PR 1714 .flS Copy 1 JT SERIES No. 7 JUNE 1917 UNIVERSITY OF IOWA MONOGRAPHS HUMANISTIC STUDIES VOLUME I NUMBER 6 AN ANALYSIS OF THE INTERPRETATIONS OF THE FINNSBURG DOCUMENTS BY NELLIE SLAYTON AURNER Published by the University, Iowa City ISSUED MONTHLY THROUGHOUT THE YEAR. ENTERED AT THE POSTOFFTCE AT IOWA CITY AS SECOND CLASS MAIL MATTER Mq:'„ IN THE SERIES OF RESEARCH BULLETINS OF THE UNIVERSITY HUMANISTIC STUDIES Franklin H. Potter, A. M. Editor VOLUME I NUMBER 6 AN ANALYSIS OF THE INTERPRETATIONS OF THE FINNSBURG DOCUMENTS BY Nellie Slayton Aurner, M. A. Instructor in English i Published by the University, Iowa City M9 ncC'-aOd '^ > 0. of D. JUN IS 191' AN ANALYSIS OF THE INTERPRETATIONS OF THE FINNSBURG DOCUMENTS Introduction Bibliographies of Beowulf are sufficiently numerous and complete; there are also fairly satisfactory lists of translations and studies of the Finnsburg Fragment ; but apparently no one as yet has attempted to cull out from the unwieldy mass of Beo- wulf material such articles as deal with the Finn episode and, by bringing them into proper relation with the works on the fragment, furnish the materials for an intelligent resume of what scholarship has accomplished toward solving the Finnsburg problem. Such a resume ought to be indispensable for a thoroughly critical study of the Finnsburg documents. It will contain inevitably much that will be found useless when a satisfactory solution is arrived at, but until that time it is unscientific and unsafe to pass by without due consideration any sincere attempt to throw light upon this very obscure portion of our early litera- ture. In his recently published edition of Widsith, Mr. Chambers says: "Modern scholarship has been rather too ready to dis- miss the conclusions of earlier students without sufficiently examining the facts from which those conclusions were drawn. Each of these earlier critics based his work upon a careful study of his predecessors' investigations." It is only by such gradual evolution of opinion, he concludes, that theories of permanent value can be gained. More than a quarter of a century ago Professor Kluge de- clared: "A consideration ' and criticism of all former views would bring the difficult places more into the foreground, spare unnecessary reflections over long solved problems, and remove the danger of repeating what has already been said." He then 4 THE FINNSBUEG DOCUMENTS quotes Sievers' lament that it is no longer easy to look over entirely the rich literature. If this was true thirty years ago it is doubly true to-day, and it was the hope of rendering a help- ful service in this respect that led to the compilation of the fol- lowing bibliography with its accompanying summary and analysis. The Finnsburg materials are gathered from three sources: a fragment of forty-eight lines, known as the "Fight at Finns- burg", an episode in the poem of Beowulf (lines 1063-1159), and several references in Widsith. EARLY DESCRIPTIVE ACCOUNTS The fragment describing the fight was discovered by Dr. George Hickes in a manuscript volume of homilies belonging to the Archiepiscopal Library of Lambeth.^ He transcribed and published it without a translation, in his ' ' Thesaurus Linguarum Septentrionalium" in 1705. This same work includes Wanley's Catalogue which gives the first public mention of the poem Beo- wulf. Wanley's description^ indicates that he knew practically nothing of the poem, which remained without further notice un- til 1805 when Sharon Turner in his "History of the Anglo- Saxons" gave several extracts. Among these extracts is found the first printed reference to the nature of the Finnsburg story: ' ' the poet of Hrothgar behind the table of mead, recorded the expedition against the Finns. "This episode is rather long. The enterprise ended in the capture of the king and queen of the Finns. "^ 'Hickes ' ' ' Thesaurus : " " Fragmenti poetici singulare folium, in codice Ms. homiliarum Semi-Saxonicarum qui extat in Bibliotheca Lambethana. ' ' '"IX. fol. 130. Tractatus nobilissiinus Poetice scriptus. Praefationis hoc est. initium." Then follows the text of the first nineteen lines. "Initium autem primi capitis sic se habet. " (Text 11.53-73). "In hoc libro, qui Poeseos Anglo-Saxonicae egreginm est exemplum, descripta videntur bella quae Beowulf us qui dam Danus ex regia Scvldeng- orum stirpe ortus, gessit contra Sueeiae regulos. ' ' "Sharon Turner, "History of the Anglo-Saxons," 6th ed., Vol. Ill, p. 304. In a note on p. 308, evidently not in the 1805 edition, the editor adds: "The short fragment on the battle of Finnsburuh in the Exeter SHAEON I'URNER — tHORKELIN 5 There is nothing in his extracts, and certainly nothing in the above comment, to indicate that he knew of the Finnsburg frag- ment. Even in the note on this fragment inserted in later edi- tions he does not connect it with the episode. FraST ATTEMPT AT INTERPRETATION The first serious attempt toward an interpretation of the epi- sode was that of Thorkelin in his Latin translation accompanying the text published in 1815, The valuable assistance he rendered Old English scholarship by his transcripts taken in 1786 before the fire which injured the original manuscript belongs properly to the history of Beowulf criticism.^ His translation of the episode indicates a very limited knowledge both of the language and of Teutonic custom. He understands the episode as an ac- count of a naval expedition undertaken by Hrothgar against Finn, the king of the Frisians. The only advance from Sharon Turner in his general conception is his recognition of Finn as a proper name and his establishing him as ruler of the Frisians. He construes the distribution of rings and treasure in the mead hall as the paying of tribute by Finn ; he makes Finn promise to rule by lieutenants, " Quaestoribus regeret", a purely Roman idea; and he fails to see that Hnsef and Hengest are proper names. The father of Hildeburg appears in the index as ' ' Hother, ' '•^ and is characterized thus : ' ' contra Danos pugnat. ' ' His rendering of the episode*" may be summarized as follows : The courtiers rejoiced when the poet of Hrothgar called to mind how the army of the Half-danes overcame in Frisian Ms. is, like Beowulf, rather romance than history. Mr. W. Conybeare has inserted it in his illustrations, with a Latin translation and a pleasing Imi- tation in English verse. ' ' ■•Wiilker's "Grundriss, " p. 45; also pp. 251-252. Tinker's "Transla- tions of Beowulf, ' ' pp. 15-21. "Probably read into this text from Saxo-Grammaticus. "Thorkelin 's translation : Ibi erat cantus et instrumenta Super medi mensis Invicem juncti Memorare debuit Coram Halfdani Cum Finni prole, Exercitus duce Ubi eam navali expeditione tactam Faueium organis salutato, Miles Halfdanides Elogiis jugiter exercitis. Robor Scyldingorum Deinde aulicis ludum Frisica strage Hrodgari poeta Prostravit. 6 THE FINNSBURG DOCUMENTS slaughter the race of Fiiin. Hildeburg sorrowed at the sight of her slaughtered kinsmen, Finn, in order to preserve the wretched remnant of his followers, offered to yield to the con- queror all the remaining dwellings, a hall and throne, and to bring him gifts of money, A treaty \\as thus agreed upon. Finn, taking the oath, is characterized as "crafty in mind". The passage w hich describes the burning of those fallen in war seems to have been fairly well understood. At the close of this cere- mony a warrior, apparently Finn, set forth to visit Frisia, the dwellings and the chief city lying by the sea, now red with Nequidem Hildeburga Gloriari opus habuit. Jutorum foedus Injuste fuit Fractum adversus dominum. In eos belluni susceptum Et liberos, fratresque Genere junctos. Euebant tela per vulnera Id fuit luctu Foeminae, baud quaquam Sine causa, Hoteri filiae, Divinum per limites Postquam mane venit, Tunc ilia sub aethere Videre potuit Caedera peruiciosam cog^atis, Ibi olim niaximo habitis Mundano gavidio. Mavors omnes abstulit Finni jjlialanges, Exceptis paucis aliquibus, Ne posset In loco praestituto Bello maritimo Aliquem oppugnare. Ne miseros superstites Internecione delerent Regis satrapae, Ille Regi In reconciliationem obtulit, quod IIU residuas mansiones Omnes cederet Aulam et thronum Quod dimidiam potestatem Cum Jutorum liberis Possideret ; Et dona pecuniaria Imponeret praestanda cite Die quoquis, Dani ditarunt Classem Annulis exspectatis, Addita insuper valde Divite gaza Gravi auro. Ita ille Frisonum genus In trieiinio Confirmare voluit. Tunc couventio inita Ab utraque parte, Pirmata libero foedere. Finnus maritimus Animo vafer J u r e j u ran d decrevit : Quod miseros superstites Sapieutum eonsilio Quaestoribus regeret : Quod quaestor ullus aliquem Nee verbis nee factis Lacesceret, cogeretve : Nee per fraudem dolumve Aliquando excogitatum, Duni sui annulorum Datoris signa sequeretur. Domino infidus esset, Ubi ejus indig-eret: Si inde Frisonum alieuius Nefandus dictu Caedis aestus fervidus Animum subierit, Tunc gladii acie Poena sumeretur. Jusjurandum praestitum fuit, Et insuper auruni Elatum ex thesauro. Exercitus Seyldingorum Praestantissimi milites Affuerunt caedi assueti Ad istud jusjurandum. Facile visi Sanguine tinetis loricis Cristis porcinis omnibus auratis. Superstiti ferrum durum Nobili multo Vulnera inflixerat : Alii strage occubuere. Rogavit tunc Hildeburga Ad caesorum rogum Suorummet filiorum THOEKELIN'S INTEEPEETATION t slaughter. Concealing his wretchedness, he passed the winter with the enemy, secretly meditating plans of vengeance. With the coming of spring he judged the time opportune for a sea journey (probably in quest of allies) that would enable him to carry out the plan he had determined upon. Thus he did not dishonor his rank, when the son of Hunlaf buried the gleaming- sword in his bosom. Guthlaf and Oslaf grieved over this attack after the sea journey and were unable to retain courage in the heart after such a loss. An account of the devastation of Finn's country, the pillage of his castle, and the carrying away of the queen closes the episode. Sveonum phalanges Tradita corpora Cremare, et iucendio consumere Brachia et humeros. Foemina moerebat ; Gemebat epicediis Militem sublatum. Ivere in nubes Stragis igues maximi Strepentes juxta acervum; Cougeriem oninem liquefecere- Vulnernni portae disruptae sunt : Inde prosiluit sanguis. Inviso morsu cadavera Flamma universa glutivit Entium voracissima, eorum Quos ibi mavors abstulit: Utriusque geutis erat Militare rubor (sic) concussum. XVII Discessit tunc Bellator castris Visitatum, cognatis Caesis, Frisiam: A''isum mansiones et metropolem maritimam Adhuc strage rutilam. Hiemem transegit Cum hoste miseria tecto. Patriae meminit Tamen, ut posset Per mare persequi Indictam expeditionem. Mare tempestate aestuabat Luctans contra ventum. Hiems aquas elausit Glacie constrictas, Donee alter veniret Annus in mundum Ut hue usque facit. Cum continua Mansiones revidisset Gloriosa sereni aeris temperies, Tunc fuit hiems excussa Pulcro terrae gremio: Interdicto exulem Hospitem terra 8ollicite expulit. Magis opportunum judicavit Id tempus maritimo itiueri, Ut iratum consilium Exsequi posset, Quod in Jutorum genus Secum statuerat. Ita nee degeneravit Vitae statu, Dum Hunlafidis Bellonae jubaris Ferrum optimum In pectus immersit. Hoc erat inter Jutos Etiam notum. Ita animo periculosum Finnum rursus oppressit Ensis pernicie lapsum Apud ejus propriam domum. Ex quo diro impetu Gudlafus et Oflavus Post maritmum iter Dolorem animo conceperunt- Exprobratum miseris, quod Non ullo modo possent Vafrum animum Tenere in pectore. Tunc aula fuit evacuata Hostium vitis, Insuper Finnus occisus Eex inter multos, Et ipsa regina capta. Cito Scyldingi Ad naves portarunt, Omni oceupata Terra regis, Quae in Finni dome Invenire potuerunt Monilia gemmis proetiosa. Itinere maritimo Eegalem foeminam Ad Danos eundo Duxerimt. 8 THE FINNSBURG DOCUMENTS Thorkelin makes no mention of the fragment, although it had been published the preceding year (1814) in the British Bib- liographer,'' text, with literal Latin and metrical English trans- lation, as a contribution by J. J. Conybeare. GRUNDTVIG 's TRANSLATION In 1820 appeared the important translation of Grundtvig.* According to Wiilker" this work contained, in addition to his free, rhymed translation, notes in whicli many mistakes of Thorkelin were corrected and emendations of his own proposed. His introduction included the Fight at Finnsburg, tlie original text with a translation. The publication of the fragment in this volume seems to indicate that Grundtvig was aware of its close connection with the Finn episode. In the edition of 1865 he makes it part of his translation of the episode, inserting it in the middle of line 1108. His understanding of the whole may be summarized as follows : Finn was defeated in a battle with Hengest. So few war- riors remained to him that he offered as terms of triTce a castle and half his kingdom to the conquerors. With gold and with smooth words Finn made them feel safe. Before his champions he swore a solemn oath. Hengest also swore from the depths of his heart to punish any violation of the compact. There was taking of oaths and glittering of gold, but King Finn concealed a heart full of falsehood. The fragment, inserted at this point, describes the surprise of the night attack and the brave defense, how the warriors fought for Hnjef five days without letting their hands fall or forsaking the doors, so that he himself was the first to turn away with a fatal wound. The building of the funeral pyre and the burning of the fal- len heroes is made to follow the conclusion of the fragment. Hengest lingered in his high hall throughout the winter while ice and storm struggled with the winds, but when spring came he no longer needed to tarry. Burning with anger he wished to carry out his warlike plans and pay to the last part his debt to the Eotens. Then Hunlav 's son quickly put on his good sword ; the blade that from its first exploit was known to all the Eotens was now with its shining edges to cleave Finn, the bold dastard, ''The British Bibliographer, by Sir Egerton Brydges and Joseph Hasle- wood. Vol IV, printed for R. Triphook, St. James Street, by T. Bensley, 1814. Pp. 261-267. «Nik. Fred. Sev. Grundtvig, "Bjowxilfs-Drape." Kj0benhavn, 1820, •Wiilker's "Grundriss," p. 46. GRUNDTVIG — CONYBEARE 9 in his own home. Gudlav and Oslav lost no time. They painted the king's hall purple red with the blade, and King Finn now met his death in the midst of the Scylding circle. To Grundtvig belongs the credit of pouiting out for the first time many important features of Beowulf.^" He seems to have been the first to connect the two important documents of the Finnsburg story; he recognized Hengest and Hnsef as proper names and placed Gudlaf and Oslaf in their proper relation as enemies rather than retainers of Finn. He saw in the story as a whole a typical Germanic feud, — a carefully planned aud suc- cessfully executed scheme of vengeance instead of a Viking raid for booty. ENGLISH TRANSLATIONS AND CRITICISMS BEFORE KEMBLE In England Grundtvig 's translation of Beowulf was appar- ently not known^^ until after many of his discoveries had been independently established by English scholars. John Josias Couy- beare, appointed to the professorship of Anglo-Saxon in the Uni- versity of Oxford in the year 1809,^- had long been interested in the early history of English poetry. His publication of the Fight at Finnsburg, with translation, in 1814, was made at a time — to use his own words'-^ — when "the author had enjoyed no opportunity of consulting the parallel narrative recorded in the poem of Beowulf." The glow of this discovery evidently influenced his reading of other poetic remains, for he continues : "If the editor is not deceived, the fragment in the Exeter Ms. describing a ruined city once the abode of Eotens, entirely desolated by war and fire, probably relates to the same destruc- "See the "Translations of Beowulf" by C. B. Tinker (1903), pp. 22 ff. Professor Tinker says: "Grundtvig was the first to understand the story of Beowulf. With no other materials than Thorkelin 's edition of the text and his own knowledge of Germanic mythology, he discovered the sea-bur- ial of King Scyld, the swimming-match and the Finn episode. He identi- fied Breca, Hnaef, Hengest, King Hrethel, and other characters whose names Thorkelin had filched from them. ' ' "Tinker's "Translations of Beowulf," p. 28: "The book fell dead from the press. Grundtvig himself tells us that it was hardly read outside his own house. ("Beowulf's Beorh, " p. xix). Thirty years later he learned that the book had never reached the Royal Library at Stockholm. A copy made its way to the British Museum, but it was the one which Grundtvig himself carried thither in 1829." "Conybeare 's ' ' Illustrations, ' ' p. iii of prefatory notice. "Conybeare 's "Illustrations," p. 174, 10 THE FINNSBUEG DOCUMENTS tion of Finsburh." His understanding of the story is as follows :'■'' "The history . , . appears to be . . . that of a war between tlie Danish Scyldings then subject to Healfdaue, and led by his thane Hengest, and the Frisian Eotens or Jutes, whose king Fin. the son of Folcwald is besieged in his royal city, called fi'oin himself Finsham or Finsburh. "In the poem of Beowulf the minstrel commences his song on this subject by describing the grief of Hildeburh, who seems to have been the queen of Fin, and whose son Hn^ef had been slain in a battle issuing in the defeat of her husband and followed by an inglorious treaty, in which he was obliged to surrender half his dominions, and pay ample tribute. The queen obtains leave to celebrate the obsequies of her son ; and according to the custom of the age couunits his body to the flames. It should further appear that the terms of this treaty were violated by Fin; for we find that after the interval of a winter, when the sea was again fit for navigation, Hengest undertook a second expedition against the city of Fin, who fell in its defence, his queen being led captive to Denmark in the victor's train." In the additional notes of William Daniel Conybeare, who collected and edited the materials left unfinished by the death of his brother, John Josias, attention is called'^ in a note on the Finn episode to the critical work of "the ingenious scholar who has conducted the new edition of Warton's 'History of English Poetry'." Conybeare gives him credit for satisfactorily proving "the subject of this episode to be identical with that of the frag- ment of the battle of Finsburh." The edition referred to is that of 1824, and the "ingenious scholar" who contributed what Conybeare characterized as "the equally amusing and learned preface" was Richard Price, lawyer, philologist, and antiquary, whose wide knowledge of German and Scandinavian literature received tributes from such men as Thorkelin, J. Grimm, and Thorpe. Price believed that the Sigemund story in much greater detail formed the original song of the scop,"' but that this lay was "transported from its proper place to make way for an episode on the exploits of Hengest, inserted at p. 82, ed. Thorkelin. ' ' "Conybeare 's "Illustrations," p. 173. "Conybeare 's "Illustrations," p. IGl. "Warton's "History of English Poetry," New Edition, 1824, Vol. I, p. 96. PEICE — KEMBLE 11 "The subject of this latter document is evidently taken from a larger poem of which a fragment has been published by Hickes, and is known under the name of the Battle of Finsburh. In Beowulf the actors are Fin, llnsst, Hengest, Gutlilaf, and Oslaf ; in the fragment the same names occur with the substitution of Ordlaf for Oslaf. The scene in either piece is Finnesham, or Finnesburh, the residence of the before mentioned Fin. That in these we have an allusion to the founder of the Kingdom of Kent and not to a purely fabulous personage of the same name will be rendered probable on recollecting that the events recorded contain no admixture of marvelous matter. Both productions are clearly of the same historical class, and written in the same sober spirit with the fragment of Brythnoth." KEMBLE AND HIS FOLLOV^^ERS In the work of J. M. Kemble^'' the Finnsburg materials were for the first time brought together and given the critical treatment of modem scholarship. Kemble was a student and admirer of Jacob Grimm to whom his volumes on Beowulf are dedicated. According to the "Dictionary of National Biography" he was the recognized exponent of the new science of comparative phil- ology in England. In his preface to Volume I^^ he suggested that "the Battle of Finsburh" might be "a distorted record of Froda the IV 's victorious inroad into Old Saxony, which ended with the death of the Frisian Hntef near Hanover. ' '^^ The same volume*" groups under Frisians: "Fin, the son of Folcwalda (cf. Traveller's Song) ; his queen w'as Hildeburh, the descendant of Hoce ; and her son Hn^ef, slain in battle against Halfdane. Holinga, very liberally given to Hnaef as his wife by some commentators, is not a lady but an ad- verb. A Hunlafing is mentioned as the slayer of Hengest, but this may be only a patronymic denoting Fin ; Oslaf and Gu?5lac revenged this murder by the slaughter of Fin, the destruction of his city and the abduction of his treasury and queen to Den- mark. ' ' His conception appears to have undergone certain changes in Volume II. He savs :*^ "Kemble published three editions: in 1833, 1835, and 1837. (Cf. Tink- er's "Translations of Beowulf," p. 33.) Quotations from this work are from the 1837 edition. "P. xxvi. "Cf. Elton's "Saxo Grammaticus, " pp. 231-232. ••Kemble 's "Beowulf," Vol. I, p. 260. "Kemble 's "Beowulf," Vol. II, p. xlviii. 12 THE FINNSBURG DOCUMENTS ''Hengist, who cannot have been a Dane is a Frisian hero, ap- pears as such in the genealogy of the kings of Kent, and is the fabled conqueror of Britain. The Hocings, it is also probable, Avere a Frisian tribe. The legend as it stands in Beowulf, when compared with the Battle of Finnesburh, is that Hngef, assisted by Hengist, Oslaf and Guthlaf, with other heroes, attacks the city of Fi2in but falls in the contest. Finn is however defeated, and deprived of half his kingdom, which appears to be occupied by Hengist 's Danes and b.y the Hocings; and if, as I believe, Hilde- burh is Finn's queen, and a different person from Hoce's daugh- ter, Hntef's mother, he loses a son also, who is sacrificed on Hnaef's funeral pile. Hengist, remaining among the Frisians, is, in the following year, set upon and slain by Finn, who being in consequence attacked by the Danes under Guthlaf and Oslaf, loses his life and crown in the contest." Kemble's interpretation shaped the general conception of the Finnsburg story until the appearance of Thorpe 's edition of Beo- wulf in 1855, and its main features were restated and received new life when Grein's study (in Ebert's Jahrbuch^^) appeared in 1862. There were, however, many minor variations. In Germany Franz Joseph ]\Tone,^^ while following the main outlines of Kemble, regarded the tale as another treatment of the Gud- run theme. Hildeburg in the Finn episode is the daughter of Hoke, in Giidrun of Hagen. In the fragment he saw Ordlaf as another form of Ortliep, Guthere of Gunther, Eaha of Hugo, and Sigeferd of Sigfrit. The whole passage presents a hall-fight as in the Nibelungen. In the hall of Finnsburg Hengest, in the hall of Etzelburg Hagen is the chief hero. The Finnsburg hall has two doors. Sigfrit and Hugo guard one, Ortliep and Gunt- liep the other. Tlie hall gleams witli swords ; in the Nibelungen- lied a fiery wind comes from the blades. There is a bloody feast (GnMmal) in Finnsburg as in Etzelburg. The heroes Ortliep, Sigfrit, Gunther, Hagen, and j)erhaps also Garulf (Wolfhart) are common to both battles. Sigfrit as vassal to the Secges is only to be understood by the family alliteration, "Sig", in the Nibelungen and by the lie in which he is represented to Brun- '^Chr. Grein, ' ' Die historisehen Verhaltnisse des Beowiilfliedes. ' ' Ebert 's Jahriuch, IV, 269-271. ^Franz Joseph Mone, " Untersuehungen zur Gesrhichte der deutschen Heldensage." 1836, pp. 134-136. MONE — WACKERBARTH 13 hild as a vassal of Gunther. Only with this Sigfrit fits the great fame which the fragment also assigns him. One can hardly fail to acknowledge, Mone maintained, that the Fight at Finnsburg contains some of the principal features of the Nibelungenlied, either that it is borrowed from, or is of similar origin with, the German saga ; the latter he thought more probable. Mone also regarded the Ruined City as a lament over Finns- burg and believed that it belonged to the fragment. Leo,^^ Ettmiiller,^* Klipstein,^^ and Schaldemose^' follow Kem- ble very closely. Wackei'harth-** also restates his outline of events, differing, however, in two details:-'^ "I am not aware," he says, "that any writer states Hengist the first King of Kent to have died in Friesland, whereas Matthew of Westminster {ad an. 489) declares that, being defeated and made prisoner by Aurelius Ambrosius, he was at the instance of Eldad, Bishop of Gloucester beheaded." In a note on line 1115, he remarks: "H. Leo, "Beowulf, dasz alteste Deutsche, in angelisachsischer Mumlart erhaltetie, HeMengedicht nach seinem Tnlialte und nach seinen historiscben und mythologisclieii Beziehungen betrachtet. Ein Beitiag znr Geschichte alter deutscher Geisteszustande. " pp. 79-88. Leo translates the Finn episode entire as ' ' die spraehlieh schwierigste stelle des ganzen liedes, ' ' and ' ' drireh ihren inhalt hochst ausgezeichnet und eigentiimlich. " The rest of the poem is summarized, not translated. ^1840: (First German Translation) "Beowulf. Heldengedicht des afhten Jahrhunderts. Zum ersten male aus dem Angelsachsischen in das Neu- hochdeutsche stabreimend iibersetzt und mit Einleitung und Anmckungen versehen von L. Etmiiller. " Pp. 108-112 (episode), pp. 56-58 (fragment). 1850: "Engla and Seaxna Scopas and Boeeras, " pp. 108-110 (text of episode) ; pp. 130-131 (text of fragment). ^Louis F. Klipstein, "Analecta Anglo-Saxonica. " New York, 1849. The first American treatment of this theme. He gives the text of the episode (pp. 423-426), the fragment (426-427), and, under note 53 (Fin), of Wid- fith. He follows Kemble to the extent of giving entire his long note on Teutonic burials, including the statement that Hildebiirh 's son was slain upon Hnffif 's funeral pile. For mistaken statement of Klipstein 's nationalitv in AViilker's "Grund- riss," p. 74, see P. M. L. A. XLVI (1898). "1851: (Second Danish translation). "Beowulf og Scopes WidsiS, to angel-saxiske Digte, med Overseettelse og oplysende Anmaerkninger udgivne af Frederik Schaldemose. ' ' ""Beowulf, an epic poem translated from the Anglo-Saxon into English verse, by A. Diedrich Wackerba rth, A. B. Professor of Anglo-Saxon at the College of our Ladye of Oscott. " London, 1849. Ballad meter, intended to appeal to the reading public- "Introduction, p. xxxiii. 14 THE FINN8BURG DOCUMENTS "Every commentator seems to consider this as the sacrifice of a living son ; but I cannot but think that the youth was dead al- ready, as Hildeburh's brethren and children fell in the battle, and that it was only his dead body that was burned on Hnaef 's funeral Pyre." THE WORK OF THORPE In 1850 appeared Thorpe's edition of Beowulf.-"' Thorpe had studied in the University of Copenhagen under Rask. His first publication was an English version of Rask's "Anglo- Saxon Grammar" in 1830. In this same year he collated Thorkelin's edition of Beowulf with the Cottonian Ms. intending to produce an edition of his own. He found the Ms. in an ex- tremely friable condition, and his readings in a number of places supply letters that soon after disappeared. His explanation of the Finnsburg situation makes the fragment precede the episode and describe an attack made by Hnaef and his men upon the hall of Finn. ' ' The fragment, ' ' he says,^' ' ' as far as I can judge, be- gins with a speech of Fin. the Frisian prince, on seeing a glare of light in his palace, which has been fired by the Danish in- vaders, in an attack by night." At the close of the fragment Hnaeif turns away wounded, but his men under Hengest are vic- torious and, after making terms with Fin, quarter themselves upon the Frisian people for the winter. In the spring Hengest brooding over the death of Hngef, donned Hunlafing, "the flame of war, the best of falchions," and with Guthlaf and Oslaf after their sea voyage, attacked and slew Fin.^- In Germany Uhland" adopted the views of Thorpe. Sim- rock''^ agreed with Uhland and Thorpe that Fin is attacked in '""The AniE^lo-Saxon poems of Beowulf, The Scop or Gleeman 's Tale (Widsith), and the Fight at FiDnesbiirg. With a literal translation, notes, and glossary, etc., bv Benjamin Thorpe." Oxford, 1855. "P. 227. '^Cf. his note on Hunlafing: "Hunlafing I take to be the name of Hen- gest 's sword, as Hrunting, Naegling, etc. The meaning is not that he stabbed himself, but that he merely placed the weapon in or on his bosom, in allusion probably to the Tnethod of weai-ing it in front, examples of which may be seen in old illuminations. (An exactly similar passage oc- curs hereafter where there is no question of stabbing.) In other words that he girded or prepared himself for a renewal of the contest- ' ' ^Germania, IT, 344 ff. ""Beowulf. Das alteste deutsche epos iibersetzt und erlautert von Dr. Karl Simrock." 1859, THOEPE — GREIN 15 the fragment and that his enemies gain a victory dearly bought by the death of Hneef. He held, however, that Fin, perceiving Hengest's desire for vengeance, had him secretlj^ put out of the way with the sword Hunlafing. His followers, Guthlaf and Os- laf, escaped, returning later with a force sufficient to avenge all their grievances. "It was blood vengeance," he concludes, "which here as in the Nibelungen saga furnished the tragic motive. ' ' Rieger^^ followed Thorpe in taking Hunlafing as a sword, but thought it was presented to Hengest and was designated as ' ' cuSe ' ' because it had slain Hmef . In England Mr. Daniel H. Haigh'^''' reproduced Thorpe's translations of both fragment and episode with practically no variations except in phrasing. He applies in addition his char- acteristic theory of an English origin and background for every event referred to in Old English poetry. He held this feud as an adventure of "the second Hencgest, of whom the Frisian tra- ditions speak, the nephew of the first ; ' ' and he regarded Fin as ruler of a Frisian settlement in Norfolk. His argument for this latter point is based on local nomenclature, since there is a Finnesham in Norfolk and a Hilborough, (Hildeburh), a Hock- wold, and a Hockham (Hoce) not very far distant. THE GREIN ANALYSIS AND ITS INFLUENCE The work of Grein marks an epoch in the study of all Old English poetry. His "Bibliothek der angelsachsischen Poesie" and the translation of this body of poetry in his "Dichtungen der Angelsachsen " appeared in 1857. This included, of course, his first treatment of the Finnsburg materials; but a more definite pronouncement of his views was given in Ebert's Jahrhuch^'' in / 1862. The episode he declared one of the darkest and most difficult parts of the entire Beoivulflied. After comparing it with the fragment and carefully examining all the details he '"Max Rieger, " Ajigelsachsisches Lesebuch. " 1861. Fragment, pp. 61-63; episode, pp. 67-70. '*Daniel H. Haigh, ' ' The Anglo-Saxon Sagas ; an examination of their value as aids to history." London, 1861. Pp. 32-33. "Chr. Grein, "Die historischen Verhaltnisse des Beowulf liedes. " Eb- •rt 's Jahrbuoh, 1862, 269 ff. 16 THE FINNSBURG DOCUMENTS sums up the result of his study. He places the events of the fragment before line 1068. According to Widsith, Fin, son of Folcwald, ruled the Frisians, who are called in Beowulf some- times Frisians, sometimes Eotens. Tiiis suggests that Fin ruled both the Jutes of Jutland and the neighboring North Frisians. Finsburg was in Jutland, and liere was dwelling with Fin Hna^f tlie Hoeing, a vassal of the Danish king, Healfdehe, with sixty men. Grein regards Onuidtvig entirely wrong in calling Hengest, one of these thanes, a Frisian prince. Inasmuch as Grein believes the Hengest of Beowulf was slain in battle with Fin, he also thinks Kemble mistaken in identifying him with the "freilich ungefahr gleichzeitigen " historical Hengest of Kent. These guests w^ere treacherously attacked at night by the followers of Fin. The fight described in the fragment ensued, at the close of which Hnsef fell and Fin's forces were so weak- ened that he was forced to make terms with Hengest, as set forth in the episode. Hnaef and othei- fallen warriors were burned with elaborate ceremony. Again Grein takes issue with Grundt- vig assei'ting that Hildeburg, Hoce's daughter, is the sister of Hnaef and the wife of Fin, "so sehr sich auch Grundtvig gegen diese letztere Aunahme slrilubt." Through the winter the treaty was observed, but when, spring came, Hengest, thinking more of revenge than of the sea journey, did not escape his fate when Hunlafing thrust the battle flame, best of swords in his bosom. Grein thinks this passage can mean nothing else but that Hengest fell at the hand of Hunlafing. "Wir konnen un- moglich in Hunlafing den Namen eines Schwertes sehen, das ihm geschenkt worden sei. " The only point remaining dark to Grein was whether Hengest returned home for reinforcements before his unfortunate attempt at vengeance, or additional help was summoned after his fall by Guthlaf and OsUif. The latter view seems to him more probable. This interpretation is practically a restatement of Kemble 's view although Grein mentions the latter only to disagree with him. Kemble 's statements had been somewhat indefinite and, as Thorpe noted in the preface to his own edition of Beowulf, copies of his work were difficult to obtain. Grein 's conclusions were clear, definite, and positive, and were given wade circula- GREIJT — PIERQinK 17 tion. Although, as indicated above, he furnished no arguments to sustain his assertions the prestige of his work as editor and translator of the entire body of Old English poetry and the compiler of the invaluable "Sprachschatz" caused them to be accepted as authoritative. For fifty years this view has been known as "the Grein analysis", and it is still accepted as the most satisfactory explanation by many scholars. For twenty-one 3'ears it was practically unquestioned except by Arnold-'^ and Lumsden/''* in England ,who followed Thorpe, and by Horn- burg''" in Germany, who regarded Grein 's explanation as satis- factory for the first half but agreed with Rieger (a follower of Thorpe as before noted) from 1128 on. Holtzmah,^^ Heyne,^^ Kohler,^^ Von Wolzogen,** Dederich,^^ and Ten Brink ''^ did not question the interpretation of Grein. Botkine^^ in France, Grion^** in Italy, and Garnett^"* in America followed Groin's version of tlie Finnsburg story in the first trans- lation of Beowulf published in these three countries. In France no other translation appeared until 1912 when Pierquin^" pub- lished an extensive volume based directly on the work of Kemble. In America the Gamett translation has gone through four edi- ^*Thomas Arnold, "Beowulf. A Heroic Poem of the Eighth Century with a Translation, Notes, and Appendix." London, 1876. ^Col. H. W. Lumsden, "Beowulf, an Old English Poem translated into modern Ehynies. ' ' London, 1881. *''J- Hornburg, "Die Composition des Beowulf s. " Metzger Progr. 1877. "Adolph Holtzman, "Zu Beowulf." Germania. 1863. *^' ' Beowulf. Angelsaehsisehes Heldengedicht iibersetzt von Moritz Heyue. " 186.'5. Zweite Auflage. 1898. The second edition is the one con- sulted. The fragment is not translated. "^Kohler, Germania, XIII (1868), 1.556. •"Hans von Wolzogen, "Beovulf. Das alteste deutsche Heldengedicht." Leipzig, 1872. "H. Dederich, " Historische und geographische Studien zum angelsachsis- ehen Beowulfliede. " 1877. "Bernhard Ten Brink, "History of English Literature" (translated by H. M. Kennedy, 1889) ; Paul's "Grundriss," ed. 1, Vol. II. *" ' Beowulf, Epopee Anglo-Saxonne. ' ' Traduite en franqais, pour la premiere fois, d 'apres le texte original par L. Botkine. Le Havre, 1877. "' ' Beovulf, poema epico anglosassone del VII seeolo, tradotto e illus- trato dal Dott. Cav. Guisto Grion- " Lucca, 1883. *"' ' Beowulf : An Anglo-Saxon Poem, and the Fight at Finnsburg, trans- lated by James M. Garnett, M. A., LL. D." Boston. 1882. Second Edi- tion, 1885. Third Edition, 1892. Reprinted 1899. Fourth Edition, 1900. ■^H. Pierquin, "Le PoSme Anglo-Saxon de Beowulf." Paris, 1912, 18 THE FINNSBUEG DOCUMENTS tions and has received the approval of critics and scholars as well as that of the reading public. moeller's interpretation The first to break away definitely from the Grein tradition was Herman Moller, whose advocacy of an original strophic form for Old English poetry influenced all his work in this field. In 1883 he put forth a study of tlie "P^innepos" containing many original suggestions. He maintained that the fight described in the fi'agment could not be the one in vvliich Hntef fell since the latter was evidently one in the open field in which the Danes, not the Frisians, were the aggressors. For this reason he held that the fragment did not belong at the beginning of events in the Finn episode. He placed it between lines 1145 and lli6 and believed that it describes a second battle in which the treaty be- tween Finn and Hengest was broken. The liall is the one pre- pared by the treaty for Hengest and his men and which they have since occupied. Line 1142 ^Moller emended by reading " worod-ra^denne" for '' worold-raHlenne" and translated: "So hf did not oppose the will of his followers when the son of Hiin- laf laid the best of swords in his lap." The giving of the sword expressed the desire for vengeance which by the term of the treaty must remain unspoken. The "grimne gripe" of line 1148 he thought referred to the night attack in which Finn and his followers sought to foiestall the poorly concealed intentions of Hengest. In 'this attack described in the fragment Hengest was slain, but Guthlaf and Oslaf succeeded in reaching their ships and after a sea journe>' returned with new forces and revenged their wrongs. Moller believed the Finnsaga had its origin in the myth of Frey, chief god of the Ingaevones. This theory had been ad- vanced by Miillenhof in ISoO'^^ and suggested, though not def- initely asserted, by Grimm in 1835.'^ It was worked out in detail by Moller with a rather convincing effect. He believed the same myth assumed other forms in the Hildesage, the Oiidrunsage, and "In Z. f. d. A. XI, under "Widsith" in his "Zur Kritik des ags. Volkg- epos. ' ' "J. Grimm, "Deutsche Mythologie" (translated by Stalleybraas, 1882, Ch. X, p. 219.) London. MOELLER — BUGGE 19 m the folk takes of the ishmd of S}'U collected by C. B. Han- sen.^« In the myth of Frey he sees the motive for the feud, and he strengthens his argument by citing parallel features from these legends as of similar origin. He regards the identity of the Sylt legend of Finn and the Old English Finnsaga incontest- ably established. Shortly after Mciller's study, appeared Wiilcker's "Grund- riss" giving the bibliography of the subject previous to 1885 and the only review of critical opinion on the Finnsburg question that has yet been attempted. Wiilcker's pt^rsonal endorsement is given to the view of Moller. He regarded Holler's treatment of the subject as the most complete and detailed and his explan- ation the most probable of any that had yet appeared. THE BUGGE THEORY Two years later Holler's view was opposed in an important article by Bugge in Paul and Braune's "Beitrage. "^^ The sec- tion devoted to the Finnsburg fragment began with a statement that he agreed with the usual view tliat it describes the battle in which Hnaef fell and precedes the events related in Beowulf. One is not justified, he holds, in ascribing to the author of the episode so little narrative skill as not even to mention an event of prime importance that falls in the midst of the episode and furnishes the motive for the conclusion. On the other hand, that he should simply refer to an event that preceded his narra- tive appears more easily explicable. Against Holler's view, again, is the fact that it makes Hengest the "HeaSo-geong cyning" of line 2, although in Beowulf he is not represented as king even after the death of Hnfef. but at "Seodnes ?5egn" (1. 1085). Farther, in direct opposition to Holler's opinion that lines 37-40 give the best sense if taken as an expression of ven- geance for the fallen Hn^f, Bugge maintains that if Hnaef had fallen in an earlier battle and at another place and Hengest were king at this time, the poet could not use expressions prais- •*Cf . Moller 's ' ' Altenglische Volksepos ' ' ; also Blackwood 's Magazine, July, 1888. ••Vol. XII, pp. 20-87. 20 THE FINNSBURG DOCUMENTS ing the loyalty of the heroes to a former king and utterly disre- garding their relation to the living king. Bugge's interpretation throughout is strongly influenced by the Hrolf 's saga and Saxo's narrative of Hrolfr kraki. He calls attention to the similarity of treatment in the poetic handling of the last battle of Hrolfr kraki and the Finnsburg fight. Hol- ler's supposition that lines 1142-1145 of the episode describe the giving of a sword to Hengest by his own followers as a dumb re- quest that he should lead them in revenging their wrongs, he regards as absolutely untenable. That soldiers should present their leader with a sword to spur him on to brave actions might, he thinks, happen in recent times, but such conduct would be most strange and without precedent in old Germanic relations. His translation of the passage is very close to that of IMoUer, al- though his interpretation differs widel}'. The emendation to " worod-raedenne " he had already adopted independently of MoUer and cites Gen. 1963 as a similar mistaken occurrence of "worulde' for "worude." His understanding of the situation is that when spring arrived Hengest, in spite of his longing to start homeward, lingered brooding over plans for vengeance. But the followers of Finn watched the king's hall unceasingly, so that a hostile attack in order to kill Finn was impossible. At last, finding himself shut off from other methods of revenge, he did not scruple to declare himself a liegeman of Finn when Hun laid in his lap Lafing, the gleaming weapon,the best of swords. He points out that Laufi was the sword of BoSvarr bjarki, hero of Hrolfr kraki. Hun he takes from Widsith as ruler of the Hetuare, later mentioned in Beowulf (2363-2916) as allies of the Frisians against Hygelac. It is not easy to see why he should appear here instead of Finn, but Bugge supposes he was staying at the Frisian court as a vassal of Finn just as Hna?f though called a king was a vassal of the Danish Healf dene. As the liege- man of Finn it was Hengest 's duty to bring gifts or tribute to his lord. Promising to send such gifts from Denmark he received permission to return home. Later a strong force of Danes, among whom Guthlaf and Oslaf are named, sailed for Fries- land, ostensibly bearing gifts, probably weapons, from Hengest to his lord Finn, They were admitted without suspicion, and SAERAZIN — S WIGGETT 2 1 Finn was slain in his own hall. The support offered by Bugge in conclusion for this supposed course of events is the analogous narrative of Hrolfr kraki, which, he thinks, furnishes the key to the explanation of the whole. Since the appearance of Bugge 's study there have been many translations, arguments for and against previous views, and modifications suggested. Hugo Schilling'' held that Holler's explanation was unanswerable except that lines 1142-1145 stated the death of Hengest and made specific reference to the fight described in the fragment, hence the latter should be placed just before 1142 instead of after 1145. He took up Bugge 's sug- gestions in detail with the general conclusion that "logic is not Bugge 's forte." The emendations of Moller and Bugge in line 1142 were adopted in the Heyne-Socin (5th) edition and the later editions of Hanison and Sharp. Both these works favored the Bugge interpretation. Sarraziu"' accepts Holler's interpi'etation, but regards the In- geld narrative of Saxo as the key. In his opinion, "The Finn episode is according to content a complete pendant to the Ingeld episode. The theme is the same; the outbreak of hereditary feud between families united by marriage. The relations and situations are very similar. ' ' Rudolph Wickberg" in the first Swedish translation of Beo- wulf followed Grein. The Grein analysis was also adopted by Henry Horley^^ (with an alternative suggestion of Thorpe's view of 11. 1142-1145), by Stop ford A. Brooke,^'' P. Hoffman,"" H. Steineck,''' and apparently by Swiggett^-' who states: "Hil- deburh is given to Finn as atonement for the killing of Finn's father by Hna^f or Hoc, on Hna^f's fall succession is given to Hengest, a peace treaty is made, Hengest remains, and is after- wards put to the sword as likewise happens in time to Finn. " In ^M. L. N., I, 89-92, 116-117; II, 146-l.i0. "G. Sarraziu, " Beowulf -Studien. " "R. Wickberg, "Beowulf," 1889. "Henry Morley, ' ' English Writers, ' ' Vol. I, Ch. VTI. '"S. A. Brooke, ' ' History of Early English Literature, * ' pp. 63-66. *"Hoflfman inserted the fragment in the body of the translation (after line 1067), and wrote for it a beginning and an end. "H. Steineck; "Beowulf," p. 37. •"'Notes on the Finnsburg Fragment," M. L. N., XX, 169, 22 THE FINNSBtJEG DOCUMENTS conclusion he declares: "This is the sequence admitted by all scholars." This theory is also advocated by Gummere/-* who thinks the exact story not to be determined but "the following account" — which it is not necessary to reproduce as it classifies under the Grein analysis — "is reasonable and has good support among scholars." For the last twenty-five years, although as has been noted Grein still has a following among scholars, the tendency has been to accept the interpretation either of Moller or of Bugge. Cosijn, Wyatt, the Morris and Wyatt translation, Kogel, Clark Hall (1901 edition), Tinker, Vogt, Huyshe, and Sedgefield fol- low the interpretation of Moller ; while Earle, J. L, Hall, Simons, Trautmann, Gering, and C. L. Thomson accept the explanation of Bugge. Child gives a brief summary of the two theories as ' ' two typical attempts that have won some acceptance. ' ' THE HISTORICAL VIEW An interesting suggestion was made by Chadwick in 1907 in his "Origin of the English Nation". At the close of a chapter on the invasion of Kent, he says :^* "We have seen that the name Hengest is very rare. The only other person of this name known to me is the warrior who figures in Beowulf and in the fragmentary poem on the fight in Finn's castle. The history of this individual is unfortunately obscure. It is clear, however, that he was the chief follower of a certain Hnaef, who appears to have been a prince in the service of the Danish king Healfdene. On a certain occasion this Hnaef paid a visit, whether friendly or otherwise is not clear, to Friesland, wliere he was slain by the followers of the Frisian king, Finn, the son of Folcwalda. Hengest and his other warriors after a long struggle came to terms with Finn ; but some of them event- ually returned to Denmark and having obtained reinforcements attacked and slew him. Of Hengest 's fate nothing is stated. "Now it is curious to note that this Hengest must have been a contemporary of his famous namesake. In Beowulf the Danish King Hrothgar is represented as a very old man. and as having reigned for a very long period (hund missera, I. 1770). The time to wliich the poem refers is the first quarter of the sixth century. Healfdene, Hrothgar 's father, may therefore have been reigning before the middle of the fifth century. Again, "F. B. Gummere, "The Oldest English Epie," pp. 69-74: 159-163. "Pp. 52-53. CHAD WICK — HUCHON 23 both Hengests come apparently from the same country. The Hengist of the Historia Brittonum is said to have come from Oghgul, which, as we shall see subsequently, is probably Angel in South Jutland. But the Hengest of the poems also comes from some part of the Danish kingdom. As for the tribes to which they belonged that of the Kentish Hengest is called by Bede Jniae (Juti), while in English translations we find Ytena, Eota, lutua (gen. pi.), lotum (dat. pi.). The tribe to which the other Hengest belonged is called in Beowulf Eotena (gen. pi.) Eo- tenum (dat. pi.). To these forms we shall have to return la- ter, but at all events it cannot be denied that there is a striking resemblance between them. Again, the Hengest of the Historia Brittonum is said to have been driven into exile. The fate of the other Hengest we do not know ; but he can hardly have returned home after making peace with the man who had slain his lord. Exile is certainly what might have been expected in such a case. Lastly, we may remember that the story of Finn, the son of Folcwalda, was evidently running in the mind of the Scribe from whom the genealogy of the Historia Brittonum is derived. On the whole therefore if the invasion of Kent may be dated after 440 I think it is more probable than not that the two Hen- gests were identical." In a note to this same chapter he calls attention to the state- ment in Skioldunga Saga (chap. 4 in Arngrim Jonsson's epitome) that a Danish king named Leifus had seven sons, three of whom were called Hunleifus, Oddleifus, and Gunnleifus. Chadwick regarded the two latter as identical with Ordlaf and Guthlaf and commented on the striking coincidence of Hengest 's possession of a sword called Hunlafing. Later Rene Huchon in an article in the Revue Germanique^^ identified all three names with the three heroes mentioned in Beo- Avulf, maintaining that Hunlafing was the brother of Ordlaf and Guthlaf. Dr. Imelmann of Bonn agreed with this conclusion and strengthened the argument that Hunlafing should be re- garded as a, Germanic hero by quoting a passage from a late Brut- version (Cot. Yesp. D. IV) at fol. 1395: "In diebns illis, imperante Valentiniano, regnum barbarorum et geiMtianorum exortum est, turgentesque populi et nationes per "HiifhoTi translates lines 1142-1145 as follows: " Aussi lui (Hengjest) re recula-t-il pas devant la destinee. lorsque Hunlafing le mit en possession de la himiere de la guerre, de 1 'excellente 6pee, dont le tranchant ^tait fa- ineux parmi les Jutes (ou parmi les geants)." 24 THE FINNSBURG DOC?UMENTS totam Europam eonsedenmt. Hoc testantur gesta Rodulphi et Hunlapi, Unwini et Widie, Horsi et Hengesti, Waltef et Hame, quorum quidam in Italia, quidam in Gallia, alii in Brittania, ceteri vero in Gei-iaania ariuis et rebus bellieis claruerunt." These articles summed up in a note added to the introduction of the second volume of Holthausen's second edition of Beowulf attracted the attention of Dr. J. R. Clark Hall and completely changed his interpretation of the Finnshurg story. In a com- munication to Modern Lanur/age Notes, April, 1910, he expressed his relief to find "the personage of line 1143 a Dane" and the consequent clearing away of "translations which must have been felt to be unsatisfactory." He suggested one modification of the view of Huchon and Imelmann, namely : "Hunlaf, and not Hunlafing is the proper name of Oslaf and Guthlaf's brother, and the reference in line 1143 is to a son of Hunlaf. This is in accordance with both the authorities quoted by Imelmann, and it would agree with the usual custom in Anglo-Saxon nomenclature, while it would be difficult, if not impossible, to find a case where one brother's name ended in the same syllable as that of tlie others, but with the addition of -ing. If we may go by the order in the Skioldunga Saga, Hunlaf would be the eldest brother, and probably he was dead before the attack in the Finnshurg. It is noteworthy that he, and not Guthlaf and Oslaf, are mentioned in the Brut version which also contains the name of Hengest. If, as is not unlikely, Hunlaf had been killed by the Frisians, lines 1148-1150 may well have reference to Guth- laf and Oslaf 's personal loss, and to their position as his natural avengers. ' ' In the second and revised edition of his "Beowulf" (1911) Dr. Hall made use of these conclusions, which made necessary a complete revision of his previous treatment of the Finn episode. Miss M. G. Clarke, in her "Sidelights on Teutonic History during the Migration Period" (1911), sums up the evidence pointing to a historical background of the Finn saga.^^ She emphasizes each of the points suggested by Chadwick showing that the balance of probability "is in favor of accepting the Hen- gest of the Finn saga as the same Hengest who later on sought a new home across the seas in Britain." It is most unlikely, she maintains, that such a curious and extensive coincidenoe of ••Pp. 184-187. GENERAL SURVEY 25 names and events in wholly different versions should be due merely to chance. The work of Chambers in his revision of the Wyatt text indi- cates that he is in sympathy with the historical interpretation. His suggestions in regard to the tribal relationships of the lead- ers involved deserve thoughtful consideration. It is perhaps premature to refer to his interpretation or to classify it until after the publication of his "Introduction to Beowulf", in which he will doubtless give a full discussion of the Finnsburg passages. GENERAL SURVEY Reviewing the course of criticism we find that studies in other fields have very largely been responsible for the various inter- pretations offered. Thorkelin with his imperfect knowledge of Old English language and custom read into the episode Roman ideas and conditions. Grundtvig, although his work can not be relied upon for critical purposes without verification from modern scholarship, possessed marvelous insight and his translation, or more prop- erly his rhymed paraphrase, was evidently the result of long and patient study of the text. When we consider that his only ap- paratus for studying Old English poetry was the faulty Beo- wulf text of Thorkelin, the early Junius edition of Caedmon consisting of the bare text, and a few prose texts (including Hiekes' "Thesaurus"), we must admit that the results he ac- complished were remarkable. He is said practically to have learned the entire poem of Beowulf by heart, and by constant dwelling on difficult passages he found light in many obscure places. AVithout ever having seen the manuscript he published many cmPRdations of Thorkelin which afterward proved identi- cal with the manuscript readings. Kemble's interpretation was the first result of the new study of comparative philology. A student and ardent admirer of Grimm, he was strongly influenced in his views by the researches into comparative mythology prevalent at that time. As pre- viously cited, he suggested that the battle of Finnsburg might be an imaginative version of Froda the IV 's inroad into Old Sax- 26 THE FINNSBURG DOCUMENTS ony as described by Saxo Grammaticus. The account given in this semi-mythological chronicle is as follows •/'' "After Hame was killed, the sway of the Danes over the Saxons grew so insolent that they were forced to pay every year a small tax for eacli of tlieir limbs that was a cubit long, in token of their slavery. This Hanef could not bear, and he meditated war in his desire to remove the tribute. Steadfast love of his country filled his heart every day with greater compassion for the oppressed ; and, longing to spend his life for the freedom of his countrymen, he openly showed a disposition to rebel. Frode took his forces over the Elbe and killed him near the village of Hanofra (Hanover), so named after Hanef. But Swerting, though he was equally moved by the distress of his countrymen, said nothing about the ills of his land, and revolved a plan for freedom with a spirit yet more dogged than Hanef 's. Men often doubt whether this zeal was liker to vice or to virtue; but I cer- tainly censure it as criminal, because it was produced by a treacherous desire to revolt. It may have seemed most expedient to seek the freedom of the country, but it was not lawful to strive after this freedom by craft and treachery. Therefore since the deed of Swerting was far from honorable, neither will it be called expedient . . . For guilt has been usually found to come home to its author; and rumor relates that such was the fate of Swerting. For he had resolved to surprise the king under pretence of a banquet, and burn him to death ; but the king forestalled and slew him, though slain by him in return. Hence the crime of one proved the destruction of both ; and thus, though the trick succeeded against the foe, it did not be- stow immunity on its author. ' ' By identifying Hnaef with Hanef and substituting Hengest for Swerting we perceive here the main outlines of the Finns- burg events as read by Kemble. It seems probable that we have here the origin of the theory that makes lines 1142-1145 tell of the death of Hengest. As previously noted Grein followed Kemble in this interpretation making it simpler, clearer, and more for- cible. Thorpe, whose understanding of the Finn story was faulty in several respects, saw the error of this reading and pointed out in a note, "an exactly similar passage occurs hereafter where there is no question of stabbing." Holler's interpretation, as we have seen, was shaped by his belief that the "Finnepos" was a poetic reminiscence of the early •"'Saxo Grammaticus" (trans, by Elton), pp. 231-232. QENEEAL SUBVEy 27 Teutonic God, Frey, which myth appeared in other forms in Gudrun and in the legends of the island of Sylt. Saxo's narrative of Hrolfr kraki corresponding to the Biarka- mal furnished Bugge the basis for his interpretation. Passages of special significance for this theory are : "For in old time those who were about to put themselves in dependence on the king used to promise fealty by touching the hilt of the sword. "«« "Huge piles of arms were muffled up under divers coverings and carried by Hiartuar into Denmark, as if they were tribute ; these would furnish a store wherewith to slay the king by night. So the vessels were loaded with the mass of pretended tribute, and they proceeded to Leire, a town which Rolf had built and adorned with the richest treasure of his realm and which, being a royal foundation and a royal seat, surpassed in importance all the cities of the neighboring districts. The king welcomed the coming of Hiartuar with a splendid banquet, and drank very deep, while his guests, contrary to their custom, shunned immod- erate tippling. So while all the others were sleeping soundly, the Swedes who had been kept from their ordinary rest by their eagerness on their guilty purpose, began furtively to slip down from their sleeping-rooms. Straightway uncovering the hidden heap of weapons, each girded on his arms silently and then went to the palace. Bursting into the recesses, they drew their swords upon the sleeping figures. ' '^"^ Attention is called to the close parallelism of the opening lines of the Fight at Finnsburg and those of the Biarkamal. In the latter Rolf, the king, is asleep in his hall after the feast, when his enemies come. Biarki the warden rouses his comrades, say- ing -JO "The day is up, the cock's feathers are flapping, it is time for the sons of toil to get to their work. Wake and awake, comrades mine, all the noblest henchmen of Adils. Hoar with the hard grip, Rolf the good archer, well born men that never flee. Not to wine do I wake you, nor to woman's spell, but I wake you to the stern play of the war goddess. ' ' Bugge himself has pointed out that these two Scandiavian sources furnished him. the key for his interpretation. "Op. cit., p. 81. «»0p. cit., pp. 70-71. ""'Corpus Poeticum Boreale," Vol. I, p. 189. 28 THE FINNSBURG DOCUMENTS The conflicting views of these various schools of interpretation have been carefully considered by Lawrence,"^ who makes clear the many difficulties barring the way to a satisfactory under- standing of the documents in question. Among those difficulties he mentions particularly "the highly allusive manner in which the story is told, the unusual words and idioms, and the corrup- tions of the text." Although he appreciates the value of at- tempts to explain "individual words or lines", he believes that the "chief end of the study of details is after all tliat the nar- rative itself may be better understood," The foregoing review of Finnsburg criticism sustains his conclusion that "decision in regard to any one passage is likely to depend upon the view taken of other passages, and of the personal and ethnographical relationships of the different characters. ' ' The greatest need, then, for an understanding of the text would seem to be more acquaintance with the persons and tribes involved; in other words, we should approximate as closely as possible the mental attitude of those to wliom "Ilrothgares scop" addressed the episode. Careful studies through chi-onicles and tales of the various individuals concerned might tlirow liglit u])on dark places."' The immediate problem to be worked out is not, of course, historical verity, but the popular conception, — the saga material of the time. Studies of detailed passages, such as the recent article by Alexander Green'* in "The Opening of the Episode of Finn in Beowulf", have an important bearing on the conception of the whole. In a problem so difficult as that offered by the Finnsburg documents various methods of approach may well be tried ; philology, metrics, history, folk psychology, chance references in legend, ballad, or chronicle, all are possible sources of suggestion. Similar situations in the literature of kindred people must certainly be considered, but no scholar should al- low his special knowledge in one literature to influence unduly his interpretation of another, as did the earlier interpreters of "William Witherle Lawrence, ' ' Beowulf and the Tragedy of Fiunyburg ' ' P. M. L. A., 1915, 372-431, '^A study of Hengest is planned to follow this monograph, which I hope to complete during the current year, "Alexander Green, "The Opening of the Episode of Finn in Beowulf," P. M. L. A., 1916, 759-797. GENEEAL SUEVET 29 the Finnsburg tale, who regarded it simply as a ''distorted record" or "poetic version" of something else. Both the episode and the fragment carry a convincing impres- sion of first hand saga material, and the very fact that the tale has been connected by various interpreters with so many differ- ent legends helps to prove that it is not a part of any. Doubtless the elements that have led critics to make these various claims, — that it springs from the myth of Frey, that it is a variant of the Ingeld narrative, that it gives an imaginative description of an event chronicled by Saxo, that it echoes the Biarkamal, that it is another treatment of the Gudrun theme,— are the elements that are characteristic of its time, that gave it popular appeal to its age. It is the combination of these elements together with the challenge of its enigmatic language and alhisions that makes it especially interesting to the modern scholar of Old English. BIBLIOGRAPHY 1705 6. Hiekes. "Linguarum Septentrioiialium Thosauvus. " Oxford. 1805 Sharon Turner. ' ' History of the Anglo Saxons, ' ' Vol. IV. London. Second Edition, 1807. Third edition, 1820. Fourth edition, 1823. Fifth edition, 1827 (?). Sixth edition, 1836. Seventh edition, 1852. Ee- prints: Paris, 1840; Philadelphia, 1841. 1814 J. J. Conybeare. The British Bibliographer, Vol. TV. 1815 G. J. 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"The Story of Beowulf" (translation)- London. 1915 Bruce Dickins. "Runic and Heroic Poems of the Old Teutonic Peoples." Cambridge. W. W. Lawrence- "Beowulf and the Tragedy of Finnsburg. " P. M. L. A. New Series, XXIII, No. 2. F. Klaeber. "Observations on the Finn Episode." Jour Eng. and Germ. Phil. XIV, 544-549. 1916 Alexander Green. "The Opening of the Episode of Finn in Beowulf." P. M. L. A. New Series, XXIV, No. 4, / LIBRftRY OF CONGRESS 000 860 771 f PRICE 30 CENTS