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 PACIFICUS; 
 
 I THE 
 
 I 
 
 RIGHTS AND PRIVILEGES OF THE SEVERAL STATES IN REGARD TO SLAVERY; 
 
 A series of Essays, published in the Western Reserve Chronicle, (Ohio,) 
 after the election of 1S42. 
 
 BY A WHIG OF OHIO. «-——**" 
 
 ^^/ 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 To THE Editor of the Chromci-k : The election 13 past, and our opponents have triun"»|ihed. 
 They are now charged with the responsibility of administering our State Government. This t;eing the 
 case, wc may expect the election of a Senator to Con;rresi who will vote lo repeal the tariH', and to 
 abandon the protection of the h-ee labor ot the North. We must expect the election of such a man as 
 will exert his influence against our harbor improvements, and a completion of the (Ximberland road; 
 and who will oppose the distribution of the proceeds of the public lands. We must look for the election 
 of a man who will vote for the annexation of Texas to this Onion, and who will lend his influence gene- 
 rally to the slaveholding interests. The State will be so districted as to elect the greatest possible 
 number of Representatives in Congress, who will sustain the same policy, and who will vote for John 
 C. Calhoun to tlie office of President in 1S44, should the election devolve upon the House of Repre- 
 sentatives. 
 
 Had the friends of northern rights united their political efl^orts at the recent election, these conse- 
 quences would have been avoided ; but we were divided, and of course were conquered. Crimination 
 and recrimination will not extricate us from the difficulties into which our unhappy divisions have pre- 
 cipitated us. Future triumph can only be secured by future union ; we should, therefore, profit by ex- 
 perience. Let us search out the rock on which we have split, tliat we may avoid it hereafter. If there 
 be any political or moral principle involved in the controversy, let us understand what it is. Let it be 
 developed and placed before the people, that we may all distinctly understand it. In order to do this, it 
 is the intention of the writer to enter into an examination of this subject. He will endeavor to do so 
 with such plainness and sincerity as the subject dimands ; no false delicacy shall deter him from a full, 
 fair, and candid expression of truth ; nor shall feelings of excitement induce him to use terms or epithets 
 that may offend the sincere inquirer after truth, whether he lives in a free or slave State, or belongs to 
 the Whig, the Democrat, or the Liberty party. 
 
 In order to be distinctly understood, your readers may expect an examination of the subject in the 
 following order : 
 
 1st. He will inquire into the rights and privileges of the several States in regard to slavery- 
 
 2d. The encroachments upon these rights, of which the anti-slavery men complain. 
 
 8d. The remedy which, I think, all will agree should be adopted. 
 
 The whole will occupy several columns of your paper, and will be furnished as the writer finds 
 leisure to communicate with your readers. 
 
 JM'uvember 1, 1840. PACIFICUS. 
 
 NUMBER L 
 
 RIGHTS AND PRIVILEGES OF THE SEVERAL STATE? CONCERNING SLAVERY. 
 
 Mr. EniTOR : For the purpose of fixing in the mind a definite idea of our rights and privileges 
 resppcting slavery, it becomes necessary to look back to the time of forming the Constitution. At that 
 period, the spirit of universal liberty pervaded the minds of our people geuerallv, particularly those of 
 New England and the northern States. The sages and patriots of 1776 had put forth the undying truth, 
 ^ that man is born free " as a self-evident fact." In obedience to this declaration, Massachusetts, ever 
 :orward in the cause of liberty, by a similar assertion of the rights of man, had stricken the shackles from 
 jvery slave within her territories. The soil of Vermont had never been contaminated with the footsteps 
 )f a slave. Pennsylvania, and indeed nearly all of the northern States, had commenced a system of 
 gradual emancipation. The delegates from the north carried with them a strong predisposition in favor 
 )1 universal liberty. While in convention tliey spoke of slavery with deep abhorrence, and the most irre- 
 ipncileable hatred. Not so with the southern States. They regarded slavery as necessary to their pros- 
 >jerity. They refused to enter into the constitutional compact upon any terms that would subject that 
 nstitution to the control of the General Government. Up to this period each Stale had acted, in regard 
 f) slavery, according to the dictates of its own will. Each, for itself, held supreme, indisputable, and 
 : n-coiitrolie J jurisdiction oA'cr that institution within its own limits. Thi.J entire power was reserved to 
 
^f6 
 
 itself by each State, and no portion of it was delegated to the General Government; and to place the 
 subject m such plain and palpable light that it should never be questioned or disputed; article 10, of 
 he amendments, was subsequently adopted ; by which it was declared, (hat the powers not delegated by 
 the Constitution were reserved to the several States. It is, therefore, plain, that the General Cover, 
 ment have now no more power over the institution of slavery than it had prior to the adoption of th 
 Constitution. The people of the southern States hold that institution as independently of the Federal 
 GovoiT.ment as they did under the old Confederation. 
 
 li 
 
 the 
 
 perfeccY .c^;.prucai. inose ctaies wno desired to do so, could continue the institution of slavery ; and 
 those who desired to be tree and entirely exempt from the expense, the disgrace, and the guilt of "it, re- 
 served to themselves the ful and indisputable right to remain altogether separate from, and unconnected 
 with. Its evils. 1 he sons of the pilgrims regarded slavery as a violation of the will of Heaven and a 
 flagrant transgression of the law of God. They would no sooner have been prevailed upon to involve 
 themselves in its moral turpitude, than they would in that of piracy or murderf The people of the free 
 States, therefore, secured to themselves the absolute right of remaining free from the guilt the disgrace 
 and the expense of slavery, by withholding from the Federal Government all constitutional power in 
 regard to that institution ; while the slave States secured to themselves an equal privilege to enjoy the 
 benefits (as they supposed) resulting from a continuance of slavery. ^ r o j j 
 
 These doctrines are not new— they are as old as the Constitution. They are not local for they have 
 been substantially asserted in Congress, and both in the north and the south. They are not anti-slavuv 
 for they have been, for half a century, the declared doctrines of the slave States. If any anti-slavery mSn 
 claims for the free States any further rights in regard to slavery than those expressed above, he is re- 
 <|uested to make them known. If any Whig or Democrat of Ohio is willing to deny to the people of the 
 free Stages the rights above set forth, he is invited to express his views, in order that the pnblic mind 
 may be informed upon this important subject. 
 
 If the^e be the constitutional rights of the free States, all will agree that they should be maintained 
 and supported. On this point it would appear impossible that Whigs and anti-slavery men should disa- 
 gree. I, therefore, submit the question to our editors, and the conductors of the public press generally, 
 whether they ouglit not to speak out boldly and temperately upon this subject. Ought they not to urge 
 forward our State and National legislators to maintain and defend the rights of the Yree States, as assi- 
 duously as they do those o' the slave States .' The question is also submitted to the members of our 
 State Legislature, and to our members of Congress, whether they are not as much bound by their oath of 
 office to preserve the free States from all participation in the guilt, tlie disgrace, and the expense of sla,- 
 very, as they are to preserve the slave States from the abolition of that institution by Congress .' Ought 
 they not to put forth their influence to separate and wholly divorce the Federal Government from all sup- 
 port of slavery, and to bring it back to the position in which the Constitution placed it in relation to that 
 institution .' 
 
 Having thus stated, generally, the rights of the States, I shall, in my next communication, examine 
 the subject of fugitive slaves ; which has sometimes been urged as an exception to the general principle 
 tliat we, of the free States, are constitutionally unconnected with slavery. PACIFICUS. 
 
 NUMBER II. 
 
 FUGITIVE SI.,AA'ES. 
 
 Mr. Editor : The convention that framed our Federal Constitution, met with no trifling difficulty 
 in fixing the rights of the people of the different States in regard to fugitive slaves. By the common lau\ 
 and the law of nations, " a slave became ahsuhitely Jree by entering the territory of a free State or Gov- 
 ernment;" whether he did so by consent of his master, or "by escaping from his master's custody. It was 
 foreseen that, if this principle of the common law remained in force, self emancipation would deprive 
 the slave States of an institution which they regarded as important to their prosperity. A member from 
 South Carolina moved an amendment to the Constitution, requiring '\fi/gitive slaves and servajits to be 
 delivered up like criminals." This was objected to by members from Pennsylvania and Connecticut, for 
 the reason that it would involve the people of the free States in the expense of slavery — vide 3d volume 
 Madison Papers, 14-17. An amendment was subsequently adopted, in the form in which it is now found 
 in the last clause of the 1st section of the 4th article, which provides, that " no person held to service or 
 labor in one State, under the laws thereof, escaping into another, shall, in consequence of any law or 
 regulation therein, be discharged from such service or labor" &c. By this provision the common law, 
 as it then stood, was changed so far as the United States were concerned, so that a slave escaping to a 
 free State did not thereby become free. 
 
 Under this provision Congress passed the law of 1793, requiring certain ofiicers of the State and 
 Federal Governments to act when fugitive slaves were brought before them ; and it was supposed by our 
 people generally, that we were bound to aid the master in recapturing his fugitive slave. This has led 
 many of our people to believe the subject of fugitive slaves to form an exception to the doctrine laid 
 down in my first number. But the subject came before the Supreme Court of (he United States at their 
 last session, in the case of Prigg vs. the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania ; and it was decided, on solemn 
 argument, that no State officer was obliged to act in such case, and that so much of said law as required 
 them to act was unconslitutional. In this manner the doctrine laid down in my last communication was 
 confirmed by tiie Supreme Court of the United Stales, in regard to fugitive slave.". There were many 
 other important points decided in that case, from which the following principles are deduced : 
 
 A slave, by escaping to a free State, acquires certain important rights and privileges. When he 
 reaches our territory we regard him as a man, and not as properly. If he work for me, or sell me piro- 
 
pijrty, lie may sue me in his own name, and collect his pay. Neither I, nor any other man, except his 
 master, can take advantage of his having been a slave. If any person attempt to arreat him, as a slave, 
 without process, he may defend himself, with just so much force as becomes necessary to protect his 
 pierson and his personal liberty. In this respect he enjoys the same rights and privileges which our citi- 
 zens possess. He is liable to be arrested, and taken back to slavery by his former master — in all other 
 iespects he is regarded in law as a freeman. While in a slave State he may not resist the violence of 
 his master, by any act of self-defence ; if he do so, he may be instantly slain by his master, or otherwis« 
 severely punished under the laws of such State. It is this law, declaring it criminal in him to defend his 
 person against the violence of his master, which constitutes slavery. That law can have no operation in 
 our State. The slave, therefore, by escaping from a slave State, escapes from the operation of that law. 
 Its penalties cannot be visited upon him for an act done in Ohio. The'-e is no ssuch law here, nor is it 
 in the power of our Legislature to enact such a law. Our Constitution forbids its existence. 
 
 The court, in the case referred to, expressly decided that the jurisdiction is vested solely in Con- 
 gress ; that the passing of a law upon the subject by Congress, is conclusive that the master shall have the 
 benefit conferred by the act; and that no State law can be interposed to qualify or change the powers 
 given by Congress. They further decided, that it was equally plain that Congress intended that the 
 master should have no other or further facilities for capturing his slave than those expressed in the law 
 of Congress ; and, therefore, no State law can add to the powers conferred in the act of 1793. It, there- 
 fore, follows, that he may defend himself against his master while in this State, for the obvious reason 
 that self-defence is a natural right, and there is no law having force within tlie State of Ohio which for- 
 bids its exercise. If his master attempt to arrest him, the slave may defend himself with so much force 
 as may be necessary to protect his person and liberty. If the master press upon him, and it becomes ne- 
 cessary for his protection, he may kill his master, or the agents of his master, be they many or few, with- 
 out inquiring whether they come from a slave State, or be citizens of Ohio. It is important that our people 
 should distinctly understand, that, if they volunteer to arrest a fugitive slave, they do so at their peril. 
 I speak with confidence on this point. There is nothing in the act of Congress forbidding the slave to 
 exercise his natural right of self-defence ; nor does it mention any penalty for doing so. The act treats 
 him as property merely, and visits upon him no more punishment for killing his master than it would 
 upon a mule for the same act. The law of Congress settles the rights existing between the master and 
 the people of the State to which the slave may f^ee ; but it does not attempt to define the rights existing 
 between the master and slave. 
 
 It follows, therefore, that the slave, when he reaches our territory, becomes at once reinstated in 
 the enjoyment of all his natural rights which belonged to him wliile in Africa. It is true that we lend 
 him no protection against his mast t, but we leave him to defend himself with all the means in his power. 
 He may, for this purpose, provide himself with weapons. If there be two or more of them together, they 
 may unite tlieir eflTorts to defend themselves ; and in all respects put forth their physical powers to the 
 same extent that they could do were they on the soil of their native land. I am aware that many of ou 
 people think it wrong to do any thing by which the slave shall learn his rights. With such I disagree 
 If it were in my power, every person should know his rights the moment he touches our soil. To vvitli- 
 hold from him this knowledge, would aid his master in regaining him. We are under no constitutional, 
 legal, or moral obligation thus to aid the master; therefore, every means we may use for that purpose 
 makes us partakers of his guilt. On the contrary, we are under every moral obligation to use all our 
 efforts and influence to the advancement of justice and liberty, so far as we can, without offending against 
 the laws of our country. It is on this principle that every citizen of our State, whether he be a judge, 
 juf^tice of the peace, or any other State officer, incurs as much moral guilt, when he assists a masterin 
 retaking a slave, as lie would were he to go with the master to Africa, and aid him in capturing and 
 bringing into slavery tlie inhabitants of that unhappy land. It must be a vitiated slate of public opinion 
 that regards them in any other light. The offence against mankind is the same in either case; and I in- 
 tend that no false delicacy shall deter me from an unreserved expression of our rights. One of these 
 rights is to inform every person within our borders of all his legal privileges. I would as soon lake from 
 a slave his physical powers of defence, as I would rob him of his moral power; I would as soon bind his 
 body with chains, as I would bind his intellect in ignorance. But while the slave enjoys these natural 
 rights, the master has his constitutional and legal privileges ; and these we are bound also to respect and 
 observe. The master may enter our State, and pass through it in pursuit of his fugitive slave, and we 
 have not the constitutional power to prohibit him. As individuals, Vv^e may refuse him admission to our 
 dvvellings, or we may deny him the rights of hos!)itality ; we may regard him with iiorror, and teach our 
 children to detest him ; but he may, nevertheless, travel our roads, and may arrest his slave in our pre- 
 sence ; and may bind him, if necessary, and transport him back to the State from whence he escaped. 
 VVo have no right to interfere for the slave's protection, although our sympathies may be excited in his 
 favor. On this sul)ject our faith is pledged, and must not be violated. But wliile we permit the master 
 to do this, we do not protect him in doing it. Far from it. When he enters our State to arrest his 
 fugitive slave, so far as they two are conceimed, he does it at his own peril, as much as he would if he 
 were to go to Africa to kidnap a native of that country. He has no law to protect him, and must depend 
 upon physical force ; yet he must respect the rights o"f our people. He must not violate the sanctity of 
 our private dwellings, nor must he violate the public peace. He may lay " ge^itle ha7ids" upon the 
 slave — he may arrest and secure liiin ; but we are under no obligation to furnish him the use of our 
 prisons, or to guard his captive for him. If the slave defends himself, the master is not thereljy au- 
 thorized to shoot or kill him as he would if in a slave State. Sliould he do that, it would constifutt; 
 murder under our law, for which he would be hanged, the same as tliough he had killed a freeman. 
 After he has arrested the slave, he cannot compel him to pcnform any menial service whatever, nor 
 can he legally beat or chastise him. Should he do this, he may he arrested and punished for the assault 
 3nd battery. Tlie master's power extends so far as is necessary to arrest and take b(u-k his slave,- beyond 
 
this he cannot go. But he may do every thing to effect this object peaceably. Here his rights terminate *' 
 But this he does at his own peril ; and if the slave, in defending himself, kill hi» master, it is a matt o'^'^ 
 in which we have no concern. Yet he must not do it wantonly or unnecessarilv- Should he beat off h, •'*■ 
 master, and, while the master is retreating, shoot him, that, too, would be murder, and we should the *» 
 hang the slave. 
 
 These arc some of the rights of the master, and of the slave, while within our State ; and it will hi" 
 observed by every reader, thai it is a matter entirely between themselvefi. It is a subject in which out 
 people are under no obligation to interfere. If the slave drive back the master when attempting to arrest 
 him, there is no moral or legal duty resting upon us to step in to the master's aid. There is no such 
 stipulation contained in our Constitution. The patriots who framed that charter of American liberty, 
 made no such degrading compromise for the people of the free States. Yet, by the Constitution, our 
 State IS made the race ground over which the master may pursue his slave ; and may use every means to 
 arrest him that an officer may use to arrest a citizen on legal process. There is this distinction, however, 
 between the master and officer ; we protect the oflicer but not the master. For a person to resist an offi- 
 cer, in the execution of process, is criminal under our law. Not so with the slave, he may defend him- 
 sell precisely as he would in Africa ; or as a citizen of our State may defend himself against a person 
 who, without process, attempts to arrest him for crime. Nor are our people under any more obligation 
 to assist a slaveholder to catch a slave here, than they are to go to Al'rica to aid him in kidnapping. In- 
 deed, if you will show me a man who, knowing his rights, will aid a master in catching a slave in this 
 State, I will sjiow you a man who would go to Africa and aid in kidnapping the people there, and bring- 
 ing them iu:o slavery, provided he could do so witliout incurring danger of the halter. Or, if you will 
 show me a judge, or justice of the peace, or other State oflicer, who, knotmng his rights, will' aid in send- 
 ing a fugitive back into slavery, or in detaining one lijr fuither proof of his being a slave, I think I hazard 
 little in saying, tliat for the same fees he would send you or me into bondage, if he had the power to do so. 
 
 Yet it is a humiliating fact, that, in 1839, our Democratic Legislature attempted, by legal enactment, 
 to make our State officers and citizens the catchpoles of southern slaveholders. I say tliey attempted 
 to do this : for, by the decision of the supreme court, above referred to, all such State laws are declared 
 " UNCONSTITUTIONAL AND VOID." Notwithstanding they were then told that such acts would be 
 void, they gravely occupied their time, and expended the money of our citizens, in devising the best 
 mode o{ catching slaves. They used all their power and influence to involve you and me, and our peo- 
 ple generally, in the guilt, tlie disgrace, and expense of slavery. In this they violated the Constitution 
 of the United States, as well as that of our own State. 
 
 And now, Mr. Editor, anti-slavery men ask that t\\Q party, the men, who enacted this law, should 
 receive the full benefit of their servility. They desire that public sentiment should be expressed 
 through our public papers. That this law be repealed.* That our State be relieved from the disgrace- 
 ful attitude in which it now stands. That the subject of fugitive slaves be left where the Constitution 
 and laws of the United States have placed it. And can there be any difference of opinion, on this sub- 
 ject, between Whigs and anti-slavery men .' Is there a Whig editor in our State, who will hesitate to 
 raise his voice against this disgraceful law ? And to maintain the clear, absolute, and indisputable right 
 of our people, to be entirely free and exempt from the guilt, the disgrace, and expense of catching fugi- 
 tive slaves ? PACIFICUS. 
 
 NUMBER in. 
 
 SUPPRESSION OF DOMESTIC VIOLENCE. 
 
 The framers of our Federal Constitution set forth, in the preamble of that instnmiont, the olijects 
 for which it was entered into. One of those objects is " to secure to ourselves and posterity 
 THE BLESSINGS OF LIBERTY." Mr. Webster, in his late letter to Lord Ashburton, says, " Slavery 
 exists in the southern States of this Union under the griaranty of our Federal Constitution." — The pat- 
 riots who framed the Constitution, declared their object was " to secure the blessings of Liberty." Mr. 
 Webster affirms that they " guarantied slavery." Did Madison and Washington, and Franklin say one 
 thing, and do another, or is Mr. "Webster mistaken in the assertion contained in his letter ? If this doc- 
 trine of Mr. Webster be correct, it follows, of course, that the free States are involved in all the guilt, 
 disgrace, and responsibility oi slavery ; and the position assumed in my first communication, " that the 
 free States are no more liable to support slavery, than the slave States are to abolish it," is erroneous 
 and unfounded. — This doctrine of Mr. Webster is often asserted by soutliern slaveholders, as well as by 
 northern men, who appear anxious to impress our people with the idea that the free States are thus sub- 
 sidiary to the slave States, and involved in all the hateful consequences of slavery. I will not call such 
 men doughfaces ; with them I have nothing to do ; my business is with their arguments. Our countiy 
 and posterity will hold them responsible for their attempts to induce our people to yield up their own 
 constitutional rights, and to become the voluntary supporters of slavery, and the slave trade. To arouse 
 our people to the investigation of our constitutional rights in regard to this subject, and to inspire them 
 to a patriotic and firm maintenance of our interests and honor, is the duty of the public press, and of pub- 
 lic men. 
 
 To the people of Ohio, and of the free States, I declare this doctrine unsupported by any clause in 
 our Constitution. No such guaranty is found in that instrument. The patriots who frairied that " bond 
 of Union," made no such degrading stipulation on the part of northern freemen. If that instruipent had 
 contained any clause susceptible of a doubtful construction, in this respect, all will agree, that it would, 
 and ought to be so construed, as "to secure the blessings of liberty," rather than to perpetuate slavery. 
 But there is no clause that can, in the opinion of the writer, be deemed dovbtful, or that by any 
 fltraiaed construction, can be said to guaranty slavery. The 4,tb section of the 4th article is, however, 
 — — — I 
 
 * The law lias been repealed since the aJsove was first jiiiblishcd, 
 
quoted in support of tlia doctrine referred to. It reads as follows : " The United States shall s^uarant^f 
 to everu State in this Union, a republican form of Government, and shall protect them against invasion, 
 and on application of the executive, when the Legislature cannot be convened, against domestic mo- 
 lene.e." The word guaranty is used in connexion with a " republican form of government, and not 
 with slavery. It can hardly'be expected that any one will suppose these terms to i)e synonymous. It is 
 believed, however, that those who adhere to the doctrine now contended against, rely upon the last 
 clause which pledges the protection of the United States against "</oHies/j/-t)to?e/tce." ^^ 
 
 The history concerning the insertion of this provision is this : In 1786, the " Shay's rebellion 
 broke out in the State of JNlassachusetts. This insurrection threatened the overthrow, not only of tha 
 government of that State, but portended the downfall of all the other State governments.— While they 
 were thus endangered, it was discovered that no authority existed in the old articles ot confederation, by 
 which the troops^of one State could be employed to suppress an insurrection in another. Ihis dil- 
 ficultv gave rise to the adoption of this clause for suppressing domestic violence. Massachusetts wa-S 
 then the only State that had abolished slavery. In this history it is difficult to trace out any intention 
 to sunrantu slaoeru. It is impossible to see how any legal mind can torture this clause into siich a 
 guaranty, "it is simply a provision for suppressing insurrecti'ms. It applies as much to the /ree States 
 as to slave States, andwould have been adopted, had no slavery existed m either of the States. It has 
 no relation to the character of the insurgents, whether they be black or white bondmen or Jreemen, 
 masters or slaves. If an insurrection actually take place, the power of the Federal Government must 
 be employed to put it down, if milder measures will not effect that object. But the President, when 
 called on for aid to suppress an insurrection, cannot stop to inquire into the cause trom which it aros^e. 
 He is entirely unauthorized to withhold such aid, in case it arise from the abolition of slavery. 1 he 
 trutli is, the Federal Constitution considers slaves as persons; and draws no distinction in regard to the 
 character of the insurgents. When the United States troops arrive upon the theatre ot action, they must 
 direct their efforts to suppressing the violence. It is their duty to slay all persons found in arms against 
 the public tranquility. The master and slave tigliting side by side against the public authority, must 
 both be slain without distinction, and without inquiring into their relations to each other. 
 
 When the violence is suppressed, the duty of the troops will be performed. II, then, every slave 
 in the nation peaceably leaves his master, and starts for Canada, there is no power in the Federal 
 Government to send oiir troops after them, or to set them as a guard to prevent their escape. The duty 
 of the President, and of the troops, is to suppress the violence, and not to support slavery. Such escape 
 of slaves would prove a total abolition of slavery. Where then would be the guaranty ? But suppose 
 the slaves engage in, and continue the violence ; it will then be tlie duty of our troops to slay them. 
 Would such kifling of slaves be a support of slavery ? It would be so far an abolition ot slavery, and it all 
 the slaves be thus slain, slavery would be abolished (for no new importations can be made under our 
 laws). Where then will be our guaranty ? Again : if the slaves should stubbornly refuse to labor or to 
 obey their masters, they would thereby work the abolition of slavery. Bnt would such act obligate the 
 Federal Government to furnish obedient servants ? or should they commit suicide, and thereby abolish 
 the institution, would the United States become liable as guarantors .' Or, were they to pursue a course 
 of secret destruction of their master's propertv,and thus compel their owners to emancipate them, could 
 the slaveholders demand indemnitv of the Federal Government ? Or, should the slaves pursue any 
 other course which would inevitably destroy that institution, would the Federal Government be held 
 responsible .' I apprehend but one answer can be given to these inti-rrogatories. But some politicians 
 give a more loose and indefinite construction to this section. They hold that, as Congress is bound to 
 lend its protection when called on to suppress domestic violence, it is their duty, in time ot peace to 
 provide arms, troops, and fortifications (or that purpose, and to have them so distributed as to intimidate 
 the slaves to obedience. If this construction be correct, it is certainly one that was not foreseen or in- 
 tended by the framers of the Constitution. If it be correct, the freemen of the north may be taxed to 
 erect a fortification on every plantation south of "Mason and Dixon's line," and to turnish a body 
 guard to every slaveholder and overseer in the' United States. Indeed, such construction would render 
 it the duty of our freemen of the north to go to the slave States, and act a^ life-guards to the slaveholders. 
 But there is, in this section, no author! tvlbr the Federal Government to act on the subject until actual 
 violence takes place. The President cannot order out the troops of the United States to suppress an in- 
 surrection, even when actual violence has occurred, unless his aid be invoked by the State authority — 
 Every reader will see that two things are necessary to authorize the President to intertere— 
 
 1st. There must be actual violence. . . 
 
 2d. There must be a demand of aid from the Federal Government by the State authorities. 
 
 Witliout these th<3 President lias no power to act. If violence arise, it is the privilege ot the Mate 
 government to suppress it, and to enforce their own laws, if they please.— In such case the President tias 
 no power to order the troops of the United States into the field. If the slaveholders anticipate violence 
 from their slaves, they are at full libertv to remove all danger by emancipating them. But the President 
 has no power to send our troops to the slave States to guard the masters and overseers, while they whip, 
 and scourge, and torture their slaves, to compel them to lalwrfor the support, and to promote the luxury, 
 of their owners. Yet such is, substantially, the doctrine avowed and inculcated by some northern poli- 
 ticians, as well as southern slaveholders ; and the question comes home to our editors and public men, 
 whether such views shall be pressed upon the public mind, without examination and contradiction . 
 
 I have now examined (he onlv clause in our Constitution relied upon by those who urge t lat 
 " slavery exists in the southern States under the guaranty of our Federal compact. 1 he doctrine las 
 no foundation except in the servile disposition of tliose who appear anxious to involve the people ot tlie 
 free States in the guilt and dishonor of an institution, with which we are constitutionally unconnected. 
 
 Mr. Webster, probablv, without deliberation or close examination o( the subject, wrote his letter ot 
 directions to Mr. Everett,' under tlie dictation of a sbveholdiug President, giving to tliat minister orders 
 to exert our national influence, to obtuin indemnitv for the slave dealers who claimed the car^'o ot ti e 
 
Creole. la this manner he involved the people of the free States in the disgrace of that accursed tnSiC 
 in human flesh. Having done this, it became necessary that he should sustain the doctrine in his cor- 
 respondence with Lord Ashburton. In his letter addressed to tliat functionary, upon the subject of the 
 Creole, he substantially declares the people of the free States to be the guarantors of slavery, and the 
 supporters of the slave trade, which they execrate and detest. This saving of Mr. Webster will be 
 (luoted by thousands of northern doughfaces, to establish this unfounded doctrine.— It is believed that 
 every such effort, to commit us to the support of slavery, should be promptly met, and exposed by our 
 public press. They are attemptjj to surrender up our constitutional rights, and should be discarded by 
 every friend of liberty, and by every lover of his country. On this point, it would seem that no dif- 
 ference of sentiment could exist among our people, whether they belong to the Whig, the Democratic, 
 or Liberty party. All are desirous that our press and public men should speak forth, in plain and respect- 
 ful language, our constitutional rights. They neither wish nor desire that language, offensive to southern 
 men, should be employed. On the contrary, they would have them treated'with respect and kindness. 
 It is proper that the public mind should be fully informed in regard to our rights. And tliat these rights 
 should be respectfully and firmly maintained. Is there a Whig who would not do this .' Is there an 
 editor or elector in the Whig ranks, who feels too delicate to assert our rights, or too patriotic to main- 
 tain them ? I make these remarks in consequence of the feeling so often expressed, that the agitation 
 of our rights is impolitic. The idea is one which should meet with universal disapprobation.— We ought 
 never to remain silent when our rights and interests are invaded. 
 
 Having examined the two paragraphs in our Constitution, which are quoted to prove that we are 
 involved in the support of slavery, I trust the reader will be prepared to say with me, that the Federal 
 Government, and the free States, have the constitutional right to be separate and totally exempt from 
 the support of slavery and the slave trade ; and that this righf is as supreme, absolute, and unconditional, 
 as is the right of the slave States to maintain them. 
 
 In my next I shall ask the attention of my readers to some of the instances in which their rights 
 have been invaded. PACIFICUS. 
 
 NUMBER TV. 
 
 VIOLATION OF THE CONSTITUTIOiV FOR THE SUPPORT OF SLAVERY. 
 
 Mr. Editor : In my first communication, I stated that, by our Federal Constitution, the free States 
 possessed "the absolute and unqualified right of being exempt and entirely free from the expense, the 
 guilt, and the disgrace of slavery and of the slave trade." To establish this principle beyond all doubt 
 or cavil, his been the object of my second and third numbers. Having thus disposed of that part of my 
 subject, I shall now proceed to call the attention of my readers to some few of the instances in which 
 the people of the free States have been uncon,«titutionally involved in .the expense of that institution ; 
 reserving, for a future number, all reference to the guilt and disgrace which has been forced upon us, in 
 order to sustain and encourage slavery. This practice of sustaining slavery at the expense and incon- 
 venience of the people of the free States, had its origin in the days of our revolution. In 1780, the au- 
 thorities of South Carolina sent a confidential agent to inform Congress that their State could furnish no 
 troops to defend her territory against the British forces, as it was necessary that her men should all re- 
 main at home to defend their fandlies and friends against their slaves in case of insurrection. (Vide 
 secret Journal of Congress.) (jnder these circumstances, troops were taken from the northern States, 
 to defend them against the British, while they defended themselves against their slaves, and compelled 
 them to labor tor the benefit of their masters. In this way southern plantations were rendered productive, 
 while those of the north were left destitute of laborers, and the burden of supporting slavery was thrown 
 almost entirely upon the northern States. By the subsequent adoption of the Constitution, slavery was 
 made strictly a State institution. Its burdens to be borne by such States as continued them, whilo 
 those States, who preferred to do so, had an equal right to be exempt from all its evils, by emancipating 
 their slaves. Yet the practice of throwing the burden of supporting slavery upon the nation at large, 
 thereby involving the free States in its expense, has continued down to the present day. These burdens 
 have been cast upon the people of the free States : Firstly, by appropriations made by Congress for the 
 direct and avowed purjiose of sustaining slavery and the slave trade. And, secondly", by such action of 
 the executive and legislative branches of government, as was calculated, eventually, "to produce that 
 effect, and, in some instances, the refusal of Ccmgress and the Executive to act, lest such action would, 
 relieve the people of the free States from this burden. 
 
 To the first branch of this proposition, I shall devote the present number. 
 
 Our first treaty, formed with the Creek Indians, was signed 7th August, 1790. It contained a stipu- 
 lation on the part of the Indians to snirreruler up all negroes then in their territory. 
 
 The same stipulation was contained in nearly all our subsequent treaties with that savage nation. 
 I regret that the limits, prescrilied to myself, will not admit of detail, and I will here state, that if any 
 reader shall call for details on any point embraced in these essays, I will most cheerfully give them here- 
 after. This covenant of the Indians to surrender up negroes, was connected with stipulations to perform 
 other acts, and the exact amount paid for surrendering negroes is therefore unknown. For the violation 
 of this clause of the treaty, we compelled them to pay to the slaveholders of Georgia, at one time, two 
 hundred and fifty thousand dollars. I think it a fair estimate, to set down the sum paid to that nation, 
 for the purpose of inducing them to return fugitive slaves, at three hundred thousand dollars. — In our 
 treaty with the Florida Indians, concluded at Camp Moultrie, in 1823, we agreed to pay them six thous- 
 and dollars, and an annuity of five thousand dollars for twenty years. The Indians, on their part, stipu- 
 lated " to be active a7id vigilant in preventing fugitive slaves from passing through their country, and 
 in apprehending and returning to their mssters such as should seek an asylum among them." — Official 
 reports and documents, now on file in the War Department, show% beyond contradiction, that the Florida 
 war was commenced and prosecuted for the purpose of regaining fugitive slaves, and to prevent furtlier 
 escapes of that class of people. 
 
The expense of this war is estimated dt forty mil/ ions of dollars. 
 
 After the close of the late war with Great Britain, our Government demanded of that nation compoit- 
 Sation, for tlie owners, of such slaves as escajied to their army (hiring hostilities. The demand was re- 
 si.^ted, and years of diplomatic ettort were employed in extorting from them the price of liberty thus 
 gained bv our fellow men. After much effort and expense, we obtained fourteen hundred thousand 
 dollars for the slaveholders ; but the people of the free States were taxed to defray tlie expense of ob- 
 taining and distributing the money. In 1825, and for many years subsequent to that time, the efforts of 
 our Government were put Ibrth " to prevent the abolition of slauery in the Island of Cuba, lest the ex- 
 ample might affect the institution in our southern States." And an agent was sent there to prevent the 
 emancipation of slaves. Our people of the free States were thus involved in the expense of opposing the 
 liberty of mankind. In 1818, General Jackson marched his army into Florida; while there, his sol- 
 diers, and the followers of his camp, took many slaves from the people of that territory, and tiie people 
 of the free States have been taxed to pay for the negroes thus taken.* (Vide documents on file in the 
 office of the Secretary of tlie Treasury.) 
 
 In 1316, certain fugitive slaves took refuge in the Territory of Florida, and erected a fort upon the 
 bank of the Apalachicola river. Here they made their gardens, and cleared their fields, and cultivated 
 their farms. General Jackson sent orders to General Gaines, to enter this territory of the King of Spain, 
 to destroy the fort, and " to arrest and return the fugitive slaues to their masters." A gunboat was de- 
 spatched" for the pm-pose of effecting these objects. "The fort was cannonaded with hot shot until the 
 magazine was blown up; and two hundred and seventy meil, women, and children were instantaneously 
 murdered in cold blood, f')r no other crime than that of preferring liberty to slavery. A law was passed 
 in February, 1838, to pay more tlran live thousand dollars to the officers and crew, as a bounty for this 
 destruction of our fellow beings. Our people of Ohio, and the other free Stales, were thus involved in 
 the expense of inurderins; fugitive slaves, for the benefit of that institution. 
 
 The bill granting this sum, as a merited bounty for killing slaves, was reported by the chairmanf 
 of the Naval Committee, and, it is said, was passed upon their authority without further examination in 
 the House. Many of the slave .States have laws autliorizing their officers to arrest and imprison free 
 colored persons who enter their States, and to sell them as slaves, unless the expense of imprisoning 
 them be paid. Many free colored men in the employ of the United States, have been thiis imprisoned, 
 and the expense paid by Government in order to release tliem. (Vide reports of committees made at the 
 last session of Congres.s.) Much expense has also been incurred by Government in sending detachments 
 of troops and of the marine corps to intimidate the slaves of the south to obedience. These instances 
 have been frequent ; so much so, that otficers, commanding detachments, do not even wait fororders from 
 the War Department, to march their forces into any region where appearances of insurrection are mani- 
 fested. J Every reader is aware that ships, engaged in the slave trade, have been wrecked on arid near 
 the British West India islands ; and the slaves, finding themselves at liberty, have refused to return. 
 Our Government lias espoused the cause of the slave dealers, and have, for many years, involved the 
 people of the free States in the expense of obtaining, from the British Government, the loss which the 
 slave merchants sustained by the liberation of their slaves. Thus have we been taxed for the support of 
 the slave trade. I need not mention the particulars concerning the Creole. They will be recollected 
 by every reader. More than a hundred thousand dollars have been appropriated for the erection of 
 prisons in tlie District of Columbia. — These prisons have been, and still are, used by slave merchants, to 
 confine their slaves until their cargoes or coffles for southern markets are completed. In a former num- 
 ber, I referred to the fact, that a Democratic Legislature of our own State appropriated the money of our 
 fellow citizens, to pay themselves their per diem, while they discussed the proper mode of catching south- 
 ern slaves. These are some oi the instances in which the people of the free States have been involved 
 in the direct expense of sustaining and supporting slavery. The amount cannot be ascertained with pre- 
 tiision. Many have estimated it at one hundred millions dollars, or more than one-eighth part of the 
 whole sum, expended by the United States, since the adoption of our Federal Constitution, including 
 the expense of tlie late war with Great Britain. They include, in such estimate, the expense of re- 
 moving southern Indians, and the amount paid for the purchase of Florida arid Louisiana.^— The protec- 
 tion of slavery, doubtless, entered into and formed a part of the objects attained by these purchases and 
 the removal of the Indians. But the writer is unwilling to bring forward, upon his own responsibility, 
 any estimate that admits of dispute or argument. The amount is immense when viewed in the most 
 favorable light. Yet the abuse consists in the clear and palpable violation of our constitutional rights, 
 tather than in the number of dollars and cents taken from our pockets, and Appropriated to the support 
 of slavery. 
 
 The Constitution has been violated ; and these violations have become so frequent j as to create 
 alarm among our patriots and sages. (Vide Mr. Adams' late speech at Braintree.) Tlie writer, how- 
 ever, considers the most alarming circumstance to be the perfect silence of our northern pressj and our 
 northern statesmen and politicians, under the infliction of tiiose abuses and violation of the Constitution, 
 and of oTir rights and interests. We have submitted to them so long, and so patiently, that many of our 
 people begin to entertain tlie opinion that we are constitutionally bound to contribute a portion of our 
 substance, accumulated by our toil and labor, to enable the slaveholders of the south to keep their slaves 
 in subjection. Sir, this supineness of the northern press and northern men; is unworthy of the dc- 
 
 * In tho last olanso of tlio 9ili articlo of oiir treaty with Spain, entered info in 1P20, the United Piatcs asrord " to pay 
 the Spanish officers, and the private .Spaiiisli citizens, lor all proj:ci-ty lost by the movements of the lute Jlmirh-nn f<rmy hi 
 Florika." On a reference of the question to the late Attorney (ieneval, Felix Grundy, that oftieer gravely decided, that 
 slaves were property, and he suhstantially decided also, that stcalin<; nci^roes constiluled a portion of the movements of our 
 late army in Florida, l^pon the authority of this opinion, Secretary Woodbiu'y paid for the neijroes, aUhon!;h no other 
 Secretary had ever entertained such an application. 
 
 f Hon. Isaac Toucj , a JemorraHc representative from Connscticnf, was the author of tlie bill. 
 
 t Most appointments in tlic army and navy, made hy .-ilavclioldiiig Piegidents, are from the south. 
 
8 
 
 sceryJaata of our revolutionary fathei-s- Further abuses ihould be resisteii. Wlale we pay all poasibls- 
 deference to the rights of tlie slave States, we surely ought to maintain our own. We should stand upon 
 the strict Une of the Constitution. We ought not to pernriit our soutliern brethren to invade our rights, 
 while we should be equally careful not to encroach upon theirs. 
 
 PACIFICUS. 
 
 NUMBER V. 
 
 VIOLATIONS OF THE CONSTITUTION CONTTXUED. 
 
 Mr. Editor : In my last communication, I referred to some of the instances in which the money, 
 collected from our people of the free States, had been appropriated directly to the support of slavery. 
 It is now my purpose to refer to some instances in which the people of the free States have been com- 
 pelled to suffer pecuniary inconvenience and loss, for the benefit of the slaveholding interests of the 
 south. 
 
 It is more than forty years since the people of Hayti, following the example which we had set 
 them, achieved their independence, and establish a government of their own. — By their acts of valor 
 and patriotism, they became as much entitled to a rank among the governments of the earth, as we did 
 by our revolution. " This claim has been acknowledged by franco and England, and, indeed, so far as I 
 am informed, by all the civilized nations of the earth, excejjt the United States. So far from recognising 
 the government of Hayti, at an early day we passed a law to suppress all commercial intercounse be- 
 tween our people and the people of that Island. (Vide act of Congress, approved 28th February, 18()6.> 
 This was done bocau.se the people had, most of them, been slaves; and it was designed to withhold 
 from them our provisions in order to bring upon them famine and distress, lest their example might in- 
 duce the slaves in our southern States to assert their liberty. It is true that a hazardous and unccrtaia 
 trade has existed between our people of New England and those of Hayti, but vc have been virtually 
 cut off from the 7?ro/t<s and advantages of a commerce with that island, ibr the reason that intercourse 
 with that people might aflect the slaves of the southern States, and render them discontented in their 
 chains of bondage. Most of this time we have been virtually excluded from the commerce of the British 
 West India Islands. In the meantime Hayti has offered to our merchants golden temptations for their 
 American produce. These temptations they were compelled to forego in order that the southern slaves 
 might be held in ignorance of their rights. Our farmers of Ohio have been denied a market for their 
 wheat, flo\ir, beef, pork, and other produce, in order to maintain such a state of ignorance in the slave 
 States as would enable the masters to hold their slaves in subjection. 
 
 I have already alluded to the fact that, by a law existing in most of the slave States, colored seamen, 
 when they arrive "in port, are liable to be seized and imprisoned, lest their presence might create a de- 
 sire for liberty among the slaves. If the persons thus imprisoned are found unable to pay the extravagant 
 charges for their arrest and imprisonment, they are to be sold into slavery. These proceedings have 
 operated as a tax upon tlie commerce of onr northern States. Thus have our interests been made to sub- 
 serve the interests of slavery. In this way the Federal Government has extended its fostering care over 
 that institution, at the expense of the people of the free States. For forty years we have thus been ren- 
 dered tributary to the slave States. Our Government still refuses to enter into commercial relations 
 with that of Hayti, and the interests of our shipowners, our sailors, our merchants, our mechanics and 
 farmers, are depressed and discouraged, in order that ignorance and slavery may be prolonged in the 
 south. And where are our statesmen or our editors, of either party, who boldly denounce this flagrant 
 abuse of northern interests and northern rights ? Nay, I appeal to every thinking, candid man, to say 
 whether a frank and temperate maintenance of our rights on this subject has not been regarded as uncon- 
 stitutional and dishonorable by a portion of our people of the north ? So long, so tamely and silently, 
 have we been accustomed to yield up our interests for the benefits of slavery, that an open assertion of 
 our rights, and support of our "interests, is regarded with distrust and jealousy. 
 
 In 1816, onr people of the free States were deeply engaged in commerce; our ships navigated 
 everv sea ; our sailors were numerous ; our merchants were enjoying a profitable commerce ; our farmers 
 ■ were encouraged by a ready market for their products. The war, then but just closed, had left our na- 
 tion in debt; a hundred millions of dollars was to be raised, beside the current expenses of Government. 
 Southern statesmen considered that the interests of the slaveholding States would he promoted by levy- 
 ing this vast sum upon the commerce of the free States. The command was given, and the blow was 
 struck. Twelve thousand seamen were turned out of employ, commerce was crippled, and thousands 
 of our ship owners and merchants were ruined, and the industry of the north was, for a season, paralyzed 
 for the purpose of relieving the slave States of their due proportion of our public debt and the expenses 
 of Government. 
 
 At length our people of the north gradually conformed to the tariff of 1816, and subsequent amend- 
 ments. They vested their fortunes, accumulated by industry and economy, in the factories designed to 
 supplv our nation with such fabrics as were deemed necessary to the comfort of our people. Our la- 
 borers again found employ. Industry was encouraged. Our farm.ers of Ohio found a ready market for 
 their produce; prosperity again cheered every department of society in the free States. Our public 
 r'^venues were ample. Our national debt was paid off'; our harbor improvements, the improvement of 
 our river navigation and our Cumberland road, were going forward with rapidity, when the slaveholding 
 inlluence became dissatisfied, and tliroatened a dissolution of the Union. One of the slave States ar- 
 raved its military forces to oppose this northern prosperity, and to reduce the Federal Government to 
 the necessity of "changing its policy tor the fancied purpose of forcing prosperity upon the slave States, in 
 defiance of that law of Providence Which has ordained that it shall never result from oppression and vice. 
 The compromise act of 1833 was nothing more nor less than the mandate of southern statesmen, by which 
 they directed that our harbor and river improvements should cease ; that the sale of Oliio wheat, flour, 
 pork, and beef, in New England, should stop : and that our farmers should be deprived of a home mar- 
 
ket for tli"ir produce • that Uie manufacturers of New England should be ruined ; that hundreds of 
 thousands of laborers should be turned out of employ ; that the revenues of Government should be struck 
 aown • that a national debt should be incurred, public credit impaired, and private credit ruinetl, lor the 
 purpose of sustaining and encouraging the interests of the slave States. The mandate was obeyed, and 
 the people of the free States have quietlv, and almost silently, submitted to the loss oi untold millions, 
 for the benefit of the slave States. The writer would not be understood aa saving these were violations 
 of the Constitution; but that they were as clearly violations of the rights ofthejree States as were the 
 appropriations of monev for the express purpose of capturing fugitive slaves. It is thus that our commerce 
 vvith Havti has been Jut off, and our domestic labor has been left to compete with the pauper labor ot 
 Europe.'in order that the interests of the slave States might be protected, sustained, and upheld at the 
 expense of northern freemen. , c^. . r i ..„„ 
 
 Under the law distributing the proceeds of the public lands among the several States, a fund was 
 provided bv which all our northern States would have extricated themselves from their present embar- 
 rassment's and would have been enal)led to complete their internal improvements already commenced. 
 Our canals and railroads would have given increased tacilities to our internal commerce ; stimulated our 
 agricultural and mechanical laborers to greater effort by offering greater encouragement 1 hey would 
 have aided and increased our manufacturers. They would, in a great degree, have annihilated the space 
 which now divides the people of New England from those of our western States ; our associatons would 
 have increased ; refinement and taste would have been encouraged; intelligence more rapidly dissem- 
 inated ; and learning and science promoted. These advantages, though highly desirable to a tree peo- 
 ple are dangerous to the interests of slavery, which must ever depend upon the ignorance and stupidity 
 of the slave population in regard to their rights, and the means of regaining them. All these results were 
 clearly seen bv that influence which is ever jealous of the progress ot knowledge, which teaches man to 
 know "the rights that God has given him. Their sacrifice was deemed necessary to the interest of slav- 
 ery. A slav"eholding President became the willing instrument by which the object was efT(?cted. Con- 
 sistency, self-respect, reason, and the rights of the northern States, presented but slight obstacles to the 
 attainment of his purpose. These advantages to the free States, increasing and expanding as we look 
 forward to comimj time, were sacrificed by the Federal Government for the purpose of preserving the 
 slaveholding influence from all hazard. I am aware that a portion of our people consider these subjects 
 of but little' importance. They urge that all encroachments upon our rights in favor of the slaveholding 
 interests are to be resisted, but'deny that a protective tariff, the distribution of the proceeds of the public 
 lands, the improvement of our harbors, our river navigation, or of the Cumberland road, are of such im- 
 portance as to require their aid and support. 
 
 If these important interests be abandoned by those who make the " support of northern rights" their 
 motto, how can they expect the friends of internal improvements, and of the tariff, to unite w'ith them in 
 matters which they deem of far less pecuniary importance. If one class of our northern men will tamely 
 surrender ouv pecuniary interests, mav we not expect that another portion will be as willing to yield up 
 our honor to the demands of the southern States ? Is there an individual who is not perfecty conscious 
 that such divisions must prove destructive to all our sectional rights .' If those whose minds dwell 
 mostly on the moral influences of slavery, and who feel most deeply interested in removing the moral 
 desolation it occasions, abandon all support of our pecuniary interests, separate from their political 
 friends, and refuse to co-operate with them ; can they expect, by such separation, to facilitate the ac- 
 complishment of their own purposes? Can any man of reflection suppose that we can extricate our- 
 selves from the moral influence of slavery, while it continues to control our pecuniary interests. 
 
 The safety of the free States depends upon preserving the Constitution in its purity, and in the 
 firm and temperate support of «// ovr rights. If one of our'important rights suffer, all must be affected. 
 They will either stand or fall together. Division of our friends is itself a sacrifice of our rights. — Union 
 of our friends will secure our ridits and our interests. I am aware that T shall be charged of speaking 
 mostly in regard to the rights of the 7iorth, while I say but little of those of the sotifh. But I beg my 
 readers to understand that the south have not only maintained their oivn rights, but they have made our 
 rights subservient to their interests ; and it has therefore become necessary that public attention should 
 be thus particularly called to the support oUhe interests and the honor of the free States. 
 
 PACIFICUS. 
 
 NU.MBER VI. 
 
 TIOLATIO'S OF THE CONSTITUTION CONTINUED. 
 
 Mr. Editor : Having in my two last numbers made some allusion to tlie inanner in which tlie peo- 
 ple of the free States have been involved in the pecuniary expense of slavery, I will now proceed to ex- 
 amine some of the instances in which we have been involved in the moral guilt of t If at in.'stitution. 
 
 By act of Congress, approved February 27. 1801, slavery and the slave trade in the District of Co- 
 lumbia were re-established and continued. As some diversity of opinion exists in regard to the power 
 of Congress over the subject of slavery in that District, it may bo well to remark, that the States of Mary- 
 land and Virginia, by deeds of cession bearing date in IROO, conveyed the territory embraced within the 
 District of Columbia to the United States. These dcec^ of cession each contained a clause providing 
 that the State laws should continue in force within the territory ceded, until Congress should accept tlie 
 grant. Congress accepted the grant, and, from that instant, the State laws ceased to have any force or 
 effect within the territory. It then came under the control of another sovereignty, and, of course, all for- 
 mer laws must cease. When I speak of former Slate laws, I refer to all statntc or municipal laws, in- 
 cluding the laws of descent and distribution, and the laws for the collection of debts and punishing 
 crimes, as well as the laws of slavery and the slave trade. .Ml these ceased to e\ist the moment Con- 
 gress accepted the grants, From that time to tliis, there has been no munirip il law in existence within 
 
10 
 
 said District except acts of Congress. In onler tiiat the people wiihiu the Dislriot should suiter no in- 
 convenience for the want of laws, Congress passed the act above referred to. By this law, the statutes 
 formerly in force were re-enacted, and became the laws uf Congress, and have been in force since that 
 time. In this way slavery was re-established, and, by virtue of this act of Congress, the slave trade is 
 now continued in the city that bears the name of Washi.nutox. Repeal that act of Cong7-ess, and the 
 slave trade will instantly be abolished, and slavery will be done away forever. Congress refuses to re- 
 peal this law of their own enacting, and by such refusal iipkolJs the slave trade, with all its horrors, and 
 its attendant guilt. By virtue of this law, parents are separated from their children, husbands from their 
 wives, brothers from their sisters, and chained to the cotHe, or placed on board the slave ships, are des- 
 tined for a southern market. By virtue of this law of Congress, all the ties of domestic life are severed 
 by the mercenary trader in human flesh. Here the father, in the presence of his wife and children, has 
 been known to lay violent hands upon himself, and rush into the presence of his God, rather than meet 
 the horrors of a separation about to bo inflicted upon him, under the sanction of this Cungressional sluve 
 trade. Here within the walls of the prison, erected by funds diawn from the people of the free States, 
 the mother has been known, in the unutterable anguish of her soul, to murder the children of her own 
 body, to prevent their otherwise inevitable doom of being exposed to a southern slave market; and then with 
 hands reeking with the blood of her offspring, to sever the thread of her own existence, rather than meet the 
 tortures of that " execrable commerce," now carried on under the sanction of this law, passed and sus- 
 tained by votes of ;jor/Ae/-?i re/3re5e>i/«/n'es.* Petitions are forwarded every year to Congress, praying 
 that body to repeal this law, and thereby release the people of the north from the soul-sickcning guilt 
 atttendant upon this trade in suffering humanity. Yet these petitions are treated with contempt, and we 
 are compelled to continue involved in its turpitude, fearing that our release from it tvoiild aff' rt the in- 
 terest of the slavedeulers. To prevent our release from this guilt, every Democratic member of Congress 
 from Ohio has, for years, united his influence and efH)rts with the slaveholders of the south. Indeed, 
 they have stood before the world as "Me Swiss Guards'" of the slavedeaiers ; ready, on all occasions, to 
 fiTht the ba'tles of those who follow a traffic condemned and execrated by the civilized world — cursed of 
 God, and hated by man, I will not occupy time by any thing more than a mere reference to the fact 
 that slavery and the slave trade exists in the Territory of Florida, under the sanction and approbation of 
 the Congress of the United States.f In the guilt of thus sustaining and continuing the institution in 
 that Territory, the people of the free States are deeply involved, while their petitionsj to be relieved from 
 such guilt, are indignantly scouted from the halls of legislation by their servants in the House of Repre- 
 sentatives. 
 
 In a former number I referred to the fact that the Executive of the United States has put forth our 
 national influence for many years '^ to prevent the abolition of slavery in the Island of Cuba," fur the 
 reason that ^' the sudden emancipation of a numerous population could not but be very sensibly felt 
 upon the adjacent shores of the United Slates.\ How far these efforts of our Government have involved 
 us in the guilt of slavery and of the slave trade, as they have been carried on there for the last fifteen 
 years, I am unable to determine. I refer to facts, and leave them for the consideration of the reader. 
 
 The troops of the United States have often been called on to support the institution of slavery by the 
 direct interposition of our arms. More than five hundred slaves were captured by our army in Florida, 
 and returned to a state of interminable slavery. (Vide ex. doc. 4.5, of last session of Congress.) Thus 
 the people of the free States have been involved in all the guilt of enslaving our fellow men, in order that 
 the slaveholders may have the benefit of their labor. 
 
 In my fourth number I referred to the manner in which a fort within the Territory of Florida was 
 blown up, and two hundred and seventy men, women, and children were murdered by the crew of a gun- 
 boat detached from our naval force, for the sole purpose of robbing them of their lives, for no other reason 
 than that they were unwilling to be robbed of their liberty. This murder, unparalleled in the history of 
 any free and enlightened government on earth, was committed by persons in our employ — by our agents, 
 acting in our name and by our authority. We were thus involved in the guilt of violently sending two 
 hundred and seventy of our fellow beings to their final doom, in order that slavery may continue and 
 prosper. 
 
 " The deep damnation of their taking off" rests on us — on the people of the free States, as well as 
 on those of the slave States. 
 
 In the general support which our Government has given to slavery, they have involved our people 
 of the free States in the general guilt of that institution. The late census has given us some interesting 
 data by which the number of lives annually sacrificed among the slaves may be estimated with an ap- 
 proximation to truth* It has been said by some inteUigent slaveholders, that the most profitable time in 
 which " to use up a slave, was seven years." By this it is umderstood that the holder may make more 
 profit from his slave by driving him so hard as to make the average length of life among his slaves no 
 more than seven years after they reach maturity. By comparing the number of deaths, between the ages 
 of twenty and forty, among the slaves of the south and the laborers of the north, some opinion may be 
 
 * Every Democratic member fiom Oliio lias, for years, opposed all attempts to repeal this law, or to stop the trallic iu 
 slaves. 
 
 + Pincp the piiblitation of this article, an attempt has been made in Congress to disapprove of a territorial law of Florida, 
 v*-hioli authorizes the sale into slavery of sUch free colored persons as come into any port of that territory. Tlie law \v;i3 
 sustained by every Uemocralic member from Ohio, as well as most of those from the free Stales, whose constituents vvil) 
 thereby become liable to be sold nito iulernihiable bondage. (Vide Jom-nal of tlio Iloifse of Kepresentatives of the ;id of 
 January, 184'2. 
 
 j See letter of Mr. Van Burcn, Pecrrtary of State, to Mr. Van Ness, our rrtinister in Spain. October 32, 1829. 
 
11 
 
 formed as to the number of murJers by the abuse of slaves in the United States. Tlie writer speaks from 
 memory when he states, that such comparisons phow that four hundred thousand human hves have been 
 sacrificed to the Moloch of slavery within the United States between 1830 and 1840. In the guilt of 
 these wholesale murders the people of the free States have been involved, in just such degree as they 
 have lent their influence and aid in suijporting that institution. Every man who uses his influence to 
 withhold from our people a knowledge of these facts, and of their rights to be exempt from this incon- 
 ceivable amount of guilt, becomes accessory to the murders thus committed. Our public men and editors, 
 who endeavor to suppress the agitation of our rights on this subject, become voluntary participators in 
 shedding this river of blood, the stains of which centuries will not wash from our national escutcheon. 
 
 I might refer to numerous instances in which the people of the free States have been involved in the 
 guilt of slavery and the slave trade ; but I have mentioned enough to serve as examples. My object has 
 been to show my readers the manner in which their constitutional rights to remain free from the guilt 
 and moral turpitude of slavery, have been invaded. If the Federal Government had abolished slavery in 
 every State of this Union, the outrage upon the Constitution would have been no greater, than has been 
 that of involving the people of the free States in the base wickedness of slaveiy and of the slave trade. — 
 Yet, Mr. Editor, our public press, and public men, have not only remained supinely inactive under these 
 positive violations of the Constitution and of our rights, but they have been absolutely silent. 
 
 One of our great political parties has constantly aided in the perpetration of those outrages upon the 
 people, while it must be acknowledged that tlie other has exhibited entirely too much insensibihty to our 
 wrongs; although their votes and acts, for some years past, have demonstrated to the world an unwilling- 
 ness entirely to yield up our blood-bought privileges. This servile yielding up of the Constitution, as 
 well as therights and interests of the free States, will gain no favor among the people for either party. 
 No southern patriot will demand it; no northern patriot will silently submit to it. If our Union be' 
 maintained, it will be by supporting the Constitution, not by violating it. By maintaining the rights 
 both of the north and of the south, not by trampling upon those of either section. The south must be 
 permitted to maintain their slavery while they wish to do so ; the north must be permitted to enjoy its 
 freedom uncontaminated and unpolluted by the guilt of slavery/. The political party that throws its in- 
 fluence into the support of all these rights, will bo sustained by the people; while the party that either in- 
 vades the rights of the south, or supinely surrenders up those of the north, will be found wanting, when 
 weighed in the balance of public sentiment. PACIFICUS. 
 
 NUMBER VII. 
 
 VIOLATIONS OF THE CONSTITUTION CONTINUED. 
 
 Mr. Editor : I proceed to notice, briefly, some of the instances in w-hich the people of the free' 
 States have been involved in the disgrace of slavery. In my first number I alluded to the unanimous de- 
 claration by these States of the self-evident truth, " that man is born free, and is endowed 
 
 BY HIS CREATOR WITH THE INALIENABLE RIGHT OF LIFE, LIBERTY, AND THE PURSUIT OF 
 
 HAPPINESS." Every act of our Federal Government, which denies to our fellow men these rights,- 
 exhibits to the world an inconsistency, and renders us obnoxious to the charge of hypocrisy. The first 
 act of gross inconsistency, on the part "of the Federal Government, was the act of Congress, approved 27th 
 February, 1801, by which slavery and the slave trade were re-established, continued, and are now sup- 
 ported in the District of Columbia. Under that laws the people of the free States have for forty years 
 been involved in theMisgrace of the slave trade, which, during that period, has been carried on in the city 
 of Washington. 
 
 At an early day, it was found that the slaves of the south escaped to the British West India islands, 
 to Mexico, and to Canada. Our Government espoused the cause of the tlavehold'^'rs, and opened a cor- 
 respondence with Great Britain and Mexico, in order to obtain an arrangement with those Governments 
 for the return of such slaves ; thus endeavoring to make the Federal Government and the free States the 
 protectors of slavery, and holding out to the world that it was a natio7ial institution, in palpable violation' 
 of the constitution, and of every "dictate of justice In 18.35 the people of Florida sent a representation 
 to GeneralJackson, that tlie slaves of that Territory, and of the adjoining States, were in the habit of 
 fleeing from their masters and taking refuge with the Seminole Indians. Our troops, paid by the Federal 
 Government in money drawn from the people of the north, were ordered there, and were literally made 
 the catchpoles of slaveholders ; thus making the capture of fugitive slaves the business of the 7Uttion, and 
 involving the people of the free States in its disgrace. I mentioned in a former number the fact that, by 
 order of the War Department, a gunboat went up the Apalachicola river for the purpose of destroying a 
 fort in which fugitive slaves had taken refuge, and that two hundred and seventy human beings were mur- 
 dered in cold blood by the agents of our Government, paid by the freemen of the north. 
 
 ■ In this extraordinary transaction, our people of the free States were involved in the disgrace of jnur- 
 dering fugitive slaves. 
 
 The efforts which our Government put forth to obtain indemnity for the owners of slaves who escaped 
 to the British army during the late war, led that nation, and the civilized world, to believe that slavery 
 was dinational institution, sustained by the free States as well as the slave States, and we wei'e conse'- 
 quently involved in all the odium of slavery. The exertions of our Government to prevent the abolition 
 of slavery in Cuba, and thus to stop the progress of human liberty, involved the people of the free States 
 in all the disgrace attached to that extraordinary transaction. The spirited manner in which our Govern- 
 ment espoused the cause of the slave dealers, who owned the cargoes of the Comet and Encomium, 
 bi-ought upon the people of the free States all the ignominy attached to the supporters of the slave trade. 
 
 But the honor of the free States has suffered most deeply from the restraints placed upon our people 
 by the force of public sentiment among ourselves. This state of public opinion originated in the patriot- 
 
12 
 
 iem of the northern States. Prior to the formation of our Constitution, our people felt tlio absolute ne- 
 cessity of a confederated (Jovernment, with more ample powers than existed under the old confederation. 
 To obtain this, they were ready and willing to make sacrifices. Georgia and South Carolina would not 
 adopt the Constitution, unless they were permitted to follow the slave trade for twenty years ; to thi.s the 
 northern States reluctantly consented, in order to bring them into the Union. The north also consented 
 to permit the south to be represented in Congress in proportion to the number of their slaves, and to pur- 
 sue their fugitive slaves into the free States, and arrest and carry them l)ack. These concessions were 
 sacrifices of northern sentiments and northern interests, made for the purpose of obtaining a more effi- 
 cient government, in order to strengthen and perpetuate the institutions of our country. In this manner 
 the Constitution was purchased by the free States. Since the adoption of the Constitution, we have been 
 constantly called on to make further sacrifices to purchase its continuance. Thus, in 1820, the slave 
 States demanded an extension of the slaveholding influence, by the admission of IVIissouri as a slave State, 
 in order to check the increasing preponderance of the free States. The free States objected. The south 
 threatened an immediate dissolution ol'tlie Union, unless their demands were complied with. The north 
 submitted for the purpose oi^ preserving the Union- The sacrifice was declared an act of patriotism, and 
 an example worthy to be imitated by statesmen and politicians. In 1833 South Carolina demanded a 
 surrender of the tariff, and distinctly informed us, that, unless her demands were complied with, she 
 would dissolve the Union. The statesmen of the free States hesitated, trembled, and submitted. The 
 tariff was repealed, and the interests of the free States yielded up, in order to purcliase a continuance ot 
 the Union. The act is yet quoted by some as an example of patriotism on the part of the free States. 
 Our press, our statesmen, and politicians treated it as such ; and our people were thus led to believe, that 
 the sacrifice of northern riglits to the interests of the slave States, was, in fact, a duty and a virtue. 
 
 Whenever the interests of the north and the south came in conflict, southern members were, for more 
 than a quarter of a century, in the habit of threatening " a dissolution of the Union,^' as the most effi^ctual 
 argument in favor of their measures ; and it seldom failed to convince their opponents. This practice be- 
 came so common, that dictation appears to have been regarded as the right of the south, and submission 
 was looked upon as the duty of the north. This feeling prevailed so long, and to such an extent, that any 
 deviation from the accustomed submission was regarded as suspicious. 
 
 In our circles at home, the agitation of any question which embraced the institution of slavery, or 
 the slave trade, was usually denounced as abolition ; and, without further examination, was regarded as 
 dishonorable to him who proposed it. Our public men became unwilling to raise any question that should 
 affect slavery, lest they should thereby jeopardize their political standing ; and the public press discou- 
 raged every attempt to assert the rights of the free States in opposition to the interests of the south. To 
 support slavery, it is absolutely necessary to suppress all knowledge of human rights among those held in 
 bondage. 
 
 To the .suppression of such knowledge our people of the free States became accessory. In doing this, 
 our own rights were lost sight of; we saw our money taken from our pockets and appropriated to the re- 
 capture, and even to the murder of fugitive slaves, and were silent under the ouftage. The spirit of in- 
 dependence and honor seemed to have fled from our people. We saw our Presidents; our Heads of De- 
 partments ; our Speakers of the House of Representatives, and of the Senate ; our foreign ministers ; our 
 officers in the army and navy, mostly taken from the slave States, and we meekly submitted to the abuse. 
 We saw our respectful petitions to Congress treated with contempt ; and our citizens, who dared thus to 
 approach their servants, were insulted and abused by the supercilious advocates of slavery ; while scarcely 
 a solitary voice was heard in defence ol northern honor. Even such as dared to stand Ibrth in defence ot" 
 our rights and interests, were generally condemned by the press, or " damn'd with faint praise." This, 
 was the point of our lowest degradation. History will mark the commencement of 1842 as the period of 
 the deepest humiliation of the Tree States. It was the time when the slave power ruled triumphant ; and, 
 untrammeled by the Constitution, held the freemen of the north in almost willing subjection to its dic- 
 tates : when the rights, the interests, and the honor of the free States were regarded as of little importance, 
 except as a means of promoting the interests of the slave States. At this period, when all hope of support- 
 ing the rights of the north appeared about to expire, a most important incident transpired in the House 
 of Representatives of the United States. John Quincy Adams presented a petition to dissolve the Union; 
 I say nothing in favor of this petition ; it was, however, a request that Congress would carry into eflijct 
 the threats which, for twenty-five years, had been put forth by southern statesmen. It was a request that 
 those States, which had assumed to themselves the control of the F'ederal Government, migh.t be left to 
 take care of and protect themselves. The proposition horrified those who had so often menaced us with 
 the consequences now prayed for by northern men. 
 
 The effect produced by this petition was most important. Southern statesmen exhibited to the world 
 a consciousness of their entire dependence upon the free Stales. It was distinctly avowed, by one of their 
 ablest and most influential members, that " the dissolution of the Union would be the dissolution of 
 slavery." It showed to the people of the free States, and to the world, that our institutions and national 
 independence must ever depend upon northern freemen for support. From this moment northern men 
 felt more conscious of their power, and of the importance of our free institutions of the north. The scep- 
 tre of power then departed from the south, and must hereafter be swayed by the north, if our people prove 
 themselves worthy of the high trust reposed in them. It is true great efforts were subsequently made, 
 and will continue to be made, by members from the slave States, assisted by northern Democrats, to stop 
 the wheels of that revolution in the public mind, which originated in the attempt to censure the venera- 
 ble *.dams. But their efforts have only served to awaken'our people more fully to the maintenance of 
 our rights. PACIFIC US. 
 
13 
 
 NUMBER VIII. 
 
 THE REMEDY. 
 
 Mr Editor • I have now stated, generally, the constitutional rishls of the people of the free States 
 toncernino- slaverv' and have referred to some of the most prominent abuses to which those rifiihts have 
 been subie"cted It remains for me to call the attention of my readers to the remedy. But this will at once 
 eu4i<^est itself to the mind of every reader, and each will say that our remedy consists in a united vindica- 
 tion of our rights; that the real difficulty consists in our divisions, and our first efforts should be to unite 
 the friends of northern rights. In order to do this, we must search out tlie cause of our^division, and un- 
 derstand distinctly the point on which we separated. If I understand our Liberty men, they are anxious 
 to maintain the rights of the free States, and they ask for nothing more. I speak upon the authority of 
 manv leading men of that party. I have never met with an intelligent man who asked or demanded any 
 thin- more than this ; vet they say, " the Whigs have neglected a portion of our most important rights, 
 and thev feel it their duty to separate from them, and to form a distinct party, whose principal efforts are 
 to be di'rected to the maintenance of such of our rights as have been neglected by the Whigs. It was not 
 
 lucii posibon before tliey separ^..^ ..^ ■ . ^- ,• tu i j * 
 
 collection of the great mass of our people of all parties. At the time of separating from us, they had not 
 clearly set forth lo the world our riglits, which had been trampled upon ; nor did they state, with perspi- 
 cuitv, the abuses which thev sought to correct. Neither did they definitely mai-k the boundaries and 
 limft the extent of the political reform which they were endeavoring to effect. On tlie contrary, there 
 was a deo-ree of obscurity pervadina; their objects. They professed opposition to slavery, and left the pub- 
 lic to infl'r a design to invade the privileges of the slave States, instead of maintaining our own. This 
 iilez. has rested in the minds of a large portion of our people, both in the free and in the slave States. It 
 /.3 true the charge was often denied ; and it is equally true that the denial was not carried home to the 
 minds of the great mass of our people ; many of whom, to this day, really believe the object of the Liberty 
 party to be an unconstitutional interference'with the privileges of the slave States. But, so far as I have 
 been able to learn their motives, and to analyze their views, I understand them to be simply the preser^ 
 vation of our oicn rights; the repeal of all acts of Congress, passed for the support of slavery or the slave 
 trade ; to separate the Federal Government, and the free States, from all unconstitutional connexion with 
 that institution, and to leave it with the individual States, where the Constitution placed it. This, I be- 
 lieve, to be the boundary and farthest extent of their political intentions. If they entertain any other or 
 farther views, I hope Jud!,^e Kins (the candidate of the Liberty party for Governor of Ohio) will state to 
 your readers, through the Chronicle, the point on which I have failed to express their objects. I hope, 
 also, that the editors of the Philanthropist and Emancipator will, through their respective papers, set forth 
 definitely any error into whicii I may have fallen, in regard to the designs and objects of their party. 
 But, for the present, taking these to be the definite limits to which they aspire, I will respectfully ask the 
 Whigs, as a party, and the Liberty men, as a party, to show me the line of demarcation between them .' 
 Is there an individual in the whole Whig party of Ohio, or in the free States, that is willing to surrender 
 a single right of our people .' If there be such a whig, I have not met him. If there be a Whig editor, 
 north of Mason and Dixon's line, who is willing to yield up any of the constitutional rights of the free 
 f^ States, I hope he will favor the countrv with his views; and that he will inform us distinctly which part 
 ' of the Constitution we ought first to surrender. I speak with great confidence when I say, that I believe 
 no such man can be found. Let the rights of the people of the free States, in regard to slavery, be fairly 
 and distinctly pointed out, and there will be no want of firmness nor of patriotism to maintain them. It 
 is true, however, that many Whigs have, and still do oppose the abolition of slavery in the District of 
 Columbia ; but they will assign to you, as the reason, that Congress has not the constitutional power to 
 abolisli it. If you then ask them if" they are willing that Congress should repeal its own laws, for the 
 suppoit of slavery and the slave trade in that District, they will, at once, answer you in the affirmative. 
 If you inquire whether they are willing to lend their influence, or their property, to support slavery, they 
 win answer you that they detest the institution. If you interrogate them in regard to any other rights of 
 the north, they will unhesitatingly assure you of their determination to sustain them. 
 
 If, then, our Whigs are willing to sustain all our rights, and our Liberty men have no further objects 
 in view than the support of such rights, the question at once suggests itself, why do they divide? What 
 principle separates them from each other .' And it is a question of high and solemn import, which the 
 writer would repeat in the ear of every Whig, every anti-slavery man, and of every lover of our free in- 
 stitutions, lohy do you divide your political influtnce, and prostrate your political energies, while you 
 agree in principle, and are laboring for the same objects 1 
 
 We have the same interests to watch over, the" same rights to maintain, and the same honor to pro- 
 tect. All these must receive our attention, or be left to those who, as a party, have uniformly lent them- 
 selves to the slave-holding influence. If we forget those rights, and spend our efforts in unmeaning con- 
 tentions and useless quarrels with each other, w^ill not our country hold us responsible ? Our interests 
 have been sacrificed ; our rights have been trampled upon ; our State has been disgraced, as I have here- 
 tofore shown. Yet we have'divided our efforts, and separated from our political associates, and delivered 
 the honor of our State to the keepingof a party who, forgetful of the dignity of freemen, have shown them- 
 selves willing to become the catchers of slaves, and to degrade themselves and their State by legislating- 
 for the sole purpose of robbing their fellow men of that liberty with which the God of nature has endowed 
 them. But I desire to examine a little further the cause of our separation at the late election. The 
 Whigs supported our tariff; our harbor improvements ; the distribution of the proceeds of the public lands, 
 with zeal and constancv. But our commerce with Hayti, the right of petition, the slave trade in the 
 District of Columbia, received from them, generally, much less attention, although they were not ne- 
 
14 
 
 glected by a portion of that party. These hitter subjects were deemed of paramount importance by a por- 
 tion of our political friends ; on these they bestowed their principal thoughts, and treated the others with 
 comparatively little attention. In this manner each party felt that they were exerting their efforts upon 
 subjects of vital interest to our country, and each considered the other as laboring in behalf of interests 
 that were not worthy of the attention paid to them. 
 
 In this way each party became dissatisfied with the other. Here, then, is the precise point of divi- 
 sion among our friends : not because either did wrong, but because each felt that the other was not sufK- 
 ciently zealous in supporting all their interests. The division did not arise from any political sin ci com- 
 mission, but for omitting some part of our duties. The Democratic party has violently opposed those 
 rights which Liberty men deem sacred. The Whigs were lukewarm in supporting them ; and, on this 
 account, our Liberty friends withdrew from us, and thereby delivered over our interests to the disposal of 
 those whose bitterness against the rights of man can scarcely find utterance in our language.* Having 
 thus ascertained the cause, and the precise point of our separation, the remedy is plain. It consists'sim- 
 ply in doing our duty — in maintaining our rights and interests, and firmly resisting all abuses ; in placing 
 ourselves upon the exact line of the Constitution, and temperately, but resolutely, opposing all encroach- 
 ments upon our interests, our honor, or our constitutional privileges. I am aware that many of our edi- 
 tors and public men fear that the assertion and maintenance of our rights in regard to slavery, would drive 
 from us our Whig friends in the slave States. If these fears were well grounded, they would form no 
 
 food reason why we should surrender our constitutional rights, in order to purchase Ihcir adherence, 
 'his is the policy of the opposite party. They appear anxious to surrender up our rights, our interests, 
 and our honor, for the purchase of southern votes. If the Whigs attempt to rival that party in servility, 
 they must fail. The independent spirit, the high sense of honor, the patriotic sentiment of our Whigs, 
 will not permit them to become subservient to the slaveholding interest. But the argument is not well- 
 founded. Our southern Whigs are generally men of liberal and patriotic sentiments. They will not 
 ask of us the sacrifice of our constitutional rights. On the contrary, they will be as willing to grant us 
 the enjoyment of all our rights, as to demand the enjoyment of all their own. If they are not such raex\-> 
 they are unfit to be the associates of northern Whigs. It is, however, true, that they, as well as north eTti 
 men, have not, heretofore, fully understood our rights, for the reason that we, ourselves, daie not as.'vrt 
 them; and they, as well as northern men, have unconsciously voted and acted in opposition to the rights 
 of the free States, under the impression that they were sustaining the Constitution. But when the at- 
 tention of our southern and northern Whigs shall be directed to this subject; when they shall have fully 
 investigated it, and shall understand the constitutional limits of slavery, I apprehend there will be no 
 difTerence between them. It is, therefore, all important that public attention should be directed to this 
 matter. Indeed, intelligence in regard to northern rights cannot be longer suppressed. A spirit of in- 
 quiry is abroad among the people, and it is increasing daily, and becoming stronger and stronger. A 
 marked and palpable change has taken place in the public mind within the past year. In February last, 
 almost the entire press united in the opinion that we wei'e bound to support the coast\vise slave trade of 
 the south. At this time, who is willing to hazard his reputation by advocating such doctrine .' Yet, 
 with such examples before us, a portion of our press and of our public men, exhibit much timidity as to 
 asserting and maintaining our constitutional rights. So long have the people of the north been accus- 
 tomed to silent submission, when our rights have been invaded, that many of our editors, our statesmen 
 and politicians, still appear to doubt the safety of an open, frank, and manly defence of our interests and 
 our honor. It, however, needs no spirit of prophecy to foretell the downfall of any party, who has not 
 the moral and political courage to maintain the rights and interests of the north. If the Whigs come 
 forth to the defence of these interests, and maintenance of these rights, their success is not less certain 
 than the continuance of time ; and if the opposite party continue to oppose these rights and interests, 
 their defeat is inevitable. PACIFICUS. 
 
 NUMBER IX. 
 
 OBJECTIONS ANSWERED. 
 
 Mr. Editor: In this, my clo.sing number, it is my intention to answer some objections that have been 
 urged against a union of the friends of northern rights. The first, and most important, objection urged by 
 the " Liberty men" is, that " Henry Clay is the Whig candidate for President, and they cannot vote for 
 iiim, because he is a slaveholder." My first answer to this objection is, that Mr. Clay is not the candi- 
 date of the Whig party, at present ; and whether he will be, is quite uncertain. JVor can I admit it to 
 be good or sound policy for me to withdraw from the support of good men at this time, for the reason 
 that I think a bad man may be a candidate two years hence for another office. Again : should Mr. Clay 
 die before the next Presidential election, or should he not be a candidate, how can they justify their with- 
 drawal at the late election from the support of men who openly avow and support every principle which 
 they do themselves. My next answer is, that Mr. Clay, under the laws of Kentucky, is permitted to hold 
 slaves. By the Constitution of the United States that is made no disqualification from office. It is an 
 objection unknown to the Constitution, and we ought to be careful how we attempt innovations upon that 
 instrument, unless they be made in the mode pointed out for its amendment. 
 
 The first President, under the Constitution, was a slaveholder ; and the slaveholders of those States 
 have an equal right to hold office that gentlemen who reside in the free States have. For us, at this 
 day, to establish .such a rule as a test for office, would be a violation of the rights of the people of the slave 
 States. This is, in my opinion, highly objectionable. It would show us willing to invade their rights, 
 while we profess to maintain our own. This would be inconsistent. Our inquiry should be, will h^ 
 maintain the Cunstilution, and wilt he suppori the consiiiiUionul rights nfallparlb of the Union F If 
 
 * Vide Uie late numbers of the ■•Ohio Statesman.-' 
 
15 
 
 •we are satisfied that he will do this, we ouglit not to throw away our political influence, and suffer our 
 interests our honor, and our constitutional rights to be trampled under foot by a pgrty who appear anxious 
 to brinff'us under the subjection of the south. I would, in all candor, ask our Liberty men, whether they 
 would not prefer the support of our rights by a slaveholding President, rather than their destruction by 
 a " northern man with southern principles 1" I certainly prefer that our candidates should not be slave- 
 holders • for I believe slavehohhn?, even in a slave State, to be immoral and wrong, and must detract 
 from the moral character of those who practise it. Like all other vices, it should have its due weight in 
 our estimate of character ; but it is entitled to nothing more. Should Mr. Clay, or his friends, satisfy me 
 thit if elected President, he will, in good faith, support all these rights to which I have alluded, and 
 which have been so often and so long trampled upon, and he be the only candidate, who, m my opmion, 
 will sustain those rights, and who, at the same time, has a reasonable chance for election, I could not jus- 
 tify myself to my conscience were I to withhold my support from him. Were I to do so, and thereby 
 elect a man who I believed would violate our Constitution, and disregard our rights, I should thereby be- 
 come accessory to his acts. ^ , . ..• I,- i T e 4U 
 
 In order to satisfy myself in regard to Mr. Clay's views on this subject, I, as one of the sovereign 
 people may propound to him any and all questions that I may deem important on this subject ; and if he 
 be worthy of that high office, he will not hesitate to answer them fully and frankly. If I, then, become 
 satisfied that he will, if elected, disregard those constitutional rights of the north, I cannot support him— 
 it would be wrong for me to do so ; for I should become accessory to the violation of our Constitution, 
 and the subversion of the rights of the free States. Questions of policy constantly require of us mutual 
 concessi.«is of opinion ; but no circumstances can justify the yielding up ot any portion of the Constitu- 
 tion. When that shall be done, society will be resolved into its original elements. 
 
 Another objection is, that slaveholders, when in office, do injustice to the free States. This asser- 
 tion has proven too true in many cases, but is not correct in all instances. I quote the example of the 
 present Speaker of the House of Representatives, the Hon. John White. No northern man has con- 
 demned his official acts. He has discharged his duties honorably, and is as much entitled to confidence 
 as though he lived in a free State. Here I would caution our anti-slavery men not to permit their lofty 
 principles of human rights to dwindle down to mere local jealousies. We should no more invade the 
 spirit of the Constitution by making the holding of slaves a test for office, than we should peimit oui 
 southern friends to invade its letter. 
 
 Again : it is said, that the Whigs have done nothing in favor of those rights which anti-slavery men 
 conside'r so important. Is the assertion correct 1 Have not J. Q. Adams, William Slade, Seth M. Gates, 
 and other Whigs, done what they could for the defence and support of northern rights 1 But it is said 
 these are individuals. Yet they belong to the Whig party, and constitute a part of it; and surely their 
 acts cannot be placed to the credit of the other party. But do not our friends, who make this objection, 
 charge over to the Whig party the acts of individuals belonging to that political sect when they oppose 
 the cause of human rights'? The great body of the Whig party in Congress voted to repeal the obnox- 
 ious 21st rule. A few individuals joining with the opposite party prevented its repeal. Our liberty pa- 
 pers and their party charged this as the act of the Whig party ,- while they deny to that party any credit 
 for the efforts of Mr. Adams and others. This practice is unjust, and ought to cease. But have not the 
 Whig party (and when I speak of the party, I mean the majority of the party,) voted in support of these 
 rights for the last two years 1 Have they not voted against the odious gag, and in ftivor of the right of 
 petition, when these questions came before them 1 Did they not sustain Mr. Adams, when an attempt 
 was made to censure him 1 Did they not sustain Mr. Giddings when censured 1 Did not the Whig 
 party in his district sustain him ? I ask, in what instance, for the last two years, have the Whigs in the 
 House of Representatives liiiled to sustain these rights, when agitated upon the floor of Congress ] I 
 will not say, that they have at all times maintained our rights ; but I do not hesitate in saying, that I 
 know of no instances when the question of northern rights has been brought distinctly before them for the 
 last two years, in which a majority of the members of the Whig party present have not sustained those 
 rights. 
 
 Yet it is asserted by some, that " the two great political parties have been equal'y opposed to the 
 rigliis uf mankind and tu the interests of the people of the free States." I can hardly believe that any in- 
 telligent man would make such statement while under the exercise of a suitable regard to candor. It is 
 well known that, for the last two years, in every instance in which those rights so dear to our friends have 
 come before Congress, every Democratic member from this State has opposed them, and that every Whig 
 member from this State has sustained them; and such, too, has been substantially true of the two parties 
 generally, though not to the same extent. A Whig member from this State introduced resolutions de- 
 claring the rights of the free States as set forth in my second number, and was sustained by every Whig 
 colleague ; while one of his Democratic colleagues moved a resolution to censure him for thus presuming 
 to assert our rights, and every Democratic member voted for the resolution of censure. And is it possible 
 that any man can now be sincere in saying that the two parties are alike subservient to the interests of the 
 south'?* 
 
 But it is said that the Whigs have hecn subservient to southern dictation ; and their acts, in former 
 years, are quoted to prove the fact. This charge is too true. Up to a certain time, both parties appear 
 to have been submissive to the demands of the slave States. Such, too, was the case generally with the 
 
 * The votes ill Congress for ?iiipprp6siiig tlie slave trade in tlie District of Cohunliia, and for repealing Die teniiorial law 
 of t-'loiida wliicli aiitliorizes solline frecniPn into .'ilavprj', were given sincn tliP above u(is published. On these que'tioiis. 
 the rcinesenlatives from the free Slates were divided almost entirely liy party lines. 
 
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16 
 
 men who now make this charge. Tlioir altei>tiou liad not then been aroused to the subject. Thev. with 
 ^6 Whigs and the Denjocrats, were equally unconscious of the encroachments upon our rights; and the 
 Whigs, or tlie Democrats, may now make this charge against the " Liberty party" with the same propriety 
 that the latter can urge it against the others. 'J'he truth is, the abuse of northern rights has but just be- 
 4 gun to attract attention. But whatever has been done in Congress, has been done by Whigs. Up to this 
 time there has been no Liberty men in that body, or in our State Legislature. But such has been the re- 
 volution in public opinion that, if it continues to progress as it has for the last year, it will be completed; 
 our lights secured ; and the Constitution will be vindicated before that party will get many members elect- 
 ed to either body. Would it not be far better for the cause of northern rights if our Liberty men were to 
 deal justly and candidly with both of the great political parties, and to approve as frankly that which is 
 ^praiseworthy, as they condemn that which is wrong. 
 
 But it is said that the present political parties have become corrupt, and it i.s therefore necessary to 
 form a new party, that shall be free from such political corruptions. But I ask, from whence are we to 
 . find the men for this new party ? Must they not come from the present parties ] And will they be more 
 pure, more honest, and more patriotic when transferred to a new party, than they now are { Is there any 
 regenerating influences to act upon such as join the new party? Are their political transgressions to be 
 washed-out? Will the Whig who has always acted honestly, and been guided by a sincere desire for his 
 country's good, be more likely to leave his party, than the demagogue and the office seeker ? I would not 
 by any means be understood as impugning the motives of those who now constitute the Liberty party ; 
 on the contrary, I beiieve them as honest and patriotic as any other class of men. But I ask them, if the 
 formation of a new party will not be likely to draw to them the profligate and the unprinciplpJ from both 
 of the other parties ? 
 
 Again: it is said to have become necessary to form a party v/hose principal object shall be the main- 
 tenance of those rights which our Anti-slavery men deem important. If by this form of expression it be 
 understood that those who unite with that party are, in any degree, to neglect the protection of free labor 
 by a proper tariff of duties; or if they intend to abandon the improvement of our lake harbors, and our 
 river navigation, and other northern interests which the Whigs deem important, then I, for one, cannot 
 unite with them, nor can I believe their prospect of success very flattering. Our people may easily be 
 persuaded to maintain our rights when their attention is called to them ; but it will be difficult to convince 
 them that it has become their duty to neglect either their rights or their interests. 
 
 But if a portion of our friends form a distinct party for the support of the right of petition, and to 
 maintain the freedom of debate, and for that purpose they should oppose those who are engaged for the 
 protection of the free labor of the north, while another portion turn their attention to this latter object, 
 and oppose their influence to the former, is it not perfectly clear that both must fail? While a union in 
 support of both w ould inevitably secure the triumph of each. 
 
 But I have not time to pursue the subject further ; I have already occupied more of your paper, and 
 more of the attention of your readers, than I designed to have done when I commenced the seessays. It has 
 been my object to call public attention to what I beiieve the true points in issue. I have intended to speak 
 with such plainness, that no man, nor party, nor editor, should say that I feared to state the whole truth. 
 Or that Whig papers dare not publish arguments touching all our rights. And if I have fallen short of 
 this, I again call upon the editors of the Philanthropist and the Emancipator to show wherein ? And, on 
 the other hand, if there be a Whig editor who is unwilling to support a// our rights, or who thinks the 
 assertion and support of all our rights and interests impolitic or imprudent, I desire him to place his objec- 
 tions before the public. It is surely time that our papers and our people had ceased to contend about 
 names and terms, and that they should search out some principle, or some constitutional or political 
 right, as the foundation of their quarrels. 
 
 Again, the wiiter vveuld say to his readers, that he has put forth no opinion upon the constitutional 
 rights of the several States, without mature investigation, or on which he entertains any doubt. Yet he 
 claims for himself no infallibility. And if any man desire explanations, or authorities on any point, he 
 will most cheerfully furnish them. 
 
 In taking leave of my readers, I wisli to say that I was induced to appear before the public, on this 
 subject, from the most thorough conviction, that no fixed and established policy vviU be framed hy the : 
 tieneral Cvernment while the lights of the free States remain unsettled concerning slavery. Looking at ^ 
 Ohio, New York, and all of New England, and considering the result of our late elections, and the divi- 
 «ions which distract and divide the friends of the north, and of liberty in those States, we must all ac- 
 knowledge that we have little hopes of seeing our interests, our honor, or our rights protected, until union 
 shall characterise our political eObrts. Since the commencement of these essays, many things have 
 transpired to rivet this conviction more thoroughly upon the mind. I refer, among other things, to the 
 Latimer ca.se at Boston, and the absorbing interest now felt on the subject in Massachusetts and in Vir- 
 ginia.* Feeling desirous to call the attention of our people, as well as that of our politicians and States- 
 men, to the importance of a speedy settlement of those questions which involve the most vital interests of 
 the free States, I have seized upon such moments as I could spare from other employments, to place some 
 «f my views before the public. I have done this under the strong conviction that every true patriot 
 should put forth his influence to sustain our rights, and" to unite our people in the protection of our in- 
 terests, our honor, and the Con.stitulion of our common country. PACII ICUS. 
 
 * .Since tliis article was published, the Norfolk meeting in Virginia have passed rcsolntinns recommending to their 
 Legislature the "firming and disciplining of their militia," preparatory to tlie coming conflict between the slave and tree 
 States. Yet whiie Virginia is thus ur^f d to arm her militia in sujiport of slavery, some northern Editors feel it their 
 duly to rtiuain eileiit in regard to northern lights. 
 
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