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 Book T5 ^ 
 
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 COPYRIGHT DEPOSm 
 
ELEMENTS OF 
 STRATEGY 
 
 BY 
 
 Colonel G. J. FIEBEGER 
 
 Professor of Engineering 
 UNITED STATES MILITARY ACADEMY 
 
 REVISED IN 1916 
 
 NEW YORK 
 
 JOHN WILEY & SONS, Inc. 
 
 London: CHAPMAN & HALL, Limited 
 
 1920 
 

 Copyright, 1920, 
 By G. J. FIEBEGER 
 
 OCT -9 1220 
 
 PRESS OF 
 
 BRAUNWORTH & CO. 
 
 300K MANUFACTURER' 
 
 BROOKLYN. ."4. if- 
 
 ©CI.Ao97716 
 
 ^ v: 
 
CONTENTS 
 
 CHAPTER I 
 
 Strategy 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Defensive and offensive war — advantages and disadvantages of 
 — theater of war and operations — base of operations — lines 
 of retreat — strategic points * 1 
 
 CHAPTER II 
 
 Preparation for War 
 
 Necessity for complete preparation — military forces — maps — 
 study of boundaries, lines of communication, natural topo- 
 graphical features, fortresses, etc 29 
 
 CHAPTER III 
 
 Mobilization 
 
 Definition — Prussian system — German army in 1870 — American 
 army in 1898 — separation of mobilization and concentration — 
 Von.Moltke's plan for a war against France and Austria 50 
 
 CHAPTER IV 
 
 Conduct of Stragetic Operations 
 
 Campaign — plan of campaign — Napoleon's maxims for conduct 
 of campaigns with examples — Jomini's principles — Von 
 Moltke's principles 75 
 
 CHAPTER V 
 
 Offensive and Defensive in Strategy 
 
 Offensive, advantages and disadvantages of — passage of rivers 
 — passage of the Rappahannock in Wilderness and Chancel- 
 lorsville campaign — passage of mountain ranges — defensive, 
 advantages and disadvantages of — defense of rivers — with 
 examples— defense of mountains— diversions in defense 121 
 
ELEMENTS OF STRATEGY 
 
 CHAPTER I 
 STRATEGY 
 
 Offensive and Defensive War. — War is a contest waged 
 between two belligerents for the purpose of determining 
 questions at issue which cannot be settled by ordinary 
 diplomatic means. The contest is usually directed by the 
 chief executive power of a state acting as the supreme con- 
 troller of the national armies and navies. During the prog- 
 ress of a great war all the powers of the nation should be 
 centered in bringing the war to a speedy and successful 
 termination by diplomacy, and by the utilization of the 
 resources of the nation to raise its armed strength to a 
 state commensurate with the task before it, and to main- 
 tain this state throughout the contest. The contest itself 
 is carried on by the armed strength of the belligerents 
 directed by the commanders of the land and sea forces. 
 
 A war is offensive on the part of the belligerent whose 
 armed strength enables him to invade and maintain him- 
 self in his adversary's territory; it is defensive on the part 
 of the one who is unable to protect himself from such 
 invasion. When the belligerents are approximately equal 
 in armed strength, the war may become alternately offen- 
 sive and defensive, or it may be offensive in one part of 
 the territory and defensive in another. 
 
Objects of Offensive War. — The objects of an offensive 
 war are to destroy the war strength of the defender and 
 thus render him unable to prosecute the war; to conquer 
 and occupy his territory so that no new force may be 
 organized therein; to cause a change of sentiment in the 
 authorities and the people of the nation attacked, so that 
 they will desire peace on the invader's terms rather than 
 a continuance of the struggle. The extent to which these 
 objects must be carried out depends largely on the im- 
 portance of the questions at issue. If these questions are 
 not vital to the existence of the defender as an independ- 
 ent power, a simple exhibition of superior war strength as 
 showTi in a single successful battle may render the defender 
 willing to accede to the demands of the invader; if, how- 
 ever, the questions are vital to the defender as an inde- 
 pendent power, he may be unwilling to make peace until 
 his armies are annihilated and his territory completely 
 conquered. 
 
 The Austro-Prussian war of 1866 waged for the pur- 
 pose of determining which of the belligerent states should 
 be supreme in Germany was terminated shortly after the 
 first decisive battle; the civil war in America and the 
 British-Boer, in war which questions of independence were 
 involved, were prosecuted until the lesser powers were 
 absolutely exhausted. 
 
 Objects of Defensive War. — The objects of a purely 
 defensive war are to neutralize the armed strength of the 
 invader and thus render him incapable of prosecuting the 
 war offensively; to cause a change of sentiment in the 
 authorities and the people of the invading nation so that 
 they will accept peace terms acceptable to the defender; 
 and to enlist the sympathies of neutral nations and cause 
 them to secure peace through active participation or 
 through diplomatic influence. 
 
To secure these objects, the war must be prolonged: 
 the war strength of the defender preserved in a state of 
 efficiency as long as possible; the invasion of the territory- 
 resisted vigorously; and the war-like spirit of the people 
 so aroused that they will be willing to make any sacrifice 
 rather than accept peace on the terms of the invader. A 
 defensive war does not preclude offensive operations; in 
 well-conducted defensive war, the invader is attacked 
 whenever this can be done without compromising the 
 armed strength upon which the nation must rely for a 
 continuance of the struggle. 
 
 The decisive events of our Revolutionary war were the 
 battle near Saratoga, October, 1777, and the siege of York- 
 town, October, 1781, which resulted in the surrender of 
 the armies of Burgoyne and Cornwallis; the treaty of 
 1778, by which the French nation agreed to assist the colo- 
 nies with her land and naval forces; and the overthrow of 
 the North ministry in Great Britain, resulting from a 
 change of sentiment of the people and Parliament on the 
 advisability of continuing the war. To secure their inde- 
 pendence the colonies carried on active war from 1775 to 
 1781, and were obliged to be prepared for a renewal of 
 hostilities until 1783. 
 
 Advantages and Disadvantages of Offensive and Defen- 
 sive Wars. — The principal advantages of an offensive war 
 are: the entire resources of the home territory, and of so 
 much of the hostile territory as has been conquered, may 
 be utilized to prosecute the war; the civil government, 
 upon which dependence must be placed to raise the funds 
 and supplies to prosecute the war, is in full operation; 
 and the citizens of the country are subject to none of the 
 hardships incident to invasion. The principal disadvan- 
 tages are that its prosecution ordinarily requires a much 
 larger army than that required for a defensive war, and 
 
the army receives no assistance or reliable information 
 from the inhabitants of the country in which it operates. 
 
 Though these advantages and defects are self-evident, 
 the difficulties of invading a really hostile country are not 
 generally appreciated. Besides supporting a field army 
 superior to that of the defender, the entire country be- 
 tween the frontier and that army must be garrisoned by 
 the invading troops to keep in check he hostile popula- 
 tion and to protect the lines of communication by which 
 the invading army receives its supplies. The greater the 
 extent of this territory, the greater will be the force 
 absorbed by these garrisons. 
 
 At the close of the Franco-German war, although the 
 German army was obliged to garrison only the country 
 between Paris and the frontier, one-fourth of the invading 
 army was absorbed by these garrisons. In the summer 
 of 1864, there were but two Union army groups in actual 
 contact with the enemy; the eastern group commanded 
 by Grant was composed of the Army of the Potomac and 
 the Army of the James, and the western group com- 
 manded by Sherman was composed of the Army of the 
 Cumberland, the Army of the Tennessee and the Army 
 of the Ohio. The combined strength of the two groups 
 was about 250,000 men. At this time, however, the avail- 
 able strength of the entire Union force under arms was 
 about 500,000 men; one-half of the total force present 
 for duty was simply guarding the conquered territory. 
 
 In Napoleon's invasion of Russia in 1812, of 400,000 
 men that composed his main army, 240,000 were left 
 between the Vistula and Dnieper rivers to protect his 
 communications, and only 160,000 passed Smolensk; of 
 these 40,000 were left in the rear for the same purpose 
 before the army reached Moscow. Nearly three-fourths 
 of his army was protecting his communications. 
 
5 
 
 The principal advantages of a defensive war are: a 
 smaller force is required since the operations are in a 
 friendly territory, in which the lines of communication 
 require no special protection; the operations of the army 
 receive assistance from the fortified places which delay 
 and embarrass the movements of the invader; and the 
 inhabitants assist the army as guides, spies, etc. Fred- 
 erick the Great said: 
 
 ''If glory were my only object, I would never make war 
 except in my own country because of its manifold advan- 
 tages; every man there acts as a spy; the enemy cannot 
 stir a foot without being betrayed." 
 
 Throughout the civil war, the Confederate force was 
 much smaller than the Union force which it opposed. In 
 the summer of 1864, it numbered only about 180,000 men, 
 or a little more than one-third the strength of the Union 
 armies, and yet was able to offer a substantial resistance. 
 
 The principal disvantages of the defensive war are : the 
 resources of the country not occupied by the invader can 
 alone be counted on to prosecute the war; the civil gov- 
 ernment becomes more or less disorganized; and the citi- 
 zens of the territory covered by the operations of the 
 armies suffer the hardships incident to this occupation. 
 These hardships have been much mitigated in modern 
 times, but that they cannot be wholly eliminated from 
 warfare, has been shown in the most recent wars. 
 
 Strategy. — Strategy in its most general sense may be 
 defined to be the art of directing the employment of the 
 armed strength of a nation to best secure the objects of 
 war. It is not suflftcient to create military force by rais- 
 ing, equipping, and training armies and navies, and con- 
 structing fortresses, but it is necessary to direct properly 
 the employment of this force, lest it be dissipated in 
 useless operations or destroyed in unnecessarily hazard- 
 
6 
 
 ous ones. Strategy deals with the problems of warfare 
 involving combinations of force, space, and time. 
 
 The elementary military forces are the tactical units 
 of the three arms; the battaUon, squadron and battery; 
 the stragetic units are combined units of combat, the divi- 
 sion and the corps. Each unit has a definite numerical 
 value represented by the strength present for duty, and a 
 less determinate moral value due to its training, equip- 
 ment, discipline, character of commander, amount of ser- 
 vice, etc. The actual value of military forces can there- 
 fore never be accurately known; in ordinary problems of 
 strategy it is usual to deal with their numerical value only. 
 
 The operations of war usually take place in an extended 
 territory within which the units are moved and combined 
 against the enemy like the pieces on a chess-board. The 
 movments in war are, however, infinitely more compli- 
 cated; the territory is covered by an irregular network of 
 highways, waterways, and railways, along which all move- 
 ments must take place; on highways, if transportation 
 is not supphed, at a rate depending upon the physical 
 condition of the troops, the character of the roads, and 
 the weather ; on waterways and railways according to the 
 available supply of transportation. These routes are 
 intersected by rivers, marshes, mountains, forests, etc., 
 which still further complicate the movements. The 
 operations are conducted against an enemy whose strength 
 and position is, at any time, only approximately known 
 under the most favorable conditions. 
 
 Time in warfare, as the number of moves in chess, 
 limits the changes which can be made in the positions of 
 the troops, and the new combinations which can be 
 formed within a given time. An error in the estimation 
 of the time in which a combination may be made may 
 change probable success into certain failure. 
 
For the above reasons, strateg}^ has also been defined 
 to be: 
 
 "The art of planning military operations upon the 
 map." — Jomini. 
 
 In its relation to tactics — 
 
 "Strategy fixes the point where, the time when, and 
 the nmnerical force with which the battle is to be fought." 
 — Clausewitz. 
 
 Strategy is the intermediary between national policy 
 which furnishes the means and determines the object of a 
 war, and tactics, through whose decisive battles results 
 are alone possible. 
 
 Definitions of Elements of the Strategic Territory. — 
 The theater of war, in its widest sense, is the entire terri- 
 tory which may become the field of operations of the bel- 
 ligerent forces; according to common usage it is that part 
 of the theater of war n which the operations actually 
 take place at any specified period. The term seat of war 
 is also applied to this limited field. A theater of opera- 
 tions is the part of the theater of war covered by the 
 operations of any independent fraction of the belligerent 
 armies. A zone of operations is the territory which hes 
 between two hostile armies. The territorial base of opera- 
 tions of an army is the entire territory from which it draws 
 its recruits and supplies. The linear base of operations of 
 an invading army is the line of obstacles or fortified places 
 which limits the zone of ordinary counter attacks of the 
 enemy. The term base of operations is applied to either 
 the territorial or linear base. 
 
 The//'on^ of operations, or strategic front, is the line along 
 which an army may be said to be deployed. It is the line 
 connecting the leading divisions of the different columns 
 of an army on the march, or their cnmps when at rest. 
 
8 
 
 The communications are the routes along which an army 
 is suppUed. The objective of any mihtary operation is 
 the object which it is desired to accomphsh; when this 
 object is the possession of some definite position in the 
 theater of war, it may be called a territorial object. Lines 
 of operations are the highw^ays, waterways, or railways 
 along which an army moves or operates; the term is usu- 
 ally applied to the above routes connecting the objective 
 with the linear base or the front of operations. A line 
 of retreat is the line of operations followed by an army in 
 making a retrograde movement; it is ordinarily the same 
 as the line of communication. A strategic point is any 
 position in the theater of war whose possession is 
 of special value to the belligerents. 
 
 Theater of War. — The theater of war in its widest 
 sense comprises the land territories of the belligerents, 
 the high sea, the navigable waters of the belligerents, and 
 may also include the territories of weak neutrals. It is 
 not usually applied to such an extended territory, but is 
 limited to the area in which the armed forces of the two 
 belligerents have actually come into contact during the 
 progress of the war. Thus the theater of the civil war in 
 America is usually understood to mean the entire terri- 
 tory which at any period of the war was the scene of con- 
 flict between the Union and Confederate troops. 
 
 Theater of Operations. — The particular territories 
 which are made the theaters of operations depend on the 
 will of the belligerent who assumes the offensive. This 
 is one of his principal advantages. If the nations have a 
 common land frontier, the territory between the boun- 
 dary and the capital usually forms the principal theater, 
 as in the Franco-German war of 1870-71, the Austro- 
 Prussian war of 1866, the Russo-Turkish war of 1877-78, 
 etc. ; if the territory of the defender is small and the pos- 
 
9 
 
 session of the capital prize for which both beUigerents are 
 fighting, it may be the only territory thus included. If 
 however, the common boundary is an extended one, sev- 
 eral distinct regions may be made theaters of operations. 
 In the Russo-Turkish war of 1877-78, there was one 
 region between the Black and Caspian seas, and another 
 in the Balkan Peninsula west of the Black sea, covered 
 by simultaneous operations ; in the wars between Austria 
 and France from 1792 to 1809, there was one theater of 
 operations in Italy in the valley of the Po, and another in 
 Germany in the valley of the Danube, in which distinct 
 and independent operations were conducted. 
 
 If the territories of the belligerent states are accessible 
 from the sea, the one with decisive sea-power may have 
 considerable latitude in selecting the theaters of operations. 
 
 In the Mexican war, the first American army of inva- 
 sion crossed the Rio Grande at Matamoras and advanced 
 as far as Saltillo via Monterey. It was then decided to 
 shift the main theater of operations and advance on the 
 City of Mexico via Vera Cruz. This transfer was possi- 
 ble because Mexico had no navy. 
 
 In the Spanish-American war, the theaters of operations 
 of the opposing armies were the colonial possessions of 
 Spain: Cuba, Porto Rico and the PhiHppine Islands. 
 The Spanish navy was unable to prevent the American 
 forces from landing in her island possessions. 
 
 As each theater of operations should be the field of oper- 
 ations of a single commander, theaters should be limited 
 by natural obstacles not easily traversed, or by unoc- 
 cupied zones of such extent that there may be no con- 
 fusion between armies occupying adjacent theaters. In 
 our civil war, the theater of war covered by active opera- 
 tions was naturally divided into three theaters of opera- 
 tions: one between the Atlantic ocean and the Appala- 
 
10 
 
 lachian mountain system, one between the Appalachian 
 system and the Mississippi river, and one west of the Mis- 
 sissippi. This natural division was not always followed; 
 in Virginia in 1861 there were two independent Union 
 armies, and in 1862 as many as five. The operations of 
 both years ended disastrously for the Union troops. In 
 the territory between the Alleghanies and the Mississippi 
 there was sometimes a single army, and sometimes two 
 independent armies on the part of both the Union and the 
 Confederate authorities. There was more reason for a 
 division of this theater, since, until the fall of Vicksburg, 
 these armies had two distinct lines of operation, one along 
 the Tennessee and Mississippi rivers, and the other along 
 the Nashville-Chattanooga railroad. 
 
 Territorial Base of Operations. — The territory which 
 may be relied upon to furnish an army with recruits and 
 supplies is that portion of the territory of each belligerent 
 and his allies which is not occupied by hostile forces. A 
 base, with a large population and rich in supplies, is essen- 
 tial to the maintenance of a prolonged war. Since the 
 territorial base of the defender is gradually reduced, as the 
 front of operations of the invader is advanced, it is advan- 
 tageous to have this territorial base of considerable extent 
 so that it will require the occupation of an immense tract 
 of country to injure materially the defender by reducing 
 his resources in recruits and supphes. The great extent 
 of the Russian base prevented the success [of Napoleon's 
 plan of invasion in 1812; he reached Moscow too weak in 
 men and facilities for transportation to venture further. 
 
 Sea-power enables a belligerent to obtain supplies from 
 distant colonies and from neutrals, and to restrict the 
 supplies which his adversary can receive by sea. In the 
 civil war, the blockade of the southern ports by the 
 navy, and the occupation of the coast by Union troops 
 
11 
 
 materially decreased the resources of the Confederate 
 armies. 
 
 In the European war of 1914-1917, the territorial base 
 of the central powers was too small to supply adequately 
 the armies and the non-combatants; and the superior 
 sea-power of Great Britain prevented the central powers 
 from procuring supplies from the neutral nations of the 
 Western hemisphere. 
 
 Linear Base of Operations. — The hnear base of opera- 
 tions is usually a wide river, chain of mountains, or a line 
 of fortresses, on or close to the frontier, which enables a 
 small force to protect the country from invasion by raid- 
 ing parties, while the field army is operating in the enemy's 
 country. Natural lines of obstacles are usually strength- 
 ened by fortifications constructed in time of peace, or at 
 the outbreak of war. 
 
 Before the construction of railways, when armies were 
 obliged to rely upon ordinary wagon transportation for 
 their supplies, it was necessary either to establish large 
 depots of supplies along the linear base before beginning 
 a campaign, or to live by requisitions on the country. 
 The former was the custom of armies in the time of Fred- 
 erick the Great, and the latter in the time of Napoleon. 
 The method of subsisting by requisition was usually sup- 
 plemented by depots. When Napoleon was about to 
 enter upon his Russian campaign, he realized that his sys- 
 tem of requisitions would fail as the theater of operations 
 was an unproductive country, so he spent nearly an entire 
 year in filling depots. His principal base was the Vistula 
 river, where he established great depots at Danzig, Elbing, 
 Thorn, and Modhn, and smaller ones at Marienburg, 
 Marienwerder, Block, and Warsaw; all these were forti- 
 fied towns. As this base was in the country of a doubtful 
 ally, he provided for contingencies by converting the 
 
12 
 
 Oder and Elbe rivers into provisional bases, to which he 
 could retire in case of disaster, by establishing depots at 
 Stettin, Custrin, and Glogau on the former, and at Madge- 
 burg on the latter. Behind the Elbe was the primary 
 base of the Rhine. 
 
 During the wars waged between France and the powers 
 of central Europe, the Rhine river was usually the linear 
 base of one of the belhgerent powers, and the possession 
 of the fortified cities and bridges on this river was always 
 one of the points contested in every war, and in every 
 peace negotiation. The Potomac and the Ohio rivers 
 formed the linear base of the Union armies east of the 
 Mississippi river, and were early strengthened by the for- 
 tifications at Washington, Harpers Ferry, Covington, 
 Louisville, Smithland, and Paducah, where the natural 
 lines of invasion intersected these rivers. The Alps, sep- 
 arating Italy from the neighboring powers, would be the 
 base of operations in a war in which Italy was involved; 
 all the principal mountain passes are fortified by the states 
 whose boundaries are formed by this range. 
 
 The linear base of operations is in the line along which 
 the strategic concentration of the army usually takes 
 place at the beginning of the war, and along which the 
 army rallies in case of defeat in the enemy's territory. 
 
 If both belligerents have a seacoast frontier, the one 
 with the greater sea-power may secure a base on its adver- 
 sary's coast. In the Peninsular war. Great Britain formed 
 a base on the peninsula between the Tagus river and the 
 Atlantic ocean south of Torres Vedras, Portugal. In the 
 civil war, bases were formed by the Union armies at sev- 
 eral points on the Atlantic and Gulf coasts, as Port Royal, 
 Hatteras, New Orleans, etc.; in the Spanish-American 
 war bases were secured in Cuba, Porto Rico, and in the 
 Philippine Islands. Bases on the enemj^'s seacoast must 
 
13 
 
 ordinarily be well fortified in order to protect the supply 
 of an army and its withdrawal, should it be unable to 
 maintain itself in the enemy's country. Saloniki, the 
 base of the alhed armies in the Balkan States in 1916- 
 1917, was thus fortified. 
 
 The principal linear base of the defender is not so dis- 
 tinctly marked as that of the invader; it may be roughly 
 described as the line connecting the principal garrisoned 
 and fortified cities in the rear of the army. Minor opera- 
 tions of defense may be based on any fortified place, or on 
 any river whose crossings are in the possession of the 
 defender, and which flows across, or in the vicinity of, the 
 invader's lines of operations. 
 
 Extent of Base. — A base of considerable extent is more 
 favorable to offensive strategic warfare than one of 
 limited extent, since there will be more fines of opera- 
 tion leading from the base to the point in the enemy's 
 territory which may be selected as a temporary objec- 
 tive. The invader has the choice of operating by one 
 fine, or by several fines of operation, simultaneously, and 
 has a certain amount of latitude in the selection of his 
 theater of operations, and his lines of supply. As he may 
 utilize several fines of supply, he is thus less dependent 
 upon any one of them than he would be upon a single line, 
 and is in less danger of seeing his operations paralyzed by 
 a sudden raid on his rear. He has also greater freedom 
 in his forward movements, for if he finds his advance 
 along one line checked by an impassable barrier, as an 
 intrenched army or fortified place, he may shift his line of 
 operations and turn the flank of the position without 
 sacrificing the safety of his communications. Should he 
 be defeated and pushed from his principal line of supply, 
 he may always seek safety from utter destruction by 
 retreating along one of the adjacent lines. 
 
14 
 
 In the wars waged between France and Austria during 
 the French Repubhc, Consulate and Empire, the hnear 
 base of the French operations was the Rhine river, north 
 of the Swiss Alps, and the Alps from Switzerland to the 
 Mediterranean sea. This extended base gave numerous 
 lines of operations along which movements could be made 
 into the enemy's territory. The most northern line of 
 operations leading into the valley of the Danube crossed 
 the Rhine river at the bridges of Cologne and Coblenz, 
 the Main river between Frankfort and Bamberg, and 
 reached the Danube in the vicinity of Ratisbon; this was 
 the route followed by Jourdan in 1796. A second route 
 crossed the Rhine between Mainz and Strassburg, the 
 Neckar between Heilbrun and Stuttgart, and reached the 
 Danube between Ulm and Donauwerth; this was the 
 route followed by Moreau in 1796, and by Napoleon in 
 1805. A third route followed the valley of the upper 
 Rhine from Basle, and crossed the divide between 
 that river and the Danube near Lake Constance; 
 this was the route followed by Moreau in 1800. Auxili- 
 ary routes also led through the Black Forest from 
 Strassburg and from Freiburg to the head-waters of the 
 Danube. 
 
 The valley of the Po in Italy could be reached from the 
 north, by crossing the Alps via the Splugen, Saint Goth- 
 ard, Simplon, and Great Saint Bernard passes; these 
 were the routes followed by Napoleon and McDonald in 
 in 1800; the valley could be reached from the west by 
 crossing the Alps at the Little Saint Bernard, Mt. Cenis, 
 Genevre, and Argentine passes; the first of these was 
 probably used by Hannibal in his invasion of Rome. 
 These routes were not utilized as principal lines of opera- 
 tions in the campaigns of 1796-1800 because they were 
 well defended by forts on the Italian side ; as soon as they 
 
15 
 
 fell into the hands of the French, however, they became 
 Unes of supply. From the south, the Po could be reached 
 by the Corniche road, running eastward from Nice along 
 the seacoast, thence through one or more of the passes 
 through the Apennine mountains. This was the prin- 
 cipal route followed by the armies of the first French 
 Republic in their Italian campaigns; it was utiHzed by 
 Napoleon in 1796. 
 
 If the base is an extended one, the defender cannot, at 
 the outbreak of hostilities, be certain which of the various 
 lines will be selected by the invader; he is therefore com- 
 pelled to divide his force so as to protect each principal 
 Hne of possible invasion; this enables the invader to fall 
 upon one or more of these separated bodies with a united 
 and overwhehning force. 
 
 In the winter of 1861-1862, the main base of the Union 
 armies in the west was the Ohio river. Advanced posts 
 were in central and eastern Kentucky. Being threatened 
 all along the line, the Confederate army was deployed in 
 groups along a wide front extending from Columbus on 
 the Mississippi to Mill Springs on the upper Cumberland, 
 via Fort Henry on the Tennessee, Fort Donelson on the 
 Cumberland, and Bowling Green on the Louisville-Nash- 
 ville railroad. This enabled Grant to pierce the line at 
 Henry and Donelson before the Confederate army could 
 be concentrated. 
 
 In the civil war the linear base of the Union armies 
 operating in Virginia was the Potomac river from Wil- 
 liamsport to its mouth, and Chesapeake Bay from the 
 mouth of the Potomac to Fort Monroe, Va. This ex- 
 tended base offered to the Union armies several routes 
 into Virginia. 
 
 The Shenandoah route from Williamsport and Harpers 
 Ferry was the hne of operations of Patterson in 1861, of 
 
16 
 
 Banks in 1862, and of Sigel, Hunter and Sheridan in 1864. 
 The Orange-Alexandria raih'oad route was the hne of 
 operations of McDowell in 1861, of Pope in 1862, and of 
 Meade in 1863. The route of the Fredericksburg-Rich- 
 mond railroad was selected as a line of operations by 
 Burnside in 1862 and by Hooker in 1863, although neither 
 got beyond the Rappahannock river. The route up the 
 peninsula between the York and James rivers was that 
 utilized by McClellan in 1862. In 1864, Grant started 
 by using the Orange-Alexandria railroad as his line of 
 supply and then used in succession the Fredericksburg- 
 Richmond railroad and the Rappahannock, York and 
 James rivers as his campaign progressed. 
 
 An extended base on the part of the invader also offers 
 some advantages to the defender. Being ordinarily 
 weaker than his opponent the defender can hardly hope 
 successfully to resist~ invasion by remaining directly on 
 the invader's line of operations, if the latter concentrates 
 his whole force. By operating along some parallel route, 
 however, he may compel the invader to retreat b}^ defeat- 
 ing the small fraction left on this route and by threaten- 
 ing the rear of the main column. The Confederate offen- 
 sive operations in Virginia were usually made northward 
 along the Shenandoah valley, while the Union armies 
 were advancing southward east of the Blue Ridge moun- 
 tains. 
 
 In May, 1862, AlcClellan had reached the eastern sub- 
 urbs of Richmond and was awaiting the arrival of rein- 
 forcements overland from McDowell at Fredericksburg, 
 before making the final assault. To prevent the rein- 
 forcement of McClellan and to destroy the Union forces 
 operating in and around the Shenandoah valley, Jackson, 
 with the consent of Lee, made an offensive movement in 
 the valley. In this operation he defeated Milroy and 
 
17 
 
 Schenck near the village of McDowell, west of Staunton, 
 and drove them into the mountains of West Virginia; he 
 then attacked and defeated Banks' forces at Front Ro}^^] 
 and Winchester and drove him across the Potomac. This 
 offensive movement had the effect desired by the Con- 
 federate commanders; McClellan received no reinforce- 
 ments from McDowell as the latter was ordered to guard 
 Washington and capture Jackson. 
 
 In 1863, after the battle of Chancellorsville, Hooker was 
 encamped on the north bank of the Rappahannock river 
 opposite Fredericksburg. Lee decided to compel him to 
 withdraw from the State of Virginia by making an offen- 
 sive movement across the Potomac river into the Union 
 territory. He moved his army around the west flank of 
 his adversary into the Shenandoah valley and thence into 
 the Cumberland valley of Pennsylvania and Maryland. 
 This compelled Hooker to make a retrograde movement, 
 cross the Potomac river, and place himself between Lee 
 and the cities of Baltimore and Washington, which the 
 Union army was compelled to protect. 
 
 Secondary Bases. — Secondary bases or depots of supply 
 are established by an army as it moves forward in an 
 enemy's country, to form a connecting link between the 
 main base and the field army. While the Ohio and the 
 Potomac rivers constituted the main bases of the Union 
 armies in the civil war, secondary bases were established 
 at many points ; some of the principal of these were City 
 Point on the James river, Whitehouse on the Pamunkey, 
 Nashville and Chattanooga on the Louisville-Atlanta rail- 
 road, Memphis, Vicksburg, and New Orleans, on the Mis- 
 sissippi river. When Napoleon moved from the Vistula 
 on his Russian campaign, he established great depots on 
 the main road to jNIoscow at Konigsberg, Kovno on the 
 Niemen, Wilna, Minsk and Smolensk. Between the great 
 
18 
 
 depots, at a few days' interval, were smaller depots ; thus 
 between Smolensk and Moscow, separated from each other 
 by a ten days' march, there were three intermediate depots 
 The network of railroads that now covers each of the im- 
 portant countries and the introduction of motor trucks 
 makes the distance between depots greater than formerly. 
 In expeditions by sea, the landing harbor is always a very 
 important secondary base. 
 
 Communications. — Large bodies of troops moving 
 slowly in a hostile country at a distance from their linear 
 base can be subsisted only in the vicinity of railways and 
 navigable rivers. The Count de Paris in his History of 
 the Civil War deduces the conclusion that an American 
 army of 100,000 men equipped with 4000 ordinary army 
 wagons, utilizing three or four common country roads^ 
 cannot be subsisted in a barren country at a distance 
 exceeding twenUj-fwe to thirty miles from some point on a 
 railway or navigable river. For a greater distance the 
 ratio of the number of wagons to the number of miles is a 
 rapidly increasing one. By the employment of motor 
 trucks, the distance above given can be greatly increased, 
 especially if the roads are good. 
 
 Railways are the lines of supply employed by modern 
 armies, whenever practicable, because of their great carry- 
 ing capacity. A railway freight car has from ten to fif- 
 teen times the capacity of the army wagon and travels as 
 many miles in an hour as the army wagon travels in a day. 
 The trunk lines which connect the hostile territories are 
 the main arteries of supply, the branch hues which pene- 
 trate into every province of the base of operations are 
 their feeders, the branch lines which radiate over the ter- 
 ritory occupied by the army are their distributors. 
 Whenever possible each army should have one or more 
 distinct arteries with branch lines connecting the territory 
 
19 
 
 occupied by its corps in time of peace with the army 
 front. 
 
 Navigable rivers possess certain advantages over rail- 
 ways as arteries of supply; the carrying capacity of large 
 steamers is much greater than that of trains, and the water- 
 way, unlike the railway, is not liable to be rendered use- 
 less through accidents or through interference by an 
 enemy's raiders. An enemy in possession of a bridge or 
 tunnel for a few hours may wreck a railway so that it can- 
 not be used for days or even weeks. 
 
 As communications are usually the lines along which 
 the invader must retreat in case of defeat, movements in 
 force against the communications of an invading army 
 almost invariably lead to the retreat of the invading army 
 to protect these lines. Unless the invader has anticipated 
 such a movement by opening new communications, the 
 secure possession by the defender of any point on these 
 lines in rear of an invading army will lead to its surrender 
 or to a disastrous retreat over unprepared lines. To 
 secure the safety of his communications is usually the first 
 thought of the commander of an invading army. Wlien- 
 ever there is any choice in the selection of the lines over 
 which an army is supplied, short lines are preferred to lo7ig 
 ones, multiple lines to single ones, central lines to those in 
 rear of the flanks of the army. 
 
 In preparing the plan of the Virginia campaign of 1864, 
 Grant, encamped about Culpeper Court House, Virginia, 
 was compelled to weigh the advantages resulting from 
 movements around the east and west flanks of his adver- 
 sary, who was encamped along the south bank of the Rapi- 
 dan astride of the Orange & Alexandria railroad. A move- 
 ment about the west flank would bring the Union army 
 into the open country between the railway and the Blue 
 Ridge mountains favorable for offensive and unfavorable 
 
20 
 
 for defensive tactical operations; a movement about the 
 east flank would bring the Union army into the tidewater 
 region of Virginia, overgrown with thick woods and cut 
 up by streams, unfavorable for offensive and favorable 
 for defensive tactical operations. On the other hand, 
 the former movement would prolong Grant's communica- 
 tions and expose them to the raiding operations both from 
 the country along the Fredericksburg-Richmond railroad, 
 and from the Shenandoah valley; the latter would allow 
 him to utilize in succession, the Fredericksburg-Rich- 
 mond railroad and the navigable rivers which penetrate 
 deep into Virginia, as lines of supply, and make his. com- 
 munications short and absolutely safe. For the latter 
 reason Grant decided to abandon the open country and 
 plunge into the woods and swamps of eastern Virginia. 
 The resulting campaign brought into prominence the ad- 
 vantages and defects of the theater of operations he 
 selected. The enemy was able to make a stubborn de- 
 fense, but was unable to check the advance movement by 
 operations on the communications as he had done in the 
 previous campaigns. 
 
 If the line of communications is a long one and is ex- 
 posed to the enemy's raiding operations, the extent of the 
 injury to which it may be subjected is much decreased by 
 the construction of fortified depots at intervals along the 
 line. Napoleon recommended that such depots should be 
 constructed at the end of every five or six days' march in 
 a hostile country. These fortified depots become the 
 bases of operations of the forces detailed to protect the 
 communications and to furnish the detachments assigned 
 to the protection of railway bridges, tunnels, etc. If the 
 communications are of great length, additional bases of 
 operation are located on the flanks, distant from the com- 
 munications, to intercept raiding parties before they 
 
21 
 
 reach the hnes. In the British-Boer war, the British 
 constructed block-houses at short intervals all along the 
 railroads to be protected, and connected them by barbed 
 wire fences. The railroads were patrolled by armored 
 trains. 
 
 Objective. — The destruction of the armed strength of 
 an adversary is the primary objective of every war; there- 
 fore any separate body of troops from a patrol to an army 
 may be the objective of a military operation. Any per- 
 manent or temporary fortified place which obstructs the 
 movements of the invader or protects the operations of 
 the defender, his troops, or supplies, and any military 
 position favorable for the operations of either belligerent, 
 as a river crossing. or mountain pass, may become an 
 objective. 
 
 The importance of the objective will ordinarily determine 
 the effort made for its capture. As the capture of the 
 capital of a country is always an important indication to 
 the world of the superiority of the invader, it is usually 
 one of the principal objectives of a war. Its capture may 
 not terminate the war, but if it can be held by the invader 
 it is certain to have an important moral effect upon the 
 defender's powers of resistance, for it will deter foreign 
 governments from lending aid to a cause presumably des- 
 perate. 
 
 Lines of Operations. — At the outbreak of a war, any 
 route which penetrates into the defender's country and 
 along which an army can be moved and supplied is a pos- 
 sible line of operations. If an army moves as a unit along 
 a single route it is said to have a single line of operations; 
 if subdivided into two separate commands each having 
 its own line of operations it is said to be operating on 
 double lines; if subdivided into more than two separate 
 commands it operates on multiple lines. An army sub- 
 
22 
 
 divided into two or more separate commands may operate 
 on converging, parallel, or diverging lines, depending upon 
 the direction of the different hnes of operations. Lines 
 of operations are interior when they he between the hnes 
 of operation of enemy; they are exterior when they are 
 separated by those of the enemy. An army may also 
 operate from any front of operations on hnes as described 
 above. Lines of operations are usually, but not neces- 
 sarily, selected with a view to their use as lines of supply. 
 
 In Sherman's march from Atlanta to Savannah, Ga., 
 in 1864, he abandoned and destroyed the railroad in his 
 rear and subsisted his army on the country through which 
 he passed. The movement was really a change of base 
 from the Ohio river to the seacoast. In Grant's cam- 
 paign in Virginia in 1864, his general line of operations 
 was perpendicular to his lines of supply at their points of 
 intersection. 
 
 A single line of operations does not mean a single road; 
 it simply means that the different columns of the army 
 are not separated by impassable obstacles or by such great 
 distances as to render cooperation impossible. The dis- 
 tance between the roads is usually decreased as the posi- 
 tion of the enemy is approached. In his campaign of 
 1805, Napoleon moved his army from the Rhine and Main 
 rivers to the Danube, by utihzing every main highway 
 between and including those of Strassburg-Stuttgart- 
 Donauwerth, and Wurzburg-Ingolstadt, without violating 
 the principle of employing but a single line of operations. 
 The advantage of operating by a single line lies in the fact 
 that the entire strength of the army is under the control 
 of the commander on the day of the decisive battle. 
 
 An army which operates by double or 7mdtiple lines has 
 its different columns so widely separated or separated by 
 such impassable obstacles that they must, temporarily at 
 
23 
 
 least, act independently. The advantage of operating by 
 such lines is that the separate commands can be more 
 easily marched and supplied than if united; the disad- 
 vantages are that the separate commands are liable to be 
 attacked and defeated in detail by a united enemy. 
 
 Operations by double lines were undertaken by invad- 
 ing forces in two campaigns of the war 1914-1917. 
 
 In August, 1914, the Russian army under Rennencamp 
 invaded East Prussia from the east while that of Samsa- 
 now invaded it from the south and southwest. The two 
 armies were separated by the Masurian Lakes. By de- 
 taching a force to check the advance of Rennencamp and 
 concentrating his remaining force to attack Samsanow, 
 Hindenherg succeeded in destroying the army of the latter 
 in the battle of Tannenherg. He then concentrated on 
 Rennencamp and compelled him to retire to the protec- 
 tion of the Niemen river in Russia. 
 
 In the latter part of 1916, the armies of the central 
 powers invaded Rumania on double lines. Mackensen 
 moved northward into Rumania from Bulgaria while 
 Falkenhayn moved southward into Rumania from Tran- 
 sylvania. The two armies were separated not only by 
 Rumania but also by the Danube river. They were suc- 
 cessful, however, in uniting their armies near the Rumanian 
 capital, Bucharest. 
 
 Operations by triple lines were undertaken in the 
 Austro-Prussian war, the British-Boer war and the 
 Russo-Japanese war. 
 
 At the outbreak of the Austro-Prussian war of 1866, 
 the Prussian army corps, which had been mobilized for 
 some time, were concentrated along the Sazon-Bohemian 
 frontier in three groups. The Third Army was near 
 Torgau, the First near Gorlitz, the Second in Silesia near 
 Neisse and Glaiz. The moblization and concentration of 
 
24 
 
 the Austrian army had not been completed. To have 
 concentrated the entire Prussian force at a single point 
 of the frontier would have required considerable time and 
 would have lost the advantage of its prompt mobilization. 
 Moltke therefore decided to advance the three armies by 
 different but converging lines and unite his armies in the 
 enemy's territory. 
 
 The Third Army therefore moved up the left bank of 
 the Elbe to Dresden, crossed the river above that city, 
 and moved to the Isar river. The First Army reached 
 the same stream by moving due south from Gorlitz 
 through the Bohemian mountains. The united armies 
 then moved southeastwardly towards Koniggratz on the 
 Elbe, where they were joined by the Second Army which 
 moved westward from Silesia. The Second Army joined 
 the First and Third while they were engaged in the de- 
 cisive battle of Sadmva or Koniggratz. The battle was 
 begun at 7 a. m., July 3; the Second Army reached the 
 battlefield after noon, but in time to change a possible 
 defeat into victory. This movement of the Prussian 
 armies on different lines of operations facilitated the task 
 of debouching from the mountain ranges which separate 
 Prussia and Bohemia, and lightened the difficulties of 
 camping, marching, and supplying the troops. 
 
 In the British-Boer war the sieges of Ladysmith and 
 Kimherley by the Boers caused three divisions of the army 
 corps sent under Buller to be landed at Durban, East 
 London, and Capetown, instead of at Capetown as 
 originally planned. This division of the forces led to the 
 defeat of the Durban column at the Tugela river, the defeat 
 of the East London column at Stromburg, and that of 
 the Cape-town column at Magersfontein near the Modder 
 river, all during the same week. 
 
 In the Russo-Japanese war the First Japanese army 
 
25 
 
 moved on Liaoyang from Wiju on the Yalu river; the 
 Second Army moved north along the railroad after land- 
 ing at Pitsewo, the Fourth Army landed at Takushan 
 and united with the Second at Haitschon south of liao- 
 yang. As in the Austro-Prussian war the two wings met 
 only on the decisive battle-field at Liaoyang, and as in 
 that war, victory hung in the balance for some time. 
 
 Armies may be said to be operating on interior lines 
 whenever they can unite the separate groups into which 
 the armies may be divided more quickly than their adver- 
 saries. This may be due to the fact that the hnes of 
 operation of the separate groups are nearer to each other, 
 or are connected by better lines of communication than 
 those of their adversary. 
 
 A classic example of successful operations conducted 
 from a central position by interior lines against an enemy 
 who was operating bj^ double or triple lines, is the Italian 
 campaign of Napoleon in 1796 in Italy in which he first 
 drove the Austrian armies out of northern Italy and then 
 held the Italian quadrilateral against four successive 
 Austrian armies sent against him. 
 
 Lee made a successful campaign in 1862, by utilizing 
 interior lines and a central position. In early August, 
 1862, the Union forces in the State of Virginia were divided 
 into two armies, McClellan's Army of the Potomac, 
 numbering 90,000 men, and Pope's Army of Virginia, 
 numbering 60,000 men. The former was concentrated 
 on the James river, near Harrison's Landing, where it 
 had retreated after the seven days' battles at the end of 
 June; and the latter was in northern Virginia, covering 
 Washington, and operating on the line of the Orange and 
 Alexandria railroad between the Rappahannock and Rapi- 
 dan rivers. As the Army of Virginia had a large territory 
 to occupy, its actual field strength was about 40,000 men. 
 
26 
 
 The two armies were wholly separated from each other 
 by Lee's Army of Northern Virginia which occupied Rich- 
 mond, its intrenched capital, with about 70,000 men. 
 The disposition of the Union armies was a very faulty 
 one; neither alone was strong enough to attack the in- 
 trenched position of Richmond, and they were unable to 
 cooperate in a joint movement. 
 
 After a long delay it was finally decided to withdraw 
 McClellan's army from the James and unite it with that 
 of Pope in northern Virginia. As soon as all danger from 
 McClellan was removed by his withdrawal toward Fort 
 Monroe, Lee, with 54,000 men, moved against Pope, 
 defeated him in the battle of Manassas, and compelled 
 him to retreat across the Potomac before he could be sat- 
 isfactorily reinforced by McClellan. 
 
 In the war of 1914-1917, the Central Powers had the 
 advantage of waging war from a central position against 
 the Allied Powers whose forces were deployed on several 
 disconnected fronts. 
 
 Lines of Retreat. — Lines of retreat may be as varied as 
 the lines of operation. A single line of retreat is that ordi- 
 narily followed by a united armj^ either from necessity, 
 or because the army can thus be held together for future 
 resistance. The difficulty of execution depends on the 
 size of the army, the number and character of the roads, 
 and the condition of the weather. Even Napoleon was 
 unable to withdraw his army, under unfavorable condi- 
 tions, from Moscow to his base on the Vistula. 
 
 Double or multiple lines favor rapid retreat of an army 
 under one commander but separate the columns; if, how- 
 ever, they can afterwards be united by means of conver- 
 gent routes, or by rapid transverse communications, as 
 railways, this defect of multiple lines is neutrahzed. Two 
 or more armies acting on different lines of operation may 
 
27 
 
 retreat on convergent, or divergent lines. Convergent 
 lines bring the columns nearer together so that they 
 may operate as a unit and are favorable for the defense. 
 
 The allied British and French armies in their retreat 
 from the frontier to the Marne in 1914 were following 
 lines which were more or less convergent and brought the 
 different armies into closer contact. 
 
 Divergent lines separate the several armies more and 
 more, and are usually considered unfavorable for defense. 
 The only circumstance in which they are considered 
 advantageous is when an army has been so decisively 
 defeated that no further hope of resistance can be enter- 
 tained. Then the separate groups may scatter through- 
 out the territory to become the nuclei of new armies, or 
 to undertake guerrilla warfare. 
 
 The line of retreat is usually the most direct line to the 
 linear base of the defeated army as the army wishes to 
 reach a place of safety as soon as possible for the purpose 
 of reorganizing. A retreat at right angles to this direction 
 may at times be more effective than a direct retreat in 
 stopping the advance of the invader. In 1758, Fred- 
 erick the Great was besieging the Austrian fortress of 
 Olmutz with his line of supply running to Troppau on the 
 Bohemian-Silesian frontier. A large Prussian convoy 
 having been captured on this road by the Austrian irreg- 
 ular cavalry, the king was compelled to raise the siege of 
 Olmutz and retreat. Instead of retreating directly on 
 Troppau, as the Austrians imagined he would be com- 
 pelled to do, he retreated on Koniggratz and then through 
 the mountains. In this way he stole a march on his 
 opponents, kept the field of operations in the enemy's 
 country, and secured to himself a safe line of retreat. 
 His opponent, Daun, who expected to attack the king on 
 his retreat to Troppau and to follow him into Silesia, was 
 
. 28 
 
 thus deceived and compelled to remain in Bohemia for 
 its protection. 
 
 Strategic Points. — The strategic points in a theater of 
 war owe their importance to their effect on the opera- 
 tions of the contending armies. Some points are strategic 
 because they lie on the routes which the invader is obliged 
 to follow, and are favorable for defense. Mountain passes, 
 like those mentioned in the Alps and Apennine moun- 
 tains, belong to this class. Some points are strategic 
 because they lie on the routes which the invader must 
 employ as lines of supply; such are the fortified or easily 
 defended points on an important trunk railway, as Nash- 
 ville, Chattanooga, and Atlanta, in our civil war. The 
 army may mask them in passing, but it must capture 
 them before it can open its lines of supply. Some points 
 are strategic simply because they are occupied by a force 
 which cannot be neglected; Plevna was such a point in the 
 Russo-Turkish war. Its value was all due to the fact 
 that it was occupied by a strong Turkish army which 
 threatened the communications of the Russian army 
 should it cross the Balkan mountains without first cap- 
 turing Plevna. 
 
 There are political as well as military strategic points: 
 the capital of a country is a political strategic point since 
 its capture will probably have a material effect upon the 
 national policy with respect to the war; if not upon that 
 of the invaded country, at least upon the policy of its 
 possible allies. The capital of a province is a political 
 strategic point, as the administration of the province is 
 directed from this center. 
 
CHAPTER II 
 PREPARATION FOR WAR 
 
 Preparation for war includes the steps taken to create, 
 maintain, and strengthen the mihtary powers of a nation 
 and to study the mihtary systemsof possible adversaries; 
 to study the theater of war; to devise a plan of war; to 
 mobilize the troops and to concentrate them on the fron- 
 tier for offense and defense in accordance with this plan. 
 
 Necessity for Complete Preparation. — The wars which 
 have been waged since our own civil war have shown very 
 clearly the disadvantages and disasters which result from 
 a lack of suitable preparation at the beginning of a war, 
 and the short time which a nation is liable to have for a 
 preparation after the outbreak of hostilities. 
 
 The Austro-Prussian war of 1866 had been pending for 
 some time and both armies were preparing for the issue. 
 The Prussian army was the first to finish mobilization, 
 and profited by this advantage to attack her opponent 
 before the latter was ready. The first actual declaration 
 of hostilities was the notification sent to the Austrian out- 
 posts the day before the Prussian army crossed the fron- 
 tier. The decisive battle of the war was fought at Konig^ 
 gratz ten days later. 
 
 The Franco-German war of 1870 was declared on July 
 19, 1870 On August 4, the German armies crossed the 
 frontier before the French mobilization was finished; the 
 two decisive battles of the war were Gravelotte-St. Private 
 fought on August 18, and Sedan, fought on September 1. 
 In the former the Army of the Rhine was defeated and 
 
 29 
 
30 
 
 imprisoned in the fortress of Metz and in the latter the 
 Army of Chalons was defeated and surrendered. These 
 two armies constituted practically the entire regular 
 trained force of France. 
 
 The Russo-Turkish war of 1877-78 was declared by 
 Russia, April 24, 1877; she had, however, been preparing 
 for it during the preceding six months by mobilizing along 
 the Rumanian frontier all the troops she considered neces- 
 sary for the invasion and the capture of the Turkish capi- 
 tal. The army began crossing the Danube on June 26 
 and the operations were progressing favorably when the 
 decisive defeat at Plevna on the 30th of July brought the 
 Russian advance to a standstill. 
 
 ''All idea of carrying out the original plan of cam- 
 paign with the troops actually in hand was out of the ques- 
 tion. . . . The terrible error of underestimating the 
 enemy and beginning war with an inadequate force was 
 apparent to everyone and fully acknowledged." * 
 
 The Russians were compelled to beg assistance of the 
 Rumanians, to mobilize additional corps and divisions of 
 a strength of 120,000 men, and to call out the first con- 
 tingent of the militia to replace the losses suffered by the 
 field army. Had the Turks been able to assume the offen- 
 sive promptly after the repulse of the Russians at Plevna, 
 the latter might have been compelled to recross the 
 Danube. 
 
 When war was first declared between Great Britain 
 and the Boer RepubHcs, October 11, 1899, the British 
 were unprepared for it; they had less than 20,000 regulars 
 and a small body of volunteers in South Africa to guard 
 their extensive territory. The Boers, on the contrary, 
 were ready to take the field with 30,000 to 35,000 men. 
 The Boers therefore assumed the offensive, crossed the 
 
 * Russo-Turkish War, by Lieutenant F. V. Greene, U. S. Army. 
 
31 
 
 frontier on October 11 and 12, and the scattered British 
 troops found it necessary either to abandon their fron- 
 tier towns and retire toward the coast, or to protect them 
 by subjecting themselves to investment in Lady smith, 
 Kimberley, and Mafeking. They chose the latter course. 
 The first relief sent to the British force in South Africa 
 was the army corps of three divisions which was mobilized 
 for the war. It numbered about 40,000 men, and was 
 commanded by Buller. When it reached South Africa in 
 November, the necessity of relieving Ladysmith and Kim- 
 berley and defending the railways leading into Cape 
 Colony led to a breaking up of this corps. 
 
 Four railway lines connect the Boer territory with 
 harbors on the coast. On the east is the line from Durban 
 via Ladysmith to Johannesburg and Pretoria. In the 
 center are the lines running from East London and Port 
 Ehzabeth to Springfontein, and thence in a single line to 
 Pretoria; the lines from Port Elizabeth and East London 
 are separated by a distance of from 75 to 100 miles and 
 are 240 miles west of the Durban line. The western line 
 runs from Capetown to Kimberley and Mafeking; at its 
 nearest point it is about 60 miles west of the Port Ehza- 
 beth hne, and is connected with it by a transverse hne. 
 The distance from the coast to the frontier on the four 
 hues is respectively 203, 311, 386, and 570 miles. From 
 the frontier to Pretoria, the capital of the South African 
 Repubhc, is 110 miles on the Ladysmith hne, and 400 
 miles on the others. 
 
 It was manifestly impossible for a corps of 40,000 men 
 to advance on the outer lines to relieve Ladysmith and 
 Kimberley, and at the same time to guard the two interior 
 ones and the lines of supply. In its effort to do so, there 
 resulted the repulse of the eastern column December 15, 
 in the first battle on the Tugela, south of Ladysmith, the 
 
32 
 
 repulse of the central column December 10, at Stormherg, 
 and the repulse of the western column December 11 at 
 Magersfontein near the Modder river south of Kimberley. 
 As in the Russo-Turkish war the operations were then 
 brought to a standstill until further reinforcements could 
 be brought from England. It was discovered that a force 
 of at least 200,000 men would be required to prosecute 
 the war properly. 
 
 The first successful offensive movement was made only 
 about the middle of February, 1900, after the army had 
 been reinforced by the 5th, 6th and 7th divisions and a 
 large number of unassigned troops. On December 1, 
 1900, the original force of 20,000 men had been increased 
 by reinforcements to 267,000, of whom 183,000 were regu- 
 lar troops. 
 
 Had the original force sent by our own country to the 
 Philippine Islands in 1898 been one of trained regulars, 
 the length and cost of that war would undoubtedly have 
 been greatly decreased. The troops sent out were State 
 volunteers whom it was necessary to replace in the midst 
 of hostilities because their time of enlistment had expired. 
 Even the national volunteers sent to replace them did not 
 remain until the insurrection was completely subdued, but 
 were in time replaced by regulars, when the regular army 
 was increased. 
 
 The Military Forces. — In preparing for possible war, it 
 would appear from the above that the most essential re- 
 quisites for its rapid and successful prosecution are a just 
 estimation of the power of the enemy, and the organiza- 
 tion of a trained force of sufficient superiority to over- 
 come that power. 
 
 Every nation can make a very accurate estimate of the 
 military power of every other nation, if it creates a bureau 
 of mihtary intelligence, and this bureau performs its duties 
 
33 
 
 thoroughly. Through its military attaches, the military 
 journals, etc., this bureau should be able to tell very 
 accurately the armed strength of any nation, the distri- 
 bution of its troops, and their equipment and training. 
 It is even possible sometimes from a study of the distri- 
 bution of troops and the theater of war to foretell their 
 probable concentration on the frontier at the outbreak of 
 the war. This will appear in the plan of concentration 
 prepared by Moltke before the outbreak of the Franco- 
 German war which will be found in the next chapter. 
 
 It will not be in the power of every nation to carry out 
 the second requisite, since the maximum force which can 
 be created must bear a definite ratio to the population of 
 the country. It is probable that the limit of strength of 
 a standing army which a nation is able to support was 
 reached by the great nations of Europe at the close of the 
 nineteenth century; the armies of the five principal Con- 
 tinental powers numbered from 0.9 per cent to 1.3 per 
 cent of their population. In time of war these armies 
 could be increased to four or five times their peace strength 
 by calling in all reserves. If the population of a country 
 will not admit of her placing in the field as large a force as 
 her adversary, or one sufficiently strong to make success 
 possible, she may be able to increase her force by the aid 
 of diplomacy. When Prussia felt that a war with Austria 
 and her allies for supremacy in Germany was inevitable, 
 she made an offensive and defensive alliance with Italy. 
 This compelled Austria at the outbreak of the war of 1866 
 to place three of her army corps on the Italian frontier, 
 and increased the probabilities of success of the Prussian 
 armies. The offensive and defensive alHances of the great 
 states of to-day must be considered in the mihtary plans 
 of their adversaries. 
 
 During the continuance of the war of 1914-1917, Ger- 
 
34 
 
 many and Austria were reinforced by Turkey and Bul- 
 garia, and Great Britain, Belgium, France, Russia and 
 Serbia by Italy, Portugal and Rumania. 
 
 If the position of a state is such that she must exert her 
 maximum effort at the outbreak of a war, she must adopt 
 the Prussian system of recruiting by conscription and 
 make her army a training school for recruits; in no other 
 way can she give thorough military training to the great- 
 est ratio of her male population. This conclusion has been 
 accepted by most of the military powers which must 
 depend either wholly or principally on their land forces 
 for protection in time of war. The Prussian system has 
 extended to Japan in the east, Turkey in the south, Portu- 
 gal in the west and Norway and Sweden in the north. 
 Under present conditions, the voluntary system of recruit- 
 ing is practicable only in the countries that are protected 
 from rapid invasion by sea-power. 
 
 Numbers alone, however, do not constitute the strength 
 of armies, as the history of warfare has often shown. 
 Organization, training, equipment, 7noralc, and leader- 
 ship are very important factors. If a nation is unable to 
 raise an army numerically equal or superior to that of her 
 adversary, it is on these factors she must rely for offensive 
 success, and upon them in connection with fortification 
 for her defense. 
 
 Organization and training together give an army mobil- 
 ity on the march, and cohesion on the battlefield. With- 
 out them, numbers may be really an element of weakness, 
 since the difficulties of maneuver and supply increase in a 
 more rapid ratio than the increase in numerical strength. 
 Even under such a leader as Napoleon an army may be- 
 come unmanageable. The heterogeneous army of half a 
 million men with which he invaded Russia was greatly 
 inferior to the army of Aiisterlitz and Jena, which had 
 
35 
 
 only half its strength, but had been carefully organized 
 and trained in camps of instruction. The Turks in the 
 Russo-Turkish war, and the Boers in the South African 
 war, were unable to undertake any decisive offensive 
 movements on account of lack of organization and train- 
 ing. The former had to content themselves with the pass- 
 ive defense entirely, while the offensive operations of the 
 latter were confined to the unsuccessful sieges of Lady- 
 smith, Kimherley, and Mafeking, the unimportant inva- 
 sion of the territory of Cape Colony along the frontier, 
 and raiding operations. On the other hand, the well- 
 organized and trained army of Frederick the Great was 
 able to successfully assume the offensive agaixist the com- 
 bined armies of Austria, France and Russia, whose organi- 
 zations were inferior to that of its own. To the superior 
 tactical organization of the French armies was due much 
 of their success in the early Napoleonic battles. 
 
 Better equipment for battle and for the march may also 
 turn the scale in favor of an army which is superior to its 
 opponent in these particulars. Military authorities attrib- 
 ute the success of the Prussians over the Austrians in the 
 battle of Koniggratz largely to the superiority of the 
 breech-loading needle gun of the former over the muzzle- 
 loading rifle of the latter. An army not thoroughly 
 equipped for the march is tied to its lines of supply, which 
 in these days are railways or rivers. Without a very per- 
 fect organization of their wagon trains. Grant and Sher- 
 man would have been unable to move so freely away from 
 their lines of supply to turn the flanks of Lee and 
 Johnston and Roberts would have been unable to turn 
 the flank of the Boer position on the Modder river by 
 moving away from the Kimberley railway towards Bloem- 
 fontein. 
 
 The morale at the outbreak of the war will be with the 
 
36 
 
 army which feels itself better organized, trained, equipped, 
 and led. Thereafter success will increase and defeat will 
 decrease it. 
 
 MiHtary history clearly shows the great effect of super- 
 ior leadership in military operations. Without Wash- 
 ington, the American Revolution would certainly have 
 failed ; the morale of the Army of the Potomac was never 
 higher nor its numerical strength greater than under 
 McClellan, and yet he could not lead it to decisive suc- 
 cess; L^e had but 62,000 men when Hooker had 125,000 
 men, and yet the lines of operation led towards Harris- 
 burg, Pa., instead of Richmond, Va. The Union armies 
 in 1862 and 1863 were as well organized as, and better 
 equipped than the Confederates. 
 
 Had Napoleon's career been closed before the Russian 
 campaign the military world might fairly have assumed 
 that leadership alone is the decisive element in warfare. 
 Since, however. Napoleon lost campaigns and battles, it 
 is evident that leadership, although a very important 
 factor, is not the only requisite for military success, and 
 the other factors above mentioned cannot be neglected. 
 The war of 1914-1917 has again demonstrated the fact 
 that the value of a general for supreme command can be 
 determined only by actual experience. No nation can 
 therefore count on having a better leader than its adver- 
 sary, if both are still untried; it may, however, lessen the 
 danger resulting from the selection of a weak commander 
 by maintaining an army, active and reserve, of a size 
 sufficient to meet all requirements, and by giving the army 
 the best possible organization, training, and equipment. 
 
 Map of the Theater of War. — The possible and prob- 
 able operations of any war are largely influenced by the 
 military geography of the theater of war, its boundaries, 
 lines of communication, topographical features, fortresses, 
 
37 
 
 political, commercial, and manufacturing centers. This 
 becomes evident if we examine the details of any two 
 campaigns which have had the same theater of operations. 
 
 When, in 1756, Frederick the Great began the Seven 
 Years' war, he first sought to deal with the allied powers 
 of Saxony and Austria. He invaded the hostile territory 
 in four columns, the First from Magdeburg, via Leipsic 
 to Pirna; the Second from T organ to Dresden; the 
 Third from Gorlitz via Reichenberg into Bohemia; the 
 Fourth from Glaiz, Silesia, through the mountains via 
 Nachod. One hundred and ten years later the Prussians 
 were again at war with Saxony and Austria. This time 
 they crossed in three columns, following practically the 
 routes of the Second, Third, and Fourth columns of Fred- 
 erick the Great. In each campaign the object was to 
 dispose of the Saxons first so that they would not inter- 
 fere with the communications of the army. The opera- 
 tions of the Saxon army in its retreat differed in the two 
 campaigns, which led to a divergence in the succeeding 
 operations. In the century that intervened between the 
 wars there had been vast changes in the organization, 
 equipment, tactics, and strength of armies, and railways 
 had replaced highways as the principal routes of travel. 
 The configuration and topography of the boundary, how- 
 ever, remained unchanged; the same range of mountains, 
 with the same passes^ separated the territories of Prussia 
 from Saxony and Austria and led to similar offensive 
 operations, under a strategist superior probably to Fred- 
 erick the Great. 
 
 According to Jomini, strategy is the art of planning 
 military operations upon the map; an accurate map is 
 therefore essential to the proper study and execution of 
 all military movements in an extended territory. Gen- 
 eral Sherman wrote in 1844, 
 
38 
 
 ''Every day I feel more and more the need of an atlas, 
 as a knowledge of geography in its minutest details is 
 essential to a true military education. I wish you would 
 therefore get me the best geograph}^ and atlas extant." 
 
 The value of maps for military operations has been so 
 universally appreciated, that the duty of map making 
 has always been associated with the military profession. 
 To-day the execution of the topographical surveys and 
 the construction of maps is under the supervision of the 
 military authorities of every country except our own. It 
 is one of the duties either of the general staff, or of the 
 engineers. The present military map of France was con- 
 ceived by Napoleon, that of Germany by Moltke. 
 
 In every country officers are constantly exercised in the 
 reading of militar}^ maps of their own and other coun- 
 tries. The standard military map of European powers is 
 one which shows all topograhical features of military value 
 on a scale sufficiently large to be clearly shown, but on a 
 scale small enough to allow the readers to get a compre- 
 hensive idea of a considerable territory. The scales of 
 these maps vary between 1/63,360 and 1/126,000; the 
 former is that of the map of Great Britain and the latter 
 that of Russia in Europe. The smaller the area of the 
 country to be shown the larger may be the scale. 
 
 The information delineated on a modern military map 
 is so great that a very careful study of its topographical 
 signs is necessary before an officer can read one quickly. 
 On some of them twelve characters are employed to in- 
 dicate the various kinds of bridges, ferries, and fords over 
 rivers; nine to indicate varieties of roads and trails; and 
 twenty-three to indicate the details of villages, etc. The 
 map indicates the gauge and number of tracks of a rail- 
 way, its embankments and excavations, its tunnels and 
 bridges, and the grade at which it is intersected by the 
 
39 
 
 highways and railways of the country. Elevations are 
 ordinarily indicated by contours except in very mountain- 
 ous countries, where the system of hachures is employed. 
 Colors are employed to emphasize the rivers, woods, con- 
 tours, etc. 
 
 The only map in our country which approximates to 
 these is the map of the Geological Survey, which has been 
 only partially completed. Two scales are employed; the 
 more detailed is on a scale of 1/62,500, and the other 
 1/125,000. Upon the former fifteen minutes of latitude 
 and fifteen minutes of longitude are shown on each sheet, 
 upon the latter thirty minutes in each direction. 
 
 Maps on a larger scale than the standard are prepared 
 of the surroundings of fortifications and other strategic 
 points of the theater of war, and also for military maneu- 
 vers. Maps on a smaller scale are employed when it is 
 desired only to show some special feature, as the railways, 
 distribution of troops, etc. 
 
 Boundary. — The common boundary line of two coun- 
 tries cannot be ignored in considering probable military 
 operations, as it is the general line along which the armies 
 of the belligerents make their preliminary concentrations. 
 The most striking of the boundary lines of the states of 
 Europe is the great bastion line which separates the Ger- 
 man and Austro-Hungarian empires from that of Russia. 
 
 An examination of a map of Russia will show that 
 Poland, with the exception of the small province of Su- 
 valki, lies wholly within a line connecting the sahents of 
 the bastion of East Prussia cf Germany and Galicia of 
 Austria. The area of the territory thus enclosed is about 
 43,000 square miles, or nearly that of the State of Penn- 
 sylvania; and its general shape is a square. A little to 
 the east of the center is Warsaw, the capital of Poland, 
 the third city of the empire, with a population of 750,000. 
 
40 
 
 In its rear is the great Pinsk marsh with few lines of com- 
 munication. The pecuhar shape of the frontier and the 
 importance of the outlying province of Poland will make 
 the defense and attack of that province the first operation 
 of any war between Russia and the allied powers on her 
 west. 
 
 Against a combined movement of the allied powers 
 Russia would almost be compelled to concentrate her 
 forces in three groups or armies; one in Poland about 
 Warsaw, and two in echelon in rear of its flanks and pro- 
 tecting its communications. The northern army would 
 occupy the provinces of Kovno and Wilna in front of the 
 Prussian bastion; the southern, the provinces of Volhynia 
 and Podolia in front of the Austrian bastion. Were the 
 war with either power alone, she might reduce the force 
 in front of the other bastion. The central Russian army 
 could not advance westward until its flanks were made 
 secure by the occupation of East Prussia and Galicia to 
 the Vistula river. Since the possession of the territory 
 about Warsaw will naturally be the objective of the first 
 campaign against Russia, and as it lies close to the frontier, 
 Russia is obliged to keep a large force in garrison there, 
 as she cannot rely on transporting to that point the acces- 
 sory force to hold it after the outbreak of war. The shape 
 of the frontier gives the allied powers the choice of numer- 
 ous lines of operations all leading to Warsaw, and makes 
 it difficult for the Russians to determine in advance from 
 which point to expect the principal attack. 
 
 In the campaigns of 1914, Russia sought to advance 
 simultaneously through East Prussia and through Galicia. 
 The invasion of East Prussia was defeated by the battle 
 of Tannenherg, but the invasion of Galicia was successful 
 and the Russians advanced almost to Cracow and held the 
 crests of the Carpathian mountains. Twice the Germans 
 
41 
 
 attempted to force their center at Warsaw but were un- 
 successful. 
 
 In the campaigns of 1915, the Austro-German armies 
 penetrated the Russian line along the Dunajec river east 
 of Cracow, Galicia, and compelled the Russian armies to 
 evacuate nearly the whole of Galicia. This was followed 
 by a thrust from East Prussia which penetrated the Rus- 
 sian line along the Niemen and Narew rivers and com- 
 pelled the Russians to evacuate Warsaw and the line of 
 the Vistula river. 
 
 Lines of Communication. — In modern warfare, the rail- 
 ways are the all-important lines of communication. By 
 means of them the tactical units are united into combined 
 units and transported to the frontier; the supplies are 
 collected from all over the territorial base and shipped to 
 the strategic front ; the reinforcements required to replace 
 the losses made by actual service are transported to the 
 front, and the wounded, invalids, and prisoners brought 
 to the rear; and large bodies of troops are occasionally 
 transported from one point of the theater of war to an- 
 other, to carry into effect some strategic plan. 
 
 Railways perpendicular to the frontier in front of an 
 army are the natural lines of invasion, those in rear are 
 the lines of supply; the connecting lines are the lines of 
 concentration and maneuver. 
 
 Railways first began to assume an important position in 
 the conduct of military operations during our civil war. 
 In this war the armies could not be supplied by ordinary 
 wagon transportation because the theater of war was one 
 of great extent, and the highways therein were only com- 
 mon earthen roads, many of them practically impassable 
 in winter, and difficult at all seasons after prolonged rains. 
 The railways throughout the North which brought the 
 supplies to the Potomac river in the east, and to Nash- 
 
42 
 
 ville in the west, were operated wholly by civil corpora- 
 tions; but the lines extending from these points into the 
 enemy's country were operated by the military authori- 
 ties under the supervision of a general officer appointed 
 Director and General Manager of the Military Railroads 
 of the United States. During the year 1864, 280 miles in 
 the east and 819 miles in the west were thus operated. 
 During the month of June, 1864, 6650 men were em- 
 ployed in the operation and construction of railways in the 
 division of the Mississippi alone. 
 
 Sherman testifies to his dependence on railway trans- 
 portation in his Memoirs as follows : 
 
 "The Atlanta campaign would simply have been im- 
 possible without the use of the following railroads: from 
 Louisville to Nashville, 185 miles; from Nashville to 
 Chattanooga, 151 miles; from Chattanooga to Atlanta, 
 137 miles. . . . This single stem of railroad 473 
 miles long supplied an army of 100,000 men and 35,000 
 animals for the period of 196 days, viz., from May 1 to 
 November 12, 1864. To have delivered regularly that 
 amount of food and forage would have required 36,800 
 wagons of six mules each, allowing • each wagon to have 
 hauled two tons twenty miles each day, a simple impos- 
 sibility on roads such as existed in that region of country." 
 
 During the civil war the railways were employed almost 
 wholly in bringing up reinforcements and supplies from 
 the territorial base to the front of operations, and in carry- 
 ing to the rear the sick and wounded of the army and the 
 prisoners captured from the enemy. On two occasions, 
 however, they were employed strategically to transfer 
 army corps from one theater of operations to another. In 
 the fall of 1863, after the battle of Chickamauga, Rose- 
 crans found himself invested in Chattanooga by the Con- 
 federate army under Bragg, and was obliged to call for 
 assistance. In this emergency, Hooker was sent with the 
 
43 
 
 XI and XII corps of the Army of the Potomac, 23,000 
 men, from Virginia to Chattanooga, a distance of eleven 
 hundred and ninety-two miles. This movement was made 
 in seven days. In January, 1865, after the battle of 
 Nashville, Schofield's corps of 15,000 men, en route for 
 North Carolina, was transported from the valley of the 
 Tennessee by water and rail to Washington, in eleven 
 days. 
 
 The great utility of the railways in the civil war at- 
 tracted the attention of the military authorities in Europe, 
 and particularly of Moltke, chief of staff of the Prussian 
 army. He saw in them the means of gaining a decided 
 strategic advantage by placing the Prussian army on the 
 frontier before any possible adversary, thus to overwhelm 
 him before he was ready to meet the attack. After years 
 of study and with the experience gained in the Austro- 
 Pruscian war of 1866 he was able to make the marvelous 
 concentration of 1870 which has commanded the wonder 
 and admiration of every military student. Between the 
 23d of July and the 9th of August 456,000 officers and men, 
 135,000 horses and 14,000 guns and other carriages were 
 transported from the different provinces of the North 
 German Confederation to and beyond the Rhine river, 
 and in such a thorough state of preparation that hostili- 
 ties were begun by invading the enemy's territory even 
 before the last contingent had arrived. Only six trunk 
 lines were employed in this movement, which required 
 twelve hundred and five trains; most of the lines were 
 only single-track roads. 
 
 The difficulties involved in perfecting a plan for this 
 movement become even more evident, when it is remem- 
 bered that at the outbreak of the Franco-German war, 
 the railways of North Germany numbered ninety-five inde- 
 Dendent lines controlled by eighteen independent states 
 
44 
 
 and forty-five private corporations. Without wholly 
 stopping their civil business, it was necessary to unite 
 them in a plan by which nearly half a million of men, with 
 supplies, should be transported without unnecessary 
 fatigue or privation, from every railway station of the 
 North German Confederation to the French frontier. It 
 is self-evident that such a plan required not only the most 
 thorough study of the maps and resources of every road, 
 but also the most hearty co-operation of the military 
 and railway authorities. As in the civil war, the railways 
 captured from the enemy were operated by the military 
 authorities and served to supply the army in its campaign 
 in France. The reinforcements afterwards sent to this 
 army to replace losses, etc., numbered 244,000 officers and 
 men, 22,000 horses, and 116 field guns. The prisoners 
 sent to rear numbered 384,000 and the sick and wounded 
 240,000. 
 
 Since the Franco-German war the military authorities 
 of every European country have devoted much time to the 
 study of the railway transportation problem in war. Mil- 
 itary railways have been constructed to supplement the 
 civil fines where these do not suffice for the prompt move- 
 ment of troops. The German problem is much simpler 
 than it was in 1870. Sixteen through lines connect the 
 German territory with the Rhine and cross that stream on 
 iron bridges. Double-track railways follow both banks of 
 the stream. Eight lines penetrate Lorraine and are united 
 into five lines at the frontier. Seven fines lead from the 
 Rhine to the Vosges mountains in the province of Alsace. 
 Practically all the railways are owned and operated by the 
 state. In 1870 France found her lines defective from the 
 fact that they all passed through Paris; now she has prac- 
 tically an independent through line from each army corps 
 district to the frontier. 
 
45 
 
 In August, 1914, both France and Germany in three 
 weeks mobiUzed and moved to the French-Belgian-Ger- 
 man frontier nearly three times as many men as Germany 
 did in 1870. 
 
 Besides the study of the railwa3^s of the home territory 
 for the purpose of transport, it is also essential that they 
 be studied with a view to prevent invasion. This in- 
 volves questions of military engineering as well as strategy. 
 Certain points on the line must be fortified so that they 
 ma}"" be held to the last extremity ; others, such as bridges 
 and tunnels, must be selected for rapid demolition. 
 
 In the study of the railway system of the possible 
 theater of operations in the enemy's territory, the same 
 general problems arise. It is necessary first to study 
 their probable effect on the time and manner in which the 
 enemy will concentrate his armies on the frontier, for it is 
 essential if possible to forestall him in this movement; 
 second to study his lines with a view of determining the 
 manner in which he will render them useless should he 
 find himself unable to resist invasion, and the best manner 
 of restoring them as soon as possible. It is said that 
 before the Franco-German war a Prussian engineer 
 officer in disguise surveyed the route for the railway 
 constructed by the Germans in 1870 from Remilly to 
 Pont-a-Mousson on the Moselle, to carry their railway 
 communications around the fortress to Metz. 
 
 Highways. — While railways are the important lines of 
 concentration and supply, the ordinary highways of the 
 field of operations must remain the actual marching routes 
 of an army. Once in the vicinity of the enemy, the troops 
 must be ever ready for attack and defense; they must 
 therefore move in a deployed formation on the roads of 
 the country. As the different corps and divisions must 
 if possible move on separate roads, a careful study of the 
 
46 
 
 road map is essential to determine the route which is to 
 be followed by each, so that the different columns may be 
 within the necessary supporting distance of each other and 
 yet not cross each other's routes. The arrangements 
 made by Napoleon for the march of his army in 1805 from 
 Paris and Boulogne to the Rhine and thence to the Dan- 
 ube, is an excellent study for planning such marches. 
 
 A detailed examination of the terrain in the vicinity of 
 the roads is essential when in the vicinity of the enemy, 
 for the army has reached a zone in which every minor 
 topographical feature of the ground, hill, valley, stream, 
 v/oods, embankment and excavation, is liable to play an 
 important part in the further operations. All these de- 
 tails may not appear on the general map upon which the 
 operations are planned, but must be developed by recon- 
 noissances. One of the difficulties with which all the gen- 
 erals in our civil war had to contend was the want of good 
 road maps; the Confederate generals went astray even 
 within a few miles of their own capital. 
 
 Natural Topographic Features. — The natural topo- 
 graphic features of a theater of war which have the great- 
 est effect on military operations are its rivers and moun- 
 tains. Both sometimes facilitate and sometimes obstruct 
 military movements. Any great river which penetrates 
 the defender's country may be employed as a line of in- 
 vasion, or a line of supply, and secondary bases may be 
 established on its banks. In our civil war, the Mississippi, 
 the Tennessee, the Cumberland, the York, and the James 
 rivers were all thus employed and contributed largely to 
 the success of the Union military operations. Any great 
 river valley which has the general direction in which the 
 army desires to move will be utilized as a line of opera- 
 tions since in it will be found the best railways and roads 
 for the supply or movement of the army and the most 
 
47 
 
 fertile regions for its support. The east and west military- 
 invasions of Europe have followed the Danube or Po to 
 Vienna, the tributaries of the Seine which center near 
 Paris, to that capital, the route of the Main or Lahn and 
 Saale to Berlin. 
 
 The rivers which flow parallel to the frontier are em- 
 ployed as linear bases or lines of defense. In our civil 
 war, the Potomac river formed part of the linear base of 
 the Union armies in the east, and their advance on Rich- 
 mond was opposed at Bull Run creek by the Confederate 
 forces under Beauregard and Johnston; at the Rappa- 
 hannock, the Rapidan, and the North Anna by the army 
 under Lee. The Boer forces stopped the first British 
 relief corps on the M odder and the Tugela rivers. The 
 minor rivers and streams of a country are the Unes along 
 which an army frequently deploys for battle. The insig- 
 nificant Nebel creek marked the line of development at 
 the decisive battle of Blenheim: the Goldbach, that at 
 Austerlitz; the Mance, that of Gravelotte; Antietam Creek, 
 that of Antietam. The important points on an unfordable 
 river are the permanent bridges, the possession of which 
 gives access to and the control of both banks; second 
 only to these in importance are positions which are 
 favorable for the construction and defense of military 
 bridges. 
 
 Ranges of mountains which are parallel to the frontier 
 and intersect the fines of operation of an invading army 
 may, like rivers, be utilized either as linear bases or lines 
 of defense. As high mountain ranges can be passed by 
 armies only at the passes, which are usually widely sepa- 
 rated, the defense of mountain ranges is less difficult than 
 that of rivers. Mountain ranges which are paraUel to the 
 lines of operation afford a support to one of the flanks of a 
 marching army and if the passes are guarded the move- 
 
48 
 
 ment may be concealed from an enemy who is beyond 
 them. 
 
 In 1862 Jackson employed the Bull Run mountains as 
 a protection for his right flank and as a screen for his 
 movements, when he marched from his position in front 
 front of Pope on the Rappahannock river, north to the 
 Manassas Gap railroad and thence through Thoroughfare 
 Gap, and captured the Union line of supply near Manas- 
 sas Junction. Numerous illustrations of the effect of 
 rivers and mountains upon military operations will be met 
 by the student of military campaigns. 
 
 Great forests, marshes, and deserts in a theater of war 
 also limit the possible military movements by interposing 
 obstacles to free combination of the different columns of 
 a command. Forests and marshes can be traversed only 
 along defiles, and deserts by small columns. 
 
 *' In a country like Holland where at every step one 
 finds advantageous and impregnable positions, the de- 
 fensive can be advantageously sustained with inferior 
 troops because everywhere protection may be secured 
 through the employment of unfordable canals, marshes, 
 and inundations." — Napoleon. 
 
 Location of Fortresses, Depots, Manufacturing Cen- 
 ters, etc. — Before a campaign is begun it is essential to 
 know as accurately as possible the position and strength 
 of every permanent fortress which is liable to be en- 
 countered, so that in the plan of campaign provision may 
 be made for its reduction, or its masking by a corps of 
 observation. An idea of the task involved in the reduc- 
 tion of a fortification in the Franco-German war may be 
 obtained from the statement that in the reduction of the 
 old fortress of Strassburg in 1870, the weight of the shot 
 fired was about three times that of the shot fired by the 
 entire field artillery in the war. The entire weight of the 
 
49 
 
 artillery material used in that siege was about 4000 tons. 
 It is essential to know also the location of the depots and 
 manufactories of arms and munitions of war of all kinds, 
 so that if possible they may be captured and destroyed, 
 and thus diminish the resources of the enemy to carry on 
 the struggle. 
 
CHAPTER III 
 MOBILIZATION 
 
 Mobilization is the transformation of the military estab- 
 lishment from its status of peace to that of war. It com- 
 prises the formation of the field army recruited to full 
 strength, armed, equipped, and provided with transporta- 
 tion for field service ; the formation of reserves to reinforce 
 it; the formation of depots of recruits to replace its losses; 
 the formaton of garrison troops to occupy the stations 
 vacated by it; and the organization of all the auxihary 
 service necessary to maintain the combatant part of the 
 force in a high state of efficiency. 
 
 In order that the mobilization may be effected without 
 unnecessary loss of time, a plan of mobilization must be 
 prepared in advance. This plan indicates the strength 
 and organization of the field army, depot, reserve, and 
 garrison troops ; the order and manner in which each is to 
 be recruited, clothed, equipped, and armed; the method 
 by which horses and transportation are to be provided for 
 the mobilized troops; and the use which is to be made of 
 the railways during the period of mobilization. 
 
 The mobilization of one of the great Continental 
 armies means the incorporation into the military estab- 
 lishment of a large percentage of the male population; or 
 in the words of Goltz, it means the ''Nation in Arms." 
 To accomplish this without confusion or delay, the plan 
 must be so devised that the duties of every citizen con- 
 cerned in the mobilization, whether in the active army, its 
 reserves, its railway or its civil service, are laid down with 
 
 50 
 
51 
 
 great precision and clearness. This is the aim of the 
 scheme of mobihzation originated in the Prussian service, 
 and since copied in its essential details by all services 
 based on the system of recruiting by universal conscrip- 
 tion. 
 
 Prussian System. — The general plan of mobilization is 
 drawn up and corrected annually by the general staff, and 
 is based on the principle of decentralization; each corps, 
 division, brigade, and regiment must complete its own 
 mobilization. Each army corps commander has per- 
 sonal charge of the mobilization of his corps, and is assisted 
 by the highest civil authorities in his territorial depart- 
 ment. To localize his work the country is divided into as 
 many territorial departments as there are corps less one; 
 each corps except the guard corps is recruited from its 
 own department; the guard is recruited from the entire 
 Kingdom of Prussia. 
 
 Each corps commander being informed of the required 
 strength of field corps, depot, reserve, and garrison troops 
 upon a war footing prepares a scheme for their mobiliza- 
 tion, based upon the needs of his corps, the resources of 
 his department, and the instructions given him of the use 
 which he may make of the railways. This scheme is 
 based upon the mobilization in order, of the active army, 
 depot troops, reserves, and garrison troops. It indicates 
 the particular branch to which every officer is to be de- 
 tailed, and the particular branch to which every annual 
 class of the active army, reserves, and landwehr is to be 
 assigned. As a rule the youngest men who have com- 
 pleted a full term of service are assigned to the field army, 
 the next classes to the reserves, and the oldest to the gar- 
 rison troops. Depot troops are formed of the partially 
 trained recruits and young men of the ersatz reserve. The 
 officers in charge of divisions, brigades, and regiments of 
 
52 
 
 infantry, of brigades of artillery, of battalions of rifles and 
 train, of the corps of engineers, of the corps of intendence, 
 of artillery depots, etc., are required to prepare plans of 
 mobilization of their respective units and branches. 
 
 Each territorial department is as a rule divided into 
 Jour brigade districts, and these are subdivided into four 
 landwehr battalion districts of two landwehr company dis- 
 tricts each. The commander of a landwehr battalion dis- 
 trict is an officer on the retired list whose duty it is to keep 
 full and accurate lists of the men in his district who are of 
 furlough from the regular army, or belong to the reserves 
 or landwehr. The annual class, place of residence, and 
 organization in which he served, are inserted after the 
 name of each man of the standing army, reserve, and land- 
 wehr, and the service for which he is specially fitted by 
 trade or occupation after the name of each man in the er- 
 satz reserve. To assist in preparing these lists the com- 
 mander is allowed a small staff. It is his duty also to 
 notify the individual men when the order for mobiliza- 
 tion is issued and inform them when and where to report. 
 
 In order that this notification can be given in the shortest 
 possible time, he must plan the routes to be followed by the 
 orderlies and others in summoning the men; he must also 
 plan the routes to be followed by the men in reaching the 
 rendezvous fixed in advance, where they are to be received 
 by officers and noncommissioned officers of the active 
 army, reserves, and landwehr, sent to receive them. In 
 notifying the men, the landwehr district commander is 
 assisted by the civil authorities.' The responsibility of 
 the district commander ceases when the men have been 
 received at the general rendezvous of the district. In 
 marching to the rendezvous the men are usually collected 
 in small squads, and led by a squad leader appointed by 
 the district commander. 
 
53 
 
 Upon the arrival of the men at their regimental head- 
 quarters, they are clothed, equipped and armed from the 
 regimental stores collected for the purpose in time of 
 peace, and are then as far as possible assigned to the com- 
 panies in which they served their tour of active duty. 
 
 While the field army is being thus mobilized, its depot 
 troops are being formed. The mobilization of the reserve 
 and garrison troops takes place immediately after that of 
 the field army. In order that the mobilization may take 
 place without confusion, the first day of mobilization in 
 each army corps district is fixed by telegram from the war 
 ministry. Each officer concerned in the operation must 
 prepare in time of peace a journal giving in order his pro- 
 posed actions on each day of the mobilization period, and 
 these journals, after approval by his superiors, must be 
 strictly followed. 
 
 To secure the necessary horses, the country is divided 
 into horse districts. In each district the horses are an- 
 nually examined and their value appraised. At the out- 
 break of war, every owner of a horse must present it at a 
 certain rendezvous for inspection and possible acceptance 
 by the government at the price fixed. 
 
 Mobilization of the German Army in 1870. — At the 
 opening of the Franco-German war, the army of the 
 North German Confederation numbered about 304,000 
 men. The plan of mobilization called for a field army of 
 578,000 men, 159,000 horses, and 1284 guns; a depot 
 force of 194,000 men, 23,000 horses, and 246 guns; a re- 
 serve garrison force of 209,000 men, 17,000 horses, and 162 
 field guns. The order for mobilization was telegraphed 
 from Berlin on the night of July 15, and the 16th, three 
 days before the declaration of war, was appointed for the 
 first day of mobilization. 
 
 On the first and second days the calls were issued for the 
 
54 
 
 reserves, men on furlough, and the owners of horses, and 
 the regiments began sending details to bring back their 
 quotas. In the infantry, on the third day arms and am- 
 munition were drawn from the artillery depots, and car- 
 riages and harness were made ready for the horses. On 
 the fourth day the horses arrived, and the infantry field 
 trains were organized. On the fifth day the men on fur- 
 lough returned and were equipped. On the sixth and 
 seventh days the reserves appeared and were armed, 
 clothed and equipped ; each man had been allowed twenty- 
 four hours' delay to arrange his affairs. On the eighth day 
 the regiment was reported ready for field service. Cavalry 
 and field artillery required a day or two longer than in- 
 fantry, and the organization of the siege, engineer and 
 general supply trains, a few days more than the mounted 
 services. However, by the evening of the eighth day, the 
 mobilization of the field army was so nearly complete 
 that its transportation to the front was begun the next 
 day, July 24. 
 
 While the field army was being mobilized, the depot 
 troops were being formed. Each infantry regiment 
 formed a depot battalion, each cavalry regiment a depot 
 squadron, and each regiment of artillery a depot battalion; 
 the other services also organized their depot units. The 
 depot troops were, as a rule, composed of partially in- 
 structed recruits and ersatz reserve men. The reserve 
 and garrison troops were formed of the extra reserve and 
 landwehr men; the youngest classes were assigned to re- 
 serve battalions, and the oldest to the garrison troops. 
 The number of extra men of the reserve and first contin- 
 gent of the landwehr furnished about two battalions of 
 reserve troops for every regiment of the field army. 
 
 Raising the Army for the Spanish-American War. — 
 The operation of preparing the United States army for 
 
55 
 
 war is a far more difficult task, as is illustrated by the 
 Spanish-American war. The regular army of the United 
 States at the outbreak of the war numbered 28,183, and 
 was practically recruited to its authorized strength. It 
 could not be increased without an act of Congress. This 
 act was passed on April 26, five days after the outbreak of 
 the war, and the authorized war strength of the regular 
 army was fixed at about 60,000 men. In round numbers, 
 this increase was effected by voluntary enlistment to 44,- 
 000 May 31, 52,000 June 30, 56,000 July 31, 58,000 
 August 31. The principal engagements of the regular 
 army during the war, which were those of San Juan and 
 Caney, at Santiago, Cuba, were fought July 1 by the regi- 
 ments before they had been recruited to war strength. 
 
 The line troops of the volunteer army were furnished 
 by the governors of the different States; the staff by direct 
 presidential appointment. The first call was issued April 
 23, two days after the declaration of war, and was for 
 125,000 men. The telegrams to the governors stated 
 that — 
 
 ''The regiments of the National Guard or state militia 
 shall be used, as far as their numbers will permit, for the 
 reason that they are armed, equipped and drilled." 
 
 A second call was issued May 25 for 75,000 additional 
 volunteers; Congress also authorized the raising of 10,000 
 infantry, 3000 cavalry, and 3000 engineers from the entire 
 country. A total of 216,000 volunteer troops were author- 
 ized. 
 
 The mustering of the volunteers into the United States 
 service took place as rapidly as possible in the different 
 State rendezvous, but was not quite as rapid as was anti<^i- 
 pated. At the end of May the volunteer army numbered 
 125,000, at end of June 160,000, at the end of July 212,000, 
 and only at the end of August 216,000. 
 
56 
 
 The equipment of the National Guard was found to be 
 very incomplete, in fact these organizations were obliged 
 to depend almost wholly upon the United States authori- 
 ties for clothing, camp, and garrison equipage. As there 
 were no accumulated depots of supplies for this purpose, 
 the equipments were manufactured after the outbreak of 
 the war. The equipment of the volunteer army required 
 many months and we find that '^even as late as October, 
 troops in camp and in the field were lacking in some 
 articles of clothing, camp, and garrison equipage."* 
 When mustered in, the regiments of the National Guard 
 were found to be either deficient in drill or wholly un- 
 trained, owing to the necessity of enlisting a large percent- 
 age of recruits to fill the organizations to the required 
 strength. 
 
 As soon as possible the organizations were ordered into 
 great camps of instruction similar to those established in the 
 civil war where they were formed into brigades, divisions 
 and corps, and instructed in their military duties. The 
 I and III corps were at Camp Thomas, Chickamauga, 
 and together had a maximum strength of 56,500 men. 
 The II corps was at Camp Alger, Va., and had a maximum 
 strength of 22,600 men. The IV corps was at Mobile, 
 and had a maximum strength of 20,000 men. The V 
 corps was concentrated at Tampa before it moved on to 
 Santiago, Cuba; it was composed principally of Regulars 
 and had a maximum strength of 18,500; the VI corps was 
 never formed; the VII corps was at Tampa, Florida, and 
 had a maximum strength of 27,800; the VIII corps was 
 in the Philippines and had a maximum strength of 15,600 
 during the period given. 
 
 The assembling of large bodies of partially equipped 
 
 * Report of Commission appointed to investigate conduct of War 
 Department in the war with Spain. 
 
57 
 
 troops in a few camps greatly increased the difficulty of 
 supplying and equipping them, but doubtless had some 
 compensating advantages. At the close of the period 
 considered, August 31, the volunteer regiments were as a 
 rule clothed, equipped, drilled in company, battalion, 
 and regimental maneuvers, and had learned many of the 
 minor duties pertaining to a soldier's life. Only a portion 
 of the higher units, brigades, divisions, and corps, were as 
 well organized and equipped as were the similar organiza- 
 tions of the Army of the Potomac in the spring of 1862; 
 that army had then been in camps of instruction at least 
 six months. 
 
 The army corps of the Spanish- American war were usu- 
 ally deficient in cavalry, artillery and engineers. An idea of 
 the difficulties which arise in thus creating an army, may 
 be gathered from the fact that in the telegraph division 
 of the Adjutant General's office, during July and August, 
 twenty operators, five clerks and seven messengers were 
 required. The Adjutant General's office had charge of 
 the mustering in of the volunteer army in addition to its 
 ordinary duties relating to the regular army. 
 
 Raising the Annies for the World War. — A state of 
 war between the United States and the Imperial Govern- 
 ment of Germany was declared April 6, 1917. 
 
 As in previous wars, the government found itself with- 
 out the laws necessary to raise the forces that would be 
 required for such a war, beyond the recruiting of the Reg- 
 ular Army and the National Guard to maximum strength 
 as provided in the National Defense Act of June 3, 1916. 
 
 Profiting by the experiences of the Civil War and the 
 Spanish War, after considerable discussion. Congress 
 passed the Selective Service Act of May 18, 1917, intro- 
 ducing compulsory service. Some of the main features of 
 this Act are as follows: 
 
58 
 
 'That the enHsted men required to raise and maintain 
 the organization of the Regular Army and to complete and 
 maintain the organization embodying the members of the 
 National Guard drafted into the service of the United 
 States, at a maximum legal strength as by this Act provided, 
 shall be raised by voluntary enlistment, or if and whenever 
 the President decides that they cannot effectually be so 
 raised and maintained then by selective draft; and all 
 other forces hereby authorized . . . shall be raised and 
 maintained by selective draft exclusively; but this pro- 
 vision shall not prevent the transfer to any force of train- 
 ing cadres from other forces. Such draft as herein pro- 
 vided shall be based upon liability to military service of 
 all male citizens or male persons not alien enemies who 
 have declared their intention to become citizens, between 
 the ages of twenty-one and thirty years, both inclusive, 
 and shall take place and be maintained under such regu- 
 lations as the President may prescribe not inconsistent 
 with terms of this Act. Quotas for the several States, 
 Territories, and the District of Columbia or subdivisions 
 thereof, shall be determined in proportion to the popula- 
 tion thereof, and credit shall be given ... for the num- 
 ber of men who were in the service of the United States as 
 members of the National Guard on April first, or who 
 have since that date entered the military service of the 
 United States ... as members of the Regular Army or 
 the National Guard. . . . Organizations of the forces 
 herein provided for, except the Regular Army . . . shall 
 as far as the interests of the service permit, be composed 
 of men who come, and of officers who are appointed from, 
 the same State or locality. 
 
 ''No bounty shall be paid to induce any person to enlist 
 in the military service of the United States ; and no person 
 liable to military service shall hereafter be permitted or 
 allowed to furnish a substitute for such service; nor shall 
 any substitute be received, enlisted, or enrolled in the ser- 
 vice of the United States; and no such person shall be 
 permitted to escape such service or to be discharged there- 
 from prior to the expiration of his term of service by the 
 payment of money or any other valuable thing whatso- 
 ever as consideration for his release from military service 
 or hability thereto." 
 
59 
 
 Under this Act, the President directed all persons liable 
 to draft and not already in the service to appear for en- 
 rollment before local boards appointed for the purpose on 
 June 5, 1917. Between nine and ten million registered 
 that day. 
 
 These were arranged in numerical order in over 4500 
 districts and on July 20, corresponding numbers were 
 drawn from a bowl in Washington which determined the 
 men who were to report to the selective service boards to 
 determine their liability for service under a classification 
 previously adopted. 
 
 A second registration took place June 5, 1918, of the men 
 who had attained the age of 21 since the first registration. 
 
 A third registration September 12, 1918, extended the 
 age limits to 18 and 45. 
 
 The following table gives the number of men registered 
 and inducted into the service: 
 
 MEN REGISTERED AND INDUCTED 
 
 Registration 
 
 Age Limits 
 
 Registered 
 
 Inducted 
 
 Per Cent 
 Inducted 
 
 First and second 
 
 Third 
 
 Alaska, Hawaii, Porto 
 Rico 
 
 21 to 31 
 
 / 18 to 20 1 
 1 32 to 45 j 
 
 18 to 45 
 
 10,679,814 
 13,228,762 
 
 325,445 
 
 2,666,867 
 120,157 
 
 23,272 
 
 25 
 
 1 
 
 7 
 
 Total 
 
 IS to 45 
 
 24,234,021 
 
 2,810,296 
 
 12 
 
 Under the system of recruiting adopted for this war, 
 the men were furnished more rapidly than they could be 
 accepted due to time necessary to prepare the training 
 encampments and furnish the necessary equipments. 
 
60 
 
 Eventually 32 divisional training camps were prepared in 
 which most of the 42 divisions, that were sent abroad 
 before the close of the war, were trained. Other divi- 
 sions were being organized in the United States at that 
 time. 
 
 Strategic Concentration. — After the j&eld army is mobil- 
 ized the next operation is the concentration of the field 
 army on or near the frontier for offense or defense. This 
 is an operation which requires the most careful prepara- 
 tion to avoid confusion, as it requires the utilization of 
 the railway systems of the country to their utmost capac- 
 ity, and usually takes place simultaneously with the last 
 operations of the mobilization. In his 'Tranco-German 
 War,'' Moltke says of the mobilization and concentration 
 of the German army : 
 
 ''The means of mobilizing the North German army had 
 been reviewed year by year in view of any changes in the 
 military and political situation, by the staff, in conjunc- 
 tion with the Minister of War. Every branch of adminis- 
 tration throughout the country had been kept informed 
 of all it ought to know of these matters. ... it was 
 decided that the best way of protecting south Germany 
 would be by an incursion into Alsace across the central 
 part of the Rhine, which could be made by assembling 
 the main force at that point. ... as soon as this was 
 decided the other preparations were made. The orders 
 for marching or traveling by rail or boat were worked out 
 for each unit of the army, together with the most minute 
 directions as to the different starting points, day and hour 
 of departure, duration of journey, refreshment at stations, 
 and place of destination. At the point of concentration, 
 stores and magazines were established and thus when war 
 was declared it needed only the royal signature to set the 
 entire apparatus in motion with undisturbed precision.'' 
 
 Separation of Mobilization and Concentration. — If pos- 
 sible the mobilization should be fully completed before the 
 
61 
 
 transport to the frontier begins; otherwise the units are 
 hable to arrive on the frontier only partially recruited and 
 equipped, and confusion is almost certain to exist on the 
 railways due to the effort to carry on the two distinct 
 operations simultaneously. Undei* exceptional circum- 
 stances, the order of the operations may be reversed as in 
 our civil war. To preserve peace along the border and 
 to protect the capital, which was in hostile territory, the 
 Northern regiments were rushed to the frontier as soon as 
 raised, and there organized into brigades, divisions, corps, 
 and armies in camps of instruction. A similar system was 
 also employed by the Confederates. This was practicable 
 because both belligerents were wholly unprepared and 
 were unable to begin active operations at the outbreak of 
 the war; in a war with a well-organized belligerent such a 
 system w^ould be fatal. The French made this mistake in 
 the Franco-German war. 
 
 The nominal strength of the French army was 525,000 
 men, of whom 350,000 were in the active army and 175,- 
 000 in the reserves. As the French desired to take the 
 offensive, the active army, organized into eight corps, was 
 at once pushed to the frontier, without waiting for re- 
 serves, or complete field equipment; these were to be sent 
 to the corps when they reached their destination. As a 
 result the army was not only unable to take the offensive, 
 but when the German army crossed the frontier it found 
 the French army corps scattered from Thionville on the 
 north to Belfort on the south, and with a total strength of 
 only 275,000 men. After the hostilities opened, the move- 
 ments followed each other so rapidly that the French 
 were never able to complete their mobihzation. 
 
 Protection of Concentration. — Since the different units 
 of an army arrive on the front of concentration in succes- 
 sion, some provision must be made to protect the troops 
 
62 
 
 which first arrive from being overwhehned by a sudden 
 attack of the enemy. For this purpose covering troops are 
 provided and the concentration, if practicable, takes place 
 behind some natural obstacle which is not easily traversed 
 by the enemy, as a river or mountain chain. 
 
 In the mobilization and concentration of 1914, the first 
 step was to mobilize and concentrate on the frontier the 
 army corps which were designed in the general plan simply 
 to protect the territory during the period of mobilization 
 and concentration. This required but a short time since 
 the peace and war strength of these corps differed but 
 slightly. 
 
 In the Franco-German war, the German armies were 
 concentrated along the Moselle, between Trier and Cob- 
 lenz, and along the Rhine from Mainz to Carlsruhe. In 
 the civil war the Union armies were concentrated along 
 the Potomac and Ohio rivers. The possession of the 
 bridge-heads of a great river near the frontier is an im- 
 portant strategic acquisition, as it not only protects the 
 concentration, but enables the possessor to assume the 
 offensive. The possession of the great bridge-heads of 
 the Rhine was always a subject of contention between the 
 powers east and west of that river because of the advan- 
 tages the river afforded as a line of concentration. 
 
 The Italian, Swiss and Austrian Alps, the Saxon and 
 Bohemian mountains separating Austria from North Ger- 
 many, and the Black Forest of Baden, Germany, have aU 
 been utilized at different times to cover the concentration 
 of armies. 
 
 If there is no natural screen of sufficient strength in the 
 vicinity of the frontier, it is customar}^ to organize an arti- 
 ficial one by the construction of fortified places. 
 
 In 1914 the concentration of the French armies was 
 protected by the two eastern fortified curtains — Verdun- 
 
63 
 
 Toul and Epinal-Belfort. That of the German armies in 
 Alsace-Lorraine by the fortresses of Strassburg and Metz 
 and a number of smaller fortified positions between them. 
 
 The concentration of the German armies in the east was 
 protected by the frontier fortresses of Konigsherg, Fort 
 Boyen, Thorn and Posen. That of the Russian armies 
 was protected by the Niemen river with its fortresses of 
 Kovno, Olita and Grodno, by the Narew river with its 
 fortresses of Osowiec, Lomza, Ostrolenka, Rozhan, Pultusk 
 and Sierok; by the Vistula river with its three great fort- 
 resses of Novo-Georgievsk, Warsaw and Ivangorod; and by 
 the triangle of fortified places, L^izk, Duhno and Rovno. 
 That of the Austrian armies in Gahcia by the San river, 
 its bridge-head at Jaraslau and the fortress of Przemysl. 
 
 Plan of Concentration. — The plan of concentration is 
 the project drawn up in time of peace to govern the gen- 
 eral character of the operations at the outbreak of a war. 
 The plan determines whether the war shall be offensive or 
 defensive, the particular territory which is to be made the 
 seat of war, the particular line along which the strategic 
 concentration is to be made, the means employed to pro- 
 tect the lines of invasion not covered by the field army. 
 The scope of a plan of concentration can be more easily 
 understood by taking an actual example. The one se- 
 lected is the plan drawn up by Moltke in 1868-69, on the 
 supposition of war between the North German Confedera- 
 tion and the allied powers of France, Austria, and perhaps 
 Denmark. It was the result of several years of careful 
 study. It was prepared shortly after Prussia had annexed 
 the provinces of Schleswig-Holstein, claimed by Denmark, 
 and had fought a successful war with Austria. Both states 
 were therefore considered as possibly hostile. 
 
64 
 
 STRATEGIC CONCENTRATION OF THE ARMY 
 
 Should Austria take part in a war declared by France 
 against Prussia the division of our forces into two equal 
 parts would give us a preponderance of force neither on 
 our western nor on our southern frontier. The first ques- 
 tion to be decided is, therefore, against which army shall 
 we assume the defensive at the outset with a weak force, 
 so that we may be able to assume the offensive against the 
 other with a strong one. 
 
 The Rhine and its fortresses make a much stronger 
 defensive hne against France than any we can organize 
 along the Austrian frontier; should we adopt the defensive 
 against France we can count with certainty that the Rhine, 
 held by 100,000 men, can check any French advance for 
 six or eight weeks. To offset this, a passive defense of the 
 Rhine would cause the south German states to remain 
 neutral or take up arms against us. The French could also 
 turn the left flank of our Rhine front by operating on Ber- 
 lin via Worms and Franconia; while our offensive army 
 in Austria, even if successful, might in the meantime be 
 brought to a standstill before the fortress of Olmutz or at 
 the Danube river. It is not improbable that the Austrians 
 would abstain from undertaking operations in Bohemia 
 or Moravia, and await the arrival of their allies, in the 
 fortified camp of Olmutz or behind the Danube. 
 
 Should we assume the ogensive against France, we 
 should probably have six or eight weeks in which we could 
 operate with a free hand before Austria would be in a con- 
 dition to interfere'; she is now in financial straits and has 
 a weak skeleton army organization which would require 
 a much longer time to mobilize than our own. Should we 
 invade French soil, the French will be too proud to wait 
 for assistance from Austria, and we shall be attacked at 
 once. Here we are sure to find an opponent. The size 
 of the armies, the narrowness of the front of operations, 
 and the difficulty of subsisting troops, wull compel each 
 side to seek a prompt decision, and it is almost certain 
 that inside the first week a battle must take place. If we 
 are successful in this battle Austria will almost be com- 
 
65 
 
 pelled to sheath her half-clrawn sword. If in the mean- 
 time should Austria invade Silesia and even the Mark 
 provinces, so long as our fortresses hold out and our defen- 
 sive army retires without being beaten, nothing is defi- 
 nitely lost. It is probable that in France, after the first 
 lost battle, a change of dynasty will result; as we desire 
 nothing from France, the new powers would probably be 
 willing to make peace. 
 
 For all these reasons, I hold that ten army corps should 
 be concentrated for the offensive in the Palatinate, and 
 three for the defensive be detached to operate against 
 Austria. To reinforce the latter and to guard the coast, 
 mobile landwehr divisions should be formed and the 17th 
 division retained to observe Denmark; its place in the 
 IX corps can be taken by the Hessian division. It is 
 understood that all our armed force is to be employed 
 against France should we engage that power alone, or for 
 a considerable length of time. 
 
 DEFENSE AGAINST AUSTRIA 
 
 It is difficult to say in advance what numerical su- 
 periority Austria can utilize against us; it is certain that 
 this superiority will be delayed by her lack of preparation. 
 In 1866 in four months Austria placed 340,000 men in the 
 field; there is no ground for assuming that she can do 
 better now, as to numbers or time. Her internal condi- 
 tions will hardly permit her to denude all her provinces of 
 troops, and Russia and Bavaria will require her to post 
 armies of observation on their frontiers. She would 
 hardly feel wihing to give Russia a free hand in the Danube 
 principalities and in Gahcia, while she concentrated her 
 whole force against us. Outside of her Caucasian army, 
 her forces in Bessarabia and on the eastern frontiers of 
 Gahcia, Russia can in a short time unite eighteen infantry 
 and two cavalry divisions around Czenstochova which 
 would threaten the rear of any Austrian force which in- 
 vaded Siles'a. 
 
 In all probability, Austria will be compelled to place an 
 army of observation aroimd Olmutz and another on the 
 line of the Inn, and will be able to move against us with 
 
66 
 
 only a fraction of her armed force. Even if at the begin- 
 ning of the campaign Russia does not take an active part, 
 the Austrian operations in Silesia will be more and more 
 compromised by the position of the Russians as she ad- 
 vances further north. All circumstances therefore point 
 to an advance of the Austrians from Bohemia directly on 
 Berhn, and this along the right bank of the Elbe, since 
 otherwise they would be obliged to cross that river between 
 our fortresses and in the face of our organized defense. It 
 is against operations along this line therefore that we 
 must prepare. 
 
 With a view to the most rapid and simultaneous con- 
 centration of all the North German army corps, it is as- 
 visable that the I and II corps (the East Prussian and 
 Pomeranian) be employed on this line, for the defense 
 against Austria, and that these troops be reinforced to 
 83,000 men by the 1st and 3d mobile landwehr divisions. 
 An active defense of the seacoast must under these cir- 
 cumstances be left to the troops permanently detailed for 
 that purpose; this is possible since, under the conditions 
 given, there is but little probability of a descent upon our 
 coasts. In addition, the VI corps, which numbers 30,000 
 men, will be employed to defend Silesia. We therefore 
 have for defense 113,000 men. 
 
 It would not be advisable to concentrate all these troops 
 at a central point, such as Gorlitz, since Silesia should 
 not at once be denuded of all troops, and the XII 
 (Saxon) army corps should not be withdrawn from 
 Dresden, without replacing it by at least one Prussian 
 division. 
 
 The Silesian army corps (VI) can be best concentrated 
 on the line Neisse-Frankenstein to guard the frontier and 
 to threaten the main Austrian railway at Wildenschwert 
 via Glatz. Should the Austrians advance through Silesia, 
 it will be with the army which is assembled near Olmutz 
 to observe the Russians; being thus hampered, its opera- 
 tions can be harassed by a small force. The VI corps is 
 not strong enough to prevent an Austrian advance on 
 Breslau, but it can flank this line of operations by retiring 
 on Schweidnitz. Should the Austrians show any indica- 
 tion of uniting their entire force against Lusatia, the move- 
 
67 
 
 ment of the VI corps to Gorlitz would be protected by the 
 Bohemian mountains and expedited by two hnes of rail- 
 way. 
 
 Our main body will also be too weak to attack the 
 enemy at once. Should it fall back directly on BerHn the 
 enemy will naturally follow and we should be compelled to 
 fight" a decisive battle on the plains outside the city. A 
 better course would be to undertake flanking operations, 
 based either on the Oder or the Elbe river. 
 
 If the Oder is the base, the army must be concentrated 
 at Gorlitz where the VI corps can unite with it; the re- 
 treat will then bring the army nearer the Russians. This 
 base has its defects as the assistance of the Russians is 
 only an eventuality, and furthermore to unite our army 
 with a stronger ally is always undesirable, as it will bring 
 it under his orders. 
 
 The Elbe forms a better base since the enemy's line of 
 operations to Berhn is flanked at a shorter range, and on 
 this river our defensive army remains in communication 
 with our army on the Rhine, can be reinforced by it, and 
 has a secure place of retreat in the intrenched camp of 
 Magdeburg. The Elbe guarded by its fortifications of 
 Dresden, Torgau, Wittenberg and Magdeburg, offers as 
 great advantages as one can wish to operate on the flank 
 of an enemy of superior numerical strength. Every ad- 
 vance from one of its bridge-heads compels the enemy to 
 change front, and to make every efl"ort to protect his 
 flank. 
 
 In case of our defeat, a safe refuge may be found behind 
 the river, while the pursuit leads the enemy further from 
 Berlin. Under these circumstances an Austrian advance 
 will not necessarily succeed; the particular steps to be 
 taken to prevent it will become apparent when the adver- 
 sary decides to march past us. Berlin must, however, be 
 protected from raiding parties by a detachment posted on 
 the direct road. The enemy will be compelled also to 
 weaken his main body in order to protect his communica- 
 tions by investing Dresden, Torgau and Wittenberg, espec- 
 ially on the right bank of the Elbe. It is not improbable 
 that this will so reduce the strength of the enemy's army 
 that before he reaches our capital, his natural objective, 
 
68 
 
 wc may meet and fight a decisive battle by operating from 
 Magdeburg. 
 
 These flanking operations will be more effective, the 
 further up-stream they begin, therefore Dresden must be 
 the point of strategic concentration of the 1st, 2d, 3d, 
 and 4th infantry divisions (I and II corps), the 1st and 3d 
 landwehr divisions and the 2d cavalry division; the 1st 
 cavalry division will remain at Gorlitz to keep communica- 
 t'on open with the VI corps. Should our main body just 
 before the outbreak of actual hostilities move from Dres- 
 den to the strong position of Stolpen with its right flank 
 protected by the sandstone hills in this vicinity, and the 
 Gorlitz detachment advance to Bautzen, it will be possi- 
 ble at the very beginning to attack the enemy with full 
 strength as he debouches from the Bohemian mountains. 
 This will at least compel the enemy to follow us in the di- 
 rection of Dresden. Further events fall in the province 
 of active operations which can be here outlined only so 
 far as the strategic concentration indicates. 
 
 From the South German states we can expect only that 
 which is in the interest of all to execute. In a war waged 
 with France alone, the union of the Bavarian army with 
 the North German forces on the middle Rhine will be the 
 most certain protection against an invasion of Bavarian 
 soil by a French force, and if the Munich authorities see 
 the situation in its true hght they will carry out this plan. 
 Such a union cannot be expected if Bavaria must protect 
 her frontier against Austria. We may expect in this latter 
 condition of affairs, that Bavaria will make heroic efforts 
 and concentrate 60,000 men on the Inn. This concentra- 
 tion is all we can expect of Bavaria. 
 
 Threatening the rear of the Austrian concentration in 
 Bohemia and Moravia, and even Vienna itself, that 
 country will be obliged to detach an equal and probal.ily a 
 larger force to engage the Bavarians. Against such a 
 force, the best plan would be for Bavaria not to hold 
 Munich, but to attempt to check the advance of the Aus- 
 trians in a decisive battle in front of Ingolstadt. We 
 must not expect the Baviirians to take up a position at 
 Ingolstadt at once; they will certainly exchange shots 
 with Austria on the frontier before so doing. 
 
69 
 
 Wiirtemberg and Baden, being threatened more by 
 France than by Austria, we may expect to unite in our 
 offensive movement. 
 
 Should we have an early decisive battle in France, then 
 if in the meantime Austria has advanced into Silesia or 
 the Mark provinces, our line of operations against her will 
 be via Wiirtemberg and Bavaria. 
 
 Everything therefore depends on conducting a rapid 
 and overwhelming campaign against France. 
 
 OFFENSIVE OPERATIONS AGAINST FRANCE 
 
 Less complicated than the defense against Austria is 
 the offense against France. The principal object is to 
 seek the main force of the enemy and attack it. The dif- 
 ficulty lies in executing this simple plan with the great 
 masses of troops. 
 
 The active French Army is composed of 330,000 men, 
 of whom 35,000 are in Algeria and 5000 in Rome. A por- 
 tion of the line troops will necessarily be detached to garri- 
 son the principal cities and fortrefsses as soon as we assume 
 the offensive; we may safely deduct 50,000 for this pur- 
 pose. Even if corps of observation are not essential along 
 the Pyrenees and the straits of Dover, hardly 250,000 
 men can be brought against us at the beginning of hostili- 
 ties, while our ten North German corps number 330,000 
 men. The French have in addition 93,000 reserves who 
 would be available for increasing the battalions of its 
 active army from 800 to 1000 men. This does not seem 
 to be contemplated, however, but they are to be organized 
 into new units; this is another reason for rapid advance 
 on our part. 
 
 We too have besides the guard and. other organized 
 landwehr divisions, a reserve of 26,000 men whom we may 
 utilize. If we can count on our nunforcement by 30,000 
 men of the Baden and Wurtem})erg divisions, the relative 
 strength of the offensive forces will ])e 360,000 to 250,000 
 at the outbreak of hostilities, and 386,000 to 343,000 at a 
 later period. This shows how important it is to take 
 advantage of our numerical superiority at the outbreak 
 of hostilities. 
 
70 
 
 This superiority will be still further increased at the 
 decisive points, if the French should attempt an expedition 
 to our coast, or to south Germany. We can make prep- 
 arations to resist the first without decreasing the strength 
 of the field army, the second cannot be dangerous to us. 
 It is essential to so concentrate our numerical superiority 
 that at the critical moment it can be at once utilized, and 
 thus the question arises, where can we expect to find the 
 enemy? 
 
 The neutrality of Belgium, Holland and Switzerland 
 confines the theater of war to the space between Luxem- 
 burg and Basle. Should France violate the neutrality of 
 Belgium to approach the Prussian Rhine, outside of pos- 
 sible complications with England, she would be obliged to 
 detach 80,000 to 100,000 men to observe the Belgian army 
 at Antwerp and Brussels. The further advance of the 
 French army along the Meuse we could attack to better 
 advantage from the Moselle than from the Rhine. 
 
 Our Rhine front is so strong that immediate reinforce- 
 ment is unnecessary, and besides, the distance from Brus- 
 sels to Cologne is greater than that from. Mainz, Trier, 
 and Kaiseralautern to Cologne. Our attack from the south 
 would compel our anatagonist to face southward, to meet 
 a flank attack. The primary concentration of our forces 
 south of the Moselle will fully enable us to meet the danger 
 of an invasion on the left bank of the Rhine, as well as to 
 frustrate it by an offensive movement on French soil. 
 As the violation of the neutrality of Belgium would also 
 lead to political complications with England, it is im- 
 probable that France would resort to it, in view of the 
 slight advantages resulting from it. 
 
 France would meet with no less serious difficulties 
 should she attempt to unite with Austria by operating 
 through Switzerland. More than 100,000 men would be 
 required for a long period of time to conquer and occupy 
 this mountainous country. Besides the interest of the 
 two alUed powers does not lead to immediate combined 
 action, as they must pursue different objectives in separate 
 theaters of war in. order to accomplish the ultimate object- 
 tive — the destruction of the Prussian war power. 
 
 We may therefore take it for granted that France will 
 
71 
 
 effect the first concentration on tne line Metz-Strassburg, 
 in order to turn our strong Rhine front by way of the 
 Main, to separate north and south Germany, to make 
 terms with the latter, and to use it a a base for a move- 
 ment towards the Elbe. Here too a concentration in the 
 Bavarian Palatinate south of the Moselle of all available 
 forces of north and south Germany is the simplest means 
 of meeting such a plan. With a view of securing prompt 
 results, the French may move with a portion of their 
 forces from Strassburg into south Germany. 
 
 An operation up the Rhine on the flank of this move- 
 ment would prevent its progress beyond the Black Forest 
 and compel the enemy to protect his northern flank. If 
 the Baden-Wiirtemberg corps has attached itself to our 
 left wing, we can so increase it from our camp in the Palat- 
 inate, that a decisive battle may be sought in the vicinity 
 of Rastadt whose fortunate outcome would destroy the 
 enemy. In order to effect this object we can afford to 
 detach troops from our main body, since the enemy in 
 our front is weakened by the size of the detachment he 
 sends to operate on the Rhine. 
 
 Should the south German authorities insist on a direct 
 defense of their territories by taking up a position behind 
 the Black Forest, or in the vicinity of Ulm, we would be 
 deprived of their immediate assistance. We must then 
 let them manage their affairs independently since the 
 march of a French army via Stuttgart and Munich be- 
 comes effective on our strategic flank, only when the de- 
 cisive battles fought with our weakened foe in front are 
 lost. 
 
 Should the French utilize their railway systems to form 
 a quick concentration, they are compelled to detrain in 
 two principal groups near Strassburg and Metz, separated 
 by the Vosges mountains. Should the probably smaller 
 group at the outset not move against south Germany, its 
 union with the principal force on the upper Moselle can 
 only be effected by regular marches. 
 
 In the Palatinate, we occupy interior lines of operation 
 between these hostile groups. We can move against 
 either one of them or if we are strong enough against both 
 at once. The concentration of all our forces in the 
 
72 
 
 Palatinate protects the lower as well as the upper Rhine and 
 favors an offensive movement into the enemj^'s country; 
 the last executed at the proper time will probably fore- 
 stall any invasion of the German territory. The question 
 is can we, without danger of being disturbed, effect our 
 concentration beyond the Rhine in the Palatinate close to 
 the French frontier? This question I unhesitatingly 
 answer in the affirmative. 
 
 Our mobilization is ready to the smallest detail. Six 
 through railways are available for transport to the terri- 
 tory between the Moselle and Rhine. The time-tables 
 are prepared upon which are shown the day and hour 
 when every unit starts and arrives. On the twelfth* day, 
 the first troops can detrain near the French frontier; on 
 the fifteenth day, the combatants of the two army corps 
 are there; on the twentieth day, the numbers have in- 
 creased to 300,000 men; on the twenty-fourth day, the 
 armies are supplied with their trains. 
 
 We have no reason to believe that the concentration of 
 the French army, for whose mobilization no data exist, 
 can be made more rapidly. Since Napoleon I, France 
 has only effected partial mobihzations, by which the units 
 of the part of the army which took the field were increased 
 from those which remained in garrison. 
 
 On account of the effectiveness of their railway systems, 
 and the ample supply of roUing stock, the French can, by 
 emptying the garrisons and camps in their northwest ter- 
 ritory, and without waiting for the incorporation of re- 
 serves, unite on the frontier in a very short time an army 
 of 150,000 men. This carrying out of a rash initiative is 
 in accordance with the national character, and has been 
 discussed in military circles. Assuming that such an ini- 
 provised army well provided with cavalry and artillery is 
 decided upon, it would be united at Metz on the fifth day 
 and on the eighth day might cross the frontier at Sarre- 
 louis. We should still have it in our power to stop our 
 railway transport, and detrain our troops on the Rhine. 
 To that line the invasion would still require six marches, 
 
 * In the revision of this project for 1870 the numbers of days were 
 changed to 10th, 13th, 18th and 20th. 
 
73 
 
 and would be brought to a standstill by an equal force on 
 the fourteenth day. Having control of the river crossing, 
 we could in a few days assume the offensive with an army 
 of double the numerical strength of the French army. 
 The dangers of such a proceeding on the French side, in 
 its further development, are so clear that one can easily 
 foresee the result ; apart from that, it could not take place 
 if we assumed the initiative. 
 
 If the concentration of our forces in the Palatinate is 
 deemed feasible, the apparent weakening of our Rhine 
 front is no sufficient argument against its adoption. It 
 has already been shown that this front is protected by the 
 neutrality of the Belgians, and if this is violated, by dis- 
 tance, by its own inherent strength, and by active mili- 
 tary operations. 
 
 Such a force as we shall raise against France can operate 
 only when divided into several armies. The strength of 
 each must be determined by its objective and its composi- 
 tion by the necessity of preparing it in the shortest possible 
 time for field service. According to these considerations 
 the following assignment cannot be changed : 
 First army— VII and VIII corps— right wing— 60,000 
 
 men at Wittlich. 
 Second army— III, IV, X, and Guard corps— center— 
 
 131,000 men at Neuenkirchen-Homburg. 
 Third army— V, XI, Baden-Wiirtemberg corps, and a 
 
 Bavarian brigade— left wing— 99,000 men at Landau 
 
 and Rastadt. 
 Fourth army— IX and XII corps— reserve— 63,000 men 
 
 in front of Mainz. 
 
 In case we should have war with France alone, 31,000 
 men could be added to the above as the I and II Bavarian 
 corps would at once join the Third army; this would in- 
 crease its strength to 130,000 men and the total force to 
 384,000 men. At the end of twenty days, after the rail- 
 ways had completed the concentration of the troops above 
 mentioned, the I, II and VI corps could be forwarded; 
 this would increase our total force to 485,000. 
 
 The plan continues by giving details governing the con- 
 centration of each particular army and prescribes the dis- 
 
74 
 
 tribution of the landwehr divisions for coast duty. These 
 details may be found in Clarke's translation of the Ger- 
 man official account of the war. Vol. I, pages 54-56. 
 
 The plan was executed, substantially as given, in July 
 and August, 1870; the second and fourth armies were 
 united into one, and the three armies crossed the frontier 
 before they were joined by the I, II, and VI corps, which 
 were afterwards distributed among them. 
 
 PEACE HEADQUARTERS OF ARMY CORPS 
 
 I Konigsberg 
 II Stettin 
 
 III Berlin 
 
 IV Magdeburg 
 V Posen 
 
 VI Breslau 
 VII Munster 
 VIII Coblenz 
 IX Hamburg 
 X Hanover 
 XI Cassel 
 XII Dresden 
 
 Guard Corps Berlin 
 
 I Bavarian Munich 
 II Bavarian Wiirzburg 
 
 Each corps is composed of two 
 divisions numbered 1 and 2, 
 for I corps; 3 and 4 for II; etc. 
 
CHAPTER IV 
 THE CONDUCT OF STRATEGIC OPERATIONS 
 
 The term campaign was formerly applied to the resume 
 of all movements and combats of an army during a calen- 
 dar year. Most of Napoleon's campaigns are still thus 
 designated; as the Campaigns of 1796,1800,1805,1812, 
 etc. It is now more generally apphed tp such movements 
 and combats as are connected with some important or 
 decisive event in the conduct of the war; thus in our civil 
 war we have the Campaign of Gettysburg and the Cam- 
 paign of Vicksburg, to designate the movements of the 
 armies and the minor combats connected with the battle 
 of Gettysburg, and the capture of Vicksburg. The term 
 operations is employed to designate the minor subdivisions 
 of a campaign; thus we employ the expression The Opera- 
 tions of the Cavalry in the Gettysburg Campaign, to desig- 
 nate the part that special arm took in this campaign, and 
 The Operations along the Yazoo in the Vicksburg Campaign, 
 to designate so much of the campaign as took place in the 
 designated part of the theater of operations. A war is 
 therefore made up of campaigns, a campaign of operations. 
 
 Plan of Campaign. — Before a commander engages in 
 any offensive movement he makes a prehminary study of 
 the mihtary situation and decides upon his plan of action. 
 This plan, sometimes called the plan of campaign, some- 
 times the plan of operations, is based upon the strength 
 and position of his own forces, and upon the strength and 
 position of the forces and fortified places of the enemy, 
 
 75 
 
76 
 
 and upon the available bases, lines of operation and com- 
 munication, theaters of operation, and objectives. 
 
 ''Plans of campaign are susceptible of infinite modifica- 
 tion, depending upon circumstances, the character of the 
 troops, the genius of the commander, and the topography 
 of the country." — Napoleon. 
 
 On the defensive, the plan of campaign determines the 
 action of the commander under various assumptions as to 
 the movements of the invader, fixes the point where the 
 first defensive battle is to be offered, and the position in 
 rear to which the army will retire if defeated. 
 
 A plan .of campaign may be either a formal written 
 document in which all the proposed movements are given 
 in detail, or it may exist simply as a purpose in the mind 
 of the general in command of the forces. Wlien the chief 
 executive or the commander-in-chief of the armies does 
 not accompan}^ the army into the field, either may require 
 the general, actually in command, to submit to him for 
 approval his proposed plan of campaign. Until Grant 
 assumed command of the armies, the commander of the 
 Army of the Potomac was alwaj^s required to submit to 
 the President his plan of an offensive campaign. This, 
 although unfortunate, was natural, since the Army of the 
 Potomac was looked upon as the sole protection of the 
 national capital, for the safety of which the President felt 
 himself responsible. Halleck, who succeeded McClellan 
 and preceded Grant as the commander-in-chief of the 
 armies, did not take the field himself, but remained in 
 Washington as the President's military adviser, and passed 
 upon these plans. The commanders of the western 
 armies, being further from the capital, were not subject to 
 the same rigid supervision. 
 
 When the chief executive is also the field commander 
 
77 
 
 of the armies, as were Napoleon and Frederick the Great, 
 he need not reveal his plans to anyone, and can thus in- 
 sure that secrecy which is a great factor in the success of 
 military operations. His plan of campaign is revealed 
 only in his correspondence with, or in his orders issued to 
 his subordinate commanders. In these communications 
 he may express as much or as little of his designs as he 
 considers advisable. It is impossible for such a plan to 
 become known to the enemy through the medium of spies 
 and newspapers. 
 
 • A plan of campaign can definitely regulate the move- 
 ments of an army only during the preliminary stages of 
 the operations before the two armies are within striking 
 distance of each other. When the influence of the enemy's 
 presence is felt, then all operations must be conducted 
 with reference to his movements so far as they can be 
 learned. Although the main idea of the original plan of 
 campaign is not forgotten and is steadily adhered to, the 
 means of carrying out that idea must be changed with 
 every modification of the military situation. The strate- 
 gist who plans the campaign should therefore accompany 
 the army into the field to study the ever changing mili- 
 tary status, and prescribe the means by which each new 
 condition of affairs may be met. For this reason, the 
 preparation of a plan of campaign, its modification, and 
 execution should, as far as possible, be left wholly to 
 the commander of the army which is to make the cam- 
 paign. 
 
 The essential requisites of a good plan of campaign are 
 that it should be simple, be based on a correct estimate of 
 the military situation, and on correct military principles. 
 
 ''All complicated combinations should be avoided. 
 Simplicity is the primary condition of aU good maneuvers." 
 
 — Napoleon. 
 
78 
 
 This is particularly true of the movements of a large 
 army, composed of many units. Such an army covers a 
 large territory in which its position at any instant can be 
 only approximately known to its commander, and all 
 messages and orders can reach their destination only long 
 after they are sent. Comphcated operations therefore 
 are liable to fail, because some column fails to reach its 
 destination at a fixed time, or because some subordinate 
 commander has either failed to receive his order or has 
 received it too late to carry out his part of the combined 
 plan. These facts will not be known to the commander- 
 in-chief, and he will therefore be unable to modify his 
 plan to suit the real conditions. 
 
 Military Information. — The miUtary situation is learned 
 by studying the organization of the enemy's armies and 
 the theater of war in time of peace, and by supplementing 
 the information thus obtained by that derived from 
 patrols, scouts, prisoners, spies, deserters, newspapers, etc., 
 after the outbreak of the war. Information concerning 
 the front of the hostile army may be derived from scouts, 
 patrols, prisoners, and deserters; information concerning 
 movements behind the hostile screen, from spies, news- 
 papers, and intercepted private or public communica- 
 tions. • The information obtained from scouts and patrols 
 is of two kinds; that derived from their own observation, 
 and that derived from the testimony of others, as the in- 
 habitants of the country. The value of the first varies 
 with the experience, training, and intelligence of the indi- 
 vidual; that of the second, with the ability of the ques- 
 tioner to examine, and with the character of, and circum- 
 stances surrounding, the individual questioned. 
 
 If the patrol or scout is operating in a hostile country, 
 the information derived from the inhabitants will ordi- 
 narily be intentionall}^ misleading and cannot be relied 
 
79 
 
 upon; in a friendly country, the inhabitants will endeavor 
 to give correct information and will fail only because of 
 the failure of the ordinary individual to observe accurately, 
 and because of his desire to convey the idea that he knows 
 more than he really does. Important prisoners and de- 
 serters, although questioned by the scouts and patrols, 
 are sent for examination to the intelligence department of 
 the headquarters of some general officer. 
 
 Prisoners are naturally loath to give any information 
 concerning the dispositions of their own armies, and try 
 to mislead questioners. Napoleon says : 
 
 ''All information obtained from prisoners should be re- 
 ceived with caution and estimated at its real value. A 
 soldier seldom sees anything beyond his own company 
 and an officer can furnish information only of the position 
 and movements of the division to which his regiment be- 
 longs. On this account the general of an army should 
 never depend upon the information derived from prison- 
 ers, unless it agrees with the reports received from the ad- 
 vance guard, in reference to the positions, etc., of the 
 enemy." 
 
 The only rehable information that may be derived from 
 a prisoner is that conveyed by his uniform; usually this 
 indicates the organization to which he belongs. Mar- 
 mont placed a higher value on the information derived 
 from prisoners; for he says: 
 
 ''More information can be gotten from prisoners than 
 from the best of spies." 
 
 The information given by a deserter must be estimated 
 in accordance with his rank and duty in the hostile army, 
 and the causes which led him to take the step. There 
 will ordinarily be a temptation for him to exaggerate his 
 importance by drawing upon his imagination for his 
 alleged facts. 
 
80 
 
 All military commanders have made use of spies to 
 learn of the movements and dispositions of the troops in the 
 enemy's country, perhaps no one more so than Napoleon. 
 Sometimes the information obtained has been of immeasur- 
 able value and at other times it has been worse than value- 
 less, for it has given the commanders an erroneous con- 
 ception of the military situation. 
 
 When Lee made his invasion of Pennsylvania in 1863, 
 Stuart with his cavalry maneuvered in such a manner as 
 to place the Union army between himself and Lee. He 
 therefore deprived his chief of the means of getting infor- 
 mation of the movements of the Union army through his 
 own cavalry. From the time Lee crossed the Potomac, 
 he was ignorant of Hooker's movements until a few days 
 before the battle of Gettysburg. The concentration of 
 the Confederate army at that point was based on the in- 
 formation of a single spy who was employed by Longstreet 
 to enter the Union lines; this spy followed the Union 
 movement to Washington and Frederick, and there left 
 the Union army to rejoin Longstreet. 
 
 McClellan's secret service department was worse than 
 useless. In a report of March 8, 1862, the Chief stated: 
 
 "The summary of the general estimates shows the forces 
 of the rebel Army of the Potomac to be 150,000 as claimed 
 by its officers and sanctioned by the pubUc behef , and that 
 over 80,000 were stationed at Centreville, Manassas, and 
 vicinity, the remainder being within supporting distance/' 
 
 The returns of that army at the end of February show 
 that its aggregate strength present for duty was only 
 56,000, and its paper strength 84,000. In the Peninsula 
 campaign the numbers given by the chief of the secret 
 service were at least twice the strength of the Confederate 
 army. It is impossible to state to what extent McClellan 
 was influenced by these statements; as he uses them m 
 
81 
 
 his official reports, and was timid in his offensive move- 
 ments, he probably placed faith in them. Before the 
 opening of the Atlanta campaign, Sherman was very ac- 
 curately informed of the strength of Johnston's Confed- 
 erate army through some spies employed by Thomas. 
 Thomas was careful to employ two spies who were un- 
 known to each other. 
 
 Newspapers also giv3 an insight into the movements of 
 the troops in the enemy's country. On September 7, 
 1805, Napoleon wrote to his chief of staff, Berthier: 
 
 ' 'Please inform me whether you have directed anyone 
 to follow the marches of the Austrian army and to classify 
 them in the box I have specially prepared for the purpose. 
 The name of each regiment should be written on a card 
 and the cards changed in the case whenever a regiment 
 changes station . . . Let the person charged with this 
 work subscribe for the German gazettes published in 
 Vienna, Munich, Salzburg, Dresden, Ratisbon, and 
 Berne." 
 
 The employment of war correspondents by all the prin- 
 cipal newspapers, and the rivalry between them, has 
 largely added to the value of newspapers as sources of 
 reliable information. During the Spanish-American war, 
 a careful reader of our newspapers was fully informed of 
 the progress of recruiting, equipment, and training of the 
 army, the commanders of the combined units, and prac- 
 tically all the preparations made before the V corps sailed 
 for Cuba or the VIII corps for the Philippines. In the 
 Franco-German war, the organization of the French army 
 became known to the Germans through the French press, 
 and in the progress of the war, the important movement 
 of MacMahon from Chalons towards Metz was communi- 
 cated to the German officials through a telegram to the 
 London papers, before it was discovered by the German 
 cavalry. 
 
82 
 
 In the Russo-Japanese war and in subsequent wars, 
 the information sent out by correspondents has been 
 closely censored and is less valuable than heretofore. 
 
 Napoleon had no scruples, when it was a question of 
 getting information for political or military purposes, and 
 did not hesitate to tamper with private letters, transmitted 
 through the mails. This source of information has also 
 been utihzed by other commanders. In the war of 1914- 
 1917, Great Britain seized and opened all mail carried by 
 neutral vessels through the Channel or the North Sea. 
 
 No information derived from any of the above sources 
 should be considered absolutely trustworthy, until it is 
 confirmed by one or more independent sources of informa- 
 tion. 
 
 In the war of 1914-1917 new and invaluable means of 
 securing military information were first employed on a 
 large scale. These were the various types of air-craft 
 which flew over the enemy's lines and sometimes pene- 
 trated far in rear of them. 
 
 By means of air-craft it is now possible to map an 
 enemy's position with considerable accuracy and also to 
 discover any large movement of troops along his lines. 
 It has made it necessary to mask as far as practicable all 
 military positions and to move troops under the observa- 
 tion of air-craft only at night. 
 
 Military Principles. — Correct nailitary principles are 
 learned from a study of the important campaigns of his- 
 tory, and from comments and criticisms of those cam- 
 paigns by their participants, or by able mihtary students. 
 Military principles are to the art of war what the princi- 
 ples of mechanics are to the art of engineering. By 
 means of a knowledge of the principles of mechanics an 
 engineer may make a correct design of a bridge, but the 
 practical knowledge of the workshop and the field, and a 
 
83 
 
 well-organized force of workers are essential to the execu- 
 tion of the design, and the erection of the bridge in place; 
 so in war, by means of a knowledge of the principles of the 
 art, a commander maj^ correctly plan a campaign, but 
 practical experience in the field and a well-organized force 
 are essential to its execution. A well-designed bridge 
 may fail through bad workmanship, and a badly designed 
 one may stand because of good workmanship or a large 
 factor of safety; so also may a well-planned campaign fail 
 through bad execution or through inferiority of the troops, 
 and a badly planned one succeed, because of the excellence 
 of the execution or the superiority of the troops. 
 
 From the commentaries of Napoleon we have the follow- 
 ing observations, maxims, and principles, for the planning 
 and execution of military campaigns. 
 
 I. ^^ In forming a plan of campaign, it is requisite to fore- 
 see everything the enemy may do, and to he prepared with the 
 necessary means to prevent it.^^ 
 
 Moltke's plan of concentration given in the last chapter 
 illustrates the meaning of this maxim. Every probable 
 movement of the French and Austrian armies is consid- 
 ered and provided for. A campaign planned without 
 giving due consideration to the possible and probable 
 operations of the army was that of Bull Run in July, 
 1861. 
 
 In the early part of July, 1861, the Union and Confed- 
 erate forces in northern Virginia were distributed as 
 follows: McDowell with an army corps of 36,000 men 
 was on the south bank of the Potomac opposite Washing- 
 ton; Patterson with a division of 13,000 was in the Shen- 
 andoah valley at Martinsburg; Beauregard, with a corps 
 of about 22,000 men, was in the vicinity of Manassas 
 Junction, with his main body occupying a defensive line 
 along the south bank of the Bull Run; J. E. Johnston 
 
84 
 
 with a division of about 11,000 men was in the Shenan- 
 doah valley at Winchester. 
 
 From a study of the situation, it is evident that Johnston 
 and Beauregard, being only forty miles apart and having 
 the use of the Manassas Gap railroad, could readily unite 
 either at Winchester or at Manassas, and that neither the 
 force of McDowell nor that of Patterson could safely 
 attack the combined Confederate forces. Notwithstand- 
 ing these conditions, the plan of the Union authorities 
 contemplated independent movements by McDowell and 
 Patterson against the Confederate forces in their front. 
 As McDowell's movement was the more aggressive and 
 the more threatening, Johnston left the valley and united 
 his forces with those of Beauregard at Bull Run. 
 
 Having left 6000 men to protect his communications, 
 McDowell's force was no stronger than the combined 
 Confederate forces, and as the latter had the advantage of 
 a good position in which to receive his attack, the Union 
 corps met with a disastrous defeat. Had Patterson's 
 force been united with that of McDowell for a joint move- 
 ment from Washington, the Unioin army would have been 
 numerically stronger than the Confederate, and the prob- 
 ability of success would have been in its favor. 
 
 However skillful the commander of an army may be, he 
 will always be more or less uncertain as to the probable 
 action of his adversary unless he can deprive him of the 
 power of the initiative. This may be done by assuming 
 the offensive and executing it with vigor and rapidity. 
 The adversary is thus reduced to the passive defense of 
 warding off the blows struck by the assailant. This was 
 the mode of warfare pursued by Frederick the Great, 
 Napoleon, and Moltke, who gave their enemies little time 
 to formulate plans of campaign or defense. A vigorously 
 sustained offensive campaign, however, requires a well- 
 
85 
 
 trained field army and a well-organized supply train, as 
 well as a good military system for reinforcing the army 
 with recrmts and reserves. The defective training of 
 the volunteer armies of our civil war made rapid and per- 
 sistent offensive movements even under such commanders 
 as Grant and Sherman impossible, and gave to the Con- 
 federates time to plan and execute the bold offensive 
 measures which so often defeated the plans of the Union 
 commanders. 
 
 II. ^'Nothing is so important in war as undivided com- 
 mand. Two independe7it armies should never be in the same 
 theater of operations. ^^ 
 
 It is self-evident that the entire military resources of a 
 state can be utilized to their full effect only when they are 
 controlled by a single will and when all the countless 
 subdivisions into which that force is divided are working 
 in unison towards a single end. Division of command 
 was a characteristic of the Union system of organization 
 until Grant took command in 1864; finding the country 
 divided into nineteen separate territorial departments, 
 he at once consolidated the departments into three terri- 
 torial divisions so that there should be but one commander 
 in each natural division of the theater of war. First 
 Banks, then Canby, commanded the troops west of the 
 Mississippi, Sherman those between the Mississippi and 
 the Alleghany mountains, and Grant personally took 
 command of those east of the Alleghanies, He outlined 
 to the commanders of the separate armies the duty he 
 expected each to perform so that all operations would tend 
 to the destruction of the Confederate armed force, but 
 left to each commander the details of the plans of cam- 
 paign of his own army. 
 
 The advantages of undivided command and the dis- 
 advantages of separate commands in the same theater of 
 
86 
 
 operations have no better illustration than the operations 
 in Virginia in 1862. 
 
 In February, the States of Maryland, and Virginia 
 north of Richmond, formed the Union Department of the 
 Potomac, under McClellan and contained a force of 185,- 
 000 men present for duty; this force was concentrated 
 along the Potomac river. The country about Fort Mon- 
 roe, Va., formed the Union Department of Virginia under 
 Wool, and had a force of about 10,000 men present for 
 duty. The State of Virginia north of Richmond formed 
 the Confederate Department of Northern Virginia under 
 Joseph E. Johnston and had a force of 48,000 concentrated 
 along Bull Run, the Occoquan, and at Winchester in 
 the Shenandoah valley; the peninsula between the York 
 and James rivers formed the Confederate Department of 
 the Peninsula under Magruder and had a force of 13,000; 
 the country between Chesapeake and Albemarle sounds 
 formed the Confederate Department of Norfolk under 
 Huger and had a force of 12,000. The entire Union force 
 in this theater of operations was 195,000 men, the Con- 
 federate force 73,000 men. 
 
 McClellan's plan of campaign w^as to leave about 
 34,000 men in the defenses of Washington, and with the 
 remainder of his army to move on Richmond via the 
 Peninsula between the York and James rivers, using Fort 
 Monroe as a secondary base. The authorities approved 
 his plan but insisted on his leaving a force of 55,000 
 men, so that they might hold Manassas Junction as well as 
 Washington. 
 
 At the beginning of the movement one of McClellan's 
 five corps under Banks was in the Shenandoah valley; 
 this he proposed to move to Manassas Junction, leaving 
 only a small force to watch the valley. An offensive 
 movement by Jackson in the valley having prevented this 
 
87 
 
 corps from carrying out its part of the plan, the authorities 
 insisted on detaching from McClellan's army another 
 corps, McDowell's, to occupy Manassas Junction. At 
 the same time the authorities detached a division of 
 10,000 men from the army of the Potomac to report to 
 Fremont in West Virginia. Besides these changes, which 
 reduced his army from fourteen divisions to eight, both 
 McDowell and Banks were made independent com- 
 manders. Thus the original Army of the Potomac was 
 divided among four independent commanders all operat- 
 ing in the same territory and against the same army. 
 
 While these changes were being effected in the Union 
 army and McClellan was moving from Fort Monroe, 
 Johnston, leaving a small force along the Rappahannock 
 and in the valley of the Shenandoah, fell back and united 
 his main force with Magruder on the Peninsula; a little 
 later, in front of Richmond, they were joined by Eager, 
 and thus the Confederate army was united under a single 
 commander. 
 
 The subsequent operations proved the correctness of 
 Napoleon's maxim. Under the able leadership of Lee, 
 who succeeded Johnston, Jackson, who commnaded a 
 detached force in the Shenandoah valley, attacked and 
 defeated two detached brigades of Fremont under Milroy 
 and Schenck, near Staunton, and drove Banks beyond the 
 Potomac; he then united with Lee at Richmond and the 
 latter, with the united Confederate army, attacked and 
 defeated McClellan, and forced him to retire to the James 
 river. 
 
 The Union authorities tried to repair their error by 
 uniting the forces of Fremont, Banks, and McDowell 
 into a single army under Pope. As was shown in a pre- 
 vious chapter this did not remedy the situation, and the 
 authorities were finally compelled to withdraw McClellan 
 
88 
 
 from the James river to reunite the original Army of the 
 Potomac once more near Washington. Had McClellan 
 retained the command of all the forces in the State of 
 Virginia, it is difficult to see how he could have been de- 
 feated even by a superior commander. 
 
 III. "At the commencement of a campaign, to advance or 
 not to adva7ice, is a matter for grave consideration, hut when 
 once the offensive is assumed it must he sustained to the last 
 extremity. However skillful the 77ianeuver, a retreat will 
 always weaken the morale of a7i ar7ny." 
 
 In order to sustain the offensive it is essential that the 
 numerical superiority at the point of contact be sustained, 
 and that provision be made promptly to restore the losses 
 caused by battle and disease, and to guard the lengthening 
 communications as the army advances. As has been 
 previously shown, Moltke began the Franco-German 
 war with a great numerical superiority; to prosecute the 
 war with vigor, however, he found it necessary to rein- 
 force it with nearly 250,000 men in the course of six 
 months. The excellent organization of the depot troops, 
 reserves and landwehr enabled him to do this without 
 difficulty. 
 
 In 1862 McClellan reached the suburbs of Richmond 
 with an army which had suffered little loss in the previous 
 engagements, but yet was too weak to make him feel con- 
 fident of carrying the city by assault against the intrenched 
 army of Lee, He called for reinforcements, but there 
 were none to send him ; the authorities had not foreseen 
 such a contingency, and had closed all the recruiting 
 offices before the campaign was begun, and had no organ- 
 ized reserves. As a result the excellent secondary base on 
 the James river had to be abandoned and McClellan's 
 army withdrawn to Washington to begin a new campaign. 
 In 1864 Grant reached the same position only after the 
 
battles of the Wilderness, Spottsylvaniay and Cold Harbor, 
 in which the losses in killed, wounded and missing were 
 60,000 men. However, he was able to continue the offen- 
 sive because the army was being constantly recruited 
 under the calls for volunteers issued by the President 
 in February, March, April, July, and December, 1864. 
 
 During the civil war, Lee twice invaded the Northern 
 States for the purpose of compelling the withdrawal of 
 the Union armies from Virginia. He succeeded in this 
 purpose, but not having sufficient strength to sustain the 
 offensive through at least one decisive battle, the tempor- 
 ary advantage thus gained was soon lost through his com- 
 pulsory retreat. 
 
 IV. '' An army should have hut one line of operations;'' 
 and as corollaries to the above, "it is contrary to all true 
 principles to make corps which have no communications 
 act separately against a central force whose communications 
 are open''; and "an army should always keep its columns so 
 united as to prevent an enemy passing between them with 
 impunity.'^ 
 
 This principle is in a certain degree a corollary to the 
 second, since any division of the army leads to a division 
 of the command. 
 
 When he enunciated this principle Napoleon was dis- 
 cussing the four campaigns made in 1796 and 1797 by the 
 Austrian generals, Wurmser and Alvinzi, for the relief of the 
 fortress of Mantua in northeastern Italy which was being 
 besieged by a part of the French army under Napoleon. 
 The greater part of Napoleon's army acted as a covering 
 force in the area between Mantua and the line Legnago- 
 Verona-RivoH-Salo. 
 
 To reach the territory occupied by the French covering 
 army the Austrians could advance from Trent either down 
 the valley of the Chiese west of Lake Garda or down the 
 
90 
 
 valley of the Adige east of that lake. They could also 
 advance from the east and force the Adige river at 
 Verona, at Legnago, or at some point between those places. 
 
 In each of the four campaigns the Austrians advanced in 
 two or more columns by these various roads and in each 
 campaign they were defeated by Napoleon with an inferior 
 force acting from his central position against the sepa- 
 rated columns before they could be united. 
 
 A similar situation occurred in Virginia in July and 
 August, 1862, when it was planned that McClellan should 
 advance from his new base at Harrisons Landing on the 
 James river against Richmond, and Pope should advance 
 against the same place from the north. From his central 
 position between the two Union armies, Lee easily defeated 
 this plan. 
 
 A hke situation occurred in May and June, 1864, when 
 Grant advanced from the north and Butler from the 
 south against Richmond. 
 
 In the latter part of August, 1914, two Russian armies 
 invaded east Prussia: the Wilna army came from the east 
 and the Narew army from the south. The two armies 
 were separated by the great lakes in southeastern East 
 Prussia. This separation enabled Hindenberg with a 
 much inferior force to defeat the Russian plan. Holding 
 the Wilna army in check with a small force, he attacked 
 and destroyed the Narew army with his main force in 
 the battle of Tannenherg. This compelled the Wilna 
 army to retire across the frontier to its fortified base on 
 the Niemen river. 
 
 V. ^'When the conquest of a country is undertaken by two 
 or three armies, each of which has a separate line of opera- 
 tions until they arrive at a point fixed upon for their concen- 
 tration j it should he laid down as a principle, that the junction 
 should never take place near the enemy, because the enemy by 
 
91 
 
 uniting his forces, may not only prevent the union of the 
 armies but may defeat them in detailJ'' 
 
 In 1864 Grant, not wishing to abandon any of the Con- 
 federate territory in Virginia then occupied by the Union 
 troops, decided to operate in the following manner. Sigel, 
 commanding the department of West Virginia, was directed 
 to move up the valleys of the Shenandoah and Kanawha 
 on Lynchburg; Meade with the Army of the Potomac 
 from Culpeper Court House on Richmond; and Butler 
 with the Army of the James from Fort Monroe via water 
 to the junction of the James and Appomattox rivers and 
 thence by the south bank of the James to Richmond. 
 
 Operating from his central position in front of Rich- 
 mond, the confederate commander, Lee, was able to inter- 
 pose a force between Meade and Sigel and to defeat Sigel 
 and his successor. Hunter, and thus prevent the union of 
 the right column with either of the others. He was also 
 able to check the advance of the left column under Butler, 
 and render its operations futile until the Army of the 
 Potomac crossed the James river and united with it. 
 
 The Prussian invasion of Austria in 1866, as hereto- 
 fore described, violated this maxim and some writers aid 
 not hesitate to criticise Moltke for concentrating the 
 Second Army so far away from the First and Third. His 
 answer was that the Second Army was concentrated in 
 the province of Silesia for the protection of that rich 
 province; that the union of the Prussian armies at the 
 right moment was never claimed by the Prussian general 
 staff to be a brilliant or a very learned combination. It 
 was only a sensible, well-considered and energetically 
 executed remedy, for a primary concentration which was 
 unfavorable, but at the same time necessary. 
 
 The Second Army, it will be remembered, arrived at a 
 very opportune moment on the day of the battle. He 
 
claims some advantages for a double concentration, in 
 that a great force is more easily supplied and marched 
 when it is divided into two or more groups than if kept in 
 one. In a previous study of the same problem, he had 
 united the whole army on the Saxon frontier and left only 
 the VI corps in Silesia. 
 
 A similar situation occurred at the beginning of the 
 Russo-Japanese war. It was essential for Japan to secure 
 a foothold in Corea to serve as a base for further opera- 
 tions and prevent its falling into the possession of the 
 Russians. For this purpose the First Army under Kuroki 
 was sent there at the very outbreak of the war and ad- 
 vanced to the Yalu river, which separates Corea from Man- 
 churia. The next most important operation was the 
 investment of the fortress of Port Arthur and the cap- 
 ture of its fleet. For this purpose the Second Army under 
 Oku was landed at Pitsewo and moved south to secure a 
 base of operations in the harbor of Dalny. Here the Third 
 Army was organized to attack Port Arthur. These 
 preliminary operations having been successfully accom- 
 plished, it became necessary to move the First and Second 
 armies against the Russian Army of Manchuria, whose 
 headquarters were at Liaoyang. 
 
 In order to attack the Russian army before it could be 
 strongly reinforced from Russia, it was decided by the 
 Japanese military authorities to move the First and Second 
 armies by the shortest lines to Liaoyang. Precaution was 
 taken to connect them by the Fourth Army under Nodzu, 
 which was landed at Takushan. This concentric move- 
 ment was a dehcate and dangerous one but was rendered 
 necessary by the preliminary concentration. It was 
 successfully carried out and the Japanese won the battle 
 of Liaoyang because of the superiority of their arm as a 
 fighting and maneuvering force. 
 
93 
 
 With modern facilities of communication such move- 
 ments are less hazardous than in the time of Napoleon, 
 but are always dangerous, especially if the adversary is 
 active. 
 
 A meeting of two Union armies on the battlefield took 
 place in our civil war. In March, 1862, Grant, who was on 
 the Tennessee river near Fort Henry, and Buell, who was 
 at Nashville, were ordered to unite their forces near Sa- 
 vannah on the Tennessee river for a joint movement on 
 Corinth, Miss. Grant moving by water was first to reach 
 the rendezvous and encamped most of his army at Shiloh 
 or Pittsburg Landing, on the west bank of the Tennessee 
 river near the Alabama line. Beauregard, who, under 
 Albert S. Johnston, was in command of the Confederate 
 forces at Corinth, about twenty miles distant, advised the 
 latter to attack Grant before Buell could reach him. As a 
 result there was fought on April 6, 1862, the first battle of 
 Shiloh between the forces of Grant and A. S. Johnston, 
 in which the former was surprised and defeated though 
 not decisively. In the evening and night Buell reached 
 the field, and on April 7 was fought the second battle of 
 Shiloh in which the exhausted Confederates were obliged 
 to confront a new army, and in which they were decisively 
 defeated and compelled to retreat. 
 
 The above examples show the danger attending the use 
 of separate lines of operation uniting near or in the enemy's 
 territory; had the Second Army reached Koniggratz, or 
 Buell Shiloh, a half day later, the result might have been 
 disastrous to the army first engaged by the enemy. 
 
 VI. "The lines of operation should be preserved with care 
 and never abandoned save in the last extremity; but it is one 
 of the most skillful maneuvers in war to change it when cir- 
 cumstances authorize it, or render it necessary.^' 
 
 In announcing this principle, Napoleon had in mind an 
 
94 
 
 army moving along a single route which was also its line 
 of supply and retreat. If the army is forced to abandon 
 this line, its further movements become seriously embar- 
 rassed by the difficult}^ of subsisting the troops. An army 
 may be forced from its line of operations by a flank attack, 
 and it may lose its line by operations conducted in its 
 rear. 
 
 If two opposing armies of equal strength are operating 
 along the same route, it would be difficult for one to operate 
 against the flank of the other without exposing its own line. 
 If, however, they are of unequal strength, the stronger may 
 overlap the weaker and make a flank attack. If they are 
 operating on parallel lines, each threatens the flank of the 
 other, and the advantage is with the army which is the 
 superior, through leadership or other causes. If an army 
 can support one or both flanks on an impassable obstacle, 
 as a wide river or range of mountains, its flanks are thus 
 rendered secure against flank attacks. If the lines of 
 operation of two opposing armies intersect and make a 
 considerable angle with each other, each army is safe 
 against flank attack until it approaches the point of inter- 
 section, and each is liable to have its communications 
 severed if it passes that point. 
 
 The operations in rear of an army are usually executed 
 by raiding parties of light troops whose object is to destroy 
 the depots, and if the line is a railway line, to render it 
 useless for a considerable length of time. The cavalry in 
 the civil war became exceedingly expert in such operations, 
 and the protection of the Louisville-Nashvifle-Chatta- 
 nooga-Atlanta railway against the raids of Forrest and 
 Morgan, as well as against the hostile inhabitants, was 
 one of the chief cares of the Union commanders. When 
 Sherman in 1864 began his Atlanta campaign, this railway 
 was protected by block-houses and field-works at every 
 
95 
 
 bridge and tunnel, and a large railway department was 
 organized for rapid repair. For its protection by the 
 troops he issued the following order: 
 
 '' Army commanders will give great attention to their 
 lines of communication. A small force in a block-house, 
 disencumbered of baggage and stores not needed, can hold 
 their ground and protect their point until relief comes. 
 They should be instructed to fight with despei-ation to the 
 last, as they thereby save the time necessary for concen- 
 tration. Small reserves capable of being shifted to a way- 
 point by a train of cars should be placed judiciously and 
 instructed. The main reserves will be at Nashville, 
 Murfreesboro, Columbia, Decatur, and Stevenson, from 
 which places they can be rapidly transported to the point 
 of danger. ... On notice of danger the command- 
 ing general of the reserves at Nashville will promptly 
 provide for the emergency, and see that damages, if done, 
 are quickly repaired, but all officers are cautioned against 
 the mischievous and criminal practice of reporting mere 
 rumors, often sent into our fines by the enemy for his own 
 purposes. Actual facts should be reported to -the head- 
 quarters at Nashville and in the field, that they may be 
 judged in connection with other known facts. An army of 
 a miUion men could not guard against the fabulous stories 
 that are sent to headquarters. Officers must scrutinize 
 and see with their own eyes, or those of some cool, experi- 
 enced staff officer, before making reports that may cafi off 
 troops from another quarter, where there may be more 
 need of them. When troops are intrenched or well 
 covered by block-houses, a surrender wifi entail disgrace, 
 for we have aU seen examples when a few determined men 
 have held thousands in check until relief came or the 
 necessities of the enemy forced him to withdraw." 
 
 The means employed by the British in South Africa to 
 protect their railways have already been described. 
 
 The comments made by Napoleon on changing the fine 
 of operations had reference to the maneuvers of Frederick 
 the Great in the battle of Leuthen. In order to make a 
 
96 . 
 
 flank attack on the enemy he abandoned the line of com- 
 munication running from Breslau to Liegnitz along which 
 he approached the battlefield, and opened a new line to 
 Schweidnitz. This enabled him to make a flank attack 
 with his new line of supply and retreat in his rear. 
 
 Napoleon made a similar change before the battle of 
 Austerlitz. He reached this field by coming from the south 
 from the Austrian capital, Vienna. As his adversaries, 
 the allied Russians and Austrians, would naturally 
 approach from the east on the direct road from Russia to 
 Vienna, to better preserve his communications, Napoleon 
 opened a new line of communications, perpendicular to 
 his first line, from Brunn through Bohemia to Ratisbon. 
 The Allied army, unaware of this change, planned an 
 offensive operation, having for its object the capture of 
 Napoleon's line of retreat between Austerlitz and Vienna. 
 The false premise upon which their plan was based led to 
 their disastrous defeat. 
 
 In our civil war, there were several examples of skillful 
 changes of lines of supply and retreat. When McClellan 
 was in front of Richmond in 1862, his position extended 
 from Mechanicsville via Fair Oaks and Seven Pines to 
 White Oak Swamp; his line of communications was the 
 railway running eastward to the secondary bases he had 
 estabhshed on the Pamunkey river at White House, and 
 on the York river at West Point. By making a success- 
 ful flank attack on the Union right wing, north of the 
 Chickahominy river, Lee severed McClellan's connection 
 with White House. McClellan had fortunately foreseen 
 this contingency and had directed his engineers to explore 
 and open the roads southward to Harrisons Landing on 
 the James river to which he successfully withdrew his 
 army. 
 
 Grant in his Virginia campaign began his operations at 
 
97 
 
 Culpeper north of the Rapidan river, supplying his 
 army by the Orange and Alexandria railroad; he moved 
 around the east side of Richmond and south side of Peters- 
 burg, using in succession the Richmond and Potomac 
 railroad, the York and the James rivers as lines of supply, 
 and successively changed the direction of his line of opera- 
 tions through an arc of over one hundred and eighty 
 degrees. 
 
 Roberts executed this maneuver in the South African 
 war. When organizing his field army at Belmont for the 
 relief of Kimberley, his line of supply was the Capetown- 
 Kimberley railway, which was securely held in his front 
 behind the Modder river by the Boer general, Cronje. 
 The Bloemfontein line was held at the Orange river by a 
 second Boer force. Roberts abandoned his line of supply, 
 and moved eastward around Crojije's left flank towards 
 the Bloemfontein railway north of the Orange river. By 
 this means he threatened the communications of both 
 Boer forces and compelled them to retreat. In this 
 retreat Cronje's force was surrounded and captured at 
 Paardeherg. After destroying this force, Roberts moved 
 to the Bloemfontein railway and opened it as a new line of 
 communications from which to operate against the other 
 retreating Boer forces. 
 
 To know how and when temporarily to abandon a line 
 of operations is also a mark of military genius. When, in 
 1864, Sherman reached the position of Atlanta, he found 
 the Confederate army in an immense intrenched camp. 
 To dislodge it from this position it was necessary to take 
 possession of the railways to the south of the city, which 
 were the Confederate lines of supply. He could do this 
 only by temporarily abandoning his own line of communi- 
 cations. Leaving one corps intrenched on the Chatta- 
 hoochie river at the end of the Chattanooga- Atlanta 
 
railroad, he mai'ched the remainder of his army entirely 
 around the Confederate position, captured its lines of 
 supply and compelled the Confederate army to abandon 
 Atlanta. This enabled him to reestablish his own com- 
 munications. 
 
 VII. "An army should be ready every day, every night, 
 and at all times of the day and night, to oppose all the resist- 
 ance of which it is capable." 
 
 Napoleon adds: 
 
 ''With this in view, the soldier should invariably be 
 complete in arms and ammunition; the infantry should 
 never be without its artillery, its cavalry, its generals; 
 and the different divisions of the army should be con- 
 stantly in a state of support and to be supported. The 
 troops whether halted or encamped, or on the march should 
 be always in favorable positions, possessing the essentials 
 required for a field of battle; for example, the flanks 
 should be well covered, and aU the artillery so placed as 
 to have free range and to maneuver to the greatest advan- 
 tage. When an army is in column of march, it should have 
 advance guards and flanking parties, to examine well the 
 country in front, to the right and to the left, and always at 
 such distance as to enable the main body to deploy into 
 position." 
 
 Since a commander is often deceived in war as to the 
 position and force of the enemy, the information derived 
 from spies, prisoners, and scouts, being more or less 
 unreliable, he should always be ready to attack or to meet 
 the attack of an enemy whom he may unexpectedly 
 encounter. 
 
 VIII. "A commander-in-chief should ask himself fre- 
 quently in the day, what should I do if the enemy* s army 
 should now appear in my front, on my right, or 07i my left? 
 If he have any difficulty in answering these questions, he is 
 badly posted, and should seek to correct his disposition." 
 
 In the Shiloh campaign, while the Armj^ of the Ten- 
 
99 
 
 nessee under Grant was awaiting the arrival of the Army 
 of the Ohio under Buell it was encamped on the west bank 
 of the Tennessee river. Five divisions or 33,000 men 
 were at Pittsburg Landing and one division was at Crump 
 Landing five miles below. Sherman's division formed 
 the front line of the camp at Pittsburg Landing facing 
 southward ; Grant had his headquarters at Savannah, nine 
 miles to the north. Both Grant and Sherman were so 
 convinced that the Confederates would remain on the 
 defensive that no special precautions were taken to guard 
 the camp from surprise. 
 
 This confidence enabled the Confederate Army of Mis- 
 sissippi to move up from Corinth twenty miles southwest, 
 form line of battle, and approach to within one and a half 
 miles of Sherman's division before its presence was dis- 
 covered. 
 
 The Union army was saved from destruction by the 
 tactical errors of the Confederate commanders, the indi- 
 vidual bravery of the officers and men of the Union army 
 and by the timely arrival of the Army of the Ohio. The 
 two Union commanders, who later became masters of 
 the art of war, never forgot this lesson. The following are 
 Napoleon's maxims on the establishment of such camps. 
 
 IX. "The art of encamping in a position is the same as 
 the art of deploying in order of battle in the position. 
 To this end, the artillery should he advantageously placed. 
 Ground should he selected which is not commanded nor liahle 
 to he turned, and, as far as possible, the guns should cover 
 and command the surrounding country. 
 
 X. "Never lose sight of this maxim, that you should estab- 
 lish your cantonments at the most distant and best protected 
 point from the enemy, especially where a surprise is possible. 
 By this means you will have time to unite all your forces 
 before he can attack you.'^ 
 
100 
 
 On the subject of concentration before a probable battle 
 Napoleon says: 
 
 XI. ''The first principle of ivar is that a battle should he 
 fought only with all the troops that can he assembled on the 
 field,'' and as corollaries: First, "When you have resolved 
 to fight a battle collect your whole force. Dispense with 
 nothing, a single battalion sometimes decides the day." 
 Second, "When you are determined to risk a battle, reserve 
 to yourself every possible chance of success, particularly if 
 you have to deal with an adversary of superior talent." 
 Third, "No force should be detached on the eve of battle 
 because affairs may change during the night, either by the 
 retreat of the enemy or by the arrival of large reinforcements 
 which will enable him to assume the offensive and counteract 
 your previous dispositions." 
 
 Out of thirty-eight principal battles fought by Frederick 
 the Great and Napoleon with various adversaries, twenty- 
 five were won by the contestant having the greater and 
 thirteen by the one having the lesser numerical strength. 
 In battles personally conducted by either of these great 
 tacticians the chances of victory and defeat were about 
 even if the odds against them did not exceed five to three. 
 They occasionally lost with less odds, and occasionally 
 won with greater odds against them. In our civil war, 
 the only important battles won with the numerical odds 
 against the victor, were Pea Ridge, Franklin, Second Bull 
 Run, Fredericksburg, Chancellor sville, Spottsylvania and 
 Cold Harbor. Of these, the last five were won by Lee, who 
 was, however, unable to overcome the odds against him 
 at Malvern Hill, Antietam, and Gettysburg. 
 
 Napoleon himself almost lost the decisive battle of 
 Marengo in 1800, by detaching Desaix with one of his 
 divisions to go to another part of the theater of operations 
 on the day before the battle. He was saved by the 
 
101 
 
 opportune return of Desaix towards the close of the day, 
 after the Austrians had concluded that the battle was 
 definitely over and Napoleon was decisively defeated. 
 
 XII. ^^It is an approved maxim in war, never to do what 
 the enemy wishes you to do, for this reason alone, that he 
 desires it. A field of battle, therefore, which he has previously 
 studied and reconnoitered, should he avoided, and double 
 care should be taken where he has had time to fortify or in- 
 trench. One consequence deduciblefrom this principle is, never 
 attack a position in front which you can gain by turning." 
 
 When the defender finds himself threatened by a serious 
 attack in one part of the theater of war, he may attempt to 
 ward it off by making a demonstration in another part. 
 The invader must not let such a movement divert him 
 from his original plan or main objective. In McClellan's 
 Peninsula campaign, it will be remembered that he reached 
 Fort Monroe with but eight of his fourteen original divi- 
 sions; another was sent to him at Yorktown; so he reached 
 the front of Richmond with nine divisions. McDowell, 
 who was at Fredericksburg with four divisions, was about 
 to advance along the Fredericksburg-Richmond railway 
 to join him. This movement was stopped by orders from 
 Washington, and despite the protests of McClellan and 
 McDowell, the latter's force was directed against Jackson, 
 who was making a demonstration in the Shenandoah valley 
 for the very purpose of preventing McClellan from being 
 reinforced. Had McDowell's advance on Richmond 
 been vigorously pushed, while Jackson was in the valley, 
 McClellan would have had at least 35,000 more men and 
 Lee 20,000 less, in the battles which closed the campaign. 
 
 The history of warfare, particularly since the invention 
 of rifled firearms, is full of examples of unsuccessful frontal 
 assaults on fortified positions, and with each new improve- 
 ment of firearms they became more difficult. It must be 
 
102 
 
 remembered, however, that turning an army out of posi- 
 tion is only delaying the day of battle, and it is this battle 
 which must ultimately decide the fate of the campaign. 
 
 In the spring of 1863, while the Army of the Cumber- 
 land under Rosecrans was at Murfreesboro in Tennessee, 
 the Confederate Army of Tennessee of Bragg occupied a 
 strongly intrenched line in his front extending from Shelby- 
 ville to Fairfield across the Nashville and Chattanooga 
 railroad. By threatening the left of Bragg^s line and at 
 the same time concentrating his force and turning its right, 
 Rosecrans was able to compel Bragg to retreat to Chatta- 
 nooga without fighting a battle. 
 
 In the autumn, Rosecrans decided to maneuver him out 
 of Chattanooga in the same manner, by threatening 
 Bragg's right and front, and then turning his left by mov- 
 ing his troops over Lookout mountain into the valley of 
 Chickamauga creek south of Chattanooga. In making 
 this movement, he violated the principle of keeping his 
 army united, and his separate columns crossed the moun- 
 tains through widely separate passes and debouched 
 from them almost in the face of Bragg^s united army, 
 which had quietly retreated from Chattanooga to Lafay- 
 ette, Ga. 
 
 Had Bragg properly seized the advantages of his posi- 
 tion he might have destroyed one or more of Rosecrans* 
 columns; as it was he gave Rosecrans time to concentrate, 
 and only partially defeated him in the battle of Chicka- 
 mauga. Rosecrans, however, was compelled to seek 
 refuge in Chattanooga to reorganize his army, and was 
 invested by Bragg until reheved by reinforcements sent 
 from the Arm}^ of the Potomac and the Army of the Ten- 
 nessee. 
 
 Sherman's Atlanta campaign is a good model for the 
 conduct of such turning movements. Without ever expos- 
 
 J 
 
103 
 
 ing his communications, or his separate corps to be de- 
 stroyed in detail, and without making more than one front 
 attack on entrenched Hues, Kenesaw Mountain, he suc- 
 ceeded in compelhng Johnston to evacuate one intrenched 
 position after another until he was forced back from 
 Dalton to Atlanta, Georgia. 
 
 XIII. "The strength of an army, like power in me- 
 chanics, is estimated by multiplying the mass by the rapidity; 
 a rapid march augments the morale of an army, and increases 
 all the chances of victory. ^^ 
 
 Jackson of the Confederate army was particularly 
 noted during the civil war for his rapid marches. 
 
 In 1862, in the operations in the Shenandoah valley, 
 by rapidly marching and combining his small army of 
 less than 20,000 men, he defeated in succession the Union 
 commanders Milroy, Schenck and Banks, and prevented a 
 reinforcement of 40,000 men under McDowell from being 
 sent to McClellan to assist him in his operations against 
 Richmond. He thus paralyzed the offensive movements 
 of the entire Union army of nearly 200,000 men. 
 
 In 1863 by a rapid march he passed the front of the 
 Union army under Hooker at Chancellor svillcj Va., and 
 attacked it in flank and rear. Although his corps num- 
 bered but 22,000 men, this attack was the primary cause 
 which led to the retreat of the entire Union army of 
 124,000 men to the north bank of the Rappahannock 
 river. 
 
 Napoleon's campaigns of 1796-97 are also brilliant 
 examples of rapidly executed maneuvers and combina- 
 tions which disconcerted and defeated the more dehberate 
 Austrian commanders. On the night of January 13, 1797, 
 preceding the first day's battle of Rivoli, Massena's division 
 marched from Verona to the battlefield, a distance of 
 fifteen inik^s; it fought most of the following day with the 
 
104 
 
 right wing of the Austrian army, and in the evening when 
 that was defeated, began a march for Mantua, thirty 
 miles distant; Mantua was reached early in the morning 
 of the 16th in time to take part in the battle of La Favorita, 
 in which the left wing of the Austrian army was destroyed. 
 Frederick the Great, in his brilUant operations in the 
 autumn of 1757, with an army of 20,000 men decisively 
 defeated a French force of 40,000 men on the field of 
 Rosshach, near Halle, Germany, November 5, and then 
 quickly marching to Silesia with an army of 40,000 attack- 
 ed and decisively defeated an Austrian force of 70,000 
 men at Leuthen near Breslau on December 5. The two 
 battle-fields are 225 miles apart in an air fine. 
 
 XIV. "7n a war of march and maneuver, if you would 
 avoid a battle with a superior army, it is necessary to intrench 
 every night, and occupy a good defensive position. Those 
 natural positioiis which are ordinarily met with are not 
 sufficient to protect an army against superior numbers with- 
 out recourse to art^ 
 
 It was by this means that Lee in 1864 and 1865, although 
 greatly outnumbered, was able to resist the vigorous 
 offensive tactics of Grant, until the Confederate communi- 
 cations were finally captured. The Turkish commander, 
 Osman Pasha, in the Russo-Turkish war, and the Boer 
 commanders in the South African war resorted to the 
 same means to neutralize the effect of the numerical 
 superiority of their antagonists. 
 
 XV. ''A general of ordinary talent occupying a bad 
 position and surprised by a general with a superior force, 
 seeks safety in retreat; but a great captain supplies all defi- 
 ciences by his courage, and marches boldly to meet the attack. 
 By this means he disconcerts his adversary, and if this last 
 shows any irresolution in his movements, a skillful leader 
 profiting by his indecision, may even hope for victory, or at 
 
 4 
 
105 
 
 veast employ the day in maneuvering. At night he intrenches 
 himself or falls back to a better position.^ ^ 
 
 The most famous commanders of the civil war acted in 
 accordance with this maxim. Grant, although surprised 
 by a superior force at Shiloh, boldly met the attack and 
 offered such a resistance that he was able to hold his ground 
 until reinforced by Buell. At Chickamauga in the second 
 day's battle, Thomas was almost surrounded by the Con- 
 federate troops and entirely separated from his com- 
 mander, Rosecrans, who had been swept off the field. 
 He continued his stubborn resistance during the day, and 
 at night was able to withdraw his troops to Chattanooga. 
 
 Lee was thus surprised on two occasions. In 1863, while 
 he was encamped on the heights of Fredericksburg, 
 Hooker succeeded in crossing the Rappahannock and 
 Rapidan rivers above Fredericksburg by stratagem, and 
 reached Chancellor sville, where he threatened Lee^s flank 
 and line of retreat. Instead of retreating, Lee decided on 
 a counter-surprise and directed Jackson to march with 
 his corps around the Union army to attack it in flank and 
 rear. This bold maneuver was successful and caused 
 Hooker's retreat. In 1864, while Lee was intrenched 
 along the upper Rapidan, Grant succeeded in crossing the 
 Rapidan below him and thus again threatened his line of 
 retreat. He met this movement by marching rapidly to 
 attack Grant in the hope that he might reach him before 
 aU the Union troops were across the river; this movement 
 resulted in the battle of the Wilderness. 
 
 XVI ^'Nothing is so rash or contrary to principle as to 
 make a flank march before an army, especially when this 
 army occupies heights at the foot of which you are forced to 
 defile.'' 
 
 A flank march is one made in the vicinity of, and parallel 
 or nearly so, to the enemy's line, so that the marching 
 
106 
 
 troops are liable to be attacked on the flank of the column. 
 In spite of this maxim, flank marches have often been 
 made in the past and will be made in the future. In the 
 civil war there were numerous instances of flank marches 
 made by able commanders on both sides. In order to 
 reach the enemy's communications both Grant and 
 Sherman were obliged to make flank marches in 1864 and 
 1865. These marches were, however, usually protected by 
 intrenching a corps between the marching column and 
 the enemy. Before the battle of Chancellor sville, Jackson 
 made his famous flank march from one flank to the other 
 of the Union army, without taking any special precau- 
 tions to protect himself from the enemy's attack. Such a 
 movement would have been extremely dangerous had the 
 Union army been more alert. Such a march was a favorite 
 maneuver of Frederick the Great, and led either to a 
 brilliant victory as Leuthen, or to a disastrous defeat as 
 Kollin. As it is a dangerous maneuver, a flank march 
 should be made with the greatest possible rapidity. 
 
 XVII. ''When an army is drwe7ifrom a first position, the 
 retreating columns should always rally sufficiently in the 
 rear, to prevent any interruption from the enemy. The 
 greatest disaster that can happen is the attack of the columns 
 in detail before they are united.'^ 
 
 In August, 1862, when it became evident to the Union 
 authorities that they could no longer keep McClellan's 
 army on the Peninsula, they decided to order it back by 
 water and unite it with Pope's army on the Rappahan- 
 nock. Pope's army was posted along this river in two 
 groups; the larger comprised the corps of McDowell, 
 Banks, and Sigel, and was near the crossing of the Orange 
 and Alexandria railroad; the smaller, the corps of Burn- 
 side, was at Fredericksburg. Lee took advantage of this 
 exposed position of Pope's army to defeat it before it 
 
107 
 
 could be satisfactorily reinforced by McClellan. A 
 successful turning movement, by which Lee preceded by 
 Jackson's corps moved through Thoroughfare gap, com- 
 pelled Pope to retreat in disorder and caused him to fight 
 the unsuccessful battle of Manassas before he could properly 
 unite his forces. His reinforcements from the Army of the 
 Potomac reached him when in retreat, and could not be 
 thoroughly incorporated in his army. This defeat caused 
 him to retreat to Washington and allowed Lee to cross the 
 Potomac river into Maryland. Had Pope been at once 
 ordered to fall back to Bull Run, he would have occupied a 
 safe position in which the two armies could have been 
 united without interruption. 
 
 XVni. "Of all obstacles which cover the frontiers of 
 empires, a desert is certainly the greatest; a chain of moun- 
 tains like the Alps holds the second rank; rivers, the third.'' 
 
 A line of operations across a desert should therefore be 
 avoided if possible. Napoleon says of his ten days' march 
 across the desert in 1799, from Egypt to Syria en route for 
 St. Jean d'Acre; 
 
 ' ' To cross a desert in summer is a very f atuiging and 
 dehcate operation on account of the heat of the sand, the 
 scarcity of water, and the lack of shade. These are 
 capable of destroying an army or of weakening and dis- 
 couraging it more than one would imagine. In winter the 
 hardships are slightly decreased. The difficulty of trans- 
 porting the rations of an army are great at all times and 
 are rarely satisfactorily overcome, yet these difficulties 
 are multiplied twenty fold, when in addition, it is necessary 
 to transport forage, wood, and water." 
 
 Although the desert route from Suakim on the Red Sea 
 to Berber on the Nile is only 280 miles, and the Nile 
 route from Cairo to the same place is about 1250 miles, 
 Wolseley in 1884 selected the latter route in going to the 
 relief of Gordon at Khartoum, notwithstanding the fact 
 
108 
 
 that the navigation of the Nile above the second cataract 
 is exceedingly difficult on account of falls, rapids, and 
 shoals. A fleet of special boats was constructed for this 
 expedition which were manned by Canadian voyageurs. 
 The delays incident to the preparation and to the slow 
 progress of the river transports led to the failure of the 
 expedition. Only a small party reached Khartoum by 
 steamer, to learn that the city was in the possession of the 
 Mahdi and Gordon was killed. 
 
 Notwithstanding this failure, when Kitchener organized 
 a later expedition to capture Khartoum, he followed the 
 same route. He avoided the worst parts of the river by 
 constructing a strategic railway, several hundred miles 
 long, from the second cataract to Berber. 
 
 A sparsely settled region without railways offers many 
 of the disadvantages of a desert for operations of a large 
 force. The Russian territory between the frontier and 
 Moscow was of this character when Napoleon invaded it. 
 
 *'A mountainous country in which the enemy is pre- 
 pared to make a serious resistance is a difficult country 
 to traverse, and if possible should be turned. A line of 
 operations should not pass through a mountainous country 
 since an army cannot live there by requisitions ; defiles are 
 met at every step which are easily defended; the march is 
 slow and difficult; colunms of trained troops may be 
 stopped, conquered, and defeated by untrained peasants; 
 and the line of retreat is difficult and uncertain. Some 
 ranges must be crossed to reach certain theaters of opera- 
 tions, as the Alps to reach Italy, but to unnecessarily 
 encounter the dangers, difficulties, and fatigues of war- 
 fare in a mountainous region is contrary to the teachings 
 of the art of war." — Napoleon. 
 
 In the Russian campaign against Austria in 1914, the 
 Russians succeeded in capturing the crest of the Carpathian 
 mountains from Rumania as far west as the Dunajec 
 river. The Russians did not, however, dare to send more 
 than raiding troops across the passes. 
 
109 
 
 In the Austrian campaign against Serbia in 1914 the 
 Austrian army was defeated due to the difficulties of 
 operating in a mountainous country. 
 
 A wide unfordable river is a serious obstacle, but Napo- 
 leon says: 
 
 '^It is difficult to prevent an army equipped with a 
 good pontoon train from crossing a river." 
 
 By fortifying all the permanent crossings a river like 
 the Rhine becomes an obstacle almost as difficult as a 
 mountain range. 
 
 The Narew and Vistula rivers of Poland with their for- 
 tifications proved a serious obstacle to the operations of 
 the German armies in 1914 and 1915. 
 
 Jomini* considered that the correct conduct of mili- 
 
 * Jomini, Henry, Baron (1779-1869), was born in the canton of 
 Vaud, Switzerland. He entered the French Service in 1801 as an aid 
 and secretary of Marshal Ney and remained with him until 1808, 
 becoming his Chief of Staff. On account of the Marshal's jealousy 
 of his influence in shaping military operations, he resigned his com- 
 mission and prepared to enter the service of Russia. Napoleon, 
 however, compelled him to remain in the French Service, and gave 
 him the rank of brigadier general. He dechned to take an active 
 part in the campaign of 1812, and was made Governor of Wilna; but 
 in 1813 he again resumed his position on Ney's staff. As further 
 promotion was denied him in the French Service, he entered the 
 Russian Service as lieutenant-general, but dechned to take part in 
 the invasion of France. He returned to Paris in 1817, as a mihtary 
 writer, but re-entered the Russian Service in 1826 and took part in 
 the campaign of 1828. He afterwards organized the Military 
 Academy of St. Petersburg, and superintended the military studies 
 of the heir apparent. Among his military works are: 
 
 ''Traite des grandes operations militaries," 1804. 
 
 "Principes de la strategie," 3 Vols., 1818. 
 
 ' 'Histoire critique et mijitaire des campagnes de la Revolution de 
 1792 k 1801," 15 Vols., 1819-1824. 
 
 "Vie politique et militaire de Napoleon," 1827. 
 
 "Precis de I'art de la guerre." 
 
 Most of his works have been translated into English. 
 
no 
 
 tary operations might be embraced in the following 
 maxims : 
 
 XIX. ''Throw by strategic movements, the mass of your 
 army, successively, on the decisive points of a theater of war, 
 and also upon the communications of the enemy as much as 
 possible without compromising your own^ 
 
 By a decisive point, Jomini meant a strategic point, 
 whose capture will have a very important effect upon the 
 political or military situation. In our civil war, such 
 points were Richmond, the capital of the Confederacy; 
 Petersburg, whose capture carried with it the fall of Rich- 
 mond; Vicksburg, the last stronghold of the Confederacy 
 on the Mississippi river; and Nashville, Chattanooga, and 
 Atlanta, the great civil centers on the Louisville-Chat- 
 tanooga-Savannah railway, which bisected the territory 
 east of the Mississippi, and was the principal line of 
 invasion between the Mississippi river and the Appala- 
 chian mountain system. 
 
 Operations against an enemy's line of supply or retreat 
 are the most common operations of warfare, as there if^ 
 no surer method of effecting the destruction of a hostile 
 army than that of placing a superior force on its line of 
 supply and retreat and compelling it to assume the offen- 
 sive to open this line. The difficulty lies in reaching this 
 line without at the same time exposing the line of operatioii 
 of the attacking army. The safest method is undoubtedlj^ 
 to assume a line of operations if possible which intersects 
 the enemy's line of supply well in rear of his army and is as 
 nearly at right angles to his line of supply as possible. 
 
 In 1800, the Austrian army of Italy was investing 
 Massena in the fortress of Genoa, forcing the passes of 
 the Apennines and Maritime Alps west of that place 
 against Suchet, and guarding the main line of the Alps 
 between France and Italy. Its lines of supply and retreat 
 
Ill 
 
 were the roads following the Po valley to the Italian 
 quadrilateral on the Mincio and Adige rivers. To relieve 
 the French forces in Italy, Napoleon formed the Reserve 
 Army in Switzerland about Lake Geneva and made his 
 plan to cross the Alps rapidly, and seize the line of the 
 Mincio river in the rear of the Austrians. He would thus 
 compel the Austrians to fight for their communications. 
 He succeeded in carrying out his plan and then from the 
 line of the Mincio advanced to meet the Austrian army 
 by moving on its own lines of retreat. The two armies 
 met on the plains of Marengo near Alessandria, where the 
 Austrian army was defeated, and, as a consequence, was 
 forced to evacuate Italy as far eastward as the Mincio 
 river. 
 
 In 1805 in a similar manner Napoleon captured an 
 Austrian army under Mack which had taken possession 
 of Ulm in Bavaria. He concentrated a much superior 
 force on the Rhine and Main hne of Strassburg, Mann- 
 heim, Wurzburg, and then by rapid marches moved it to 
 Augsberg, Donauwerth, and Ingolstadt in Bavaria. He 
 thus placed himself on the Austrian lines of supply and 
 retreat which followed the valley of the Danube and com- 
 pelled Mack to surrender the greater part of his army. 
 
 It is not often, however, that such a choice of lines of 
 operation is available for a commander. Ordinarily he 
 is obliged to work around the flank of the opposing army by 
 making what are practically flank marches. It was thus 
 that Grant worked his way around Lee^s right flank in 
 the campaign of 1864-1865, that the German army suc- 
 ceeded in investing Bazaine's army in Metz, and the 
 Russians, Osman Pasha in Plevna. 
 
 If not always successful in destroying the defender's 
 army, operations threatening his lines of supply and 
 retreat have the effect of compelling him to retreat and 
 
112 
 
 vacate the lines he has been occupying. It was in this 
 manner that Sherman in 1864 forced Johnston from the 
 vicinity of Dalton, Georgia, to Atlanta; that Bragg forced 
 Buell from the vicinity of Chattanooga to the Ohio 
 river; and that Bragg was forced from the line of the 
 Duck river in Tennessee to the field of Chickamauga, 
 Georgia. 
 
 XX. ^^ Maneuver to engage fractions of the hostile army 
 with the hulk of your own forces." 
 
 The second maxim is apphcable only when the enemy 
 divides his force so as to operate on double or multiple 
 lines; it also requires an offensive army which is exceed- 
 ingly mobile as compared with that of the adversary. 
 The army of Napoleon in his earlier campaigns and that 
 of Frederick the Great fulfilled these conditions. When 
 the strength of armies is expressed in hundreds of thou- 
 sands, such mobility is no longer possible. The difficulty 
 of supplying, camping and marching large masses is too 
 great to admit of their being kept in a concentrated for- 
 mation for any length of time. The plan of the Austrians 
 in 1866 was to prevent the union of the Prussian First 
 and Third armies moving from Saxony, with the Second 
 moving from Silesia, and to defeat them in detail; they 
 were unable to compass it on account of the difficulty of 
 operating quickly with an army of 260,000 men. 
 
 The plan of General Kuropatkin in the Russo-Japanese 
 war was to operate from his central position of Liaoyang 
 and prevent the union of the army of Kuroki with the 
 combined armies of Oku and Nodzu; he was unable to 
 accomphsh it because of the lack, of mobility in the 
 Russian army 
 
 As previously stated, the Tannenherg campaign by 
 Hindenberg in East Prussia in 1914 was a successful cam- 
 paign carried out on these lines. 
 
113 
 
 The following extracts are from the writings of Field 
 Marshal von Moltke between 1866 and 1870. 
 
 XXI. "Simple maneuvers consistently carried out are 
 the most certain to attain their end^ 
 
 "To grasp with ready tact the ever-changing situation, 
 and to execute the simplest and most natural course of 
 action with firmness and circumspection, is what counts 
 in war. In this manner war becomes an art, one which is 
 served by many sciences. These sciences will by no means 
 make a mihtary leader, but his deficiency in them must be 
 supplied by the proficiency of other men. 
 
 *'A too great concentration of troops is a serious error. 
 The concentrated army is difficult to supply, and cannot 
 be placed under cover; it can march and maneuver only 
 with difficulty, cannot exist for prolonged periods of time, 
 and is suitable only for battle. It is therefore a mistake 
 to concentrate the army for any but a very definite pur- 
 pose, and that purpose, to control the combined strength 
 of the army for decisive battle. For this battle one can 
 never he too strong, and therefore the very last battalion must 
 he brought on the battle-field. 
 
 "In moving forward, however, to attack the enemy, an 
 army must not move on a single road or on a few roads in a 
 concentrated formation. To preserve the separation of 
 the columns as long as possible, and to concentrate at the 
 right moment for decisive battle, is the great problem in 
 conducting war with large armies. 
 
 *'No calculation of space and time can guarantee 
 results, where accidents, mistakes, and illusions form 
 factors of the problem. Uncertainty and danger of mis- 
 carriage of combinations attend every step to the objec- 
 tive, and only when Fate is not wholly unfavorable can 
 the goal be reached; in war everything is uncertain, noth- 
 ing certain, and only with difficulty can great results be 
 attained in any other way than by following the principles 
 above described. 
 
 "The character of modern warfare is marked by a striv- 
 ing for a more rapid decision by force. The strength of 
 armies, the difficulty of supply, the expense of a state of 
 
114 
 
 war, the interference with trade, manufacture and agri- 
 culture, the complete organization of armies and their 
 ready mobilization, all press for a rapid ending of the war. 
 Minor combats have therefore little effect except to pave 
 the way and make possible the great decisive battles. 
 The most powerful force in war is victory in decisive 
 battle. Victory alone breaks the will of the enemy and 
 compels him to submit himself to our will. Neither the 
 occupation of a stretch of territory nor the capture of a 
 fortified place, but only the destruction of his armed force 
 is as a ride decisive. This therefore is the most important 
 objective in war." 
 
 The following extracts were written by him after the 
 Franco-German war: 
 
 ''National poUcy makes use of war to attain its ends; its 
 influence is especially great at the beginning and at the 
 end of the war, but at any time during the progress of a 
 war it may step in to increase or decrease the demands 
 made upon the opposing belligerent state. Because of 
 this uncertainty, strategy must always aim at the highest 
 results which the means provided make possible. Strategy 
 should work hand in hand with national policy for the aims 
 of the latter, but otherwise should be entirely independent. 
 
 ''The first military task of strategy is the preparation of 
 war power and the first concentration of the army. In 
 these operations many varied political and geographic 
 questions must be considered. An error in the primary 
 concentration of the army can hardly be corrected during 
 the progress of a campaign. But these matters, the prep- 
 aration of the troops for war and the organization of 
 the transport systems, can be considered long before the 
 outbreak of war and should be conamensurate with the 
 object of the military preparation." 
 
 In the campaign of 1914, as a result of the error in their 
 primary concentration, the French armies were obHged to 
 fall back from the Meuse to the Marne. 
 
 "The next task of strategy, the practical employment of 
 the means provided in military operations, is a different 
 
115 
 
 problem. Here our will soon meets with the independent 
 will of the enemy. We can limit the free exercise of his 
 will, if we are ready for and are resolved to take the offen- 
 sive, but we can conquer his will only through the use of 
 tactics, by means of battle. 
 
 ''The material and moral consequences of each great 
 battle are so far reaching, that ordinarily an entirely 
 modified situation results from it — a new basis for new 
 measures. No plan of operations reaches with any 
 certainty beyond the first engagement with the principal 
 force of the enemy. Only a layman would expect to see 
 in the execution of a campaign the consistent carrying 
 out of a primary idea, entertained in advance, carefully 
 considered in all its details, and steadily pursued to the 
 end. Of course, the commander keeps his main objec- 
 tive constantly in view, and steadily pursues it through all 
 the varying circumstances of the campaign, but the path 
 by which he hopes to attain the objective cannot be clearly 
 seen far in advance. He is, in the course of a campaign, 
 compelled to make many decisions because of situations 
 which could not be foreseen. It is necessary in many 
 instances to penetrate the fog of uncertainty surround- 
 ing the commander-in-chief, to rightly estimate the 
 known facts, guess at the unknown, make a prompt 
 resolution, and carry it out with force and without hesi- 
 tation. 
 
 " In calculating with a known and an unknown quantity, 
 our own and the enemy's will, other factors interfere which 
 cannot be foreseen; weather, sickness, railway accidents, 
 misunderstandings, illusions, in short all the influences 
 which may be called chance, fate or Providence, but 
 which either shape or control man's destiny. 
 
 ''And yet notwithstanding all this, the conduct of the 
 war has not become mere chance. The theory of proba- 
 bilities will show that all these casualties as often injure or 
 profit the one side as the other, and that the commander 
 who in every instance makes, if not the best, at least a 
 sensible decision, has always a prospect of reaching his 
 objective. It is evident that theoretical knowledge will 
 not suffice, but the attributes of mind as well as the char- 
 acter must be given free scope, restrained of course by 
 
116 
 
 military education and guided by experience either derived 
 from history or from hfe itself." 
 
 General Remarks. — The principles of strategy are 
 simple and are easily comprehended by any student of the 
 art of war; the execution of these principles under the con- 
 ditions and with the means employed in war are exceed- 
 ingly difficult and require an educated and experienced 
 commander of a strong character. 
 
 To say that a bridge should be strong enough to safely 
 carry the greatest load to which it is liable to be subjected, 
 is the statement of an axiom. To design, construct, and 
 erect such a bridge under all the var3dng conditions of 
 site is no easy task even if the engineer has been well 
 instructed in the principles of physics, and in the art of 
 designing, has had extended mechanical experience in 
 erection, and has the use of well-equipped workshops and a 
 skilled force of workmen. It he is compelled to utilize 
 inferior materials, tools, or workmen, the structure when 
 completed may fail to fulfill the simple condition above 
 stated. 
 
 The theory and practice of the art of war are subject to 
 similar conditions. To say that the commander should 
 concentrate all of his available forces on the day of decisive 
 battle, is also a statement of a self-evident fact, yet it has 
 been emphasized as a principle of strategy by Napoleon, 
 Moltke, and many other military leaders and writers. 
 The difficulty, however, does not lie in understanding this 
 principle, but in its execution. In Moltke's writings 
 given above, he points out some of the difficulties met with 
 in concentrating, at the proper moment, a large army for 
 decisive battle. The most highly educated and experi- 
 enced commander would find it a difficult operation with 
 a large command even were the forces well organized, 
 trained and equipped. In the actual operations of war, 
 
117 
 
 the practical execution of this principle may be rendered 
 still more difficult by the ignorance, inexperience, or want 
 of moral force in some of his principal subordinates, by 
 the lack of proper organization and training of his troops, 
 by unfavorable conditions in the topography and in the 
 weather. It is easy to conceive a combination of cir- 
 cumstances which would baffle the most experienced com- 
 mander. ■ Napoleon lost the battle of Waterloo because 
 he failed to concentrate his whole force on the battle-field 
 on the day of battle. For nearly a century military writers 
 have been discussing this event and endeavoring to fix the 
 responsibility for it. No definite satisfactory conclusion 
 has ever been reached by anyone, and it can only be said 
 that on this occasion the force of circumstances was too 
 difficult to be overcome by the greatest commander in 
 history. His own health and mental condition, the errors 
 of his generals, the rawness of his troops and their lack of 
 thorough training, the topography of the country and of 
 the battle-field, and even the weather contributed to 
 his defeat. 
 
 What has been said of this one principle applies equally 
 well to the others. They are only statements of nearly 
 self-evident truths; as has been shown by historical exam- 
 ples, they cannot be violated with indifference, and they 
 can only be carried out with difficulty. Clausewitz* 
 says on this point: 
 
 * Clausewitz, General Carl von (1780-1831). Entered the Prus- 
 sian Army in 1792 and served in the campaigns of 1793-4 on the 
 Rhine. From 1801-1803 in the Mihtary School at Berlin. In the 
 campaign of 1806, aid-de-camp of Prince Augustus of Prussia, 
 wounded and taken to France as a military prisoner. On his return, 
 on the staff of General Scharnhorst and military instructor of the 
 heir apparent. In 1812, in the Russian Service aid-de-camp in 
 Prince Wittgenstein's Army. In 1813, Russian officer at General 
 Blucher's headquarters. In 1814, Chief of Staff of a Russo-German 
 
118 
 
 ''In strategy everything is very simple, but not on that 
 account very easy. Once it is determined from the rela- 
 tions of the state, what should or may be done by war, then 
 the way to it is easy to find. To follow that way, however, 
 in a straightforward manner, to carry out the plan without 
 being obliged to deviate from it a thousand times by a 
 thousand varying influences requires besides great strength 
 of character, great steadiness of mind; out of a thousand 
 who are remarkable, some for penetration, some for 
 intellect, some for boldness and strength of character, 
 perhaps not one will combine in himself all those qualities 
 which are required to raise a man above mediocrity in 
 the career of the general in command. 
 
 ''It may seem strange, but those who know will admit it 
 is a fact beyond dispute that much more strength of will is 
 required to make an important decision in strategy than 
 in tactics. In the latter we are hurried on with the move- 
 ment; a commander feels himself borne along by a strong 
 current against which he dares not contend without the 
 utmost destructive consequences, he suppresses the rising 
 fears and boldly ventures further. In strategy, where all 
 goes at a slower rate, there is more time allowed for our 
 own apprehensions and for those of others, for objections, 
 remonstrances and misgivings. Since we do not actually 
 see things in strategy as we do at least half of them in 
 tactics with the living eye, but everything must be con- 
 jectured and assumed, it is difficult to form strong con- 
 victions as a basis for strategic action. The consequence 
 is that most generals when they should act remain stuck 
 fast in bewildering doubts." 
 
 For the solution of the manner in which strategic opera- 
 tions should be executed, we must look largely to tactics, 
 
 Army Corps. In 1815, Chief of Staff of Thielman's Corps at Water- 
 loo. In 1818, Major General and Director of the Military School 
 at Berlin. In 1830, Inspector of Artillery at Breslau and Chief of 
 Staff of Army of Observation on Polish Frontier. His treatise on 
 "War" in three volumes is considered in Germany the standard 
 work on the subject, and is often quoted in the writings of Field- 
 Marshal Von Moltke. 
 
119 
 
 particularly to the tactics of an army on the march and in 
 bivouac or camp. Here are developed the details which 
 are essential to make a piece on the strategic chess-board 
 an effective element in the game. Strategy and tactics 
 are largely dependent on each other. The most that 
 strategy alone can effect is to compel the enemy to evacu- 
 ate a strong position or a portion of the theater of opera- 
 tions. Either operation may be rendered valueless if the 
 first succeeding battle is won by the enemy. Tactics 
 alone can only win battles; if no strategic advantage 
 follows, the fruits of victory may extend no further than 
 the battle-field while the actual losses may exceed those 
 of the enemy. It is only when the battles are won in 
 carrying out a correct strategic plan that results are 
 obtained by victory, important enough to offset the losses 
 incurred. 
 
 In the opening operations of the Franco-German war 
 the First and Second German armies operated against 
 the French Army of Metz; four successive battles were 
 fought between the two belligerents, all of which were 
 German victories. The first was Spicheren, in which the 
 German losses were 4870 men, and the French 4080; 
 its strategic effect was to open the road for the German 
 advance. The second was Borny or Columbey-Nouilly; the 
 German losses were 4910, the French 4190. It effected 
 the strategic object of delaying the retreat of the French 
 army. The third was Mars-la-Tour; the German losses 
 were 15,800, and the French 16,930. It effected the stra- 
 tegic object of cutting off the retreat of the French army 
 under Marshal Bazaine towards Chalons, to effect a 
 junction with that of Marshal MacMahon. The fourth 
 was Gravelotte-St. Privat, in which the German losses were 
 20,130, the French 12,270. It forced the French army to 
 retreat into Metz, where it was invested and finally cap- 
 
120 
 
 tured. In these four battles the German losses exceeded 
 those of the French by about 8000 men; the success of 
 -the strategic plan was, however, worth a much greater loss, 
 as it led eventually to the destruction of the entire French 
 army of nearly 175,000 men. Tactics may therefore be 
 regarded as the powerful ally of strategy which, in the 
 offensive, crushes the resistance that an enemy may oppose 
 to the execution of a strategic plan, and which in the 
 defensive, interposes its power, to defeat his strategic 
 operations. 
 
 Strategic operations are characterized by the great 
 diversity of the plans and movements by which the same 
 object has been accomplished in different campaigns. 
 Operations for the purpose of turning the flank of an enemy 
 and threatening his line of retreat have been repeated 
 numberless times and yet no two commanders have had 
 exactly the same problem to solve in two different cam- 
 paigns. The differences in the composition of the oppos- 
 ing armies, in the topographical features and in the lines 
 of communication of the theater of operations, compel each 
 commander to solve this problem in a special way in every 
 new campaign. Strategy can therefore teach onl}^ general 
 principles; the application of these principles to each 
 specific case is the field of military talent and genius. 
 
CHAPTER V 
 THE OFFENSIVE AND DEFENSIVE STRATEGY 
 
 The Offensive. — The offensive in strategy is usually 
 resorted to by a commander because at the moment he has 
 confidence in the superiority of his army in numbers, 
 organization, or morale. The offensive in strategy does 
 not necessarily imply either the offensive in war or in 
 tactics, although as a rule the three go together. The 
 Revolutionary war was a defensive war on the part of the 
 colonies, which were simply resisting the power of the 
 British Government to maintain its armies and enforce 
 its will in the colonial territories. The Yorktown cam- 
 paign, which terminated that war, however, was an offen- 
 sive campaign on the part of Washington, who reUed on 
 the power of the aUied Colonial and French armies to 
 destroy the army of Cornwallis wherever it could be 
 found. The Virginia campaign of 1864-1865 was an 
 offensive one on the part of Grant, yet in its first battle, 
 the Wilderness, he was compelled to defend himself from 
 the attacks made by Lee. 
 
 Advantages and Disadvantages of the Offensive in 
 Strategy. — The advantages resulting from the offensive 
 are: the morale of the army is improved, mobility of 
 movement is secured, surprise is made possible, and the 
 operations may be planned in advance. The confidence 
 which the commander has in himself and his army, implied 
 by his assuming the offensive, is communicated to his 
 troops and improves the morale of the army. The soldier 
 in ranks knows little more about the military movements 
 
 121 
 
122 
 
 of the army than the direction of march. If this is in the 
 direction of the enemy or forward, he associates the move- 
 ment with the defeat of the enemy, and is correspondingly 
 elated ; if the movement is to the rear, he believes his own 
 army has met with defeat and is correspondingly depressed. 
 Only after a commander has proved himself a successful 
 general in the field, will soldiers follow him with the same 
 implicit confidence in a retrograde as in a forward move- 
 ment. This improvement in the morale of the army 
 reacts on its commander and gives him more confidence 
 in his own judgment and plans. The army and its com- 
 mander are further strengthened by the approval of public 
 opinion and the press of the country, who naturally urge 
 on and approve every offensive operation. 
 
 The commander acting on the offensive makes the plan 
 of campaign; this gives him the opportunity of calmly 
 weighing the advantages of the various theaters, lines of 
 operation and other strategic elements which may be 
 utilized to reach his objective, and enables him to select 
 the plan which offers the greatest advantages to himself or 
 the least to his adversary. It is undoubtedly a great 
 advantage to have a definite plan to work on, even if this 
 plan is frequently modified by changes in the military 
 situation. In 1864 Grant, having once decided to operate 
 around Lee^s right flank as long as the latter remained in 
 front of Richmond, was never in doubt as to what he 
 should do next. From the Rapidan to the Wilderness, 
 from the Wilderness to Spottsylvania, from Spottsylvania 
 to North Anna, from North Anna to Cold Harbor, from 
 Cold Harbor to Petersburg, and from Petersburg to Appo- 
 mattox were only so many stages in the movement origi- 
 nally planned. If the means are sufficient to carry on a 
 rapid and progressive offensive campaign, the power of 
 initiative may remain with the attacking army through- 
 
123 
 
 out the campaign and give it a decided advantage. This 
 was notably the case in the operations of the German 
 army against the French in 1870, in the operations of the 
 Japanese anny in Manchuria in 1904-1905, and in many 
 of Napoleon's campaigns. 
 
 An army on the offensive has greater mobility than 
 an army on the defensive, since the latter is at the begin- 
 ning of a campaign tied down to the defense of some 
 special position or hne, while the army on the offensive 
 can operate in any direction. This advantage enables 
 the invader to surprise the defender by rapid and unex- 
 pected movements which are difficult to meet. Such 
 movements usually open every campaign as may be seen 
 from an examination of any of the campaigns of our own or 
 foreign wars. The advantages gained by initial surprise 
 may be decisive as to the force attacked, as in Grant's 
 Donelson campaign, in Napoleon's campaigns of 1800, 
 1805 and 1806, and in Roberts' campaign against the 
 Boer Army of General Cronje. 
 
 The principal disadvantage of the offensive in campaign 
 lies in the rapid reduction of the number of troops at the 
 army front due to the wearing out of the men and to the 
 detachments left behind to guard the communications; 
 yet it is the troops at the front on whom the commander 
 must rely for the tactical success that decides the cam- 
 paign. This reduction is largely influenced by the char- 
 acter of the troops, the condition of the roads and the 
 weather, the character and length of the fines of com- 
 munication, and the hostility of the country through 
 which the army moves. The reduction of Napoleon's 
 army in its march to Moscow has been given ; the Russians 
 in their advance on Constantinople in 1877-78 fared no 
 better. They crossed the Danube river with about 450,- 
 000 men and reached Constantinople with only about 
 
124 
 
 100,000; of these less than 50,000 were effective troops. 
 These campaigns were conducted without the aid of rail- 
 ways over difficult theaters of operations. 
 
 The reduction is less if railways form the lines of com- 
 munication. When Sherman reached Atlanta, the depart- 
 ments of the Cumberland, Tennessee, and Ohio, which 
 formed his territorial division, contained 197,000 effective 
 men present for duty; his effective force at Atlanta, how- 
 ever, he states numbered 82,000 men. He considered 
 this force too weak to extend the hnes of communications 
 any further, and he therefore abandoned his communica- 
 tions and lived on the country in his march from Atlanta 
 to Savannah, where he opened a new base and a new line 
 of operations for his Carolina campaign. 
 
 The battle of the Marne, 1914, was lost by the Germans 
 through the weakening of the German armies by the 
 detachments left behind to occupy Belgium and northern 
 France and to invest the fortified places. 
 
 Another disadvantage of the offensive is that each 
 advance of the army brings it into a country whose topo- 
 graphical and military conditions may be more or less 
 unknown. The commander is constantly called upon to 
 plan strategic and tactical operations upon topographical 
 and military data much of which is derived from incorrect 
 maps, from fragmentary reports of scouts, and from 
 the inhabitants of the country, who may purposely or 
 through ignorance give false information. Under these 
 circumstances, the best planned operations are liable to 
 miscarry. 
 
 This was one of the difficulties encountered by the 
 Northern armies in the civil war, and the British armies 
 in South Africa. Neither country had been accurately 
 mapped, and it was difficult not only to plan marches, 
 but also to determine where the enemy would probably 
 
 A 
 
125 
 
 make his defense. When McClellan planned his Penin- 
 sula campaign, he made use of a map which showed no 
 natural line of defense between Fortress Monroe and 
 Richmond. He knew there were batteries commanding 
 the river at Yorktown, but he assumed that this place 
 could be easily invested on the land side. He was there- 
 fore much surprised on April 5, 1862, when he learned 
 from his corps commanders that the advance of the army 
 was stopped by an unfordable stream commanded by 
 Confederate batteries. It was the Warwick river, whose 
 direction had been incorrectly shown on the map. In 
 front of this river McClellan's army was delayed for nearly 
 a month. 
 
 Passage of Rivers. — A wide, unfordable river, which 
 intersects the line of operations of an army, is always a 
 matter of serious consideration to the commander, espec- 
 cially if the hostile army is in the vicinity. If he crosses 
 the river on permanent bridges, these become narrow 
 defiles on his hnes of communication not easily traversed 
 if compelled to retreat; if he crosses on mihtary bridges 
 he exposes himself to the additional danger of having the 
 bridges swept away or rendered useless by an unexpected 
 flood. Even if the defender does not dispute the passage, 
 it is unsafe for the invader to cross over and bivouac on 
 the other side, so long as the defender occupies a strong 
 position within striking distance of the point of crossing. 
 The invader is safe only when he has moved far enough 
 away from the river to have absolute freedom of move- 
 ment, or occupies a position on the defender's flank and is 
 prepared for a flank attack. The advantages which a 
 river offers as a line of defense, and the number of such 
 rivers in nearly every theater of operations, makes the 
 passage of rivers one of the most common of offensive 
 strategic maneuvers. 
 
126 
 
 Unless the defender's army is demoralized by defeat or 
 the offensive army is greatly superior in numerical 
 strength, a commander will not ordinarily force a passage 
 in the immediate front of the enemy. A field of battle 
 between an intrenched enemy and an unfordable river 
 offers no advantages and many serious defects. 
 
 The Union army at Fredericksburg and the British forces 
 on the Tugela and Modder suffered defeat in operating 
 between a river and an intrenched army numerically 
 weaker. If the defending force receives strong reinforce- 
 ments during the battle so that its commander feels 
 strong enough to assume the offensive, the assailant's 
 army is in danger of practical annihilation; such was the 
 fate of the Russian army at Friedland in 1807. The 
 passage of a river in the immediate presence of the enemy 
 in force is advisable only when he is demoraUzed by defeat, 
 as the crossing of the Adda at Lodi by Napoleon in 1796, or 
 when the defender attempts to cover too many points of 
 crossing and thus distributes his army over a great length 
 of river. The assailant may then find it advisable or 
 even necessary to force a crossing at one of the points, 
 by the employment of great numerical superiority. The 
 advantage which the assailant gains by having a con- 
 centrated force on the enemy's side to operate against his 
 scattered detachments, would warrant the forcing of the 
 crossing even at a considerable loss. 
 
 The more common method is to effect the passage by 
 surprise or by stratagem. A crossing by surprise is 
 effected without a previous demonstration; a passage by 
 stratagem is effected by threatening a passage at some 
 other point than that selected for the real one. The 
 former requires no division of the offensive army, the latter 
 requires such division. The success of both movements 
 depends upon the secrecy and celerity of the movement. 
 
127 
 
 The crossing of the Rapidan by the Army of the Poto- 
 mac under General Meade in 1864 was effected by sur- 
 prise at Germanna and Ely fords on the Rapidan river, a 
 short distance below the encampments of the Confederate 
 army, which were around Orange Court House south of 
 the Rapidan river. 
 
 ''On the 2d of May the order for the movement of the 
 Army of the Potomac was issued. 
 
 ''The movement began promptly at midnight of the 
 3d, Major-General Sheridan, with two of his cavalry 
 divisions, leading the two infantry columns, one of his 
 divisions, Torbert's, being left to cover the rear of the 
 army. A canvas and a wooden pontoon bridge were 
 laid at Germanna ford, the same at Ely ford, and a wooden 
 pontoon bridge at Culpeper Mine ford, five bridges in all, 
 the river being about two hundred feet wide. 
 
 "The II corps, preceded by Gregg's cavalry division, 
 crossed at Ely ford, and moved to Chancellorsville, 
 followed by the reserve artillery. The V corps, preceded 
 by Wilson's cavalry division, and followed by the VI corps 
 crossed at Germanna ford, and moved to Wilderness Tavern 
 at the intersection of the Germanna plank road, by the 
 Orange Court House and Fredericksburg pike. The head 
 of the VI corps halted three miles from Germanna ford, 
 the rear at the ford. 
 
 "The trains, except those known as the fighting trains 
 which accompanied the troops, crossed at Culpeper Mine 
 ford and Ely ford. They were covered by the cavalry, 
 and had an infantry guard of 1200 men from each of the 
 infantry corps. 
 
 "Gregg's cavalry moved to the vicinity of Piney Branch 
 Church, throwing out reconnoissances (to the east and 
 south) on the Pamunkey road and towards Spottsylvania 
 Court House, Fredericksburg and Hamilton's Crossing. 
 Wilson's cavalry moved to Parker's store, on the Freder- 
 icksburg and Orange Court House plank road, throwing 
 out reconnoissances to the right (or west) on the Orange 
 pike and plank roads, and on the Catharpin and Pamun- 
 key roads. 
 
128 
 
 ''The head of the II corps arrived at Chancellorsville 
 at 10 A. M. on the 4th, and the whole corps, with the 
 trains moving with the troops, was at the halting place 
 designated about one o'clock. The whole of the V corps 
 was up to its position by two o'clock. Each of these 
 corps had marched more than twenty miles, and both 
 had assisted in laying the wooden pontoon bridges at 
 their crossings of the Rapidan, and had improved the 
 roads leading up the steep river banks. The VI corps 
 had marched more than sixteen miles, but following the V 
 corps was later in getting to its halting ground for the 
 night. 
 
 ''The canvas bridges were taken up on the 4th, and 
 joined the corps to which they belonged. The wooden 
 bridges were left for the trains of the IX corps." 
 
 Respecting this operation Grant says: 
 
 "This I regarded as a great success, as it removed from 
 my mind the most serious apprehensions I had entertained, 
 that of crossing the river in the face of an active, large, 
 well-appointed, and ably commanded army." — Hum- 
 phreys.* 
 
 The passage of the river was not disputed, as the fords 
 were watched only by small cavalry pickets. 
 
 The crossing of the Rapidan river at the same points 
 was effected by stratagem by the Army of the Potomac 
 under Hooker in 1863. 
 
 "When the campaign of Chancellorsville commenced, 
 the Army of the Potomac was posted on the left bank of 
 the Rappahannock, opposite Fredericksburg, among the 
 Stafford Hills. At the period referred to, Hooker had 
 under him a force of about 124,500 men of all arms, 11,500 
 of which were cavalry. On the opposite side of the river, 
 the Army af Northern Virginia, under Lee, numbered, 
 according to their official reports, about 62,000 men, 3000 
 
 * The Virginia campaign of '64 and '65.— Andrew A. Humphreys, 
 Chief of Staff of the Army of the Potomac, Commander of lid 
 Army Corps, Chief of Engineers U. S. Army, Brevet Major-General 
 U. S. Army. 
 
129 
 
 of whom were cavalry; but the difference was amply 
 compensated by the wide river in front of the enemy, and 
 the fact that every available point and f oi"d was well forti- 
 fied and guarded. 
 
 '' Hooker's plan of campaign was simple, efficacious, 
 and should have been successful. The rebels occupied a 
 long line and could not be strong everywhere. He resolved 
 to make a pretense of crossing with three corps, under 
 Sedgwick, below Fredericksburg, while the remaining 
 four corps under Slocum made a detour and crossed the 
 Rappahannock, twenty-seven miles above, at Kelly 
 ford. The latter were then to march down the river 
 against the left flank of the rebel army and re-open Banks 
 ford a few miles above Fredericksburg; thus re-uniting the 
 two wings of the army and giving a secure line of retreat 
 in case of disaster. 
 
 ''When this was accomplished it was proposed to give 
 battle in the open country near the ford, the position 
 there being a commanding one and taking the whole line 
 of rebel works on the heights of Fredericksburg in reverse. 
 Owing to his great preponderance of force Hooker had 
 little reason to doubt that the result would be favorable 
 to our arms." — Douhleday.* 
 
 ''On the 27th of April the XI and XII corps were set 
 in motion for Kelly ford, twenty-five miles up the Rappa- 
 hannock, where they concentrated on the evening of the 
 28th; the V, by reason of its shorter marching distance, 
 moving on the 28th. The object of the expedition was 
 unknown to the corps commanders until communicated 
 to them, after their arrival at the ford, by the commanding 
 general in person. The XI corps crossed the Rappa- 
 hannock, followed in the morning by the XII and V corps, 
 the two former striking for the Germanna ford crossing 
 of the Rapidan, the latter for Ely ford lower down the 
 same stream. Both columns, successfully effecting cross- 
 ings with httle opposition from the enemy's pickets, 
 arriving that evening, April 30, at the point of concen- 
 tration, Chancellors ville. 
 
 * Chancellorsville and Gettysburg. — Abner Doubleday, Brevet 
 Major General IT. S. i\j'my. 
 
130 
 
 "In order to confound Lee, orders were issued to 
 assemble the VI, III, and I corps under Sedgwick, some 
 three miles below Fredericksburg on the left, before day- 
 Ught on the morning of the 29th, and throw two bridges 
 across and hold them. This was done under a severe 
 fire of sharpshooters. 
 
 *Two divisions of the II corps marched on the 28th for 
 Banks ford on the Rappahannock, four miles to the right; 
 the other division. Gibbon's, occupying Falmouth, near 
 the river bank, was directed to remain in its tents, as they 
 were in full view of the enemy, who would readily observe 
 their withdrawal. 
 
 ''On the 29th the two divisions of the II corps reached 
 United States ford on the Rappahannock, ten miles from 
 Fredericksburg and opposite Chancellorsville ; it was 
 held by the enemy in force, but the advance of the right 
 wing down the river uncovered it, whereupon a bridge of 
 pontoons was thrown across and the corps reached Chan- 
 cellorsville, where the commanding general arrived the 
 same evening, establishing his headquarters at Chan- 
 cellor House, which with the adjacent grounds is Chan- 
 cellorsville. The III corps joined on the morning of May 
 1. During the 29th and 30th the enemy lay at Fredericks- 
 burg observing Sedgwick's demonstrations on the left, 
 entirely unconscious of Hooker's successful crossing of the 
 right wing until midday of the later date." — Couch* 
 
 The point of concentration was in a thick woods and too 
 near the river. Had the corps been pushed at once into 
 the open country beyond the woods, the movement would 
 have been entirely successful. As it was, the army was 
 attacked in its cramped position on the evening of May 
 2 and again on May 3, and suffered a tactical defeat which 
 led to its withdrawal to the north bank of the Rappahan- 
 nock. 
 
 If the main river is parallel to the line of operations of 
 the invader, and the defender takes up a position in rear 
 
 * Battles and Leaders of Civil War, Vol. III. The Chancellors- 
 ville Campaign. — Darius N. Couch, Major-General U. S. Volunteers. 
 
131 
 
 of one of its perpendicular tributaries, he will probably 
 rely on the main river to protect his flank. In this sit- 
 uation the invader has the choice of two operations : he 
 may either threaten a front attack and thus cover a move- 
 ment to cross the main river in the defender's rear, or he 
 may threaten to cross the main river in the defender's 
 rear and after the latter has weakened his front, force a 
 crossing there. The former method was employed by 
 Napoleon against the Austrians who were defending the 
 Ticino river in 1796; the latter was employed by the 
 Austrians under Radetsky in 1849 against the Sardinians, 
 who were also guarding the Ticino. He threatened to 
 cross the Po above the junction, and when they had 
 weakened their front forced a crossing at Pavia. 
 
 Passage of Mountain Ranges. — The passage of a moun- 
 tain range is a more difficult operation than the passage of 
 a river, since with a pontoon train an army can cross a river 
 at any point, while the mountain range can be crossed 
 only at the passes. The actual operation of laying a 
 pontoon bridge and crossing a river with a large force is a 
 matter of hours, while an army may be days in traversing 
 the passes of a mountain range. An army which de-. 
 bouches from a mountain range also has difficult defiles in 
 its rear, and if these are in a hostile country, its retreat 
 after defeat is certain to be attained by heavy loss. It is 
 fortunate for the army that must cross a range of moun- 
 tains, that the defense of the range is attended by difficul- 
 ties which makes the success of such an offensive operation 
 more probable than the topographical features would 
 seem to indicate. The method of effecting a passage 
 through a range of mountains is similar to that of crossing 
 a river. If the enemy is retreating and is dispirited, the 
 assailant may follow on the heels of the retreating force as 
 Napoleon followed the Archduke Charles through the 
 
132 
 
 eastern Alps in 1797, from Italy to the vicinity of Vienna. 
 Weak detachments may be brushed aside as Suwaroff 
 brushed aside those of the French who were guarding the 
 Saint Gothard pass in 1799. 
 
 The passage may be effected by surprise. Napoleon 
 thus crossed the Alps in 1800 and the Crown Prince of 
 Prussia the Giant mountains between Silesia and Bohemia 
 in 1866, before the Austrian forces were prepared to dis- 
 pute the operation. 
 
 The passage may be effected by stratagem. When the 
 Russian armies crossed the Danube near Sistova in the war 
 of 1877-78, a strong advance guard of about 12,000 men 
 under Gourko was pushed at once to the front to seize the 
 passes in the Balkans. The principal of these passes was 
 Shipka pass held by 4000 to 5000 men. Having learned 
 that there were other passes to the east not held in force, 
 Gourko decided to leave one regiment at the northern 
 end to watch the pass until relieved by the other troops, 
 and with the remainder to cross the mountains by one of 
 the minor passes and attack Shipka pass in rear, while the 
 other forces attacked it in front. Through unexpected 
 delays on the march, Gourko did not arrive in position on 
 the day set for the attack, consequently the Turks were 
 attacked on successive days from the north and south. 
 Although they repulsed both attacks, they were so demor- 
 alized by seeing their retreat cut off that the Turkish 
 force evacuated the position and scattered through the 
 mountains. After the fall of Plevna, in the dead of winter, 
 Gourko also opened the Orkhanie pass, by demonstrating 
 against the front and at the same time turning the flajik 
 of each defensive position intrenched by the Turks. 
 
 Diversions. — Diversions or detachments made from 
 an army to effect minor results are of little use in offensive 
 operations. The necessary detachments for the defense 
 
133 
 
 of the communications, and for the masking or reduction 
 of fortified places left in rear or on the flanks of the advanc- 
 ing army, reduce its strength to such an extent that fur- 
 ther subdivision is inadvisable. The principal army of 
 the defense being the main objective of the attacking 
 army the whole effort should be directed to its destruction. 
 If the defender resorts to diversions it may be occasionally 
 necessary to meet them, but as a rule it is better then to 
 press the main attack while he is weakened by his detach- 
 ments. 
 
 Maritime Expeditions. — The special difficulties which 
 must be overcome in maritime expeditions are the trans- 
 port of the army to its theater of operations, the capture 
 and intrenchment of a secondary base, the operation from 
 a narrow base, and the protection of the maritime line of 
 communications. These expeditions require the com- 
 bined action of the land and sea forces of a nation. This 
 introduces another difficulty, as the two services have no 
 common head well versed in the art of war of both services, 
 and do not always work in harmony. To convey the army 
 safely to its new theater of operations and to protect the 
 ocean lines of communications is the function of the navy, 
 which also cooperates in the capture of the secondary 
 base. These matters may be dismissed here with the 
 observation that a maritime expedition over ocean lines 
 of any considerable length is a hazardous operation unless 
 the state assuming the offensive is vastly superior in sea- 
 power. The British navy, the best in the world at that 
 time, was unable to secure the retreat and prevent the 
 surrender of Cornwallis at Yorktown; and Napoleon, who 
 was the most able mihtary commander in history, never 
 felt quite strong enough to cross the English channel and 
 invade the country which gave him most trouble and 
 finally accomplished his ruin. 
 
134 
 
 If the seapower of the enemy can be practically neglected 
 as in our Mexican and civil wars, and in the Spanish- 
 American war after the naval fight at Manila and the 
 blockade of the Spanish squadron at Santiago, the stra- 
 tegic problem is limited to the capture and intrenchment 
 of the secondary base and the operations from it. 
 
 The selection of the base is a matter of considerable 
 importance, as it influences all military operations. It 
 should be capable of being easily defended, have good lines 
 of operation leading from it, be as near as possible to the 
 main territorial objective, and have all the requisites of a 
 good harbor. In our Mexican war the harbor of Vera 
 Cruz, which was the base of General Scott's operations, 
 very well fulfilled all the above conditions. In the Span- 
 ish-American war it was impossible to find a satisfactory 
 base from which to operate against Santiago. The base 
 adopted, Sihoney, had none of the requisites of a good 
 harbor, being an open roadstead with a very rocky shelv- 
 ing coast and great depth of water, and connected with 
 the objective by narrow trails. However, it had the great 
 advantage of being only ten or twelve miles from San- 
 tiago. It might easily have been organized for defense, 
 had its protection by intrenchments been thought neces- 
 sary by the commander of the American land forces. In 
 the Philhpine Islands the naval harbor at Cavite, sl few miles 
 from Manila, was the base of operations against that 
 place. 
 
 It is almost impossible for the defender to prevent the 
 invader from making a landing upon some point of an 
 extended coast line, since the invader has the advantage 
 of surprise and it is impossible for the defender to occupy 
 with a strong force every point along the coast. During 
 the civil war the Union troops, assisted by the navy, had 
 no great difficulty in landing at Hatteras, at Port Royal 
 
135 
 
 and at New Orleans. To hold the landing place and to 
 advance from it, the invader must be able to concentrate 
 there a force superior to that of the enemy. The landing 
 place need not be the port designated as the final base; 
 this may be secured by subsequent land operations. 
 When the final base is secured it should be thoroughly 
 protected and supplied, so as to become a safe harbor of 
 refuge in case the army meets defeat in its strategic 
 operations. Wellington was protected by his lines of 
 Torres Vedras in Portugal when defeated in the field and 
 compelled to retreat, by the superior French army under 
 Massena in 1810. The contracted base, which is always 
 objectionable, may be increased as the operations progress 
 by the occupation of other seaports besides the one first 
 captured. 
 
 The Defensive. — The defensive in strategy is resorted 
 to by a commander because at the moment he lacks con- 
 fidence in his army or in himself. The former may be 
 due to the inferiority of his army, in numbers, organiza- 
 tion, or morale. LiKe the offensive, the defensive in 
 strategy does not necessarily imply the defensive in 
 war or in tactics, although the three do usually go to- 
 gether. 
 
 The civil war was an offensive war on the part of the 
 National Government to suppress a rebellion against its 
 authority in the Confederate states. The campaign 
 beginning after Chancellor sville and closing at Gettysburg 
 was, however, a strictly defensive campaign on the part of 
 the Army of the Potomac. The Chancellors ville and 
 Peninsula campaigns were defensive campaigns on the 
 part of the Confederates; the battle of Chancellor sville 
 and all the battles fought around Richmond in these 
 campaigns were, however, offensive battles on the part of 
 the Army of Northern Virginia. 
 
136 
 
 The Advantages and Disadvantages of the Defense.— 
 
 The advantages of the commander who undertakes a 
 defensive campaign are that he operates in his own coun- 
 try, he can make use of a smaller force, he receives assist- 
 ance from his fortified places, he undertakes a less difficult 
 task, and has a greater chance of outside assistance. The 
 advantages of operating in one's own country have already 
 been set forth in the observation made by Frederick the 
 Great. The population being friendly the informa- 
 tion derived from them is certain to be intentionally 
 truthful and may be exceedingly valuable. This attitude 
 of the people and the presumably more accurate knowledge 
 of the topography of the country makes the operations 
 of the army less liable to miscarry, for even in an unknown 
 region faithful guides can always be secured. The com- 
 mander is able to select the positions where he proposes 
 to resist invasion long in advance and to intrench them 
 by employing the civil population or his least trained 
 troops. 
 
 In the minor operations of outpost, patrolling, and ad- 
 vance guard movements, his knowledge of the country 
 gives him a great advantage and enables him to resort to 
 ambuscades and surprises. The defense requires less 
 troops than the offense because it has no long lines of 
 communications in a hostile country which, as has already 
 been shown, absorb a large fraction of the army. The 
 operations of the defender are aided by the permanent or 
 temporary fortifications which have been constructed on 
 or within the radius of influence of the principal fines of 
 invasion, which he may use as temporary bases, pivots of 
 maneuver, or simply as obstacles to delay the advance of 
 the invader. 
 
 r"" The defender also has a moral advantage in the fact 
 that he only sets for himself the task of preserving his 
 
137 
 
 fighting force or the decisive territorial objective, while 
 the invader sets for himself the task of destroying the one 
 and capturing the other. The invader must therefore 
 bring the defender to decisive battle, force the defender 
 into such a position that he can only escape by fighting a 
 decisive battle in which the chances are all against him, 
 or capture a territorial objective which will serve to im- 
 press upon the defender the hopelessness of continued 
 resistance. So long as the defender can avoid these 
 decisive conditions, he is unconquered and can still hope for 
 ultimate success. -"^ 
 
 In 1812 the Russians preserved their army by refusing 
 to fight a battle near the frontier and compelled Napoleon 
 to invade their country. When in their estimation the 
 reduction of his fighting force at the front gave them a 
 reasonable chance of success, they accepted a defensive 
 battle^/ Unsuccessful, however, in this battle of Borodino, 
 they continued their retreat and abandoned the ancient 
 capital of Moscow, which Napoleon had considered a 
 decisive objective. Napoleon was unable to invade the 
 country beyond Moscow, because of the reduction of his 
 fighting force and the exhaustion of his means of trans- 
 portation. His failure to achieve success raised a spirit 
 of insurrection in his rear and he was finally compelled to 
 begin the retreat which the combined action of the Russians 
 and the early winter rendered disastrous. 
 
 A similar disastrous campaign was that of Massena in 
 Spain and Portugal in 1810. The French army in Spain 
 numbered 400,000 men, yet he reached the lines of Torres 
 Vedras near Lisbon via Salamanca too weak to even 
 attempt their capture from Wellington's army of 35,000. 
 He was afterwards compelled to retreat on account of the 
 hostility of the inhabitants on the lines of communication 
 which rendered the supply of the army an impossibility. 
 
138 
 
 The obligation of making the first movement which the 
 invader assumes often leads him into hasty and ill-con- 
 sidered operations from which the defender is protected. 
 Thus the impatience of the public and the press led the 
 Union mihtary authorities in 1861 to undertake, against 
 their better judgment, the ill-fated campaign of Bull Run. 
 It led the French army commanders to undertake hasty 
 offensive operations in 1870, from the effects of which they 
 were unable to recover. Had the Spanish fleet not taken 
 refuge in the harbor of Santiago, it is not at all improbable 
 that another Bull Run in the vicinity of Havana might 
 have been forced on the American military authorities. 
 
 There is among the great nations of the world a strong 
 feeling averse to any considerable increase in the power 
 of any one individual state. Thi^ and the natural ten- 
 dency of civilized man to pity the weak, raise at once in 
 other nations a sympathy for the defender, which may 
 ultimately lead to active intervention. The assistance 
 rendered by France to our colonies during the Revolution, 
 the alliance against the growing power of Napoleon, the 
 intervention of the allies in the Crimean war, the inter- 
 vention of the British in the Russo-Turkish war were all 
 to prevent the military success of the stronger nation from 
 unduly increasing its power. In the war of 1914, the 
 desire to curb the military power of Germany was very 
 evident. 
 
 The disadvantage of the defensive in strategy lies in 
 the fact that the commander must assume a waiting or 
 hesitating pohcy. He rehes on defeating his adversary 
 by decisive tactical battles, by exhausting his powers by 
 skillful retreat or by taking refuge in fortified places, and 
 by invoking the aid of foreign powers. Tactical success 
 in a single battle or in a series of battles will rarely check 
 a determined antagonist, as was shown in the operations of 
 
139 
 
 the armies of the Potomac and of Northern Virginia in the 
 civil war, yet on the other hand the decisive battle of 
 Waterloo did terminate the offensive power of Napoleon 
 and the battle of Saratoga ended British invasion from 
 Canada during our Revolutionary war. 
 
 The Russian campaign of 1812, and the Peninsula 
 campaign of 1810, show how success may be attained under 
 exceptional circumstances through the exhaustion of the 
 invader. 
 
 As a rule, the defensive persistently adhered to must 
 lead to ultimate failure; it is only by the use of the defen- 
 sive for the purpose of husbanding a weaker force until an 
 opportunity comes to assume the offensive that ultimate 
 success is secured. 
 
 Defense of Rivers. — The rivers of a country that inter- 
 sect the lines of invasion are the most common barriers 
 upon which the defensive army is assembled to await and 
 dispute the advance of an invader. The defense of a 
 river may be passive or active and should be of a nature 
 to meet the three methods utilized by the invader to secure 
 a passage, by force, by surprise and by stratagem. A 
 passive defense contemplates only the strengthening of 
 the natural barrier by means of an armed force so that the 
 enemy cannot safely advance beyond it. The first step 
 in the defense is the destruction of all permanent means of 
 crossing in the shape of bridges and ferries. Strategically 
 to resist an attempt of the invader to secure the passage 
 by force, a defender need only concentrate and intrench 
 in the vicinity of the point of crossing as large a force as 
 possible. 
 
 At Fredericksburg J Virginia, where Lee successfully 
 resisted the attempt of Burnside to effect a crossing, the 
 former was enabled to concentrate his whole army at that 
 point, because of the strategic errors made by the latter. 
 
140 
 
 Burnside took command to the Army of the Potomac at 
 Warrenton, Virginia, November 9, 1862, and at once 
 made his plan to cross the Rappahannock by surprise at 
 Falmouth, opposite Fredericksburg. The plan would 
 under ordinary circumstances have been a good one, for 
 of Lee's two army corps, one was at Culpeper and the other 
 was in the Shenandoah valley. Burnside's army, however, 
 had no pontoon train or other means of crossing the river, 
 and had he investigated the fact he would have found that 
 the only available train was on the upper Potomac at or 
 near Harpers Ferry. It was impossible to have this at 
 Fredericksburg before November 27. Notwithstanding 
 this, Burnside began to concentrate his army at the 
 point of crossing on November 17, and thus exposed his 
 entire plan to his able adversary and gave him time to 
 defeat it. When Burnside finally did cross on December 
 11, his entire force of 117,000 men was not sufficient to 
 dislodge Lee's army from its intrenched position on the 
 heights overlooking the river, although that army num- 
 bered but 60,000 men. 
 
 The attempts of the British to cross the Tugela in 
 South Africa by force arose from the following circum- 
 stances. At the outbreak of the war about 25,000 Boer 
 forces operated by converging hnes on Lady smith, Natal, 
 an important town, military station and railway junction 
 on the Durban-Johannesburg railway. The British force 
 in Natal, about half the strength of the Boers, after fight- 
 ing several unimportant engagements retreated, and 
 about 7000 men under White took refuge in Ladysmith 
 and were there invested by the Boers. To protect the 
 investing force from the attacks of any reheving force 
 which might come from Durban, the Boers organized a 
 covering force and posted it along the Tugela river about 
 twelve miles south of Ladysmith. It was this covering 
 
141 
 
 force which resisted three different attempts of Duller 
 to dislodge it, so that he might relieve Ladysmith. The 
 operations involved were entirely tactical and will not be 
 considered here, the numbers alone being of strategic 
 significance. In the first attempt or battle of ColensOy 
 December 15, 1899, the covering force under Jouhert 
 numbered 12,000 men and the reheving force under 
 Buller, 19,000; in the second attempt January 10-27, ter- 
 minating in the battle of Spion Kop, the covering force 
 numbered 18,000, the relieving force 25,000; in the third 
 attempt February 4-7, known as the battle of Vaal Kranz, 
 the numbers were as before. A fourth attempt made 
 February 17-27, in which occurred the battle of Pieters 
 Hill, was finally successful. 
 
 The operations on the Kimberley line were somewhat 
 similar to the operations about Ladysmith; the covering 
 force was under Cronje and the relieving force under 
 Methuen. Cronje was at first posted at Belmont about 
 sixty miles south of Kimberley with about 3000 men, and 
 on November 23 was attacked and defeated by Methuen 
 with 6000 men. He retreated along the railway a short 
 distance to Graspan or Enslin,where he met a second defeat 
 November 24-25 and retired to the Modder river, twenty 
 miles south of Kimberley, where he hastily took up a 
 position on both banks. Both generals had been rein- 
 forced in the meantime, Cronje had a force of 8000 and 
 Methuen 8500. Methuen attacked the position on the 
 Modder on November 27 and though the battle was inde- 
 cisive, the British succeeded in getting a foot-hold on the 
 north bank. The Boers retired to a position on a ridge of 
 hills at Magersfontein nearer Kimberley. Here Cronje 
 intrenched his position, which he occupied with about 
 8000 men. Methuen attacked him on December 9 with 
 13,000 men, but was defeated and was compelled to retire 
 
142 
 
 behind the river, intrench himself and wait for reinforce- 
 ments; Croiije was now strongly reinforced, but remained 
 on the defensive until finally dislodged by Roberts' turn- 
 ing movement. 
 
 It is a much more difficult task to defend a river against 
 an attempt to effect a passage by surprise or stratagem; 
 it may be said to be impossible except under exceptionally 
 favorable conditions. The river must be very wide so 
 that it will require a considerable time to construct the 
 bridges and cross the troops; it must have good roads 
 parallel to the river but beyond view and cannon range of 
 its further bank, along which troops can be rapidly con- 
 centrated; there must also be a good position in rear to 
 which the army may retire, in case the defense fails. The 
 army may be then divided into groups of divisions or 
 army corps, each charged with the defense of a certain part 
 of the river. The group headquarters should be con- 
 nected by telegraph for rapid transmission of informa- 
 tion and orders. The groups would be encamped on the 
 parallel roads at the intersection of the cross roads, and 
 would have pickets along the river bank and patrols on 
 the further side. Further to the rear would be the strate- 
 gic reserve to reinforce the cordon or cover its retreat. 
 
 Ordinarily it is deemed better to hold the army in a 
 concentrated position in some central position to move 
 against the invader as soon as possible after he has begun 
 his crossing. The stream itself is watched by cavalry 
 patrols, who retard the enemy's movements and give 
 warning of them. Sometimes, as at Fredericksburg, this 
 enables the defender to reach the point of crossing before 
 the invader is able to complete his movement. 
 
 The active defense of a river is based on the supposition 
 that a general will ordinaril}^ think more of his communica- 
 tions than he will of his line of operations. If therefore the 
 
 1 
 
143 
 
 defender can threaten the communications of the invader, 
 the latter will temporarily at least give up his idea of 
 crossing the river. In order to carry out this scheme of 
 defense, the defender should have possession of one or 
 more permanent bridge-heads covering good bridges, by 
 means of which he can quickly transfer his force in safety 
 from one side of the river to the other. However, per- 
 manent bridgeheads are unnecessary if the defender is a 
 successful general whose movements are much to be feared. 
 It was by crossing the Rappahannock and boldly advanc- 
 ing into Maryland and Pennsylvania that Lee prevented 
 Hooker from again crossing the Rappahannock after the 
 battle of Chancellor sville. 
 
 In the third campaign made by the Austrians for the 
 relief of Mantua, Italy, Napoleon resorted to active defense 
 to relieve himself of a force which was threatening to 
 cross the Adige. The Austrian relieving army was mov- 
 ing forward in two columns, the first of 15,000 men down 
 the valley of the Adige river from Trent, and the second 
 of 28,000 men from the Piave on Verona. Napoleon's 
 covering army numbered only 33,000 men, of whom 
 10,000 were defending the Adige valley in the vicinity of 
 Trent while he himself with 18,000 was attempting to 
 retard the second Austrian column in the vicinity of 
 Vicenza; the remaining troops were held as a strategic 
 reserve. The enemy's numerical superiority was, how- 
 ever, too great for successful opposition and both wings of 
 his army had to fall back ; the first retreated to the plateau 
 of Rivoli on the upper Adige, and the second retreated to 
 the vicinity of Verona. 
 
 Unless one of the Austrian columns could be forced to 
 retire, Napoleon himself would be compelled to retreat 
 and then fight the united Austrian army. Under these 
 circumstances he strengthened Verona with his reserve. 
 
144 
 
 and with the second column he marched down the Adige 
 from Verona, crossed the river a dozen miles below, at 
 Ronco, and after a three days' fight at Arcole succeeded 
 in outflanking the second Austrian column and com- 
 pelling it to retreat. This enabled him to combine his 
 forces against the ^first Austrian column and defeat that 
 also. 
 
 When the main river of a country is parallel to the line of 
 invasion, as the Danube and Po, and only its tributaries 
 are perpendicular to it, it offers better opportunities for 
 defense than a river perpendicular to the line of invasion, 
 unless the latter is an obstacle exceptionally strong, nat- 
 urally and artificially, like the Rhine. An army posted 
 behind one of the tributaries has one flank of its position 
 protected by the main river if the bridges on this river 
 have been destroyed, and has double lines of retreat if it 
 controls a bridge over the main river in its rear. The 
 enemy is compelled to attack in front or on the unsup- 
 ported flank, in which case one or the other or both lines of 
 retreat are available. If the defender retires to the other 
 side of the main stream the invader will hardly dare to 
 advance further and leave the defender on the flank of 
 his communications. He must therefore also cross the 
 main river to bring the defender to decisive battle. The 
 defender may at once take a position on the side of the 
 main stream opposite to the line of operations of the 
 enemy, or may retreat there after first accepting battle 
 elsewhere. It will be remembered that in Moltke's plan 
 of operations for the defense of Berlin against an Austrian 
 column moving through Saxony, he proposed that the 
 defending army should, after making an effort to defend 
 the mountain passes, retire behind the Elbe and from that 
 position threaten the invader's communications. The 
 numerous campaigns in the Danube and Po valleys 
 
145 
 
 illustrate the use that may be made of such rivers in 
 attack and defense. 
 
 The failure of the defense of a river is usually due to the 
 fact that the defender puts too much faith in the strength 
 of the obstruction and either attempts to guard too long a 
 line, or entirely fails to guard some part of it. The river 
 should be regarded not as an impassable obstacle, but 
 merely as an obstruction to the invader's free movement. 
 
 Defense of Mountains. — The defense of a range of 
 mountains is made up of two distinct operations, the 
 defense of the passes and the defense of the outlets. On 
 account of the rough character of mountain ranges, their 
 innumerable ravines and chasms, cliffs and peaks, opera- 
 tions in them on a grand scale are utterly impossible. 
 The attack and the defense of the passes are therefore the 
 work of the advance guard in attack and small detach- 
 ments of the defense. The object of the detachments in 
 the passes is not to actually stop the invader, for that is 
 impossible, but to delay him. To this operation the 
 rough character of the country lends itself with great 
 effect. With the assistance of field fortification, a moun- 
 tain pass becomes the strongest possible field of operations 
 for a small defensive force, the only danger to which the 
 detachments are exposed is that of being cut off by turning 
 movements. These must be guarded against by outposts 
 and patrols connecting the principal detachments, and 
 by reserves posted at the intersections of the valleys and 
 ridges which are defended. In crossing a range of moun- 
 tains the invading army is usually divided into several 
 columns each utilizing a different pass. If the detach- 
 ments can so retard the columns that they will not debouch 
 from the range in the order planned by the invader they 
 have fulfilled all the functions that can be expected of 
 them. 
 
146 
 
 The main defense must be in the open country in rear of 
 the mountain range, and the object must be to destroy the 
 columns in detail as they debouch from the passes. This 
 requires a strong resisting force at the exit of each pass and 
 a strong central reserve to be moved to the pass where the 
 enemy first attempts to force back the retaining force. 
 The central reserve must be in communication with each 
 detaining force, and each force with its detachments in the 
 mountains. Circumstances may occur where the defend- 
 ing army may make an active defense and destroy one or 
 more of the columns in the mountains themselves. 
 
 In the first campaign of Napoleon in 1796, he was 
 guarding the Apennines and the Maritime Alps of Italy 
 against the combined Austrian and Sardinian armies. 
 These mountains, which separate the valley of the Po 
 from the Mediterranean coast, are parallel and so near to 
 the coast that in many places the Corniche road running 
 from Nice to Genoa follows the steep sides of the moun- 
 tains. At the mouths of the valleys through which small 
 streams flow from the mountains, and along the road from 
 Savona to Genoa, the mountains recede slightly from the 
 coast. 
 
 In 1796 there were four principal passes or rather roads 
 winding over the range between Nice and Genoa. From 
 Vintimiglia a road led to Coni; from Albenga a road led to 
 Ceva; from Finale and Savona roads led to Cairo on the 
 Bormida, from which place roads ran westward to 
 Millesimo and Ceva, and eastward down the Bormida 
 valley to Acqui and Alessandria; from Genoa a road led 
 to Novi and Alessandria. Napoleon had a field force of 
 about 40,000 men to hold the passes from Albenga east- 
 ward. He posted one force of 5000 in rear of the Albenga 
 or Ormea Pass, his main body of 32,000 at a central posi- 
 tion near Savona, and 3000 at Voltri on the road between 
 
147 
 
 Savona and Genoa. The roads on the crest of the moun- 
 tain were held by detachments; that on the crest of Mon- 
 tenotte opposite Savona nmnbered 1200 men and was 
 protected by field works. In this position Napoleon was 
 able to support or be supported by each of his detached 
 divisions. 
 
 The Austrians had a force of 30,000 based upon the 
 fortified depot of Alessandria, while the Sardinians held 
 Ceva and Millesimo with a force of 10,000. The Aus- 
 trians decided to assume the offensive, and cross the 
 mountains and move on Savona in two columns; one of 
 8000 via the road leading to Genoa, thence along the sea- 
 coast, and the other of 5000 over the mountains via Mon- 
 tenotte. The left wing of the Sardinians was to co-operate 
 with the second Austrian column. 
 
 On the same day, the Austrian column from Genoa was 
 checked by the detaining column at Voltri, and the other 
 from Acqui by the detachments in the field works on 
 Montenotte; this disclosed the Austrian plan of campaign. 
 Although the first column might overcome the detaining 
 force and threaten his communications, Napoleon decided 
 to attack the second column and threaten the communica- 
 tions of the Austrians. He therefore moved his troops 
 from Savona over the mountains, attacked and defeated 
 the second column and drove it back towards Alessandria; 
 this caused the first Austrian column to retreat back 
 through Genoa as he had anticipated. This closed the 
 defensive stage of the campaign. 
 
 As in the case of rivers, defensive operations may also 
 be based on a range of mountains, parallel to the invader's 
 line. In the theater of operations between the Appala- 
 chian system and the Mississippi river, the Cumberland 
 and Walden range of mountains formed the eastern 
 boundary of the field of operations in Kentucky and 
 
148 
 
 Tennessee, while the Louisville-Nashville-Chattanooga 
 railroad, which traversed these States, was the principal 
 Union line of invasion. In rear of the mountains was the 
 Chattanooga-Richmond railway, which afforded the means 
 of transferring men and supplies from one pass to another. 
 This range played an important part in the operations in 
 Kentucky and Tennessee in 1862. 
 
 In May, 1862, Morgan with his mounted raiders de- 
 bouched from the passes of the Cumberland mountains 
 near Knoxville, and raided the railway near Cave City. 
 Returning from this raid and reorganizing, he again de- 
 bouched from the same passes early in July and during 
 that month executed an extensive raid along the line of 
 the railway and in eastern Kentucky. He destroyed 
 numerous railway bridges and captured several important 
 depots of supplies. 
 
 It was from Walden's range near Chattanooga that the 
 Confederate general, Forrest, in the same month made his 
 raid and captured the Union depot of suppHes at Mur- 
 freesboro. 
 
 In the latter part of August, while the Union army of 
 the Cumberland was encamped on the line of McMinn- 
 ville-Huntsville, two Confederate armies emerged from 
 these mountains to operate against the communications 
 and base of the Union army. Bragg^s Army of Tennessee 
 debouched east of McMinnville, and Kirhy Smith's 
 Army of Kentucky near Knoxville. These operations 
 compelled Buell, who commanded the Army of the Cum- 
 berland, to retreat to the Ohio river. The Army of the 
 Cumberland did not again reach the line of McMinnville- 
 Huntsville thus abandoned until July 1, 1863, nearly a 
 year later. 
 
 Diversion. — A diversion in defensive strategy is any 
 operation made by a detachment of the main army for the 
 
149 
 
 purpose of diverting the attention of the invader, or some 
 of the forces, from the main objective. When the defender 
 occupies a strong position which he can hold with a 
 reduced force, or he is opposed by a hesitating adversary, 
 a diversion may be extremely useful. It has already 
 been shown how valuable to the Confederate operations in 
 Virginia in 1862, was the diversion made by Jackson in 
 the Shenandoah valley. 
 
 The commander of a detachment sent to make a diver- 
 sion should keep in mind that the object of the movement 
 is to produce as much confusion as possible in the plans of 
 the adversary with as little loss as possible to himself. 
 Jackson^ s diversion was carried out on these lines; he 
 attacked only detachments much weaker than his own 
 and took no risk of becoming involved in operations with 
 superior forces which might materially affect the fighting 
 strength or the morale of his force. He realized that 
 the decisive tactical field for the employment of his corps 
 was on the battle-fields near Richmond where the prin- 
 cipal Union army was concentrated. 
 
 In 1864 Lee ordered another diversion in the same valley, 
 but it was not carried out in the same manner. In June, 
 when Grant's army was crossing the James river, one of 
 Lee^s three corps, EwelVs II corps, then under command of 
 Early, was sent from the intrenched lines of Cold Harbor 
 into the Shenandoah valley to operate against Hunter, 
 who was advancing on Lynchburg; after disposing of 
 Hunter, if he thought it advisable. Early was to make a 
 diversion down the Shenandoah valley against the Union 
 base and even its capital. 
 
 Having driven Hunter in retreat into the mountains of 
 West Virginia, Early moved down the Shenandoah valley, 
 crossed the Potomac at Shepherdstown, moved through 
 Frederick, Maryland, where he fought an unimportant 
 
150 
 
 battle and on July 11 was in front of the defenses of 
 Washington. 
 
 This movement alarmed the authorities at the national 
 capital and in the border States, and Grant sent to Wash- 
 ington from his own front the VI corps, and also the XIX 
 corps which was on its way to join him from New Orleans. 
 Early was unable to take the fortified capital, whose gar- 
 rison was strengthened by the timely arrival of the VI 
 corps, and retreated to the Shenandoah valley via Lees- 
 burg to Strasburg. He was pursued to Leesburg by the 
 VI corps. 
 
 Assuming that this was merely a diversion, Grant 
 directed that the VI and XIX corps be returned to him, 
 and that Early be pursued by the Union troops of the 
 Department of the Shenandoah and West Virginia. These 
 troops numbered about 22,000 men and were under Hunter, 
 who had escaped through West Virginia and had returned 
 to the vicinity of Harpers Ferry with his commnad. 
 
 As soon as the VI corps returned to Washington, Early 
 assumed the offensive against the scattered Union troops 
 in his vicinity and decisively defeated a small force under 
 Crook at Kernstown, July 24, and followed him to the Poto- 
 mac river. From this point he sent his cavalry force to 
 raid the States of Maryland and Pennsylvania. In these 
 raids Chambersburg, Pa., was captured and burned. 
 
 These operations so alarmed the Northern States that 
 at the request of the authorities. Grant directed not only 
 the VI and the XIX corps to act against Early, but also 
 sent two of the three divisions of his cavalry corps to 
 Washington. These troops with Hunter's command be- 
 came the Army of the Shenandoah and Sheridan was 
 assigned to supreme command. This army was organ- 
 ized and assumed the offensive in the Shenandoah valley 
 in the first days of August. 
 
151 
 
 The success which had attended Early^s movement? 
 until this time led both Lee and Early to convert the 
 diversion into a serious campaign. For this purpose 
 Kershaio^s division was sent to Early from LongstreeVs 
 corps, but even with these troops Early had but 20,000 
 troops to operate against Sheridan, who had a field force of 
 43,000 men and a reserve of 13,000 on his lines of com- 
 munication. The resulting campaign was, as might 
 have been expected, disastrous to the morale as well as 
 to the strength of the Confederate forces engaged. 
 
 Had Early retired up the valley without offering serious 
 opposition to Sheridan, he would have accomplished all 
 he originally set out to do, and could have returned to 
 Richmond with a force whose morale was improved and 
 whose strength was unimapired. He might thus have 
 reinforced Lee while Grant was still deprived of the assist- 
 ance of Sheridan's two cavalry divisions, and the VI 
 and XIX corps. The resulting situation would have been 
 similar to that in August, 1862; one Union army would 
 have been south of Richmond, and the other in the Shen- 
 andoah valley, with the united Confederate army in its 
 intrenched capital between them. 
 
1 
 
Wiley Special Subject Catalogues 
 
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 the key symbols of the Catalogues desired. 
 
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