N. :/C -ii'*" Class Book J m ?G- -^Sl^^j .a? C.\JSDID APPEAL TO THE AMERICAN PUBLIC: IX REPLY TO M£SSRS. INGHA3I, BRANCH, AND BERRIEN, ON THE DISSOLUTION OF THE LATE CABINET, v_ BY JOH.\ II. £ATO:V. CITY OF 'WASHIXrCTOir: PHINTED AT THE GLOUE OEEICE. 1831. ^^ / CANDID APPEAL Y TO THE AMERICAN PUBLIC: *^ IV REPLY TO Y^ MESSRS. INGHAM, BRANCH, AND BERRIEN, ox TUE DISSOLUTIO?? OF THE LATE CABINET. .i:^ BY joHi^ h: EAT0]¥. CITY OP "WASHINOTON': PRIXTED AT THE GLOBE OFFICE. 1831. .E 1^ ca:%did appeai., &c. Ox V o M»g>' e City of Waahinston^ ? <2^ . September, 1831. 3 ro THE PUBLIC: It is witli extreme reluctance that I appear before the public, upon a subject purely of personal character. To me, nothing could be more painful than the uecessity of bring- ing into discussion, in the newspapers, any thing which concerns my private and domestic relations. In civilized society, a man's house is his castle, and the circle of his family a sanctuary never to be violated. He who drags before the public its helpless in- mates, and subjects them to rude assaults, deserves to be con- sidered worse than a barbarian. Against those who commit suck sacrilege, and shun an honorable accountability, the public will justify an appeal, which, under other circumstances, might not be considered admissible. I expect not by this effort to silence those who have been assailing all that is dear to me. It may •pen afresh tiie fountains of their abuse. It is probable, that the very remorse and shame which an accurately drawn picture may produce, will excite my persecutors to raise clouds of fresli calumnies to break upon me with redoubled fury. Let it all cornel my head is uncovered, and my bosom bare. There is another consideration which would seem to impose silence. These are times of angry political contest, unsuited to dispassionate inquiry. Already have the enemies of the Pre- sident made use of my private relations to injure and harrass him. In attempting to represent him as devoting his thoughts and his power te furth^ my views and wishes, they seek to blind the pen pie to tlie principles and acts of his administration. They will doubtless seize even upon my humble ellbrts at self-vindication as means of promoting that design, seriously calculating bv their machinations, that the people of the United States may be wrought into a " tempest of passion,'' and thus induced to forget the signal success of his foreign negociations, and the unparalleled prosperitv and happiness which, under his administration, our country enjoys. But to all these consequences I submit myself with entire re- signation. A portion of the community will at least do me jus- tice. They will perceive that the President is in no need of any developments from me to give proofs of his integrity, and that it is not for his sake that I present myself before the public. It is a paramount duty which I owe to myself and to my family, and which shall be performed. Others may conceive, bu-t I cannot describe, the pain those attacks have inflicted. It was indeed enough that I was assailed in private circles, while I was in office; but retiring from its labors, with a view to sit down at my own home, in Tonnes- see, it was but a reasonable expectation to indulge, that I might escape a repetition of these assaults, and be permitted to enjoy my fireside and friends in peace. But instead of putting an end to this unfeeling war, my resignation served to make my enemies more bold. AVhat before was whispered in dark cor- ners, now glared in the columns of the newspapers. Men who had been my friends — who had received favors at my hands — who had partaken of the hospitalities of my house, and given pledges of friendsliip at my own board, became my deadliest enemies, ■while I still confided in them. I sought that redress which \vrongs so wanton and deadly provoked, and which public opinion, under such circumstances?, has alway< justified. It was refused in a way which added insult to injury: ;aid I was then accused, by one of the malignant calumniator?, .is having sought revenge at the head of a band of assassins. Not satisfied with privately injuring me in my own, and the honor of my household, and shrinking from an honorable and just accountability, these persons have, one af- ter another, come before the public, to give countenance and sanc- tion to the calumnies nf a reckless press. Mr. Ingham. Mr. Branch, and Mr. Honien, with ovitlcnt concert, ami (lolibcrato de- sign, by filling the country with orronpouS and discolored Rtate- nients, and substituting falsehood for truth, have sought to con- summate the ruin which their conduct in ofiicc so insidiously began . AVhat can I do? "What course adopt? There are persons rom- raitted tomv charge who are dear to me. I am their only protec- tor. Shall I sec them worr-? than murdered, by men who claim the polish and the culture of civilized life, and not lift my hand and my voice for their rescue? These gentlemen express a de- sire to preserve their characters, as a precious inheritance for their children. Is the good name of a mother, of less value (o her or- phan daughters? Did they forget, that she whom so relentlessly they pursue, and who in nothing ever wronged them, has two in- nocent little children, whose Hither lies buried on a foreign shore? Had these little ones ever injured them? AVere they and their mother so much in the uay of these gentlemen, that irl their mali"-nitv thev should consent to sap the foundation of their future prospects in life? Had thev no remorse, in conspiring and seek- in"- to rob them of all that villanv and fraud had left them — the inheritance of a mother's good name? And if they could be stim- ulate having the moans in their own control, are ileterminetl to bi in^ thein to pass. Voreseeiug the evils, he must have foreseen the means tlirouj^h which their correction was to be brought about. He must have foreseen, that he and his associate frien, I met fiieiiils, wiili rurdial hearts and happy faces, w ho evinced by their frank and open demea- nor that they came of their own volition, and not through hope ot reward, or fear of punishment. It is true I did not meet some of my coUcaj^ucs, or their families, nor some of their associates of tlie same political stamp; but I met ladies and gentlemen quite as respectable, and equally as ngreeable. If, as is true, I and my family were not invited to the houses of Messrs. Ingham, Branch and Berrien, so neither were they jnvited to mine, and in tjiis we were equal; and neither, as I conceive, had a right to complain. Mr. Berrien's family never did refuse to visit witli mine, for they never had the opportunity. Custom required, when they canie to the city, being last in their arrival, that wc should fust call on them, if we desired their acquaintance: but v.e never did call. How ridiculous does this single fact render Mr. Berrien's pub- lication, which he has set fortli with such grave fonnality. He had ascertained the sense of society here, he says, and conform- ed to it in this matter, when in fact he never had an opportunity to conform to, or depart from it. He maintains that the Presi- dent threatened to dismiss him, because he would not com])el his family to visit where he did not choose they should, when iu fact they never had an opp said I had conspired with my 16 wile's first huabuud, Mr. 'I'iinberlakc, io tlclraud ilic govcrnmcijt of large sir.ns ot ini>ney. Oilier aUcinpta to get rid of mc. luving failed, I was now to be presented as being in default to the gt)vcni!iient, t'.irough fraud practi.-ed on it. Mr. Tiniberlakc had beer, a Purser in ilie Navy, and tliis charge was based upon a reported deiiciency in his accounts with t!ie public: and on a private leL'er of mine, detained in tlve 4ili Auditor's office, show- ins that on my su:r!i:estion, he had remitted munev to me. Copies of xny private confidential Idlers to him, had been taken from the office, that 1 might not escape tlirou^h appnhcnded in- dulgence and favor, on il)e pait of Mr. Kendall. Matters were considered well arranged, and the proof complete to show, tlral this delinquency was wholly occasioned by remittances of money to me, and which was yet in ray po-session. Such were thf whispers circulated through the society of this place. But a close investigation, which occupied some time, showed that Mr. Timbcrlake's account had been deprived, through a series df shocking frauds, of credits to the amount of from IC to S-0,000. and that justly he was largely a creditor, not a debtor, to the GoA'crnmcnt. But with mutilated books — abstract of accounts missing, and the inventory gone from the Department, his family can only appeal, under all the circumijtances, to tlie justice and Iionor of the country, for redress. While slander held its open day, and midnight round of whis- })cc on this subject, I received from some malignant being, who subscribed himself lago, the loUowing note: ".StV, I have written a letter to Mr. Kendall about the money tliat paid •' for O'Ncal'i liouscs. You know what I mean. Keveng'c is sweet, and 1 •' have you in my power, and I will roast you, and boil you, and bake vou , " and I hope you may long live to prolong my pleasure. Lay DOt the flat- " tering' unction to your soul, that you can escaj)c mc. I would' not that "death, or any c\il thing', should take \ou from luy grasp for half tlic •' world." \\lio the writer of this fiendish note is, I have never ascei tained. I cannot turn my thoughts on an enemy so implacable, that he would be unwilling the man ho hated should find re- pose in dc.ith. Yet is it in character with l!ic art? of thp?e whose forecast pointed to the means, by which the evil of my se» lection, as a member of the Cabinet, was to be made apparent, and the President forced "speedily to see and correct the evil." If I could have been driven from all respectable society, or had fixed upon me collusion and fraud, in obtaining the funds ot the Government, then would the Cabinet have been relieved of my presence, and the prophecy of Mr. Berrien completely fulfilled. Confess had now commenced its first session after the inau- guration of the President. The recommendations in his message. had been received with uncommon applause. But it was soon, perceived, tha;t little, in furtherance of his views, was to be ex- pected from some of the political guetlemen who were professing regard to the administration. Movements amongst some of my colleagues, with others in the same political interest, indicated a disposition again to wage against me, a war of exclusion. Rumors of a combination to force me from the Cabinet, attracted the Pre- sident's attention. He suspected that a portion of his Cabinet had entered it, in disguise, and had fomented some of the mis- chief he had encountered; and accordingly determined, if it should appear that they were guilty of such duplicity, and had. combined to harrass and drive out one of their colleagues, they' should share the fate they were preparing for another. While reflecting on the course proper to be adopted. Colonel Richard M. Johnson called on a visit; and to him he disclosed his difficulties and intentions. Colonel Johnson entertained a better opinion of these gentlemen than to believe they harbored hostile views towards me, or had entered into a combination to expel me from the Cabinet. Accordingly he solicited the consent of the Presi- dent to converse with them as a friend, that by ascertaining the suspicions entertained to be incorrect, he might relieve them from the imputation. He had no other authority or permission than this: The mission was of his own seeking; he was actuated solely by a desire to maintain harmony; and if he could, to be of service to these gentlemen. Whether he spoke upon politics — religion — philosophy — ladies' cards, invitations tb large parties or small— iocial or political intercourse — all, all was upon his own responsi- l)ility, and upon his own aiithority. Through him the Prc^'xdeot IS made no proposition, no requisition, and no threat. For myself I knew nothing of it. It is a little remarkable, that neither of the three gentlemeu. in their published statements, speak of any proposition as^ com- ing directly from the President, which was considered at all insulting or improper. Though they insist, that Col. Johnson wa«- authorized to threaten, and did threaten them; yet not one pre- tends, that directly the President insinuated any thing of the kind to either. " It is strange, passing strange,*' that Col. Johnson, a man of known integrity and honor, should deny this — strange, that when they met the Presidcutv he breathed to them nothing like it — and yet stranger still, that in defiance of these proofs, and these circumstances, they still inaist, that they were insulted 1 Who now will wonder that the Cabinet was changed, or v.ho maintain that it ought to have been longer continued? No sooner had Mr. Branch stated, tliat Col. Johnson had threatened their dismissal, than it was promptly denied by the President, who said he would forthwith send for Col. Johnson* and for that purpose called a ser- vant. "Why did the mcsspnger not go? Mr. Branch explains! "It is unnecessary to send for Col. Johnson; for your word is suf- ficient."' And why is that word not now suflicient? Then, Mr. Branch received it as ti-uc— told it, no doubt, to liis colleagues — and yet do they conic before the public boldly to assert as true. Vvhat then Avas given up as a- mistake — an entire misconception on their part Content with the explanation offered at the time, con- vinced of the incorrectness of their impressions these gentlemen now assert their displeasure and discontent, and at the end of fifteen months, come out and maintain that to be true, which before had been given up as a false and incorrect impression. As fur my- self, I can say, and do truly say, that I never uttered, or brought \jo the consideration of the President, any complaint in reference to myself. I was always content to keep the redress of my ov\ti wrongs and injuries in my own hands, and to ask the aid and assis- tance of no one, in or out of power- No intimation was ever had by me that Col. Johnson intended to make such inquiry: nor did 1 know that he had made it. The lofty sense of honor entertained by General Jockson would never permit him to compromit the i9 tioiior of his friends. He has not coinprouiitted mine; and yet he r/ould have done it, had lie used his authority to extort courtesy^ in my behalf from Messrs. Inu;hani, Branch and Merrien. liur why reason abouc it? If the disavowal of the President, estab- lished even by his accusers, who so lately were his professing friends — if to confront Mr. Brancli with Colonel Johnson, and which alone was prevented by a declaration tliat he (Mr. Branch) was entirely satisfied — if the assertion of Colonel Johnson, that he had no authority to communicate any such tiling — did not communicate it, and so informed the partiesat the time — if all this be not sufficient to prove the falsity of the statements which these gentlemen, in their malignity, have so recklessly hazarded before the public, then would it not be believed, " though one arose from the dead." By their conduct at the time, my colleagues manifested that nothing had been required of them, which, as is now asserted, tliey considered dishonorable. If they had believed so-^if, after conversing with the President, tliey thought he had exacted of them that to which, as honorable men, they could not conform, they should have immediately tendered their resignations. To suppose they could do otherwise, is to presume that for the sake of office they were willing tamely to submit to the •• indignity and outrage'' of which tiiey now complain. Though the concealments by which they imposed themselves on the President,. their con- duct towards me, and especially Mr. Ingham's note-book, in which, being a confidential adviser and in one sense a part of his family, he noted down, if he is to be believed, the free, the pri- vate and familiar conversations of the President for future use, present spectacles of human degradation at which honorable minds would revolt; yet, I cannot suppose that they would re- main in the Cabinet, under a consciousness that hourly they might be exposed to the same indignity, involving their personal honor, and the honor of their families. It is utterly impossible that gentlemen now apparently so sensitive, could have submitted ihemselves to such a state of things, without complaint, for fif- teen months. By their remaining in the Cabinet so long after the •• indignity aad. outrage" of which tliey now complain, I mu5t con 2U elude that the President had not iusuUed them by unv dishoaora- ble and improper requisition, or else that they loved their offices better than their honor, and that their present violence is caused only by the loss of them. But in relation to Mr. Branch, I have something even better than Mr, Ingham's note-book, to prove what actually were his feelings towards the President at and about the very time when this pretended indignity of Colonel, Johnson was offered. It is a letter* addressed by Mr. Branch to the President, in his own hand writing, on the 29th of January, 1830, and which on the same day was inclosed to me, in the hope that a reconciliation might take place between us. Agreeably to Mr. Ingliam's note- book, it was "on "Wednesday the Srtli day of January, 1830,'' that this alleged *' indignity and outrage" was offered. Of course this letter was written but two days after, and on the identical day when Mr. Branch, feeling himself deeply afflicted at the communication made to him by Colonel Johnson, called, as he states, to see the President; and when, as he says, " the Presi- dent's feelings were too much enlisted to weigh any reasons which might be offered." And were Mr. Branch's feelings too much enlisted "to weigh any reasons?" AVas he, as we are told was tlie case with all three of the gentlemen, indignant at the outrage? Let the letter speak for itself, and show how deeply, and how like an insulted and wounded man he could write at this instant of excitement, when honor and feeling, tlirough the instrumentality of Colonel Johnson, had been rudely trodden under foot. " Nayt Departmbvt, January 29, 1830. " Dear Sir- I have received your note of yesti-nlay's date, and do most " cheerfully accept your friendly tnedi:ition ; more, however, from a desire " to fcive you an ailditional evidence of the friendly feeling which have ac- *' tuatfcd my bosom towanls yourself, tlian from a consciousness of ha\ inf *' g'iven to Major Eaton just cause for the withdraw alof his friendsliip. As " a furtlier manifestation of the fi-ankness which 1 trust will ever character- *' ize my conduct, 1 agi-ee to meet mm this day ;it two o'clock, in the prc- '• scncc of Major Barrv, at Mr. \'an Burcn's, and in his presence also. '' Yours," truly, JOHN HUA.NCH. " To the PnfisiiiENT of Uie United States." • 1 accidentally found this kltL-r, a few da\s since, amongst some old ipapers, not intentionally preserved, for until now I never conceived it 4o ftc of ally comc(iutnce. 21 This letter, wrilteu dirrctly after (lie indignity coniphineil of was (iHbreil, bears no impress of insulteil feeling ; on the contra- ry, it breathes a spirit of kindness and friendship towards the President, whom he rccogni7,cs as a '•Mnediator,*" seeking with al- most parental solicitude, to heal the division amongst the members of the Cabinet, and anxious for the restoration of harmony. Sure- ly in writing that letter, which he concludes by signing himself, «'VOurs truly," he could not have supposed, that the President had just oflored him an indignity; or if so, it only proves how great a liypocrite he is. At th.at time, we did not speak. As much pa- rade as he makes of his friendly feelings entertained towards me, he was the very reverse of all i\\aj. the name of friend con- veys: and knowing it as T did. I would not permit him to seem to be what he was not. i had refused to return his salutations, and declined all intercourse, except when we met at the President's. I never complained of Mr. Branch, as he asserts in his let- ter to the public. It v.as he who complained, if at all com- j)laint were made. His letter to the President, thanks him for his offer to act as a mediator in our difference, speaks of his good feel- ings towards me, and willingness to meet me at two o'clock that dav. I ha-ve no doubt it was his professions of friendship and kindness towards me, made to the President, which induced him to become Mr. Branch's mediator in this business. On receiving the letter, he enclosed it to me, and expressed a wish tiiat <';ood feelings could be restored between us. An interview took place, at the room of the Attorney General, at which Major Barry and Mr. Berrien were present. It was here that Mr. Branch, in the presence of these gentle- men, expressed friendship for me, and in the strongest terms de- clared, that he did not entertain an unkind feeling towards me, and wished he had a glass in his bosom, through w hich his every thought could be read. He spoke of the non-intercourse between our families, and said, he had not the slightest objection to a free association; but that he could not control his. I promptly an- swered, that I did not desire his or any other family to visit mine, except with their own free consent; and that it was my dc-ire our lamilies t-hould, in that rc^pcrt. pm :i;r such coarse as t'.iey thought 22 fit and proper. AVt- bhook liands and parted aa friends. Mr, Beirien afl'ectcd mucli satisfaction at this reconciliation, and pre- tended -to hail it as the harbinger of future harmony and good will, I say /vr€/f/iiejiov,ed that he entertained no such feeling, and that the whole story about •• indijjnity and outrage,'' is a sheer invention, got up now to injure the President. • This letter of Mr. Branch showi, that in addition to Col. John- ion'i friendly mediaiiotu the President was willing to exert hi^ own, as ^friend, to heal the breach, in anticipation of the meeting to which he invited the Secretaries, on Friday the. 29th, to de- clare the -basis on which he had resolved to fix the harmony of his Cabinet. Mr. Branch and myself, the principal difnculty having arisen between us, met, as has been stated, at Mr. Berrien's, and adjusted our relations amicably; and yet it is pretended, that thi"? reconciliation produced, as is seen from Mr. Branch's note, bv tlickind and friendly interposition of the President, is represent- ed to have been imniediatcbj preceded by " indignity and outrage," and to have been succeeded by a state of feeling; too much excited " to iveigh any reaso7is ichich might be offered."!! How tho- roughly is all this contradicted by Mr. Branch's contemporaneous note. Private difficulties \\'ere now at an end, and, as was yell under- stood, families were to visit or not, according to their inclinations. In two days the " indignity and outrage" which had been ofTered to these gentlemen was forgotten, so much so that for fifteen months matters glided on in tolerable harmony. Xothino; more was said or heard of this subject, until the President, as he had an unquestioned right to do, thought proper to request their resig- nations. Then were old notes and memoranda burnished up. and that over which they had slept so long, immediately became a subject of deep and "awakening interest to the American peo- ple."' The truth i*, this /arcc, which is now brpught out on the public stage, was designed for a different occasion. It was in Jj^nuary or February, 1830, that ther expected to exhibit before the public, and to unlokl the tale of threats from the President, dismis- sal, and family asso-i-iation, and all that. Not beins dismissed, then, as tliev expected, they laid aside their prepared tale: but having at len;2;th lost their offices, they bring it forth upon an occasion \vhich it does not fit, and vainly attempt to attribute the dissolution of the Cabinet to a false ground. That event they knew sprung from an entirely different cause — a cause uhich will satisfy every impartial man when he comes to understand it. To account for their removal, they offer any but the true reason, and hence run into all sorts of absurdity. Shortly aficr this, about the 20th of March, a preparatory meeting of a few members of Congress was held, with a view to request the President to remove me from the Cabinet. Being apprised of their design, he made a remark which satisfied the leaders in this movement, that to persist in their course would serve to expose them to public reprobation, and restilt in fruitless endeavor. Accordingly, the project was abandoned, or at least suspended. I do not impute to all who participated in lliis preliminary step, a design to unite ultimately in a measure of such h'ts}^ dictation to the President. Some were at first misled by false representa- tions, and induced to believe that his peace and comfort, as well as the success of his administration, depended upon it; others at- tended the meeting to point out the impropriety of the course, and to dissuade their friends from persisting in their design. Now, what was the motive for all this relentless persecution? Could it be that my wife was indeed the cause.^ "Was it merely to exclude a female from their " good society"? AVas one woman so dangerous to public morals, and so formidable in influence am! power, as to require all this sirong array of Cabinet counsellors — combination of members of Congress — confederacy of fashiona- ble ladles? "NVas it for that, attacks were made upon the integri- ty of her husband; and honor, truth and candor sacriliced ? 'i'he idea is truly ridiculous! She was lone and powerless. Those who liked her society, sought it; and those ^v\w did not. kept away. Neitlier she nor her husband, entered, into cabals and in- trigues, to the prejudice and injury of others. Their own nnilti- 25 plicil wrongs, they bore with .as miuh jtalience as could be ex* pected, from mortals endowed with hiimati passions and sensibili- ties. A common understanding prevailed, express in relation to one family, and which was also understood in relation to others, that each should seek their own associates, accordinj; to their own will, uninfluenced and unrestrained. The mo/irf, therefore, was not to exclude us from society- It is a matter altogether foosmaH to acct)unt for the acts and the untiring zeal of so many great men. Was the motive merely to exclude me ft-om the Cabinet? Was my presence there, dangerous to the interest of tJie country, or to its institutions.' Had I the power or thq disposition to injure the one, or overthrow the other? ^^'as it pretended that I wanted theabilitv, intelligence or integrity, necessary to the management of the Department of War? Of its management, there has been no complaint, while it was in ray hands 1 I left it at least as pros- perous as I found it 1 Was it suspected that I was not true to tlie President, and would prove false and faithless to his administra- tion ? A conlidential intercourse of more than fifteen years, the highest admiration of his character, and the deep personal inter- est felt in the success of his administration, were surely sufficient to guard me against that Nothing of this sort entered into the minds of my traducers. They had no desire for my exclusion on account of any suspicions entertained, that I would willingly do injury to the interests of the country, its institutions, or to the President I To what then shall we look for this motive?- An ar- dent friend of the Vice-President, in 1829, in one short sentence disclosed it: " Major Eaton is not the friend of Mr. Calhoun.''^ It was this which rendered me unfit for the Cabinet, and for the respectable, society of Messrs. Ingham, Branch, and Berrien. I could not, perhaps, be used to promote the views of Mr. Calhoun, and might ciert an inlluence to induce General Jackson to stand a second election. It was not thoug;ht that in my hands the influ- ence and patronage of the War Department, could be used in fa- vor of a successor. In that, they did me justice. It was .not so used, nor ever would have been. It was u subject about which I ■ipoke not, and felt not. Not even \\as I solicitous for General 26 Jacksou ai^aju lo be selected, except on the ground thai liis piinci- ples and tlie course of bis administration,- when fairly tested, should be found in accord \\'\t\\ the s:eneral sense of the people and the country. At a proper time they would determine this matter, and theie I was willing to rest it, undisturbed by any private or of- ficial interference of mine. But "Major Eaton was not the friend of Mr. Calhoun.** and this was a sufficient reason, why he sliould not be permitted to en- ter the Cabinet, if to be prevented; or for forcing him out when there. The ineffectual attempts to exclude me, have already been alluded to. .It has been shown that Bprrien and Ingham, con- cealing deep in their own bosoms their feelings, entered the Cabi- net, under a full conviction that I presently would be excluded — that Mr. Calhoun's family and mine, before my appointment, in- terchanged civilities, and that he sought of me the appointment of a friend as Chief Clerk — and that thereafter all private and of- ficial intercourse between us, erased. Let it be borne in mind, that the principals — those Avho have been actively employed against me, are the friends of Mr. Calhoun — his devoted, active partizans. It is readily to be inferrt-il. tlien. that this " high wrought tempest," has proceeded from political designs, connect- ed with the future hopes and expectations of Mr. Calhoun; and this inference I have it in my power' to confirm, by the most un- questionable facts. Duft" Green, Editor of the United States Telegraph, lias been from the first the instrument of Mr. Calhoun, by whose move- ments he has sought to bring his plans into operation. To him the feelings and plans of his ]»arty have been known. He has been their chief manager; first their private, and now their public organ. Him they chose to carry on their j)rtvate correspondence — him they selected to make their debut ajjainst me, they stanil- ing behind the scene with their notes, memoranda, and concerted statements, to back and sustain him. As he is their witness and their friend, their agent and associate, they will nni impeach the testimony borne by his acts. His word would not be introduced by me as evidence against any whom he was desirous to injure. IJefore I knew him, I rendered {substantial services to this man; 27 ftiit his insratitude id a warning to the friondi who now conlkla in him, oF what thoj may expect if interest or policy shall here- after make it necessary. Before he left Missouri, he was poor and pennylcss, too much so, as he informed me and others, to be able to remove his wife and children to this place, where he had then lately established a press. Upon his application to me, and stating his necessities, I borrowed for him fourteen hundred dol- lar^; part of which he repaid in about fifteen months, and the balance only recently; when he found the sense of the commu- nity shockeil by the baseness of employing the means furnished by my unreturned advances to destroy my reputation. In difticulty here, and pressed for money, he again in 1826 ap- plied to me, when, lhrouu;li a friend of mine in Baltimore, I ob- tained for him S->50tl- For the very press from which, probably, he daily circulates liis abtise of me, I have a note which was pro- lestcil and paid by me, on which I was not an endorser, and whicli has been in my possession several years, the whole, or a part of which still remains unpaid. To my exertions and zeal in his be- half, a? most of the Senate of the United States can testify, is he indebted for his first success as public printer, the annual receipts ©f which appointment at this time are not less than from thirty to fifty thousand dollars. These things might have been omitted^ for charity and friendship are secret in their operation, and shonld not be proclaimed to the world; but surely I may be per* mittcd to mention them, not in the spirit of an ostentatious libf- crality, but that the public may be able to appreciate the char.- iicters of my persecutors. In 1829-'30, Mr. Green was a freqent visiter at my house to ••large parties," and to small, with his wife and daughters, and invited my wife and myself to his. He, on several occasions, tendered his services and his paper in vindication of us, against the slanders and abuse which at that time were whispered about ; and as it regards one of his compurgators, on whom now he would rely as a good and sufficient witness, but in whom then, he had no confidence, he placed in my hand a statement of his own brother, tending to impeach hinu What now, has brought 'hem. «() closely together. T know not. \ only know that ho hat^ 2S me beyond even the pon'erto extend common justice; and where- fore is it so? Because bad men are apt to dislike those IVoin whom thev have received favors. liut that he should descend so far as to become the traducer of a female, because she is the wife of one to whom he is under obligations, never to bo repaid, is indeed strange! Mark his present course! His obligations of friend- ship certainly are not cancelled: at least to the extent that grati- tude should be concerned. AVithout provocation on mvpart, and ■\vithout change in the character and deportment of myself and family, he is daily dragging before the world those, into Avhose society he introduced his wife and daughters, and whom volunta- rily he proffered to defend! He does not pretend that now, he knows more, than when, with and without his family, he called — talked — smiled, and treated us as friends, wrOnged and persecu- ted. Was he sincere then, or now? "If tliCn sincere, how unut- terable "must be his depravity, in becoming the very leader of tho band of traducer.-, who at present occupy the public attention I He then performed the duty of a friend, aiid acted up to the prin- ciples of an honest man: but yieUViiigto the political intrigues of his a;rcat leader, he has sacrificed justice and decency, his own reputation, and the feelings of his fimily, to subserve the cause of that friend, who never was his fnend". This man is a fit asso- ciate of Messi"s. Ingham, Branch and Ben-ien. He has united with them on a nefarious purpose, in the accomplishment of which, all that is "holy in charity," exalted in honor, and sacred in truth, have been rudely outraged and trodden under f .>ot. What object has he to attain? AVhat purpose to answer? Surely, he cannot think that in the choice of a Chief Mas:rstrate of this country, the American people are sodehaseil, that female charac- ter and feeling, are to be made the test of elections. This man, to different persons, and in various directions, carK disclosed the designs which actuated him. and others who were associated with him in feeling and in interest in their conduct to- wards me. I have a statement from S. P. Webster of this citr. detailing the substiince of Mr. Green's remarks to him in the fall of 1829; at the very time when he was professing before me high consideration and great respect, and rejard. 29 Mr. Webster, in presenting the remarks made to lum m Ni. vciuber, 1829, say;*— repeating Mr, Green's laii!i;nage: " That Major Eaton, remaining In the Cabinet, was of great injury to the " party — liuit lie was used by the Secretary of State to forward his interested " yiews; and if he remained in the Cabinet, the Secretary of State, who " hehl complete influence over him, would be able to manage tlve President '' AS he pleased, and dire ct tlie acts of the Government to promote his (Vah ♦' Buren'3) fut,ure prospects. That Major Eaton ought to be sent Minister <•' to Russia, or at any rate, should not remain in the Cabinet: .ind that if ** some decisive step were not taken soon, lie did not know what m'ght be *' the consequence. And further, that the Pncsident ought not to be run a '•second time. That Mr. Van Burcn was using- all his inffuenceto prevail on " him to run .igain, and in that event, would have obtained svieh an influ- '« ence over him and his friend?, as to be able to command thc'.r iriflr.cnce at •' a subsequent election— that General Jackson ought to go home." Thave a statement of another and similar conversation, held by Mr. Green, in December 1829, with Gideon Welles, Editor of tlie H&rtford Times. — He says: " On the subject of the next Presidential election, Mr. Green adverted •' to the embftirassed situation of Mr. Calhoun at tlie expiration of his pre- " sent term, when he would have served eight years, equal to tliatof any of " his predeccsjors; and tiiat Mr. Van Burcn, taking advantage of his situa- ' ' tion wished to ruin him by tlriviiig him into rctlri.mtnt. It was the pohcy " of Mr. V.^1 Buren, he said, to persuade General Jackson to consent to a " re-election, because that would lead to the postponement of Mr. Calhoun's ♦' claims, and occasion him in a great degree to be forgotten. It would put " Mr. Van Buren in advance of him, and this was the reason he was desi- " rous that General Jackson shouHconsent to a re-election." An-ain he remarks to Mr. Welles, on this subject, about which it seems, he felt such d^ep interest and concern: " That Mr. Calhoun had no influence with the President, and could have " none, while Major Eaton wastliere; nor could any of his friends receive " appointments, so- long- as he was in the Cabinet. He endeavored t» •" excite my jealousy by representing, iliat Mr. Van Buren, through Eaton, •' was endeavoring to confer :Jl appointments on the old Crawford party. •' It was indispensable, therefore, for the prosperity fif the administratioH, " and the harmony of its members, that Major Eaton .should leave the Cabi- *' net, and leave Washington. I'here was one way in Which ho could retli-e " honorably and victorious. If he would accept the mission to Rus.sia, " he would be making- an konorahl*- I'T'-honsfe f<'r the Wftr Department; and 319 ■'uil were wilLnj,' lliai Mr. Drunch should be tlismisscd, which wouldfur- " iiish Eaton a triumph." — [ For the sUtemcnts at large, ste Appendix A andB.] Thus through this chosea organ of Mr. Calhoun, wc arc pos- sessed of tlie tnic motive which actuated my kind assailants. Their plan was that General Jackson should be President but for four years, and that Mr. Callioun sh«>uld succeed him. The Telegraph was considered by its Editor so omnipotent, that its dictation was not to be, and could not be, resisted; and that it rested exclusively and alone with him to declaro who ^•hould, and who should not "rule over us.'- Eftect is often mistaken for cause, and in this c;ise it seemed quite to have been overlooked, that the former consequence of this journal, arose from the circumstance, that heretofore it went with the peo- ple — not the people with it. Tlie moment, however, that Mr. ^■aa Buren was appointed Secretary ef State, jealousy and fear arose, and then the desire was to place around the President as many of Mr. Calhoun's friends as possible, to counteract the ap- prehended and dreaded influence; a part of which I most gratui- tously was supposed to be. Devoted, as I was said to be, to General Jackson, anil the success of his administration, my ap- pointment was calculated rather to thwart than to promote their ulterior designs. It was deemed necessary to prevent it; but if that could not be effected, then adetjuate means were to be re- sorted to to get r.ic out of the way. All tiiis Mr. Ingham and Mr. Berrien foresaw. Two of my colleagues, if not tlie tJiinJ, were in the secret, and Using the influence and importance which office gave them and their families, to promote and further theu- grand design. Months had rolled away, ami as yet the President had never 5cen and corrected the evil as was expected. Mr. Van Buren. i( was feared, had gained, and was gaining so fast upon my esteem, that serious apprehensions were entertained that I woiilil fall within the vortex of his influence. In addition, it wa* imagined, or rather feared, that General Jacksou might consent to a re-elec- tion, and reasons were discerned why Van Buren would desire it as matter of interest to him, and how. througli my iuUnence, the Si vnilter nuglit succeed, and the claims oi' Mr. Callioun in: (\c\'ci- red, liis prospect.^ injured, and he driven intoretirenjcnt. Fear and apprehension, and an impatience of longer delay arose. •' Some decisive step," says Mr. Green, " must be taken, or else I do not know what will be the consequence." This "maliu;ii influence," which, operated upon by ihe crjilty subtlety of Mr. Van IJuren, must be removed, or the eHect will be to postpone Mr. Calhoun's claims, and drive him into retirement. It must be removed from the President, and to accomplish it, T was to re- lire, not only from tire Cabinet, but from Waslunijjton, that 1 might be as far distant as possible from the scene of their fruit- ful operations. The .Secretary of War was not qualified for tlie duties of the War Department? yet he miglit be sent to represent his country at one of tlie most important courts of Europe. lie and Ills family were not fit and good society for the families of such pure honorables as Ingham, Branch and Berrien, and yet thev were to be considered quite '' good society" enough for one of the first and most powerful monarchs of Europe. But mare! They were even willing to afford mc a. triumph. For the sake of getting me away from the President, they were ready and disposed, that Mr. Branch, one ol" tlie fiieads of whom they had made a dupe and instrument, might be dismissed. Amidst all this tirade of abuse and insult, previously offered, merely to get rid of my supposed influence, they were yet willing to bestow on me office and emolument, to mount me on a triumphal car, and tie their friend, Mr. Branch, to its wheels. Now, can any inan in his senses fail to wonder, that I should decline all theseliberal offers, and finally retire from the Cabinet for nobetter reason than is asserted by these gentlemen, that the families of Ingham, Branch and Berrien would not visit me and my lamily; 'JVulv, they tantlv pouring; into (he ears of those who were de- pendin;!]; on the Senate for coiifinnation, exaggerated accounts of his stiength in that body; and the political preferences of those in nojnination, wcm secretly and artfully sought after. They pretended to have polled both houses of Congress, and to liave as- certained tliat a majority in each, were his friends. Mr. Hill wai. rejected from the ofiice of Second Comptroller of the Treasury,, and Mr. Green paid him a visit of condolence, during which he souglit to persuade him, that he had been sacrificed to " the Eatoa and J'an Burcn iujiucnce."' Others were privately warned, that: they were in danger from tlie same quarter. It certainly would, liavebcen a masterly stroke of policy, if Mr. Hill could have been, sent to New-Hampshire, Mr. K.»^ndall to Kentucky, Mr. Noali to New York, and otiicr former Editors back to their homes, to resume their professional duties, impressed with the belief, that they had been made the victims, not of an TngJimn^ Berrien and- Brmuli, but of " the Eaton and A^an Buren iuriuence." It was. a good idea, if it could have succeeded; bu*- being rather far-fetch- ed, it failed. Thus is it apparent, thatii vvas not the Secretary of AVar alone, that thev desired to jet ^id of, but the Secretary of State also. One of the members of Congress, who attended the preparatory meeting about the ^^Oth of March, for the purpose of regulating the President's Cabinet, being enquired of. if my re- moval would satisfy them, answered emphatically: " A'o; ue wUZ he satisfied with nolhins^ uliortof the removal of Van Buren.^^ But the removal of these two unrepresented Secretaries at thiA meeting, was not the only subject probably discussed before it, ami which failed of success. The Premier, General Jackson himself, a more important personage than all, he too was to be ilisposed of: and tlie better to effect it, conversations were to b« 5 .^4 held ^Tith strangers visiting tlie city: and private letters were t» be written, to prepare the minds of leading politician? at a dis- tance, to support the decisive movement. It was not proper, nor the proper time, openly to take ground in the newspapci-s; — sap- ping; and mining were preferable. An anti-Van Buren partv wa? to be gotten up, and under that banner, without seeming to be in opposition to the President, it was thought the discontented and dissatisfied of all parties could rally, until tht scheme being fully matured, the mine was to be exploded, when Mr. Calhoun and the Telegraph were "to ride on the whirlwind and direct the storm." On the 19th of March, but a day before this prej\aratory meeting of members to re-organize the Cabinet, at least in part, Mr; Green wrote a letter to Andrew Dunlap, United States Dis- trict Attornev at Boston. In that letter he says: " The political horizon is from day to day, more clearly indicating the. " point whence the storm cometh. The article from the iLissachusetts " Journal and the lajst letter to the United States Gazette, leave no doubt " that Webster has resolved to push forward boldly, and on Clay alone. If " Clay succeeds, Webster's fortune is made. If Clay falls, the Lieutenant " becon»es the Commander of the defeated force. He comes into tbf " mai'ketat the head of an organized and powerful pai-ty, and associated as " he intends Vt be, with New York [ilr. Van Buren] he will have a powcr- •' ful influence at'uis command. " Mr. who vas so much with M'cbb, g^ave inc, as a piece of ad- '• vice intended for my t^wn benefit and guidance, tlie information that Mr. " Webb had, while here, b«e.n advised not to attack Mr. Webster. Will it " not be well to keep an eye %jx the Courier, and also on ' Clay " and Wcbeter rely on the Bank «' the United States and the federal party. " is their organ in . "Let tliem succeed, or let them make " any compromise, and the democracy of New England, and particularly of " Massachusetts, are tlie victims v. hich musibe olFeredup to Webster's ven- " gcance. Is this not obvious? Unless the envisions and disunion of our " party can be healed, defeat is certain. Bold axr decisive means- bjtsubi " IS TRIUMPH. There are some now in power, who accustom themselves "to think lightly of the New England democracy. My own opinion is, •' tlmt that democracy tnni/ yet hold the fate of the Union in their hands.'* Thus were the democracy of Nevv- England addressed. They were warncil against the New York Enquirer, and notified of an ultimate toalition, fir>it M'ilh Mr. Ciav and Mr. Webster, and if 35 that failotl, then witli Mr. Van liiircu. Webster would "come into tlie marker in great force, und sell out to Mr. Clay, if Uc tould purcliase, or to Mr. Van Burea if he could not. The jea- lousy of the New Kngland democracy was t'lus to be aroused: and they excited to action by being told "they uerc to be oft'ered up as the victims of vengeance:" and that "6oW and deceive means would cmure us triumph:^ Thus waa it hoped for utuI expected, that the democracy of New England would be aroused, and pre- pared to support "the bold and decisicc 7ncans,^'' then in contem- plation, to expel "the Eaton and Van Buren influence** from the councils of the President,— prevent him from consenting to a re-election; ami have every thing arranged, and prepared to de- stroy him if he did consent. In a few davs after, a letter was sent to Mr. M. M. Noah, of New-York. In it Mr, Green says — " I have no doubt tliat the last article In the Courier, as well as that of the " 12th, was prepared lure, and are part of the intrigue intended to separate " the President from his earhest and best friends. «* As to Mr. Calhoun, the object of tlie Courier is to drive me to the altcr- " native of abandoning him or General Jackson. The ai-titicc is too shal- " low for success. It will recoil upon its author. Those who desire to " monopolize General Jackson's popularity for the use of Mr. Van Buren, " are interested in circulating such a report, which Mr. Webb took with him " from here; but the intelligent friends of tlie President, who associate •• witli tlic ^■ice President, know it to be false." The report here alluded to, and declared to be false, was that Mr. Calhoun intended to oppose the re-election of General Jack- son. How false it was, the reader, under all the circumstances presented, is prepared to decide. But it was not wise policy, 'hen, to permit such an impression to go abroad. At that time General Jackson was not a candidate for re-election, nor was it known that he would be. The true policy of the cabal was to maintain towards him the appearance of friendship, at kast until that point should be settled. It was only the "malign influ- ence" of those who might endeavor to persuade the President to consent to a rfc-election, and who sought to monopoli/.e his ])opu- lanty for the benefit of Mr. Van Buren, iwhereby to thwart the plans and projects of Mr. Calhfnin. that were to be assailed. 36 He also wrote on the 25tli of March tn Mr. Ritchie. Editor ol the Richmofid Enquirer, and employs the following language: " If there ever was a time wliich (lemandctl tliat tlic friends of the con- « stitution should be firm, wise, and united, the moment has a-.-rived. T!ie "payment of the national debt will present a new crisis in the history of *• nations, and create iKo necessity of new legislation, based upon the state *' of our treasury, thereby pr&iluced. This question will then be directly " presented to the American peopk — Will you increase the expenditure " to meet the existing revenue, or will you diminish the revenue to the exist- '* ing- expenditure? "If GeneralJackson is tjow declared a cand-date, I foresee that a new ''' race for popularity commences. He occupies the position of pafronage, " and Mr. Clay that of the American System. Do not both these tend to •• the same termination" Can the administration contend with Mr. Clay and " profess to be the friends of internal improvement and of the tariff, with- " out throwing its influence in favor of the vast projects of public expendi- " tiu-e which it is the business of Mr. Clay and his friends to set on foot? Is " it not the duty of all those who desire to brinp: back the constitution to *•' its original purposes, to postpone the Presidential election until tiie dis *' cussion upon the great questions, connected with the approaching state " of our finances, shall have brought them home to eveiy man's door' Un- " til the people shall know that Mr. Clay's project is to take ten millions *« annually out of the pockets of one portion of oui' citizens, for the purpose '' of huying up another." Mr. Green well knowing Mr. Ritchie's devotion to principle, did not venture to approach him on any otiier ground than that of principle. Appealing then to his principles, he CHdeavorod to alarm him with apprehensions that the policy of General Jackson would be substantially the policy of Mr. Clay — that •' pairoiiage and the American System tended to the same termination." The object was a little more time for private action, and hence was Mr. Ritchie to be prevailed upon not to commit himself in favor of the re-election of the President, or at least to remain neutral in relatign " to those bold and decisive n\eans," which were theu thought necessary to " insure us triumph."' These evidences of political manngement, preparatory to some vU)ntemplatcd grand movement, all of which bear date about the lime of the preliminary meeting of certain members of Congress, if) compel the Cabinet to be re-organized, are from tlic Telegraph- 87 ami wore voluntarily (lisi-losed by the Kilitor hini^i-ll". 1 have, anolher letter, wliirh has not bofore appcarod, writtt-ii by Mr. Green at the same time; 25th of March. I am authorize:! to use it. The boilv of (he letter, I am inlormed, is not in the hand wntinjj of Mr. Green, aIthoup;h the signature is. It doubtless was a circular carefully prepared and arranged, and forwarded in various directions, and to diftcrent persons. " The intrigues of some individuals vcar the President arc daily develop- " ing themselves, and must soon end in the disaijpointmcnt of those con- " ccrnedin tlittn. The. article in the New York Courier, tissniling the press " [The Tclccrniph] and the article of the 2;lc/, afsailing the Senate, hare thtir '• (iri'^in in those intrigues, the object of roh'.ch is to make the President and " ofhn-.s believe that Mr. Calhoun is resolved to oppoae them, and thus transfer " the President's popularity to Mr. Van Burtn. I shall wait a n:w dats " FOR riHTHEK DEVM.OPEMEXTS. In thc mean time I sliall take the liberty *' of asking' you to suspend your opinion until you shall have seen the whole " of the mattei-s in issue, nnd then act on thc side of jiatriolism. I have *' never deceived my friends^ I have never sounded false alarms. 1 now *' sav to you, tlmt the remr.rks, so far as Mr. Callioun is concerned, are false, " and time will shew the true object of Iks enemies. Mr. Calhoun is known *' to be tlie true friend of thc President." At this time, Mr. Calhoun' was at Washington. "NVlio can be- lieve, that during all this v.i.ile, of " measured step and slow," he "was not counselled and advised witli: and that this circular was written by his advice, or passed under hisrevision and iiisj)ec- tion.- It can hardly be believed, tliat without his approval, Mr. Green would take a course so important to his future political in- terests. It cannot be doubted, that these letters to Dunlap, Noah, Kitchie, and especially this circular, wei'e written by and witli Mr. Calhoun's advice, or passed his revision. The object and purpose of thc last, was to show, that Mr. Calhoun "is the true friend of the President"; next, how management and in- tri all these conversations, this wide spread correspondence, these intrigues in Congress, these preparatory movements '-in open day and secret night"r Whv thi*; rc^tiecs je.ilou«v. and fi'Si-rnl fore 38 Ludini: ot Mr. Van Buieii — this fear that he would iiuluce the President to consent to a re-electiou — this apprehension that 1 had lent myself and my influence, to bring about results, which were to thwart Mr. Calhoun, and postpone his claims? AVhy the attempt to alarm, and to arouse the democracy of New England? Wherefore disturb Mr. Noah's tranquillity, with fancied tides of plots and intrigues, and Mr. Ritchie with grave and oracular warnine? Wherefore, in the circular of the 25th of March, is language so impressive and foreboding, and of such solemn and prophetic, import, employed? What awful event, or dread de- sign, was a " FEW days" about to disclose, that friends, on the ground that they had nevlr i;ei:n deceivkh, nor fahe alanns been sounded, should be implored to suspend their opinions? Was all this note of preparation — this bustle — this management — this foil by day and profound meditation by night — these solemn warn- ings and doleful cautions, to be the mere annunciation, that Mrs. I. — B. — B. andE. did notinterchange visits, or invite each other to LARGE PARTIES at Washington, and that the President, in martial pomp and spirit, had sent the gallant Hero of the Thames, the harbinger of a dread threat, if it were not otherwise? Oh, no! It was no such unimpoi-tant matter, which in a ''fevv- DAYS,-' with astounding effect, was to be brought before the Ame- rican people. It was a general attack upon all who would not acknowledge Mr. Calhoun's legitimate ri<;ht of immediate succes- sion; a plot was to be discovered, and then we were to have an expose of those intrigues near the President, which were to evince to tlie world that a transfer of his popularity to another was de- signed. Mr. Van Burcn was to be stigmatiz-cd as the author; and I was to be marked as his humble instrument in the business. Ii was intended next to denounce all the President's personal friends, who were near him, as a "maligu iniluence" — tu roprc sent him as the victim of tlieir intrigues, that one by one. they might be driven from him; or if he would not part wiili them, and should prove refractory, to open tlie |)hials of their wrath against hiin, until sickened and disgusted with the turmoil, he might retire to the solitude of the Hermitage, and yield the strile nl' politics to the Vice President and hisrival.^. All the visiting 39 Caids th.it wen; vvcr printed and circulated in this city, wcrp a* nothins;. compared to this jrand — this important design, which was to ho brought out subsetiuently as an afterpiece to t!io new plot tliat was built upon the letter of Mr. Crawf )iil, and the puli- lishod correspondence. The question arise?, why v/ere not thes^ plans carried ont at tlie intctulcil time.^ AVhy not executed r Whv were these de- signs suspended, and all tlio labor of preparation brought to a pause .^ Passing events furnish tlie answer. On the 3 1 st of March, the day after the letter to Mr. Ritchie was written, and before the "FKw days'* of waiting had expired, a voice from Pewiayl- tanht wa-i hurrmni; lhrou2:h the land. The democratic members of the Legislature of that great State, which first had presented (xcneral Jackson, and through two contests sustained hiia, were now again the first to express their confidence in his administra- tion, and to nominate him for a re-election. Awed by the inde- pendent and uncorrupted voice of this State, the managers at Washington paused in their career, to listen for the distant echoes of this deafening sound, — this unexpected annunciation. >tark how it was announced in the Telegraph. •' 'Y\\c position of this press, located at the seat of government — its pre- '* sumed. relation to tlie President, the high respect and delicate regard, ■" which it lias, at all times maintained for public opinion, impose restraints -' upon it, in relation to the discussion at this time, of the proprietij of his •' continuance in office for another term." Again, a voice from New York, responding to the recommenda- tion from Pennsylvania in terras of approbation, equally strong, was ajso heard, and these two large States, thus moving and act- ing together, gave answers, that whoever chose to go into retire- ment could do so, but that the claims of Mr. Calhoun to the Presidency would, certainly, for the present, have to be postponed. Rofore a recovery could be elTected from these decisive move- ments, the veto of the President upon the ^laysville Road Rill was announced and filled the South with joy and hope. It fal>i- liod the predictions which had been made to Mr. Ritchie, and ranch and Berrien, could there find apologists and advocates, the other throe members of the Cabinet, were, struck at, as the points of attack, by the new opposition. The one was a '• malign influence,"' whicli was bending every thing to selfish purpose, wliile our colleagues were receiving honor, and commendation. Abuse from the jwpers on one side, and a dispo- sition to rctdiaie from the other, was now clearly manifest. AVe thus had a prospect of onen war between parli/-ans of different 41 portions of the Cabinet, the evils of which, as was plainly to be perocived, couhl not but pf net rate into our deliberations, inter- rupt business, artoct the pronjess of public aflairs, and disturb the quiet and repose of the country. While a party to contest the succession was tlnis organized in Consress and in the Cabinet, one of the prominent friends of Mr. Calhoun introduced a reso- lution, uhii h contempl-.ited, by a retrospective provision, to amend the Constitution, so as to exclude Gen. Jackson from being eligi- ble to a re-election. If those who urged this measure in the House of Representatives, did not hope absolutely to disfranchise the President by obtaining such an amendment, they moved it as :i moans of bringing a general principle to operate on him alone, and by obtaining a vote on the abstract proposition, to urge it as the sense of the representatives of the people against his re-elec- tion. In this mode was the war Waged against the fame and in- iluence of the man who was elevated by the voice of the people, and who was again summoned by them to become a candidate, because he had realized all their hopes, as the reformer of abuses in the government, and was securing the rights of our citizens and adjusting the difficulties of the country. The situation of the President, was now- easily to be perceived. With a Cabinet politically divided, and personally, as may be presumed, not very friendly, it was impossible for him to move along in the arduous duties of his station, with satisfaction to himself, or advantage to the country. It was apparent, that, in justice to himself, he must soon be under the necessity of re- or2:anizing his Cabinet, and if it could not otherwise be accom- pllshed, to dismiss the disaffected portion of it. Having accept- ed, reluctintly, a place in the Cabinet, I concluded no longer to sacrifice my private comfort, or be the occasion of embarrassment to the President. Early in April, I communicated to him, (what- in the previous month I had written to a friend in Philadelphia,) my wish and intention to resign, which I shortly after executed. In my letter of resignation, it was not necessary or proper that I should go into a history of events, such us are now presented. I confined my remarks solely to that which concerned myself^ without adverting to, or touching on, the conduct of others. T 42 felt not that any dcfencf, or vindication, far voluntarily yielding my office, was necessary; and feeling no disposition to injure or assail others, I forebore to enter into details. The same deter- mination would have been persevered in, had not the illiberal con- duct of mv colleagues made a different course necessary. Mr. Van Buren taking a similar view of the condition of the Cabinet, and the situation of the President, connected with the peculiar circumstances in which he had been placed by his oppo- nents, thought proper also to resign. Without going into a full explanation in his letter of resignation, or naming any of his col- lea'^ues, he presented briefly the result of tlie political intrigues, which were dividing the Cabinet, distracting the party, and which pointed to a change in the councils of the President as ne- cessary and indispensable. The secret feelings and designs with w hich my colleagues en- tered the Cabinet, and which while there, they continued to cherish — their -'notes'* of private conversations, treasured up for future and concerted use. — the advice of a certain cabal, and an acquiescence in the counsel given, to enter the Cabinet, and con- tinue there for special purposes, notwithstanding "the insupera- ble bar" which conscience suggested, and the '-indignity and outrage'' which had been offered and borne for fifteen months, were all unknown to me. These were secrets worth preserving, and they were kept closely. Yet, entire confidence was reposed, that on being informed that Mr. Van Buren and myself had retired, the others would appreciate the motives which had occasioned it, and place their offices again at the disposition of the Presi- dent, tliat he might organize a new Cabinet of homogeneous mate- rials, which would not be obnoxious to the attacks of any of his pro- fessing friends, and would suffer the affairs of the country quietly to be transacted. But these gentlemen, although now they pretend that they had been grievously '-insulted," and were constantly liable to a repetition of the "outrage," could see no cause why they should resign, either as it regarded their own honor, the quiet of the President, or the harmony of his administration. Having gone into the Cabinet to produce discord, they could per- ceive no reason why they should retire from it. to restore har- •18 WonT/. What they had so lonfr and so ardently desired, being attained, [the exclusion of Mr. Van Ruren and mysflf,] they were more than ever disposed to continue. Besides, they could not see how the Government could well move on without them, and they were solicitous to procure some justification, which they coui'l plead to the people, for the injury which was about to result to the country at beiii-; deprived of their important services! Their honor, and the harmony of the administration, was quite insufficient! They must needs place their resignations solely on the will and the request of the President, that on his shoulders mi"-ht rest the undivided responsibility of the awful deprivation which the Government and the country were to suffer from their retirement. Their wishes were gratified, and a desire commu- nicated that thev should resisin. Thus was the Cabinet dissolvedj and thus far the country, evidently, has sustained no injury, save in the disturbances and interruptions to the public which the complaints and murmurs of this dismissed and disbanded corps have occasioned. If, as has been stated, the President of- fered to two of them, Mr. Ingham and Mr. Branch, after their removal, places of trust and honor, let it be set down to his kind- ness, not to their merits. He did not then know these men. He did not know how incapable they were of properly appreciating acts of kindness. He was ignorant that they had entered his Cabinet, all smiles and fair professions, with daggers concealed in their bosoms. He little knew that these persons, who were ad- mitted to his familiar intercourse, had been taking notes of his private conversations and free expressions, whicli had been con- ned over between them, and prepared and carefully laid away for future use. He did not in fact know, they had been spies upon him from the beginning of his administration; and that, lindiiig themselves deprived of the means of longer stealing into his bosom, to hunt out, and note down his thoughts, they were now readv for open, implacable and exterminating war. These things he did not then know. Recent events have disclosed them. Nor did I comprehend the depth of the designs of these three a\>ntlcmen. Havincr resi";ned my seat in the Cabinet, and being about to retire to mv residence in Tennessee, I did not calculate 44 that I sheuld be detained here from mv home and bu&ineb!?, to de- fend mvself aiiainst their unprovoked attacks. In i\\\< I was mis- taken. Mv pursuers were resolved that 1 should not escape the sweet reveno;e, which their deep mortitication at the loss of office had aroused. I could not bear it longer. Messrs. Ingham and Berrien, who were here, were in habits of daily intercourse with tlie editor of the Telegraph, and their names being used in con- nection with the abuse which w as propagated through that print against me, I conceived I had a right to enquire, whether their names had been used, and references to them made, witii their sanction. I readily admit, that no imperative obligation rests upon a man to en2a'i;e in private combat, merely because he is invited to do so. Public opinion sanctions such appeals, only when the injured par- ty has right and justice on his side, without other remedy. But a pian who asserts a claim to the character of a gentleman, is bound to act like one. Mr. Ingham did not thus act, when to a plain and proper question, he returned an insulting reply, and sought " to strut the hero, and to ape the warrior," wiiliout the capacity to go tlirough \vith that v\ hich so improvidontly and rajfhly he had begun. I never asked him to admit or deny, that my family anil his did or did not associate. He never so understood me. It was for the publication only, and his supposed participation in it, tliatl held him responsible. My conespondencc widi Mr. Ing- ham, his degrading apprehensions, false chaigcs, and ignoble re- treat, have already, through himself, been made known. to the pub- lic. He is sutlering merited punishment, in the contempt of the brave, the abhorrence of the honorable, and tiie detestation of the community. I addressed Mr. Berrien oji the same subject. The corres- pondence which took place, he has laid before the public in his recent address. When it terminated. I had hoped our tlift'erencc was ended. His late address, however, was of a chai-acter to in- duce with me a belief, tliat mv furbv;arancc on the former occa- «ioa, had a tendency to emboMon him to further malignant a.-^aults; and accordinsly. without seeking explanation. 1 made a direct fall upon hvm lor pci souai redress. 45 Hi- .iiiswer v.'as ni'ver ctimmunlciiteil to me. The IVieml wlio acled iiniivbf'liaU', lintlin-i; it an ara;iiinentativc, labored reply, t!> a plain atui simple dcniand, returnod it an a paper iiof of a c'i;\- ractcr to be j)resenteil or reccivcrl. r«S>e Jlppmdix C] A second call was Uiiule, vhich rcsnlled in a refusal on tlic part of Mr. Berrio^i, to were cmploved to ilo tliis service, he must owe lii& satisfaction to tlie delusions of ambition. The time will come when the vic- tims of his policy shall rise before him. like the shades which ap- palled the insidious and heartless usurper Richard, to disturb his slumbers, and to drive peace from him. Detraction has stnick at every thing around me. And, although it has been uniformly pretended that the persecution against me originated in great regard and delicacy for public feeling and morals, vet what are the proofs to autli(»ri7>e the rumors, about which Mr. Ingham and Mr. Berrien would not trouble themselves to enquire, but which, notwithstanding, they could slily and se- cretly whisper into circulation.' They have produced none! If this be legitimate warfaic, there are few who may not be sub- jected to the ordeal from which the most innocent cannot ;ilways escape with a name unblighted. It is a well known fact, that in this city, there arc hired writers for papers at a distance; and if some incident docs not, from week to week, occur to fill their page, fancy must suggest some gossip tale to be told, and printed, and circulated. The motive with the writer, is his pay — with the publisher, the gi-atification of the appetite for slander, reckless of the wound it may inflict. Under such a state of things, which party ericitement now tolerates, of what concern is probity of character, — or what the value of a good name? It is upon this sort of anonymous rumor, propagated by the vicious and mali- cious, that political contrivers seized, to accomplish their pur- poses. Malignant as these gentlemen have shewn themselves^ all I ask of them is, to waive all concealments, alledge specific charges, and adduce their proof. A conscience, "void of of- fence," can meet them and defy tiieir malice, let them but strike their blows openly and in the face of day. But it is time to close this narrative. I am admonished, that already I have trespassed too long, and laid claims to an indul- ^rcnce beyond any that 1 had a right to ask. I could not confine myself within narrower limits: and if I have said too much, be mv apologv toiuid in this, that it is through no culpability of mine, that the public have been disturbed with private matters, and with private griefs. Patient and forbearing, 1 was disposed to keep 47 to myself the udjuslmeiit of my own wrono;?, nor solicit the pub lie to become an uiiiinrcin matters which, being private, couUl in iiothiii;^ concern ami interest them, liut I am not permitted to enjoy even this humble privilege. 1 have been arraigned before tliem by men, writhin':; under malice, mortification, and disap- pointment. Idly surmising mc to be the moving cause why the sun of their political glory was so suddenly sliorn of its beam^, they are restless, per.-^ecu ting and unforgiving, and appeal to the. country to redress those private griefs to which tliey have sub- jected themselves, by seeking to accomplish selfish aims at tlie expense of truth, honor and liumamty. I throw myself upon the. pardon and forgiveness of a liberal and just comrau.iity for all I have said, and for any thing that may appear to be improperly >aid. Your Fellow -Citizen, J®n.\ If. EATOX p. S. Gen. Robert Dcjha, in a letter published in the Tclegi-aph of tlic 3th of August, volunteers :i statement to vindicate tlic course of .Mr. Cal- tioun, towards me. He says: " Maj. Eaton informed me in Tennessee, tliat as soon as he heard of the deatli of Timberlake, he determined to go on te Washington and marry his widow, and communicated his intention to Gen. Jackson, who advised him to do so." In the same letter, he says: " This is the time for the trutli, tlic wliole truth, and nothing but the truth ; for it is what tile people arc in search of." More than a month after this letter was written, Gen. Desha again v/riteS . a corrective letter, contratlictory of the material statements of the original; and for the mistakes of the first, excuses himself by saying, that he '\ did .not READ SAID LKTTr.ii (if ler Writing it." Strange indeed, that a man should prepare a letter, intended for the press, and to afiect other persons, and af- terwards admit it to be incorrect, and offer as matter of excuse, that he did not read it after writing it. In this corrective letter, which was written after his friends at Washington iiad informed him, that I had it in my power to correct it, by most indispiitaljlc testimony, he s.iys: " I never held a con- versation with Major Eaton, in Tennessee, upon that sulijcct ; but it was in the conversation had in Washington, the Major informed me, that when he was in Tennessee, and heard of the death of Mr. Timberlake, he had com- municated his intentions of marrying the widow, to Gen. Jackson, who was also in Tennessee, who approved of it, and advised him to do so." The General lias not gotton his story right yet. lie still adheres to the point, that I was in Tennessee when I heard of the death of Mr. T., and that Ger. .rack«;on advLsed me to marrv, fcf. 18 The jyurpose of this staterncn t is evident It is that the public sboulii nfer that I could, lii Tenness.'e, immediately on hearinjj of the death of Mr. T., determine "tocoir.e onto \Va:,hing-ton," not to addhf.ss, but ofmy own wili to jiAnnr his widow; jea\ ing it to be inferred, that I was not only conscious of a state of circuni5tances, which made it unneccssar.' to consuk her upon tlie subject, but tiiat General Jackson was also aware tliat such was the case. In the Spiing-of 1828, while in tJie city of Wasliin^on, information was received at the Navy Uepurtmcnt of the death of Mr. Tiniberlakc. 1 heard of it here, not in Tennessee; and when Gen. Desha's letter appeared, there wei-e person.sin tliiscity who knew, and said, that his statement was incor- rect. Doubtless some friend here afforded him tlie information, which im- posed the necessity of writing his second note, which, like the first, requires to be corrected. I went home to Tennessee in 1828 — remained there dur- inj^the Summer, and in November returned to Washine^on. From tliis place I wrote a letter to Gen. Jackson upon the subject, and in that letter stated to him my views, intentims, wishes, and expectations, and from liim received an answer approving- of the course I had pursued — the determination 1 had taken. Being possessed of this letter, I can be under no mistake as 10 dates or facts. Tn conclusion, permit me to i-emark, that Gen. Desha has thrust himself into this contixiverny quite unnecessarily. His appearance as one of my assailants was not called for, or required. He has appeared a mere volun- teer to sustain Mr. Calhoun. I know not what other object he had to .•inswer — what other purpose to serve. In support of what 1 Ituvc said, I place l.crc a statement of ilr. Mecldin of the Navy Depai-tment. Were it necessan, others could be obtoined, to "(howthat Gen. Desha is under a mistake, in what he hassjud to affect me, and to afTrct Gen. Jackson. 'Die character and standing of Mr. M. renders an\ thing further unnecessary. Mr. Mechlin says: " In the Spring of 1828, news was received at t!ic Navy Department, of the death of J. H. Timhcrlakc, Purser on board the Inited States frigate Constitution. I si. t out to inform Mr. O'N'eak- and the family; but meeting with Major Eaton on the Avenue, wliu then boarded tliere, I requested him to communicate the information. J- MKCHLIN." Gen. Dosha also says, tlu i c was no meeting at the last session of Con- gress, with a view to obtain my removal from the Cabinet. It has not been so averred. lie will not ■<■.}■ tliougli, tliat this was not the case at the ses- sion of 1829'-J0. With these explanations, which must satisfy Gen. Desha of tlie mistake he has made, I t^ke leave of t)>e viihjoct. J.H. E. APri:xi>iv. — ■«»o©e««" — A.— (See pa2;e 29.) Statement of Mr. S. P. JVebsie,: Previous <(• the Pn^uk'mial election, I was in the habit of ire tment intercourse with DuiV Green, at his liouse, and more com- monlv at his office. In the fall of 1829, October or November, I met with (ieneral Green, and he commenced talking about Col. > , who was then in tlie War Department, and wliom he wished turned out. I thouglit he seemed rather in an angry hu- mor, and extended his conversation to Major Eaton generally. He remarked, that his remainin;;; in tlie Cabinet was of iireat in- jury to the party generally — that his situation made him the sup- f lort of the weal< persons of both parties; and that such persons eaneil upon him lor support — that he was used by the Secretary of State to forward his interested and selfish views, and that Mr. Van Buren, through him, was seeking to secure the confidence and ])ersonal friendship of General Jackson — that if Eaton con- tinued in the Cabinet, the Secretary of State, who had influence over him, would be able to manage the President as he pleased, and direct the acts of the government to his (Mr. Van Buren's) future prtispects. That General Jackson ought to send Major Eaton to Russia, or at any rate it was necessary that he should not longer remain in the Cabinet — that some of General Jackson's best friends had spoken to him freely on this subject, and if some decisive step was not taken soon, he did not knov/ what might be the consequences. In the course of the conversation, he observed that the Presi- dent ought not to be run a second time; tliat he was sure he did not wish it, and would prefer retiring to the Hermitage at the end of t!ie year: and that in effect he had promised to do so, and the people would be dissatisfied if he did not — tliat Mr. Van Buren was u^ing all his art and intrigue to induce him to suffer himself to be run again; but that if he was again elected, Mr. Van Buren would have obtained such aniijfluence over him and his friends as to be able to command their interest at a subsequent election — that we (the Jackson party,) had been fighting for the last five years against Cabinet succession, and were now quietly sitting down and permitting the Secretary nf State to u^c General J. and 5U the whole interest ol' the Government, to ensure hi? future suc- cess — that, if this was permitted, nc had gained nothing bv the change — that the great republican party would fix upon a candi- date who would get the votes of the party in 1832: and that (icneral Jackson ought to go home. This was the last conversa- tion or intercourse T ever had with Green, beyond a mere saluta- tion. I plainly perceived he was no friend to General Jackson, nnd I determined to have no furtlier political intercourse with him B — (Sec page Hd.) Utafemcnt of Gideon IVdhs, Editor of the IJartford Times. Whilst in Hartford, Connecticut, General Green several times spoke of Major Eaton as wanting energy and independence — said that the contest whicii brought General Jackson into power, had been with him merely personal, not one of principle — that he exercised his influence in behalf of opposition oflice holders, and was opposed to removals. In conversation with him at Washing- ton, tlic latter part of December, 1829, he said, it was necessary for him to leave NVashington if tiie Administi-ation would prosper. Although they were personal friends, and he wished him well, truth required him to state, that his remaining at Washington was injurious to the Administration — that, through him, Mr. Van Ruren had already attained great intluence over General Jackson, and wished him to consent to a re-election, in order to postpone Mr. Calhoun's claims, and drive him. if possible, into retirement. It is unnecessary to repeat the political views of General Green and his associates, his eulogies on Mr. Calhoun, his talents, his services, his political strength, the devotedness of his friends. particularly ot Judge , who. though a mason, could bring in anti-masonic, federal, and religious parties. Nor need I state, how willing the faction was to sacrifice their friend, the Judge, witli all his popularity, if Mr. Van Buren would cease pressing a re-election on tlie President, and consent to be placed on a ticket as Vice President. Had that arrangement been made, or any other that would have secured Mr. Calhoun the Presidency, nothing probably would have been heard of Cabinet and family difficulties at Wa>ny wishes, and of most of our friends. But that between t{»esc gentlemen, there was now particular animosity. There was one way in which Maj. Eaton could retire honorably and victorious. By acceptinji; the mission to Russia, it would be making an honorable exchange for the War Department, and all were willing Mr. Branch should be dismissed, which would fur- nish a triumph to Eaton. This arrangement of having both leave the Cabinet, would satisfy all parties. It was desirable Major Eaton should leave the Cabinet, and leave Washington. The mission to Russia was an honorable jjost, and he and Baron Kru- dener were friends, and on intimate terms. This arrangement he spoke of as having been for some time under consideration, and he assured me, there would be a cliange of the Cabinet before Conijress closed its session. He mentioned the individual who would probably succeed Mr. Branch. He alluded to an "insu- perable bar'' to this arrangement, provided Maj. Eaton was re- fract(»rv, and determined to remain, and that was, in overcomin"; the friendly feelings of the President. He seemed to despond when he spoke of the abiding affection, which formed so promi- nent a trait in his character, and which never would permit him to forsake a Iriend. C— (See page 45.) Cornspondeiicc between Mr. Eaton and Mr. Berrkn. ■\V4suiNuT0N CiTV, Mimday Morning, July 25th, 18.>1 Sir: In your letter to me of the 18lh of June, in reply to mint of the preceding day, yon in effect say, (although denying m_\ 32 ijfflii to irnerro;fate you.) that the attacks nmde upon ine, in a paper of this city, were " \vithout your agency." You volun- teered the declaration, that you did not "think it necessarv to decide upon the truth or falsehood of the statements which were made,-' in relation to my family: leann^ me to understand, that as you had formed no o[)ini()n. so neither had vou expressed one, in any wise dero'zatory of me. After tliese explicit disavowals as to yourself, I did not deem it proper to take exception, or to hold you pers(mally accountable, for conforming to rumors which vou may have heard, or " to the i;eiicral sense of the communitv.*' which you so falsely nssume as a pretext to injure me, and to dis- parage hundreds of the most respectable persons in our country, ■who liave maintained friendly relations with me and niv fiimilv— persons in all respects equal in standinq; with vou, and those who hold intercourse with you. Upon this proof of niv forbearanc a f(n-bearance wliich I ever hope to exercise, excej)! in cases of hi^h emergency, you have jrroun bold: and in a labored article recentlv addressed to the public over vour signature, i^ivinq; coun- tenance and sanction to the bass slanders which have been propa- j»ated against me in my domestic lelations. You speak of them " as evils whieli presented an insuperable bar to your entering; the Cabinet;*' and that your assent was finally given, under the per- suasion that the President would speedily see his error, and by removinj; me, correct the evil. This is wliat you intend to say, omittino; at the same time a material fact, which was known t» you, that I was the identical person tliruu^!) whom was comm'tni- cated to you the desire (d" the President, that you shoulil enter his Cabinet; and that through the same person you returned an answer, oftering at the time private business only as a reason why jou could not, and did not. at the instant of tiie application. make a prompt acceptance or refusal. Sir. the open attempt now made, unprovoked — one altogether uncalled for by any course of mine towards vou — is obvious to every eye. Tl>e whole nation must perceive that vour object and purpose is to mark me with dishonorable imputation. These ef- forts of yours, so persevered in. v>ill. I contidentlv Ijolicve and hope, justify me to the American people, and to all iionorable men, in retpiiring of you the rfpuratinn due to one who so M-an- tonly has been abused, insulted, and injured: and accordin;i;Iy I do require it. Wit!) due respect, J. H. EATON. To Jxo. McPhkuson BF.HKir.x. Esq. P. S. This letter was prepared to be delivered to you oti Mon- day, but the labsonce of the friend, who was expected lo bi> the bearer, the f a letter, addressed bi/ Gin. Hunter to ^L: Berrien, which he ivas directed to deliver to Gen. Jones, a.^ the friend of Mr. Berrien, dated Washinrtox Citt, 1st August, 1831. Sir — Severe indisposition since Friday evening last, confined rae to mv bed. and preve:ited me from conferring with you on the subject of Major Eaton's call of Tliursday. I was conse- quentlv not in place when your answer of Saturday, (as I under- stand,) was proented. Hence, from necessity, it was read by .inother friend, wlio, deeming it inadmissible, returned it. 54 1 now await your answer. The call of Major Latau is explicit- it is expected the answer will be equally so. I am, Sir, very respectfully, Your most obedient, ALEXANDER HUNTEK. John McPhersov Bekriex, Esq. Copy of so mvch of Gen. Junes' letter to me, in am-wer to mine of the 1st ej August, addretscd to Mr. Berrien, as relates to the subject matter, received 12 O'CLOCK, 2d August, 1831. Dear General — In answer to the note which you put into my kands at parting this evening, for Mr. Berrien, 1 can only re- capitulate, in few words, what, for your private satisfaction as a gentleman and man of honor, 1 have already communicated to you verbally. According to Mr. Berrien's appointment with you on Thui-sday, he sent by a member of his family. (wlioUy unapprised at the time, of the nature and tendency of the correspondence,) a sealed letter to yourself, enclosing a written answer to the note delivered by you from Major Eaton. The bearer of this answer attended several times, both on Friday and !?aturday, at the place of ap- pointment, but without meeting you, in consequence, as I now understand, of your confinement at home from indisposition. On Saturday, he was met at the place of appointment by another friend of Major Eaton, with authority to receive the communica- tion in your place; which, after being opened and read, was forthwith returned to Mr. Berrien, with a verbal intimation that Major Eaton would not receive it. 'i'his seems to close the door to all correspondence between the parties, and of course to any communication in reference to the original demand upon Mr. Berrien, between third persons, acting in their behalf. In Mr. Berrien's proffered an>wer to Maj. Eaton, he has taken his ground, and upon that, under existing cir- cumstances, he must stand as firm and immoveable as he w ould upon any other that he might have elected. After the indignity of having the answer, which he had devised, thrown back upon his hands as unworthy of reply, without the slightest explanation how t)V why it was deemed inadmissible in limine, he cannot submit to the task of graduating new answers by an imaginary scale, till he mav chance to have descended to some supposed degree of admiss^ible answer. I was myself wholly unappri/.ed of this un- happy affair, till it was communicated to me this morning: when 1 engaged, in case you should take any further agency in the matter, to explain to you individually as a j^entleman, what guarded respect to the original medium of communication be 55 tween the parties, Mr- K. had obscrvoii in all that had beeu transacted duiitiu; your absence, and how rdnipletoly all direct and aitthorized intorventioa had been cut od'. and the atVair re- mitted to the discretion of mere parties. Such was thcbe^nning, and such was the end ol" my present commission. Copy of my answer to tht foregoing kttcr, dated Washinrtow, 2fl August, 1831- Dear Gr.NF.RAi. — From your note of this morning, it appcaw that (he matter, so far as you arc concerned, as the friend of Air. Berrien, is terminated — as the friend of Major Eaton, I i'iu. djerefure, hold no further correspondence with you. 1 am. dear Sir, yours very truly, ^ LRX \NDRK HITNTKR. >c ^