' V- (J ... i-o 4 O » I 1 '^^ ..^b^"" 5. ^^V."/* c« °o \>» *."^ 0^ 'V'-^-^^o / '•^^/' •MC# \-/ •^'- %/ -'MM' "->^^^' -^^ ;? ^^ " V .•^°^ » » • * ' > V* . " • o - o k ' • OHO ' f.^^^-*" ' • o. *ffj. <> ^x'^ .^ . " - - '*0 A*' • * " • "^Xk .O" c • " • ♦ .' o > u 5-, ■%/ .-kflf^; ^0 A >0^ c <> " " * '^O ^0^ y ■ • • * \ ' LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE ^ r\} OP JOHN PAUL JONES, II INCLUDING HIS NARRATIVE OP THE CAMPAIGN OF THE LIMAN PROM ORIGINAL LBTTER^ftSTD l^NUSCRIPTS IN THE POSaljwON JMISS JANETm tAlOR. • -1 ' i 1830. ^ ^ ^oyS^^ / Southern District of New York, ss. verse, of the said District hath Hpn^Lfl ■ 1- i ^^' ,°^ America, Sherman Con- whereof he claims as SieYor! ftfvtds Sfol^l twU ^ '' ' '''''' ''^ ''^'' pai^n 'o^;- t"e\ W Trot"S-r4';:K^^^^ Jones including his Narrative of the Cam- Janette Taylor." ^ ^''"^^ ^^'^ Manuscripts in the possession of Miss thi"enrSili:^'i\tlrn/bv"!r" ''''if ^"''^^ ^'^'''' -"''«^' " ^^ Act for to the authors a^d pro^prieS'ofVurT'^ ''^'"^'^ 'I ^■''^'' ^^'^'''' ^"^ Books, And also to an ActSed " An Zf.^^T' ''"""^ '^^ ^""" '^^'^'"' '"entioned." the encouragemen'of Learninir hvl ' ^^PP ?'"«"t^'T ^^^ Act, entitled an Act for to the authors and pJopSS J^,^.h . "■• "^ the cop.es of Maps, Charts, and Books, extending the bene^sTereof to tS* 'rZf'd """^" the tmies therein mentioned, and cal and other prints." th^^f|es.gnmg, engraving, and etching histori- 1 FRED. J. BETTS, trkofth^ Southern District of New York. PREFACE. Paul Jones was an extraordinary man, and was en- gaged suddenly, after having been in a comparatively humble employment, in a career connected with events which occupied the attention of the civihzed world. Set- ting aside the services rendered by him to the cause of American freedom, there would be no need of preface or explanation in presenting an account of his life, and selections from the most interesting portions of his cor- respondence to the public at large ; were it not that several works, professing to do so, have already made their appearance. The first which the Editor of the present work re- members to have seen, was a shilling pamphlet, exhibit- ed in the windows of the New York retail bookstores, in which was a frontispiece, representing Paul Jones as largo as the frigate he bestrode, shooting a Lieutenant Grubb with a horse-pistol, more grand in its dimensions than any piece of artillery introduced into the picture. This juvenile reminiscence would be hardly worth recalling, were it not that, but the other day, in one of the Southern papers, the writer actually met with a de- tailed account, purporting to be a biographical sketch of somebody recently dead, who had served under Paul Jones in the Serapis, describing the latter as shooting this Lieutenant Grubb, with the same horse-pistol, aggrandized in the manner above specified. As no Lieu- PREFACE tenant Grubb ever sailed under the orders of Captain John Paul Jones, and as no such person could, in con- sequence, have been shot by him, it is evident that an unvarnished and full account of the rear admiral's life ought to be circulated, in regions where such fabulous and monstrous legends obtain, in this age of light, ad- mission into public prints. Ten years ago, a large quantity of original papers belonging to the legatees of Paul Jones, were sent to this country with a view to their being properly con- nected and published. They were submitted to the Historical Society of New York. The committee who exammed them, found that they were valuable and inter- estmg ; but circumstances prevented their publication at the time. Mr. Sherburne, register of the United States navy, opened a correspondence with the owners of these documents, as the Editor of the present work is informed, with the view of preparing a life of Jones ; but, the negotiation failed. Shortly after, some of the Chevalier's manuscripts, belongmg to his legatees, if they had known how and where to reclaim them, were accidentally found by a gentleman of New York, in a house in the city. They had been left in the custody of its former proprietor From these, with copies of letters and documents on file m the department of state, Mr. Sherburne prepared a volume which was published in 1825. Some singularly capricious demon, wonderfully inge- luous m producing puzzlmg and painful disorder, seems to have presided over the arrangement of the materials. Ihe appearance of order in some parts of the compila- tion only makes the general and particular entangle ments more perplexing; and in some places, the PREFACE. 5 person who connected the documents, having apparently lost himself, goes backwards or leaps forwards, in a style of extraordinary embarrassment, occasioning inextrica- ble confusion. • From this chaos, a clever writer in Great Britain con- trived to select materials for an interesting duodecimo, which was published by Murray in the same year. It contains some errors, and but an inconsiderable portion of the Remains, as the modern phrase is, of the Cheva- lier Paul Jones. Being not exclusively English in its tenor, it appears to have incurred the censure of some of the British presses. This work has been spoken of in the text as the production of an Englishman. The compiler was not well informed at the time. It was the production of an American. Within a year past a third life of the Chevalier ap- peared, which was published in Edinburgh in two duode- cimo volumes, and is the best which had been compiled; as it contains selections from many original letters, and, what is of more consequence, a translation of the rear admiral's own narrative of the campaign of the Liman. The Editor of that book, which is the basis, so far as the order of arrangement is generally concerned, of the present, gives in his preface the following account of his materials. " By his will, dated at Paris on the day of his death, Paul Jones left his property and effects of all kinds to his sisters in Scotland and their children. Immediately on his decease a regular, or rather an official inventory was made of his voluminous papers, which were sealed up with his other effects, till brought to Scotland by his eldest sister, Mrs. Taylor, a few months after his death. They have ever since remained in the custody of his family ; and are now, by inheritance, become the property of his niece. Miss Taylor, of Dumfrie.«. They consist of several bound folio volumes of letters and documents, which are offi- O PREFAC*:. cially autlieuticatetl, so far as they are public papers ; lumierous scrolls and copies of letters ; and many private communications, originating in his widely diftiised correspondence in France, Holland, America, and other quarters. There is, in addition to these, a collection of wri- tings of the miscellaneous kind likely to be accumulated by a man of active habits, who had for many years mingled both in the political and fashionable circles, wher(!vcr bechanced to be thrown. " The Journal of the Campaign of 1788, against the Turks, forms of itself a thick MS. bound volume. This Journal was drawn up by Paul Jones for the perusal of the Empress Catharine II. and was intended for pubUcation if the Russian government failed to do him justice. He felt that it totally failed ; but death anticipated his long contemplated purpose. To this Journal, Mr. Eton, in his survey of the Turkish em- pire, refers, as having been seen by him. It was, however, only the official report, transmitted by Paul Jones to the admiralty of the Black Sea, that this gentleman could have seen. This singular narrative, which so confidently gives the lie to all the Russian statements of that momentous campaign, is written in French. In the following work the language of the original is as closely adhered to as is admissible even in the most literal translation. Several passages have been omitted, and others curtailed, as they refer merely to technical details, which might have unduly swelled this work, without adding niuch to its interest. Much of the voluminous official cori-espondence which passed between Paul Jones and the other commanders during the campaign is also omitted. These Pieces Justificative s were only in- tended to corroborate, or elucidate, the narrative ; they are, save in a few instances which are cited, not particularly interesting." Besides the documents named in the foregoing ex- tracts, the Editor says, he had before him the corres- pondence of Jones with his relatives in Scotland, from his boyhood to his death. He has made but little use of it, as his extracts from it are few. The defects of this life are, that it seems to have been created with a view of supplying a requisite number of pages of given dimensions, and that some of the corres- pondence, is, in consequence, arbitrarily omitted. It is not strictly true, that the language of the original Jour- PREFACE. 7 nal of the campaign of the Liman is as closely adhered to, as is consistent with Hteral translation ; and as to the passages " omitted and curtailed," the Editor has occupied fully as much space in apologizing for their non-insertion, as would have been taken up by a literal translation of them. He appears not to have under- stood them. Among the Pieces Justificatives spoken of, there are several worthy of collation with the text, and which throw light upon it, while they support its accuracv. But the cardinal defect of this book is, that though the author seems honestly to strive to justify his hero, (who needed no justification,) whenever it did not interfere with his own monarchical and English pre- judices, it is written in a decidedly English tone, un- congenial to the feelings and intellectual associations of the people of this country. His remarks of a politi- cal character are often ridiculous in fact, and always unphilosophical in spirit. The Editor of the following sheets, cannot but smile when he perceives on looking over them, that a hasty remark thrown off by him as to the destinies of France, excited by the sneers of this writer, at the tendency of the democratic principle, was prophetic, and must have been fulfilled ere it was printed, to the great consolation of the spirit of Jones, if mortal " blazon" may be to ears not " of flesh and blood." Miss Janette Taylor, a niece of Admiral Jones, ar- rived in this country some months ago, having in her possession original copies of all the documents which were before the Editor of the biography above com- mented upon, with others which were not. Though a considerable portion of them had been anticipated in the various publications mentioned, it was evident that 8 PREFACE. there was no single work of a proper and satisfactory character, from which Americans might gather for themselves what is to be known of the private and pub- lic life of one, who must for ever be chronicled as among the first in courage and ability, as well as in point of time, of the heroes who have made the stars and stripes respected upon the ocean; one too, whose chivalric, daring, and independent character, calumny has been aided in assailing, by seeming mystery and prolific ro- mance. From the manuscripts in Miss Taylor's possession, the present compilation has been made. Public docu- ments have been referred to occasionally, and in two or three instances, Sherburne's Collection has been cited, where the Editor had not certified copies before him. This work has no literary pretensions; and cannot legitimately come, as a literary production, under the examination of critics. It claims only to be the most full and authentic of its kind. Many oflicial letters have of necessity been rejected, the substance and even the phraseology of which is repeated in others ; and in some instances, it is perceived, on looking over the sheets, that the latter misfortune has been incurred. When it is added, that Miss Taylor is only responsi- ble for the authenticity of the correspondence quoted from or inserted, and in no wise for the casual observa- tions of the compiler, all has been stated that is neces- sary in this preface. It is believed, that the pledge given in the notice to those who may have subscribed for the book has been redeemed. New York, September 23, 1830. PAUL JONES. PART I John Paul, afterwards known as the celebrated Chevalier John Paul Jones, was born on the 6th of July, 1747, at Arbig- land, in the parish of Kirkbean, and stew'artry of Kirkcud- bright, in Scotland. The family was originally from the shire of Fife ; but it appears that the grandfather of the subject of this memoir kept a garden, the produce of which he sold to the public in Leith. His son, on finishing his apprenticeship, entered as a gardener into the employment of Mr. Craik, of Arbigland, in which he remained until his death in 1767. It is abundantly proved that he was a man of uniformly respectable character, and intelligence. In his profession he exhibited much skill and taste. The English memoir contains the following ac- count of his family, v. hich was furnished by his descendants. " Shortly after entering into the employment of Mr. Craik, John Paul married J.ean Macduff, the daughter of a small farmer in the neighbouring parish of New-Abbey. The Macduffs were a respectable rural race in their own district ; and some of them had been small landed proprietors in the parish of Kirk- bean, for an immemorial period. Of this marriage there were seven children, of whom John, afterwards known as John Paul •Tones, was the fifth : he may indeed be called the youngest, as two children born after him died in infancy. The first-born of the family, Wilha;iL Pg^l, went abroad early in life, and 14 PAUL JONES. finally settled and married in Fredericksburgh, in Virginia. He appears to have been a man of enterprise and judgment. Be- yond his early education and virtuous habits he could have de- rived no advantage from his family ; and, in 1772 or 1773, when he died, still a young man, he left a considerable fortune. Of the daughters, the eldest, Elizabeth, died unmarried ; Janet, the second, married Mr. Taylor, a watchmaker in Dumfries ; and the third, Mary Ann, was twice married, first to a Mr. Young-, and afterwards to Mr. Louden. Of the relations O- Admiral Jones, several nieces, and a grand-nephew, now in the United States, still survive." When John Paul, the fifth of this family, afterwards became the terror of the seac*, the hero of a hundred fearful legends, and the subject of admiration and jealousy in the most brilliant courts, it was natural enough that so modest a paternity should neither satisfy the romance of the imaginative, nor the antipa- thy of the envious and intimidated ; and many stories were current, some assigning to him Mr. Craik, and others an earl of Selkirk, as his father. These weak inventions have long since been exploded, though preserved in the pages of fanciful novelists. In answer to an inquiry of BarOn Yander Capellan, in 1779, Jones says, " I never had any obligation to Lord Sel- kirk, except for his good opinion ; nor does he know me or mine, except by character." This is verified by the whole tenor of the correspondence which we shall have occasion to introduce. If ever localities might be inferred to have determined the in- tellectual bias of an individual, the birthplace of John Paul, and the scenery and associations of its vicinity, may be cited as ad- mirably calculated to lay the groundwork for the restless spirit of adventure, an inclination for poetry, and an occasional ima- ginary longing for solitude, study, and rural retirement, all of which, without any real inconsistency, were subsequently deve- loped in his character. His father lived near the shores of the Solway, in one of the most picturesque and beautiful points of the Frith. The PAUL JONES. 15 favourite pastime of his earliest years was to launch his " fairy frigate" on the waters, and issue commands to his supposed officers and crew. At this time, the town of Dumfries carried on a considerable trade in tobacco with America, the cargoes of which were unshipped at the Carse-thorn,nearthemouth of the river Nith, which was not then navigable by foreign vessels. His daily intercourse with seamen here, tended of course to strengthen and confirm his nascent passion. It is also observed that his regard for America, and his willingness to descend with fire and sword, in her cause, upon the shores of his native land, which were thought unnatural, may have had their origin in the conversations of mariners from the discontented colonies. Certain it is that his disposition to begin his career upon the ocean was so strong, that his friends deemed it proper to yield to it. At the age of twelve, he was bound apprentice to Mr. Younger, a respectable merchant in the American trade, resid- ing at Whitehaven, on the opposite side of Solway Frith. Vul- gar invention, in its distorted picture of his life and actions, assumed that he ran away to sea against the will of his rela- tions, a rumour which they always declared to be totally without foundation. Neither then, nor at any subsequent period, was he wanting in affection for them, and solicitude for their welfare. His anxiety for the comforts and respectability of his sisters and their families, was warmly and substantially expressed in his prosperity, and at his death he bequeathed to them all his property. His education at the parish school of Kirkbean, must of course have been limited, but there is no doubt he improved it to the best advantage. The general correctness of his style and or- thography indicate that he had been well instructed in the rudi- ments of grammar. Notwithstanding his strong relish for active and dangerous adventure, he devoted its intervals to close ap- plication to study. While in port, whether abroad or at Whitehaven, during the period of his apprenticeship, he applied himself to learning the theory of navigation, and to other sub- jects of practical use. Many years after, we find him in one of 16 PAUL JONES. his letters, while modestly admitting that much more accom * plished seamen might be found than himself, referring to hours of systematic " midnight" study. In the letters written in French, which are in his own hand, the spelling rs infinitely more accurate than that of many of his illustrious and titled correspondents. These circumstances show that his mental culture was methodically and well begun : and these habits of mind are not such as belong to a reckless adventurer in quest of mere private emolument or personal fame. He made his first voyage before he was thirteen, in the Friendship, of Whitehaven, Caj^tain Benson, bound for the Rappahannock. His home, while in port, was the house of an elder brother, William, who had married and settled in Virginia. His prepossessions in favour of America, and sympathy with colonial feelings, were here naturally fostered under circum- stances calculated to make them keen and enduring ; indissolu- bly connected as they were with his first professional impressions. The correctness of his conduct, and his extraordinary intelli- gence and aptitude for acquiring knowledge in naval matters, caused him to be most favourably regarded by his master. Mr. Younger, however, soon found his affairs embarrassed ; and was induced, in consequence, to give up Paul's indentures. This license to act for himself, woulc' have been, to a boy whose purposes in living were not in some measure fixed, and whose will was undecided as to the future, a passport to obscurity, if not to disgrace. In Paul's case, it was sumpta prudenier. He availed himself of it wisely, having confidence in himself. He obtained the appointment of third mate of the King George, of Whitehaven, a vessel engaged in the slave trade. In 1766, he shipped as chief mate, on board the brigantine Two Friends, of Kingston, Jamaica, which was engaged in the same traffic. It is said by the friends of Paul, that he became disgusted with the business of stealing human beings, and left the ship on its arrival in the West Indies. Independently of their evidence, which is in every respect entitled to credit, the supposition will be found to be confirmed by the uniform tenor of his correspon- PAUL JONES. m dence, whenever he speaks of the principles of action* which he asserts to have governed his services and enterprises. And it is fair to infer, that the exhibition of these horrors, at which his feehngs revolted, strengthened his love for that liberty in whose cause he afterwards fought ; and for that land which knew how to vindicate the cause of liberty. And he had the means of knowing then and thereafter, why that land suffered under the curse introduced by those whose yoke it was about shaking off; though it could not shake off the baleful legacy now pointed to as its disgrace, by the ignorant and hireling politicians, or maundering and useless philanthropists of the mother land — that " nursing mother" of convicts and slaves, and " stern rug- ged nurse" of our pilgrim fathers. It is stated, at any rate, by those from whom alone any infor- mation can be derived, as to Paul's adventures at this period, that he returned to Scotland from this second slaving-voyage, as a passenger, in the brigantine John, of Kirkcudbright, Captain Macadam commander. On this voyage the captain and mate both died of fever ; and there being no one on board equally capable of navigating the ship, Paul assumed the command, and brought her safe into port. For this service he was ap- pointed by the owners, Currie, Beck, &, Co., master and super- cargo. It appears that Paul sailed for two voyages, as master, in the employment of this firm, and, sometime in the course of the year 1780, found it necessary, in order to preserve his authority and enforce discipline, to punish a man named Mungo Maxwell, borne on the books as carpenter of the vessel. Mun- go, being whipped, (as he no douht deserved to be, according to the practical code which still prevails in the English and American mercantile marine service,) stated to the authorities at Tobago, that his back was sore, and that his feelings were hurt ; both of which representations they seem to have believed * For which "he drew his sword;" an expression which he makes use of in all his letters, whenever he speaks of his employment as a naval commander. 2 18 PAUL JONES. in, without feeling themselves called upon to heal the one, or to sooth the other. But it appears that he subsequently insti- tuted a prosecution against Paul in England, which gave the latter some trouble, as will be seen by a letter from him to his mother and sisters, which we shall presently introduce. There would scarcely be any necessity of mentioning this cir- cumstance at all, were it not that calumny founded upon it one of its grossest charges against him who was afterwards the Chevalier Paul Jones ; that he was accused by vulgar rumour of torturing Mungo, by the process of flagellation, in a manner which caused his death ; and that his enemies did not disdain to rake up this legend, when he had the glory and the misfortune of exciting the jealousy of the Russian courtiers. All the au- thentic particulars of the transaction which we can obtain now, are, that being invested with a legitimate authority, which it was more peculiarly necessary for the preservation of the vessel and cargo, on that account, to sustain, Paul punished a sailor for rebellion and sullen impudence ; and that the subject of discipline was displeased, as was naturally to be expected. The following are the official documents which Paul thought proper, or found it expedient to procure, in relation to this trans- action. ' Tobago. " Before the Honourable Lieutenant-Governor, William Young, Esq. of the island aforesaid, personally appeared James Simpson, Esq. who, being duly sworn upon the Holy Evangelists of Almighty God, deposeth and saith. That some time about the beginning of May, in the year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and seventy, a person in the habit of a sailor came to this deponent (who was at that time Judge Surrogate of the Court of Vice-Admiralty for the island aforesaid) with a com- plaint against John Paul, (commander of a brigantine then lying in Rockley Bay of the said island,) for having beat the then complainant, (who belonged to the said John Paul's vessel,) at the same time showing this deponent his shoulders, which had thereon the marks of several stripes, but none that were either PAUL JONES. Id mortal or dangerous, to the best of this deponent's opinion and belief. And this deponent further saith, that he did summon the said John Paul before him, who, in his vindication, alleged that the said complainant had on all occasions proved very ill quali- fied for, as well as very negligent in, his duty ; and also, that he was very lazy and inactive in the execution of his, the said John Paul's lawfid commands, at the same time declaring his sorrow for having corrected the complainant. And this deponent fur- ther saith, that having dismissed the complaint as frivolous, the complainant, as this deponent believes, returned to his duty. And this deponent further saith, that he has since understood that the said complainant died afterwards on board of a dif- ferent vessel, on her passage to some of the Leeward Islands, and that the said John Paul (as this deponent is informed) has been accused in Great Britain as the immediate author of the said complainant's death, by means of the said stripes herein be- fore mentioned, which accusation this deponent, for the sake of justice and humanity, in the most solemn manner declares, and believes to be, in his judgment, without any just foundation, so far as relates to the stripes before mentioned, which this depo- nent very particularly examined. And further this deponent saith not. "James Simpson. " Sworn before me, this 30th day of June, 1772, William Young." " James Eastment, mariner, and late master of the Barcelona packet, maketh oath, and saith. That Mungo Maxwell, carpen- ter, formerly on board the John, Captain John Paul, master, came in good health on board his, this deponent's! said vessel, then lying in Great Rockley Bay, in the island of Tobago, about the middle of the month of June, in the year one thousand seven hundred and seventy, in the capacity of a carpenter, aforesaid ; that he acted as such in every respect in perfect health for some days after he came on board this deponent's said vessel, the Barcelona uack^* • after which he was taken ill of a fever and 20 PAUL JONES. lowness of spirits, which continued for four or five days, when he died on board the said vessel, during her passage from To- bago to Antigua. And this deponent further saith, that he never heard the said Mungo Maxwell complain of having received any ill usage from the said Captain John Paul ; but that he, this deponent, verily believes the said Mungo Maxwell's death was occasioned by a fever and lowness of spirits, as aforesaid, and not by or through any other cause or causes whatsoever. " James Eastment. " Sworn at the Mansion House, London, this 30th of January, 1773, before me, James Townsend, Mayor." " These do certify to whom it may concern, that the bearer, Captain John Paul, was two voyages master of a vessel called the John, in our employ in the West India trade, during which time he approved himself every way qualified both as a naviga- tor and supercargo ; but as our present firm is dissolved, the vessel was sold, and of course he is out of our employ, all ac- counts between him and the owners being amicably adjusted. Certified at Kirkcudbright this 1st of April, 1771. " CuRRiE, Beck, &, Co. The following is the letter to his mother and sisters, written more than two years after the affair in question, during which time he must have made other voyages. " London, 2Uh September, 1772. "Mt dear mother and sisters, "I only arrived here last night from the Grenadas. I have had but poor health during the voyage ; and my success in it not having equalled my first sanguine expectations, has added very much to the asperity of my misfortunes, and, I am well assured, Avas the cause of my loss of health. I am now, how- ever, better, and I trust Providence will soon put me in a way to get bread, and (which is by far my greatest happiness) be PAUL JONES. 21 serviceable to my poor but much-valued friends. I am able to give you no account of my future proceedings, as they depend upon circumstances vrhich are not fully determined. " I have enclosed you a copy of an affidavit made before Governor Young by the Judge of the Court of Vice- Admiralty of Tobago, by which you will see with how little reason my Ufe has been thirsted after, and, which is much dearer to me, my honour, by maliciously loading my fair character with obloquy and vile aspersions. I believe there are few who are hard-hearted enough to think I have not long since given the world every satisfaction in my power, being conscious of my innocence before Heaven, who will one day judge even my judges. I staked my honour, life, and fortune for six long months on the verdict of a British jury, notwithstanding I was sensible of the general prejudices which ran against me ; but, after all, none of my accusers had the cou- rage to confront me. Yet I am willing to convince the world, if reason and facts will do it, that they have had no foundation for then- harsh treatment. I mean to send Mr. Craik a copy properly proved, as his nice feelings will not perhaps be other- ways satisfied ; in the mean time, if you please, you may show him that enclosed. His ungracious conduct to me before I left Scotland I have not yet been able to get the better of. Every person of feeling must think meanly of adding to the load of the afflicted. It is true I bore it with seeming unconcern, but Hea- ven can witness for me, that I suffered the more on that very account. But enough of this." * * * The precise nature of the ungracious conduct of Craik, refer- red to in the foregoing letter cannot now be explained with pre- cision, but may easily be conjectured. Paul looked up to this gentleman as the former patron of his father, and existing pro- tector of his mother and sisters, with gratitude and deference, and probably with a warmth of respectful regard, which was chilled by the mortifying coldness of a cautious reception, such as it is reasonable to infer he may have met with from Mr. Craik, to whom his conduct had been misrepresented. He had, no doubt, taken it for granted that his own simple statements 22 PAUL JONES. would be sufficient to satisfy what he calls the " nice feelings" of that gentleman ; in which expectation it would seem that he was disappointed. It is known that Mr. C. subsequently ex- culpated him from all blame in the affair of Mungo. The fol- lowing letter appears to have been the last which Paul ever ad- dressed to him. " St. Georges, Grenada, 5th Aug. 1770. " Sir, " Common report here says that my owners are going to fin- ish their connexions in the West Indies as fast as possible. How far this is true, I shall not pretend to judge ; but should that really prove the case, you know the disadvantages I must of course labour under. " These, however, would not have been so great had I been acquainted with the matter sooner, as in that case I believe I could have made interest with some gentlemen here to have been concerned with me in a large ship out of London ; and as these gentlemen have estates in this and the adjacent islands, I should have been able to make two voyages every year, and always had a full ship out and home, &c. &c. &c. " However, I by no means repine, as it is a maxim with me to do my best, and leave the rest to Providence. I shall take no step whatever without your knowledge and approbation. " I have had several very severe fevers lately, which have re- duced me a good deal, though I am now perfectly recovered. " I must beg you to supply my mother, should she want any thing, as I well know your readiness. " I hope yourself and family enjoy health and happiness. I am, most sincerely. Sir, your's always, "John Paul." Shortly after this period, Paul commanded the Betsy of Lon- don, a vessel engaged in the West India trade. He has been accused of being concerned in the smuggling business, which PAUL JONES. 23 was at this time carried on to a great extent by those who lived along the shores of the Solway ; a charge which he always solemnly denied, and which there is not a particle of evidence to support. On the contrary, the very first entry of licensed goods from England, made in the Isle of Man after it was an- nexed to the crown, stands in his name in the Custom House books at Douglas, being of the first rum regularly imported there. His commercial speculations in the West Indies were various and extensive. His letters in relation to them, written at different subsequent periods, may in general be more con- veniently introduced in their chronological order. In 1771 he saw his relations in Scotland for the last time. In 1773 he went to Virginia, to arrange the affairs of his brother William, who had died childless and intestate. He left funds at Tobago and elsewhere, which the faithlessness of his agents prevented him from realizing as he had expected. He was soon to be called upon to act in the great struggle for liberty, whose coming events were to swallow up in their importance the calculations of pri- vate interest. There can be no doubt that at this time he thought he had determined to devote the rest of his life to the peaceful pursuits of agriculture, study, and domestic life ; or as he phrases it, in one of his favourite quotations, to " calm contemplation and po- etic ease." In his letter to the Countess of Selkirk, in which he affirms that such was his fixed purpose, he also speaks of having been led to " sacrifice not only his favourite scheme of life, but the softer affections of his heart, and his hopes of domestic hap- piness." We have no data from which to infer that these schemes, affections, and hopes, revolved around any ascertained and existing orb, and centre of attraction ; or that Paul felt any more distinct longing than that inspired by the general he- soin (T aimer, proper to his age and imaginative temperament. The latter was vastly different from that given by our modern poets and moralists to their corsairs and pirates, and pilots in disguise. Paul's letters show throughout that he had a sense of moral and religious obligation, tinged with a true chivalric 24 PAFL JONES. feeling, such as does not belong to robbers and cut-throats. His early education was in Scotland. We find, too, that Thomson was his favourite poet. It is unnecessary, in addi- tion to his own reiterated assertions, to cite the common-places of those who have best studied human nature, and whose re- marks have become proverbs, — or parallel cases in real life, — to strengthen our belief that it was his intention at this time to abandon the sea-service ; to plant and sow, and reap and gather, in the due seasons of seed time and harvest ; to take care of an interesting family ; and accept the terms of the curse which a distinguished profligate once thought so dreadful, of "being married, and settled in the country." It would, however, be equally unwise to believe, that this dream of " calm contemplation and domestic ease," would not, under the most favourable circumstances for the encouragement of the illusion, soon have proved its relationship to all the waking and sleeping family of phantasms. Paul Vas born for excite- ment and for action ; and his rural and pastoral meditations were but the solicited relaxations of the mind, craving them as the body does its natural repose. It is not unlikely that at this time the details and associations of West India trading voyages seemed disgusting to him. It would appear indeed, from the following passage in a letter al- ready referred to, addressed to the Hon. Robert Morris three years after this period, that his commercial aflfairs had become temporarily entangled. He says, " I conclude that Mr. Hewes has acquainted you with a very great misfortune which befell me some years ago, and which brought me into North America. I am under no concern whatever, that this, or any other past cir- cumstance of my life, will sink me in your opinion. Since human wisdom cannot secure us from accidents, it is the greatest effort of human wisdom to bear them well." It is evident from his relations to the distinguished person he was writing to, from the frankness of his language, and his subsequent arrangement of all his obligations, that this " great misfortune" must have been a disappointment in business, on which no shadow of censure PAUL JONES. 25 could, without iniquity, be cast. This disappointment, or one which was connected with it, is probably referred to in the letter inserted below, addressed to a valued friend, Mr. Stuart Mawey of Tobago, just before Jones sailed from Boston, fully commis- sioned as an officer of the United States.* It must be confessed * " Boston, 4th May, 1777. " Dear Sir, " After an unprofitable suspense of twenty months, (having subsisted on fifty "pounds only during that time,) when my hopes of rehef were entirely cut off, and there remained no possibility of my receiving wherewithal to subsist upon from my effects in your island, or in Eng- land, I at last had recourse to strangers for that aid and comfort which was denied me by those friends whom I had intrusted Avith my all. The good offices which are rendered to persons in their extreme need, ought to make deep impressions on grateful minds ; in my case I feel the truth of that sentiment, and am bound by gratitude, as well as honour, to follow the fortunes of my late benefactors. " I have lately seen Mr. Sicaton, (late manager on the estates of Arch. Stuart, Esq.) who informed me that Mr. Ferguson had quitted Orange Valley, on being charged with the unjust application of the property of his employers. I have been, and am extremely concerned at this ac- count ; I wish to disbelieve it, although it seems too much of a piece with the unfair advantage which, to all appearance, he took of me, when he left me in exile for twenty months, a prey to melancholy and want, and withheldmy property, without writing a word in excuse for his con duct. Thus circumstanced, I have taken the liberty of sending you a letter of attorney by Captain Cleaveland, who undertakes to deliver it himself, as he goes for Tobago via Martinico. You have enclosed a copy of a list of debts acknowledged, which I received from Mr. Fer- guson when I saw you last at Orange Valley. You have also a list of debts contracted with me, together with Ferguson's receipt. And there remained a considerable property unsold, besides some best Madeira Avine which he had shipped for London. By the state of accounts which I sent to England on my arrival on this continent, there was a balance due to me from the ship Betsy of 909/. I5s. 3y Jones. PAUL JONES. 41 chief. The concerned in the privateer brought an action against Captain Jones for 10,000/. damages, and the commander in chief had the pohteness not to support him. Captain Jones proceeded on his expedition. Off Louisbourg he took a brig with a rich cargo of dry goods, a snow with a cargo of fish, and a large ship called the Mellish, bound for Canada, armed for war, and laden with soldiers' clothing. The day after taking these prizes, (the 18th November,) the snow fell, and the wind blew fresh off Cape Breton. To prevent separation, and not from the violence of the weather, Captain Jones made the signal to lay to, which was obeyed; but as soon as the night began, Captain Hacker bore away. He made shift to arrive at Rhode Island a day or two before the place was taken by the enemy. Captain Jones ordered his prizes, the brigantine and the snow, to steer for American ports ; but determined not to lose sight of the Mellish, unless in case of necessity. Ca})tain Jones, after that little gale and some contrary winds, fell in with Canso, and sent his boats in to destroy a fine transport that lay aground in the entrance, laden with Irish provision. The party burnt also the oil-warehouse, and destroyed the materials for the whale and cod fishery. " Off Louisbourg, on the 24th November, he took three fine ships out of the coal-fleet, then bound for New York, under the convoy of the frigate Flora, that would have been in sight had the fog been dispersed. Two days after this, Captain Jones took a strong ietter-of-marque ship with a rich cargo, from Liverpool. He had now a hundred and fifty prisoners on board the Alfred, and a great part of his water and provision was consumed. He found by his prisoners that the harbour at the coal-mines was frozen up, and necessity obliged him to seek a hospitable port with the five prize-ships under his convoy. No separation took place till the 7th of December, on the edge of St. George's Bank, where Captain Jones again fell in with the Milford frigate. Captain Jones [drew the whole attention of the enemy towards the Alfred, and thereby] had the address [by running the greatest risk himself,] to save all his prizes ex- 5 42 PAUL JONES. cept one, (the lettei-of-marque from Liverpool,) and that one would not have been taken, had not the prize-master, who was three leagues to windward, foolishly run down under the Mil- ford's lee. The Mellish arrived safe with the clothing at Dart- mouth, in consequence of orders from Captain Jones, to pass within Nantucket shoals ; and Captain Jones, after meeting vidth much tempestuous weather arrived at Boston the 15th December, 1776, having only two days' water and provision left. The news of the supply of clothing reached General Washington's army just before he re-crossed the Delaware, and took the enemy's garrison at Trenton. By a letter from the commander in chief of the Navy, dated on board the Warren, at Providence, January the 14th, 1777, Captain Jones was su- perseded in the command of the Alfred, in favour of Captain Hinman, who said he brought a commission from Congress to supersede that of Captain Jones. On the 21st of January, 1777, this drew from Captain Jones a letter to the Marine Committee of Congress, stating his hopes that Congress would not so far overlook his early and faithful services as to supersede him by any man who was at first his junior officer, far less by any man who declined to serve in the Alfred, ifec. at the beginning. Captain Jones paid off the crews of the Alfred and Providence, for which he has never been reimbursed.* On the 18th Feb- ruary, Captain Jones received an appointment by order of Con- gress from the Hon. Robert Morris, Esq. Vice President of the Marine Committee, dated Philadelphia, February the 5th, 1777, to command private expeditions against Pensacola and other places, with the Alfred, Columbus, Cabot, Hampden, and sloop Providence. Many important schemes were pointed out ;t but Captain Jones was left at free liberty to adopt whatever he thought best. This appointment fell to nothing ; for the com- * "Was not reimbursed until the end of the war, and then without any interest." Corrected by Jones. t " Some of which Captain Jones had suggested to Mr. Morris ; and others that Mr. Morris had judiciously imagined himself" lb. PAUL JONES. 43 mander in chief would not assist Captain Jones, but affected to disbelieve his appointment. Captain Jones made a journey by land from Boston to Philadelphia, in order to explain matters to Congress in person." There are two other documents written by Jones, recapitu- lating in a much more summary manner, the events of the cruises in which he was engaged during the time passed over in the foregoing extract. One of these is a letter or memorial, addressed to the President of Congress, written from the Texel, December 7th, 1779, which he elsewhere styles " a refreshing memorial ;" the other, a letter addressed to Mr. Morris, Minis- ter of the Marine, «fec. dated Philadelphia, October 13th, 1783.* The narrative drawn up for the king of France, is by far the most precise ; on which account it has been introduced. It will be necessary, however, to revert to some of its details, for the purposes of illustrating the circumstances it records, arid ex- plaining the subsequent passages in the history of Jones. The affair at New Providence is described in the journal Avith more accuracy than in any other account extant, which the compiler has seen. The governor had privately sent off from Nassau one hundred and fifty barrels of powder from Fort Nassau. A quantity of cannoils, brass mortars, shot, and shells, were taken away ; and the governor and two more gentlemen were carried off as prisoners. The partial engagement with the Glasgow is briefly alluded to. Jones felt that no glory was gained by it, and such was the, perhaps, unreasonable opinion of the American public, at the time. Commodore Hopkins alleged in his justification, that if he had pursued the escaping frigate, it might have brought him into an engagement with the whole of Wallace's fleet, then committing great depredation on the coast of Rhode Island.! * A letter is published in Mr. Sherburne's Collections, dated Philadelphia, Sept. 22d, 1782, containing portions of the very long letter found in Jones' letter books, dated as in the text. t Clarke's Naval History of the United States, page 17. 44 PAUL JONES. As Jones observes, in his marginal manuscript note, it was the business of the commander and captains to answer for the escape of the frigate ; yet a sensibihty, not unalUed, perhaps, to a premature and morbid apprehension that censure would light upon himself, caused him always to speak of this affair as if his personal conduct stood in need of exculpation. Such is the temperament of those who feel that they are " born to achieve greatness ;" the exhibition of which, until their vision is realized, is laid to the score of personal vanity. In the letter to the Pre- sident of Congress, last referred to, Jones says: " I continued in that ship, (the Alfred,) and had my share of the dishonour which attended the first essay of American arms by sea, with the Glasgow. Permit me however to observe, that as I was stationed to command the lower battery of the Alfred, I had no share in the government of the sails or helm ; and as the artil- lery under my direction was well served, whenever it could be brought to bear, I hope Congress will not find that the disgrace of that night was owing to me." Writing to Mr. Hewes, shortly after the transaction, he says : " My station confined me to the Alfred's lower gun-deck, where I commanded during the action ; yet, though the commander's letter, which has been published, says, ' all the officers in the Alfred behaved well,' still the public blames me among others for not taking the enemy. But a little consideration will place the matter in a true light ; for no offi- cer, under a superior, who does not stand charged, by that superior, for cowardice or misconduct, can be blamed on any occasion whatever." It is to be observed, that while thus disavowing any responsi- bility, as a subaltern, Jones by no means imputes blame to Com- modore Hopkins. He says, in his letter to Mr. Hewes ; " I have the pleasure of assuring you that the commander in chief is respected throughout the fleet ; and I verily believe that the officers and men, in general, would go any length to execute his orders." In the same letter he refers to the minutes of the action with the Glasgow, as entered by himself on the Alfred's PAUL JOJVES. 4$ log-book, which are copied, as follows, in Mr. Sherburne's Col- lections. "At 2 A. M. cleared ship for action. At half past two, the Cabot being between us and the enemy, began to engage, and soon after we did the same. At the third glass, the enemy bore away, and by crowding sail at length got a considerable way a-head, made signals for the rest of the English fleet at Rhode Island to come to her assistance, and steered directly for the harbour. The Commodore then thought it imprudent to risk our prizes, &c. by pursuing farther ; therefore, to prevent our being decoyed into their hands, at half past 6 made the signal to leave off chase and haul by the wind to join our prizes. The Cabot was disabled at the second broadside ; the captain being dangerously wounded, the master and several men killed. The enemy's whole fire was then directed at us, and an unlucky shot having carried away our wheel-block and ropes, the ship broached to, and gave the enemy an opportunity of raking us with several broadsides before we were again in condition to steer the ship and return the fire. In the action we received several shot under water, which made the ship very leaky ; we had besides, the mainmast shot through, and the upper works and the rigging very considerably damaged ; yet it is surprising that we only lost the 2d lieutenant of marines and four men, one of whom, (Martin Gillingwater,) was a midshipman, prisoner, who was in the cockpit, and had been taken in the bomb brig Bolton yesterday ; we had no more than three men dangerously and four slightly wounded."* * In the 87th number of the " Constitutional Gazette," published in New York, May 29th, 1776, is a statement of Captain David Hawley, who had arrived at Hartford, from Halifax, whence he had escaped, having been a prisoner on board the Glasgow during the skirmish in question. He says that, " on the — th of April, the Glasgow sailed from Newport ; in the morning of the 6th discovered sundry sail, and stood for them ; came up and hailed the brig, who answered that they 46 PAUL JONES. The adventure with the Glasgow cannot, from the evidence now left, be considered as discreditable to the infant navy of America. The promotion of Jones, by the commander in chief of the navy, to be acting commandant of the Providence, proves, as he states himself, that the officer under whose command he had immediately served approved of his conduct. While con- veying military stores and troops between Newport and New York, he appears from his journal to have had several ren- contres with the Cerberus frigate and with others. Mr. Clarke, were from Plymouth ; then the brig hailed the Glasgow, and was told who they were. Upon signals being made and not answered, as it was stiU dark, the Glasgow received a heavy broadside from the brig, killed one man, and slightly wounded another. Then the Alfred came up, and closely engaged her for near three glasses, while the black brig at- tacked the Glasgow on her lee bow. It was observed by the motion of the Alfred, that she had received some unlucky shot. The sloop of twelve guns fired upon her stern without any great effect. The most of her shot went about six feet above the deck ; whereas, if they had been properly levelled, they must soon have cleared it of men. The Glasgow got at a distance, when she fired smartly ; and the engage- ment lasted about six glasses, when they both seemed willing to quit. The Glasgow was considerably damaged in her hull ; had ten shot through her mainmast, fifty-two through her mizen staysail, one hun- dred and ten through her mainsail, and eighty-eight through her fore- sail ; had her spars carried away, and her rigging cut to pieces. On the 6th they got into Rhode Island ; early in the morning of the 7th, were fired upon from the shore, cut her cables, and run up to Hope Island, where the hospital ship followed them. The wind shifting to the northward, they went out and joined Commodore Wallace, and after two days sailed for Halifax, where Captain Hawley tarried a fort- night, and on the 7th of April, made his escape with eight others, in a small boat, and came to Old York." The seventy-fifth number of the same newspaper, of AprU 17th, 1776, contains the following account under date of Newport, April 8lli, which throws light upon the result of the affair vrith the Glasgow, and from its quaintness may not be uninteresting. PAUL JONES. 47 in his Naval History speaks of two " engagements" with the former vessel. Jones does not appear to have deemed them worthy of commemoration in his narrative and letter books. In his " refreshing memorial" to the President of Congress, written from the Texel, he says, when speaking of this period of his service ; " The first service I performed in the Providence was to transport a number of soldiers from Providence to New York, which General Washington had lent us at New London to inspire us with courage to venture round to Rhode Island. " Last Friday the ministerial fleet went a little without the mouth of our harbour, and in the evening they all retiu-ned and anchored be- tween Gould island and Coddington's Point, except the Glasgow, of twenty-four guns, and a small tender, which kept out all night. As soon as it was Ught, the next morning, a party of the troops stationed on the island got down two of their 18 pounders upon the point, and played so well upon these worse than Algerine rovers, that they hulled the Rose two or three times, the Nautilus once or twice, and sent a shot through and through one of the armed tenders, upon which Captain Wallace, of the Rose, sent off a boat to cut away the buoy of his anchor, then slipped his cable, and made off as fast as possible ; and the rest of his fleet followed in the utmost hurry and confusion, having fired about fifteen cannon upon our people without the least effect, though they stood in considerable numbers, as open as they could well be, without the least breast-work or other shelter. " For several hours before, and during the above engagement, a vast number of cannon were heard from the S. E. and about sunrise eight or ten sail of ships, brigs, &c. were seen a little to the eastward of Block island, and indeed the flashes of the cannon were seen by some people about daybreak. These things caused much speculation, but in a few hours the mystery was somewhat cleared up, for away came the poor Glasgow, under all the sail she could set, yelping from the mouths of her cannon like a broken legged dog, as a signal of her being sadly wounded. And though she settled away, and handed most of her sails just before she came into the harbour, it was plainly perceived by the holes in those she had standing, and by the hanging of her yards, that she had been treated in a very rough manner. The other 48 PAUL JONES. The Commodore employed me afterwards for some time to es- cort vessels from Rhode Island into the Sound, Sec. while the Cerberus and other vessels cruised round Block Island. At last I received orders to proceed to Boston, to take under con- voy some vessels laden with coal for Philadelphia. I perform- ed that service about the time when liord Howe arrived at Sandy Hook. It was proposed to send me from Philadelphia by land to take command of the Hampden in Connecticut, but I rather preferred to continue in the Providence, the Hampden being a far inferior vessel to the description that had been given of her to Congress." He was commissioned to sail from the Delaware on a cruise, " with unlimited orders," as he expresses it in his memorial ; -U^ ^— _ vessels seen off stood up the western sound, and by very authentic in- telligence received on Saturday evening, we are fully convinced they were twelve sail of the Continental navy, very deeply laden with can- non, mortars, cannon-shot, bombs, and other warlike stores from the West Indies, so that it is probable their precious cargoes were the sole cause of Mrs. Glasgow's making her escape. Her tender was taken, as also the bomb brig, and a schooner which had been out near a week in search of prey. " As soon as the Glasgow got in, the Rose, Captain Wallace, the Nautilus, Captain Collins, the Swan, Captain Ascough, with several tenders, and pirated prizes, stood out to sea, leaving the Glasgow, a large snow, and two small sloops at anchor, about three quarters of a mile from Brenton's point. The ensuing night, a party of troops car- ried one eighteen pounder, one nine, one six, and two four pounders, on said point, and early yesterday morning saluted the Glasgow with such warmth that she slipped her cable and pushed up the river without firing a gun, under all the sail she could make, and the others followed with great precipitation. By the terrible cracking on board the Glas- gow, the noise and confusion among her men, it is thought the cannon did good execution. The wind shifting to the northward about noon, those vessels ran down the back of Conanicut and stood out to sea, supposed to have gone in quest of Captain Wallace, to make a woful complaint of the incivility of the Yankees." PAUL JONES. 49 and this was certainly the sort of trust which he best loved to execute. Some extracts from his letters to the marine com- mittee of Congress, relative to his adventures in this cruise of " six weeks and five days," so briefly mentioned in his journal, will probably be acceptable to the reader. " Providence, at sea, in N., Lat. 37'^ 40', 5:. W. Longitude, 54°, Sept. Uh, 1776. " Gentlemen, " I had the honour of writing to you the 27th August, per the brigantine Brittannia, which I sent under the care of Lieutenant Wm. Grinnell. Since that, I have been to the southward, near the parallel of Bermuda, and brought to four sail of French, Spanish, and Danish ships, homeward bound, but without gain- ing any useful information. On the first current, I fell in with a fleet of five sail, one of them being very large, it was the ge- neral opinion here, that she was either an old Indiaman, out- ward bound, with stores, or a Jamaica three-decker, bound homewards. We found her to be an English frigate, mounting twenty guns upon one deck. She sailed fast, and pursued us by the wind, till, after four hours chase, the sea running very cross, she got within musket shot of our lee-quarter. As they had continued firing at us from the first, without showing colours, I now ordered ours to be hoisted, and began to fire at them. Upon this, they also hoisted American colors, and fired guns to leeward. But the bait would not take, for, having every thing prepared, I bore away before the wind, and set all our light sail at once ; so that, before her sails could be trimmed, and steer- ing sails set, I was almost out of reach of grape, and soon after out of reach of cannon shot. Our ' hair-breadth escape,' and the saucy manner of making it, must have mortified him not a little. Had he foreseen this motion, and been prepared to counteract it, he might have fired several broadsides of double- headed and grape shot, which would have done us very material damage. But he was a bad marksman ; and, though within pistol shot, did not touch the Providence with one of the many 6 50 PAUL JONES. shots he fired.* I met with no other adventure till last night, when I took the Bermuda built brigantine Sea Nymph, &c." He concludes this letter by observing that he did not expect much success in his cruise, as it was too late for the season ; a remark which he repeats in his next letter, dated three days after, when sending in the brigantine Favourite laden with sugar, from Antigua, for Liverpool, which he had captured on the evening of September 6th, being his third prize. The following characteristic letter, giving an account of the manner in which he ridiculed the Milford frigate, (as he ex- presses it in a subjoined precis of his cruise,) and took or de- stroyed the shipping in Canso Harbour, seems worthy of being inserted entire. ^^ Providence off the Isle of Sable, ^dth Sept. 1776. "Gentlemen, * * * " From that time [of despatching the Favourite,] I cruised without seeing any vessel. I then spoke the Columbus' prize, the ship Royal Exchange, bound for Boston. By this time, my water and wood began to run short, which induced me to run to the northward, for some port of Nova Scotia or Cape Breton. I had, besides, a prospect of destroying the English shipping in these parts. The 16th, and 17th, I had a very heavy gale from the N. W. which obliged me to dismount all my guns, and stick every thing I could into the hold. The 19th, I made the Isle of Sable, and on the 20th, being between it and the main, I met with an English frigate, with a merchant ship under her con- voy. I had hove to, to give my people an opportunity of ta- king fish, when the frigate came in sight directly to windward, and was so good natured as to save me the trouble of chasing him, by bearing down, the instant he discovered us. When he came within cannon shot, I made sail to try his speed. Quar- * Thi8 is Jones' own account of what is called in the Naval Chronicle his " action of six hours" with the frigate Solebay, of 28 guns, from which he saved himself by a ' desperate" manosuvre. " Skilful" seems to be a more appropriate term. PAUL JONES. 51 tering and finding that I had the advantage, I shortened sail to give him a wild goose chase, and tempt him to throw away pow- der and shot. Accordingly, a curious mock engagement was maintained between us, for eight hours ; until night, with her sable* curtains, put an end to this famous exploit of English knight-errantry. " He excited my contempt so much, by his continued firing, at more than twice the proper distance, that when he rounded to, to give his broadside, I ordered my marine officer to return the salute vdth only a single musket. We saw him, next morn- ing, standing to the westward ; and it is not unlikely, that he hath told his friends at Halifax, what a trimming he gave to a ' rebel privateer,' which he found infesting the coast. *' That night I was ofl* Canso harbour, and sent my boat in to gain information. On the morning of the 22d. I anchored in the harbour, and, before night, got off a sufficiency of wood and water. Here I recruited several men, and finding three Eng- lish schooners in the harbour, we that night burned one, sunk an- other, and, in the morning, carried off the third, which we had loaded with what fish was found in the other two. " At Canso, I received information of nine sail of ships, brigs, and schooners, in the harbour of Narrow Shock and Peter de Great,! at a small distance from each other, in the Island of Madame, on the east side of the bay of Canso. These I deter- mined to take or destroy ; and, to do it eflTectually, having brought a shallop for the purpose from Canso, I despatched her with twenty-five armed men to Narrow Shock, while my boat went, well manned and armed, to Peter de Great ; and I kept off and on with the sloop, to keep them in awe at both places. The expedition succeeded to my wish. So effectual was this surprise, and so general the panic, that numbers yielded to a handful, without opposition, and never was a bloodless victory more complete. As the shipping that were unloaded were all un- * He dates off the Isle of Sable. + The orthography of the manuscript is followed. 52 PAUL JONES. rigged, I had recourse to an expedient for despatch. I promised to leave the late proprietors vessels sufficient to carry them home to the Island of Jersey, on condition that they immediately fitted out and rigged such of the rest as might be required. This condition was readily complied with ; and they assisted my people with unremitting application, till the business was com- pleted. But the evening of the 25th brought with it a violent gale of wind, with rain, which obliged me to anchor in the en- trance of Narrow Shock ; where I rode it out, with both anchors and whole cables a-head. Two of our prizes, the ship Alex- ander and Sea Flower, had come out before the gale began. The ship anchored under a point, and rode it out ; but the schooner, after anchoring, drove, and ran ashore. She was a valuable prize ; but, as I could not get her off, I next day or- dered her to be set on fire. The schooner Ebenezer, taken at Canso, was driven on a reef of sunken rocks, and there totally lost ; the people having with difficulty saved themselves on a raft. Towards noon on the 26th, the gale began to abate. The ship Adventure being unrigged, and almost empty, I ordered her to be burnt. I put to sea in the afternoon with the brigan- tine Kingston Packet, and being joined by the Alexander, went off Peter de Great. I had sent an officer round in a shallop to order the vessels in that harbour to meet me in the offing, and he now joined me in the brigantine Success, and informed me that Mr. Gallagher, (the officer who had commanded the party in that harbour,) had left it at the beginning of the gale in the brigantine Defence, and taken with him my boat and all the people. I am unwilling to believe that this was done with an evil intention. I rather think he concluded the boat and people necessary to assist the vessel getting out, the navigation being difficult, and the wind at that time unfavourable ; and when the gale began, I know it was impossible for them to return. " Thus weakened, I could attempt nothing more. With one of our brigs and the sloop, I could have scoured the coast and se- cured the destruction of a large boat fleet that was loading near Louisbourg, with the savage only to protect them. PAUL JONES. 53 " The fishery at Canso and Madame is effectually destroyed. Out of twelve sail which I took there, I only left two small schooners and one small brig, to convey a number of unfortu- nate men, not short of three hundred, across the Western Ocean. Had I gone further, I should have stood chargeable with inhumanity. " In my ticklish situation it would haVe been madness to lose a moment. I therefore hastened to the southward, to convey my prizes out of harm's way, the Damono brig having been within fifteen leagues of the scene of action during the whole time. " On the 27th, I saw two sail, which we took for Quebec transports. Unable to resist the temptation, having appointed a three days' rendezvous on the S. W. part of the Isle of Sable, I gave chase, but could not come up before they had got into Louisbourg, a place where I had reason to expect a far superior force ; and therefore returned, and this day I joined my prizes at the rendezvous. " If my poor endeavours should meet with your approbation, I shall be greatly rewarded in the pleasing reflection of having endeavoured to do my duty. I have had so much stormy wea- ther, and been obliged, on divers occasions, to carry so much sail, that the sloop is in no condition to continue long out of port. I am, besides, very weak handed ; and the men I have are scarce able to stand the deck, for want of clothing, the wea- ther here being very cold. These reasons induce me to bend my thoughts towards the continent. I do not expect to meet with much, if any success, on my return. But if fortune should insist on sending a transport or so in my way, weak as I am, I will endeavour to pilot him safe. It is but justice to add, that my officers and men behaved incomparably well on the oc- casion. " I have the honour to be, &.c. &c. " John P. Jones. " The Honourable the Marine Committee, Philadelphia." , .. . . 54 PAUL JONES. The following is the hst of prizes, taken, burnt, and sunk by Jones this cruise. Brigantine Britannia, Whaler, jj Sea Nymph, West Indies, >> Favourite, j» Ship Alexander, Newfoundland, Brigantine Success, 5» >> Kingston Packet, Jamaica, 5» Defiance, Jersey, Sloop Portland, Whaler, Ship Adventure, Jersey, Brigantine Friendship, jj Schooner John, London, Betsy, Jersey, Betsy, Halifax, Sea Flower, Canso, Ebenezer, jj Hope, Jersey manned and sent in. One of the objects of the expedition to Cape Breton, that of rescuing the hundred American prisoners confined in the coal pits, was not eflfected ; and other projects were abandoned, from the lateness of the season, and the difficulty of procuring men. Jones indeed met with more success than he had anticipated, as will be seen from the following extract of his letter to Mr. Morris, dated October 17th. " I have been successfully employed in refitting and gettmg the Providence in readiness, but am under the greatest appre- hension that the expedition will fall to nothing, as the Alfred is greatly short of men. I found her w ith only about thirty men, and we have with much ado enlisted thirty more ; but it seems the privateers entice them away as fast as they receive their month's pay. It is to the last degree distressing to contemplate the state and establishment of our navy. The common class of mankind are actuated by no nobler principle than that of self-in- terest ; this, and this alone determines all adventurers in priva- teers ; the owners, as well as those whom they employ. And while this is the case, unless the private emolument of individuals in our navy is made superior to that in privateers, it never can PAUL JONES. 55 become respectable ; it never will become formidable. And without a respectable navy — alas ! America ! In the present critical situation of affairs, human wisdom can suggest no more than one infallible expedient : enlist the seamen during plea- sure, and give them all the prizes. What is the paltry emolu- ment of two thirds of prizes to the finances of this vast continent ?* If so poor a resource is essential to its independency, in sober sadness we are involved in a woful predicament, and our ruin is fast approaching. The situation of America is new in the an- nals of mankind ; her affairs cry haste, and speed must answer them. Trifles, therefore, ought to be wholly disregarded, as being in the old vulgar proverb " penny wise, and pound fool- ish." If our enemies with the best established and most formi- dable navy in the universe, have found it expedient to assign all prizes to the captors, how much more is such policy essential to our infant fleet? But I need use no arguments to convince you of the necessity of making the emoluments of our navy equal, if not superior, to theirs. We have had proof that a navy may be officered almost on any terms, but we are not so sure that these officers are equal to their commissions ; nor will the Congress ever obtain such certainty, until they, in their wisdom, see pro- per to appoint a board of admiralty, competent to determine im- partially the respective merits and abilities of their officers, and to superintend, regulate, and point out, all the motions and op- erations of the navy." In the same letter he says, " Governor Hopkins tells me, that he apprehends I am appointed to the Andrew Doria ; she is a good cruiser, and would, in my judgment, answer much better, were she mounted with 12 six-pounders, than as she is at pre- sent, with 14 fours. An expedition of importance may be eff'ect- ed this winter, on the coast of Africa, with part of the original • By a resolution of Congress, of November 25th, 1775, two thirds of the value of all captures, made by public ships of war, were reserved to the use of the United Colonies. 56 PAUL JONES. fleet. Either the Alfred or Columbus, with the Andrew Doria and Providence, would, I am persuaded, carry all before them; and give a blow to the English African trade which would not soon be recovered, by not leaving them a mast standing on that coast. This expedition would be attended with no great ex- pense ; besides, the ship and vessels mentioned are unfit for ser- vice on a winter coast, which is not the case with the new frigates. The small squadron for this service ought to sail early, that the prizes may reach our ports in March or April. If I do not succeed in manning the Alfred, so as to proceed to the eastward, in the course of this week, the season will be lost ; the coal fleet will be gone to Halifax, the fishermen to Europe." This cruise, however, of Jones, from Rhode Island, was at- tended with many useful and some brilliant results. The cap- ture, in particular, of the clothing in the Mellish, while it fur- nished a seasonable supply to the American army, was a serious privation to that of the enemy- In his letter to the Marine Committee dated November 12th, Jones says : " This, prize is, I believe, the most valuable that has been taken by the Ameri- can arms. She made some defence, but it was trifling. The loss will distress the enemy more than can be easily imagined, as the clothing on board of her is the last intended to be sent out for Canada this season, and all that has preceded it is already taken. The situation of Burgoyne's army must soon become insupportable. I shall not lose sight of a prize of such impor- tance, but will sink her, rather than suffer her to fall again into their hands." His account of his second meeting with the Milford, given in the memorial from the Texel, is as follows : " On the edge of St. George's Bank, I again met with the Milford. The wind was at N. W. the enemy to windward, and we on our starboard tack. He could not come up before night ; and, in the mean time, I placed the Alfred and the letter of marque from Liver- pool, between the other prizes and the enemy. I ordered them to crowd sail on the same tack, all night, without paying regard to my light or signals. At midnight, the Alfred and the PAPL JONES. 57 letter of marque tacked, and I afterwards carried a top light till morning. " This led the Milford entirely out of the way of the prizes, and particularly the clothing ship Mellish ; for they were all out of sight in the morning. I had now to get out of the difficulty in the best way I could. In the morning we again tacked ; and as the Milford did not make much appearance, I was unwilling to quit her, without a certainty of her superior force. She was out of shot, on the lee quarter ; and as I could only see her bow, I ordered the letter of marque. Lieutenant Saunders, that held a much better wind than the Alfred, to drop slowly astern, until he could discover by a view of the enemy's side, whether she was of superior or inferior force, and to make a signal accordingly. On seeing Mr. Saunders drop astern, the Milford wore suddenly, and crowded sail towards the N. E. This raised in me such doubts as determined me to wear also, and give chase. Mr. Saunders steered by the wind, while the Milford went lasking, and the Alfred followed her with a pressed sail, so that Mr. Saunders was soon almost hull down to windward. At last the Milford tacked again ; but I did not tack the Alfred, till I had the enemy's side fairly open, and could plainly see her force. I then tacked, about ten o'clock. The Alfred being too light to be steered by the wind, I bore away two points, while the Milford steered close by the wind, to gain the Alfred's wake ; and by that means he dropped astern, notwithstanding his superior sailing. The weather too, which became exceedingly squally, enabled me to outdo the Milford, by carrying more sail. I began to be under no apprehension from the enemy's superi- ority, for there was every appearance of a severe gale, which really took place in the night. To my great surprise, however, Mr. Saunders, towards 4 o'clock, bore down on the Milford, made the signal of her inferior force, ran under her lee, and was taken !" The delay experienced by Captain Jones at Boston, where he anived with his prize, in getting rid of his prisoners and being delivered, as he phrases it, from the "honourable office of a jail 7 58 PAUL JONES. keeper," — the inaction in which he was obliged to remain for want of a command, — the neglect of Commodore Hopkins, from unwillingness or inability, to render him any assistance, — and his being superseded in the command of the Alfred by the or- ders of that officer, were circumstances of an irritating character, which drew fi*om him many letters of indignant remonstrance. Writing to the Commodore on the 28th February, he says : " It is only necessary for me to inform you, as I have already done, that I am appointed by a letter from the Honourable the Vice President of the Marine Board, dated the 5th current, to take command of the Alfred, Columbus, Cabot, Hampden, and sloop Providence, and to call on you for every possible assistance within your power, to enable me to proceed forthwith on a pri- vate enterprise, of the greatest importance to America. The letter has the sanction and full authority of Congress. It is written in their name. Therefore, Sir, I repeat my application, and demand your hearty and immediate concurrence with me in the outfit. It is in vain for you to affect to disbelieve my appointment. " I should have appeared personally at Providence, had you justified my conduct in obeying your express orders, instead of leaving me, as you have done, in the lurch.* I could then have convinced you of its being your indispensable duty to give me every possible assistance. When I placed a confidence in you, I did not think you capable of prevarication. I then, v/Xienymi needed friends, gave you the most convincing proof of my sin- cerity. This you must remember. I have asked Captain Sal- tonstall, how he could in the beginning suspect me, as you have told me, of being unfriendly to America. He seemed astonished at the question ; and told me it was yourself who promoted it. However, waving every thing of a private nature, the best way * This refers to the action commenced against Jones for damages, by the men taken from the Rhode Island privateer. Commodore Hopkins l6ft him to defend the suit himself, saying that his orders had not been given in writing. See Appendix, No. I. PAUL JONES. 59 is to co-operate cheerfully together, that the public service may be forwarded, and that scorn may yej forbear, to point her fin- ger at a fleet under your command. I am earnest in desiring to do every thing with good nature. Tiierefore to remove your doubts, if you have any, I send this by express, to inform you that I will meet you at Pawtucket, or at any other place, on as early a day as you please to appoint, and will there produce credentials to your satisfaction. In the mean time, it is your duty to prevent the departure of the Cabot, or any other vessel of- the squadron. I am astonished to hear that you have ordered the Hampden out, without desiring an explanation, after yqu received my last letters. My appointment was unsolicited and unexpected, and it must be owing to the hurry of business that you have received no similar orders. I am, honoured Sir, your very obliged, most humble servant, " J. P Jones. " P. S. I have sent by the bearer the coat which you desired, likewise one for Mr. Brown. If I can render you any service here, in procuring other articles, acquaint me with the particu- lars, and my best endeavours shall not be wanting." The mixture of conciliatory overtures with the peremptory language of this epistle, shows that, personal pique was temper- ed with a predominating desire to serve the cause of the country at all sacrifices. It may be remarked, in passing, that Commo- dore Hopkins had been ordered to be censured by the sentence of a Court Martial ; and that when the rank and station of the commanders of the navy was determined by Congress, his name was omitted. In relation to the manner in which Jones was superseded, as he conceived himself to have been, byjunior ofiicers, he has given a full account in his letter addressed to Mr. Morris from Phila- delphia in 1783, the whole of which document we have thought it necessary to publish in the appendix to this part.* It was an See Appendix to Part First, No II. 60 PAUL JONES. arrangement of which he never ceased to complain, and as the facts stated by him are uncontradicted, it seems that he had good reasons for so doing. Three grades of heutenants were estab- lished by the act of Congress of December 22d, 1775. Jones was at the head of the first. At this time it is true that Con- gress had not granted general letters of reprisal, nor had the allegiance of the colonies to the British crown been renounced. After the declaration of Independence, the organization of the navy could only properly take place, and the rank of its officers be settled, as Congress in its wisdom should determine. Still a regard was due to meritorious services, and to former prece- dence, where the imperfect right was supported by them. The appointment of Jones to command the Providence as Captain, by the commander in chief of the fleet, Commodore Hopkins, though it cannot be considered as establishing his rank, was en- titled to respect. On the 8th of August, 1776, he received an appointment as Captain, under the United States, from President Hancock. Congress had passed a resolution on the 17th April preceding, that " the nomination or appointment of captains or commanders should not establish rank, which should be settled before commissions were granted ;" and it was not until the 10th of October following, that by another resolution they set- tled the delicate and embarrassing question.* But Jones con- * Rank of Captains in the Navy, established by Congress, Oct. lOth^ 1776, viz. Commanders. Vessels. Guns. No. 1 James Nicholson - - - - Virginia, - - 28 2 John Manly Hancock, - - 32 3 Hector M'Neil Boston, - - 24 4 Dudley Saltonstall - - - Trumbull, - 28 5 Nicholas Biddle - - - - Randolph, - 32 6 Thomas Thompson - - - Raleigh, - - 32 7 John Barry ----- Effingham, - 28 8 Thomas Read ----- Washington, - 32 9 Thomas Grinnell - - - - Congress, - - 28 PAUL JONES. 61 ceived, as it was natural he should, that the date of his appoint- ment ought not to have been wholly overlooked, and fairly en- titled him to priority over those who were commissioned as Cap- tains, for the first time, on the 10th October. In what terms that appointment was couched cannot be ascertained, as it appears it was mislaid by President Hancock, who had requested Jones to leave it with him for a day or two. In the eloquent argu- ment made for himself by the latter, in the remonstrance in the appendix to which we refer, he evidently confounds occa- sionally the terms, appointment and commission. While, there- fore the government must be exempted from the censure of having violated any actual rights which Captain Jones had, it is a matter of regret, that in executing the difficult task of assign- ing rank, his fair claims should not have been admitted. It em- bittered many moments of his existence, when he was strug- gling with other difficulties, which neither courage nor ambition could overcome, and felt peculiarly '* how near to the heart," as he expresses it, " of every military officer, is rank, which opens the door to glory." 10 Charles Alexander - - - Delaware, - - 11 Lambert Wickes - - - - Reprisal, - - 12 Abraham "Whipple - - - Providence, 13 John B. Hopkins - - - Warren, - - 14 .John Hodge ----- Montgomery, - 15 William HaUock - - - - Lexington, - - 16 Hoysted Hacker - - - - Hampden, - - 17 Isaiah Robinson - - - - Andrew Doria, 18 John Paul Jones - - - - Providence, - 19 James Josiah ----- - - 20 Ehsha Hinman - - - - Alfred, - - 21 Joseph Olney ----- Cabot, - - 22 James Robinson - - - - Sachem, - - 23 John Young ----- Independence, 24 Elisha Warner - - - - Fly, - - - Lieut John Baldwin - - Wasp, - - - Lieut. Thomas Alberton - Musquito, - - 24 16 28 32 24 16 14 - 12 - 28 - 16 - 10 - 10 - 8 - 4 62 PAUL JOJVES, On this subject he thus wrote to the Marine Board at Phila- delphia, " I am now to inform you, that by a letter from Commo- dore Hopkins, dated on board the Warren, January 14th, 1777, which came to my hands a day or two ago, I am superseded in the command of the Alfred, in favour of Captain Hinman, and ordered back to the sloop in Providence River. Whether this order doth or doth not supersede also your orders to me of the 10th ult. you can best determine ; however, as I undertook the late expedition at his (Commodore Hopkins') request, from a principle of humanity, I mean not now to make a difficulty about trifles, especially when the good of the service is to be consulted. As I am unconscious of any neglect of duty, or misconduct, since my appointment at the first as eldest lieutenant of the navy, I cannot suppose that you can have intended to set me aside, in favour of any man who did not at that time bear a cap- tain's commission, unless indeed that man, by exerting his su- perior abilities, hath rendered or can render more important services to America. Those who stepped forth at the first, in ships altogether unfit for war, were generally considered as fran- tic rather than as wise men ; for it must be remembered, that almost every thing then made against them. And although the success in the affair with the Glasgow was not equal to what it might have been, yet the blame ought not to be general. The principal or principals in command alone are culpable ; and the other officers, while they stand unimpeached, have their full merit. There were, it is true, divers persons, from misrepre- sentation, put into commission at the beginning, Avithout fit qualification, and perhaps the number may have been increased by later appointments ; but it follows not that the gentleman or man of merit should be neglected or overlooked on their ac- count. None other than a gentleman, as well as a seaman both in theory and practice, is qualified to support the character of a commission officer in the navy ; nor is any man fit to command a ship of war who is not also capable of communicating his ideas on paper, in language that becomes his rank. If this be PAUL JONES. 63 admitted, the foregoing operations will be sufficiently clear ; but if further proof is required, it can easily be produced. " When I entered into the service, I was not actuated by motives of self-interest. I stepped forth as a free citizen of the world, in defence of the violated rights of mankind, and not in search of riches, whereof, I thank God, I inherit a sufficiency ;* but I should prove my degeneracy were I not in the highest de- gree tenacious of my rank and seniority. As a gentleman, I can yield this point up only to persons of superior abilities and superior merit ; and under such persons it would be my highest ambition to learn. As this is the first time of my having ex- pressed the least anxiety on my own account, I must entreat your patience until I account to you for the reason which hath given me this freedom of sentiment. It seems that Captain Hinman's commission is No. 1, and that, in consequence, he who was at first my junior officer by eight, hath expressed himself as my senior officer in a manner which doth himself no honour, and which doth me signal injury. There are also in the navy, per- sons who have not shown me fair play after the service I have rendered them. I have even been blamed for the civilities which I have shown to my prisoners ; at the request of one of whom I herein enclose an appeal, which I must beg leave to lay before Congress. Could you see the appellant's accomplished lady, and the innocents their children, arguments in their behalf would be unnecessary. As the base-minded only are capable of incon- sistencies, you will not blame my free soul, which can never stoop where I cannot also esteem. Could I, which I never can, bear to be superseded, I should indeed deserve your contempt and total neglect. I am therefore to entreat you to employ me in the most enterprising and active service, — accountable to your Honourable Board only, for my conduct, and connected as much as possible with gentlemen and men of good sense." * His jealous uneasiness lest he should be considered a gladiator, or in any shape a mercenary soldier, led him to use strong terms, not always well weighed in the moment of indignation. The riches he inherited were the gifts of nature. See Appendix No. IH. - '» 64 PAUL JONES. " My conduct hitherto," he says, in the memorial addressed to Congress from the Texel, " was so much approved of by Congress, that on the 5th February, 1777, I was appointed, with unhmited orders, to command a httle squadron of the Al- fred, Columbus, Cabot, Hampden, and sloop Providence. Va- rious important services were pointed out, but I was left at free liberty to make my election. That service, however, did not take place ; for the Commodore, who had three of the squadron blocked in at Providence, affected to disbelieve my appointment, and would not at last give me the necessary assistance. Find- ing that he trifled with my applications as well as the orders of Congress, I undertook a journey from Boston to Philadelphia, in order to explain matters to Congress in person. I took this step also because Captain Hinman had succeeded me in the command of the Alfred, and, of course, the service could not suffer through my absence. I arrived at Philadelphia in the beginning of April. But what was my surprise to find that, by a new line of navy rank, which had taken place on the 10th day of October, 1776, all the officers that had stepped forth at the beginning were superseded ! I was myself superseded by thirteen men, not one of whom did (and perhaps some of them durst not) take the sea against the British flag at the first ; for several of them who were then applied to refused to venture,— and none of them have since been very happy in proving their superior abilities. Among these thirteen there are individuals v/ho can neither pretend to parts nor education, and with whom, as a private gentleman, I would disdain to associate. " I leave your Excellency and the Congress to judge how this must affect a man of honour and sensibility. " I was told by President Hancock, that what gave me so much pain had been the effect only of a multiplicity of business. He acknowledged the injustice of that regulation, said it should make but a nominal, and temporary difference, and that in the mean time I might assure myself, that no navy officer stood higher in the opinion of Congress than myself." PAUL JONES. 65 In connexion with the foregoing letters, it is not out of place to introduce the following, to Mr. Morris. " As the regulations of the navy are of the utmost conse- quence, you will not think it presumption, if, with the utmost diffidence, I venture to communicate to you such hints as, in my judgment, will promote its honour and good government. I could heartily wish that every commission officer was to be previously examined ; for, to my certain knowledge, there are persons who have already crept into commission without abili- ties or fit qualification : I am myself far from desiring to be ex- cused. From experience in ours, as well as from my former intimacy with many officers of note in the British navy, I am convinced that the parity of rank between sea and land or ma- rine officers, is of more consequence to the harmony of the ser- vice than has generally been imagined. In the British estab- lishment, an admiral ranks with a general, a vice admiral with a lieutenant general, a rear admiral with a major general, a com- modore with a brigadier general, a captain with a colonel, a master and commander with a lieutenant colonel, a lieutenant commanding with a major, and a lieutenant in the navy ranks with a captain of horse, foot, or marines. I propose not our ene- mies as an example for our general imitation, yet, as their navy is the best regulated of any in the world, we must in some degree imitate them, and aim at such farther improvement as may one day make ours vie with, and exceed theirs. Were this regula- tion to take place in our navy, it would prevent numberless dis- putes and duellings, which otherwise will be unavoidable."* * Congress on the 15th November, 1776, adopted the following' resolution. That the rank of the naval officers be to the rank of officers in the land service, as follows : Admiral, ---- as a ----- General, Vice Admiral, -- •' ----- Lieut. General, Rear Admiral, -- " ----- Major General, 8 66 PAUL JONES. Jones repaired from Boston to Philadelphia*, in the beginning of April, 1777. His suggestions as to the proper government of the navy, and his projects of annoying the enemy, were lis- tened to with respectful attention. Whatever cause he con- ceived himself to have for complaining of the nominal rank as- signed to him, the command which it was first resolved to give him, and that with which he was in the issue entrusted, were calculated to satisfy his sense of what was due to his deserts, and he expresses himself as being highly gratified. In his Journal, written for the king of France, he says : " The Presi- dent assured Captain Jones that this matter of rank should be arranged at a future day, to his satisfaction, and in the mean time he should have a separate command, &c. Three ships were ordered to be fitted out in the eastern states, and Captain Jones was, by a resolve of Congress, directed to take his choice of them, ' until better provision could he made for him.''* Cap- tain Jones spared no pains to execute this last scheme ; but be- fore it was well begun, he received an appointment from the marine and secret committee, to proceed to France in the French Commodore, --"- as a----- Brig. General, Captain of a ship of 40 guns and upwards, Colonel, Do. - - - 20 to 40 guns, - as a Lieut. Colonel, Do, of a ship of 10 to 20 gims, - " Major, Lieutenant in the navy, . - - - " Captain. * " In Congress, March 15, 1777. " Resolved, That Daniel Waters, and Samuel Tucker, be appointed Captains in the Navy of the United States, and that they have the com- mand of two of the three ships ordered to be purchased. And that the command of the other ship be given to Captain John Paul Jones, until better provision can be made for him." The resolutions of the Marine Committee, authorizing Jones to make his election of the three ships, as soon as the purchase should be made, and to fit out tlie one he might select for sea, are to the effect stated in his journal. PAUL JONES. 67 ship Amphitrite from New Hampshire, with a letter to the Ame- rican Commissioners at Paris, containing orders to invest him immediately with the command of ' a fine ship,' (the Indian, built for America at Amsterdam,) ' as a reward for his zeal, and the important services he had performed, in vessels of little force.' His departure in the Amphitrite did not succeed, be- cause the terms offered the French commander were not accept- ed." Speaking of this resolution of Congress, he says else- where, " This was generous indeed ; and I shall feel the whole force of the obligation, to the last moment of my life." In the memorandums and documents, in the compiler's pos- session, there is no further explanation of the causes which prevented Jones from embarking in the Amphitrite. By a let- ter from him, to an agent, directing the enlistment of seamen, dated May 23d, it appears that he lost no time in acting upon the appointment by the Marine Committee. The following are the official letters and instructions, with which he was fur- nished. " Philadelphia, 9tk May, 1777. " Honourable Gentlemen, " This letter is intended to be delivered to you by John Paul Jones, Esq. an active and brave commander in our navy, who has already performed signal services in vessels of little force ; and in reward for his zeal we have directed him to go on board the Amphitrite, a French ship of twenty guns, that brought in a valuable cargo of stores from Mons. Hostalez and Co. and with her to repair to France. He takes with him his commis- sion, some officers and men, so that we hope he will, under that sanction, make some good prizes with the Amphitrite ; but our design of sending him is, (with the approbation of Congress,) that you may purchase one of those fine frigates that Mr. Deane writes us you can get, and invest him with the command there- of as soon as possible. We hope you may not delay this business one moment, but purchase, in such port or place in Europe as it can be done with most convenience and despatch, a fine fast- 68 PAUL JONES. sailing frigate or larger ship. Direct Captain Jones where he must repair to, and he will take with him his officers and men towards manning her. You will assign him some good house or agent to supply him with every thing necessary to get the ship speedily and well equipped and manned — somebody that will bestir themselves vigorously in the business, and never quit it until it is accomplished. " If you have any plan or service to be performed in Europe by such a ship, that you think will be more for the interest and honour of the States than sending her out directly. Captain Jones is instructed to obey your orders ; and, to save repetition, let him lay before you the instructions we have given him, and furnish you with a copy thereof. You can then judge what will be necessary for you to direct him in, and whatever you do will be approved, as it will undoubtedly tend to promote the ]mblic service of this country. " You see by this step how much dependence Congress place in your advices ; and you must make it a point not to disap- point Captain Jones' wishes and expectations on this occasion. " We are, &c. (Signed) " Robert Morris. " Richard Henry Lee. " Wm.. Whipple. " Phil. Livingston. •• The Honourable Benjamin Franklin, Silas Deane, and Arthur Lee, Esquires, Commissioners," &c. In Marine Committee. « Philadelphia, May 9ih, 1777. " John Paul Jones, Esq. " Sir — Congress have thought proper to authorize the Se- cret Committee to employ you on a voyage in the Amphitrite, from Portsmouth to Carolina and France, where it is expected you will be provided with a fine frigate ; and as your present commission is for the command of a particular ship, we now send you a new one, whereby you are appointed a captain in PAUL JONES. 69 our navy, and of course may command any ship in the service to which you are particularly ordered. You are to obey the orders of the Secret Committee, and we are, Sir, &c. (Signed) " John Hancock. " Rob. Morris. " Wm. Whipple." In Marine Committee. " Philadelphia, September 6th, 1777. " Sir, " As soon as these instructions get to hand, you are to make immediate apphcation to the proper persons to get your vessel victualled and fitted for sea with all expedition. When this is done, you are to proceed on a voyage to some convenient port in France ; on your arrival there, apply to the agent, if any, in or near said port, for such supplies as you may stand in need of. You are at the same time to give immediate notice, by letter, to the Honourable Benjamin Franklin, Silas Deane, and Arthur Lee, Esquires, or any of them at Paris, of your arrival, request- ing their instructions as to your further destination ; which in- structions you are to obey as far as it shall be in your power. " You are to take particular notice, that whilst on the coast of France, or in a French port, you are, as much as you con- veniently can, to keep your guns covered and concealed, and to make as little warlike appearance as possible. Wishing you," &c. &c. Jones had recommended, in a letter to a member in Congress, that the Mellish should be converted into a ship of war ; and the secret committee had passed a resolution to that effect ; but the intention was abandoned in consequence of letters from him. On the 14th June, Congress resolved, "that the flag of the United States should be thirteen stripes, alternate red and white : that the Union be thirteen stars, while in a blue field, representing a new constellation." By another resolution, passed the same day, Jones was appointed to command the ship Ranger ; on board of which he hoisted the national flag 70 PAUL JONES. for the first time it was displayed on board of a man of war, as he had formerly hoisted the colonial one, in the Delaware.* He began to fit out this vessel in July ; but was not ready for sea before the 15th November following. She was scarcely half rigged when he took charge of her, and much difficulty was experienced in arming and equipping her. He wrote as follows to the Marine Committee on the 29th October. — "With all my industry I could not get the single suit of sails comple- ted, until the 20th current. Since that time the winds and weather have laid me under the necessity of continuing in port. At this time it blows a very heavy gale from the N. E. The ship with difficulty rides it out, with yards and top mast struck, and whole cables ahead. When it clears up, I expect the wind from the N. W. and shall not fail to embrace it, although I have not now a spare sail, nor materials to make one. Some of those I have are made of Hessings, (a coarse thin stuflT.) I never be- fore had so disagreeable a service to perform, as that which I have now accomplished, and of which another will claim the credit as well as the profit. However, in doing my utmost, I am sensible that I have done no more than my duty. I have now to acknowledge the honour of having received your orders of the 6th ultimo ; and that I have before me the pleasing pros- pect of being the welcome messenger at Paris of the joyful and important news of Burgoyne's surrender. I have received de- spatches from the Council of Massachusetts, for the com- missioners, by express. I shall, therefore, not go out of my course, unless I see a fair opportunity of distressing the enemy, and of rendering services to America." Twenty-six guns were provided for the Ranger ; but Jones wrote that he purposed to carry no more than 18 six pounders, as he thought the ship incapable of carrying a greater number so as to be serviceable. He complained that they were all three diameters of the bore too short. He found no difficulty in pro- See Appendix, No. IV. 1 PAUL JONES. 71 curing men, but he was badly provided with stores, having only thirty gallons of rum for his whole crew. With this indifferent armament he sailed from Portsmouth on the first of November, and arrived at Nantes on the 2d December following. He found the Ranger very crank, owing to the improper quality of her ballast ; which induced him on his arrival to shorten her lower masts, and ballast with lead. The following particulars of his cruise are given in his letter from Nantes to the Marine Com- mittee. — " After passing the Western Islands, I fell in with and brought to, a number of ships, but met with no English proper- ty, till within eighty leagues of Ushant. I then fell in with a fleet of ten sail with a strong convoy, bound up the channel ; but notwithstanding my endeavours, I was unable to detach any of them from the convoy. I took two brigantines from Malaga with fruit for London. One of the prizes has arrived here. The other, I am now told, is in Quiberon Bay. I arrived here on the 2d current, without having met with any misfortune on the passage, though I met with some very severe weather. Be- sides the fleet already mentioned, I fell in with several ships in the night ; so that I have had agreeable proofs of the active spirit both of my oflicers and men. Though they have not for- merly been conversant in the management of ships of war, yet I am persuaded they will behave well, should I have an oppor- tunity of bringing them to action, &c." He does not mention in this letter the particulars of his meeting with the Invincible ; a ship of seventy-four guns, which was giving convoy to a few ships from Gibraltar. He speaks of the affair in his narrative for the king of France, as a " near rencounter ;" and in his let- ter from the Texel, he says, " I could not help chasing the In- vincible, by the way." Determining to attend to the necessary alterations and equip- ment of the Ranger in person, his first act on arriving at Nantes was to write on the 5th December to the commissioners of Con- gress at Paris, — Dr. Franklin, Silas Deane, and Arthur Lee. The following is an extract from the letter : " I yesterday, enclosed you copies of two letters which I wrote 72 PAUL JONES. you previous to my departure from Portsmouth, together with a plan which I drew up at Philadelphia, on the regulation and equipment of our infant navy. It is my first and favourite wish to be employed in active and enterprising services, when there is a prospect of rendering acceptable services to America. The singular honour which Congress have done me by their generous acknowledgment of my past services, hath inspired me with sentiments of gratitude which I shall carry with me to my grave ; and if a life of services devoted to America can be made instru- mental in securing its independence, I shall regard the continu- ance of such approbation as an honour far superior to what kings even could bestow." " I am ready to lay before you any orders, which I have re- ceived from Congress. At present I take the liberty of enclo- sing for your inspection a very honourable and unexpected appointment, &c." " I have always, since we have had ships of war, been persuaded that small squadrons could be em- ployed to far better advantage on private expeditions, and would distress the enemy infinitely more than the same force could do, by cruising either jointly or separately. Were strict secrecy observed on our part, the enemy have many important places in such a defenceless situation, that they might be effect- ually surprised and attacked, with no very considerable force. We cannot yet fight their navy ; as their numbers and force are so far superior to ours. Therefore it seems to be our most natural province to surprise their defenceless places ; and there- by divert their attention, and draw it off from our coasts. But you see that my honourable correspondent is, and I know that many others are, of the same opinion." The course here recommended by Jones was the only one which eventually was found feasible. He was soon summoned to Paris by the Commissioners, to consult with them upon the measures to be adopted for annoying the enemy. France was not yet in open hostility with England, nor had the commis- sioners been recognised as plenipotentiaries. Jones was direct- ed to keep his guns as much concealed as possible while on the PAUL JONES. '23 French coasts. He was destined to meet with a serious disap- pointment, in being obliged to assent to the transfer of the Indian, the " fine ship" of which he had expected to receive the com- mand, and which was building at Amsterdam, to the French Government. Considering the irritability of his character, we do not find that he bore this miscarriage very ungraciously. Congress certainly had intended that he should take command of this vessel, or of one of equal force ; and he made their reso- lution a ground for claiming the rank which such a command would have given him. But he submitted to parting with the Indian with tolerable good humour, as the extracts from his let- ters will show. This is mentioned, because he has been charged with writing to Congress " in no very modest terms." In his first despatch from Nantes to the marine committee, he says : " I understand, though I have yet received no letter, that the commissioners had provided for me one of the finest frigates that ever was built ; calculated for thirty guns on one deck ; and capable of carrying thirty-six pounders ; but were under the necessity of giving her up, on account of some difficulties which they met with at court. Perhaps the news of our late successes may now put that court in a better humour. But my unfeigned thanks are equally due for the intention as for the act." Writing again to the same committee, on the 22d De- cember, the day after he had received a request from the com- missioners to attend them at Paris, he declared his intention to proceed to sea with the Ranger, without loss of time, should there be any delay in obtaining additional force. In his narra- tive for the king of France, corrected by himself, in speaking of the " assignment of the property of that famous frigate, the Indian," he has interlined, " with the consent of Captain Jones." Writing to the Marine Committee subsequently, on the sub- ject, he said : " Deeply sensible of the honour which Congress has conferred upon me, communicated in the orders of the Secret Committee to the commissioners, I can bear the disappoint- ment with philosophy. Yet I confess I was rather hurt, when 9 74 PAUL JONES. at Paris, I understood that the new frigate at Amsterdam had never been intended for me, before my appearance, but for the constructer." After conferring with the commissioners on the various schemes he had to suggest, he returned to Nantes to complete the Ranger's equipments, and on the 16th of January 1788, he received from them their instructions as to his conduct on the cruise he proposed making. They were as follows, giving him almost unlimited discretion ; which he was perfectly willing to assume, though it seems from one of his despatches that he did not understand the commissioners as " promising even to justify him, should he fail in any bold attempt." *' Paris, January IQth, 1788. <* Captain Jones, " Sir — As it is not in our power to procure you such a ship as you expected, we advise you, after equipping the Ranger in the best manner for the cruise you propose, that you proceed with her in the manner you shall judge best for distressing the enemies of the United States, by sea or otherwise, consistent with the laws of war, and the terms of your commission." [Directions here follow for sending prizes taken on the coast of France and Spain, into Bilboa or Coronge, unless the danger was too great, in which case they were to be sent to L'Orient or Bordeaux.] " If you make an attempt on the coast of Great Britain we advise you not to return immediately into the ports of France, unless forced by stress of weather, or the pursuit of the enemy; and in such case you can make the proper repre- sentation to the officers of the port, and acquaint us with your situation. We rely on your ability, as well as your zeal to serve the United States, and therefore do not give you particular in structions as to your operations. We must caution you against giving any cause of complaint to the subjects of France or Spain, or of other neutral powers ; and recommend it to you to show them every proper mark of respect, and real civility, which may be in your power." Mr. Arthur Lee did not approve of a part of these instruc- tions, directing the sale of the prizes to be iatrusted to other hands than those of the commercial agents. He expressed his want of confidence in Mr. Gourlade, one of the persons men- tioned, at L' Orient, and did not sign the letter. Messrs. Frank- lin and Deane knew of nothing done by Gourlade, to impair their confidence in him. Agreeably to the suggestion of Jones, they addressed an intimation to the crew of the Ranger, promis- ing, " in case of their good and gallant behaviour, to recommend them to Congress for a generous gratification, proportioned to their merits." On the 10th of February, Jones says in his Journal to the king of France, " on receiving agreeable news of affairs in America, and the position of Lord Howe's fleet, he wrote a let- ter to Mr. Deane, one of the commissioners of Congress at Paris, containing the plan that was adopted for Count D'Es- taing's expedition ; which would have ended the war, had it been immediately pursued." He has been censured for assum- ing to himself the original merit of devising this important measure. It is certain, that he repeatedly makes the assertion that he furnished the outline of the project.* In a letter to M. De Sartine, the French minister of marine, written subsequent- ly, he says : " Had Count D'Estaing arrived in the Delaware a few days sooner, he might have made a most glorious and easy conquest. Many successful projects may be adopted from the hints which I had the honour to draw up ; and if I can still furnish more, or execute any of these already furnished, so as to distress and humble the common enemy, it will afford me the truest plea- sure." It may naturally be inferred, that the operations of Count D'Estaing's fleet was a subject discussed in the consultations held by Jones with the commissioners, on his first brief visit to Paris, though he does not intimate that any such conversation took place. It cannot be doubted, that he was peculiarly qualified to give * See Appendix. No. V.- 76 PAUL J0JVE6. important advice, from his accurate acquaintance with the locali- ties of the Delaware, and the navigation of the waters in the vi- cinity of the scene selected for the intended operation. It will also not be doubted, that his advice Avould naturally be of a da- ring character, recommending bold measures as best calculated to lead to great results. There can be no reason for impeach- ing his veracity, when he affirms that he forwarded his plan to Mr. Deane at the time mentioned ; nor does it appear that he exclusively arrogated the praise due to the wisdom with which the scheme was conceived. He put in a claim for his fair share of the honour ; and there is no evidence against his title to it. No copy of the letter he speaks of is preserved among the pa- pers and volumes which the compiler has in his possession. As secrecy was essential in effecting the proposed object, no men- tion is of course made of it in his general correspondence at the time. It failed, as is well known, from the delay which occur- red, and which enabled Lord Howe to place his fleet and trans- ports in safety. From Nantes, Jones proceeded in the Ranger for Quiberon Bay, whither "he convoyed some American vessels, that desired to sail out under the protection of the French squadron in that road, commanded by Monsieur La Motte Picquet. From that brave officer, Captain Jones claimed and obtained the first sa- lute the flag of America ever received. Some days afterwards, he claimed and obtained the same honour from Count D'Orvil- liers, commander in chief of the fleet at Brest. Both these salutes preceded the publication of the treaty of alliance."* This first salute was not obtained, however, without some di- plomacy and negotiation, in which Jones showed both firmness and address. The following letters were written by him on the occasion. " Fehruary Uth, 1778. "Dear Sir, ' I am extremely sorry to give you fresh trouble, but I think th(; Admiral's answer of yesterday requires an explanation. * Narrative for the king of France. PAUL JONES. 77 The haughty Enghsh return gun for gun to foreign officers of equal rank, and two less only to captains by flag-officers. It is true, my command at present is not important, yet, as the senior American officer at present in Europe, it is my duty to claim an equal return of respect to the flag of the United States that would be shown to any other flag, whatever. " 1 therefore take the liberty of enclosing an appointment, perhaps as respectable as any which the French Admiral can produce ; besides which, I have others in my possession. " If, however, he persists in refusing to return an equal sa- lute, I will accept of two guns less, as I have not the rank of Admiral. "It is my opinion, that he would return four less to a priva- teer or a merchant ship ; therefore, as I have been honoured oftener than once with a chief command of ships of war, I can- not, in honour, accept of the same terms of respect. " You will singularly oblige me by waiting upon the Admi- ral ; and I ardently hope you will succeed in the application, else I shall be under a necessity of departing without coming into the bay. I have the honour to be, &c. &.c. " To William Carmichael, Esq. " N. B. — Though thirteen guns is your greatest salute in America, yet if the French Admiral should prefer a greater number, he has his choice, on conditions.'''' Writing to Mr. Jonathan Williams on the following day, he says, " I propose to salute the Admiral in open day ; that no evasion may afterwards be made." He wrote as follows to the Marine Committee, on the 22d February. " I am happy in having it in my power to congratulate you on my having seen the Amer- ican flag, for the first time, recogni-sed, in the fullest and com- pletest manner by the flag of France. I was off" their bay the 13th, and sent my boat in the next day, to know if the Admiral would return my salute. He answered that he would return to me, as the senior American continental officer in Europe, the same salute which he was authorized by his court to return to 7$ PAUL JONES. an Admiral of Holland, or of any other Republic, which was four guns less than the salute given. I hesitated at this ; for I had demanded gun for gun. Therefore, I anchored in the en- trance of the bay, at a distance from the French fleet ; but after a very particular inquiry on the 14th, finding that he had really told the truth, I was induced to accept of his offer, the more so, as it was in fact an acknowledgment of American Independence. The wind being contrary, and blowing hard, it was after sunset before the Ranger got near enough to salute La Motte Picquet with thirteen guns ; which he returned with nine. However, to put the matter beyond a doubt, I did not suffer the Indepen- dence to salute till next morning, when I sent the Admiral word that I should sail through his fleet in the brig, and would salute him in open day. He was exceedingly pleased, and returned the compliment also with nine guns." " I have in contemplation several enterprises of some impor- tance. * * * When an enemy thinks a design against him im- probable, he can always be surprised and attacked with advan- tage. It is true, I must run great risk ; but no gallant action was ever performed without danger. Therefore, though I can- not ensure success, I will endeavour to deserve it." Writing on the same date to the secret committee, thanking them for the flattering terms in which he had been recommend- ed to the commissioners, and his services been spoken of, he en- closed an ode of a patriotic character, which had been written in France, begging that it might be laid before Congress, and intimating a hope that the author would be considered worthy of the attention of that body. What notice that grave assembly took of the metrical eflfusion and its composer, does not appear. He says that at this time " Count D'Orvilliers, through whom he communicated hi& idea for an expedition to America to M. De Sartine, offered, on account of the smallness of Ixis frigate, to procure for him a commission of Captain, in the Royal Navy of France, which he refused." He sailed from Brest on the lOth ApriJl, on his first memora- ble cruise. The commissioners had no exact idea of his inten- PAUL JONES. 79 tions. He " at first had thoughts of striking a blow on the south side of England ; but being detained for some time by contrary and stormy winds at Brest, he abandoned that scheme." The most ample and interesting account of this cruise is given in his letter to the American Commissioners, written on the 27th May, from Brest. It is said to be confirm- ed, in all its details, by log-books in the possession of individuals in Scotland. It has been very frequently published, but its in- sertion entire is essential here. " I have now to fulfil the promise made in my last, by giving you an account of my late expedition. *' I sailed from Brest the 10th of April ; my plan was exten- sive, T therefore did not at the beginning wish to encumber my- self with prisoners. On the 14th I took a brigantine between Scilly and Cape Clear, bound for Ostend, with a cargo of flax- seed for Ireland, sunk her, and proceeded into St. George's Channel. " On the 17th I took the ship Lord Chatham, bound from London to Dublin, with a cargo consisting of porter, and a variety of merchandise, and almost within sight of her port ; this ship I manned and ordered for Brest. " Towards the evening of the day following, the weather had a piomising appearance, and, the wind being favourable, I stood over from the Isle of Man with an intention to make a descent at Whitehaven ; at ten I was oft' the harbour with a party of volunteers, and had every thing in readiness to land ; but before eleven the wind greatly increased and shifted, so as to blow directly upon the shore ; the sea increased of course, and it became impossible to effect a landing. This obliged me to carry all possible sail so as to clear the land, and to await a more favourable opportunity. " On the 18th, in Glentinebay, on the south coast of Scot- land, I met with a revenue wherry ; it being the common prac- tice of these vessels to board merchant ships, the Ranger then having no external appearance of war, it was expected that this 80 PAUL JONES. rover would have come alongside ; I was, however, mistaken, for though the men were at their quarters, yet this vessel out- sailed the Ranger, and got clear in spite of a severe cannonade. " The next morning, off" the Mull of Galloway, I found my- self so near a Scotch coasting schooner, loaded with barley, that I could not avoid sinking her. Understanding that there were ten or twelve sail of merchant ships, besides a Tender brigan- tine, with a number of impressed men on board, at anchor in Lochryan, in Scotland, I thought this an enterprise worthy my attention ; but the wind, which at the first woidd have served equally well to have sailed in or out of the Loch, shifted in a hard squall, so as to blow almost directly in, with an appearance of bad weather. I was therefore obliged to abandon my project. " Seeing a cutter off the lee-bow stearing for the Clyde, I gave chase, in hopes of cutting her off; but finding my endea- Tours ineffectual, I pursued no farther than the Rock of Ailsa. In the evening I fell in with a sloop from Dublin, which I sunk, to prevent intelligence. ** The next day, the 21st, being near Carrickfergus, a fish ing-boat came off, which I detained. I saw a ship at anchor in the road, which I was informed by the fishermen was the British ship of war Drake, of twenty guns. I determined to attack her in the night ; my plan was to overlay her cable, and to fall upon her bow, so as to have all her decks open and exposed to our musquetry, &c. ; at the same time, it was my intention to have secured the enemy by grapplings, so that, had they cut their cables, they would not thereby have attained an advan- tage. The wind was high, and unfortunately the anchor was not let go so soon as the order was given, so that the Ranger was brought to upon the. enemy's quarter at the distance of half a cable's length. We had made no warlike appearance, of course had given no alarm ; this determined me to cut immediately, which might appear as if the cable had parted, and at the same time enable me, after making a tack out of the Loch, to return with the same prospect of advantage which I had at the first. I was, however, prevented from returning, as I with difficulty PAUL JONES. 81 weathered the hghthouse on the lee-side of the Loch, and as the gale increased. The weather now became so very stormy and severe, and the sea ran so high, that I was obliged to take shelter under the south shore of Scotland. " The 22d introduced fair weather, though the three king- doms were, as far as the eye could reach, covered with snow. I now resolved once more to attempt Whitehaven ; but the wind became very light, so that the ship would not in proper time approach so near as I had intended. At midnight I left the ship with two boats and thirty-one volunteers ; when we reached the outer pier, the day began to dawn ; I would not, however, abandon my enterprise, but despatched one boat under the direction of Mr. Hill and Lieutenant Wallingsford, with the necessary combustibles to set fire to the shipping on the north side of the harbour, while I went with the other party to attempt the south side. I was successful in scaling the walls and spiking up all the cannon on the first fort ; finding the sentinels shut up in the guard-house, they were secured without being hurt. Having fixed sentinels, I now took with me one man only, (Mr. Green,) and spiked up all the cannon on the southern fort, distant from the other a quarter of a mile. " On my return from this business, I naturally expected to see the fire of the ships on the north side, as well as to find my own party with every thing in readiness to set fire to the ship- ping on the south ; instead of this, I found the boat under the direction of Mr. Hill and Mr. Wallingsford returned, and the party in some confusion, their light having burnt out at the in- stant when it became necessary.* * Jones did not soon surmount the disappointment occasioned by this misunderstanding on the part of his officers. In a memoi'ial to Con- gress, he says, " My first object was to secure an exchange of prisoners in Europe, and my second to put an end, by one good fire in England of shipping, to all the burnings in America. I succeeded in tlie first, even by means far more glorious than my most flattering ideas had ex- 10 82 PAUL JONES. " By the strangest fatality, my own party were in the same situation, the candles being all burnt out. The day too came on apace, yet I would by no means retreat while any hopes of success remained. Having again placed sentinels, a light was obtained at a house disjoined from the town, and a fire was kindled in the steerage of a large ship, which was surrounded by at least a hundred and fifty others, chiefly from two to four hundred tons burthen, and lying side by side, aground, unsur- rounded by the water. " There were, besides, from seventy to a hundred large ships in the north arm of the harbour, aground, clear of the water, and divided from the rest only by a stone pier of a ship's height. I should have kindled fires in other places if the time had permitted ; as it did not, our care was to prevent the one kindled from being easily extinguished. After some search, a barrel of tar was found, and poured into the flames, which now ascended from all the hatchways. The inhabitants began to appear in thousands, and individuals ran hastily towards us. I stood between them and the ship on fire, with a pistol in my hand, and ordered them to retire, which they did with precipita- tion. The flames had already caught the rigging, and began to ascend the main-mast ; the sun was a full hour's march above the horizon, and as sleep no longer ruled the world, it was time to retire. We re-embarked without opposition, having released a number of prisoners, as our boats could not carry them. Af- ter all my people had embarked, I stood upon the pier for a pected when I left France. In the second, I endeavoured to desei^ve success ; but a wise officer of mine observed, that ' it was a rash thing, and that nothing could be got by burning poor people's property.' I must, however, do him the justice to mention his acknowledgment, that he had no turn for enterprise ; and I must also do equal justice to my former officers in the Providence and the Alfred, by declaring, that had they been with me in the Ranger, two hundred and fifty, or three hun- dred sail of large ships at Whitehaven would have been laid in ashes." PAUL JONES. 83 considerable space, yet no person advanced : I saw all the eminences round the town covered with the amazed inhabitants. " When we had rowed to a considerable distance from the shore, the English began to run in vast numbers to their forts ; their disappointment may easily be imagined when they found, I suppose, at least thirty heavy cannon (the instruments of their vengeance) rendered useless. At length, however, they began to fire, having, as I apprehend, either brought down ships' guns, or used one or two cannon which lay on the beach at the foot of the walls, dismounted, and which had not been spiked. They fired with no direction, and the shot falling short of the boats, instead of doing us any damage, afforded some diversion ; which my people could not help showing, by discharging their pistols, &,c. in return of the salute. Had it been possible to have land- ed a few hours sooner, my success would have been complete. Not a single ship, out of more than two hundred, could possibly have escaped, and all the world would not have been able to save the town. What was done, however, is sufficient to show, that not all their boasted navy can protect their own coasts ; and that the scenes of distress, which they have occasioned in America, may be soon brought home to their own door. One of my people was missing; and must, I fear, have fallen into the enemies' hands after our departure.* I was pleased that in this business we neither killed nor wounded any person. I brought off" three prisoners as a sample. " We now stood over for the Scotch shore ; and I landed at noon at St. Mary's Isle, with one boat only, and a very small party. The motives which induced me to land there, are ex- * In the Ranger's log-book this man is named David Smith. He is probably the same person who, under the name of Freeman, gave in- formation at several houses in a street adjoining the piers, that fire had been set to a ship, and afterwards other information that appears sub- stantially correct. He must have remained on shore voluntarily. Note in the Edinburgh Life. 84 PAUL JONES. plained in the within copy of a letter which I have addressed to the Countess of Selkirk, dated the 8th instant. " On the morning of the 24th, I was again off Carrickfergus, and would have gone in, had I not seen the Drake preparing to come out. It was very moderate, and the Drake's boat was sent out to reconnoitre the Ranger. As the boat advanced, I kept the ship's stern directly towards her ; and though they had a spy-glass in the boat, they came on within hail, and along side. When the officer came on the quarter deck, he was greatly surprised to find himself a prisoner ; although an ex- press had arrived from Whitehaven the night before. I now understood, what I had before imagined, that the Drake came, out in consequence of this information, with volunteers, against the Ranger- The officer told me also, that they had taken up the Ranger's anchor. The Drake was attended by five small vessels full of people, who were led by curiosity to see an engagement. But when they saw the Drake's boat at the Ranger's stern, they wisely put back. " Alarm smokes now appeared in great abundance, extending along on both sides of the channel. The tide was unfavourable, so that the Drake worked out but slowly. This obliged me to run down several times, and to lay with courses up, and main- topsail to the mast. At length the Drake weathered the point, and having led her out to about mid-channel, I suffered her to come within hail. The Drake hoisted English colours, and at the same instant, the American stars were displayed on board the Ranger. I expected that preface had been now at an end, but the enemy soon after hailed, demanding what ship it was ? I directed the master to answer, "the American Continental ship Ranger ; that we waited for them, and desired that they would come on ; the sun was now little more than an hour from setting, it was therefore time to begin." The Drake being astern of the Ranger, I ordered the helm up, and gave her the first broadside. The action was warm, close, and obstinate. It lasted an hour and four minutes, when the enemy called for quarters ; her fore and main-topsail yards being both cut away, PAUL JO^ES. 85 and down on the cap; the top-gallant yard and mizen-gaffboth hanging up and down along the mast ; the second ensign which they had hoisted shot away, and hanging on the quarter gallery in the water ; the jib shot away, and hanging in the water ; her sails and rigging entirely cut to pieces ; her masts and yards all wounded, and her hull also very much galled. I lost only Lieu- tenant Wallingsford and one seaman, John Dougall, killed, and six wounded ; among whom are the gunner, Mr. Falls, and Mr. Powers, a midshipman, who lost his arm. One of the wounded, Nathaniel Wills, is since dead : the rest will recover. The loss of the enemy in killed and wounded, was far greater. All the prisoners allow, that they came out with a number not less than a hundred and sixty men : and many of them affirm that they amounted to a hundred and ninety. The medium may, perhaps, be the most exact account ; and by that it will appear that they lost in killed and wounded, forty-two men. The captain and lieutenant were among the wounded; the former, having re- ceived a musket ball in the head the minute before they called for quarters, lived, and was sensible some time after my people boarded the prize. The lieutenant survived two days. They were buried with the honours due to their rank, and with the respect due to their memory. " The night and almost the whole day after the action being moderate, greatly facilitated the refitting of both ships. A large brigantine was so near the Drake in the afternoon, that I was obliged to bring her to. She belonged to Whitehaven, and was bound for Norway. " Ihad thought of returning by the south channel ; but the wind shifting, I determined to pass by the north, and round the west coast of Ireland. This brought me once more off Belfast Lough, on the evening after the engagement. It was now time to release the honest fishermen, whom I took up here on the 21st. And as the poor fellows had lost their boat, she having sunk in the late stormy weather, I was happy in having it in my power to give them the necessary sum to purchase every thing new which they had lost. I gave them also a good boat to 86 PAUL JONES. transport themselves ashortf ; and sent with them two infirm men, on whom I bestowed the last guinea in my possession, to defray their travelling expenses to their proper home in Dublin. They took with them one of the Drake's sails, which would suf- ficiently explain what had happened to the volunteers. The grateful fishermen were in raptures ; and expressed their joy in three huzzas as they passed the Ranger's quarter. "I again met with contrary winds in the mouth of the North Channel, but nothing remarkable happened, till on the morning of the 5th, current, Ushant then bearing S. E. by S. distance fifteen leagues, when seeing a sail to leeward steering for the Channel, the wind being favourable for Brest, and the distance trifling, I resolved to give chase, having the Drake in tow. I informed them of my intentions, and ordered them to cast ofi^. They cut the hawser. The Ranger in the chase went lasking between N. N. E. and N. N. W. It lasted an hour and ten minutes, when the chase was hailed and proved a Swede. I immediately hauled by the wind to the southward. " After cutting the hawser, the Drake went from the wind for some time, then hauled close by the wind, steering from S. S. E. to S. S. W. as the wind permitted, so that when the Ranger spoke the chase, the Drake was scarcely perceptible. In the course of the day many large ships appeared, steering into the Channel, but the extraordinary evolutions of the Drake made it impossible for me to avail myself of these favourable circum- stances. Towards noon it became veiy squally, the wind back- ed from the S. W. to the W. The Ranger had come up with the Drake, and was nearly abreast of her, though considerably to the leeward, when the wind shifted. The Drake was, how- ever, kept by the wind, though, as I afterward understood, they knew the Ranger and saw the signal which she had hoisted. After various evolutions and signals in the night, I gave chase to a sail which appeared bearing S. S. W. the next morning at a great distance. The chase discovered no intention to speak with the Ranger; she was, however, at length brought to, and proved to be the Drake. I immediately put Lieutenant Simp- PAUL JONES. 87 son under suspension and arrest, for disobedience of my orders, dated the 26th ult. a copy whereof is here enclosed. On the 8th, both ships anchored safe in this Road, the Ranger having been absent only twenty-eight days." The surprise produced in Great Britain by this daring and successful attempt upon her coasts, must have been as great as the latter was unexpected.* His objects were distinctly to strike some bold stroke, which should inspire fear of the American arms, to retaliate for the burning of towns and destruction of private property, to destroy as much public property as he could, and to secure a number of prisoners, as hostages for the better treatment of the captured Americans, who were suffering miser- ably in the jails and hulks of the enemy. He had wisely calcu- lated on the effect of sudden measures, and the total security and contemptuous confidence of the people, of the fast-anchored isle. The unwarlike character of the inhabitants in the vicinity of the Frith, which had not been entered for centuries by the prow of an invader, rendered the chances of resistance to a brisk attack very small.t Still the extent of Jones' success can- * It would seem, however, from the following extract from London papers of the 22d February, 1778, that Jones excited some attention in England, before his descent upon Whitehaven. Perhaps the date may be erroneous as to the ycEir. " Paul Jones is about thirty-six years of age, of a middling stature, well proportioned, with an agreeable countenance ; his conversation shows him a man of talents, and that he has got a liberal education. His letters in foreign Gazettes show he can fight with the pen as well as the sword. The famous Captain Cunningham is with him, who escaped out of an English prison." t The worthy and cautious citizens of Aberdeen were the only per- sons greatly alarmed on this occasion. In the Scots Magazine for May, 1778, we find the following paragraph : — " On receiving at Aberdeen intelhgence of the plunder of Lord Sel- kirk's house and the landing at Whitehaven, a hand-bill was circulated 88 PAUL JONES. not fail to excite astonishment. It was one of the most impu- dent attacks since the time of the sea-kings, and it is no wonder that those whose eyes were so rudely opened to a discovery of their weakness, stigmatized it as inglorious, and its conductor as a pirate. It would be a piece of supererogation to offer any vindication of Jones, for doing his adopted country such good service, by the retaliatory descent upon Whitehaven. It was one which he alone could properly execute, from his thorough acquaintance with the localities. The sentimental disgust of those who censured him for availing himself of that very know- ledge, and of " stifling his early associations," is natural enough. But war is not waged upon sentimental principles. A notion prevailed at the time that Jones' vessel was a privateer. He was in command of a United States vessel of war, fully com- missioned ; and if in performing his duty to the utmost, he con- quered the repugnance he might have felt at making a hostile entry among the scenes of his infancy, the merit of his victories is but the more enhanced when he is considered as an oflicer. Praise too has been so generally awarded to him for the mea- sures he afterwards took, to redeem the plate of the Countess of Selkirk and restore it to its owners, that it is unnecessary to apologize for a transaction which he has so satisfactorily ex- plained. Other officers have enjoyed fair reputations, who made no such sacrifices to restore private property taken by those under their command. One of his first acts on returning to Brest, w^as to address the countess on the subject, in the well by order of the Magistrates, to set on foot an association of the inhabi- tants for defence, and in a few days 120 were enrolled." The affair never went farther. Another American vessel, which landed a party, and plundered the house of Mr. Gordon, near Banff, must have quickened their apprehensions ; but no alarm was seriously felt till the squadron of Paul Jones appeared in the frith of Forth. Even then the panic was short-lived. Note in the Edinburgh life. PAUL JONES. 89 known letter, which we shall here insert. To be assured of its reaching the lady, he forwarded triplicates, one of which was enclosed open to Dr. Franklin, for his perusal. In the letter enclosing it, he says : "I cannot but feel myself hurt, by the dirty insinuation of the enemy, that my enterprise at White- haven was in consequence of a capital sum, paid me in hand by the court of France. They have more visits of the same kind to expect, if I am not deprived of the means of making them, and that too, without my having either a certainty, or a hope of gain." "To THE Countess of Selkirk. ''Ranger, Brest, May Sth 1778. "Madam, " It cannot be too much lamented, that in the profession of arms, the officer of fine feeling and of real sensibility should be under the necessity of winking at any action of persons under his command, which his heart cannot approve ; but the reflection is doubly severe, when he finds himself obliged, in appearance, to countenance such actions by his authority. ' This hard case was mine, when, on the 2-3d of April last, 1 landed on St. Mai-y's Isle. Knowing Lord Selkirk's interest with his king, and esteeming, as I do, his private character, I wished to make him the happy instrument of alleviating the hor- rors of hopeless captivity, when the brave are overpowered and made prisoners of war. " It was, perhaps, fortunate for you. Madam, that he was from home ; for it was my intention to have taken him on board the Ranger, and to have detained him until, through his means, a general and fair exchange of prisoners, as well in Europe as in America, had been effected. "When I was informed, by some men whom I met at landing, that his lordship was absent, I walked back to my boat, deter- mined to leave the island. By the way, however, some offi- cers, who were with mc, could not forbear expressing their dis- content ; observing that, in America, no delicacy was shown by the English, who took away all sorts of moveable property— 11 90 PATTL JONES. setting fire, not only to towns and to the houses of the rich, without distinction, but not even sparing the wretched hamlets and niilch-cows of the poor and helpless, at the approach of an inclement winter. That party had been with me, the same morning, at Whitehaven ; some complaisance, therefore, was their due. I had but a moment to think how I might gratify them, and at the same time do your ladyship the least injury. I charged the two officers to permit none of the seamen to enter the house, or to hurt any thing about it — to treat you. Madam, with the utmost respect — to accept of the plate which was of- fered — and to come away without making a search, or demand- ing any thing else. "I am induced to bcHeve that I was punctually obeyed; since I am informed, that the plate which they brought away is far short of the quantity expressed in the inventory which accom- panied it. I have gratified my men ; and when the plate is sold, I shall become the purchaser, and will gratify my own feelings by restoring it to you, by such conveyance as you shall please to direct. " Had the earl been on board the Ranger the following even- ing, he would have seen the awful pomp and dreadful carnage of a sea engagement ; both afibrding ample subject for the pencil, as well as melancholy reflection to the contemplative mind. Humanity starts back from such scenes of horror, and cannot sufiiciently execrate the vile promoters of this detestable war. " For they, 'twas they unslieath'd the ruthless blade, And Heaven shall ask the havoc it has made." "The British ship of war Drake, moimting twenty guns, with more than her full complement of otficers and men, was our opponent. The ships met, and the advantage was disputed with great fortitude on each side, for an hour and four minutes, when the gallant commander of the Drake fell, and victory declared in favour of the Ranger. The amiable lieutenant lay mortally wounded, besides near forty of the inferior oflicers and crew killed and wounded; a melancholy demonstration of the uncer- PAUL JONES. 91 tainty of human prospects, and of the sad reverse of fortune which an hour can produce. I huried them in a spacious grave, with the honours due to the memory of the brave. *' Though I have drawn my sword in the present generous struggle for the rights of men, yet I am not in arms as an Amer- ican, nor am I in pursuit of riches. My fortune is Hberal enough, having no wife nor family, and having lived long enough to know that riches cannot ensure happiness. I [)rofess myself a citizen of the world, totally unfettered by the little, mean distinctions of chmate or of country, which diminish the benevolence of the heart and set bounds to philanthro[)y. Before this war was begun, I had, at an early time of life, withdrawn from sea ser- vice, in favour of " calm contemplation and poetic ease." I have sacrificed not only my favourite scheme of life, but the softer affections of the heart, and my prospects of domestic happiness, and I am ready to sacrifice my life also, with cheerfulness, if that forfeiture could restore peace and goodwill among mankind. "As the feelings of your gentle bosom cannot but be congenial with mine, let me entreat you, Madam, to use your persuasive art, with your husband's, to endeavour to stop this cruel and de- structive war, in which Britain never can succeed. Heaven can never countenance the barbarous and unmanly practice of the Britons in America, which savages would blush at, and which, if not discontinued, will soon be retaliated on Britian by a justly enraged people. Should you fail in this, (for I am persuaded that you will attempt it, and who can resist the power of such an advocate r) your endeavours to effect a general exchange of pri- soners will be an act of humanity which will aftbrd you golden feelings on a death-bed. " I hope this cruel contest will soon be closed; but should it continue, I wage no war with the fair. I acknowledge their force, and bend before it with submission. Let not, therefore, the amiable Countess of Selkirk regard me as an enemy ; 1 am ambitious of her esteem and friendship, and would do any thing, consistent with my duty, to merit it. " The honour of a line from your hand in answer to this, will 92 PAUL JONES. lay me under a singular obligation ; and if I can render you any acceptable service in France or elsewhere, I hope you see into my character so far as to command me without the least grain of reserve. " I wish to know exactly the behaviour of my people, as I am determined to punish them if they have exceeded their liberty. I have the honour to be, with much esteem and with profound respect. Madam, &c. &c. " John Paul Jones." As very general publicity was given to this epistle, it is rather surprising to find in Mr. Gouldsborough's Naval Chronicle, which was printed in 1824, the following loose and unexplained notice of the ailair. " It is said that Captain Jones, finding him, (the earl of Selkirk,) absent, took the family plate, and retired, without offering any other violence to the castle or its inhabitants." It is a pity, that, when every English writer of later years has done justice to Jones, so far as relates to his conduct in this matter, an American work should be in the hands of any of our young ofiicers, which might possibly mis- lead them, when arraying in the mind's eye the characters of those whose deeds are our country's inheritance, and whose examples they may desire to emulate. Dr. Franklin wrote to Jones, on receiving the copy of the letter forwarded to him, that " it was a gallant letter, which must give her ladyship a high opinion of his generosity, and nobleness of mind." The sage knew that it was in character ; and that the romance of the style, as well as its partial inflation, being unaffected, would not injure the effect it was intended to produce. The subsequent history of this plate is briefly as fol- lows. Lord Selkirk wrote a letter in reply to that addressed by Jones to his Countess, intimating that he would accept of its return, if made by order of Congress, but not if redeemed by individual generosity. The letter was detained several months at London, in the general post-oflice, and returned to the Earl, who requested a gentleman to commmunicate the cause of its PAUL JONES. 93 miscarriage and its tenor, orally, to Doctor Franklin. The Doctor immediately informed Jones, of the substance of this communication. It was not until the beginning of 1780, that the latter was enabled to get the property he was determined to restore, into his possession. It had fallen into the hands of the prize agents, from whom it was obtained with considerablii difficulty ;* and not till after several valuations, and until it cost him who redeemed it, more, as he intimates, than it was intrinsi- cally worth ; though he carefully avoids mentioning that circum- stance in his second letter to the Countess. When he had succeeded in effecting this object, he wrote again to the Countess of Selkirk ; but his voyage to America, and other circumstances, retarded its delivery until 1784. It was eventually returned in the same condition in which it had been removed, and a letter from Lord Selkirk acknowledged in terms satisfactory, though formal, the unwearied pains which Captain Jones hai taken to procure its restoration. The cor- respondence on this subject will be found in the note.t * A few weeks after his arrival at Brest, he wrote to M. Schweig- hauser, commercial agent for the commissioners at Nantes, and to the Intendant of Marine at Brest, desiring that the plate, with some bag- gage and other articles specified should be reserved, and not deposited in the public stores. The request was not complied with. On the 10th of February 1779, the commissioners directed that it should be given up. It would appear by a note from Jones sent a few days after to M. Schweighauser, that he was to settle with him for seventeen twentieths of the captors' moiety of its value. This correspondence would swell this volume unnecessarily. Jones says, in a note to Mr. Wil- liams, that the plate was very old, and the fashion of it not worth a straw, especially in France, where none such was used. t " VOrient, March \st, 1780, "The Right Honourable the Countess of Selkirk, 1 Sec. &c. St. Mary's Isle, Scotland. 5 " Madam, " It is now ten or eleven months since his Excellency Benjamin Franklin, Esq. Minister Plenipotentiary for the United States of 94 PAUL JONES. The copy of the order given to Lieutenant Simpson when the latter was put in charge of the Drake, for disobeying which he was put under arrest, as is mentioned in the letter to the Pleni- potentiaries, is said in the copy of that letter, certified from the office of the secretary of Congress, to be missing. It is inti- mated, upon what authority does not appear, that Simpson had been insubordinate from the beginning ; that he excited the men to discontent ; and that frequent disagreements had taken place between him and his commander. It is also plausibly suggested that when the Ranger left Portsmouth, he expected to be in command of her on her arriving at France, where a large ship had been promised to Jones. There is every reason to believe that Simpson was little inclined to submit to that disci- America at the Court of France, communicated to me a message from the eai'l, your husband, in a letter to his frieiKJ^ Mr. Alexander, at Paris, in substance as follows : — That he, the earl of Selkirk, had writ- ten an answer to the letter that I had the honour to write to your lady- ship in May, 1778, from Brest, respecting your plate ; which answer, after being detained for several months at London, in the general post- office, had been returned to Scotland. He, therefore, wished Mr. Alexander to inform the concerned, that if the plate was to be restored by Congress, or by any public body, it would be accepted, &.c. ; but if, through the generosity of an individual, his delicacy would scruple to receive it, &.c. " The true reason why I have not written to you since I received the above information, has been, because the plate is but now come into my possession from the public agents ; and I have, besides, been, for the greatest part of the time, absent from this kingdom. " I have now the satisfaction to inform you, that Congress has relin- quished their real or supposed interest in the plate, and, for my own part, I scorn to add to my fortune by such an acquisition. As for the part claimed by the few men who landed with me on St. Mary's Isle, it is of little consequence, and they are already satisfied. Thus you see, Madam, that the earl's objection is removed. " The plate is lodged here, in the hands of Messrs. Gourlade and Moylan, who hold it at your disposal, and will forward it agreeable to PAUL JONES. 95 pline, for which Jones was so stern and rigid an advocate. He is probably referred to as the wise officer, who objected to " burning poor people's houses." On the night when Jones made his second attempt to take the Drake while at anchor, he relates in his Journal for the king of France, that " the Lieu- tenant having held up to the crew, that being Americans, fight- ing for liberty, the voice of the people should be taken, before the Captain's orders were obeyed, they rose in mutiny ; and Captain Jones was in the utmost danger of being killed or thrown overboard." He adds that this danger was averted, by an accidental circumstance, — the capture of the Drake's boat ; upon which trifling success, the " voice of the people" was no longer against fighting. The contemptuous neglect of your orders, by land or by water, to Holland, Ostend, or any other port you think proper. " I shall be happy, by my conduct through life, to merit the good opinion of the Earl and Countess of Selkirk; for I am, with great esteem and profound respect, Madam, your ladyship's most obedient and most humble servant. " Paul Jones." " Paris, September 24i'ith the flag of this republic. Let but the two republics join hands, and they will give peace to the world." It would, indeed, have been singular, if the burghers of Old Amsterdam had not felt sympathy for the fortunes of a people, some of whose most prosperous settlements had been made by their own ancestors; in which, though wrested from their sway, so much of their good habits was still preserved, and above all their pure and uncorrupted religion. Old and sacred associa- tions, commercial interests, and a like political feeling, made a strong party there, naturally attached to the cause of American independence. The letter from Franklin, dated on the 15th October, in reply to the despatches of Jones, dated the 3d, was as follows : and must have been so gratifying to him who received it, that it needs no commentary; but every line, including the postscript, is worthy of attention. "I received the account of your cruise and engagement with the Serapis, which you did me the honour to send me from the Texel. I have since received your favour of the 8th, from Amsterdam. For some days after the arrival of your express, scarce any thing was talked of at Paris and Versailles, but your cool conduct, and persevering bravery during that terrible con- flict. You may believe, that the impression. on my mind was not less strong than that of others ; but I do not choose to say in a letter to yourself all I think on such an occasion. " The ministry are much dissatisfied with Captain Landais, and Monsieur de Sartine has signified to me in writing that it is expected that I should send for him to Paris, and call him to account for his conduct, particularly for deferring so long his coming to your assistance ; by which means, it is supposed, the States lost some of their valuable citizens, and the king lost many of his subjects, volunteers in your ship, together with the ship itself. PAUL JONES. 213 " I have, accordingly, written to him this day, acquainting him, that he is charged with disobedience of orders in the cruise, and neglect of his duty in the engagement ; that a court martial being at this time inconvenient, if not impracticable, I would give him an earlier opportunity of offering what he has to say in his justification, and for that purpose direct him to render himself immediately here, bringing with him such papers or testimonies as he may think useful in his defence. I know not whether he will obey my orders, nor what the ministry would do with him if he comes ; but I suspect that they may, by some of their concise operations, save the trouble of a court martial. It will, however, be well for you to furnish me with what you may judge proper to support the charges against him, that I may be able to give a just and clear account to Congress. In the mean time it will be necessary, if he should refuse to come, that you should put him under an arrest ; and in that case, as well as if he comes, that you should either appoint some person to the command, or take it upon yourself; for I know of no person to recommend to you as fit for that station. " I am uneasy about your prisoners, (504 in number,) I wish they were safe in France. You will then have completed the glorious work of giving liberty to all the Americans that have so long languished for it in the British prisons ; for there are not so many there, as you have now taken. "I have the pleasure to inform you that the two prizes sent to Norway, are safely arrived at Bergen. " With the highest esteem, I am, &c. " B. Franklin. " P. S. I am sorry for your misunderstanding with M. de C. who has a great regard for you." From the contents of a note from Captain Pearson to Jones, written on the 19th of this month, it is to be inferred, that the former was not apprised of the application made by Sir Joseph Yorke to their high mightinesses ; or, at least, of its terms and tenor. He charged Jones very plainly with a breach of the 211 PAUL JONES. civility due to his rank, as well as his behaviour on all occasions, and expressed his opinion, that the detention of himself and his people on board ship for so long a time, was an unprecedented thing. Jones informed him, that the memorial of Sir Joseph, of which he enclosed liim a copy, had induced him to think it fruitless to pursue negotiations for the exchange of prisoners ; but that humanity had made him seek for permission to land the dangerously wounded. The consent of the government had been obtained, but the local magistrates still raised objec- tions. His reply was couched in terms of moderation, highly commendable, if we consider the epithets which the English ambassador had applied to him, and the bold, blunt style of Pearson's note. " I wished," he said, " to avoid any painful altercation with you on that subject ; I was persuaded that you had been in the highest degree sensible, that my behaviour ' towards you had been far from a breach of civility.' This charge is not, sir, a civil return for the polite hospitality and disinterested attentions, which you have hitherto experienced. I know not what differ- ence of respect is due to ' rank,' between your service and ours ; I suppose, however, the difference must be thought wry great in England, since I am informed that Captain Cunningham, of equal denomination, and who bears a senior rank in the service of America, than yours in the service of England, is now confined at Plymouth, in a dungeon, and in fetters.''''* He concluded by beseeching Pearson to interfere in behalf of this officer, as he expected orders from Dr. Franklin, in conse- quence of the treatment he was receiving. The resolution of their high mightinesses upon the application of the English ambassador, was delivered to him on the 25th. * As has been before remarked, the name of Captain Cunningham is not to be found in any of the lists of officers commissioned by Congress, before this period, which are contained in Sherburne or the Naval Chronicles. Jones in a letter to Franklin, which has been quoted, speaks of "being taught to regard him as a continental officer," seeming to imply that he was not such absolutely. I am unable to account for this, in connexion with the above assertion of his rank. PAUL JONES. 215 It was prudently worded, setting forth that for a century, the States General had strictly observed it as a maxim, never to jiretendto judge of the legality or illegality of captures of vessels brought into the ports of the republic, not belonging to it ; that they only opened their ports to give shelter, to those making such captures, from storms or disasters, and obliged them to put to sea again without unloading ; that they were not authorised to pass judgment upon either the prizes or the person of PaulJones; and that they had already evinced their willingness to discharge the offices of humanity, by the orders they had given in relation to the wounded prisoners. This resolution was an echo and confirma- tion of one passed by the nobles and burgesses of the province of Holland, four days previous, as appears by the endorsement of M. Dumas, who said, in his official letter to the committee of foreign affairs, that the latter might truly be called voxpopuU.* * The ordinance of the States General referred to in their reply, had been passed and published as a placard, by the cautious republic in November, 1756, On the 8th of October, five days after Jones' arrival at the Texel, the Admiralty college of Amsterdam informed their high mightinesses, that Captain Rimersina the commandant, during the absence of Vice Admiral Reynst in the Texel road, had announced to them the entrance of five vessels under the command of Paul Jones, who had asked permission of him to land the English captains, and to hire a house for the reception of the wounded ; that they had replied, that neither request could be granted by them, and had referred to the terms of the placard. On the same 8th, the high mightinesses requested the opinion of the col- lege of Admiralty, on the memorial of Sir Joseph Yorke, to which, (reca- pitulating their,former communication, that they considered the ordi- nance of 1756 as plain and imperative, but not inconsistent with the dic- tates of humanity, which would be to permit the ships to make actually necessary repairs, and allow the sick and wounded attendance,) they re- phed that they would already have given orders to this effect, if they had considered themselves authorised so to do, but submitted to their high mightinesses that it was expedient. This communication was made on the 12th, and referred for consideration to the deputies for marine affairs. 216 PAUL JONES. Sir Joseph Yorke from his long residence at the Hague, had obtained great influence over the Prince of Orange and what might be called the court party, as those opposed to English dictation were termed the French party. He was rewarded afterwards with a peerage for his services as a minister. He was far from being satisfied with the negative protection yielded by the States General to " the pirate Paul Jones," as he again called him in a memorial presented on the 29th. In this com- munication, after thanking their high mightinesses for their orders in relation to the wounded, he added: "I cannot but comply with the strict orders of his majesty, by renewing in the strongest and most pressing manner his request, that these ships and their crews may be stopped and delivered up, which the pirate Paul Jones, of Scotland, who is a rebel subject and a criminal of the state, has taken. " The king would think he derogated from his own dignity, as well as that of your high mightinesses, were he to enter into the particulars of a case so notorious as that in question, or to A resolution was passed by the States Generel on the 15th, expressed to be in consequence of the representation of the president of the assembly, on the information of Sir Joseph Yorke, by which, without prejudice to the ulterior deliberations of their high mightinesses on his memorial, the college of Admiralty of Amsterdam was authorised to permit the sick and wounded to be removed on shore, or to a hospital ship, and to furnish needful medical attendance. A very cautious proviso was added, that no change should be considered to have taken place in the relations of the parties, in consequence of this arrange- ment ; that the States General would be responsible for no escapes ; and that not more than three or four men, not sick or wounded, should be permitted to land from the ships, ai*med only with swords ; and that nothing should be done in the premises, without the knowledge and approbation of the officer commanding the vessels of the republic lying in the road, and the local authorities of the place where the wounded might be disembarked. On the 21st, the assembly of Hol- land and Westfrize passed the resolution referred to in the text. PAUL JONES. 217 set before the eyes of the ancient friends and allies of his crown, analogous examples of other princes and states ; but will only remark, that all the placards even of your high mightinesses require that all the captains of foreign armed vessels shall, upon their arrival, present their letters of marque or commission ; and authorise, according to the custom of admiralties, to treat all those as pirates whose letters are found to be illegal, for want of being granted hy a sovereign power. " The quality of Paul Jones, and all the circumstances of the affair, are too notorious for your high mightinesses to be igno- rant of them. The eyes of all Europe are fixed upon your resolution ; your high mightinesses know too well the value of good faith not to give an example of it in this essential ren- contre. The smallest deviation from so sacred a rule, by weakening the principle of neighbours, may produce serious consequences." The logic of Sir Joseph was good. Jones had no other com- mission than that of America to produce. The States, however, replied as before, that they would not pass judgment on the legahty of the captures, and would act under the terms of their placard. In pursuance of their resolution, and of an order from the Prince of Orange, Jones prepared to remove the wounded to the fort on the Texel ; having permission to place sentinels to guard them, to raise the drawbridge at his pleasure, and re- move his prisoners if he saw fit. On the 31st,* an agreement was entered into between Jones and Pearson, agreeably to these arrangements. On behalf of his government. Captain Pearson agreed that all British prisoners so landed should be considered prisoners of war until exchanged ; and in case any of them should desert, he engaged that an equal number of American prisoners should be released in England, and sent to France by the next * There is a mistake in the date of this agreement in the copies made by order of Congress, in which it appears as executed on the 3d. 27 218 PAUL JONES. cartel. In cases of death, Jones stipulated not to claim an ex- change. In this agreement Jones took care that there should be no for- mal reservations. It is exjDressed to be between himself, " captain in the American navy, commander of the continental squadron now in the road of the Texel, and Richard Pearson, Esq. captain in the British navy, late commodore of the British Baltic fleet, and now a prisoner of war to the United States of North Ame- rica." On the 1st November, he gave his formal orders to Lieutenant Colonel Weibert, appointing him governor general over the wounded, and the soldiers who were to conduct them on shore, and directing him to take care that no cause of com- plaint should be given to the Dutch government or its subjects. The matter and manner of Jones' remarks in relation to M. de Chaumont, were such, that the latter could neither forget them nor treat them with no attention, while they remained unretracted. They estranged him from the commodore, except so far as official transactions rendered intercourse neces- sary. In writing, however, on the 11th, he does not appear to have seen a copy of the whole communication to Franklin, or to have been aware of its import ; as it is spoken of by Jones as a " very affectionate letter." In his reply, dated on the 24th, he returned his thanks for the "many complijnents and gene- rous praises bestowed on his past conduct ;" and said they af forded him the truest pleasure, as a proof that he still enjoyed a share of M. Chaumont's affection. There is no other allusion to the grounds of complaint than what is contained in the con- clusion of the letter, which was in these terms : " It shall be my pride to acknowledge every where how much I owe to the attentions of France, and to the personal friendship of M. de Chaumont, for furnishing me with the means of giving liberty to all the American prisoners now in Europe : for that is the greatest triumph which a good man can boast, and is there- fore a thousand times more flattering to me than victory. " I ardently wish for future opportunities to render real services to our common cause ; which is the only way I can hope to PAUL JONES. 219 prove my gratitude to France, to America, and to my much loved friend M. de Chaumont, and his amiable family, with vi^hom I sincerely desire to live henceforth in the fullest confi- dence and affection. In the fullness of my heart, I am with the highest respect, my dear Chaumont, your truly obliged friend, &,c." This letter, it is to be presumed, is the same referred to in the following extract from one to Dr. Bancroft, dated on the 26th, in which discretion was given to him as to its delivery. " M. de Chaumont has written me a very affectionate letter ; but then he had written me many equally affectionate letters even from the first of our acquaintance, offering me always the most disinterested services, until that of the 14th of June, whereof I enclose a copy. He has not yet offered me an apology respecting the dishonourable ' cancordaf which he af- terward imposed upon me at Groix. I love him, however, not- withstanding ; and as his excellency tells me that M. de Chau- mont has still ' a great regard for me,' that assurance revives all my former friendship, and will confirm it, if you think the answer which I have here enclosed is proper, and that the delivery of it will put a final end on his part to our misunder- standing. At any rate I pray you to present my warmest respects to the whole family, for whom I shall ever retain a grateful affection. " I am happy my dear sir, in being able to assure you that in spite of Sir .Toseph, the flag of freedom is highly respected indeed at the Texel. I had yesterday the honour to receive authority, by a unanimous resolution of the States, and by an order of the Prince of Orange, to land as many prisoners as I please, to place sentinels to guard them in the fort on the Texel, to haul up the drawbridge of that fort, and to take them away again from thence whenever I think proper, and dispose of them afterward as though they had never been landed. — Huzza, America!" It would be doing injustice to the subject, to omit the two following letters to the son and wife of M. de Chaumont, 220 PAUL JONES. written at the same time, with which the correspondence terminated. " On board the Serapis, at tlie, Tcxel, Oct, 26, 1779. " M. Le Ray De Chaumont, Jmi. " You will pardon, my dear friend, my not having written to you earlier since my arrival here ; my silence has not, I assure you, been the effect of the little misunderstanding which unhap- pily took place between your father and myself when he imposed upon me a ' concordaf at Groix, which I thought and think still, I dishonoured my hand by signing. The ticklish and uncertain situation of the politics of this country, as affecting the flag of America, has hitherto so much occupied my attention, that I have found little leisure to write. My fears in that respect being now entirely removed by a unanimous resolution of the States General that is far more favourable to our cause than I had reason to expect, I employ this breathing space with great pleasure to assure you that my regard and affection for all the family of De Chaumont is far from diminished : I earnestly wish your father to give to oblivion the past misintelligence. I am persuaded that he will now see the impropriety of commu- nicating too early the intended enterprises and operations of a partisan, and no longer blame me for avoiding free conversa- tions on such subjects. It is not indeed my characteristic to be free of words. My heart, however, is no stranger to the senti- ments and duties of friendship, though my situation as a servant of the public leaves me without the power of obliging my private friends, except in the pleasure which I am persuaded they take in hearing of my success, when they have furnished me with the means. " It affords me pleasure to assure you, that I cannot too much praise the gallant behaviour of the young volunteer Baptiste Travallier, whom you sent to L' Orient ; in the engagement a sailor called for a wad in loading one of the great guns ; he fur- nished him immediately by substituting the coat which he then wore, and soon afterward, when the Bon Homme Richard was PAUL JONES. 221 on fire, he instantly took off his shirt, and dipped it in water and apphed it with great dexterity to smother the flames. " Present my best respects to Madame de Chaumont and to your sisters. I beseech them and you to love me, and that your father will forgive my past fault, which was the effect only of my believing that he had less confidence in me than he had taught me to expect, and had always said I had merited." " October, 28, 1779. " To Madam Le Ray De Chaumont, " I can no longer, my dear madam, refrain from writing to you, although I have not been honoured with a line from you since my letter from L'Orient, dated 13th June. " I congratulate you on my late success, because I know it affords you pleasure ; and knowing this, is, I assure you, a very singular addition to my satisfaction. What has given me more pain, however, than words can express, has been a want of confidence on the part of M. de Chaumont after he had honoured me with strong proof of his friendship and good opinion. The ' concordat,' which to my great surprise, he im- posed upon me in the moment of my departure from L'Orient, was the most humiliating paper that ever a friend forced upon the commander of a squadron; and even my success has not wiped off the dishonour of my having signed it. " I am willing to believe that my friend did not see the con- cordat in the same light, and that the idea was not originally his own, but only by him adopted from the misrepresentations of persons who were constantly buzzing in his ear, and showing an infinity of theory which they have not since been quite so happy in reducing to practice. I say, as I verily believe, that the idea was not originally his own ; and as I love him still with undiminished and grateful affection, I earnestly wish him to forgive the complaints which I have made, and to continue towards me his first warmth of friendship and confidence. " My departure from hence is extremely uncertain, my des- tination, too, is better known to Dr. Franklin than myself at 222 PAUL JONES. present. Our ships are now in a severe storm. I mention this only to show that I can, in no situation, forget how much I owe to the poUte attentions and friendship of the amiable family at Passy, which I beseech you to believe I shall ever remember with sentiments of the most lively esteem and affection, being very truly, your obliged friend, &c." M. Chaumont was not conciliated by these letters, as indeed, if he felt himself unjustly charged with indiscreet and injurious revelation of state secrets, it could not have been expected he ever would be. He was, moreover, of a temperament not free from irascibility ; and was labouring under the pressi^ of ad- vances made by him to support the armies of France in Ame- rica. The difficulty of obtaining reimbursements for these advances, led subsequently to a widening of the breach between him and Jones, by occasioning a detention of prize money. They had no personal interviews of a friendly character, in which mutual explanations might have been made. On the 28th of October, Jones wrote to La Fayette, appa- rently in good spirits. The following is an extract : " I am very much concerned and ashamed to understand that my ' numbers' that you received from L'Orient, were so ill composed. It is a proof that their ladyships, the Muses, however condescending they may be on the banks of the Helicon, will not despense their favours to the sons of Neptune, especially while they are By bounding billows and rude winds that blow, Alternate toss'd in air, or sunk to sands below, " In truth, my dear General, I am almost as sorry that you have not been able to understand my meaning as if I had been addressing myself to — a fair lady! The enclosed key will, how- ever, I hope unlock the past difficulty, and enable you fully to see what I so much wish you to understand. " I will send you very soon, a little work that shall be better finished than that from L'Orient ; and in the mean time a machine, to which the present key is adapted, is forwarded PAUL JONES. 223 through the hands of Dr. Bancroft, in case you should have spoiled or thrown away the one formerly sent. " The late brutalities of the Britons in America, fill me with horror and indignation. They forget that they are men ; and I believe that nothing will bring them to their senses but the most exemplary retaliation. Landais is ordered to Paris to answer for his past conduct. > ^ ^ .. . " I wish to answer very particularly the three points which you have propounded. 1st, I never meant to ask a reward for my services, either from France or America ; consequently the approbation of the court and of Congress is all the gratifica- tion I can wish for. 2dly, I yet intend to undertake whatever the utmost exertion of my abilities. will reach in support of the common cause, as far as any force that may in future be in- trusted to my direction may enable me to succeed ; I hope, however, my future force will be better composed than when I sailed from L'Orient. I must sail from the Texel in course of next month, because ships cannot afterward remain here in this road. My destination or route from hence I yet know not ; but I need not tell you that I wish to see your face ! 3dly, It is now in vain to say what might have been done two years ago with the force you mention ; but I believe, if properly supported by sea, such a force might yet perform very essential service. There is no guarding, you know, against storms ; and one would wish either to avoid or to outsail a superior sea force. As I be- lieve you know my way of thinking on such subjects, I shall offer you no argument. I know you want no prompter." Baron Vander Capellen had addressed Jones a second time, asking permission to publish his letter to the Countess of Sel- kirk, and inquiring whether he had ever been under any obli- gation to the husband of that lady. He also asked him whether he had a French commission. The first request Jones declined granting. " I am much obliged to you, my lord, (he said,) for the honour you do me, by proposing to publish the papers I sent you ; but it is an honour which I must decline, because I can- 224 PAUL JONES. not publish my letter to the lady, without asking and obtaining her consent ; and because I have a very modest opinion of my own writings ; being conscious that they are not of sufficient value to claim the attention of the public. I assure you, my lord, it has given me much concern to see an extract of my rough journal in print ; and that, too, under the disadvantage of a translation. That mistaken kindness of a friend, will make me cautious how I communicate my papers." He also informed the baron, that Lord Selkirk knew him only by reputation. In reply to the question of the worthy nobleman, whether he had a French commission, he briefly said, " I never bore or acted under any other commission, than what I have received from the Congress of the United States of America." And none other would he accept, while his so doing would be an implied admission, that the flag of the new repubhc was not an all sufficient protection for its vessels and citizens. His zeal for its honour is not more commendable, than the pru- dence he exhibited in his then very equivocal situation ; block- aded as he was from without, (for the combined fleet of France and Spain had returned to Brest, and the enemy's light cruisers were actively on the look out for him,) and menaced within the harbour, by the persevering demands and powerful interest of the English ambassador. So that though the stars and stripes were flying, and his own sentinels guarding a fortress intrusted to his command, he was aware to the fullest extent, of the pre- carious nature of the security he had for the tenure of his ship and prisoners, and indeed for his personal safety. If his sense of this had been obtuse, it was about to be quickened, in a man- ner which admitted of no misconception. The charges against Landais were drawn up by the officers of the squadron, on the 30th October, and attested by them. They were twenty-five in number, and have already been suf- ficiently adverted to. The last was, that in coming into the Texel, Landais declared, that if Captain Jones should hoist a broad pendant, he would, to vex him, hoist another. The nature of the embarassments with which Jones was PAUL JONES. 225 beset at this time, will best appear from his own accounts. He says briefly, in his journal, that " with the most indefatigable attention and industry, gales of wind, and other circumstances prevented him from having the Serapis remasted, and the squadron ready to sail, before the middle of November." On the 4th of that month, he thus wrote to the French ambassador. *' My Lord, " This morning, the commandant of the road sent me word to come and speak to him on board his ship. He had before him on the table a letter, which, he said, was from the Prince of Orange. He questioned me very closely whether I had a French commission, and, if I had, he almost insisted upon see- ing it. In conformity to your advice * Cet avis donne au com- mencement n'etoit plus de saison depuis I'admission de I'escadre sous Pavilion Americain,' I told him that my French commis- sion not having been found among my papers since the loss of the Bon Homme Richard, I feared it had gone to the bottom in that ship ; but that, if it was really lost, it would be an easy matter to procure a duplicate of it from France. The com- mandant appeared to be very uneasy and anxious for my de- parture. I have told him, that as there are eight of the enemy's ships laying wait for me at the south entrance, and four more at the north entrance of the port, I was unable to fight more than three times my force ; but that he might rest assured of piy intention to depart with the utmast expedition, whenever I found a possibility to go clear. " I should be very happy, my lord, if I could tell you of my being ready. I should have departed long ago, if I had met with common assistance ; but for a fortnight past I have every day expected the necessary supply of water from Amsterdam in cisterns, and I am last night informed that it cannot be had without I send up water casks. The provision, too, that was ordered the day I returned to Amsterdam from the Hague, is not yet sent down ; and the spars that have been sent from Amsterdam are spoiled in the making. None of the iron-work 28 226 PAUL JONES. that was ordered for the Serapis is yet completed, so that I am, even to this hour, in want of hinges to hang the lower gun ports. My officers and men lost their clothes and beds in the Bon Homme Richard, and they have yet got no supply. The bread that has been twice a week sent down from Amsterdam to feed my people, has been, literally sj)eaking, rotten, and the consequence is, that they are falling sick. " It is natural also that they should be discontented, while I am not able to tell them, that they will be paid the value of their property in the Serapis and the Countess of Scarborough, if either or both of them should be lost or taken after sailing from hence. "Thus you see, my lord, that my prospects are far from pleasing. I have but few men, and they are discontented. If you can authorise me to promise them, at all hazards, that their property in the prizes shall be made good, and that they shall receive the necessary clothing and bedding, &c. or money to buy them, I believe I shall soon be able to bring them again into a good humour. In the mean time, I will send a vessel or two out to reconnoitre the offing, and to bring me word. What- ever may be the consequence of my having put into this har- bour, I must observe, that it was done contrary to my opinion ; and I consented to it only, because the majority of my colleagues were earnest for it." Contemplating a speedy departure at all hazards, he wrote to M. Dumas on the same day, that if the weather permitted, what was necessary yet to be done, might be effected in four or five days. He added : " With respect to the powers of Captain Pearson, I am con- vinced that he has received no authority from Sir Joseph Yorke. His powers, however, must be as ample as mine ; and I should not, I assure you, have made such a convention with him, if Captain Rimersina, on the part of the States General, had not given me, verbally, free liberty to land the wounded prisoners, and to guard them in the fort on the Texel, by my soldiers with drawn swords, and with the bridges hauled up at our plea- sure ; and with free liberty to embark them again, and dispose of them as though they had not been landed in Holland. You PAUL JONES. 227 see, therefore, that my convention with Captain Pearson does not bind me to continue the prisoners ashore ; I can embark them again whenever I please, and it was only intended on my part as a security against elopement. They have hitherto been guarded with the drawbridges hauled up or let down at the sovereign will and pleasure of the ' Governor General.' If my wishes succeed, it will afford America matter of exultation ; and at the worst we can only lose eighteen or nineteen dangerously wounded prisoners, which Ithink willbe made up by our having had possession of a fort on the Texel. I shall only add, that my meaning has been good ; and that I thought I might rely on the guarantee, that I had on the part of the States General, while we could keep the prisoners from making their escape from the fort." But M. de Sartine had determined upon a measure which prevented Jones from immediately attempting an escape, and from carrying out, under the flag to which she had stuck, the dearly bought Serapis. On the 6th of November, that minis- ter thus briefly wrote to Dr. Franklin : " Circumstances require that the expedition of the squadron, under the orders of Mr. Jones should terminate at the Texel. It seems indispensable to give a new destination to the different ships which compose it. You are at liberty, sir, to dispose of the American frigate, the Al- liance, according to the views you may entertain in relation to the service of the United States. 1 pray you only, to observe to Mr. Jones, or any other officer to whom you may intrust the command, that he must not have any subject of the king on board of that frigate." The minister had resolved to adopt the shortest course, in relation to the vessels which were the pro- perty of France, and probably had no doubt that Jones would be willing to accept a commission from that government, to extricate himself from his now solitary and dangerous position. He was mistaken. In communicating a copy of this note to Jones, Franklin observed, that the injunction as to the king's subjects might ex- tend to Landais, who had not yet arrived. He remarked : " I 228 PAUL JONES. suppose you will learn the intentions of the minister, relative to the disposition of the prizes, from the ambassador ; and that you will go on board the Alliance yourself. I am anxious that the prisoners should be safely lodged in France, and should earnestly recommend that matter to your attention if I did not know that you desire, as much as I do, the exchange of our poor countrymen." While these unpleasant documents were on their way, M. Du- mas had repaired to the Helder, where he was busily engaged in endeavouring to expedite the departure of the squadron. On the 12th, the ambassador having received the instructions of M. de Sartine, recalled Dumas to the Hague, and directed him to inform Jones that he must suspend his sailing until he re- ceived new orders ; but lose no time in the business of repairs. The Dutch vice admiral had on the same day given him notice, that he was expected to sail with the first fair wind. This offi- cer, named Reynst, had been appointed to the command of the Dutch fleet, consisting of thirteen men of war, by the Prince of Orange. Mr. Rimersina, a friend of America, and who had treated the squadron with every civility, was removed from that command. If Sir Joseph had not effected all his object, he had suc- ceeded in placing Jones in such jeopardy that his escape with safety and honour seemed hopeless.* Their high mightinesses * In the Life of Jones, published in Edinburgh, the following note is inserted : "About this time, a seaman's wife of Burlington addressed a letter to Sir Joseph Yorke at the Hague, imploring tidings of her husband, of whom, since the engage- ment of Jones with the Serapis, she had never heard, and who, she feared, had fallen in that fight. Sir Joseph gallantly and humanely complied with the poor Englishwo- man's request, and as he was aware that his epistle to Mrs. Buruot would appear in all the English and French newspapers, he, with considerable covert humour, contrived to have a hit at the shuffling policy of the Dutch, and the chameleon character of the squadron they sheltered, while he replied to the seaman's wife — " ' Mrs. Burnot — As soon as I received your letter of the 7th instant, I lost no time in making inquiries after your gallant husband, Mr. Richard Burnot; and have now great pleasure in congratulating you upon his being alive and well, on board the PAUL JONES. 229 had continued their dehberations on the points reserved, which had been pressed upon them in the EngUsh ambassador's re- monstrance of October 29th. On the 17th November, the Duke De Vauguyon informed M. Dumas, that the States of Hol- land had come to the conclusion, by a plurality of votes, to constrain Jones to depart, and directed hira to repair forthwith to the Texel, and make the necessary arrangements. On the 19th, the States General resolved that they would persist in maintaining their ancient maxim, not to decide upon the legal- ity of captures under foreign flags, which maxim, they added, was even founded upon treaties ; but that they had already given evident proof of their not wishing to render any aid to the inhabitants of the British colonies in America, by giving orders that Jones should be furnished with no munitions of war or other articles, other than were necessary to enable bim to make the nearest port ; and that, in case of necessity, they would even constrain him to sail, as soon as his vessels could keep the sea, and the wind permitted. They repeated an ex- press disavowal of their intending, by any implication, to recog- nise the independence of the Colonies. And they directed the Admiralty college at Amsterdam to advise Jones, that the ap- proaching season of winter would make his departure inconve- nient ; to avoid which, it was necessary that he should let no opportunity escape of putting to sea; " that such was the serious Coantess of Scarborough, at the Texel. I find he had been burnt with an explosion of gunpowder, but is now quite recovered. He sends ine word, that he, as yon know, could not write, and therefore hoped I would let you know he was well, which I do with infinite satisfaction. It will still be greater, if I can get him exchanged, which I am doing my best endeavours for ; but, as the people who took him are sometimes French and sometimes rebels, as it suits their convenience, that renders this affair more difficult than it would be if they allowed themselves to be French ; because I could then settle the exchange at once. I am happy to be able to give such agreeable news to the wife of my brave countryman, and I am very sincerely your most faithful humble servant, " 'Joseph Yorke. ' ' Hague, Nov. 26, 1779.' " 230 PAUL JONES. intention of their high mightinesses, and they could not expect that by opposing it, he would oblige them to take measures which would be disagreeable to him." And they required his serene highness (the Prince of Orange) to order the officer command- ing in the Texel road to see to it {tenir la main) with all dis- cretion, and permit no delay which the nature of the case did not render unavoidable, not excepting the use of forcible means, if they were found necessary. It is proper to record, that the previous resolutions, passed on the 17th, by the States of the province of Holland, composed of eighteen towns and the body of nobles, (the latter having one voice,) were protested against by six of the principal towns. The deputies of Dordrecht, Rotterdam, and Schiedam, assented to the resolution only so far as it conformed to that adopted on the 21st October, and dissented from that part authorising force to be employed, as being premature, and contrary to the ancient maxims and customs of the republic. They protested that they would not be responsible for the consequences ; and reserved the right to such ulterior comments and measures of opposition, as might be deemed proper by their constituents. The deputies of Haeriem in very strong language, and, as they said, by the express orders of their constituents, declared their dissent. The deputies of Amsterdam declared that they op- posed and " held for null, the conclusion of a report of the 13th, on the last memorial of M. the ambassador Yorke, concerning the reclamation of the vessels. Sec. inasmuch, as the said re- port tends to the employment of means of constraint and even violence, to compel the commander Paul Jones to depart casu qiu) from the Texel road." And, together with the before men- toned protesting towns, they considered a meagre plurality of voices insufficient to sanction a measure which they deemed un- constitutional, as being inconsistent with the ordinance and placard of 1756. The deputies of the town of Brille refused to assent to the report, and reserved all rights till further instructed by their principals. The towns of Horn and Erek- PAUL JONES. 231 huysen were not represented by their deputies, when these re- solutions passed. M. Dumas relates, that he repaired to the Texel on the 18th, and that the arrangements made necessary by the orders of Sartine and Franklin, were prosecuted during the ten following days ; the vice admiral giving a great deal of trouble, particu- larly after receiving his instructions founded on the resolutions of the States General. Though the wind was contrary, he was unremitting in his urgency, and even threats of violence. On the 24th, his captain en second visited the squadron and read aloud a paper, which he then returned to his pocket. M. Du- mas, foreseeing, as he says, the contents, had prepared a reply ; demanding, in future, copies of all orders and menaces, in order that they might be transmitted to Congress and to Dr. Frank- lin. To another pressing message on the 28th, M. Dumas caused an answer to be given, " in a high voice, before all the crews and the rowers of the boat which brought the messenger, that the vice admiral exacted impossibilities." This declaration he made the pilot sign, and they were then left undisturbed for ten days. In an extract from a letter, from the Hague, which was forwarded among the papers sent by M. Dumas to the com- mittee of foreign affairs, it is stated, that " after Paul Jones had declared himself ready to comply with the orders of their high mightinesses, whenever he was able to sail at large, Vice Admiral Reynst, having sent Captain Van Overmeer on board the Serapis, to give new notice in the most serious manner to the commanding officer, that he must get a coast pilot, and sail with the first favourable wind, the captain was informed that this vessel was no longer commanded by Paul Jones, but by Captain Cottineau de Cosgelin, who had taken possession of her, in the name of the king of France." The Stadtholder, it is added, thereupon wrote to the vice admiral to use no forcible measures, until further orders, against vessels whose com- manders held French commissions ; but advised him that pre- vious orders remained in force, as regarded the Alliance, actually commanded by Jones ; and at the same time charged him " to 232 PAUL JONES. take care that none of the prisoners who had not been con- ducted into the road, and put on board said vessel, should be carried there." These directions, the letter adds, were com- municated to their high mightinesses, who approved of them, reserving the right of ulterior deliberation on subsequent mea- sures ; and in the mean time copies of the agreement between Jones and Pearson were put into circulation. Jones had indeed made up his mind to comply with the triple requisitions of France, Dr. Franklin, and the States General ; but he was determined to fulfil the expectations of the Ameri- can ambassador as to the exchange of prisoners, while there was the least hope of his doing so. On the 27th, he wrote to the Duke de la Vauguyon, expressing his admiration of " the warm and persuasive zeal which he had so nobly displayed at Amster- dam, for the service of the best of kings." He expressed his regret that, in endeavouring to comply with his promise to his crew, he had been compelled to ask for them conditions, which the duke did not feel at liberty to grant. To comply with those promises and effect the exchange of American prisoners in England, were, he said, the two interesting objects, which, " and not any natural obstinacy of temper, produced that inflexibility which gave your excellency so much trouble to overcome. But, the conflict being now past, I am, (in full confidence,) made happy by having yielded to the Duke de la Vauguyon." " I consider myself as being entirely dismissed from any connexion with the court. I complain not of the measure ; but as I am unconscious of having in any instance lost sight of the points of duty that were given me in charge, I confess I have been and am hurt, at the manner in which I have been dismissed. The more so, as the connexion was not at the beginning of my seeking ; and as I never asked, nor meant to ask a favour for myself from the minister," The order Franklin had found it necessary to grant, involved the delivery of the prisoners to the French ambassador. The Serapis and Countess of Scarborough were also taken from under his orders. It was not without a pang that he resigned PAUL JONES. 233 the command of the former vessel ; which had recently cost the British government a large sum of money, was a new ship, and sufficiently refitted for sea. He found it imperatively necessary to remove to the Alliance, on board of which alone the Ameri- can flag was now flying, and from which the preceding letter was dated. When, and in what terms the offer to accept a French commission was first made to him, does not very dis- tinctly appear. He states generally in his Journal, that Holland agreed to give convoy to the fleet bound for Brest, and that the French court wished him either to accept a commission and hoist the flag of France on board all the ships of the squadron and the prizes, or go on board the frigate Alliance. He chose the latter, he says, for many reasons ; but " his superior motive was to preserve the honour of the American flag, in the worst of times. In any other light it was a most disagreeable and mor- tifying change." The Alliance had not a good cable or sail ; the officers and men were intemperate and idle ; filth, insubor- dination, and epidemical diseases, prevailed among the crew ; she was badly supplied with small arms, and her powder was of bad quality. The latter wants Jones was, however, enabled to supply, from the superfluous number of small arms found on board the Serapis, and the powder which had been transferred to the Pallas from the Bon Homme Richard, when the latter ship was on fire, the morning after the action. He also had two cables, procured for the Serapis at Amsterdam ; without which the Alliance would have been lost in the gales that pre- vailed at the Texel, before she sailed from thence, when all lier other cables broke. The letters from the French ambassador to Sartine and Franklin, show that the gratitude expressed to the ambassa- dor by Jones, was not unmerited; and that the former had pressed upon his government the claims urged by the latter, on behalf of the rights of his crew, under the laws and usages of the United States of America. On the 29th, Jones wrote to Dr. Franklin, expressing a hope that his conduct on the second interview with the French am- 29 234 PAUL JONES. bassador, (referred to by M. Dumas,) would meet with his approbation. " I do not," ho said, " well understand the rea- sons of this alteration ; but M. Dumas, who was present, can inform you, that I have done every thing in my power, to secure the prisoners, without a quarrel with the ambassador. I have a hundred prisoners on board here, among whom are all that were landed and guarded for three weeks by our people, in the fort on the Texel. I shall, with this ship, embrace the first fair wind for L'Orient. I hope to take some good prizes by the way, and on my arrival there to meet with your further orders. I should have come onboard here, on the departure of Captain Landais, agreeable to your letter of the 15th ult. had it not been from delicacy ; as that mistaken man had said I had made interest with you to supersede him in the command of this frigate ! If he has any sensibility, it will be a sufficient punishment for him to know that, till the engagement with the Serapis, I was his friend, and had never written his name to you, without saying something in his favour. * * * * It is natu- ral for me to wish, that the Serapis should become the property of America. It is the best ship that I ever saw of the kind; and would cost the continent less than any frigate that has yet been under our flag. I wish to embrace you once more, before I leave Europe; but my private feelings, I hope, shall never divert my attention from my duty." In a postscript, he added, " I have the pleasure to inform you that Captain Cunningham is now here with me." There was at any rate one consolatory circumstance, in which he had reason to congratulate himself on the consequence of his own firm conduct towards the English captain and the haughty ambassador. Not confining himself to remonstrances with the magistrates and legislatures, and to intrigues with public characters, who could aid him in thwarting the escape of Jones, there is no reason to doubt, that Sir Joseph Yorke oifered rewards for the private apprehension of the American commodore. Jones does not scruple to charge him, in his subsequent references to this PAUL JONES. 235 period, with practising clandestinely to get possession of his person. In a statement drawn up by Mr. Van Berckel, grand pensionary of Amsterdam, attested in every particular by M. Dumas, it is said, " the ambassador did all in his power with the magistrates and private citizens of Amsterdam, to cause them to lay hands upon the person of the commodore, and to deliver him up to him ; but in vain. No person had the baseness or the courage to undertake his desire in this respect." On the 1st December, meditating his departure at all hazards, whenever the wind should serve, (which, however, it did not until the 27th,) we find Jones returning his thanks to Captain Rimersina for his personal civilities, and the attention shown to the American flag, while he had commanded in the road. On the 5th, while forwarding despatches for Congress, enclosed to the Hon. Robert Morris, he thus wrote to that gentleman: " I am persuaded you will observe with pleasure, that my connexion with a court is at end, and that my prospect of returning to America approaches. The great seem to wish only to be con- cerned with tools, who dare not speak or write truth. I am not sorry that my connexion with them is at an end. In the course of that connexion, I ran ten chances of ruin and dishonour for one of reputation : and all the honours or profit that France could bestow, should not tempt me again to undertake the same service with an armament equally ill composed, and with pow- ers equally limited. It affords me the most exalted pleasure to reflect, that, when I return to America, I can say, that I have served in Europe at my own expense, and without the fee or reward of a court. When the prisoners we have taken are safely lodged in France, I shall have no farther business in Europe, as the liberty of all our fellow citizens, who now suffer in English prisons will then be secured ; and I shall hope here- after to be usefully employed under the immediate direction of the Congress." At the same time that these despatches were transmitted, he drew up his memorial from the Texel, frequently referred to in the former part of this work. It bears date December 7th. In 236 PAUL JONES. it he minutely recapitulated the events, with which he had been connected while in the public service in America, more briefly adverted to the transactions detailed in his despatches from Europe; and thus concluded: " I now hope to appear in Ame- rica, in a short time hence, and to have the honour to present my respects in person to Congress ; for I give up the expecta- tion of ever commanding the Indien ; and as I believe the pri- soners I have taken will effect the exchange of all our fellow subjects, who are now in the English prisons, I shall hope to be afterwards more usefully employed under the immediate direc- tion of Congress. I have not drawn my sword in our glorious cause for hire, but in support of the dignity of human nature, and in obedience to the genuine and divine feelings of philan- thropy. I hoisted with my own hand the flag of freedom, the first time that it was displayed on board the Alfred on the Delaware, and I have attended it ever since with veneration on the ocean. I claimed and obtained its first salute from that of France, before our independence was otherwise announced in that kingdom, and no man can wish more ardently to support its rising glory than myself. 1 never have asked, and I have now to ask no other favour from Congress, than the continuance of that good opinion, which has in time past made me so happy, and so greatly overpaid my endeavour to do my duty." The final arrangement adopted in relation to the prisoners, by the express wish of his majesty the king of France, was, that they should be exchanged for French prisoners at the Texel ; France giving the same number in France, to exchange against the Americans in England. This was effected with a great deal of difficulty. The hundred of whom Jones speaks, in the letter to Franklin last quoted from, were the sick and wounded who had been landed at the Fort, and whom he persevered in retaining, under his express agreement with Captain Pearson. Whatever might have been the previous propositions as to his accepting a French commission, an offer was now made by di- rection of M. de la Sartine, and communicated by the ambas- sador, which excited the indignation of Jones in no small degree ; PAUL JONES. 237 and it will not be thought, under all the circumstances, that he expressed it in language either too strong or not sufficiently respectful. He thus addressed the French ambassador, on the I3th December. " My Lord, " Perhaps there are many men in the world, who would esteem as an honour the commission that I have this day refu- sed. My rank from the beginning knew no superior in the marine of America ; how then must I be humbled were I to accept a letter of marque ! I should, my lord, esteem myself inexcusable, were I to accept even a commission of equal or su- perior denomination to that I bear, unless I were previously authorised by Congress, or some other competent authority in Europe. And I must tell you, that on my arrival at Brest from the Irish channel, Count D'Orvilliers offered to procure for me from court, a commission of ' Capitaine de Vaisseau,' which I did not then accept for the same reason, although the war between France and England was not then begun, and of course the commission of France would have protected me from an enemy of superior force. " It is a matter of the highest astonishment to me, that, after so many compliments and fair professions, the court, should offer the present insult to my understanding, and suppose me capable of disgracing my present commission. I confess that I never merited all the praise bestowed on my past conduct, but I also feel that I have far less merited such a reward. Where profession and practice are so opposite, I am no longer weak enough to form a wrong conclusion. They may think as they please of me; for where I cannot continue my esteem, praise or censure from any man is to me a matter of indifference. " I am much obKged to them, however, for having at last fairly opened my eyes, and enabled me to discover truth from falsehood. " The prisoners shall be delivered agreeable to the orders * ' 238 PAUL JONES. which you have done me the honour to send to me, from his excellency the American ambassador in France. " I will also with great pleasure, not only permit a part of my seamen to go on board the ships under your excellency's orders, but I will also do my utmost to prevail with them to embark freely ; and if I can now or hereafter, by any other honourable means, facilitate the success or the honour of his majesty's arms, I pledge myself to you as his ambassador, that none of his own subjects would bleed in his cause with greater freedom than myself, an American. " It gives me the more pain, my lord, to write this letter, be- cause the court has enjoined you to prepare what would destroy my peace- of mind, and my future veracity in the opinion of the world. " When, idth the consent of court and by order of the Ameri- can ambassador, I gave American commissions to French officers, I did not fill up those commissions to command priva- teers, nor even for a rank equal to that of their commissions in the marine of France. They were promoted to rank far supe- rior ; and why .'' not from personal friendship, nor from my knowledge of their services and abilities, (the men and their characters being entire strangers to me,) but from the respect which I believed America would wish to show for the service of France. " While I remained eight months seemingly forgot by the court at Brest, many commissions, such as that in question, were offered to me ; and I believe, (when I am in pursuit of plunder,) I can still obtain such an one without application to court. '• I hope, my lord, that my behaviour through life will ever entitle me to the continuance of your good wishes and opinion, and that you will take occasion to make mention of the warm and personal affection with which my heart is impressed towards his majesty. " I am, erit. And, as to myself, that I might depend on receiving a very agreeable appointment soon af\er my return to Boston ; and, until I was perfectly satisfied respecting my rank, I should have a separate command. See Paper No. 1. I returned to Boston, and it was not long before I received orders to proceed to Europe to command the great frigate build- mg at Amsterdam, for the United States; then called tlie Indien, and since the South Carolina. It was proposed that I should proceed to France in a ship belonging totiiat kingdom ; but, some difficulties arising, the sloop of war Ranger of eighteen guns, was put under my command for that service, and to serve afterwards as a tender to the APPENDIX. 307 Indiea. Political reasons defeated the plan, after I had met our commissioners at Paris, agreeable to their order, to consult on the ways and means of carrying it into execution. I returned in consequence to Nantes, and reassumed the command of the Ranger. When I returned from Europe and my sovereign told the world, that some of my military conduct on the coast of England had been " attended vnth circumstances so brilliant as to cacite general applause and admiration ; " when the honours conferred on me by his most christian majesty ; to wit, a gold sword, on which is impressed the highly flattering words, " Findicati Maris Ludovicus X VJ. Remunerator Strcnuo Vindici," and emblems of the alliance between the United States and France, accom- panied with the order and patent of military merit, and a very strong and parti- cular letter of recommendation to Congress in my behalf. No. 2, were declared by them to be "highly acceptable ;" when I was thought worthy of a vote of thanks and general approbation so strong and comprehensive, as that hereto subjoined, in Paper No. 3, I was far from thinking that such pleasing expressions were all the gratification I had to expect. The committee of Congress to whom was referred my general examination by the board of admiralty, with the report of that board thereon, were of opinion that I had merited a gold medal, with devices declarative of the vote of thanks, which I had received from the United States in Congress assembled. And I was persuaded that I should also be promoted, or at least restored to the place I held in the naval line of rank in the year 1775. I waited patiently for some time ; but nothing was done on either of these subjects. Being informed by some members of Congress, that it was necessary I should present my claim respect- ing rank in writing, [ did so, in a letter of winch No. 4 is a copy, addressed to his excellency the president of Congress, the 28th of May, 1781. My application was referred to a special committee who, as I have been informed by one of its members, made a report in my favour, and gave as their opinion, that I had merited to be pro- moted to the rank of rear admiral. Before Congress had taken up the report an appli- cation in opposition to me, was made by two of the captains who had superseded me. Upon this the report was recommitted. The conmiittee once more reported in my favour; but without giving a direct opinion respecting my promotion; and recom- mended the appointment of a commander in chief of the navy, as may be seen by the annexed copy. No. 5, of that report ; which, on account of the thinness of Congress, was on the 24i!i of August, 1781, endorsed "Nut to be acted upon." It is, however, plain, it was intended to be taken up again, when a proper opportunity presented itself; otherwise it would not have been retained on the files of Congress. This ap- pears also by the extract of a letter. No. 6, which I wrote from Portsmouth in New Hampshire, and the answer. No. 7, that I received from the honourable John Mathews, Esq. who was chairman of the committee respecting the honorary medal, and a mem- ber of the committee on my rank. While my claim for ran"k stood recommitted before the committee, I was unanimously elected by ballot in Congress, the 26th of June, 1781, to command the America of 74 guns ; (and, as I was erroneously informed, ready to launch at Portsmouth ; ) on which occasion several of the members of Congress told me as their opinion, that my rank was thereby settled beyond a dispute ; because the America was the only ship in the service " of 40 guns and upwards;" and Congress had resolved that captains of ships of 40 guns and upwards should rank as colonels, and captains of ships between 20 and 40 guns as lieutenant colonels. There appeared 308 APPENDIX. so much reason and justice in that opinion, that I was then and am still inclined to believe it was not without good foundation ; for certainly there is no comparison be- tween the trust reposed in a captain of the line and a captain of a frigate ; and, except in England, where avarice is the ruling principle of the corps, there is no equality between their distinct ranks. A captain of the line must at this day be a tactician. A captain of a cruising frigate may make shift without having ever heard of the naval tactic. Until I arrived in France, and became acquainted with that great tactician Count D'Orvilliers and his judicious assistant the Chevalier Du Pavillion, who each of them honoured me with instructions respecting the science of governing the opera- tions and police of a fleet, I confess I was not sensible how ignorant I had been of naval tactics. I have many things to offer respecting the formation of our navy, but shall reserve my observations upon that head until you shall have leisure to attend to them, and require them of me. 1 have had the honour to be presented with copies of the signals, tactics, and police, that have been adopted under the different admirals of France and Spain during the war ; and I have in my last campaign seen them put in practice. While I was at Brest, as well as while I was inspecting the building of the America, as I had furnished myself with good authors, I applied much of my leisure time to the study of naval architecture and other matters, that relate to the establishment and police of dock-yards, &c. (I, however, feel myself bound to say again, I have yet much need to be instructed.) But if, such as I am, it is thought I can be useful in the formation of the future marine of America, make whole my honour, and I am so truly a citizen of the United States, that I will cheerfully do my best to effect that great object. It was my fortune, as the senior of the first lieutenants, to hoist the flag of America the first time it was displayed. Though this was but a light circumstance, yet I feel for its honour more than I think 1 should have done if it had not happened. See Paper No. 8. I drew my sword at the beginning, not after having made sinister conditions but purely from principle in the glorious cau.se of freedom ; which I hope has been amply evinced by my conduct during the Revolution. I hope I shall be pardoned in saying, it will not be expected, after having fought and bled for the purpose of con- tributing to make millions happy and free, that I should remain miserable and disho- noured by being superseded, without any just cause assigned. Permit me now, sir, to draw your particular attention to the following points: 1st, By virtue of my commission as the senior of the first lieutenants of the American navy, I stand the next in rank to Captain Abraham Whipple, who is the only one of my senior officers now remaining in the service. 2ndly, By the commission as captain under the United States, which I received from the hands of President Hancock at the door of the chamber of Congress, dated the 8tli day of August, 1776, I am entitled to precede all the captains whose commissions under the United States are dated the lOtli day of October, following. 3dly, My right of precedence is confirmed by the Act of Congress of the 26th of June, 1781, appointing me to the command of the America of 74 guns. Congress having previously resolved, that captains of ships of 40 guns and upwards should rank as colonels, and that captains of ships from 40 down to 20 guns should only rank as lieu- tenant colonels. I will at present say nothing of those pretensions which the favour- able notice and recommendation of his most christian majesty might encourage me to form, and which have hitherto proved so fruitless to me, though similar recommendn- APPENDIX. 309 tions from Congress to that monarch have proved so efficacious in favour of those who were honoured with them. Tiiough I have only mentioned two things that afflict me, i. e. the delay of a decision respecting my rank, and the honorary medal, yet I have met with many other humiliations in the service, that I hive borne in silence. I will just mention one of them. When the America was presented to his most christian majesty, I presume it would not have been inconsistent with that act of my sovereign, if it had mentioned my name. Such little attentions to the military pride of officers are always of use to a state, and cost nothing. In the present instance, it could have been no displeasing circumstance, but the contrary, to a monarch who condescends to honour me with his attention. I appeal to yourself, sir, whether, after being unani- mously elected to command the first and only American ship of the line, my conduct, for more than sixteen months while inspecting her building and launching, had merited only such cold neglect ? When the America was taken from me, I was deprived of my tenth command. Will posterity believe, that out of this number the sloop of war Ranger was the best I was ever enabled by my country to bring into actual service ? If I have been instru- mental in giving the American flag some reputation and making it respectable among European nations, will you permit me to say, that, it is not because I have been honoured, by my country, either with proper means or proper encou,ragement. I cannot conclude this letter without reminding you of the insult offered to the flag of America, by the court of Denmark; in giving up to England, towards the end of the year, 1779, two large letter of marque ships (the one the Union, from London, the other the Betsy, from Liverpool,) that had entered the port of Bergen, in Norway, as my prizes. Those two ships mounted 22 guns each, and were valued, as I have been told, at sixteen hundred thousand livres Toumois. I acquit myself of my duty by giving you this information, now when the sovereignty and independence of America is acknowledged by Great Britain; and I trust that Congress will now demand and obtain proper acknowledg- ments and full restitution from the court of Denmark. I have the honour to be, with the greatest respect, sir, your most obedient and most humble servant, J. Paul Johes. Copy of a report of a committee on Captain Paul Jones' letter and others. Endorsed "August 24, 1781, not to be acted upon." " The committee to whom were referred the application of Captain John Paul Jones; and also the applications of Captain Jcmies Aicholson and Captain Thomas Reed, beg leave to report, " That by an arrangement of the captains of the navy which wjis adopted by Con- gress on the tenth day of October, A. D. 1776, Captain James Nicholson was placed first in rank. Captain Thomas Reed eighth, and Captain John Paul Jones the eighteenth. " The committee cannot fully ascertain the rule by which that arrangement was made, as the relative rank was not conformable to the times of appointment or dates of commission, and seems repugnant to a resolution of Congress, of the 22d of December, 1775- It appears that Captains Whipple, Barry, Hollock, and Alexander, were ap- pointed captains previous to either of the applicants ; Captain Nicholson was later 310 APPENDIX. than either, excepting Reed ; but Captain Nicholson had a command of armed vessels under the authority of the state of Maryland, prior to his being adopted in the conti- nental navy. It is, therefore, to be presumed that preference was given to him on that account. Upon the whole, the committee submit to Congress whether it will be ad- visable to alter that arrangement ? If they should, Captain Jones will now stand the fifth captain, if respect be had only to times of appointment in that grade ; but if re- gard be had to Captain Jones' being a lieutenant in the navy prior to the appointment of many of the other gentlemen, he would then stand second in the rank of captains, and Whipple first. " The committee also recommend to Congress the expediency of appointing a commander in chief of the navy, in the place of the late Ezek Hopkins, Esq. dis- missed." No. III.— page 63. The observation in the note at the foot of the page, is perhaps a superfluous criticism on Jones' use of the term inherit. He had recovered, as I know from the best sources, several thousand pounds, from .the wreck of his brother's fortune in Virginia ; and when he speaks of having lived upon fifty pounds for more than a year, he must refer to a period anterior to that immediately preceding. It is not known what amount he had received, if any, at this time, of the money due to him in England and Tobago, mentioned in his letter to Stuart Mawey, Esq. He was more than 1500 pounds in advance for the public service, before he left America, as he afterwards states. Ex- cepting an inconsiderable amount of prize money, wrung from the hands of mercenary agents, he received nothing for his services to the United States, previous to his return in the Ariel, in 1780. There can, therefore, be no doubt that he hazarded his private resources as well as his personal safety, in the cause of his adopted country ; and it does not appear that he or his representatives were, or to this day are, more fortunate than others, who perilled all they had, in the question of our country's independence in having the pecuniary account liquidated, though his charges for disbursements on account of the government, at several times during the period referred to, were allowed He had also his portion of continental money. No. IV. — page 70. In the early part of the Revolutionary war, the maritime flag seems to have been, either the coat of arms of the respective colonies under whose authority vessels were equipped, or to have depended upon the whim or fancy of the commanding officer. Thus, the brig Yankee Hero, of Marblehead, captured after an obstinate engagement by the Milford frigate, bore a pine tree in a white field ; and several fitted out from New York bore a black beaver. On the 9lh of February, 1776, thirteen months after Manly had been scouring the ocean under authority of the colony of Massachusetts, " Col. Gadsden presented to Con- gress an elegant standard, such as is to be used by the commander in chief of the American navy ; being a yellow field with a lively representation of a rattlesnake in "the attitude of going to strike, and these words underneath, ' Don't tread on me.' " This was doubtless the strange flag of which an English writer of that period speaks ia the following words : " A strange flag has lately appeared in our seas, bearing a pine APPENDIX. 311 tree with the portraiture of a rattlesnake coiled up at its root, with these daring words : ' Don't tread on me.' We learn that the vessels bearing this flag, have a sort of cona- raission from a society of people at Philadelphia, calling themselves the continental Congress." No. v.— page 75. The following letter is without date, and the address is torn off. It is an interest- ing fragment. " * * * * Count d'Estaing, the king never had a subject who loved him better ; who has a nobler mind, or who is a more worthy citizen. Though vice admiral of France, (the only officer of that high rank who has served in the late war,) he was sent out to America, with no more than the command of a Chef d'Escadre ; and from three to four months after I had given the minister of marine the plan of that ex- pedition. I gave the plan the 10th of February, 1778. That long and unnecessary delay rendered it scarcely possible for the expedition to succeed. Yet this was no fault of the vice admiral ; who, on the contrary deserves the highest praise for his zeal and perseverance. He would have surmounted every difficulty and taken Lord Howe in the road of New York, if a generous sacrifice of his ov>nfortune,lSO,OOOliv.co\i\d have induced the pilot to conduct him over the bar. " The captains who were about him were constantly in cabal to frustrate his projects, and never approached him with their advice, but with a revolting impertinence which is highly culpable in the mouth of subalterns when they speak to their chief. The admiral had proof that those men had done all m their power, by letters to court and otherwise, to ruin him. Carte bkinche was sent him to punish them at his pleasure. But he contented himself with showing them that he was too noble minded, to avail himself of his power. He gave them every opportunity of distinguishing their zeal for their country, and ahvays rendered ample justice to their good conduct. The taking of Grenada is a military achievement greater than any other admiral can boast of in the course of the last war ; and if Count de G had supported his admiral in the engagement with Byron, it would have been the most glorious affair for the flag of France that ever happened. If the admiral did not succeed at Savannah, it must be attributed to invincible difficulties. No other man in his place would have succeeded. He had been misinformed respecting the badness of the coast, where his fleet were obliged to remain at anchor far from the land in the open sea, far from every resource of provisions, wood, or water. He had been misinformed respecting the length and shallowness of the river, the strength of the place, and the force of the enemy. When he summoned Savannah to surrender he had not above a fourth part of his troops landed, and he had with him neither mortars nor battering cannon. He found the enemy much stronger than he had expected ; and it was a stratagem of war that might have succeeded ; for he was certain that the enemy did not know that he was not of suflicienl force to put his threat in execution. No fault can be found with his conduct on that expedition, except it be said, that it was wrong to give the enemy so long time as two days to make his capitulation. But to this it may be answered, that the ad- miral could not possibly be ready in a shorter time to assault the place ; which was so strongly re-inforced in the interim, that an assault must have failed. A siege, therefore, became indispensable. This required much more time ; but there is reason to believo 312 APPENDIX. it would have succeeded, if the admiral had not been so dangerously wounded when he stormed the place after haying made a practicable breach ; for some of the Ameri- cans had got possession of a commanding bastion, before the retreat was ordered. In war, the force must be very superior that can insure success. And even a superior force may fail through circumstances, without any reflection on the commander. But Count d'Estaing deserved success ; and he can say what no other man can do who served through all the last war : ' He has had no advancement, his wounds are his honours ; and the public esteem his reward.' * History says that France has no officer, whom England fears so much. " I have the honour to be, &c. «fec. " Paul Jones." No. VI. — page 144. The following letters will be found in the Diplomatic Correspondence of the Ame- rican Revolution, Vol. I. pp. 215, 268, 269. [To the President of Congress.] " Passy, April 12, 1785. " Sir, " Mr. de Chaumont, who will have the honour of presenting this line to your excel- lency, is a young gentleman of excellent character, whose father was one of our most early friends in this country, which he manifested by crediting us with a thousand barrels of gunpowder and other military stores in 1776, before we had provided any apparent means of payment. He has, as I underltand, some demands to make on Congress, the nature of which I am unacquainted with ; but my regard for the family makes me wish that they may obtain a speedy consideration and such favourable issue as they may appear to merit. " To this end I beg leave to recommend him to your countenance and protection, and am, with great respect, «&c. " B. Franklin." [To M. le Ray de Chaumont.] " Passy, Sept. 15, 1778. " Sir " As our finances are, at present, in a situation seriously critical, and as I hold my- self accountable to Congress for every part of my conduct, even tothe smallest article of my expenses, I must beg the favour of you to consider what rent we ought to pay you for this house and furniture both for the time past and to come. Every part of your conduct towards me, and towards our Americans in general, and in all our affairs, has beon polite and obliging, as far as I have had an opportunity of observing, and I have no doubt it will continue so ; yet it is not reasonable that the United States should be under so great an obligation to a private gentleman, as that two of their representatives should occupy, for so long a time, so elegant a seat, with so much furni- ture, and so fine accommodations, without any compensation ; and, in order to avoid the disapprobation of our constituents on the one hand, for living here at too great or at too uncertain an expense; and on the other the censure of the world for not making APPENDIX. 313 sufficient compensation to a gentleman who has done so much for our convenience, it seems to me necessary that we should come to an eclaircissement upon this head. " As you have an account against the commissioners, or against the United States, for several other matters, I should also be obliged to you if you would send it in as soon as possible, as every day renders it more and more necessary for us to look into our affairs with the utmost precision. " I am, sir, with much esteem and respect, " Your most obedient humble servant, " John Adams." [M. le Ray de Chaumont to John Adams.] " Passy, Sept. 18, 1778. TRA.NSI.A.TION. " Sir, " I have received the letter which you did me the honour to write to me on the 15th instant, making inquiry as to the rent of my house, in which you live, for the past and the future. When I consecrated my house to Dr. Franklin, and his associates who might live with him, I made it fully understood that I should expect no compensation ; because I perceived that you had need of all your means to send to the succour of your country, or to relieve the distresses of your countrymen escaping from the chains of their enemies. I pray you, sir, to permit this arrangement to remain, which I made when the fate of your country was doubtful. When she shall enjoy all her splendour, such sacrifices on my part will be superfluous or unworthy of her; but, at present they may be useful, and I am most happy in offering them to you. " There is no occasion for strangers to be informed of my proceeding in this respect. It is so much the worse for those who would not do the same if they had the oppor- tunity, and so much the better for me, to have immortalized my house by receiving into it Dr. Franklin and his associates. " I have the honour to be, " Sir, with the most perfect respect, «feci " Le Ray de Chaumont." The following is part of a letter from the " Nation's Guest," whose remembrances of half a century were found to be as vivid, as his enthusiasm had been when he embarked in the cause of liberty in 1776. It was addressed to Le Ray de Chau- mont, Esq. of Jefferson County, son of the gentleman in question. " La Grange, November 10, 1825. " Mv Dear Sir, " Although your own remembrance of the services rendered to our cause by the late Le Ray de Chaumont, and under his direction by his son, precludes the utihty of any further evidence, I think it a duty, as one of the few surviving witnesses of those transactions to add my testimony to those of William Franklin, Marbois, LaforAst, "Monroe, as well as your respected father's recollections. Yet I would think it super- fluous to enter with you into a minute detail of the efforts which M. Le Ray de Chau- mont made with his favourable situation, large fortune, remarkable talents, and un- 39 1 314 APPENDIX. common activity, and constancy to promote the interest of the United States, before the recognition of independence by the French court, and afterwards, by his continued exertions ; namely in the expedition of the American squadron under the command of the gallant Paul Jones." An allusion follows to the unsettled account of M. Le Ray de Chaumont. I state on the authority of the gentleman to whom the foregoing letter was addressed, that a reconciliation took place between Jones and himself after the conclusion of the peace, Dr. Franklin having brought them together, in the presence of Robert Morris, Esq. at Philadelphia. It was then and there made apparent to Jones, that he had not understood how much M. Le Ray Chaumont, senior, had been, and remained so largely in advance to the United States; and with his characteristic frankness, the commodore admitted his error. A friendship continued between these parties afterwards. No. VII— pages 169, 198. In a memorandum, dated at Versailles, on the 17th of June, 1780, Jones stated that, " when the treaty of alliance with France arrived in America, Congress feeling the most lively sentiments of gratitude towards France, thought how they might mani- fest the satisfaction of the continent by some public act. The finest frigate in the service was on the stocks, ready to be launched, and it was resolved to call her the Alliance. M. Landais, a French subject, who had then arrived in America from France, as master of a merchant ship laden with public stores, had reported that he had been a captain in the royal navy of France, had commanded a ship of the line, been a chief officer of the port of Brest, and was of such worth and estimation for his great abilities, that he could have had any honours or advancement in his own country that he pleased to accept; but that his desire to serve America had induced him to leave his own country, and even to refuse to receive the cross of St. Louis, that he might be at liberty to abjure the religion of his forefathers, which he did accordingly. Congress believing M. Landais to be in high esteem at the court of Versailles, and thinking, with reason, that it would give pleasure to his majesty to find that ont of hii worthy subjects had been treated with distinction in America, appointed him captain of the Alliance." Captain Landais was well known to the citizens of the United States, especially during the latter years of his life. He died on Long Island, in the State of New York. For a considerable time prior to his death, he was an annual petitioner to Congress, on whose sessions he often attended, to urge his claim for indemnity, on account of his portion of the prize money, which ought to have accrued from three prizes sent into Norway, whilst he was in command of the Alliance in Europe. His temper, even in old age, appeared to be severe ; for whilst at Washington, he could not avoid betray- ing his irritability. A remarkable instance of this unhappy constitutional excitability is related of him with respect to a member of Congress, who had spoken rather slight- ingly of him. Landais dressed himself in his uniform, with a small sword by his side, and repaired to the gallery of the House of Representatives, when in session ; indica- ting thereby, as well as in conversation with his acquaintances, that he was prepared to give any gentleman satisfaction who might be offended with him. He afterwards observed, quoting a remark ascribed to Henry IV. of France, that " if there was bad APPENDIX 315 blood in Congress, he would draw it." He affirmed to the last, that he, and not Jones, captured the Serapis, attributing her surrender entirely to his having raked her from the Alliance ; about which the reader has seen that his assertion was entirely void of foundation. The following account of this eccentric individual is from a more imaginative and perhaps less authentic account. But, it is believed that the statement is, in the main, correct. I know that there was such a tombstone erected for Landais, at the place mentioned ; but the ground has since been raised in that cemetery, several feet, and like him whom it commemorated, il a disparu. At least, I cannot see it there any longer. " There was another Frenchman of distinction, who used daily to take his solitary walk through Broadway. I allude to Admiral Pierre de Landais, a cadet of the family of a younger son of the youngest branch of one of the oldest, proudest, and poorest families in Normandy. He had regularly studied in the Ecole de la marine, and was thoroughly instructed in the mathematical theories of sailing and building a ship, although like the rest of his countrymen, he always found some unexpected dif- ficulty in applying his theory to practice. For a Frenchman, however, he was a good sailor ; but in consequence of his grandfather having exhausted his patrimony in a splendid exhibition of fire works for the entertainment of Madame de Pompadour, he had neither interest at court nor money to purchase court favour. He was, there- fore, kept in the situation of an aspirant or midshipman, until he was thirty-two years old, and was kept, I know not how many years more, in the humble rank of sous lieu- tenant. He served his country faithfully, and with great good will until, in the begin- ning of the reign of Louis XVL a page of the mistress of the Count de Vergennes came down to Cherbourg to be his captain. While he was boiling with indignation at this affront, the war between England and America broke out, and he seized that opportunity to enter the service of the United States. There he at once rose to the command of a fine frigate, and the title of admiral. Soon afterwards came the brilliant affair of the Serapis and the Bon Homme Richard, in which Paul Jones, by his im- petuous and undisciplined gallantry, earned the reputation of a hero, and poor Lan- dais by a too scrupulous attention to the theory of naval science, incurred that of a coward. I believe that naval authority is against me ; but I venture to assert, meo perictdo, and on the authority of one of my uncles, who was in that action as a lieu- tenant to Paul Jones, that Landais erred not through any defect of bravery, but merely from his desire to approach his enemy scientifically, by bearing down upon the hypothenuse of the precise right-angled triangle prescribed in the thirty-seventh " manauvre" of his old text book. "The naval committee of Congress unfortunately understood neither mathematics nor French ; they could not comprehend Landais' explanations, and he was thrown out of service. After his disgrace he constantly resided in the city of New York, ex cept that he always made a biennial visit to the seat of government, whether at Phila- delphia or at Washington, to present a memorial respecting the injustice done him, and to claim restitution to his rank and the arrears of his pay. An unexpected divi- dend of prize money, earned at the beginning of the Revolutionary war, and paid in 1790, gave him an annuity of one hundred and four dollars ; or rather, as I think, a hundred and five ; for I remember his telling me that he had two dollars a week on which to subsist, and an odd dollar for charity at the end of the year. 316 APPENDIX. "Although Congress under the new constitution continued as obdurate and as im-' penetrable to explanation as they were in the lime of the confederation, the admiral kept up to the last, the habits and exterior of a gentleman. His linen, though not very fine, nor probably very whole, was always clean ; his coat threadbare, but scrupulously brushed ; and for occasions of ceremonious visiting, he had a pair of paste knee buckles and faded yellow silk stockings with red clocks. He wore the American cockade to the last, and on the fourth of July, the day of St. Louis, and the anniver- sary of the day on which the British troops evacuated the city of New York, he peri- odically mounted his old continental naval uniform, although its big brass buttons had lost their splendour, and the skirts of the coat, which wrapped his shrunken person like a cloak, touched his heels in walking, while the sleeves, by some contradictory process had receded several inches from the wrists. He subsisted with the utmost in- dependence on his scanty income, refusing all presents, even the most trifling ; and when my naval uncle, on one occasion sent him a dozen of Newark cider, as a small mark of his recollection of certain hospitalities at the admiral's table, when in com- mand, while he himself was but a poor lieutenant, Landais peremptorily refused them, as a present which he could not receive, because it was not in his power to reciprocate. "He was a man of the most punctilious and chivalric honour, and at the same time full of that instinctive kindness of heart and that nice sense of propriety, which shrinks from doing a rude thing to any body on any occasion. Even when he met his bitterest enemy, as he did shortly after he came to New York, the man whose accusation had destroyed his reputation and blighted his prospects, whose injuries he had for years brooded over, and whom he had determined to insult and punish whenever he fell in with him, he could not bring himself to offer him any insult unbecoming a gen- tleman, but deliberately spitting on the pavement, desired his adversary to consider that pavement as his own face, and to proceed accordingly. " Thus, in proud, solitary, and honourable poverty, lived Pierre de Landais,Tor some forty years, until, to use the language of his awn epitaph, in the eighty-seventh year of his age, he " disappeared" from this life. As he left no property behind him, and had no relations and scarcely any acquaintances in the country, it has always been a matter of mystery to me, who erected his monument, a plain white marble slab, which stands in the church yard of St. Patrick's Cathedral, in New York, and on which is read the following characteristic inscription i t A LA MEMOIRB de PIERRE DE LANDAIS, ANCIEN CONTRK-AMIRAL, au service DES KTATS UNIS. Qui Disparut Juin 1818, Age 87 ans. Talisman, IL 329—333. APPENDIX. 317 No. VIIL— page 245. It would be unpardonable to omit in a Life of Jones, specimens of the versification which he amused himself with making, either out of his own brains, or with the assistance of the metriccd common-places, with which his memory seems to have been stored. The observation made in the text will be fully justified by them. On© piece has been found among the manuscripts before the compiler, which has not been previously published. The lines which first follow, referred to ia the text, were unquestionably made at the lime of their date, and, as has been remarked by the ingenious biographer who contrived to make a connected story out of Mr. Sherburne's Collections, are as great a " psycological curiosity," as the singularly wild and beauti- ful fragment, entitled Christabel. They differ, certainly, in some strange respects. One is the elaborate amusement, (for Jones felt his personal pride quickly awake in every thing he did,) of a man who had laughed at the whole English navy, spurned the illegitimate protection of France, and evaded the fluctuating and unintelligible policy of the country into whose ports he had entered, and taken upon himself that awful responsibility, which death itself, without success, will not discharge. Jonea had left Scylla barking, and knew that Charybdis was near, when he solemnly manu- factured these strains. There is queer poetry in Coleridge's abortion ; but no sen- sible person will ever believe, that he wrote down while awake, many hundred lines, which he remembered to have composed while asleep. So we will give the laurel to Jones, so far as psycological curiosities are concerned. VERSES. [Written on board the Alliance off Ushant, the 1st day of January, 1780, imme- diately after escaping out of the Texel, from the blockade of the British fleets; being in answer to a piece written and sent to the Texel by a young Lady at the Hague.] I. Were I, Paul Jones, dear maid, " the king of sea," I find such merit in thy virgin song, A coral crown with bays I'd give to thee, A car which on the waves should smoothly glide along : The Nereides all about thy side should wait, And gladly sing in triumph of thy state " Vivat, vivat, the happy virgin muse ! Of liberty the friend, who tyrant power pursues!" n. Or, happier lot ! were fair Columbia free From British tyranny — and youth still mine, I'd tell a tender tale to one line thee With artless looks and breast as pure as thine. If she approved my flame, distrust apart. Like faithful turtles, we'd have but one heart : Together then we'd tune the silver lyre. As love or sacred freedom should our lays inspire. 318 APPENDIX. III. But since, alas ! the rage of war prevails, And cruel Britons desolate our land, For freedom still I spread my willing sjiils, My unsheath'd sword my injured country shall command. Go on, bright maid ! the muses all attend Genius like thine, and wish to be its friend. Trust me, although conveyed through this poor shift, My New- Year's thoughts are grateful for thy gift. LINES ADDRESSED TO A LADY. When Jove from high Olympus goes To Ida, and the fair below. All heav'n laments — but Juno shows, A jealous and superior. wo : In vain to her all power is given, To female weakness ever dear ; She scorns the sov'reignty of heav'n, Her God, her Jove, seems all to her ! II. But when the Thunderer returns. And seeks his skies, (so Homer sings,) Soft flames the impatient goddess bums ! She hastes to meet the King of kings : Swift as the light her chariot flies. Her swifter wishes fly before ; Still joyous in the middle skies. She meets the cloud compelling pow'r. in. Prolific nature feels th' embrace, Superior blossoms, fruits and flow'rs. Spring up — heav'n wears a brighter face, And fragrance in profusion show'rs. Celestial raptures who can tell ? Ours all divine ! are only/eZ(, What bold presumptuous strains shall swell, With transports which the gods can melt! APPENDIX. 319 IV. Thus when thy warrior, though no god, Brings Freedom's standard o'er the main, Long absent from thy blest abode, Casts anchor in dear France again ; O ! thou more heavenly ! — far more kind Than Juno, as thy swain than Jove, With what heart's transports, raptur'd mind Shall we approach on wings of love The following verses, on a black profile, are without date, and written on I know not what oecasion. Pity so excellent a face, Should in a shade preserve thy name. Such beauty, harmony, and grace, The painter's softest tints may claim t II. The eye, complexion, .spirit, air. In that vile profile all are lost, Only some features left ! — I swear, 'Tis not Maria ! but her ghost. in. O ! did Appelle's genius warm, Or had I Raphael's skill divine : Their brightest works should cease to charm, And Venus' portrait yield to thine. IVi They drew a Nymph they never saw, Then call'd her Love's bright deity, My goddess from the life I'd draw. And to paint her but copy thee. Carnation and the blushing rose, Should, blended with the lily, vie. And grace, beyond all art disclose. The mild blue lustre of thy eye. 320 APPENDIX. VI. The loves and graces round should stand, ' Or lightly hov'ring o'er thy head, With gentle impulse prompt my hand. And sweetly mingle light and shade, VII. And, lest this matchless piece of mine, Should tempt me to idolatry; Soon as I felt the heath'nish sin, I'd turn from that and gaze on thee ! VIII. Yet as mere picture ne'er could show, The beauties latent in thy mind, The heav'n-born muse should this pursue, The pen be with the pencil join'd. IX. The loveliest form, the fairest face, The brightest eye, the gentlest mind. And every virtue, charm, and grace. Should be to endless fame consign'd. X. Posterity thus blest by me, Should read and gaze, and read again ; For that blue shade an angel see, ,, And, for my rhymes, read Homer's strain. XMD OF APPENDIX TO PART I. ^ PAUL JONES. PART II. The year 1781 was to Jones a period of reward for past ser- vices and disappointments ; of grateful and honourable repose after long and harassing perplexities, and of well founded ex- pectation of a distinguished command in future. Its annals, so far as he was connected with them, may be summarily recited. His reputation as a commander was exalted in America, and report had even exaggerated his actions. Dr. Lee, who had found out that Landais was insane, and upon whose testimony before a court martial the latter had been broke, was now pre- pared to go with the current, and even appear as the friend of Jones. The board of admiralty, in reporting on " the reasons, that the public clothing and military stores had not been im- ported," had stated to Congress on the 2d November of the previous year, that " it appeared Captain Landais regained command of the Alliance by the advice of Mr. Lee, notwith- standing his suspension by Dr. Franklin, who, by the direction of the marine committee, had the sole management of our ma- rine aifairs in Europe." Jones landed at Philadelphia on the 18th of February. On the following day, a motion was offered, that he should be directed to appear before that body, to give all the information in his power relative to the detention of the clothing and arms in France, intended for Washington's army ; and that the doors should be open, during the examination. After debate, on 40 322 PAUL JONES. motion of Mr. Adams, the consideration of this proposition was postponed. A regular inquiry into many particulars of Jones' cruises, from November, 1777, when he left Portsmouth in the Ranger, was necessary, and in course ; and on the 20th, forty- seven questions were drawn up by the board of admiralty, which he was required to answer as soon as possible. Two of the ques- tions were afterwards extended, to enable his formal answers to meet every point of interrogatory, which he did with singular promptness ; but before such formal reply was, or could have been rendered, the letter of M. de la Sartine had been referred to a committee, upon whose report the following resolutions were adopted on the 27th : " Resolved, That the Congress entertain a high sense of the distinguished bravery and military conduct of John Paul Jones, Esq. captain in the navy of the United States, and particularly in his victory over the British frigate Serapis on the coast of England, which was attended with circumstances so brilliant as to excite general applause and admiration : " That the minister plenipotentiary of these United States at the court of Versailles, communicate to his most christian ma- jesty, the high satisfaction Congress has received from the con- duct and gallant behaviour of Captain John Paul Jones, which have merited the attention and approbation of his most christian majesty, and that his majesty's offer of adorning Captain Jones with a cross of military merit is highly acceptable to Congress." In consequence, M. de la Luzerne gave a fete to all the members of Congress, and to the principal inhabitants of Philadelphia, and in their presence, he, in the name of his majesty, invested the commodore with the order of military merit. The answers of the chevalier to all the forty-seven interroga- tories were given early in March. They are terse, frank, and perspicuous. The board of admiralty were in the same dilem ma, as to the authority under which some of the deputy prize agents acted, that every person will fall into on reading the cor- respondence of Jones at the time ; and he was still in some PAUL JONES. 323 uncertainty as to this point, in rendering an explanation. He mentioned in his second answer, that he sent to the commis- sioners the scheme afterwards adopted for Count D'Estaing's expedition. On his right to claim the merit of originating this project, we have already remarked. He would scarcely have now openly claimed it in the face of the world, if contradiction and consequent humiliation had been like to result from his so doing. He could proudly say, in answer to the 8th interroga- tory, " I never have borne nor acted under any other commis- sion than that of the Congress of America." He stated in reply to searching queries about his objects and projects, that he had a variety of the latter, but as to many of them, no person was in his secret. His main and prominent purpose was to effect the liberty and exchange of American citizens, " confined as pirates, felons, and traitors, in the dungeons of England." His " second was, the honour of the American flag." At whose expense the Alliance had been provided for, he was not aware. He believed that the American officers and men, had received from their agents, some part of the shares arising from the sales of prizes taken by the Squadron under his command ; but it was their own private transaction. He repeated his assertion, (which he believed, without evidence, to be correct,) that M. de Chaumont, the commissary, had been intrusted with funds by the government, for the expense of the armament, which he with- held. He gave a satisfactory account of the reasons why the clothing and arms had not been forwarded, and of the reasons for the delay of the sailing of the Ariel in relation to which there were five or six very precise questions. His biographer in the Edinburgh Life did not examine dates or facts, when he thought it necessary not merely to apologize for the latter delay of that ship, but to admit that Jones was accessary to it, after the disaster in September. To the last question he replied, that the officers and crew of the Ariel had enlisted for three years,* * Or during the war, as elsewhere appears. 324 PAUL JONES. except a few who entered at L' Orient for one year, after the ship put back, and that they were at the expense of the United States. There is nothing else requiring present notice in these clear headed replies to diversified interrogations, and compli- cated and disconnected matters, which has not been previously explained. Jones was mistaken on one point only ; and his error arose from an excitement of feeling, the prompting casue of which, the sufferings of poor seamen, was a proper M)ne. " The light that led astray was light from heaven," which hu- man weakness saw through a discoloured medium. On the 28th March, the board of admiralty made a report, purporting to be in pursuance of two resolutions of Congress, passed in the previous year, inquiring into the causes of the delay in the arrival of the stores and clothing. They stated, that the procrastinated investigation had been resumed on the arrival of Jones, and that, on propounding their questions to him, with a view to a full explanation, they had desired him " to subjoin to his answers all such matters as he might think would throw light on their inquiry." The questions and answers ac- companied the report, with the voluminous correspondence of Jones, referred to in the margin of the answers, where imnire- diately connected with them, the rest being arranged in four bun dies. The board were " fully satisfied," that the delay " had not been owing in any measure to a want of the closest atten- tion to that business, either in the minister plenipotentiary of the United States, or to Captain Jones ; who had, on the con- trary, made every application and used every effort to accom- plish that purpose ; but that it was owing to Captain Landais' taking the command of the Alliance, contrary to the express orders of Dr. Franklin, and proceeding with her to America." It then set forth the sentence of the court martial held on Lan- dais, and that, after he had been dismissed from the service, a further prosecution was deemed improper ; that Jones had vainly endeavoured to procure an additional vessel for the trans- portation of the clothing ; that the court of France had furnish- ed no money to the American minister, to enable him to procure PAUL JONES. 325 clothing ; that they had commissioned M. Le Ray de Chau- mont to do so, and that Mr. J. Williams of Nantes, and Messrs. Gourlade and Moylan acted solely under his orders. They acquitted Jones of negligence in suffering the brig Luke to sail from L'Orient, with a part of this clothing on board, in the lat- ter part of October, without wailing for the convoy of the Ariel, as he had not been spoken to by Gourlade and Moylan, and had no control over her himself. They then, after enumerating the actions of Jones, reported that, " ever since he first became an officer in the navy of those States, he hath shown an unre- mitted attention in planning and executing enterprises calcu- lated to promote the essential interests of our glorious cause. That in Europe, although in his expedition through the Irish Channel, in the Ranger, he did not fully accomplish his purpose, yet he made the enemy feel that it is in the power of a small squadron, under a brave and enterprising commander, to reta- liate the conflagrations of our defenceless towns. That return- ing from Europe, he brought with him the esteem of the greatest and best friends of America; and hath received from the illus- trious monarch of France that reward of warlike virtue, which his subjects receive by a long series of faithful services or un- common merit. " The board are of opinion that the conduct of Paul Jones merits particular attention, and some distinguished mark of approbation from the United States in Congress assembled." It may here be as well stated, chronologically, that the "brave Captain John Barry," as Jones called him, and as he was at this moment proving himself, sailed in command of the Alliance from Boston in February, having on board Colonel Laurens, specially commissioned by Congress to the court at Versailles. Having landed the envoy at L'Orient, he sailed thence on the 30th March, and three days afterwards redeemed the credit of the Alliance, by taking with no great trouble, a couple of ships, which Landais, if he had acted consistently, would, according to the testimony, have run away from. The report of the board of admiralty, having been referred 326 PAUL JONES. to a committee, on the coming in of their report, Congress passed the following resolution on the 14th April. '* Resolved, That the thanks of the United States in Congress assembled, be given to Captain John Paul Jones, for the zeal, prudence, and intrepidity with which he has supported the ho- nour of the American flag ; for his bold and successful enter- prises. to redeem from captivity the citizens of the States who had fallen under the power of the enemy ; and in general, for the good conduct and eminent services by which he has added lustre to his character, and to the American arms : " That the thanks of the United States in Congress assem- bled, be also given to the officers and men who have faithfully served under him from time to time, for their steady afi'ection to the cause of their country, and the bravery and perseverance they have manifested therein." The next in order of these truly glorious testimonials, is a letter from the father of his country ; the man whom " modern degeneracy had not reached," and whom it is foolish to say that modern degeneracy has equalled. "Head Quarters, New Windsor, 15th May, 1781. " Sir, " My partial acquaintance with either our naval or commer- cial affairs makes it altogether impossible for me to account for the unfortunate delay of those articles of military stores and clothing which have been so long provided in France. " Had I had any particular reasons to have suspected you of being accessary to that delay, which I assure you has not been the case, my suspicions would have been removed by the very full and satisfactory answers which you have, to the best of my knowledge, made to the questions proposed to you by the board of admiralty, and upon which that board have, in their report to Congress, testified the high sense which they entertain of your merits and services. " Whether our naval affairs have in general been well or ill conducted would be presumptuous in me to determine. Instances PAUL JONES. 327 of bravery and good conduct in several of our officers have not, however, been wanting. Delicacy forbids me to mention that particular one which has attracted the admiration of all the world, and which has influenced the most illustrious monarch to confer a mark of his favour which can only be obtained by a long and honourable service, or by the performance of some brilliant action. " That you may long enjoy the reputation you have so justly acquired is the sincere wish of, " Sir, your most obedient servant, " Geo. Washington." With such expressions of official and public approbation in his favour, Jones says in his journal, that he addressed Congress on the 28th May, but " modestly rested his pretensions to rank only on the commission he held as the eldest of the first grades of heutenants in the navy, under the United Colonies ; because by all rule and example of military promotion, that commission entitled him to rank before all persons who did not enter into the sea service of the continent as early as himself, unless pre- ference had been given to other gentlemen, on account of their known superior abilities, which had not been the case. Con- gress referred the application to the Honourable Messrs. Var- num, Mathews, and Clymer. Mr. Varnum, the chairman, in- formed Captain Jones that the committee agreed in opinion, and would report to Congress, that he had been very imfairly treated in the arrangement of naval rank, adopted October 10th, 1776 ; and that the conduct and services of Captain Jones had merited that he should be promoted to the rank of rear admiral. But before Congress had time to act upon the report of their com- mittee, opposition was made to the application of Captain Jones, by one or two captains whose names had been placed before him, on their first introduction to the sea service of the continent. Upon this Congress recommitted the report. But this did not, however, lessen the pretensions of Captain Jones, either in the opinion of the committee or of Congress." This 328 PAUL JONES. remark is verified by the acts of that body. On the 16th June, the following report was made from the admiralty office. " The board, to whom was referred the letters and other papers relative to the conduct of John Paul Jones, Esq. beg leave to report, that they have carefully perused said letters and papers, wherein they find favourable mention is made of his abilities as an officer by the Duke de Vauguyon, M. de Sar- tine, and Dr. Franklin ; and this is also corroborated by that valour and intrepidity with which he engaged his Britannic Majesty's ship, the Serapis, of forty-four cannon, 12 and 18 pounders, which, after a severe contest for several hours, sur- rendered to his superior valour, thereby acquiring honour to himself and dignity to the American flag. " The board therefore humbly conceive that an honourable testimony should be given to Captain Paul Jones, commander of the Bon Homme Richard, his officers and crew, for their many singular services in annoying the enemy on the British coasts, and particularly for their spirited behaviour in an en- gagement with his Britannic Majesty's ship of war, the Serapis, on the 23d of September, 1779, and obliging her to sui-render to the American flag." Other reports from the same quarter, recapitulating the par- ticulars of Jones' services, bore unequivocal testimony to his ingenuous patriotism, during the whole course of his engagement in the public service. On the 23d June, it was resolved, that Robert Morris, Esq. should be authorised to take measures for speedily launching and equipping for sea the ship America, then on the stocks at Portsmouth in New Hampshire, and that Con- gress should proceed, three days thereafter, to the appointment of a commander of that vessel. Accordingly, on the 26th, the following entry is found in the Journals : " Congress proceeded to the appointment of a captain, to command the ship America ; and, the ballots being taken, John P. Jones, Esq. was unani- mously elected." Jones says, that other captains had been put in nomination against him ; and as the new ship was the only one of the line then belonging to this government, the comneti- PAUL JONES. 329 tion for the command was in fact a test of the disposition Con- gress would make of the dehcate question of rank. He could not but have been highly satisfied with the result ; and draws the conclusion that, by virtue of the Act of Congress, passed No- vember 15th, 1776, he held after this election, a rank equiva- lent to that of colonel, " with the exclusive rank of captain of the line ; while none of the other captains, as they had only commanded frigates under forty guns, could claim any higher rank than that of lieutenant colonel. " Thus," he continues, " Congress took a delicate method to avoid cabal, and to do justice. It was more agreeable to Captain Jones to be so honourably elected captain of the line, than to have been, as was proposed by the committee, raised at once to the rank of rear admiral ; because Congress had not then the means of giving him a command suitable to that rank." In a document published in the Appendix to the first part of this work, his opinions on the subject of naval rank, and what should be the qualifications of officers, are stated in full. To that we ^-efer the reader generally, as comprising in substance a variety of obser- vations made on these subjects by him at different periods, which occur in several of the letters and official communications from him, which are preserved. How much he had reflected on the topic, and how highly he rated the dignity and duties of a naval commander will there be seen, and best understood. The board of admiralty was dissolved at this time, and Mr. Morris, minister of finance, became also minister of the marine. He directed Jones, before proceeding to take com^ mand of the America, to exhibit his accounts to Congress. He had received a small share of prize money from some of his captures, but not a farthing for pay or subsistence up to this period. His accounts were approved as exhibited ; " but," he says " there was no interest allowed for considerable advances that had been made for nearly five years ; nor was there any thing allowed for his subsistence, or the various losses he had sustained in the service, as he had, from delicacy, [eft those 41 330 PAUL JONES. items blank in his accounts."* He was personally embarrassed at this time, as were many of the gallant men who were putting at stake all present interest and future hopes, in the cause of independence, by the poverty of the government. This will appear from a letter in the subjoined note. He observes in his journal, (I quote from the original rough draft of this part of it,) * In Jones' account current, rendered to the marine committee, as per date, on the 24th October, 1777, the balance due to him, " exclusive of any concern with the ship Ranger, balance of wages, &c." is stated at £1,538, Pennsylvania currency. A com- mission of 5 per cent, is charged on the sum total of the amount charged against the committee. In another account rendered on the 1st November, in the same year 1777, the sum of $5,900 is charged against the committee, as bounty money advanced to the crew of the Ranger. There is another account of the same date, made out against the committee, amontingto $2,891, for sundry expenses incurred in supplying the Ranger, enlisting seamen, overtaking deserters, persona! expenses, &c. In an account, dated at the Texel, November 29th, 1779, he charges 352 ducats for contingent disburse- ments, 100 of which were paid to the Hull pilot, John Jackson, " for smart money." The stores he had purchased and lost in the Alliance, amounted to a considerable item. These are all the particulars contained in the vouchers in the compiler's hands, dated previous to the year 1781. On the 26th of June, in that year, he rendered his account as mentioned in the text. He charges for pay, as the senior first lieutenant of the navy, twenty dollars per month, from December 7th, 1775, to May 10th, 1776 ; and, as captain in the navy from that period to the date of the account, sixty dollars per month, making £1,400 5s, Pennsylvania currency. In a certified copy of his account current, by which it appears that there was due to him in Pennsylvania currency £2,034, he makes the following charge, in blank, after stating a balance : " To rations from the 7th of December, 1775, to this date, for myself and servant, having com- manded a squadron in Europe ;" and thereunder is written, " Due the Chevalier Paul Jones ," also in blank, leaving it to Congress to make such allowance as they might deem proper. None was made, as is stated in the text. The following letter, Vritten two days after the date of this account current, will show that Jones was in Immediate want of resources for personal comfort and convenience. " Philadelphia, July 28, 1781. " Sir, " In consequence of the Act of the United States, in Congress assembled, of the 25th of this month, approving of my accounts, No. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, and 7, and referring them to the board of treasury, to take order, I have waited on that board in hopes of receiving cash to the amount of £400, to pay small debts I owe in this city, and defray the expenses of my journey to Portsmouth in New Hampshire ; but the board has not PAUL JONES. 331 '* he had, like many other supporters of the revolution, hurt his private fortune, by the early advances he had made to the con- tinental loan office." He was assured that vrays and means would be provided for him to put to sea, within six months from the day of his election as commander of the America. He conferred with Mr. Morris on the plan he had suggested to the French ministry, of form- ing a light combined squadron to annoy the enemy ; and that gentleman assented to its utility. The chevalier left Philadel- phia, as he expresses himself, "with a pleasing hope of being soon in a situation that would enable him to manifest his grati- tude for the honours he had received, by rendering essential services to the common cause of America and France." On his way to Portsmouth, he paid a visit to General Washington and Count Rochambeau, at White Plains, where the combined armies were encamped. He wore his cross as Chevalier of the order of Merit, on this occasion ; but, he says, as it was hinted to him that he might offend the people of the eastern States, by complied with my demand. In my letter to your excellency, dated the 17th of this month, I observed that, I had been obliged to borrow a considerable part of the cash I had advanced for the public service. And the accounts from No. 1, to 6 inclusive, being cash I have advanced, (a considerable part whereof from four to five years ago,) I hope Congress will be pleased to order that the said accounts, from No. 1 to 6 inclu- sive, be paid either in cash or bills of exchange on Europe, to enable me to pay the debts I have contracted in France. I have made no charge for interests on the advances I have made ; but submit that matter to Congress, to allow it or not as they think fit. I pray the honourable House to direct, that I may be furnished immediately with cash, to the amount of £400, to enable me to proceed to New Hampshire, to testify by my conduct the very grateful sense I have of the high honour Congress has conferred on me by my late appointment. It is necessity alone that compels me to make this appli- cation, having no friends of my own at this time in a situation to answer my wants, and having failed in attempts to borrow. I am with profound respect, " Sir, your excellency's most obedient, and most humble servant, " His Ex. Tho. M. Kean, Esq. (Signed.) " The Chevalier Paul Jones. " President of the U. States in Congress assembled. " N. B. The balance due on the within mentioned accounts, exclusive of interest, &c. is £5,413, 18s, 7 3-id. And the rations ought to be also allowed in proportion to equal rank and command in the army, deducting only the time occupied in the journey as expressed in the detail of charges." 332 PAUL JONES. continuing to exhibit that article, he laid it aside as soon as he had left head quarters. ' He thus proceeds with his commentaries : *' On his arrival at Portsmouth, which was at the end of August, he found his pro- spects greatly circumscribed, and involved in many difficulties, that neither his friends nor himself had foreseen at Philadelphia. The America, instead of being ready to be launched, was not half built; and there was neither timber, iron, nor any other material prepared for finishing her. Money would not have procured the necessary articles of equipment and men before winter. But money was wanting; for the navy board at Boston had otherwise applied the funds, which the minister of finance had destined for the America ; and he had so many demands to meet, on account of the troops then detached from White Plains, on the secret expedition against Lord Cornwallis in Vir- ginia, that he found it impossible to make the necessary ad- vances. The business was, however, begun immediately, and some progress made in the construction before the winter. In a letter Avritten by him to the secretary of the admiralty at Boston, on the 24th of November in this year, he says : "I wish you to see as well as hear the situation of affairs here, that we may either adopt effectual measures, or give up a fruit- less pursuit." In the same letter he mentions it as a matter of reproach to the service, that the officers of the Alliance had sold some of the articles on board, which were his private pro- perty ; and had not been called to an account, " for their re- peated misconduct, mutiny, and rebellion in that ship ;" and that " a board had received with approbation other officers, who had deserted from the service in' Europe." He speaks of these things as matters of report, and some of them probably were no more. Congress had far more important business on hand. The capitulation of Cornwallis in the middle of October, and the events preceding and consequent upon it, formed the subjects of a letter from Jones to La Fayette, as vve learn from the fol- lowing reply, dated December 22d PAUL JONES. 333 *' I have been honoured with your polite favour, my dear Paul Jones, but before it reached me I was already on board the Al- liance, and every minute expecting to put to sea. It would have afforded me great satisfaction to pay my respects to the inhabitants of Portsmouth, and the State in which you are for the present. As to the pleasure to take you by the hand, my dear Paul Jones, you know my affectionate sentiments, and my very great regard for you, so that I need not add any thing on that subject. " Accept of my best thanks for the kind expressions in your letter. His Lordship's (Lord Cornwallis) downfall is a great event, and the greater, as it was equally and amicably shared by the two allied nations. Your coming to the army I had the honour to command, would have been considered as a very flat- tering compliment to one who loves you and knows your worth. I am impatient to hear that you are ready to sail ; and I am of opinion that we ought to unite under you every continental ship we can muster, with such a body of well appointed marines {troupes de mer) as might cut a good figure ashore, and then give you plenty of provisions and car^e.6/«wc/te. " I am sorry I cannot see you ; I also had many things to tell you. Write me by good opportunities, but not often in ciphers, unless the matter is. very important." Three days afcer the date of this letter, we find Jones indi- ting the following matter to the anonymous lady in France. "I wrote my most lovely Delia various letters from Philadel- phia, the last of which was dated the 20th of June. On the 26th of that month I was unanimously elected by Congress to command the America of 74 guns, on the stocks, at Portsmouth, New Hampshire. I superintended the building, which I found so much more backward than I expected, that a plan of opera- tion I had in view is entirely defeated. I expected to have been at sea this winter, but the building does not go on with the vigour I could wish. Since I came here I have not found a single good opportunity to write to Europe. I have not since heard from your relation I left behind, but suppose he is with the 334 PAUL JONES. army. This situation is doubly irksome to me, my lovely friend, as it stops my pursuit of honour as well as love ! It is now more than twelve months since I left France ; yet I have not received a single letter from thee in all that time, except the one written in answer to my letter at taking leave. That one is a tender letter indeed, and does honour to thy matchless heart !" The " plan of operation" was not only defeated, but Jones was again to be altogether disappointed, in obtaining command of the America, as he had been in the case of the Indien. We are, however, anticipating forthcoming events ; the unavoida- ble fault of all who have undertaken a biography of this com- mander. What John Adams thought of his plans of operation at this time, appears from the following extracts of a letter, dated at the Hague, August 12th, 1782. " The command of the America coidd not have been more judiciously bestowed, and it is with impatience that I wish her at sea, where she will do honour to her name. Nothing gives me so much surprise, or so much regret, as the inattention of my countrymen to their navy ; it is a bulwark as essential as it is to Great Britain. It . is less costly than armies ; and more easily removed from one end of the United States to the other. * * * * Every day shows that the Batavians have not wholly lost their ancient character. They were always timid and slow in adopting their political systems, but always firm and able in support of them, and always brave and active in war. They have hitherto been restrained by their chiefs ; but, if the war continues, they will show that they are possessed of the spirit of liberty, and that they have lost none of their great qualities. " Rodney's victory has intoxicated Britain again to such a de- gree that I think there will be no peace for some time. Indeed, if I could see a prospect of half a dozen line of battle ships under the American flag, commanded by Commodore Paul Jones, en- gaged w^ith an equal British force, I apprehend the event would be so glorious for the United States, and lay so sure a founda- tion for their prosperity, that it would be a rich compensation for a continuance of the war. PAUL JONES. 335 " However, it does not depend upon us to finish it. There is but one way to finish it, and that is, Burgoynizing Carlton in New York." , It will be proper to remember that the independence of the United States had been recognised by those of Holland in April, previous to the date of this letter ; that a commercial treaty was made in October following ; that the " intoxication" of the people of Great Britain soon passed away, so far as that can be called an expression of popular opinion, which is not a direct one ; and that the English government now began to give up the idea of waging war against these United States, because they could not carry it on any longer. Jones says, that the task of inspecting the construction of the America, was " the most lingering and disagreeable service he was charged with during the period of the revolution. * * * * But from the beginning, and almost to the end of the business, he had a prospect of carrying into effect by perseverance, the plan he had suggested for forming a light combined squadron. When the news of the surrender of Earl Cornwallis reached Portsmouth, a public rejoicing took place ; and as Captain Jones found it would not offend the people, he, on that glad occasion, resumed the decoration of military merit, and continued to wear it afterwards. As soon as the enemy had advice that there was a prospect of finishing the America, various schemes were suggested for destroying that ship. Intelligence of this was sent to Portsmouth, in cipher, by the minister of marine. Captain Jones made appHcation to the government of New Hampshire for a guard, to protect the vessel ; and the assembly passed a resolution to comply with his demand. None was, however, furnished ; and, as a second alarm was sent to New Hampshire by General Washington, Mr. Hackett, the master builder and his associate were prevailed on to mount guard, with a party of the carpenters, by night." For some time he paid this guard himself; and took command of it, in his turn, with the master builders. Large whale boats, with muffled oars, came into the river, meanwhile, full of men, " and passed 336 PAUL JONES. and repassed the America in the night ; but dared not land on the little island where she was built." The birth of the Dauphin of France was officially communi- cated to Congress in the summer of 1782. Public rejoicings took place in several of the States in consequence. Jones did not " let slip the opportunity^" as he phrases it, " of testifying the pleasure and gratitude which he really felt." At his private expense he had artillery mounted on board of the America. She was decorated with the flags of different nations, displaying in front that of France ; " fired salutes as often as the forts, and thirteen royal salutes at the toast drunk at a public enter- tainment, and afterwards continued a. feu dejoie until midnight. When it became dark, she was brilliantly illuminated and dis- played fire-works."* The Chevalier de la Luzerne, addressed to him a complimentary letter in consequence. Jones dwells with pleasure on matters of this kind ; and they belong to the reminiscences of the period. On the anniversary of our inde- pendence in that year he " made a similar rejoicing." Hegives the following description of the America : " Captain Jones did not approve nor follow the plan that had been pro- posed for finishing the upper works of the America. It had been intended to make the waist shallow with narrow gang- ways ; the quarter-deck and forecastle to be short, with a large stern-gallery. Instead of this, the quarter-deck was made to project four feet before the main-mast. The forecastle was also long, the waist deep, and the gangways broad and of equal height with the quarter-deck and forecastle. There was just room for the boats between the gangways. A breast-work, pierced with gun-ports, but of suitable height for musketry, and * In one of the manuscripts preserved among the papers of Jones there is a formal bulletin in French of this " celebrafion made by Commodore Jones, at his own ex- pense, on board the America, &c." We learn from it that three large lanterns were devised for the occasion, and that the fire-works continued until midnight. They had a very brilliant effect from the circumstance that it was a very dark night. All the in- habitants of the town, and its vicinity, were assembled on the banks of the river, and testified their admiration by every possible show of applause. PAUL JONES. 337 of the same strength and nature as the sides of the ship, ran all round the quarter-deck, gangway, and forecastle ; so that all the cannon on the quarter-deck and forecastle could have been fought on one side ; an advantage possessed by no other ship of the line we had. Above this breast-work, the poop-deck stood on pillars of eighteen inches long, and projected eight feet be- fore the mizen-mast. Round the poop-deck a folding breast- work was made of light materials, and of a strength to resist grape-shot ; and, as it was made to fold down on the deck, and could be raised again in a minute, it was impossible to perceive that the America had a poop, at the distance of a quarter of a mile. There were only single quarter-galleries, and no stern- gallery ; and both the stern and bow were made very strong, so that the men at quarters might be every where under a good cover. The plan which Captain Jones projected for the sculp- ture expressed dignity and simplicity. The head was a female figure, crowned with laurels. The right arm was raised, with the forefinger pointing to heaven ; as appealing to that high tribunal for the justice of the American cause. On the left arm was a buckler, with a blue ground and thirteen silver stars. The legs and feet of the figure were covered here and there with wreaths of smoke, to represent the dangers and difficulties of war. On the stern, under the windows of the great cabin, ap- peared two large figures in bas-relief; representing Tyranny and Oppression, bound and biting the ground, with the cap of Liberty on a pole, above their heads. On the back part of the starboard quarter-gallery was a large Neptune ; and, on the back part of the larboard quarter-gallery, a large Mars. Over the windows of the great cabin, on the highest part of the stern, was a large medallion, on which was a figure, representing Wisdom, surrounded by Danger, with the bird of Athens over her head. The America was fifty feet six inches, in the ex- treme breadth, and measured a hundred and eighty-two feet six inches, on the upper gun-deck. Yet this ship, though the largest of seventy-four guns in the world, had, when the lower battery was sunk, the air of a delicate frigate ; and no person 42 338 PAUL JONES. at the distance of a mile, could have imagined she had a second battery." It would not have been proper to omit this description of a fine ship, which must be interesting to those who have skill enough to criticise her construction. As for the devices, we are somewhat at a loss to know how Danger was represented. It could not have been personified, as surrounding Wisdom ; and was probably emblematically expressed by flashes of lightning, &c. Those who have no technical knowledge whatever, but who have read the works of our countryman Cooper, will readily recognise in the picture Jones gives of the ship built under his direction, the same beau-ideal of combined grace and strength after which the vessel commanded by the Red Rover, and that navigated by the Pilot, were modelled ; beautiful in their pro- portions as Semele, and, like her, delivered in thunder. But this fair frigate was not to be commanded by him who had watched her construction for more than a year, with the hope of " moving the monarch of her peopled deck." At the close of the summer of this year, the Magnifique, a seventy-four gun ship, belonging to the French squadron under the Marquis de Vaudreuil, was lost by accident in the harbour of Boston. Policy, and perhaps equity, rendered it expedient for Congress to present to France their solitary ship of the line ; and a reso- lution to that eff*ect was passed on the 3d of September. Other motives may have had their weight, in making this disposition of the America ; and they seem to be alluded to in the following letter from Mr. Morris, written the day after the resolution was adopted. " Marine Office, September 4, 1782. " Dear Sir, " The enclosed resolution will show you the destination of the ship America. Nothing could be more pleasing to me than this disposition, excepting so far as you are affected by it. I know you so well as to be convinced that it must give you great pain, and I sincerely sympathize with you. But although you PAUL JONES. 339 will undergo much concern at being deprived of this opportunity to reap laurels on your favourite field, yet your regard for France will in some measure alleviate it ; and to this your good sense will naturally add the delays which must have happened in fitting the ship for sea. I must entreat you to continue your inspection until she is launched, and to urge forward the busi- ness. When that is done, if you will come hither I will explain to you the reasons which led to this measure, and my views of emj)loying you in the service of your country. You will on your route have an opportunity of conferring with the general on the blow you mentioned to me in one of your letters;" * * * * Jones submitted to his disappointment, for such it must have been, without any ebullitions of vexation, or murmurs of discon- tent. Tn his journal, he says, that " he was not made ac- quainted with the minister's project for employing him, after the America should be launched.* And the Act of Congress of September 3d, after all the pains he had taken for sixteen months to finish that ship, did not even mention his name; which notice, it is presumed, might not have been inconsis- tent with the dignity of that Act, nor disagreeable to the mo- narch who honoured him with particular marks of his attention. Captain Jones had had before him no good prospect ; and the America was the tenth command of which he had been deprived in the course of the Revolution. Had it been possible for him to foresee the lingering, disagreeable situation that awaited him at Portsmouth, he would have thanked Congress for the honour they did him, by unanimously electing him to that command, and asked their permission to join the army in Virginia, under his friend the Marquis de La Fayette, who, by a letter he wrote Captain Jones, December 22d, 1781, [which has been inserted,] showed how glad he would have been of that event , and that his ideas corresponded with the plan Captain Jones had sug- * It must be remembered that a rough original draft is quoted from. It is more to be relied upon because it is such. 340 PAUL JONES. gestcd to the court of France, for forming a combined squadron ; but which had not been communicated to the Marquis. Cap- tain Jones bore his disappointment with firmness, and answered the minister's letter, on the 22d of September, in a manner so gallant, as produced a flattering answer in a letter of the 9th of October." The answer was as follows: " I have received your letter of the 22d of last month. The sentiments contained in it will always reflect the highest honour upon your character- They have made so strong an impression upon my mind, that I im- mediately transmitted an extract of your letter to Congress. I doubt not, but they will view it in the same manner which I have done." Jones proceeds in his rough notes, to say, that "he urged forward the business of launching the America, with his utmost energy. The difficulties were great. The ship was built on a very small island, situated in the river opposite the town of Portsmouth, belonging to the agent for supplying the materials. Between the stern and the opposite shore, which was a continual rock, the distance was no more than a hundred fathoms. From a few feet above the stern, a ledge of rocks projected two thirds of the distance across the river, making only an angle of twenty degrees with the keel. And, from a small bay on the opposite shore, the tide of flood continued to run with rapidity, directly over this ledge, for more than an hour after it was high water by the shore. It was necessary to launch exactly at high water, and to give the ship such a motion, as would make her pass round the point of the ledge of rocks, without touching the op- posite shore ; which, it is easy to perceive, was a difficult mat- ter. It was impossible to fix stoccades in the river, on account of the current and the rocks. This defect could only be supplied by anchors and cables. A large anchor was fixed in the ground, under the bow, from which depended cables of a proper length and ranged in a manner so as to be drawn gently after the ship, when put in motion, and with various slight stoppers at proper distances, to break one after another, so as to diminish her PAUL JONES. 341 velocity by degrees. When every thing w^as prepared, Captain Jones stood on the highest part of the brow, or gangway that ascended from the ground to the bow of the ship. From that [)osition he could perfectly see the motion of the ship ; and de- termine by a signal the instant when it was proper to let go one or both of the anchors that were hung at the bows, and slip the end of the cable that depended on the anchor, fixed in the ground on the island. The operation succeeded perfectly to his wish, and to the admiration of a large assembly of spectators." Thus was the America launched ; and well might Jones have recited the "«e'c vos non vohis,''^ as she went into the water. It is for those who are scientific, and know the localities, to judge criti- cally of the fitness of the means adopted to introduce her into the element over which she was to bear the flag of France. Jones commends highly the perseverance and ingenuity of the master builder. Major Hackett, who had never seen a ship of the line when he drew her plan ; and who had no more than twenty carpenters at work, at any time, while her construction was in progress. He says, " the workmanship was far superior to any before seen in naval architecture ; and it would only have been necessary that the Abbe Reynal should have seen the America, to have induced him to give the world a very different idea of the continent, of which that elegant ship bore the name." The flags of the two allies were displayed on the poop at the launch ; and Jones, having caused the ship to be safely moored, delivered her on the same day, November 5th, to the Chevalier de Martigne, who had commanded the Magnifique. He set out for Philadelphia on the next morning, and there learned "that unforeseen circumstances had defeated the project for employing him on a secret expedition." When La Fayette requested him " not to write often in ciphers," he expressed a wish in which every one, whose business or pleasure it is to make out his history, will cordially sympathize. The Chevalier himself, however, explains in the same document we have been quoting from, what this secret expedition was. He says, that when he " determined to return to America, to submit his con- 342 PAUL JONES. duct to the judgment of Congress," with the hope of command- . ing a combined squadron by which he might annoy the enemy, " as the Indien was not thought necessary to assist in effecting the scheme, the king lent her for three years to the Chevaher de Luxembourg ; and that nobleman contracted with Commo- dore Gillan, in the service of the State of South Carolina to command that ship," the prince having his share of the profits arising from the sale of prizes. When the Indien sailed, which was not until long after Jones left the Texel, it was under the name of the South Carolina. She took some merchantmen and carried them to Havana ; and thence, on her way to Philadelphia, joined the convoy destined against New Provi- dence, which surrendered immediately to the Spanish arms. She arrived in Philadelphia in a condition which rendered great repairs necessary. It was Mr. Morris' intention, according to Jones, to give him the command of this vessel, the time for which she had been chartered having nearly expired; the terms of the charter being, that she should, at its expiration be deliver- ed in good order, in a port of France, and Chevalier de la Lu- zerne on behalf of the king of France " yielding his most ready concurrence. It was their intention to join the Gaudaloupe frigate and some other force, and put the whole under the orders of Captain Jones." Colonel Laurens " had made large ad- vances to Commodore Gillan in Holland, on account of the United States, on condition that he would transport a quantity of clothing to America, for the army under General Washing- ton. No account had been rendered to the Chevalier de Lux- embourg of prize money, &.c. and he had sent powers to the Chevalier de la Luzerne" to insist upon his rights. Mr. Morris on behalf of the United States, and the French ambassador on behalf of the prince, thus severally urged demands against Commodore Gillan, who, far from being able to meet them, if they were well founded, " found infinite difficulty in procuring the necessary funds for repairs." The two ministers had there- fore, " concluded that the State of South Carolina, and even Commodore Gillan himself, would easily consent to resign all PAUL JONES. 343 further pretension to the frigate in question. * * * * They were, however, mistaken, and Commodore Gillan out-generalled them both. When they found he had got the ship below the che- vaux de frise with her cannon on board, and that he was arrested by the sheriff for a large sum, &-c." Jones proceeds to state mat- ters of rumour. The commodore, however, after remaining several days on board, proceeded homeward by land, and the South Carolina made sail and was captured. She was an unlucky vessel, and the merchant who built her in Holland, was nearly, if not quite, ruined by the contract. Jones wrote to the minister of marine on the 29th November, " requesting that unless Congress had some service of greater consequence for him, he might be ordered back to Boston, to embark as a volunteer in pursuit of military marine knowledge with his excellency the Marquis de Vaudreuil, in order to enable him the better to serve his country, when America should in- crease her navy." On the same day, Mr. Morris sent to the president of Congress a copy of that letter with the following remarks : " The present state of our affairs does not permit me to employ that valuable officer, and I confess that it is with no small degree of concern that I consider the little probability of rendering his talents useful to that country, which he has already so faithfully served, and with so great disinterestedness. " His present desire to be sent with the Marquis de Vau- drueil to join Count d'Estaing on his projected expedition from Cadiz against Jamaica, Sec. consists with all his former con- duct ; and it will, I dare say, be a very pleasing reflection to Congress, that he is about to pursue a knowledge of his pro- fession, so as to become still more useful if ever he should be again called to the command of a squadron or fleet. I should do injustice to my own feelings, as well as to my country, if I did not most warmly recommend this gentleman to the notice of Congress, whose favour he has certainly merited by the most signal services and sacrifices." Congress granted the request thus made ; and resolved, "that the agent of marine be informed that Congress having a high 344 PAUL JONES. sense of the merit and services of Captain J. P. Jones, and being disposed to favour the zeal manifested by him to acquire improvement in the Une of his profession, do grant the permis- sion which he requests, and that the said agent be instructed to recommend him accordingly to the countenance of his excel- lency the Marquis de Vaudrueil." Jones immediately repaired to Boston, with letters for the Marquis de Vaudreuil, from Mr. Morris and the Chevalier de Luzerne. He was received on board of the Triomphante, the Marquis' own ship, with every mark of attention. That ves- sel was very much crowded by the army of the Count de Rochambeau, then embarked under the orders of the Baron de Viomenil. Sixty officers were at table every day. Jones is particular in recording, that the Baron and the Marquis de Laval were lodged in the larboard side of the round-house ; and that the starboard side was assigned to him. The squadron, consisting often sail of the line, sailed on the 24th of December, and gave convoy to several French transports and twenty sail of merchantmen. " It wa« the intention of the admiral to go off Portsmouth, to join his brother the Count de Vaudreuil, who had in that port under his orders, the Auguste of 80 guns, and the Pluton of 74. Wind and weather prevented the junction, and the ships of war were forced into a disagreeable situation in the Bay of Fundy, besides separating from the convoy. Event- ually the squadron steered to the southward, and continued for ten days off the harbour of St. Johns, in Porto Rico, performing various naval evolutions. At making the land, the admiral had advice that Admiral Hood, with sixteen ships of the line, was cruising off Cape Francois ; and that Admiral Pigot, with a greater force, lay at St. Lucca. So that the enemy imagined the force under the Marquis de Vaudreuil must necessarily fall a prey either to Hood or Pigot. The marquis took sij^teen sail of transports with provisions and stores, out of a large convoy then arrived from France at St. John's, and bore away round the west end of Porto Rico. Some of Admiral Hood's look-out vessels got sight of the squadron in the Mona passage. PAUL JONES. 345 and set out immediately to give information that the marquis was proceeding down the south side of Hispaniola. They were mistaken. The squadron steei'ed to the southward, by the wind, and made the island of Cura^oa to windward. The rendezvous that had been fixed on between Don Solano, the Spanish ad- miral, and the Marquis de Vaudreuil, at Cape Francois, after the defeat of the Compte de Grasse, was kept a profound secret, and no person had an idea of the intended port. The squadron beat to windward for many days, along the coast of South America, without either pilots or good charts. All the trans- ports were driven to leeward by the current, and lost sight of the ships of war. In the night, the Burgoyne of 74 guns ran on a rock two leagues from the shore, and was totally lost, with two hundred of her officers and men, among whom was the first lieutenant. On the 18th February, 1783, the Triomphante got safe into the road of Porto Cabello, where the Auguste and Pluton had arrived a few days before. The remainder of the squadrdn soon after arrived safe. The transports, not being able to gain Porto Cabello, bore away for St. Domingo. Don Solano had promised to meet the marquis at Porto Cabello in December, but did not keep his word. He was superseded and ordered home from the Havana to Spain. It was also at Porto Cabello, that the combined force of France and Spain from Cadiz, under Count d'Estaing, was to join them under Vau- dreuil and Solano. As neither of these junctions took place, and no news arrived of the reasons of the detention, it was most disagreeable to be kept in inaction, in a place in itself highly unpleasant." Jones found it especially so. He had ho{)ed " to see war both by sea and land, on a great scale, and to learn at the first military school in the world. Count d'Estaing would have found under his command, in the West Indies, upwards of seventy ships of the line, which, with the great combined land army that was prepared, would infallibly have taken Jamaica, and beaten the British sea force in that part of the world. Captain Jones, as he had known Jamaica, flattered himself with the expectation of having a place near that gallant 43 346 PAUL JONES. officer, and that he would have been honoured with a share of his confidence. After much vain expectation and disappoint- ment, several of the officers, and Captain Jones among others, fell sick and were dangerously ill. At last the news of general Peace arrived, by a frigate from France and Martinico. The most splendid success, and the most improving experience in war, could not have affi)i-ded Captain Jones a pleasure any way to be compared to what he felt on learning that Great Britain had, after so long a struggle, been forced formally to acknow- ledge the sovereignty, freedom, and independence of the United States of America." He did not write thus for effect. He felt as he wrote, though at a subsequent period, as he had felt at the time. He wrote from Porto Cabello, to the Countess de Laven- dahl, among his enclosures to the care of M. de Genet. French ladies meddle with politics ; which Buonaparte thought a nuisance, though he made use of the custom for his own ad- vancement. Jones did so too ; and though, in his simplicity and imaginativeness, he seems to have put himself at one time, as has been remarked, under thenecessity of making a tack in his correspondence with the one referred to, he certainly seemed to think that he had manoeuvred himself completely out of the dif- ficulty into which this small mistake had thrown him. In his letter to the countess, on the 28th February, he assures her that " his principles are invariably the same." He had learned by a letter from M. de Genet, that, the lady supposed he had not pursued with constant zeal the projects he contemplated exe- cuting in France, and with which, all secret as they were, and though M. de Chaumont had given him such an awful warning, by his communicativeness not to divulge them, he had made the fair lady acquainted. He said, •' I hope to return to France, and am persuaded you will rather feel compassion for my dis- appointment, than withdraw from me any part of your esteem." The letter was polite and politic. In his epistle to M. de Genet, he returns his respectful compliments to Miss Edes. That lady could not, therefore, have been accessary to the newspa- per reports in London, of the chevalier's movements at court in 4 PAUL JONES. 347 1779 ; and they were all, probably, *' such stuff as dreams arc made of." At the same time, under cover to M. de Genet, he transmitted a letter to the Marquis de Castries, to be submitted to the inspection of the fair countess, giving an account of his position, and in good set terms, requesting to be held in re- membrance by his most christian majesty. He also wrote to the Due de la Rochefoucault, from Porto Cabello, on the 27th February, giving an account of the circum- stances which had placed him in the squadron. This letter contains the following remarks : " The English affairs seem in so bad a situation in the East Indies, that I think even the most sanguine among them can expect no manner of advantage for continuing the war ; for, as Spain has at last wisely aban- doned the siege of Gibraltar, and, as we are told, doubled her ships with copper, 1 cannot think the English so blind as not to see the great risk they run of being as effectually humbled by sea, as they are by land, should thoy neglect the present mo- ment to make their peace. * * * * I most ardently wish for peace ; for, humanity tells me there has been too much blood spilt already. I am in hopes to have the happiness, soon after the war, to revisit France." On the same day of the month, he wrote to Mr. Morris, giv- ing an account of the operations of the squadron, and making remarks on the prospect of peace to the same effect as those above quoted. He says : "I have already received much useful information since I embarked, and am on such happy terms with the admiral and officers, both of the fleet and army, that I have nothing to wish from them. Deeply sensible how highly favoured I am, in being thus placed, I beg you to express my gratitude to Congress on the occasion, and to the Chevalier de Luzerne. The Marquis de Vaudreuil is promoted to the rank of lieutenant general, and now carries a vice admiral's flag. There are many other promotions in the squadron." On the 15th March, writing to La Fayette, he expressed him- self in like terms to those in his letter to the Due de la Roche- foucault, in relation to his losing the command of the America, 348 PAUL JONES. and the attention paid to him on board of the Trioraphante, and by the officers of the whole fleet. He adds : " I am really happy to hear that justice has been rendered by his majesty to such distinguished worth and exertion as yours. No less indeed could be expected from such a prince to such a subject. We hear you are at Cadiz, in order to embark with his excellency Count D'Estaing. This would afford me the greatest pleasure, did not my love of glory give place to my more ardent wish for jveace, and that, you might have the happiness to carry over the olive branch, to a country that already owes you so much grati- tude. Humanity has need of peace ; but, though I was led to expect it from the late speech (from the throne,) I begin to fear it is yet at some distance. There seems to be a malignity in the English blood, which cannot be cured till, in meixy to the rest of mankind, it is let out, that the disease may not become epidemical. I pray you to present my most respectful compli- ments to the Count D'Estaing. If the war continues, I hope for the honour of making the campaign under his orders." The country where he had been stigmatized as a pirate and traitor, could not expect complimentary language from the chevalier. Yet in the excitement of the moment, he said more than he meant to imply. The blood of old England is good enough — there is none better. But humbled national pride is not soon silent under its mortification ; and half a century after this period we find it expressing itself through the tongues and pens of hirelings and vagabonds, in unmeaning sneers at institutions not understood, and manners and customs misrepresented. Did Jones long for peace or war ? Did his inclination point to that fair France, where the plaudits of a brilliant court, the notice of royalty, the friendship of nobles, and the presentation of the sword and star, had made him so happy ? Or to the land for which he had fought, and which was too poor to give him the command of a ship of the line ? He did not know himself. On the 16th of March, he thus wrote to John Ross, Esq. in the United States. " I had, my dear friend, the honour to write to PAUL JONES. 349 you from on board this ship, while sailing out of the harbour of Boston, the 24th December. I mentioned to you in that letter my wish respecting the purchase of a confiscated estate, situ- ated between two navigable rivers, a little above Newark, within eight or ten miles of New York, and formerly owned by one Edwards,* who has been killed. I was told it contains a large tract of excellent land, which was valued before the revolution, at ,£8,000, but would be sold for a fourth part of that sura. As New York will probably be one of our first naval ports, the prox- imity of that estate made me the more desirous to own it. If, therefore, you should find on inquiry that I have been rightly informed, and if you can turn the merchandise in your hand into money, to answer for the purchase, I pray you to act for me as you would for yourself on the occasion. We have as yet no certain news from Europe, &c. If the peace should, as I wish it may, be concluded, I wish to establish myself on a place I can call my own, and to offer my hand to some fair daughter of liberty. If, on the contrary, Count D'Estaing should come out with fifty sail of the line, copper sheathed, and 18,000 troops, I shall have instructions at the greatest military school in the world, and I can have no doubt of finding opportunity of effect- ing the business we talked over at parting. Mr. Morris, I am assured, will not in that case let slip the occasion; and I am well persuaded, you will also take the necessary steps." We will take the chevalier's word, that he had no existing attachment or liaison in France, which prevented his offering himself to " some fair daughter of liberty." The news of peace arrived, as has been mentioned, and the squadron sailed from Porto Cabello on the 8th of April, the day after the cessation of hostilities. After a passage of eight days, it arrived at Cape Frangois, where the Spanish fleet had arrived a few days before. Jones received " particular marks of atten- tion from the governor, M. de Bellecombe, as well as from Don " A mistake." — Notein the margin, in his own handwriting. 350 PAUL JONES. Galvez and the Spanish admiral. He embraced the first oppor- tunity of a vessel bound for America, and arrived at Philadel- phia on the 18th of May. The letters of which he was the bearer to the different functionaries at home, were such as must have been most gratifying to him. The Marquis de Vaudreuil in writing to the Chevalier de Luzerne, thus expressed himself: *' M. Paul Jones, who embarked with me, returns to his beloved country. I was very glad to have him. His well deserved reputation caused me to accept his company with nuich plea- sure ; and I had no doubt that we should meet with some occa- sions in which his talents might be displayed. But peace, for which I cannot but rejoice, interposes an obstacle which renders our separation necessary. Permit me, sir, to pray you to recom- mend him to his chiefs. The particular acquaintance I have formed with him, since he has been on board of the Triomphante makes me take a lively interest in his fortunes ; and I shall feel much obliged, if you can find means of doing him services." The Baron de Viomenil, connnander of the land army on board of the squadron, wrote as follows to the ambassador. '« M. Paul Jones, who will have the honour of delivering to you, sir, this letter, has for five months deported himself among us with such wisdom and modesty as add infinitely to the repu- tation gained by his courage and exploits. I have reason to believe that he has preserved as much the feeling of gratitude and attachment towards France, as of patriotism and devotion to the cause of America. Such being his titles to attention, I take the liberty of recommending to you his interests, near the president and Congress." The admiral wrote directly to Mr. Morris, to the same effect, expressing his desire for the pros- perity of "ce hrave et honiiete Jiomm^.^^ The ill health which Jones speaks of, continued when he arrived at Philadelphia. He suffered from a violent intermit- ting fever, and spent the summer at Bethlehem, where he had the benefit of the cold bath. The idea of hving on a fine farm in New Jersey, near a city whose future growth and commer- cial prosperity he shrewdly foresaw, with some fair " daughter PAUL JONES. 351 of liberty" as the matron head of the estabhshment, *' in calm contemplation and poetic ease," must, no doubt, have been a vision which floated gratefully before his mind during moments of languor and uncertainty at Porto Cabello. It faded into thin air. He could not realize the amounts due to him from various quarters. Mr. Barclay, the consul general of France, had ob- tained no settlement of the prize money remaining due to the officers and crews of the squadron he last commanded, in which he was so considerably interested. On his application. Con- gress passed an Act on the 1st November, appointing him agent for all prizes, taken in Europe under his own command. * * * * He lodged bonds with the minister of finance, to the amount of $200,000, to transmit to the continental treasury all the money he should recover, belonging to the citizens of America, who had served under his command in Europe ; to be from thence paid to them individually by the minister. He chose to put the business on that footing, to prevent the possibility of any re- proach.* He sailed the 10th of November from Philadelphia, in the Washington packet, for France ; and after a passage of twenty days, landed at Plymouth in England ; the packet having put in there, as the wind was unfavourable for Havre de Grace, the port of her destination. Having the public despatches in his charge, he set out immediately in a post chaise ; and find- ing Mr. Adams, minister plenipotentiary for Holland, at London, who was persuaded that the packets for Dr. Franklin contained a commission to conclude a treaty of commerce with England, he proceeded with such haste, that he was only five days on the road from Plymouth to Paris. He travelled at his own expense. The Marechal de Castries and the Count de Vergennes received him cordially. By the former he was introduced to * He means, that he preferred that the money should pass to individuals through the minister's hands. The resolution of Congress required that bonds should be given ; and it appears, that Jones had no difficulty in obtaining sufficient security for so large an amount. 352 PAUL iJONES. the king on the 20th December. The letters of the Chevaher de Luzerne to those ministers were in the same strain of com- mendation and personal expression of regard, (plainly, not merely diplomatic language,) as those he had borne from the com- manders in the squadron at Porto Cabello. "They both as- sured him," he says, '* that he had no need of letters, to dispose them to esteem his character and do him justice. After dinner, the Marechal took Captain Jones aside, and told him, from the king, that it would always give his majesty pleasure to be use- ful to his future fortune." On the 17th of December, Dr. Franklin formally recognised his authority as agent to solicit for payment and satisfaction to the officers and crews, " I should have embarked in the }iacket that will sail for Havre to-morrow morning ; but an account having arrived here that the English fleet is out, and was seen steering to the west- ward, and that a British squadron is cruising in the North Sea, has induced me, with the advice of my friends, to postpone my embarkation till the next opportunity, an American ship, about the beginning of next month." More than once he intimates apprehensions, that he was not safe from English resentment. They are treated in the Edin- burgh Biography with levity. There is some mystery in his being desirous not to attract public attention at the commence- ment of this mission, which cannot be cleared up ; though it may be conjectured that he was uncertain as to what course he should pursue, or what service he might engage in. It is barely poss^ible that he may have had some views to the brilliant pro- spect which in fact opened upon him, on his arrival in Europe, and which held out a far more glorious promise than being permitted to embark for improvement in the French fleets of evolution. However this may be, he sailed from New York on the 11th December, landed at Dover on account of unfavour- able weather, and after spending a few days in London,* where he conferred with Adams on the objects of his mission, he re- paired forthwith to Paris. The following was his first com- munication, to Mr. Jeffbrson. [private.] " Hotel ckBeauvais, rue de vieux Augustines, Paris, December 12, 1787. " His Excellency Thomas Jefferson, " Sir — I am just arrived here from England. I left New York the 11th of November, and have brought public despatches * He went, he says, to Covent Garden Theatre ; which does not indicate that he was afraid of popular resentment. 380 PAUL JONES. and a number of private letters for you. I would have vi^aited on you immediately, instead of writing, but I have several strong reasons for desiring that no person should know of my being here till I have seen you, and been favoured with your advice on the steps I ought to pursue. I have a letter from Congress for the king, and perhaps you will think it advisable not to present it at this moment. I shall not go out till I hear from, or see you. And, as the people in this hotel do not know my name, you will please to ask for the gentleman just arrived, who is lodged in No. 1." At the interview thus solicited, Mr. Jefferson made a com- munication to him, which, though he says in his Journal he at first treated it as chimerical, must, unanticipated as it probabl} was, have awakened ambitious hopes and dreams of glory too pow- erful and vivid not to be entertained and deeply meditated upon. He informed him, that in several conversations he had held with M. Simolin, the Russian ambassador at Versailles, the latter had intimated his opinion that it would be of great impor- tance to the empress, if she could engage the services of the chevalier in the war she was carrying on against the Turks. He was not authorized to make any specific proposition ; but the hint was certainly not unattended to by the commodore. On the 24th December, he submitted to Mr. Jefferson's peru- sal his documents in relation to the claim on Denmark. He says, in conclusion : " I have explained to the board of treasury the mistake that was made, in calling the ships in question ' prizes of the Alliance ;' and left them perfectly convinced that the prizes belong to the squadron in general.* Now, as his most christian majesty was at the whole expense of supporting the squadron I commanded, including the expense of the Alli- ance, I submit to you what kind of support would be most pro- * As these prizes had been commissioned to war upon American vessels, &c. they belonged wholly to the captors. PAUL JONES. 381 per for this court to afford to my reclamation at the court of Denmark ? It is the duty of this government to interest itself in behalf of the French subjects who were embarked under my orders. In doing this, would it be most proper to authorize me to act for them in common with the Americans ; or to direct the Baron de la Houze to support my application ?" On the 24th of January following, he received his credentials from Mr. Jefferson, according to the tenor of the Act of Con- gress, and soon after set out for Copenhagen. The following letter to Mr. Jefferson explains the circumstances of his arrival and reception. It is dated March 11th. " I have been so much indisposed since my arrival here the 4th, from the fatigue and excessive cold I suffered on the road, that I have been obliged to confine myself almost constantly to my chamber. I have kept my bed for several days ; but I now feel myself better, and hope the danger is over. On my arri- val, I paid my respects to the minister of France. He received me with great kindness ; we went, five days ago, to the minis- ter of foreign affairs. I was much flattered with my reception, and our conversation was long and very particular respecting America and the new constitution, of which I presented a copy. He observed, that it had struck him as a very dangerous power to make the president commander-in-chief; in other respects it appeared to please him much, as leading to a near and sure treaty of commerce between America and Denmark. It was a day of public business, and I could not do more than present your letter. I shall follow the business closely. In a few days, when I am re-established in health, I am to be presented to the whole court, and to sup with the king. I shall after that be presented to all the corps diplomatique and other persons of distinction here. I am infinitely indebted to the attentions I receive from the minister of France. I made the inquiry you desired in Holland, and should then have written to you in con- sequence, had I not been assured, by authority, (31. Van Stop- horst,) that I could not doubt that letters had been sent you on 382 PAUL JONES. the subject, that could not fail of giving you satisfaction. M. Van Stophorst was very obliging. At Hamburgh, I ordered the smoked beef you desired to be sent to you, to the care of the American agent at Havre de Grace ; you have nothing to do but receive it, paying vk^hat little charges may be on it. My ill health and fatigue on the road hindered me from preparing the extract of the engagement. When you see M. Littlepage,* I pray you to present my kind compliments. It is said here that the empress confides the commerce of her fleet, that will pass the Sound, to Admiral Greig ; and that he means to call at an English port to take provisions, &.c. The Hamburgh papers, I am told, have announced the death of Dr. Franklin. I shall be extremely concerned if the account prove true — God forbid !" In a subsequent letter of the 18th, he states : " Yesterday his excellency the Baron de la Houze, minister plenipotentiary of France, at this court, did me the honour to present me publicly to his majesty, the royal family, and chief personages at the royal palace here. "I had a very polite and distinguished reception. The queen dowager conversed with me for some time, and said the most civil things. Her majesty has a dignity of person and deport- ment which becomes her well, and which she has the secret to reconcile with great affability and ease. The princess royal is a charming person, and the graces are so much her own, that it is impossible to see and converse with her without paying her that homage which artless beauty and good nature will ever command. All the royal family spoke to me except the king, who speaks to no person when presented. His majesty saluted me with great complaisance at first, and as often afterwards as we met in the course of the evening. The prince royal is greatly beloved and extremely affable ; he asked me a number of per- * Chamberlain to the king of Poland. PAUL JONES. 383 tinent questions respecting America. I had the honour to be invited to sup with his majesty and the royal family. The com- pany at table (consisting of seventy ladies and gentlemen, inclu- ding the royal family, the ministers of state, and foreign ambas- sadors) was very brilliant." It will be seen that he lost no time, as soon as his health per- mitted, in pressing the objects of his mission; and though he was at the same time engaged in a separate negociation with Baron Krudner, the Russian envoy at the Court of Denmark, he appears to have urged his demands of indemnification for the lost prizes with at least as much rapidity and energy as the proprieties of diplomacy admitted. And though he had very soon made up his mind about the Russian offers, as v^ill be seen from his letters, this did not occasion the abandon- ment of his application, which was got rid of by the Danish minister on formal pretexts, and by promises not made to be kept. On the 19th of March, he addresses M. De Chezaulx, who was still consul at Bergen in Norway, asking him to communi- cate what he knew and believed " in relation to the true and en- tire value of the prizes. * * * * From the favourable reception," he says, " with which I have been honoured at this court, I have reason to hope that my mission here will be amicably concluded. Please to address your letter under cover to the Baron de la Houze, to whose kind attention and good offices,! am under infi- nite obligations. I have the honour to subjoin a letter from the committee of foreign affairs to Dr. Franklin, in the name and by order of Congress, thanking you for your conduct respecting my prizes, and the interests of the citizens of the United States." It would appear from a letter to Mr. Jefferson, written on the 20th, that the court of France had made no formal communica- tion to their minister at Copenhagen, (the Baron de la Houze,) directing him to support the claim. " I pray you," he wrote, "and so does he, to push that point immediately." On the 24th, he thus addressed the Danish minister of fo- reign affairs, Corapte de Bernstorf. " From the Act of Congress, (the Act by which I am honoured witli a gold medal,) I had the 384 PAUL JONES. honour to show your excellency the 21st of this month, as well as from the conversation that followed, you must be convinced that circumstances do not permit me to remain here ; but that I am under the necessity, either to return to France or to pro- ceed to Russia. As the minister of the United States of Ame- rica at Paris gave me the perusal of the packet he wrote by me, and which I had the honour to present to you on my arrival here, it is needless to go into any detail on the object of my mis- sion to this court ; which Mr. Jefferson has particularly explained. The promise you have given me, of a prompt and explicit de- cision, from this court, on the Act of Congress of the 25th of October last, inspires me with full confidence. I have been very particular in communicating to the United States all the polite attentions with which I have been honoured at this court ; and they will learn with great pleasure the kind reception I had from you. I felicitated myself on being the instrument to settle the delicate national business in question, with a minister who conciliates the views of the wise statesman with the noble senti- ments and cultivated mind of the true philosopher and man of letters." On the 27th, I find a letter from Mr. Jefferson to Jones, dated at Amsterdam, where he had been staying some time longer than he had anticipated. He merely informs him of the delay in receiving news from America ; that there had been a rise of ten per cent, in the English bank stock ; and that the government of that country refused to receive or furnish refresh- ments to the Russian squadron destined to the Mediterranean On the 30th, Jones again assailed Count Bernstorf. " Your silence on the subject of my mission from the United States to this court leaves me in the most painful suspense ; the more so, as I have made your excellency acquainted with the promise I am under to proceed as soon as possible to St. Peters- burgh. This being the ninth year since the three prizes reclaim- ed by the United States were seized upon in the port of Bergen, in Norway, it is to be presumed that this court has long since taken an ultimate resolution respecting the compensation de- PAUL JONES. 385 mand made by Congress. Though I am extremely sensible of the favourable reception with which I have been distinguished at this court, and am particularly flattered by the polite atten- tions with which you have honoured me at every conference ; yet I have remarked, with great concern, that you have never led the conversation to the objectof my mission here. A man of your liberal sentiments will not, therefore, be surprised, or of- fended at my plain dealing, when I repeat that I impatiently expect a prompt and categorical answer, in writing, from this court, to the Act of Congress of the 25th of October last. Both my duty and the circumstances of my situation constrain me to make this demand in the name of my sovereign the United States of America ; but I beseech you to believe, that though I am extremely tenacious of the honour of the American flag, yet my personal interest in the decision I now ask would never have induced me to present myself at this court. You are too just, sir, to delay my business here ; which would put me under the necessity to break the promise I have made to her imperial majesty, conformable to your advice." To this the count was obliged to reply, which he did, as fol- lows, on the 4th of April. " You have requested of me an answer to the letter you did me the honour to remit me from Mr. Jefferson, minister pleni- potentiary of the United States of America, near his most chris- tian majesty. I do it with so much more pleasure, as you have inspired me with as much interest as confidence, and this occa- sion appeara to me favourable to make known the sentiments of the king my master, on the objects to which we attach so much importance. Nothing can be farther from the plans and the wishes of his majesty than to let fall a negociation which has only been suspended in consequence of circumstances arising from the necessity of maturing a new situation, so as to enlighten himself on their reciprocal interests, and to avoid the inconve- nience of a precipitate and imperfect arrangement. I am 48 ■ 386 PAUL JONES. authorized, sir, to give you, and through you to Mr. Jefferson, the word of the king, that his majesty will renew the negocia- tion for a treaty of amity and commerce in the forms already agreed upon, at the instant that the new constitution (that ad- mirable plan, so worthy of the wisdom of the most enlightened men) will have been adopted by the States, to which nothing more was wanted to assure to itself a perfect consideration. If it has not been possible, sir, to discuss, definitively with you, neither the principal object nor its accessories, the idea of elu- ding the question, or of retarding the decision, had not the least part in it. I have already had the honour to express to you, in our conversations, that your want of plenipotentiary powers from Congress was a natural and invincible obstacle. It would be, likewise, contrary to the established custom to change the seat of negociation, which has not been broken off, but only suspended, thereby to transfer it from Paris to Co- penhagen. " I have only one more favour to ask of you, sir, that you would be the interpreter of our sentiments in regard to the United States. It would be a source of gratification to me to think that what I have said to you on this subject carries with it that conviction of the truth which it merits. We desire to form with them connexions, solid, useful, and essential ; we wish to establish them on bases natural and immoveable. The momentary clouds, the incertitudes, which the misfortunes of the times brought with them, exist no longer. We should no longer recollect it, but to feel in a more lively manner the hap- piness of a more fortunate period; and to show ourselves more eager to prove the dispositions most proper to effect an union, and to procure reciprocally the advantages which a sincere al- liance can afford, and of which the two countries are susceptible. These are the sentiments which I can promise you, sir, on our part, and we flatter ourselves to find them likewise in America ; nothing, then, can retard the conclusion of an arrangement, which I am happy to see so far advanced. PAUL JONES. 387 Paid Jones to Count Bernstorf. " Copenhagen, April 5, 1788. " I pray your excellency to inform me when I can have the ho- nour to wait on you, to receive the letter you have been kind enough to promise to write me, in answer to the Act of Con- gress of the 25th October last. As you have told me that my want of plenipotentiary powers to terminate ultimately the busi- ness now on the carpet between this court and the United States has determined you to authorize the Baron de Blome to ne- gociate and settle the same with Mr. Jefferson at Paris, and to conclude at the same time an advantageous treaty of commerce between Denmark and the United States ; my business here will- of course be at an end when I shall have received your let- ter, ^nd paid you my thanks in person for the very polite atten- tions with which you have honoured me." Thus was this negociation brought to what was in fact its close.* Jones had received the following letter from Baron Krudner, shortly after his arrival at Co])enhagen. " I am much disappointed at not meeting you at court, as I had promised myself, but a slight indisposition prevented me from going abroad ; besides, I have been agreeably occupied in writing letters. My sovereign will learn with pleasure the ac- quisition which she has made in your great talents. I have her commands for your acceptance of the grade of captain com- mandant, + with the rank of major general, in her service, and ♦ Mr Jefferson's reply to the conimmiication of Bernstorf at this time, will be found in his " Writings," Vol. II. p. 326. t Tooke says in his Life of Catharine II. (Vol III. p. 184, Am. Ed.) that the Prince de Nassau-Siegen was the only admiral, and Mr. Spiridoff the only contre admiral in the Russian service, towards the end of this year, 1788. He shows his ignorance as to the commission Jones held, and the services of the latter in the Liman campaign. He says : " in Russia there are three classes of captains. Those of the first have the rank of brigadier ; those of the second, of colonel ; those of the last, of lieutenant colonel. They all wear the military order of St. George ; but are only knights of the fourth class." 388 PAUL JONES. that you should proceed as soon as your affairs permit ; the in- tention of her imperial majesty being to give you a command in the Black Sea, and under the orders of Prince Potemkin, from the opening of the campaign. The immortal glory by which you have illustrated your name cannot make you indif- ferent to the fresh laurels you must gather in the new career which opens to you. I have the honour of being on this occa- sion the interpreter of those sentiments of esteem with which for a long period your brilliant exploits have inspired her impe- rial majesty. Under a sovereign so magnanimous, in pursuing glory you need not doubt of the most distinguished rewards, and that every advantage of fortune will await you," &,c. &c. In announcing the receipt of this letter to Mr. Jefferson, Jones said: " Before you can receive this, M. de Simolin will hall^ in- formed you that your proposal to him, and his application on that idea, have been well received. The matter is communi- cated to me here, in the most flattering terms, by a letter I have received from his excellency the Baron de Krudner. There seems, however, to remain some difficulty respecting the letter of Monsieur de Simolin's proposal, though it is accepted, in substance, with an appearance of great satisfaction. I find my- self under the necessity of setting out for St. Petersburgh through Sweden in a few days, instead of returning first, as was my wish and intention, to Paris. I hope in the mean time to receive a satisfactory answer, which I shall duly communicate to you." I cannot see the particular discrepancy between these state- ments and those contained in the Journal, (which will present- ly be introduced,) which seems to have struck the writer of the Edinburgh Life. In the Journal Jones says, that on the first sug- gestion of the matter, he did not feel disjjosed to enter into a foreign service. But he very soon changed his mind. The following was his letter to Mr. Jefferson, announcing the termination of his business at the Danish court. It may be considered as apologetical for the step he was about taking, and must not be omitted. PAUL JONES. 389 " Copmhagen, April 8, 1788. " His Excellency Thomas Jefferson, Esq. " Sir — By my letters to the Count de Bernstorf, and his ex- cellency's answer, you see that my business here is at an end. If I have not finally concluded the object of my mission, it is neither your fault nor mine ; the powers I received are found insufficient, and you could not act otherwis'e than was prescribed in your instructions. Thus it frequently happens, that good opportunities are lost when the supreme power does not place a sufficient confidence in the distant operations of public offi- cers, whether civil or military. I have, however, the melancholy satisfaction to reflect, that I have been received and treated here with a distinction far above the pretensions of my public mission ; and I felicitate myself sincerely, on being, at my own expense, (and even at the peril of my life, for my sufferings, from the inclemency of the weather, and my want of proper means to guard against it on the journey, were inexpressible; and I believe, from what I yet feel, will continue to affect my constitution,) the instrument to renew the negociation between this country and the United States ; the more so, as the honour is now reserved for you to display your great abilities and in- tegrity by the completion and improvement of what Dr. Frank- lin had wisely begun. I have done then, what perhaps no other person would have undertaken under the same circumstances ; and while I have the consolation to hope that the United States will derive solid advantages from my journey and efforts here, I rest perfectly satisfied, that the interests of the brave men I commanded will experience in you parental attention, and that the American flag can lose none of its lustre, but the contrary, while its honour is confided to you. America being a young nation with an increasing commerce, which will naturally pro- duce a navy, I please myself with the hope, that in the treaty you are about to conclude with Denmark, you will find it easy and highly advantageous to include certain articles for admit- ting America into the armed neutrality. I persuade myself before-hand, that this would afford pleasure to the empress of 390 PAUL JONES. Russia, who is at the head of that noble and humane combina- tion ; and as I shall now set out immediately for St. Petersburgh, I will mention the idea to her imperial majesty, and let you know her answer. " If Congress should think I deserve the promotion that was proposed when I was last in America, and should condescend to confer on me the grade of rear admiral, from the day I took the Serapis, (23d of September, 1779,) I am persuaded it would be very agreeable to the empress, who now deigns to offer me an equal rank in her service, although I never yet had the honour to draw my sword in her cause, nor to do any other act that could directly merit her imperial benevolence. While I express, in the warm effusion of a grateful heart, the deep sense I feel of my eternal obligation to you, as the author of the honourable prospect that is now before me, I must rely on your friendship to justify to the United States the important step I now take, conformable to your advice. You know I had no idea of this new fortune when I found that you had put it in train, before my last return to Paris from America. I have not forsaken a country, that has had many disinterested and difficult proofs of my steady affection ; and I can never renounce the glorious title of a citizen of the United States ! " It is true I have not the express permission of the sove- reignty, to accept the offer of her imperial majesty ; yet Ame- rica is independent, is in perfect peace, has no public employ- ment for my military talents ; but why should I excuse a con- duct which I should rather hope, would meet with general ap- probation ? In the latter part of the year J 782, Congress passed an Act for my embarkation in the fleet of his most christian ma- jesty ; and when, a few months ago, I left America to return to Europe, I was made the bearer of a letter to his most christian majesty, requesting me to be permitted to embark in the fleets of evolution. Why did Congress pass those Acts? To facilitate my improvement in the art of conducting fleets and military operations. I am then, conforming myself to the views of Con- gress ; but the roll allotted me, is infinitely more high and PAUL JONES. 301 difficult than Congi-ess intended. Instead of receiving lessons from able masters, in the theory of war, I am called to imme- diate practice ; where I must command in chief, conduct the most difficult operations, be my own preceptor, and instruct others. Congress will allow me some merit in daring to en- counter such multiplied difficulties. The mark I mentioned of the approbation of that honourable body, would be extremely flattering to me in the career I am now to pursue, and would stimulate all my ambition to acquire the necessary talents to merit that, and even greater favours, at a future day. I pray you, sir, to explain the circumstances of my situation, and be the interpreter of my sentiments to the United States in Con- gress. I ask for nothing ; and beg leave to be understood only as having hinted, what is natural to conceive, that the mark of approbation I mentioned, could not fail to be infinitely ser- viceable to my views and success in the country where I am going. " The prince royal sent me a messenger, requesting me to come to his apartment. His royal highness said a great many civil things to me, told me the king thanked me for my atten- tion and civil behaviour to the Danish flag, while I commanded in the European seas ; and that his majesty wished for occa- sions to testify to me his personal esteem,