 363 ; give way to the 
 independents, 363 ; their sym- 
 pathy with the king on his trial, 
 441 et seq. 
 
 London, common council of, send 
 a deputation to the king in favor 
 of peace, 195. 
 
 London, corporation of, called upon 
 by the king to furnish twenty 
 vessels for his service, 43 ; their 
 reply, ib. ; present a petition for 
 the calling of a parliament, 108 ; 
 invite the commons to a ban- 
 quet, 249. 
 
 London, women of, present a peti- 
 tion in favor of peace, which 
 gives rise to a riot, 220. 
 
 Love, Rev. Mr., his fanatic oration 
 at Uxbridge, 284. 
 
 Lovelace, Earl of, opens a corre- 
 spondence with the indepen- 
 dents, 240. 
 
 Lowden, Earl of, his conference 
 
508 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 with Whitelocke and Maynard, 
 270 ; his intimation to the king 
 respecting the covenant, 330. 
 
 Lucas, Sir Charles, raises troops 
 for the king, 402 ; is shot at Col- 
 chester, 419. 
 
 Ludlow, Edward, characterized, 
 338 ; tampered with by Crom- 
 well, ib. ; his conversation with 
 Cromwell, as to the position of 
 the latter, 400 ; endeavors to put 
 the army in motion against the 
 parliament, 413. 
 
 Lunsford, Sir T., appointed gov- 
 ernor of the Tower, 151 ; dis- 
 missed the office, 153 ; makes an 
 attempt upon Kingston, 162. 
 
 Macgxtire, Lord, executed, 2S1. 
 
 Mainwaring, Dr., promoted, 54. 
 
 Manchester, Earl of, rise of his re- 
 putation, 205 ; appointed com- 
 mander of the new parliamentary 
 army, 217 ; defeats the king at 
 Newbury, 268 ; is attacked by 
 Cromwell in parliament, ib. ; re- 
 signs his command, 289 ; pro- 
 tests against the king's trial, 
 436. 
 
 Marston Moor, battle of, 258. 
 
 Martyn, Henry, his cowardice at 
 Reading, 191 ; is caned by the 
 Earl of Northumberland, 204 ; 
 his violent speech against the 
 king, 221 ; expelled the house, 
 222. 
 
 Massey, Major-Gen., his regiment 
 disbanded, 326 ; appointed to 
 command the troops destined for 
 Ireland, 340. 
 
 Maynard, Mr., his interview with 
 Lord Lowden, 270 ; his speech 
 in favor of the king's rights, 393. 
 
 Maypoles thrown down throughout 
 the kingdom, 232. 
 
 Medici, Mary de, ordered by the 
 commons to quit England, 116. 
 
 Meeting-houses, their increase, 
 324. 
 
 Militia, London, organized for the 
 service of parliament, 174 ; a 
 
 body of, join the parliamentary 
 army, 193. 
 
 Militia bill, passed by the com- 
 mons, 164, by the lords, 165. 
 
 Milton, John, reference to , 324. 
 
 Ministers, two thousand, ejected 
 from their livings by the presby- 
 terians, 231. 
 
 Monopolies enforced, 70 ; a list of 
 them, ib. (note). 
 
 Monopolists declared by the com- 
 mons incapable of holding a 
 seat in parliament, 112. 
 
 Montague, Dr., complaints against, 
 by the commons, 54 ; appointed 
 Bishop of Chichester, ib. ; pro- 
 fesses Roman Catholic views, 77. 
 
 Montreuil, M. de, his correspon- 
 dence with the Scots in favor of 
 the king, 321. 
 
 Montrose, Marquis of, his intrigues 
 with the king against the cove- 
 nanters, 138 ; assumes the com- 
 mand of the Irish royalist auxili- 
 aries in Scotland, 266 ; gains the 
 battles of Tippermuir and Dee 
 Bridge, 267 ; defeats Argyle at 
 Inverlocky, 285 ; his letter to the 
 king against making peace, ib. ; 
 defeats the covenanters at Kil- 
 syth, 365 ; his reverses, 308 ; 
 characterized, ib. 
 
 Mountstuart, Lord, condemned to 
 death by Strafibrd, 71 ; his pro- 
 perty confiscated by the earl, 72. 
 
 Naseby, battle of, 295. 
 
 Navy, state of the English, under 
 Charles I., 35. 
 
 J\''ew agents appointed by the com- 
 mon soldiers, 373. 
 
 Newburgh, Lord, his plan for the 
 king's escape, 434. 
 
 Newbury, battle of, 226 ; second 
 battle of, 267 ; blockaded by 
 Fairfax, 321. 
 
 Newcastle surrendered to the par- 
 liamentary forces, 337. 
 
 Newcastle, Earl of, escorts the 
 queen to York, 200; refuses to 
 march with the king upon Lon- 
 
INDEX. 
 
 509 
 
 don, 223 ; departs for the conti- 
 nent, 260. 
 Nonconformists, their persecution 
 
 by Laud, 75 ; their progress, 84, 
 
 55, 111. 
 Northern court, put into effect, 70 ; 
 
 its nature described, ib. (note) ; 
 
 abolished, 134. 
 Northumberland, Earl of, with other 
 
 commissioners from parliament, 
 
 waits on the king at Oxford, 202 ; 
 
 chastises Henry Martyn, 204. 
 Nye, Rev. Mr., offers his services to 
 
 the king, 453. 
 
 Officers, general council of, their 
 
 proceedings at Putney, 377. 
 Ormond, Earl of, characterized, 
 
 243 ; his efforts for the king, ib. ; 
 
 arrests Lord Glamorgan, 317 ; 
 
 joins the king at Hampton Court, 
 
 369. 
 O'Neil, Sir Phelim, produces an 
 
 alleged commission from the 
 
 king, 141. 
 Oxford, blockaded by the parlia- 
 mentary troops, 254 ; invested 
 
 by Fairfax, 293. 
 Oxford, university of, sends its 
 
 plate to the king, ISl. 
 
 Parliament at Westminster, its 
 subserviency to power in eaidy 
 times, 31 ; 1st Charles L, con- 
 voked, 35 ; dissolved, 37 ; 2d, 
 convoked, 3S ; dissolved, 42 ; 3d, 
 convoked, 45 ; character of its 
 intercourse with the king, 46 ; 
 prorogued, 53 ; dissolved, 57 ; 
 4th, convoked, 101 ; dissolved 
 103; 5th, convoked, 107; cir- 
 cumstance connected with the 
 day on which it assembled, lOS ; 
 dissension in, 119 ; takes an oath 
 of union in defence of religious 
 and civil liberty, 130 ; declares 
 itself a permanent body till dis- 
 solved by its own consent, ib. ; 
 its false moral position at the 
 commencement of the struggle, 
 172 ; members of, declared trait- 
 
 43* 
 
 ors by the king, ib. ; its declara- 
 tion to the king, after the affair 
 at Hull, 175 ; its position after 
 the commencement of the strug- 
 gle, 179 ; sends proposals to the 
 king, at York, 181 ; dispatches 
 Essex to attack the king, 187 ; 
 its proceedings on learning the 
 king's approach to London, 188 ; 
 requests a safeguard from the 
 king for six negotiators, 191 ; 
 sends an embassy to the States 
 of Holland to require their neu- 
 trality, 199 ; internal dissensions, 
 208 ; annulled by the king, 216 ; 
 invokes the co-operation of the 
 parliament of Scotland against 
 the king, ib. ; its position in Oct., 
 1643, 235 ; progress of the dis- 
 sensions in, 237 ; sends commis- 
 sioners to Ireland, who are order- 
 ed by Ormond to return home, 
 244 ; number of members pre- 
 sent at, in Jan., 1644, 249; its 
 reply to the king's message, 250 ; 
 its energetic proceedings, 252 ; 
 its letter to Essex respecting the 
 king, 254 ; its conduct towards 
 Essex, 262 ; its letter to Essex, 
 after the Cornwall disaster, 265 
 publishes the king's correspon 
 dence taken at Naseby, 299 
 resolves against any further ne 
 gotiations with the king, 313 
 passes an act for the sale of 
 church property, 314 ; orders 
 that no quarter be given to the 
 Irish royalists, ib. ; passes a reso- 
 lution that it alone has the right 
 to dispose of the king's person, 
 332 ; its reception of the intelli- 
 gence of the king's removal to 
 Holmby, 350 ; assailed by the 
 populace of London, 360 ; votes 
 return of the king, 361 ; many of 
 its members take refuge with the 
 army, 362 ; its proceedings after 
 this secession, 363 : its proceed- 
 ings after the return of the fugi- 
 tive members, 366 ; makes fresh 
 propositions to the king, 371 ; 
 
510 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 its attempts against the army 
 agitators, 377 ; its consternation 
 on hearing of the king's escape 
 from Hampton Court, 385 ; sends 
 commissioners to treat with the 
 king, in the Isle of Wight, 389. 
 
 Parliament at Oxford, assembled, 
 247 ; sends a pacific message to 
 Essex, 249 ; is adjourned, 251. 
 
 Parties, state of, at the commence- 
 ment of the struggle, 143. 
 
 Passive obedience preached up by 
 the clergy, 43. 
 
 Pembroke Castle surrendered to 
 Cromwell, 409. 
 
 Pembroke, Earl of, and other com- 
 missioners from parliament, wait 
 on the king at the Scottish head- 
 quarters, 328 ; receive the king 
 from the Scots, 336. 
 
 Pennington, Alderman, made lord- 
 mayor on the dismissal of Alder- 
 man Gourney, 180. 
 
 Pensions, state, their increase un- 
 der James I., and Charles I. 
 68 (note). 
 
 People of the continent, their posi- 
 tion at the time of Charles I.'s 
 accession, 26. 
 
 People of England, their rejoicings 
 at the accession of Charles I., 
 25 ; circumstances which placed 
 them in antagonism with Charles 
 I. from the outset, 26 ; their 
 position and views in the 14th, 
 16th, and 17th centuries, 29, 
 30 ; their rapid progress in 
 liberty, 34 ; their feeling towards 
 Charles I. after the dissolution 
 of his first parliament, 37 ; their 
 anger at the failure of the expe- 
 dition against Cadiz, and hatred 
 of Buckingham, 38 ; their resist- 
 ance to a forced loan, 43 ; pro- 
 gress of their discontent, ib. ; 
 their anger at the failure of the 
 expedition against Rochelle, 44 ; 
 their feeling on the dissolution 
 of Charles's third parliament, 59 ; 
 the part they took with Eliza- 
 beth against the church, 74 ; 
 
 their feeling towards the church 
 and Roman Catholicism, 82 ; 
 their reception of the result of 
 Hampden's trial, 91 ; their feel- 
 ing on the assembling of a new 
 parliament, 101 ; their sympathy 
 with the Scottish insurgents, 
 106 ; their feeling at the death 
 of Strafford, 133 ; their fury at 
 the outbreak of the Irish insur- 
 rection, 141 ; their feeling on the 
 affair of the five members, 161 ; 
 their various views at the com- 
 mencement of the struggle, 170 ; 
 a large proportion of, take the 
 side of parliament, ISO ; open a 
 subscription in its support, ib. ; 
 their sympathy with the king, 
 337. 
 
 Percy, Lord, has an interview with 
 the king, 123. 
 
 Peters, Rev. Hugh, his proceedings 
 in the interest of Cromwell, 3S7 ; 
 his extraordinary address to Fair- 
 fax and the officers, 431. 
 
 Philiphaugh, battle of, 308. 
 
 Philips, Sir R., excluded from par- 
 liament by the king, 38. 
 
 Portland, Earl of, protests against 
 war, 183. 
 
 Powell, Capt., raises royalist suc- 
 cors in Wales, 393. 
 
 Poyer, Capt., raises royalist suc- 
 cors in Wales, 398. 
 
 Poyntz, Major-General, defeats the 
 royalists atRounton Heath, 307 ; 
 sent to watch the movements of 
 the Scots, 321. 
 
 Petition of rights, drawn up by the 
 commons, 49 ; an amendment on 
 the, proposed by the lords, 50 
 rejected by the commons, ib. 
 bill of, adopted by the lords, ib. 
 passed, 53 ; ordered to be pub- 
 lished, ib. 
 
 Pettiger, Mr. , fined for speaking ill 
 of Lord Kingston, 72 (note). 
 
 Presbyterian party, propose a bill 
 for the total destruction of bish- 
 oprics and deaneries, 119 ; defer- 
 ence paid to their party in Edin- 
 
INDEX. 
 
 511 
 
 burgh by the king, 137 ; their 
 triumphant position in 1643, 231; 
 origin of their decline, 232 ; their 
 rising distrust of Cromwell, 269 ; 
 consult Whitelocke and Maynard 
 on the subject, 270 ; reject ac- 
 commodation on other terms 
 
 >- than the supremacy of their 
 church, 329 ; their difficulties 
 respecting the disposal of the 
 king, 331 ; their attempts to rally 
 against the independents, 412 ; 
 their treatment by Colonel Pride, 
 429. 
 
 Presbyterian politics, character- 
 ized, 231. 
 
 Presbyterian religious system, cha- 
 racterized, 231. 
 
 Press, liberty of the, abolished by 
 parliament, 237 ; futility of the 
 ordinance, ib. ; violent proceed- 
 ings of the republicans against, 
 395. 
 
 Pride, Colonel, appears at the bar 
 of the commons, respecting the 
 army petition, 340 ; his treat- 
 ment of the presbyterian mem- 
 bers, 429. 
 
 Property, its subdivision in the 
 centuries immediately preceding 
 Charles, 30. 
 
 Protestants in Ireland, their perse- 
 cution by the catholics, 139. 
 
 Prynne, William, brought before 
 the Star-chamber, S7 ; his trial, 
 his sentence, and his execution, 
 87, 88 ; his condemnation voted 
 illegal, 116 ; his triumphant re- 
 turn to London, 117 ; his speech 
 on occasion of the king being re- 
 moved to Hurst Castle, 427 ; his 
 treatment at the hands of Colo- 
 nel Pride, 429. 
 
 Publications, periodical, their great 
 circulation at the commence- 
 ment of the struggle, 171. 
 
 Public opinion, its rising influence, 
 170. 
 
 Pudsey, Serjeant-Major, waits on 
 the king before Gloucester, 224. 
 
 Puritans, their first assumption of 
 
 a distinctive garb and manner, 
 
 8.5. 
 Pym, John, characterized, 46 ; hia 
 speech on the amended bill of 
 rights, 50; his intimation to 
 Strafford on the desertion of the 
 latter, 54 ; prevented from emi- 
 grating by an order in council, 
 84; impeaches Strafford, 113; 
 his views with reference to epis- 
 copacy, 121 ; collects intelligence 
 of the army plots, 123 ; conducts 
 the prosecution of Strafford, 124 ; 
 his measures to withdraw the 
 king's support from the earl, 
 129 ; royalist attacks upon him, 
 173 ; his position with the inde- 
 pendents, 234 ; his death and 
 character, 24S ; honors paid to 
 his memory by parliament, 249. 
 
 Rainsborough, Capt., sent on an 
 expedition against Morocco, 6S ; 
 put in command of the fleet, 
 388 ; assassinated at Doncaster, 
 422. 
 
 Rationalists, described, 367. 
 
 Re, Isle of, failure of the attempt 
 upon, 44. 
 
 Reading surrendered to the king, 
 191 ; to the parliament, 204. 
 
 Recreation, public days of, insti- 
 tuted in lieu of Christmas and 
 other holidays, 352. 
 
 Reformadoes, characterized, 143. 
 
 Reform, political, its progress, 118 ; 
 its position in 1643, 234 ; re- 
 ligious, its position in 1643, ib. 
 
 Reformation, its early character, 
 32 ; difference between the re- 
 formation intended by Henry 
 VIII. and that aimed at by the 
 people, ib. ; antagonism of the 
 two, ib. 
 
 Remonstrance, grievance, pres;ent- 
 ed to the king, 145. 
 
 Republicans, the various classes of, 
 described, 366 ; their violent pro- 
 ceedings in the commons against 
 the royalists, 394 ; against the 
 presbyterians, 413, 
 
512 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Revenue, public, seized by parlia- 
 ment for its own use, 1S4. 
 
 Revolution, tendency to, in Eng- 
 land, previous to Charles I., 29 ; 
 commencement of the actual 
 struggle, 169 ; characterized, 
 170 ; progress of, 366. 
 
 Rich, Sir Nathaniel, a speech of 
 his quoted, 52. 
 
 Richelieu, Cardinal, his corres- 
 pondence with the Scots, 101. 
 
 Rinuccini, the pope's nuncio, ar- 
 rives in Ireland, 316. 
 
 Rochelle, expedition to succor, 42 ; 
 its failure, 44. 
 
 Rockingham, royal forest of, greatly 
 extended by Charles I., 70. 
 
 Roundway Down, battle of, 215. 
 
 Royal standard first raised against 
 the parliament at Nottingham, 
 186. 
 
 Rudyard, Sir Benjamin, his speech 
 on the opening of Charles I.'s 
 first parliament, 25 ; his speech 
 at the opening of Charles I.'s 
 third parliament, 47 ; his speech 
 against war, 182 ; speaks in favor 
 of peace, 201 ;' withdraws for a 
 time from public life, 234 ; his 
 speech in vindication of the 
 rights of parliament, 413. 
 
 Rupert, Prince, arrives in England 
 and takes the command of the 
 royal cavalry, 188 ; disgusts the 
 public by his severities, 199 ; his 
 impracticable character, 241 ; 
 defeated by t?ie parliamentary 
 forces at Marston Moor, 259 ; 
 writes to the king, counselling 
 peace, 303 ; surrenders Bristol, 
 306 ; letter to him from the king 
 on the occasion, ib. ; is deprived 
 of his commission, 307 ; his in- 
 terview with the king at New- 
 ark, 310. 
 
 Russell, Col., sent in seai'ch of the 
 king, 323. 
 
 St. John", Mr. appointed attorney- 
 general, 122 ; his position with 
 the independents at their origin, 
 
 234 ; protests against the king's 
 trial, 435. 
 
 Salt and meat, taxes on, abolished, 
 352. 
 
 Saltmarsh, Rev. J., his pamphlet 
 against negotiating with the 
 king, 221 ; vindicates the insub- 
 ordinate troops, 387. 
 
 Saville, Lord, his intrigues with 
 the Scots, 105. 
 
 Scobell, Henry, appointed clerk to 
 the parliament, 437. 
 
 Scotland, church of, attempts made 
 to overthrow it, 92 ; distinctive 
 character of the reformation in, 
 ib. ; independent spirit of its 
 clergy, 93 ; general assembly of, 
 meets at Glasgow, 96 ; its remon- 
 strance with the Scottish parlia- 
 ment for favoring the king, 334. 
 
 Scotland, parliament of, its mea- 
 sures in behalf of the king, 39S. 
 
 Scots break out into insurrection 
 at Edinburgh, 93 ; progress of 
 the insurrection, 94 ; the insur- 
 gents have all their demands 
 complied with, 96 ; prepare for 
 war, ib. ; address a pacific decla- 
 ration to the people of England, 
 98 ; open conferences with the 
 king, 99 ; are admitted to a pa- 
 cification, ib. ; resume hostili- 
 ties, 105 ; beat the English at 
 Newburn, ib. 
 
 Scott, Major, arrested at Wai-e for 
 mutiny, 386. • 
 
 Scott, Mr. T., opposes further se- 
 verities towards the king, 406. 
 
 Scottish army contract alliance 
 with the English malcontents, 
 103 ; enter England, ib. ; their 
 pacific conduct towards the po- 
 pulation, 107 ; negotiated with, 
 108 ; the favor shown them by 
 the commons in 1641, 116; in- 
 demnity of £300,000 voted to 
 them, ib. ; receive the king at 
 Kelham, 322 ; their exorbitant 
 demands, 332 ; their resentment 
 of their contumelious treatment 
 by the English, ib. ; their nego- 
 
INDEX. 
 
 513 
 
 tiations with the king at the Isle 
 of Wight, 390 ; enter England, 
 in support of the king, 40S ; 
 difficulties of their position, 
 ib. ; their infantry capitulates, 
 411. 
 
 Scottish commissioners wait on the 
 king at Oxford, 203 ; their dis- 
 sensions with the English par- 
 liament, 314; protest against the 
 trial of the king, 443. 
 
 Scudamore, Lord, the English am- 
 bassador at Paris, forbidden to 
 attend the reformed service 
 there, 66. 
 
 Sectarianism, its rise and progress, 
 236 
 
 Selden, John, characterized, SO. 
 
 Self-denying ordinance, proposed 
 by Zouch Tate, 279 ; its con- 
 tents, appendix No. xii. ; passed 
 by the commons, 259. 
 
 Seymour, Mr., brings a message 
 from the Hague to the king, 449. 
 
 Sherborne taken by the parliament, 
 312. 
 
 Ship monev, its first imposition, 
 43. 
 
 Sidney, Algernon, refuses to take 
 part in the trial of the king, 
 437. 
 
 Skippon, Major, characterized, 
 161 ; appointed to the command 
 of the city militia, ib. ; his 
 speech to the London mili- 
 tia, 193 ; his address to the 
 troops after the departure of 
 Essex, 264 ; appointed major- 
 general in Fairfax's army, 
 290 ; directed to convey the 
 money destined for the Scots 
 to York, 335 ; appointed to com- 
 mand the succors raised for Ire- 
 land, 340 ; presents a petition 
 from some cavalry regiments, 
 341 ; restored to the command 
 of the militia, 403. 
 
 Southwark, inhabitants of, bring a 
 petition to the house in favor of 
 the army, but are not allowed to 
 present it, 263 
 
 Stagg, Ann, heads a deputation of 
 women with a petition to the 
 house, 164. 
 
 Star-chamber abolished, 134. 
 
 Strafford, Wentworth, Earl of, 
 characterized, 26 ; his speech on 
 the lords' amendment on the 
 bill of right, 50 ; made a privy 
 councillor, 54; his character, 
 62 ; and the character of his ad- 
 ministration, 63 ; appointed vice- 
 roy of Ireland, ib. ; difficulties 
 of his position with the king, 66 ; 
 his efforts to counteract the ef- 
 fects of the king's vacillation, 
 69 ; assembles the Irish parlia- 
 ment, ib. ; is forbidden to con- 
 voke it again, ib. ; condemns 
 Lord Mountstuart to death, 71 ; 
 gives 6000Z. to buy of}' the king's 
 displeasure, ib. ; sent for by the 
 king to act against the Scots, 99 ; 
 his difficulties, 100 ; returns to 
 Ireland to levy troops, &c., 101 ; 
 returns from Ireland, 104 ; raises 
 funds, ib. ; his arrogance, 105 ; 
 departs with the king to the 
 army, ib ; returns to York, on 
 the dispersion of the army, 106 ; 
 his subsequent proceedings, 107 ; 
 has Lords Wharton and lloward 
 arrested, ib. ; his message to the 
 king, ib. ; attacks the Scots, 108 ; 
 is censured for this proceeding, 
 ib. ; comes to London to attend 
 parliament, 113; is impeached 
 by the house of commons, ib. ; 
 is committed to the Tower, 114 ; 
 his trial begins, 124 ; his deport- 
 ment, ib. ; progress of the trial ; 
 125 ; is attainted of high treason 
 by a bill introduced in the lower 
 house, 126 ; his speech in his 
 defence, ib. ; the bill of his at- 
 tainder passes the house of com- 
 mons, 128 ; efforts made by the 
 king to save his life, ib. ; the 
 bill of his attainder passes the 
 house of lords, 130 ; his letter 
 to the king, 131; the king con- 
 sents to his death, ib : his de- 
 
514 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 meanor previous to his execu- 
 tion, 132 ; his death, 133. 
 
 Strickland, Mr., sent as envoy ex- 
 traoi'dinary to the states of Hol- 
 land, 199. 
 
 Strode, Mr., his opinion of the roy- 
 alist troops, 215. 
 
 Stuarts, family of, its absolute ten- 
 dencies, 27. 
 
 Sunderland, Lord, death and cha- 
 racter of, 227. 
 
 Surrey, petitioners from, have a 
 conflict with the parliamentai-y 
 troops, 401. 
 
 Tate, Zouch, proposes the self- 
 denying ordinance, 279. 
 
 Taunton surrenders to the royal 
 troops, 215. 
 
 Taxes, new, imposed by parlia- 
 ment, 253. 
 
 Taylor, Mr., sent to the Tower, by 
 the commons, 133. 
 
 Theatres ordered to be closed, 232. 
 
 Tippermuir, battle of, 267. 
 
 Tomlinson, Col., his respectful 
 treatment of the king, 453. 
 
 Tompkins, Mr., executed for a 
 plot against parliament, 210. 
 
 Tonnage and poundage duties, a 
 remonstrance of the commons 
 against their irregular collec- 
 tion, 53; debate on the subject, 
 56 ; the levying of the duties 
 declared by the house of com- 
 mons illegal, ib. 
 
 Torrington, battle of, 31S. 
 
 Tribunals arbitrary, abolished, I IS. 
 
 Triennial bill proposed, 117. 
 
 Tuam, Archbishop of, killed, 315. 
 
 Tyrone, Earl of, anecdote of, 223. 
 
 UxBRiDGE, negotiations at, 2S4. 
 
 Vane, Sir Han-y, made secretary 
 of state, 100 ; negotiates a treaty 
 of alliance with the Scots, 229 ; 
 his secret correspondence with 
 the king, 319 ; protests against 
 the king's trial, 435. 
 
 Villiers, Sir F., killed by the par- 
 lifimentarian forces, 405. 
 
 Waller, Edmund, his plot against 
 the parliament, 209 ; gives evi- 
 dence against his accomplices, 
 210 ; is condemned, but pardon- 
 ed, 211. 
 
 Waller, Sir William, obtains the 
 appellation of William the Con- 
 queror, 205 ; defeated at Lans- 
 down and Roundway Down, 213 ; 
 returns to London, 215 ; receives 
 the thanks of parliament, 217 ; 
 resigns his commission, 230; 
 dispute between him and Essex, 
 256 ; defeated by the king at 
 Cropredy Bridge, 257. 
 
 War breaking out of the, 1S5 ; pro- 
 gress of, in the provinces, 196; 
 character of the, in 1642, 198. 
 
 Ware, rendezvous of the army at 
 3S5. 
 
 AVarwick, Earl of, royalist attacks 
 upon him, 173 ; assumes th& 
 command of the fleet, 180. 
 
 Warwick, Sir Philip, sent by tht! 
 king to Lord Newcastle, 223. 
 
 West, Col., appointed to the cora 
 mand of the Tower, 406. 
 
 Weymouth surrenders to the royal 
 troops, 215. 
 
 Whalley, Col., acts as a spy upoE. 
 the king, 371. 
 
 Whalley, Mrs., received with great 
 honor by the king, 369. 
 
 Wharton, Lord, arrested bv ordei 
 of Straflbrd, 107. 
 
 Whitelocke, Mr., is consulted by 
 the presbyterian leaders, 270 , 
 his interview with the king al 
 Oxford, 274 ; his speech on the 
 self-denying ordinance, 279 ; 
 seeks the favor of Cromwell, 343. 
 
 Whorewood, Mrs., consults Lilly 
 on the peril of the king, 3S0. 
 
 Williams, Abp., assailed by the 
 mob, 149. 
 
 Willis, Sir R., his dispute with the 
 king, 310. 
 
 Wilson, Roland, equips a regiment 
 in support of parliament, 232. 
 
 Winchester taken by the parlia- 
 ment, 312. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 515 
 
 Windebank, Mr., Secretary, im- 
 peached, 114; absconds, ib. 
 
 Worcester, Marquis of, his devo- 
 ted loyalty, 303 ; receives the 
 king at Ragland Castle, ib. 
 
 Workman, Rev. Mr., his persecu- 
 tion and death, 76, 77. 
 
 Wroth, Sir T., his speech against 
 the king, 392. 
 
 Whychcott, Governor, refuses per- 
 
 mission to have the Anglican 
 service performed over the' body 
 of the king, 456. 
 
 York, the king assembles a court 
 at, 9S ; great council called at, 
 107 ; meeting at, in favor of par- 
 liament, 176. 
 
 Yorkshire and Cheshire, treaty of 
 mutual neutrality between, 197. 
 
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 Extract from the Author's Preface. 
 
 The Phraseology, forming the second essential part of this Dictionary, is based on 
 that of the Academy, the sole and legitimate authority in France ; and every effort of 
 the Author has been so directed, as to render it both copious and practical. With 
 this view, an improved method of elucidating new meanings, by employing paren- 
 theses, has been introduced, and it is ho ped that the utility and benefits resulting 
 from this improvement, will not fail to be duly appreciated. 
 
 Another novelty to which the Author may lay claim, is the placing of Historical 
 end Geographical names below each page ; and by this arrangement, the facility of 
 being acquainted with their definition and pronunciation at a single glance, wilj 
 be found of no small advantage. 
 
 As to tlie English or second part of this Dictionary, the reader will find it to 
 consist of a copious vocabulary of terms, with their pronunciation according to tiie 
 system of Wallter. The various meanings of the words are translated into French ; 
 and when llie expressions hnppen to be substantives, the French gender is pointed ont 
 by means ol proper signs. 
 
 Lastly, that competent judges may be aware of the authorities on which the pro- 
 nunciation and critical remarks peivading this Dictionary are founded, the titles and 
 dates of the works which have been consulted, with brief reflectionson their pro- 
 fessed object, will be found in the Introduction following this Preface. 
 
EDUCATIONAL WORKS. 
 
 Published by D. Appleton Sf Company. 
 
 THE STANDARD PRONOUNCING DICTIONARY OF THE FRENCH 
 AND ENGLISH LANGUAGES. Part L French and English; Part II. 
 English and French. By Gabriel Surenne, F. A. S. E. One volume 12mo. 
 
 This new and complete Dictionary embraces many valuable improvements. Its plan is on the 
 principle of Reid's new Dictionary of the English Language, which has been so favorably .receiv. 
 ed by American Scholars. 
 
 OLLENDORFF'S NEW METHOD OF LEARNING TO READ, WRITE 
 AND SPEAK THE ITALIAN LANGUAGE. With additions and cor- 
 rections, by Felix Foresti, Professor of the Italian Language in the Univer 
 sity of New- York. One vol. i2mo. 
 OLLENDORFF'S NEW METHOD OF LEARNING TO READ, WRITE 
 AND SPEAK THE GERMAN LANGUAGE. To which is added a 
 systematic outline of the different Parts of Speech, their inflection and use, 
 with full Paradigms, and a complete table of Irregular Verbs. By G. J. 
 Adler, A. B. One neat vol. 12mo. Price $1 50. 
 
 M. Ollendorff's system commends itself as the best, nay the only onK of the kind, to all who de- 
 sire a practical knowledge of the language. It is fast superseding all others, both on the Con- 
 tinent, in England, and the United States. 
 
 A KEY TO THE EXERCISES OF OLLENDORFF'S GERMAN GRAM- 
 MAR. One volume 12mo., uniform with t.he Grammar. Price 75 cents. 
 
 A DICTIONARY OF THE ENGLISH LANGUAGE,; containing the 
 Pronunciation, Etymology, and Explanation of all Words authorized by em- 
 inent writers ; to which are added a Vocabulary of the Roots of English 
 Words, and an accented list of Greek, Latin, and Scripture Proper Names. 
 By Alexander Reid, A. M., Rector of the Circus School, Edinburgh. With 
 a Critical Preface by Henry Reed, Professor of English Literature in the 
 University of Pennsylvania. One vol. 12mo., of near 600 pages, ^1. 
 Tho attention of Professors, Students, Tutors, and Heads of Families is solicited to this volume. 
 
 Notwithstanding its compact size and distinctness of type, it comprises /ortj/ thousand words. la 
 
 addition to the correct orthoepy, this manual of words contains four valuable improvements : 
 
 I. The primitive word is given, and then follow the immediate derivatives in alphabetical or- 
 der, with the part of speech appended. 
 
 II. After the primitive word is inserted the original term whence it is formed, with the name 
 of the language from which it is derived. 
 
 III. There is subjoined a Vocabulary of the Roots of English words, by which the accurate 
 purport of them is instantly discoverable. 
 
 IV. An accented List, to the number of fifteen thousand, of Greek, Latin, and Scripture Pro- 
 per Names, is added. 
 
 LECTURES ON MODERN HISTORY. By Thomas Arnold, D. D. With 
 an Introduction and Notes by Prof Henry Reed. One vol. 12mo., $1 25. 
 
 The distinguished topics which these admirable Lectures comprise are rich in thought and wis- 
 dom, and furnish an exuberant source of study and mental and moral improvement. The notes 
 of Prof. Reed are extremely valuable and judicious. 
 
 GENERAL HISTORY OF CIVILIZATION IN EUROPE. From the 
 Fall of the Roman Empire to the French Revolution. By M. Guizot, late 
 Professor of History, now Prime Minister of France. With occasional Notes 
 by C. S. Henry, D. D., Professor of Philosophy and History in the Uniyer 
 sity of the city of New- York. One volume 12mo., Price $1. 
 
 " IVI. Guizot, in his instructive Lectures, has given us an epitome of modern history, distin 
 ^uished by all the merit which, in another department, renders Blackstone a subject of such 
 leculiar and unbounded praise — a work closely condensed, including nothing useless, omitting 
 lothing essential; written with grace, and conceived and arranged with consummate ability." 
 \ MANUAL OF ANCIENT AND MODERN HISTORY ; comprising, I 
 indent History, containing the Political History, Geographical Position, and Social State of ths 
 Principal Nations of Antiquity, carefully digested from the Ancient Writers, and illustrated by 
 the discoveries of Modern Scholars and Travellers. 
 
 II. Modem History, containing tb-? Rise and Progress of the principal European Nations, their 
 Political History, and the Changes in their Social Condition, with a History of the Colonies 
 founded by Europeans. By W. Cooke Taylor, LL. D., of Trinity College, Dublin. Revised, 
 with additions on American History, by C. S. Henry, D. D., Professor of History in the Univer- 
 sity of N. Y. One handsome vol. 8vo. of 800 pages, $2 25. *** For convenience as a class-book, 
 the Ancient or Modern portion can be had in separate volumes. 
 
 This Manual of History, is already adopted as a text-book in Harvard, Columbia, Yale, New 
 iTark, Pencsvlvania, and Brown Vuv srsitiea, and several leading Academies. 
 
JD. Appleton ^ Co.'s Educational Publications. 
 T. K. ARNOLD'S 
 
 GREEK AND LATIN BOOKS, 
 
 FOR SCHOOLS AND COLLEGES. ' 
 
 REVISED AND CAREFULLY CORRECTED BY THE REV. J. A. SPENCER A. M. 
 .vf** ^^ '^4"f "-^ Classical Works has attained a circulation almost unparalleled, beint introdureA 
 To ZZVf, '*' »""'^ ^fl{' ^''""'^' ""^ '"^^^ Educational Institutions in EngZl Th^^e 
 
 t:iTko':ii%T^:XtV;''' "^ '■'' *"* •"'"^"^'^" '''''''■'' -^"^ ^""^'"^-"- -'" '^« «S! 
 
 NOW READY. 
 I. A FIRST AND SECOND 
 
 LATIN EOOK AND PRACTICAL GRAMMAR 
 
 One neat volume, 12mo. Price 75 cts. 
 ine chiet object of this work (which is founded on the principles of imitation and frpnunnt 
 drce!'°°^'"'°'°'"'"'"P"P""' ^° '^"'''''' from the first day of hrbejnni„/ Sci! 
 The First Book can be had separately for Junior Classes in Schools. Price 50 cts 
 
 II. A PHACTICAL INTRODUCTION TO LATIN PROSE 
 
 COMPOSITION. 
 
 ONE VOLUME, 12mO, 
 ^-.o"?!! '?'''' " ?}^° founded on the principles of imitation and frequent repetition. It is at 
 rtL%Scrof%7nty"ir' ^""^ ^" ^^""^'^^ ''°°''' ^"-^ considerable attentL ha°s"beenpaM 
 
 IN PREPARATION. 
 
 I. A FIRST AND SECOND GREEK BOOK, with Easy Exer- 
 
 cises and Vocabulary. One volume, 12mo. 
 n. A PRACTICAL INTRODUCTION TO GREEK PROSE 
 
 COMPOSITION. One volume, 12mo. 
 
 ted it'z::i:7zviiE::^M^^^^^ ^-^ ^-^ ^-'--^ »--'- 
 
 III. CORNELIUS NEPOS, with Critical Questions and Answers 
 and an Imitative Exercise on each Chapter. ' 
 
 IV. ECLOG.E OVIDIAN.^, with English Notes, &c. 
 
 ri,,. th;l°i^ " ^'""^ ""^ ^^^- P^',' °^^^^ Lateinsches Elementarbuch of Profs. Jacobs and Da 
 ring, which has an immense circulation on the Continent. 
 
 V. HISTORI.E ANTiaU.E EPITOME, from Cornelius Nepos 
 Justm, &,c., with English Notes, Rules for Constructing, Ques- 
 tions, Geographical Lists, &,c. 
 
 MrnJn'i^'^h^ '"°'' ^^'"?^'« collection of Classical School Boobs ; and its publication may be re- 
 f™ H^t?T^^r'^''^K'^''^"S' in respect to the mode of teaching and acquiring W 
 guages. Heretofore boys have been condemned to the drudgery of going over Latin and Greil 
 ?av w" '^"*"'"' '^^ remotest conception of the value of what thfy wire learnig, and even 
 day becoming more and more disgusted with the dry and unmeaning fask ; but nowtby Mr A? 
 f.bp „ fh"^^^ method-substantially the same with that of Gr-LlNDORFF-the moment h1^ 
 Knw.^P R """^y f ^^^"u" °' ^'''^^' '•'^y ''^g'" '° learn sentences, to acquire S to st^ 
 nZ i^!,^'"!!''"' and Greeks expressed themselves, how their mode of expression diffe'red from 
 ours, and by degrees they lay up a stock of knowledge which is utterly astonishin" to those who 
 guiles '""^"*°° """"^ '^'" '"°°*'' '" the old-fashioned, dry, studious way of^learning ian- 
 Mr. Arnold, in fact, has had the good sense to adopt the system of Nature. A child learn, 
 his own language by imitating- what he hears, and constantly repeatmcr it till it s festened in the 
 memory. In the same way Mr. A. puts the pupil immediately t^ worE at Exercises in Latin and 
 ^urtlnV^hetZeth'er'uTnTd'fh^ principles of the language^words are supplird-JSe mide of 
 l^Wl^ K '°Sether is told the pupil— he is shown how the Ancients expressed their ideas • 
 f„l i? • '' '^P«":"g these things again and again-itm^m iterumgue-the dS pupirhas them 
 wdehbly impressed upon his memory and rooted in his understanding. ^ ^ nasihem 
 
 ^n^h rin=I?^„T« V . "°" comes out under the most favorable auspices. The Editor is a tho- 
 t^B^^t,Siff .» ^°^°'" ''"? ^"^ ''^.^? " Pjajt'"*' teacher for years in this city : he has devoted 
 the utmost care to a complete revision of Mr. Arnold's Works, has corrected several erron, of 
 .nadvertence or otherwise has rearranged and improved various maUers in the early volume- 
 of he who1«' '^ W^^" f"-'"1"^ """^ diligently to the accurate printing and mXnical ex ecuUfe" 
 ^ C Jlegea" <«""=•?»»« »»»' confidentfy the speedy adoption of these work, in our Scho«U 
 
D. Appleion <5* Co.^s Valuable Puhlicatiojis. 
 
 LECTURES ON MODEM HISTORY : 
 
 BY 
 
 THOMAS ARNOLD, D,D. 
 
 With an Introduction and Notes, by Henry Reed, Professor of English Literature in 
 the University of Pennsylvania. 
 One handsome volume \2mo. $1 25. 
 This volume contains the first lectures which were delivered by Dr. Arnold after 
 his apnointment as Regius Professor of History in the University of Oxford. The series 
 of Lectures must oe considered merely as introductory to the expanded views and re- 
 searches which the author would have developed had his life been prolonged. In the 
 primary lecture which was delivered when he entered upon his official duty, the lecturer 
 presented his definition of liistory with a sununary of the duties appertaining to the pro- 
 fessor of it. Appropriate, dignified, and perspicuous, it exhibits both originality and power 
 in a high degree, commingled with felicitous illustrations of the characteristics, effects, 
 and value of historical literature. Four lectures follow on the study of history, rich in 
 tlie prominent topics of inquiry concerning national prosperity — among which, with 
 masterly eloquence and delineations he adverts to the political economy, the religious 
 controversies, the national wars, and the geographical relations of countries. — ^The sext 
 three lectures contain a survey of European liistory, particularly examining the revolu- 
 tions in ecclesiastical affairs, and the continuous struggles to cast off the despotic yoke, 
 and to gain and estabUsh reUgious and civil freedom. — The eighth lecture displays the 
 nature of that historical testimony which claims and merits credence. In this disquisition 
 the author exhibits in its truth and forcefulness the law of evidence and the method of ita 
 application in investigating historical facts. — The course of lectures is an elegant memo- 
 rial of the author whose unquenchable philanthropy and untiring zeal in behalf of the 
 best interests of mankind render his decease the subject of regret to the civilized world. 
 
 THE 
 
 MISCELLANEOUS WORKS 
 
 OF 
 
 THOMAS ARNOLD, D.D., 
 
 Late Head Master at Rugby School, and Regius Pi'ofessor of History in the University 
 
 of Oxford. 
 One handsome 8vo. volume. $2 00. 
 The topics of this volume are greatly diversified ; including disquisitions on the 
 " Church," on " Church and State, in its existing British combinations — on Scriptu- 
 ral and Secular History — and on Education, with various other subjects of Political 
 Economy. With few exceptions, the matter is of general application and lasting in 
 terest ; and the whole is full of far reaching perspicacity, and a burning philanthropic 
 attachment to the accelerating progress of sterling knowledge, genuine freedom, pure 
 religion and morality, and the best interests and permanent enjoyment of mankind. The 
 volume of Miscellanies is a suitable counterpart to the " Life and Correspondence oj 
 Dr. Arnold ; " and scholars who have been so deeply interested in that impressive bio- 
 graphy, will be gratified to ascertain the deliberate judgment of the Author, upon the 
 numerous important themes which his " Miscellaneous Works " so richly and clearly 
 announce. ^ 
 
 ; THE 
 
 LIFE AJ\IQ,CWlRESPONDENCE OF THOMAS ARi\10LD,D.D. 
 
 yBY THE REV. A. P. STANLEY, AM. 
 2 vols, of English edition in 1 vol. 
 Jt is not possible strictly to characterize a volume so peculiarly miscellaneous in its 
 contents. Not only is tiie individual fully portrayed ; but his official relations are dis- 
 played in their prominency. Hence to Collegiate Professors and other Tutors his life 
 is a manual whence they may learn much knowledge respecting tuition, and its associ- 
 ated duties. Tlie volume combines a mass of Uterary history and portraits of his con- 
 temporaries, with a full development of the great Oxford controversy. It is the best 
 picture of England which can be procured — and is an essential work for all scholars 
 and professional men who would accurately comprehend the character and actions and 
 influence of many persons who now stand prominent in Britain, especially in connec- 
 tion with the Church of England and the University of Oxford, and modem literatura. 
 
 ^y 
 
LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 
 
 020 683 473 
 
 ill! 
 
 
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