j ■ i i » ■ i i LIBRARY OF CONGRESS DDDDt.D473DQ , 1 H i ■ ■ w t . : A. ili Tee STUDENT'S Modern Europe A HISTORY OF MODEKN EUEOPE FROM TUE CAPTURE OF CONSTANTINOPLE BY THE TURKS TO THE TREATY OF BERLIN, 1878 EICHARD LODGE, M.A. FELLOW AND TUTOR OF BRAZENOSE COLLEGE, OXFORD NEW YORK HARPER & BROTHERS, FRANKLIN SQUARE 1 890 mo THE STUDENT'S SERIES. 12.MO, Cl.OTU, UMFOBM IN STYI.K. LODGE'S niSTOr< Y OF MODEr.N EUROPE. %\ 5U. WBSTCOTT & lionrs GREEK TEXT OF THE ?fEW TESTAMHyT. $1 OU. ilANUAL OF ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY. Uy I'HILIP Smith. Two VmU. lllil»tralej. $1 5U e.ich. SKEAT'S ETYMOLOGICAL DICTIONARY. »1 'ii. THE STUDENT -S CLASSICAL DICTION- ARY, lllustnitad. l}l is. ANCIENT HISTORY OF THE EAST. By Philip S.mith. UlustmteU. $1 'J5. HISTORY OF GREECE. By Dr. William Smith. lUustriited. $1 M. COX'S GENERAL HISTORY OF GREECE. Witli Miip3. »1 '.'3. LIDDELL'S HISTORY OF ROME. lUM. $1 25. MERIVAI.E'S GENERAL HISTORY OF ROME. With Miips. $1 'Jo. 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With Eleven Maps. 75 cents. r(ii(i.iaiii-.i> iiv HARPER & BROTHERS, New Yokk. tj?r Anif of the above hooka sent hy mail, floatage prepaid, to any part of (he Ignited States or Canada on receipt of the price. ill Exchange Duke University P li E F A C E. The object of th;s work is to supply — what undoubtedly does not exist at present — a clear, impartial, and at the same time, a concise narrative of European history during the last four centuries. No attempt has been made to go into the details of the domestic history of each state, a task which would require as many volumes as there are states. Especially the history of England (w^hich has been admir- ably treated in Professor Brewer's recent edition of " The Student's Hume " in this series) has been omitted, exce]:)t so far as it is directly connc cted with the histoiy of the continental states. One of the gre^t difticulties has been that of arrange- ment. The Author has endeavoured to avoid the baldness of a chronological summsiry, and to group the history of the different states round the central current of European affairs. This method has necessitated freqi;ent repetitions, but it appeared tlie lesser evil of the two. At the same time a full chronological table has been inserted at the beginning of the work. The Author had prepared a number of genealogical tables to illustrate the family relationships which are of such importance for a clear understanding of I'.'uropean history. But they became so numerous and bulky as the work advanced, that it has seemed better to omit them, and to refer the reader to Mr. George's " Genealogical Tables" (Second Edition, Oxford, 1875). No single work has been taken as the basis of this book, and it would be impossible to refer to authorities without writing a bibliography of modern Euiopean history. The Author has spared no pains in consulting the best authors on each period, and has endeavoured to elicit the truth by a careful comparison of their statements. The amount of his success must be left to his readers to estimate. n CONTENTS. FAGB Inteoddctiox ,1 CHAPTER I. Europe in the Latter Half of the Fifteenth Centuey . 6 CHAPTER n. Wars in Italy, 1494-1519 33 CHAPTER HI. Rivalry between France and the Hapsuurus— First Period 45 CHAPTER IV. The Reformation •••..... 53 CHAPTER V. Rivalry detween France and the Hapsburgs— Second Period 73 CHAPTER VI. Charles V. and the German Reformation. Renewed war with France. 1532-1559 80 CHAPTER VII. The Counter-Reformation ... .... 93 CHAPTER VIII. The Reign of Philip II., and the Revolt of the Nether- lands •......., 101 CHAPTER IX. France and the Wars of Religion, 1559-1610 . . .114 CHAPTER X. Germany after Charles V., and the Thirty Years' War . 129 CHAPTER XI. France under Richelieu and Mazarin .... 152 CHAPTER XII. The Lesser States of Europe in the Seventeenth Century 173 vi CONTENTS. CHAPTER XIII. PAGB The Age of Louis XIV 215 CHAPTER XIV. Peter tue Great and Charles XII 267 CHAPTER XV. France after the Death of Louis XIV 288 CHAPTER XVI. The Reign of the Emperor Charles VI 304 CHAPTER XVII. Prussia before the Accession of Frederick the Great . 323 CHAPTER XVIII. The War of the Austrian Succession 335 CHAPTER XIX. The Seven Years' War 391 CHAPTER XX. Europe after the Peace of HunERTSBURG .... 430 CHAPTER XXI. The Reign of Louis XVI. 473 CHAPTER XXII. The French Revolution 490 CHAPTER XX in. The French Republic and the European Coalition . . 530 CHAPTER XXIV. Europe during the Agk of Napoleon. .... 571 CHAPTER XXV. Europe after the Great War ...... 635 CHAPTER XXVI, Revolution and Reaction 681 CHAPTER XXVH. The Union of Italy and Germany 716 CHAPTER XXVIII. The Eastern Question, 1830-1878 740 Index .....••••., 753 CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE.* A.I). PAGB 1453. Fall of Constantinople 29 1456. Siege of Belgrad. Death of John Huniades 19 1457. Death of Ladislaus Postumus of Austria, Hungary, and Bohemia 19 Fall and death of Francesco Foscari, doge of Venice ,. .. 13 1458. Death of Alfonso V. of Aragon, Naples, Sicily, and Sardinia .. 8 Election of Pope Pius 11. (jEneas Sylvius) 9 1459. Congress of Mantua 10 1-161. Death of Charles VII. of France. Accession of Louis XI. .. 22 Accession of Edward IV. of England. 1464. Death of Pope Pius II 10 Death of Cosimo de Medici 11 146.i. War of the Public Weal in France 22 14G6. Death of Francesco Sforza of Milan 7 Treaty of Thorn between Poland and the Teutonic Knights .. 17 141)7. Death of Philip the Good of Burgundy. Accession of Charles the Bold 23 1468. Treaty of Perronne between Louis XL and Charles the Bold .. 23 1469. Mairiage of Ferdinand of Aragon to Isabella of Castile .. .. 27 Accession of Lorenzo the Magnificent in Florence 11 1470. Temporary restoration of Henry VI. in England. 1471. Election of Pope Sixtus IV 10 Death of George Podiebrad of Bohemia 19 Battles of Barnet and Tewkesbury. Death of Henry VL 1472. Death of Charles of Guienne, brother of Louis XI 23 1473. Charles the Bold annexes Guelders , ,. 23 1474. Charles the Bold besieges Neuss 23 Accession of Isabella in Castile 27 1475. Treaty of Pecquigny between Louis XL and Edward IV 24 1476. Battles of Granson and Morat 24 1477. Death of Charles the Bold 24 ■Marriage of Maximilian to Mary of Burgundy 18,24 * For the convenience of the reader, some of the chief dates in English History have bce?i inserted, even-when no speciil reference has been made to thoni in this book. Vlll CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. A.». PAGE 1478. Pazzi Conspiracy ill Florence 11 1479. Treaty of Constantinople between Venice and the Turks .. .. 14 Lodovico Sforza becomes regent in Milan 8 Accession of Ferdinand the Catholic in Aragou 26 1480. Capture of Otranto by the Turks 12,31 1481. Death of Mohammed II 31 1482. Treaty of Arras between Louis XI. and Maximilian .. .. 24 Outbreak of the War of Ferrara in Italy 14 1483. Death of Louis XI. Accession of Charles VIII 24 Regency of Anne of Beaujeu in France 25 Death of Edward IV. Accession of Edward V. and Richard III. 1484. The War of Ferrara ended by the treaty of Bagnolo . . 14 Death of Pope Sixtus IV 14 1485. Battle of Bosworth. Accession of Henry VII. in England .. 25 Barons' War in Naples . . . . 33 1492. Fall of Granada 27 Death of Lorenzo de Medici 12 Electi n of Pope Alexander VI 10 Discovery of America by Columbus. 1493. Death of the Emperor Frederick IIL Accession of Maximilian 20 Treaty of Senlis between Charles VIIL and Maximilian .. .. 25 . Treaty of Barcelona between Charles VIII. and Ferdinand of Aragon 25 1494. Charles Vin. enters Italy 34 Lodovico Sforza becomes duke of Milan 34 1495. Expulsion of the Medici from Florence 35 Charles VIIL conquers Naples 36 Diet of Worms 20 Battle of Fornovo 37 1496. Expulsion of the French from Naples 37 1498. Death of Charles VIIL Accession of Louis XII 38 Death of Savonarola 43 1499. Louis XII. conquers Milan 39 1500. Treaty of Granada between Louis XII. and Ferdinand .. .. 39 Conquest of Romagna by Ca-sar Borgia 40 1503. Death of Pope Alexander VL Election of Julius II 40 1504. , The. Spaniards drive the French from Naples 39 . Death of Isabella ot Castile 28 1506. Death of the archduke Philip. Ferdinand resumes the govern- ment of Castile 28 1508. League of Cambray 41 1509. The Venetians defeated at Agnadello 41 Accession of Henry VIIL in England. 1511. The Holy League formed against Louis XII 4 1512. The French driven from Italy .. 42 Ferdinand annexes Navarre 26,28,42 CHEOXOLOGICAL TABLE. IX A.D. PAGE 1512. Death of Bajazet II. Accession of Sflim I ;U Restoration of the Medici in Floreuce 415 1513. Death of Julius II. Election of Leo X 42 1515. Death of Louis XII. Accession of Francis 1 4:1 Death of Ferdinand. Accession of Charles I. of Spain .. .. 28 Battle of Marignano. The French ricover Alilan 43 1516. Treaty of Noyon between Charles and Francis 44 1517. Luther attacks indulgences 55 1519. Death of Maximilian 1 21 Election of Cliaries V. in the Em])ire 46 1520. Outbreak of war between Charles V. and Francis 1 47 Death ot Selim I. Accession of Solyman the Magnificent .. 32 Luther burns the Pope's bull .. 57 1521. The Diet of Worms 57 The French driven from Lombardy 47 Death of Leo X. Election of Adrian VI 47 1523. The Knights' war in Germany 59 Death of Adrian VI. Election of Clement VII 47 Treachery of the Constable of Bourbon 48 Oustavus Vasa obtains the crown of Sweden lii 1524. Peasant Rising in Germany 60 1525. Battle of Pavia. Francis I. a ])ri.soner 49 End of the Peasants' war in Germany 61 Albert of Brandenburg forms duchy of Prussia under Polish suzerainty G3 1526. Treaty of Madrid between Charles V. and Francis 1 49 Formation of League against the Emperor 50 Diet of S]ieier in Germany 02 Battle of Mohacz. Death of Lewis of Hungary and Bohemia 52, 199 1527. Sack of Rome by the imperial army 50 E.Npulsion of the Medici from Florence 50 Ferdinand of Austria obtains the crowns of Hungary and Bohemia 52 Diet of Westeras. Reformation in Sweden 69 1529. Treaty of Barcelona between Charles V. and Clement VII. .. 51 Treaty of Cambray between Charles V. and Francis 1 51 Protest of Speier 63 First siege of Vienna I99 Fall of Wolsey in England. 1530. The Jledici restored in Florence 51 Confession of Augsburg g3 Formation of the League of Schmalkalde G3 l.')3I. Death of Zwiugli. Treaty of Cappel Go 1532. Treaty of .\uremberg between Charles V. and German Protes- tants 64 1534. Death of Clement VIL Election of Paul III 74 X CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. A.D. PACK 1535. Charles V.'s expedition to Tunis 73 1536. Renewal of war between Charles V. and Francis 1 74 CmIvIii in Geneva 70 1537. Death of Alessandro de Medici. Accession of Cojimo (the first grand-duke of Tuscany) 7(5 1538. 'I'ruce of Nice. Interview at Aigues-JIortes 75 1539. Charles V. suppresses the liberties of Castile 7(5 1540. Paul in. constitutes the Order of tlie Jesuits 94 1541. Disastrous expedition of Chai-les V. to Algiers 77 Diet of Ratisbon. Attempted religious compromise .. .. 82 Christian III. ofDenraiirk recognises the independence of Sweden 185 1542. P'rancis I. renews t.he war against Charles V 77 1544. Treaty of Ci-espy between Charles V. and Francis I. . . . . 78 1545. First session (f the Council of Trent 84,96 1546. Death of Luther 83 Outbreak of the Schniaikaldic War 83 1547. Death of Francis 1. Acce.ssion of Henry II 78 Defeat of the (ierman Protestants at Muhlberg 81 Accession of Edward VI. in Enghind. 1548. Charles V. issues the Interim 85 1549. Death of Paul III. Election of Julius III 68 1551. Second session of the Council of Trent 87,90 1552. Treaty of Friedewalde between Henry II. and the German Princes 86 The French obtain Metz, Toul, and Verdun 87 Maurice of Saxony attacks Charles V. 86 Treaty of Passau 86 1553. Death of Maurice of Saxony at Sievershausen 88 Accession of Mary Tudor in England. 1555. Religious i'eace of Augsburg 89 Death of Julius II. Election of Paul IV 90 Charles V. resigns the Netherbmds and Italian j)rovinces .. 90 1556. Abdication of Charles V 90 Philip II., king of Sjjain. Ferdinand I., Emjieror 90 1557. Battle of St. Quentin 91 1558. The duke of Guise captures Ciilnis 91 1559. Accession of Elizabeth in England .. 92 Treaty of Cateau-Cambresis 92 Death of Paul IV. Election of Pius IV 97 1560. Death of Henry II. Accession of Francis II. of France .. .. 115 Death of Francis II. Accession of Charles IX. Regency of Catharine de Medici 117 1562. Third session of the Council of Trent 97 Massacre of Vassy. Outbreak of religious wars in France .. 118 1563. Murder of the duke of Guise. Peace of Amboise 118 Close of the Council of Trent 98 1564. Granvella recalled from the Netherlands 107 CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. XI A.D. PAGE 1564 Death of Ferdinand I. Maximilian II., Emperor 130 1505. Conference at Bavonne between Catharine de Medici and Alva 119 Death of Pope Pius IV 98 15<)6. Death of Solyman the Magnificent. Accession of Selim II. .. 200 Election of Pope Pius V 99 1567. Second religions war in France 119 Alva sent to the Netherlands 108 1568. Treaty of Lougjumeau 119 Death of Egmont and Horn 109 Outbreak of third religious war 120 l.">69. Battles of Jarnac and Moncontour 120 1570. Treaty of St. Germain 120 1572. Revolt of the Netherlands begins 110 Election of Pope Gregory XIII 99 Massacre of St. Bartholomew 121 Battli! of Lepanto 99,201 Death of Sigi.-.mund Augustus of Poland. Election of Henry of Anjou 186 1573. Fourth religious war ended by Edict of July 122 Recall of Alva from the Netherlands 110 Cyi)rus surrendered to the Turks 201 1574. Siege of Leyden 110 Dt ath of Charles IX. ccession of Henry III. 122 l.">76. Pacification of Ghent. Don John in the Netherlands .. .. Ill Death of Maximilian II. Rudolf II., Em[)eror 132 1577. Edict of Bergerac in France 122 1578. Death of Don John (d' Austria Ill 1579. The Union of Utrecht 112 1580. Annexation of Portugal to Spain 105 1581. Gebhard Truchse.ss turns Protestant, and is driven from the archbishopric ot Cologne 133 1582. Disputes in the German Diet about the rights of Protestant members 132 1584. Assassmation of William the Silent 113 The death of Francis of Anjou makes Henry of Navarre heir to the French crown .. 123 Formation of the Catholic League in France 123 Death of Iwan the Terrible of Russia 189 1585. Election of Pope Sixtus V 99 1587. Acces.'iion of Sigismund III. in Poland 185,186 Execution of Mary, Queen of Scots. 1588. Assassination of duke Henry of Guise 124 Accession of Christian IV. of Denmark 185 Defeat of the Spanish Armada 112 1589. Death of Catharine de Medici 124 2^11 CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. A.D. 1589. Assassination of Henry JIJ. Extinction of the line of Valois. ' Accession of Henry IV 125 15(10. Philip II. suppresses the liberties of Aragon 103 1592. Death of John III. of Sweden. Accession of his son, Sigisnunid III. of Poland jgc Election of Po23e Clement IX jg-^ 1593. Henry IV. becomes a Roman Catholic 126 1597. Clement IX. annexes Ferrara to Papal States 181 1598. Treaty of Vervins between France and Spain 120 Henry IV. issues the Edict of Nantes 126 Death of Philip II. of Spain. Accession of Philip HI 113 Battle of Stangebro loo 1598-1613. Great Interregnum in Russia I80 1603. Accession of James I. in England. 1604. Sigismund III. of Poland deposed in Sweden. Accession of Charles IX. in Sweden -^gg 1605. Election of Pope Paul V [] * ]] " ^^-^ 1609. Truce between Spain and Holland 113 175 Formation of the Protestant Union in Germany I34 Disputed succession in Jiilich and Cleve I34 Expulsion of the Moriscoes from Spain I75 1610. Assassination of Henry IV. Accession of Louis XIII. Regency of Mary de Medici 228 15'^ 1011. Death of Charles IX. of Sweden. Accession of Gustavus' Adolphus jgQ 1612. Death of Rudolf II. Matthi.is, Emperor I35 1613. Michael Romanof becomes Czar of Russia 190 1617. Ferdinand of Styria recognised as Matthias' heir in Bohemia.. 136 1618. Rising in Bohemia. Outbreak of the Thirty Years' War 136 1019. The death of Matthias. Ferdinand II., Emperor I37 The crown of Bohemia accepted by the Elector Palatine, Frederick V 237 1620. Battle of the White Hill. Frederick V. driven from Bohemia 137 1621. Death of Philip HI, of Spain. Accession of Philip IV 170 1623. Frederick V. deprived of his electorate, which is transferred to Maximilian of Bavaria 138 Election of Pope Urban VIII Ig2 1624. Kichelieu becomes chief minister of France 138 154 1625. Accession of Charges I. His marriage with Henrietta Maria .. 155 1626. Intervention of Christian IV. of Denmark in Germany .. 139 Wallenstein enters the Emperor's service 140 Battle of Lutter 14y 1627. Richelieu lays siege to La Rochelle I55 Disputed succession in Mantua 142 1628. Wallenstein besieges Stralsund .. .. 141 1629. Christian IV. retires from the war 141 CHRONOLOGICAI. TABLE. xiii A.D. PAGE 1629. Feiilinaiul II. issues th? Edict uf RusliUition 142 Treaty of Alais with the Huguenots 155 1630. Wallenstein deprive! of his command 143 Lauding of Gustavus Adolphus in Germany 143 1631. Settlement of Mantuan succession by treaty of Cherasco .. .. 143 Gustavus Adolphus defeats Tilly at Breitenfeld 144 Urban VIII. annexes Urbino to the Papal States 182 1632. Successes of Gustavus Adolphus in Germany 144 Wallenstein resumes his command 145 Death of Gustavus Adolphus at Liitzen 145 1634. Assassination of Wallenstein 147 Battle of Nordlingen 147 1635. War declared between France and Spain 148, 176 Treaty of Prague 148 1637. Death of Ferdinand II. Ferdinand III., Emperor 148 1638. Conquest of Elsass by Bernhard of Sa.xe- Weimar 149 1639. Death of BernharJ of Saxe- Weimar. Elsass seized by the French 149 16 1-0. Accession of Frederick William, the Great Elector, in Brandenburg .. .. 149,324 Rebellions in Catalonia and Portugal 177 Jleeting of the Long Parliament in England. 16-i-2. Outbreak of the Great Rebellion in England. Death of Richelieu. Ministry of Mazarin 149,159 1643. Death of Louis XIII. Accession of Louis XIV. Regencv of Anne of Austria 161 1645. Treaty of Br6mse''ro between Sweden and Denmark .. .. 191 Beginning of the War of Candia between Venice and Turkey .. 202 1648. Treaty of We.^tphalia 150 Rising of Masaniello in Naples 178 Accession of the Sultan Mohammed IV 202 1648-1653. War of the Fronde in France 164-169 1019. Execution of Charles I. (.Jan. 30). 1654. Abdication of Christina of Sweden. Accession of Charles X. . . 192 1655. Charles X. of Sweden attacks Poland 193 1656. Mohammed Kiuprili becomes Grand Vizier in Turkey .. .. 203 1657. Death of Ferdinand III. Leopold I., Emperor 170 The Great Elector frees Prussia from Polish suzerainty ,. .. 194 Charles X. of Sweden invades Denmark 194 1658. Treaty of Roeskilde between Sweden and Denmark 195 Death of Oliver Cromwell. 1659. Treaty of the lyrenees between France and Spain 171 Defeat of Charles X. in the North 195 1060. Death of Charles X. Accession of Charles XI 195 Treaties of Oliva and Copenhagen 195 Frederick III. establishes absolute government in Denmark .. 190 Leopold I. involved in war with the Turks 230 XIV CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. ■*•''• PAGE 1660. Restoration of Charles II. in En;;land. 1661. Death of Mazarin 172 Louis XIV. assumes the personal control of the government .. 216 1664. Montecuculi defeats the Turks at St. Gothard 203 Truce of Vasvar 204 1665. Battle of Villa Viciosa. Portugal secures its independence 179,220 Death of Philip IV. of Spain. Accession of Charles II. .. 179,220 1667. War of Devolution 220 1668. Triple Alliance between England, Holland, and Sweden .. .. 220 Treaty of Aix-la-Chapel!e 221 1669. Venice cedes Candia to the Turks 204 Death of John Casimir of Poland. E.\tinction of House of Jagellon 198 1670. Secret treaty of Dover between France and England .. .. 222 1671. Ascendancy of Louvois in France 222 1672. French invasion of Holland 222 Murder of John de Witt. William of Orange stadtholder .. 223 1672-1676. War between Turkey and Poland 204 1673. French victories 224 League formed at the Hague against Louis XIV 224 1674. John Sobieski elected king of Poland 198 French victories 225-226 1675. Rebellion of Hungary under Tokoli 207 Death of Tiirenne. Retiiemeiit of Conde and Montecuculi .. 227 Swedish attack on Brandenburg 226 The Great Elector defeats the Swedes at Fehrbellin .. 197, 325 1677. William of Orp.nge marries Mary, dau. of James, duke of York 228 li)78. Treaty of Nimwegeu 226 1079. Treaty of St. Germain-en-Laye between Brandenburg and Sweden .' 197,229,325 1681. Louis XIV. seizes Strasburg 232 1682 Accession of Peter the Great in Russia 199 1683. Death of Colbert 230 Siege of Vienna by the Turks 208 Vienna relieved by John Soliieski 209 1685. Accession of James II. in England. Revocation of the Edict of Nantes 237 1686. Formation of the League of Augsburg against Louis XIV. .. 237 Suppression of the Hungarian revolt 211 1687. Deposition of Mohammed IV. Accession of Solyman II. .. 211 1688. Death of the Great Elector of Brandenburg 327 Revolution in England. Accession of William III. .. .. 239 1689. General European War 239 The Imperialists take Belgrad 212 1690. Battle of tlie Boyne 240 1691. Death of Solyman II. Accession of Achniet II 213 CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. XV A.n. PAGE 169L Leopold I. annexes Transylvania 213 1692. Battle of Steinkirk 242 1694-. The Turks recover Belgrad 213 1696. Victor Amadeus of Savoy receives Pinerolo and Casale .. .. 24.S 1697 Treaty of Ryswick 243 Eugene defeats the Turks at Zenta 214 Death of Charles XI. of Sweden. Accession of Charles XII. .. 198 Death of John Sobieski of Poland. Election of Augustus 11. of Saxony 198 1698. First treaty of Partition (of the Spanish Monarchy) .. .. 246 1699. Treaty of Carlowitz .. .. 214 League between Russia, Poland, and Denmark against Sweden 270 1700. Second treaty of Partition 246 Death of Charles IL of Spain 247 Louis XIV. accepts the Spanish crown for his grandson, Philip of Anjou (Philip V.) 247 Charles XII. defeats the Danes. Treaty of Travendahl .. .. 272 Charles XII. defeats the Russians at Xnrwa 272 1701. Outbreak of the war in Italy 250 Formation of the Grand Alliance ' .. 248 Kingdom of Prussia established by Frederick I. 327 1702. Death of William III. Accession of Anne 249 Charles XIL invades Poland 272 1704. Battle of Blenheim 253 Capture of Gibraltar by Sir George Rooke 255 Deposition of Augustus II. Stanislaus Leczinski King of Poland 274 1705. Death of Leopold I. Joseph I., Emperor 253 1706. Battle of Ramillies 253 Archduke enters Madrid and is proclaimed king as Chai'les III. 254 Philip V. recovers Madrid 255 Charles XII. enters Saxony and encamps at Altranstadt .. 274 1707. The duke of Berwick defeats the allies at Almanza .. .. 255 1708. Battle of Oudenarde 257 1708. Charles XII. invades Russia 276 1709. Battle of Malplaquet 258 Defeat of Charles XII. at Pultawn 277 1710. Congress of Gertruydenburg 2r)8 The archduke Charles recovers Madrid, but is again expelled.. 259 Vendome defeats the allies at Brihuega and Villa Viciosa .. 259 Fall of the Whig ministry in England 259 The Turks declare war against Russia 278 1711. Death of Joseph I. Charles VI., Emperor 250 Marlborough deprived of his command 259 Death of the Dauphin of France 254 Peter the Great forced to conclude the treaty of the Pruth .. 279 1712. Victoi-v of ViUars at Denain 260 xvi CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. A.D. PAGL 1712. Death of the duke and duchess of Burgundy 264 1713. Peace of Utrecht 260 Death of Fred. L of Prussia. Accessiou of Fred. William I. .. 327 1714. Treaties of Rastau'i anil Baiieu 261 Accession of George I. in England 265 Death of the duke of Berry 264 Charles XII. leaves Turkey and returns to Sweden 279 Philip V. of Spain marries Elizabeth Farnese of Parma .. .. 296 Outbreak of war between Turkey and Venice 305 1715. Death of Louis XIV. .. ., 265 Accessiou of Louis XV. Regency of Orleans 289,290 ("harles VI. supports Venice against the Turks 305 1716. Eugene defeats the Turks at Peterwardein 306 1717. Triple alliance of France, England, and Holland 298 Spanish conquest of Sardinia 299 Eugene defeats the Turks at Belgrad 306 1718. Turkish war ended by treaty of Passarowitz 306 Spanish conquest of Sicily 299 Quadru))le Alliance of France, Austria, England, and Holland . . 300 Chimerical schemes of Alberoui and Gorz 281,300 Conspiracy of Cellamare in France 300 Death of Charles XII. of Sweden 282 1719. Accession of Ulrica Eleanor in Sweden. Establishment of oligarchical government 283 French invasion of Spain. Dismi-jsal of Alberoni 301 17J0. Settlement of the northern wars 283 Victor AmaJeus III. cedes Sicily to Austria and receives Sardinia 3q2 Charles VI. publishes the Pragmatic Sanction 308 Collapse of Law's financial schemes in France .. .. .. .. 294 172J. Charles VL founds the Ostcud Company 309 1723. End of the Regency in France. Deaths of Dubois and Orleans 302 1724. Hipperda's schemes. His mission to Vienna 311 1725. Death c,f Peter the Great. Accession of Catharine 1 286 Louis XV. marries Marie Lecziuska .. .. 302 Treaty of Vienna between Austria and S])ain 311 League of Hanover between England, France, and Prussia .. 312 1726 Fleury becomes chief minister of France 303 Disgrace of Ripperda 313 Frederick William I. of Prussia deserts the League of Hanover 312, 330 1727. A Spanish fleet lays siege to Gibraltar 313 Charles VI. draws up the treaty of Vienna 314 Accession of George II. in England. Death of Catharine I. Accessiou of Peter II. in Russia . . . . 286 1728. Philip V. signs the conrention of the Pardo 314 CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. xvii A.D. I'AGF, 1729. Treaty of Seville between Eugland, France, and Spain .. .. 314 1730. Death of Peter II. Accession of Anne of CourlanJ .. .. 286,287 1731. Second treaty of Vienna. Don Carlos receives the duchy of Parma 31.5 1733. Death of Augustus II. of Saxony and Poland 316 1733-.5. War of the Polish Succession 31G-320 1733. Stanislaus Leczinski elected king, but e.\j)elled by the Russiiins 316 Accession of Augustus III. in Poland 316 France allied with Spain and Sardinia against Austria . ol7, 318 Family Compact (secret) between France and Spain .. ,. ;)36 1734. Don Carlos conquers Naples. Indecisive campaign on the Rhine 318 1735. Spanish conquest of Sicily. Charles VI. :iccepts the prelimi- naries of peace. Don Carlos keeps Naples and Sicily and resigns Parma to the emperor 319 Lorraine given to Stanislaus Lecziubki 319 1736. Russia declares war against Turkey 320 Death of Prince Eugene 320 1737. Austria joins Russia against the Turks 321 1738. Preliminaries of I73j confirmed in the third treaty of Vienna. France guarantees the Pragmatic Sanction 320 1739. Treaty of Belgrad between Au.^tria and Turkey 32] Treaty between Russia aud Tuikey , .. ,. 322 War of Jenkins' ear between France and Spain 337 1740. Death of Frederick William I. of Prussia. Accession of Frederick the Great 337 Death of Anne of Russia. Accession of Iwan VI 38(1 Death of Charles VI. .\ccession of Maria Theresa 338 Claims to the Austrian succession 331' 1740-8. War of the Austrian succession 342--38i> 1740. Prussian invasion of Silesia „ ., .. 342 1741. Battle of Mollwitz ;;4 '. Formation of league against Maria Theresa 34.') Convention of Klein Schnellendorf .')4<' Capture of Prague by French and Bavarians .'^s Deposition of Iwan VI. Accession of Elizabeth in Russia . . 388 Frederick breaks the convention of Klein Schnellendorf .. .. 348 Death of Ulrica Eleanor of Sweden. Accession of her husband Frederick 38'' 1742. Election of the Emperor Charles VII 349 Conquest of Bavaria by the Austrians 349 Failure of Prussian campaign in Moravia 349 Battle of Chotusitz 350 Preliminaries of Breslau and treaty of Berlin between Austria and Prussia 351 Treatv "f Dresclen bi'twi'on .Austria and Saxonv 351 XV^lll CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. ^■''- l-AGB 1742. The Austrians driven from Bavaria 352 Capitulation of French garrison in Prague 353 Indecisive campnign in Italy 355 1743. Death of Cardinal Fleury 35(3 Bavaria reconquered by the Austrinns. Convention of Nieder- schonfeld o:^- Battle of Dettiugen 35;^ Treaty of Worms between I^ngland, Austria and Sardinia . . 35ii Treaty of Fontainebleau between France and Spain 360 Treaty of Abo between Russia and Sweden 389 1744. Successes of Marshal Sa.xe in the Netherlands 3(31 Austrian invasion of Alsace 3(31 Fredk. the Great allies himself with France and renews the war 363 Prussian invasion of Bohemia and capture of Prague .. .. 364 Indecisive campaign in Italy 3(3(5 Retreat of the Austrians from Alsace ;i65 Traun manoeuvres the Prussians out of Bohemia 365 The Austrians again driven from Bavaria 366 1745. Death of the Emperor Charles VII. Accession of Maximilian Josejih in Bavaria.. 357 Treaty of Fiissen between Austria and Bavaria 368 Renewal of the alliance between Austria and Saxony .. .. 368 Victory of Marshal Saxe at Fontenoy 369 Austrian invasion of Silesia 37O Battle of Hohenfriedberg 37O Convention of Hanover between England and Prussia .. .. 371 Francis of Tuscany, husband of Maria Theresa, elected Emperor as Francis 1 372 Battle of Soor 372 Prussian invasion of Saxony 373 Treaties of Dresden between Prussia and Austria, and Prussia and Saxony 374 Austrian disastei-s in Italy 375 376 Negotiations between Sardinia and France 377 1746. Austrian successes in Italy 378 Death of Philip V. of Spain. Accession of Ferdinand Vf. .. 378 French successes in the Netherlands. Battle of Raucoux 379, 380 Futile attack upon Toulon 38o 1747. French invasion of Holland. William IV. becomes Stadtholder 382 Victory of Marshal Sase at LaufFeld 382 Failure of the Austrian attack on Genoa 382 Elizabeth of Russia quarrels with Frederick the Great and allies herself with Austria 390 1748. Treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle ends war of .\ustr:i-.n succession .. 384 Don Philip receives the duchy of Parma 385 1750. Mission of Kaunitz to Versailles 394 CHKONOLOGTCAL TABLE. xix A.n. PAGE 1752. Treaty of Aranjuez between Austria and the Bourbon states .. 395 1753. Kaunitz becomes chief minister in Austria 395 1754. Outbrealc of war between English aiicl French in America .. 397 1755. Treaty of St. Petersburg between England and Kussia .. .. 398 175(i. Convention of Westminster between England and Prussia .. 399 French conquest ( f Minorca 400 War declared between England and France 400 Treaty of Versailles between France and Austria 402 Frederick the Great invades Saxony 404 Battle of Lobositz 406 Capitulation of the Saxon army at Pirna 406 1756-17(33. Seven Years' War 400-429 1757. Russia accepts the treaty of Vers:.illes 407 Attemj)ted assassination of Louis W. by Damiens 409 Second treaty of Versailles 409 Ministry of William Pitt in England 414 Prussian invasion of Bohemia. Piattle of IVague 411 Defeat of Frederick at Kolin 4 11 Clive's victory at Plassy. Foundation of English empire in India 418 Convention of Closter-Seven 412 Frederick's victory at Rossbach 41."> Frederick's victory at Leuthen 414 1758. Ferdinand of Brunswick drives the French from North Germanv 415 Failuie of Prussian invasion of Moravia 416 Battle of Zorndorf 417 Defeat of F'rederick at Hochkirch 417 Choiseul bi'comes minister in France 420 Renewal of alliance between Austria and France 420 1759. Battle of Minden 422 Defeat of Frederick at Kunersdorf 422 Naval victories of England 423 Capture of Quebec. Deaths of Wolfe ainl Montcalm .. .. 423 Death of Ferdinand ^'l. of Spain. Accession of Charles III. .. 423 Pombal expels the Jesuits from Portugal 436 Capitulation of Maxen 422 1760. Schuwalow treaty between .Austria and Russia 423 Victories of Fiedei-iitk at Li'gnitz and Torgau 424 Death of George II. Accession of George III 425 1761. Resignation of William Pitt 426 17(12. War declared between England and Spain 426 Death of Elizabeth of Russia. Accession of Peter III 427 Alliance between Russia and Prussia 427 Deposition of Peter III. Accession of Catharine II. .. .. 427 Neutrality of Russiii 427 1763. Treaty of Paris between England, France and Spain .. .. 427 XX CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. A.D. PAGE 1763. Treaty of Hubeitsburg between Austri.i and Pru.ssia .. .. 428 Death of Augustus in. of Saxony nnd Poland 442 1704. Abolition of the Jesuits in France 436 Stanishius Poniatowski elected king of P(. land 443 1765. Death of Francis I. Jo.seph IL, hmi)erc)r 438 1766. Death of Stanislaus Leczinski. Anne.xation of Lorraine to France 433 1767. Expulsion of the Jesuits from Spain 436 1768. Corsica sold by Genoa to France 433 1769. Death of Clement Xin. Election of Clement XIV 437 Outbreak of war between Russia and Turkey 446 First interview between Fre lerick the Great and Joseph II. . . 447 1770. Fall of Choiseul 433 Second interview between Frederick the Great and Joseph II 447 1771. Abolition of 'the Parliament of Paii> by Maupeou 433 1772. First Partition of Poland 448 Gnstavus III. restores absolutism in Sweien 463 1773. Clement XIV. su])| resses the Jesuits 437 1774. Death of Louis XV. Accession of Louis XVI 434 Ministry of Maurepas 476 Treaty of Kutschuk Kainardji between Russia and Turkey .. 449 Restoration of the Parliament of Paris 477 1775. Reforms of Turf;ot in France 478 1776. Dismissal of Turgot 480 Nocker becomes Financial Minister 480 Declaration of American Independence 481 1777. Death of Maximiliaa Josejjh of Bavaria. Claims of Joseph II. to Bavarian succession 451 1778. Frederick the Great opposes Joseph II. in Ikivaria 451 Treaty between France and the American Colonies 482 1779. Settlement of Bavarian succession by treaty of Teschen .. .. 452 Spain joins France against England 483 1780. Death of Maria Theresa 452 '• Armed Neutrality " of the North 483 1781. Alliance between Catharine II. and Jose)di II 456 Resignation of Necker -IS;) Death of Maurepns 485 Surrender of Cornv.'allis at Vorktown 486 1782. Fall of Lord North's ministry in England 486 1783. The Crimea ceded to Russia 45(5 Treaty of Versailles. Recognition of American Independence 486 Ministry of Calonnc in France 487 1785. Frederick the Great forms the Fiirsten'mnd against .losejih II. 458 1786. Death of Fredk. the Great. Accession of Fredk. William II. 458 1787. Meeting of the Notables in France.' Fall of Calonne .. .. 488 Fredk. Wm. II. of Prussia restores William V, in Holland .. 46t CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. xxi A.D, PAGE 1787 Outbreak of war between Russia and Turkey 461 1788. Joseph II. joins Russia against the Turks 461 Treaty of the Hague between Pru.-sia, England and Holland .. 4G1 Gustavus III. of Sweden attacks Russia 46-} Louis XVI. r.'calls Nockor and summons the States-General .. 489 1789. Meeting of the States-General (May r.) ."492 Assumption of the name of National Assembly (.June 17) .. 492 Dismissal of Necker (July 11) ^gg Storming of the Dastille (July 14) 497 Recall of Necker ^gg I he abolition of feudal rights (August 4) 500 Riot at Versailles (Oct. 5). The king in Paris (Oct. 6) .. .. 50.5 Death of Abdul Hamid. Accession of Selim III 463 1790. Death of Joseph II. (Feb. 20). Leopold II., E.nperor .. ..464 The assembly draws up a new constitution for France .. 507-511 Re.'orm of the Polish Constitution (May S) 467 Treaty of Reichenbach between Austria and Prussia (July 27) 466 llesignation of Necker cig Treaty of Werela between Russia and Snelcn 463 1791. Death of Mirabeau (March 27) '' 513 Louis XVI.'s attemjit to escape (June 20). Its failure .. ., 514 Conference of Pilnitz . no . . olo Louis XVI. accepts the constitution (September 14) .. .. 516 Dissolution of the Constituent Assembly (Sept. 30) .. 516 Treaty of Sistowa between Austria and Turkey 466 Jleeting of the Legislative Assembly (Oct. 1) 519 1792. Treaty of Jassy between Russia and Turkey '.466 Russian invasion of Poland 457 Death of Leopold IL (March 1) .468 522 Death of Gustavus III. of Sweden (March 29) 523 France de<,]ares war against Austria (April 20) 523 Riot in the Tuilerios (June 20) 504 Francis II. elected Emperor (July 3).. .. 524 Manifesto of the duke of Brunswick f July 27; 525 Great riot in Paris (August 10). Suspension and imprison- ment of the king !-9,^ September massacres 507 Cannonade of Valmy (Sept. 20). Retreat of the Prussians '.'. 528 Meefingof the Convention (Sej.t. 21) 529 The French Republic. Beginning of the year I. (Sept. 21) .. 531 Annexation of Savoy and Nice to France 533 Successes of Custine in Germany 534. Battle of Jemmappes (Nov. 6). Dumouriez conquers Belgium 534- Trialof Louis XVL by the Convention (Dec. 13-2G) .. .. .536 1793. Execution of Louis XVL (Jan. 21) 537 Second Partition of Poland (.Tan. 2,3) 409 xxii CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. A.D. PAGE 1793. France declares war against England (Feb. 8) 538 Defeat of Dumouriez at Neerwinden (March S). Failure of his schemes, and exile 539 Rising in La Vendee 539 Appointment of the Committee of Public Safety (April C) .. 540 Fall of the Girondists (June 2) 541 Ee-organisation of the Committee of Public Safety, which becomes absolute 542 Suppression of jirovincial revolts 543 French victories 544 The Reigu of Terror 545 The " dumb sitting " of Grodno (Sept. 22) 470 Introduction of the republican calendar (Oct. 6) 545 The " Feast of Reason" (Nov. 10) 546 1794. Fall of the Hebertists (March 15) 546 Fall of the Dautonists (April 5) 547 Supremacy of Robespierre 547 Treaty of the Hague between England an 1 I'russia 550 Revolt of Kosciusko in Poland .. 470 Failure of Pi'ussian invasion of Polan I 471 'J'he " Festival of the Supreme Being " .June) 547 Death of Robespierre (July 28) 549 The Russians put down the Polish revolt 471 Thermidorian reaction in France 550 Closing of the Jacobin club 550 French victories 550-1 French conquest of Holland 551 1795. Third Partition of Poland (Jan. 3) 471 Break up of the European coalition 551 Treaty of Basel between Prussia an 1 France (April) .. .. 551 Treaty between Spain and France 'June) 551 Death of " Louis XVn." (June 8) 551 Suppression of the revolt in La Vendee 552 French constitution of the year III 552 Suppression of rising of 13 Vendemiaire 553 Dissolution of the Convention (Oct. 26) .. 553 The Directory 553 Campaign on the Rhine 555 1796. Bonaparte's invasion of Italy 555 Victor Amadeus III. of Sardinia concludes humiliating peace . . 555 Battle of Lodi (May 9). Conquest of Lombardy 556 Successes of the archduke Charles in Germany. Defeat of Jourdan and retreat of Moreau 557 Battle of Areola (Nov. 15-17) 558 Death of Catharine II. of Russia (Nov. 17). Accession of Paul 1 564,472 CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. XXiii A.D. PAGE 1797. Battle of Kivoli (Jan. 15) 558 Gun-ender of Mautua (Feb. 2) 558 Bonaparte concludes treaty of Tolentino with Pope (Feb. 19) 558 French invasion of Austria 559 Preliminaries of Leoben (April 18) 559 Submission of Venice 560 CoM^) cZ'e'te^ of the 18th FructiJor (Sept. 4) 561 Treaty of Campo Formic (Oct. 17). Venice ceded to Austria 56 J Congress of Rastadt 5Gi3 1798. The French enter Rome, exj'el Pius VI., and establish a republic 564 Bon iparte's expedition to Egypt 563 Switzerland becomes the Helvetic Republic 564 Second coalition against France .. 564 Naples, Sardinia and Tuscany occupied by the French .. .. 565 1799. French defeats in Germany and Italy 565 Restoration of Ferdinand IV. in Naples 566 Bonaparte's return from Hgypt (Oct. 9) 568 Coup d'etat o{ the 18tli lirnninire (Nov. 9) 568 Constitution of the year VIII 569 Bonaparte First Consul 570 1800. Campaign in Italy 574 Battle of Marengo (June 14) 575 Rloreau's campaign in Germany 575,576 Battle of Hohenlinden 57i> Paul I. renews the Armed Neutrality ^ .. .. 577 1801. Treaty of Luneville bet, veen France and Austria 576 Resignation of William Pitt 577 Nelson bombards Copenhagen 577 Assassination of Paul I. Accession of Paul II. 577 Capitulation of the French forces in Cairo and Alexandria . . 578 Preliminaries of peace between England and France (Oct. 1) 578 The Bataviau Republic 581 1802. The Italian Republic 581 Treaty of Amiens between England and France (March 27) .. 578 Bonaparte's concordat with the Pope 580 Bonaparte Consul for life (Augu.>t) 581 Increase of despotism in France . .. 581 Annexation of Piedmont to France (Sept.) 581 1803. Secularisation of ecclesiastical states in Germiiny 582 Renewal of the war between England and France 583 French occupation of Hanover 583 I80i. Isaue oi the Code Aapolem 580 Murder of the duke of Enghien (March 15) 584 Bonaparte proclaimed Emperor as Napoleon I. 585 William Pitt resumes office 58G Francis II. assumes the title of " Hereditary Emperor" of Austria 586 2 xxiv CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. A.D. PAGE 1805. Establishment of the "kingdom of Italy " 587 F"ormatiou of the third coalition against France 587 Napoleon marches against Austria 589 Capitulation of Ulm (Oct. 20) 589 Battle of Trafalgar. Death of Nelson (Oct. 21) 589 Prussia joins the coalition (Nov. 3) 590 Battle of Austerlitz (Dec. 2) 590 Treaty of Schonbrunn between France and Prussia (Dec. 15).. 590 Treaty of Pressburg between France and Austria 591 1806. Death of Pitt (Jan. 23) 590 Ferdinand IV. driven from Naples. Joseph Bonaparte pro- claimed king 592 Louis Bonaparte king of Holland 592 The Confederation of the Rhine (July 12) 592 End of the " Holy Roman Empire " (Aug. 1) 592 Prussia declares war against France (Oct. 9) 593 Battles of Jena and Auerstadt (Oct. 14) 594 Napoleon issues the Berlin deci-ee 595 1807. The English Orders in Council 596 Campaign in East Prussia. Battles of Eyiau (Feb. 8) and FrieJland (June 14) 596, 597 Treaty of Tilsit between France, Russia, and Prussia . . . . 598 Kingdom of Westphalia formed for Jerome Bonnj)arte .. .. 598 The English fleet bombards Copenhagen 599 Stein t^kes office in Prussia. Issue of the Emancii)ating Edict 604 French conquest of Portugal. Flight of the Court to Brazil 600 1808. French invasion of Spain 602 Abdication of Charles IV. and Ferdinand VII 602 The Spanish crown given to Joseph Bonajmrte 602 Rising in Spain. Capitulation of Baylen 602 Naples given to Joachim j^Iurat 618 The English in Portugal. Battle of Vimeira (Aug. 21) . . .. 603 Convention of Cintra. The French evacuate Portugal .. .. 603 Dismissal of Stein 606 Interview of Napoleon and Alexander at Erfurt 606 Napoleon in Spain. Joseph restored in Madrid 607 1809. Retreat of Sir John Moore. Battle of Corunna 607 The French again invade Portugal 607 Austria declares war 607 Napoleon enters Vienna (May 13) 608 Napoleon confiscates the Papal States 611 Battles of Aspern (May 22) and Wagram (July 5, 6) .. 608, 609 Armistice of Znaim (July 12) 609 The English drive the French from Portugal and invade Spain 609 Battle of Talavera (July 28). Wellington returns to Portugal 610 CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. XXV A.D. PAGE 1809. Disastrous expedition to VValcherea 610 Treaty of Vicuna between France and Austria 610 Gustavus IV. of Sweden deposed. Accession of Charles XIII. 599 1810. Napoleon marries the archduchess Maria Louisa 612 Holland taken from Louis Bonaparte and annexed to France .. 611 Massiina takes Ciudad Rodrigo and invades Portugal .. .. 613 Battle of Busaco (Sept. 29) 613 Massdna retreats from Torres Vedras 613 1811. Wellington invades Spain. Battles of Fuentes d'Ouoro(May 5) and Albuera (May 16). Return of the English to Portugal 614 1812. Wellington captures Ciudad Rodrigo (Jan. 19) and Badajoz (April 6) 614 Treaty of Bucharest between Russia and Turkey (May 28) .. 616 Battle of Salamanca (July 22) .. 614 Wellington occupies Madrid, but returns to Ciudad Rodrigo .. 614 Napoleon's expedition to Russia 617 Battle of Borodino (Sept. 14) 617 Retreat of the French from Moscow 617,618 1813. Treaty of Kalisch between Russia and Prussia 619 War of Liberation 620-624 Armistice of Poischwitz (June 4) .. 621 Battle of Vittoria (June 21) decides the Peninsular war .. .. 625 Austria joins the league against France 622 Treaty of Toplitz (Sept. 9) 623 Battle of Leipzig (Oct. 18) 624 Wellington fights his way through the Pyrenees 625 1814. The Allies invade France 625 Capitulation of Paris (March 31) .. .. 626 Battle of Toulouse (April 10) 626 Abdication of Napoleon (April 11) 626 Restoration of Louis XVIII 627 Treaty of Paris (May 30) 627 Louis XVIII. issues the Charter 628 The Congress of Vienna 629 1815. Napoleon leaves Elba and lands at Cannes (March 1) .. .. 631 Louis XVIII. flies to Ghent. Restoration of the Empire .. 631 Defeat of Murat at Tolentino(May 23) 632 Restoration of Ferdiniud IV. in Naples. " Kingdom of the Two Sicilies" 632 Battles of Ligny and Quatre Bras (June 16) 631 Battle of Waterloo (June 18) 632 Napoleon sent to St. Helena 633 Second restoration of Louis XVlll 633 Formation of the Holy Alliance (Sept. 26) 636 Death of Murat (Oct. 15) 633 Second Treaty of Pari.s (Nov. 20) 633 xxvi CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. AT). r^<5B 1818. Congress of Aix-la-Chapelle. Withdrawal of army of occnpation from France 640 1820. Death of George III. of England. Accession of George IV. Assassination of the duke of Berry (Feb. 13) 640 Koyalist reaction in France 641 Revolntion in Spain 642 Risings in Naples and Sicily 642 Revolution in Portugal. Separation of Brazil from Portugal 643 Congress of Troppau (Oct.), transferred to Laybach 645 1821. Austrian troops put down revolutionary movement in Naples and Sicily 646 Revolution in Piedmont 64G Victor Emmanuel I. abdicates ill favonr of Charles Felix .. 646 Austria helps to put down the revolution in Piedmont .. .. 646 Death of Napoleon I. at St. Helena (May 5) 641 Rising in Greece 650 1822 Successes of the Greeks 651 Congress of Verona (Oct.) 647 1823. French troojjs restore tlie authority of Ferdinand VII. in Spain 647 Reaction in Portugal 648 1824. Death of Louis XVII. (Sept. 16). Accession of Charles X. .. 657 1825. Egyptian intervention in Greece. Successes of Ibrahim Pasha 653 Death of Ale.x. I. of Russia (Dec 1). Accession of Nicolas 648, 653 1826. Fall of Missolonghi (April 2) 653 lilahmoud II. destroys the Janissaries 654 Convention of Ackermann between Russia and Turkey .. .. 655 1827. Treaty of London between England, France, and Russia (July 6) 655 Death of Canning (August 8) 655 Battle of Navarino (Oct. 20) 655 1828. Outbreak of war between Russia and Turkey 656 Dom Miguel usurps the crown in Portugal 672 1829. Diebitsch crosses the Balkans 65G Treaty of Adrianople 657 1830. Revolution in France (.July 28-30) 661 Abdication of Charles X. August 1) 662 Accession of Louis Philip)ie as " J^'oi lies Franfctis" 662 Rising in Belgium 664 London conference on the Belgian question 665 Rising in Poland 667 Accession of Ferdinand II. (King Bomba) in the Two Sicilies.. 671 1831. Death of Charles Felix of Sardinia. Accession of Charles Albert 676 Risings in Italy. Austrian intervention 071 Leopold of Saxe-Coburg elected king of the Belgians 666 Suppression of the Polish rising 668 1832. Formation of the Sichcncr-Concoi-dat and the Sarncr Bund in Switzerland 670 CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. XXvii A.D. PAGE 1832 Accession of Otho I. (of Bavaria) in Greece 657 The Reform Bill carried in P^ngland 663 1833. Holland recognises the independence of Belgium 667 Interview between rulers of Russia, Austria, and Prussia at Miinchengratz G69 Mehemet Ali obtains Syria 741 Treaty of Unkiar Skelessi between Russia and Turkey .. .. 741 Death of Ferdinand VII. of t-pain. Accession of Isabella II. .. 679 Quadruple alliance between France, England, Spain, and Portugal. Expulsion of Dom Miguel from Portugal .. .. 672 1834. Victory of the Liberals in Switzerland. Dissolution of the Sarner Bund 670 1835. Death of Francis I. of Austria. Accession of Ferdinand I. .. 688 1837. Death cf William IV. of England. Separation of England and Hanover 688 1839. War between Mehemet Ali and the Sultan 741 Death of Mahmoud II. Accession of Abdul Medjid 741 1840. Treaty of London. Mehemet Ali resigns Syria .. ..678,742 Death of Frederick William III. of Prussia. Accession of Frederick William IV 688 1841. Convention of the Straits 742 1846. The Spanish marriages 680 Election of Pope Pius IX 692 1847. War of the (S'oHrfc'/-6Mnrf in Switzerland 687 1848. Deathof Christian VIII. of Denmark. Accession of Fredk. VII. H91 Rising in Sicily and Naples i;93 Revolution in Paris (Feb. 24). Fall of Louis Philippe. The Second Republic tj8 + March revolutions in Germany 688-690 Revolt of Schleswig and Holstoin against Denmark 691 Charles Albert grants a constitution to Piedmont 693 Pius IX. grants a constitution 693 Revolt of Lombardy and Venice against Austria 693 War between Austria and Sardinia. Victory of Radetskv at Custozza 6it3-694 Meeting of the Gei-maa Parliament at Frankfort (May 18) . . 702 Suppression of socialist rising in Paris (June). Dictatorship of Cavaignac 686 Reaction in Vienna 697 Reaction in Berlin 701 Establishment of republics in Rome and Florence 695 Abdication of Ferdinand I. of Austria. Accession of Francis •Joseph 797 Louis Napoleon elected President of the French Republic .. 710 1849. Open revolt of Hungary 698 Charles Albert renews the war. Battle of Novara 699 XXVlil CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. A.D. PACE 184-9. Abdication of Charles Albert. Accession of Victor Emmanuel 700 Suppression of Hungarian I'uvolt 699 Ferdinand II. (Bomba) reduces Sicily 701 Dissolution of the German parliament 707 French occupation of Rome 70L> Reaction iu Central Italy 700 Capitulation of Venice 701 1850. Rivalry of Austria and Prussia in Germany 707 Convention of Olmiitz. Restoration of German Confederation 70S 1851. Coup d'e'tat in Vrance {Dec. 2). Louis Napoleon President for ten years 712 1852. Treaty of London (May 8) settles the Schleswig-Holstein question 709 First ministry of Cavour 717 The Second Empire in France 713 1853. Outbreak of war between Russia and Turkey 743 1854. France and England join Turkey. The Crimejn war .. .. 743 1855. Death of Nicolas of Russia (March 3). Accession of Alexander II. 744 Evacuation of Sebastopol 745 185G. Treaty of Paris ends the Crimean war 745 1858. Attempt of Orsiui to assassinate Napoleon III 718 Interview at Plombieres between Napoleon III. and Cavour .. 719 1859. War between Austria and Sardinia. Intervention of France. Magenta and Solferino 719-720 Peace of Villafranca 720 1860. Annexation of Tuscany, Emilia, an 1 Romagna to Sardinia .. 721 Cession of Savoy and Nice to France 722 Garibaldi in Sicily and Naples 722 Battle of Castel Fidardo 723 1861. Annexation of the Two Sicilies, Umbria, and the Marches to Sardinia 723 Victor Emmanuel king of Italy 724 Death of Cavour 724 Death of Abdul Medjid. Accession of Abdul Aziz 748 Emancipation of the Russian serfs 746 Death of Frelk. VVm. IV. of Prussia. A(x-ession of William 1. 725 1862. Defeat of Garibaldi at A&promonte 725 Bismarck becomes Prussian minister 727 Revolution in Greece. Expulsion of Otho 1 748 1863. Death of Frederick VII. of Denmark. Accession of Christian IX. 726 Rc-openiug of the Sclileswig-Holstein question 726 Rising in Poland 746 George I. becomes King of Greece 748 1864. Schleswig and Holstein ceded to joint occupation of Austria and Prussia 727 Suppression of the Polish revolt 746 CHRONOLOGICAT. TABLE. xxix A.I>. PAGR 1864. Cession of the Ionian Islands to Greece 748 18G5. Convention of Gastein between Austria and Prussia 728 18(JG. The Seven Weeks' war between Austria and Prussia .. 729, 730 Prussia annexes Schleswig-Holstein, Hanover, Hesse-Cassel, Nassau, and Franl^fort 730 Campaign in Italy. Venetia ceded to Victor Emmanuel .. 731 Battle of Jlentana. Renewal of French occupation of Rome 732 18G7. The North German Confederation 731 Kstablishment of dual government in Austro-Hungary .. .. 731 18138. Revolution in Spain. Expulsion of Isabella II 733 1870. Outbreak of Franco-German war 734 Fall of the French Empire. The Third Republic 735 Rome becomes the capital of Italy 738 1871. Proclamation of the German Empire .. 737 Treaty of Frankfort between France and Germany 736 1873. Resignation of M. Thiers. JIarshal MacMahon president of the French Republic 737 1 874. Accession of Alfonso XII. in Spain 739 1875. Rising in Bosnia and Herzegovina 748 18r6. Deposition of Abdul Aziz. Accession of Amurath V 749 " Bulgarian atrocities " 749 Servia and Montenegro declare Wiir against Turkey .. .. 749 Deposition of Amurath V. Accession of Abdul Hamid JI. .. 749 Conference at Constantinople 750 1877. Russia declares w-ar against Turkey 750 l'»78. Death of Victor Emmanuel. Accession of Humbert 1 738 The Russians at Adrianople 750 Treaty of San Stefano 751 Convention between England and Turkey 752 Treaty of Berlin 751 Resignation of Marshal MacMahon. M. Grevy president of the French Republic 737 1 MODERN EUROPE. INTRODUCTION. Without denying the essential unity of history, it is not only convenient but possible to draw a fairly well-marked line between certain periods. Such a line is that which is usually drawn between ancient and modern history at the fall of Rome. It was not true that Roman civilization ceased to affect the world, but a number of new influences came into working with the barbarian invasions, which were sufficient to mark a new epoch. Very similar is the line which can be drawn between the middle ages and later times. The two differ in innumerable points, in art, philosophy, language, liteiuture, and commercial principles. But the historian is pre-eminently concerned with tlie radical difference in men's conceptions of politics and society. In the middle ages there was nothing which corresponds to the modern conception of the state as a nation. The political unit was not fixed as it is now, nor was it so large as now. In some places it was the feudal lord and his vassals, who were bound together by reciprocal duties of service and defence. Elsewhere it was the commune, the association of citizens under a more or less indepen- dent municipal government. In other places it was still smaller, the guild or voluntary association of men for some common object, either mercantile or religious. Tiiese and other similar bodies were the practical units of mediasval politics. But in theory they were not units at all. The political theorist regarded, the whole of Christendom as forming one state, at once religious and political. This was the result of the influence of the Roman Empire, which fascinated the barbarians who broke it to pieces. This idea of unity lay at the root of the Holy Roman P^mpire, which in theory still represented the universal rule of Rome, long after it had lost all practical power and even influence. The theory was rendered more fanciful by the separation of Church and State, unknown before the introduction of Christianity. The 2 MODERN EUROPE. papacy rose side by side with tlie enipire, and the mediajval world regarded itself as one state with two heads. Tlie quarrels of emperors and jwpes did much to weaken the system which both represented. Thus in its theoretical unity and its practical division the political conaition of Europe in the middle ages diffei'ed com- pletely from that of our own tinus. Its social condition dillVrcd no less. The unit was not smaller, but larger than it is novv. The modern unit of society is the individual. In the middle ages the individual was powerless. He could only obtain separate importance as the holder of some office, as emperor, king, or bishop. Otherwise he must efface himself in a corporation. The social units of mediaeval times were the families, guilds, and corporations, wtiich were in some cases also jxilitical units, but which, even when they had begun to form part of some larger whole, continued to exist as the b ises of social life. Though the two periods are thus distinctly divided, it is not I'ossible to fix any absolute date ut division. The fall of Constan- tinople in 1453, which brought the Eastern Empire to an end, which spread Greek literature and culture in western Europe, and which made the Turks a first-rate European power, serves as a converiient landmark. But the transition from the middle ages was going on throughout the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. The most notable points in the great change are : (1) the decline of the empire and the papacy ; (2) the rise of the people, and their acquisition of a share in political power; (3) the formation of nations ; (4) the rise of monarchy. (1.) The practical power of the empire had been weakened by its long struggle with tiie papacy; it was almost destroyed by the great interregnum (1251-72) which followed the fall of the Hohenstaufen. The accession cf Rudolf of Hapsbu'g restored order, but the empire had sunk to an ordinary territorial lordship, or something even less. But the papacy did not reap the expected advantage from the fall of its old rival. The championship of the tempoial power fell to other and stronger hands. Philip IV. of France defeated and humbled Boniface VIII. Bonifoce's successor, Clement V., trans- ferred his residence from Rome to Avignon, and during a Babylonish captivity of seventy years (1305-77), the papacy was subservient to France. The enemies of Fr.ince became the enemies of the pope. This gave a great impulse to that national opposition to the papacy ■which did much to direct the course of the Reformation. The return to Rome in 1377 was followed by the outbreak of the great schism (1373-1417). Two popes, one in Rome, and one in Avig- non, claimed the allegiance of Christians. In 1409 the Council of Pisa elected a third pope. The Council of Constance terminated INTRODUCTION. ^ the scbism by the election of Mavtiu V. But his successor Euc^eaius IV. embarked in a quarrel with the Couucil ot Basel (1431-1449), in which the papacy was victorious, thongli it nevu really recovered its strengtli. From this time the popes smk more and more into temporal rulers of the States of the Church (2 ) As the empire and papacy declined, a new power, that ot the people, rose into prominence. In most European countries the towns had early established their right to form part of the political assemblies But within the towns themselves democratic move- ments were going on in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, The artisans revolted against the arbitrary rule of the merchants or city nobles. And gradually the conflict extended beyond the town- walls The fourteenth century is an age of great popular move- ments In 1291 the cantons of Uri, Schwyz, and Unterwalden formed their famous league. In 1315 their peasants del eated Leopold of Austria at Morgarten. Thus strengthened, the league extended itself and tot.k in Lucerne in 1330, Zurich in 1350, Claris, Zucr and Berne in 1352. Thus was formed the league of the eight old" cantons which in 1386 secured its independence by the victory of Sempach. Flanders was another important scene ci popular progress. In 1302 the Flemish burghers defeated Philip IV at Counrai. The people found leaders in Jacob van Artevelde, the* ally of Edward III., and Philip van Artevelde, who was ultimately slain at Rosbecque in 1382. In France Etienne Marcel headed a movement of the third estate in 1355, which aimed at first at constitutional reforms, but which degenerated into a selfish insurrection of tlie Parisian mob. This was accompanied in 1358 by the fearful peasant outbreak, called the Jacquerie. In luigland we find the Lollards teaching doctrines of democratic equality, and in 1381 the insurrection of Wat Tyler necessitated the enfranchise- ment of the villeins. In tlie fifteenth century we come to the oreatest of these popular movements, that of the Hussites in Boliemia, which for twenty years threatened to proselytise by force, first Germany and then Europe. But it failed because it was to., destructive, and because it oflered no satisfactory substitute for the svstem which it attacked. These movements were by no means uniformly successful, but even when they failed they were not without results, and they testify to a general ferment, whicli is a ~ si"n of the breaking-up of old political forms. _ °(3 ) With the rise of the people is intimately connected the rise of nations. Hitherto luirope had been mainly divided into classes. Chivalry was pre-eminently a class institution. Knighthood was a link between the upper classes of all countries. A French and a German kni-hth-^id more in common with each other than either had 4 MODERN EUROPE. with a citizen or peasant of his own country. But this came to an end as the lower classes forced their way iijnvavds. Europe began to be divided vertically, instead of, as before, horizontally. The rise of nations was the result of the gradual growth of common interests which bound together the inhabitants of certain countries in opposition to the class-interests which had hitiierto kept them divided. The most vivid form of common interest is comnion danger, and the chief creator of such danger has always be(>n war. Thus the Hundred Years' War created the French, and consolidated the English nation. In Spain the ancient and weli- markeil divisions of Castile, Aragon and Navarre proved ver\'' difficult to unite. 'J he first impulse to union was the marriage of Ferdinand and Isabella, who hehl the crowns of Aragon and Castile. They conquered Granada and crushed the Moors. Fenlinand annexed Navarre, but provincial jealousies continued to exist, and it was not till local life and independence had been stifled by the inquisition and the policy of Charks V. and Piiilip IL, that the Spanish nation was crushed and created at the same time. Two countries, Germany and Italy, were complete exceptions to the rest of Europe. Germany, nominally united, was really a loose federation. Italy was the battle-ground for foreign powers, and had no unity of its own. (4.) In all the nations which arose in Europe at the close of the middle ages, the growth of unity was accompanied by the rise of a strong monarchical power. The same causes were at work in both cases, 'i'he rise of the people, and the consequent weakening of class distinctions, as they aided the gradual imion, so also they strengthened the central power. This was specially the case in France. There the crown allied itself with the thn-d estate against the nobles, and thus raised itself till it could tyrannise equally over all classes. Foreign war too was as serviceable to monarchy as to nationality. Victory over the English enabled Charles Y. and Charles VII. to found a power, which was rendered despotic by Louis X r. In England the whole course of events was dififerent from that in France. But the result was not dissimilar. Lollard schemes of confiscation drove the church, formerly the champion of liberty, to the side of the crown. The nobles destroyed themselves in the Wars of the Eoses. The commons by themselves were for a time powerless, and the Tudors established despotism. In Spain it was the successful wars, first against the Moors and then in Italy, that founded the power of the monarchy. The accession of Charles V. gave the crown the assistance of foreign territories. This power was ruthlessly employed by Charles and his son to crush more ancient and more firmly established liberties than INTRODUCTION. 5 existed in any other country in the middle ages. Germany and Italy are again exceiitions. As they had no unity, so they could have no strong central power. The period of transition is also marked by a great social change, viz., the rise to importance of the individual. This change is closely connected with, the so-called Renaissance, wliich in its essence was the assertion of the rights of the individual against the med"i;\3val chains which had hitherto bound him down. Literature and art opened up a new cireer, over which the old restrictions had no control. The change was completed in the 16th century by the lieformation, which broke through the most oppressive trammels of the mediaeval system. These then are the chief points of the great chan2,e wliich inaugurated modern history. The empire and papac}', the repre- sentatives of the old theoretical nnitv, lost their infinence. That unity was replaced by large ai.d uriited nations under powerful monarchies. Feudalis.n, chivalry, and the class interes's which those institutions re| resented, were w< akened by the rise of the people. And lastly, a vigorous attack was made on the repressive influence of the old system by the growth of freedom of thought and individual liberty. One may also mention without comment, the rise of national churches and of national literatures ; the military change which substituted infantry for cavalry ; the invention of gunpowder, which gave a death-blow to military feudalism ; and the great scientific and geographical discoveries which opened up a new world of thought and action. CHAPTER I. EUROPIi IN THE LATTEIl HALF OF THE 15TH CENTURY. I. Italy from 1-1-53 to 1494-. — § 1. De-jline of the imperiiil power. § 2. Milan under the Sforz.is. § o. Naj)les and Sicily under the liiuise ot -Aragon. §4. The Papacy ; growth of nepotism. §5. Florence umler the Medici. § 6. Venice; polis}' of territorial aggression. II. (iEi;- .■MANY FROM 1453 TO 1519. — § 7. Union of royal and imperial power ; decline of central authority. § 8. Chief principalities of Germany ; the Isuights; the fi'ee cities ; fatal results of German disunion ; atteiniited reforms under Frederick III. § 9. Hungary, Bohemia, and Poland ; i.adislaus Postumus and the siege of Belgraii ; Hungary and Bohemia separated from Austria; George Podiebrad and Jlatthias Corvinus. § 10. Maximilian J.; reforms in the enijiire: advance of the House of Hapsburg. III. France from 1453 to 1494. — § 11. Growth of ihe French monarchy ; the dukes of Burgundy ; the War of the Public Weal. § 12. Rivalry of Louis XI. and Charles the Bold; importance of Louis' reign. § 13. Regency of Anne of Beaujeu ; Charles Vlll. ]>repares for his Italian expedition. IV. Spain from 1453 TO 1521. — § 14. Divisions of Spain ; Navarre; Aragon; Castile. § 15. Ferdinand and Isabella; fall of Granada ; the royal family ; Ferdinand's rule after Isabella's death. § 16. Accession of Charles I. ; revolt of the Com- munes. V, Ottoman Empire, 1453 to 1520. — § 17. Causes of Turk- ish success; conquests of Mohammed II.; Bajazet II.; lull in Turkish aggression. § 19. Seliiu I.; conquest of Syria and Egypt. 1. Italy from 14^o to 1494. § 1. Italy and Gfrmanj', the two countries whose history stands out in complete coutrast to the rest of Europe, were connected together by the fact that both were nominally subject to the same power, the Holy Homa.n Empir e. This was the chief cause that neither of them attained to national unity. The Empire, by its nature, could not be hereditary. Elective princes held their power on very precarious terms ; tliey had none of the ordinary motives for extending that |Ower ; and the electors were able to extort concessions which secured their own independence. Moreover, the attempt to rnle two such distinct countries did much to destroy any real authority over either. It was in Iialy that the imperial power first became a practical A.D. 1450-1494. MILAN UNDER THE SFORZAS. 7 nullity. The Hghenstanfen were the last emperors who made a serious effort to rule the southern kingdom. Tlie invasions of Henry "VII. and of Lewis the Bavarian, only proved the vanity of such an effort. Charles IV. (134G-1378), the founder of the great- ness of the Luxemburg house, with a self-control rare in that age, purposely left Italy to lis fate. The decline of the imperial power enabled independent despots to establish their power in most of the Italian states. Nearly every city had its own petty dynasty, as the Estensi in Ferrara, the Gonzagas in Mantua, the Bentivogli in Bologna, and the Baglioni in Perugia. But the n ost important of the States subject to despotism were Milan in the north, and ^Napl es and S^^cily in the south. § 2. Milan was ruled from the beginning of the iMh century by the Yit-cont i. In 1395, the emperor Wenzel gave to Gian Galeazzo Visconti the title of duke. But in 1447 his son Filippo Maria died without legitimate issue. After a short-lived effort to restore lepublican government, which failed through the jealousy of the neighbouring states, a successful military leader, Fran^^^sro Sforza. conquered Milan and established a new dynasty. His first task was to defend himself against Venice, the rival of Milan for the supremacy in northern Ital}'. But the news of the fall of Con- stantinople terrified the combatants, and the war was terminated by the peace of LQ . cli in 1454. From this time Francesco Sforza gave up his military career and devoted himself to the peaceful government cif his duchy. His chief supports were the friendship of Louis X L of Fiance, and of the Florentine Cpsimo de Medici. He also maintained a close alliance with thfi kings of Naples. His connection with France enabled Sforza to annex Genoa in 1464. This was his last great success ; and he died in 1466 leaving Milan to his eldest son Gal< azzo M_aria. Galeazzo Sforza represents the worst type of an TtalTSn despot ; he was selfish, debauched, suspicions, and cruel. Fortunately the continued influence of his father's ministers kept him for some time to a peaceful policy. The French alliatice was cemented by his marriage with I'ona of Savoy, whese sister was the wife of Louis XL But Galeazzo was rash enough to alienate Louis by an alliance with.Qharles the Bold. The defeat of the latter at Granson (1476) compelled him to sue for pardon which Avas contemptuously granted. After ten years of tyranny and misgovernnient, he was assassinated by three of the citizens whom he had grievously injured. He left an infant son, Gian Galeazzo, under the guardianship of Bona of Savoy. The guiding spirit of the regency was Francesco Simonetta, formerly secretary to Francesco Sforza and the devoted adherent of the policy of his former patron. The regency was attacked by the 8 MODERN EUROPE. Chap. i. brothers of the late duke, who were indignant at their exclusion from power. They were foiled bj' Simonetta's vigilance and forced to leave Milan. But Simonetta's adherence to the Medici roused powerful enemies. Ferdinand of Naples and Sixtus IV., who were anxious to crush Florence, determined, as a preliminary, to over- throw the Milanese regency. They encouraged Lodovico Sforza , the ablest of the exiled princes, to renew his intrigues. In 1479, Simonetta was imprisoned and put to death. Bona of Savoy was removed from the regency, and Lodovico Sforza became supreme in Milan as the guardian of Gian Galeazzo. Lodovico was personally timid, but endowed with more than Italian cunning. His am- bition was to supersede his nephew and to make himself duke. His unscrupulous pursuit of this object was destined to bring the greatest disasters upon Italy and ultimately upon himself. , § 3. Naples and Sicily, in the 11th century, had been formed into /' one kingdom under Norman rule. Two centuries later they had been conquered by Uhftrlnr of_^A^jou, bi'oth er of Louis IX. Qf France, who was called in by the jiopes to oppose the Hohenstaufen. But in 1282, a revolt, known as the Sicilia n Vespe rs, drove the French from Sicily, and gave that island to the house of Arago n. From this time Naples and Sicily were divided until the extinction of the original house of Anjou by the death of Joanna II. in 1435, Alfonso v., already king of Aragon, Sicily, and Sardinia, now obtained the crown of Naples after a contest with Bene le Bon of Piovence, the representative of a second Angevin line which was descended from Louis, brother of Charles V., and which rested its claims not on descent but on adoption. Alfonso V., by his ] atronage of literature and art, and by maintaining Naples in unwonted peace, has earned from historians the title of "the Magnanimous." On his death in 1458, he left Aragon, Sicily, and Sardinia to his brother, John II., while Naples, as a more personal possession, he bequeathed to his natural son Ferdinand I . This arrangement was contested in Naples where the Angevin claim was revived. Edne le Bon resigned his pretensions to his son John of Calabria, who was at this time governor of Genoa for Charles VII. of France. At first John gained important successes. But other Italian powers were opposed to the establishment of French in- fluence in Italy. Especially, Francesco Sforza, though formerly the enemy of the house of Aragon, now gave consistent support to Ferdinand. And John's failure was assured when Cliarles VII. was succeeded in 1461 by Louis XL, who regarded with jealousy the house of Anjou. In 1464 John left Italy and showed his sense of Louis' hostility by joining, the league of French nobles against him. Ferdinand I. was now firmly established in Naples. A.D. 1453-1494. THE POPES IN THE 15TH CENTURY. 9 His foreign policy will be best noticed in connection with the history of other states. At home his rule was in the highest degree oppressive and tyrannical, especially after the association in the government of his son, Alfonso of Calabria. Tiie treacherous cruelty with which these princes treated the Neapolitan barons was one among the many circumstances which helped to bring the French into Italy. § 4, The papacy occupied a unique position among Italian powers. From a very early time the popes had endeavoured, to supplement their universal spiritual authority by obtaining the secular rule of Eome and the neighbouring territory. Their claims were based on donations, real or pretended, of Koman emperors and Frankish kings. Their temporal dominions may be regarded as legally established by the cession of Rudolf of Hapsburg, and included Rome itself, the Patrimony of St. Peter, Eomagna, and the March of Ancona. But the withdrawal of the popes to Avignon {X^Qhr ^jj) enabled nobles and towns nominally subject to them, to throw off their allegiance, and the states of the church fell into the wildest anarchy. Cardinal Albornoz, as papal legate, restored the suzerainty of the popes, but only by confirming local independence. The Great Schism (] 878 - 1417") again reduced the papal authority to a shadov/. Martin V. (1417-1431) re-establihhed his government in Pome, but only by identifying his interests with those of the Colonnas, his own family. Eugenius IV. (1431-1447), who en- deavoured to abase the Colonnas, was driven by them from the city. But while he resided in Florence, his legates, Vitelleschi and Scararj]^, reduced Rome to submission. Under Nicolas V. (1447-1458^ a last attempt to revive republican independence in Rome was put down, and the ring-leader, S tephe n Porcaro, was put to death. From this time the temporal sovereignt)' of the popes produced its natural result, nepotisn). Men who had no chance of founding a dynasty, and who, elected in their old age, could expect but a short tenure of power, made their first object the aggrandise- ment of their relatives. Only one or two, more magnanimous than the rest, were roused by the Turkish advance to energetic labours on behalf of Christendom. Calixtus III. (1455-1458) conferred the cardinal's hat on his nephew, EoJrigQ Borgi a, who was destined to carry nepotism to its extreme, and to bring lasting discredit on the pApacy. Pius II. (1458-14G4), the famous . ^Jlneas. Sylviu s Piccolojpini, redeemed a worldly and careless youth by devoted efforfs" to rouse the temporal princes to a crusade against the Turks. But the age of crusades was past; international jealousy and the desire of territorial aggrandisement were too powerful to allow any combination of 10 MODERN EUROPE. Chai-. i. European powers in a joint enterprise. The Congress of Mantua (1459) 2>roved a complete failure, and Pius had to content himself with renewing tlie war between Venice and the Turl\S. The old pope died on the beach at Ancona, whither he had proceeded to superintend in person the embarkation of the crusading fleet, Paul II. (1464-1471), liimself a Venetian, was expected to give great assistance to his countrymen. But he was absorbed in secular interests, and he even aided the Turks by impelling Matthias Corvinus, the ally of Venice, to make Avar on the Bohemian heretics. His successor, Sis;ljis_IV. (1471-1484), was one of the worst popes even of the 15th century. He liad five nephews : Girolamo and Pietro Kiario, Lionardo, Giiiliano and Giovanni della Povere. All of them were raised to distinction either within or without the church. For Girolamo Riario he obtained Imola and Forli ; and the endeavour to carve out a principality for this favoured nephew involved Italy in wars which still more divided the country and prepared the way for foreign invasion. I nnocent VII I. (1484- 1492), far less active than his predecessor, is notorious as the first pope who openly acknowledged his own children. But he Avas content to enrich his son, Franceschetto Cibo, with the spoils of the Roman curia, without attempting to alienate papal territories in his favour. On Innocent's death, the most prominent aspirants to the tiara were Giuliano della Rovere, nephew of Sixtus IV., and after- wards pope as Julius II., and Ascanio Sforza, the younger brother of Lodovico. As neither could obtain the requisite majority, the cardinals allowed their votes to be purchased by Rodrigo Borgia, the nephew ofX!alixtus III., who in 1492 became pope with the title of Alcsander_yi. § 5. There were only two important states in Italy whose government was professedly republican, Florence and Venice. The liberties of Florence had long been undermined, first by the Albizzi, (1378-1434), and afterwards by the l^edici. Cosimo de Medici, the founder of the greatness of his family, headed the opposition to the Albizzi as the champion of the lower classes. In 1433 Rinaldo Albizzi procured the banishment of his rival. But during his absence a revolution took place, the Albizzi were driven into exile, and Cosimo ret iu'ned from Venice to become the ruler of Florence. He was careful to disguise his supremacy by the main- tenance of constitutional forms and by retaining the habits of life of a private citizen. He found his chief supports in the favour of the lower classes and the wealth which he obtained by commerce. He was a distinguished patron of art and literature. P)y maintain- ing friendly relations with Milan on the one side and Naples on the other, he was able to act as a mediator in Italian ]iolitics. He A.D. 1478. CONSPIRACY OF THE PAZZI. 11 died in 1464, and the title of pater pafrice was inscribed upon his tomb. His son Piero (1464-9), who succeeded him in middle age, had to confront a confederacy of powerful citizens who were jealous of the Medici supremacy. But though the conspirators were supported by Venice, always jealous of the commercial prosperity of Florence, they were defeated ; and Piero, in spite of the ill-health which crippled him, left his family more powerful at his death than it had been at his accession. Piero left two sons, Lorenz o and Giuliano, the elder of whom now became the ruler ot Florence, and has obtained a great name in history. For nine years he governed in peace and prosperity, lie was careful to follow his grandfather's policy, and to maintain the alliance with Milan and Naples. But his power was shaken and almost destroyed by a quarrel with Si^iiiS-IV. Lorenzo had gone in person to congratulate the pope on his accession, and the Medici had been appointed receivers of the papal revenues. This good understanding did not last long. Sixtus gave the arch- bishopric of Pisa to Francesco Salviati, but Pisa was subject to Florence, and Lorenzo refused to recognise the appointment. A fiir more important cause of quarrel was the opposition of the Medici to the pope's schemes on behalf of Girolamo Piiario. The Florentines were hostile to the creation of a new dynasty in Romagna, and when Sixtus wished to borrow money for the purchase of Imola, the Medici refused the loan. Their post at Rome was taken from them and given to the Pazzi, another and hostile Florentine family. But the pope, not content with this, wished to destroy the Medici supremacy in Florence. With his sanction a conspiracy was formed by Girolamo Riario, Salviati, and the Pazzi. It is doubtful whether the pope was cognisant of the scheme for assassinating the two brothers. On Palm Sunday, 1478, the attempt was made in the cathedral of Florence. Giuliano de Medici was slain, but the priests who had been specially chosen to commit the sacrilege of murder in a church, failed in their attack on Lorenzo, and he escaped, though wounded, to the sacristy. The city rose in his defence, and prompt vengeance was taken on the conspirators. Salviati, in his archiepisco[ al robes, was hanged with his colleagues from the windows of the Palazzo Vecchio. The news of these events infuriated Sixtus IV., who excom- municated the Florentines, and concluded an alliance against them with Ferdinand of Naples. Thus the balance of the Italian states, which had been so dear to Cosimo de Medici and Francesco Sforza, was suddenly overthrown. Hitherto Milan, Florence, and Naples had stood together, and had been strong enough to maintain the peace against Venice and the papacy. Now Italy was geographi- 12 MODERN EUROPE. Chap. i. cally diviiled into two hostile leagues ; in the north, Milan, Venice, and Florence ; in the south, Naples and the pope. In the war which followed Florence was reduced to the greatest straits. Venice was a feeble and vacillating ally ; Lilian rendered \ what assistance it could, but, as has been seen, the friendly government of Simonetta was weakened and overthrown by the intrigues of Ferdinand of Naples. Lorenzo de Medici relied with confidence on the support of France, Louis XI, sent Philippe de Conimines to Florence, but an envoy without troops could effect nothing. Thus Florence was left to its own defence. Alfonso of Calabria took Siena and a number of the Florentine fortresses. But fortunately a coolness sprang up between the pope and his ally, and Lorenzo took advantage of this to pay a personal visit to Ferdinand, With him he concluded a separate treaty, which was .' at last reluctantly accepted by Sixtus IV. Florence was not yet / out of danger, as Alfonso of Calabria tried to obtain permanent / possession of Siena, But the capture of Qtranto b y the Turks iu / lASO compelled the Neapolitan troops to withdraw for the defence ■ oftTieir own country. ' The failure of the conspiracy of the Pazzi and the extrication of ^ Florence from pressing danger, strengthened the hands of Lorenzo, j tie was now able to make his government more despotic, ani to / get rid of many of the popular forms which had hitherto hampered him. The citizens began to adrjress him with a servility hitherto unknown, and Florence witnessed the establishment of a splendid court, which resembled while it surpassed the courts of the northern despots, Lorenzo was himself a poet of no mean /' capacity, and his munificent patronage of art and literature, ' while it benefited Italy and the world, has helped to give him j too lofty a reputation. His abilities, both as a ruler and a dip- ,i lomatist, were unquestionable. But his honesty was not above j the conventional Italian standard, and by destroying Florentine; freedom he helped to degrade the political life of Italy. Lorenzoj found it impossible to combine, as Cosimo had done, the func^ tions of a statesman and a man of business. As the political; power of the Medici increased, their mercantile profits diminished,' and there can be no doubt that Lorenzo employed the public funds, to support his own failing credit. But his name was gratefully . remembered in Italy as the successful advocate of peace. When war '; was inevitable he laboured to maintain the balance of power. His death in 1492, at the early age of 41, was felt as a national disaster, and his best fame is the general belief that had he lived longer he might have averted many of the subsequent troubles from Italy, Lorenzo left three sons ; Piero, who succeeded him, Giovanni^ A.D. 1453-1494. VENICE IN THE 15TH CENTURY. 13 afterwards famous as pope Leo X., and GiuUiUiC. His brother Ginliano, the victim of the Pazzi conspiracy, had left a natural smi ftiiiUn^ who phiys a prominent though ill-fated part in later history as Clement VII. 1'he Florentines were soon made con- scious of the loss they had sustained. Piero de Medici was as rash as his father liad been prudent. He irritated the citizens by his contemptuously public assumption of despotic authority. And his foreign policy was still more ruinous. Deserting the tradilioual policy of his family, he identified his interests wholly with Naples, and thus alienatLd Milan just at a time when the unity of Italy was required to avert a foreign invasion. §6. Perhaps ihc most prominent of Italian states in the eyes of Europe was Venice. The stability of its institutions, its com- mercial wealth, and the success of its cautious policy, combined to dazzle both philosophers and practical politicians. The Venetian government was a close and suspicious oligarchy. Power was confined to those families whose names were inscribed in the Golde n Book. But among them a number of institutions had been devised which gradually restricted executive jiower to fewer and fewer hands, and thus secured that secresy which the Venetians regarded as the highest object of government. In the 15th century tlie famous Qouncil of Ten was supreme in Venice. Ever since the foiirtli crusade (1204), Venice had held important possessions in Eastern Europe, and had enriched itself with the commerce of the Levant. But the advance of the Turks had diminished their territories and crippled their commerce. To compensate themselves fide.. He j^romised his protection to the neighbouring princes who were willing to pay tribute. But even had lie wished to stop short in the work of conquest, events were too strong to allow him to do so. From 1455 onwards his reign was one of ceaseless military activity^ of which it is only possible to give a brief summary. He annexed the province of Servia, but his further progress westwards was arrested by the relief of Belgrad in 145G. Iri the south he wa i more successful. The duchy of Athens was taken from the Florentine family of Acciajuoli. George and Demetrius, two survivors of the house of Palfeologus, were driven out of the Morea, and the whol'i of the peninsula w\as annexed except the few possessions of Venice. One after another Lesbos and other islands in the ^gean were conquered. Successful resistance was made only by the knights of Rhodes, the outpost of Christendom, and by Scanderbeg, the Albanian hero. All this time Mohammed II. was engaged in constant wai's in Asia Minor, where he conquered the prince of Caramania, the old rival of the Ottomans. The Sultan was also occupied with the reduction of the Danubian principalities. In 1462 he annexed \\'allachia. In A.I). 1453-1481. CONQUESTS OF MOHAMMjeiD II. 31 the next year he overran Herzegovina and Montenegro, and in 1464 he Completed the coiiqncst of the kingdom of Bosnia. Further acquisitions in this direction were prevented by the military activity of Hungary under Matthias Corvinus. Matthias might have been able to drive the Turks backwards, had he not been diverted from the enterj^rise by his wars with Boiiemia and Austria. The progress of the Turks and the entreaties of Pope Pius II. at last drew Venice into the war which it had hitherto shunned. But the war was as unsuccessful as the former peace had been discreditable. Negropont and other Venetian possessions in Greece were conquered. The death of Scanderbeg in 1467 not only deprived the Republic of its most valuable ally, but hampered it with the defence of Albania. The fortresses of Kroja and Scutari were consequently besieged and in 1479 Venice had to conclude the peace of Constantinople, by which Albania and most of the Greek territories were surrendered, and the rest were hehl under Turkish suzerainty. Mohammed II. now organised an Italian ex- pedition, which took Otranto in 1480, and caused a new feeling of alarm. But Otranto was restored in the next _\ ear on account of the death of Mohammed II. at the age of fifty-one. § 18. The Turkish throne was now contested by Mohammed's two sons Bajazet and Djem, Bajazct succeeded in defeating his younger but more capable brother, who fell into the hands of the knights of Rhodes, The Sultan, anxious to get rid of his formidable rival, paid the knights 45,000 ducats a year to keep him a prisoner. In 1489 the unfortunate Djem passed into the keeping of the poj^e. Innocent VIIL, who received still larger sums from Bojazet. Alexander VI. was compelled to surrender his captive to Charles VIII., but was suspected of being bribed to poison him beforehand. At any rate Djem died in 1495, and Bajazet at last felt his throne to be secure. Bajazet II. presents a cuiious contrast to his predecessors and successors. With some interest in literature, he was averse to war, and during his reign there was a lull in Turkish aggression. But the military activity of his subjects compelled him occasionally to ilivert his attention from jieaceful pursuits. He reduced a revolt in Bosnia, and overran Croatia. He was nlso involved in a war with Venice which was end(d by a peace in 1502. The Turks were disgusted with their indolent ruler. The Janissaries began to show- that turbulence which was afterwards so fatal to the empire. Bajazet's son, i^iLijn, was the favourite of the soldiers. Supported by them, he dcposel his father, who died of poison (1512). Selim I. commenced his reign witii the murder of all his brothers, a 32 MODERN EUROPE. Chap. r. practice which became the invariable concomitant of each sultan's accession. § 19. Uuder Selim I., a ferocious and warlike prince, the Turks resumed that career of conquest, which had been interrupted since the death of Mohammed II. From 1514 to 1516 he was engaged in a war with the Persians, and conquered Mesopotamia. The Persians were Moliammedans, but of tlie sect of ihe S]iiii£&, who showed especial reverence to Ali, Mohammed's son-in-law, and regarded him as the lawful successor of the iirophet. 'J'he orthodox Mohammedans, or Sonnit es, to whom the Tui-ks belonged, acknow- ledged the intermediate Caliphs, Abou Bekir, Omar and Othman, who ruled before Ali. They regarded the Shiites with far greater abhorrence than they did the Christian heretics. In 1516 Selim attacked and conquered Syria. He then turned his arms against Egypt, where the ancient Caliphs still retained a shadow of their former power, at once ruled and protected by the Mamelukes. Bgj'pt was speedily reduced, and the last of the Abasside Caliphs, Motawakkel, was removed to die in obscurity in Constantinople. From this time the Turkish sultans were regarded as the successors to the Caliphate, and thus became the spiritual as well as the temporal heads of Islam. Egyj^t was by far the most important Turkish conquest since that of Constantinople. It r^ave the last blow to the commerce of Venice by securing to the Turks the absolute control of the Levant. Soon after this great success, as he was planning an attack upon Rhodes, Selim I. died of the plague (1520). His son and successor, Solyman the Magnificent, became the able rival of the great European princes of the 16th centuryo CHAPTER IT. WARS IN ITALY, 1494-1519. § i. Possible claimants to the crown of Naples ; Charles VIII. 's invasion solicited by revolted barons and by Lodovico Sforza. § 2. Rapid success of the French in Italy ; league formed against them ; Charles' return ; battle of Fornovo. § 3. Loss of Naples by the French ; death of Charles VIII. § 4. Louis XII. conquers Milan ; partition of Naples with Spain ; French expelled from Naples by Gonsalvo de Cordova. § 5. Alexander VI. and Cresar Borgia : reduction of Romagiia ; death of the Pope and fall of Cajsar. § 6. Julius II. ; the League of Cambray ; the Holy League; the French lose Milan; death of Louis XII. and of Julius II. §7. Florence under Savonarola ; his fall; Sodeiini gonfa- lonier for life ; restoration of the Medici. § 8. Francis I. invades Italy; battle of Mariguano ; conquest of Milan; treaty between Francis and Leo X. § 1, The tyranny of Ferdinand of Naples and his son Alfonso of Calabria provoked a rebellion among the Neapolitan barons (1485), which had important ultimate results. The claims advanced by the popes to the suzerainty of Naples gave them frequent causes of quarrel with the king, and Innocent VIII. supported the insurgents. It was decided to bring forward a claimant to the throne in opposition to Ferdinand. There were two families from which such a claimant might be chosen, those of Aragon and Anjou, FfiidiQand jitAragon, the lawful son of John II., might claim Naples against his bastard cousin. In the house of Anjou, the old ii^iie of Pro- vence had died in 1480, and his only descendant was Kene of Lorraine, the son of his daughter Yolande. But the elder E^n^ had disinherited his grandson, and had left his possessions and claims to his nephew, Charles of Maine. The latter had died in 1481 after making a will in favour of Louis XL By the wills, therefore, of Rene le Bon and Charles of Maine, their rights, such as they were, to the crown of Naples might be claimed by Charles VIII. But the Neapolitans do not appear to have recognised these wills, and the crown was offered to I|ene of Lorraijie. He was at this time at the French court endeavouring to establish his claim to his grandfather's county of Provence. In this hopeless pursuit he wasted the time which might have given him the throne of 34 MODERN EUROPE. Chap. ii. | Naples. Vessels waited for him in vain at Genoa, and at last the barons surrendered on promise of a complete amnesty. In defiance of this promise, they were seized and shut up in jDrison, from which few of them came out alive. A small number of nobles, who had declined to put their faith in princes, remained in exile, and were impelled by the fate of their comrades to take vigorous measures of revenge. Their leaders were the princes of Salerno andBisignan, the heads of the house of San Severino. They rejmired to Venice, now as ever the enemy of Naples, and asked advice as to whom they should appeal to for aid. The choice lay between Rene of Lorraine, the hereditary Angevin claimant, Charles VIIJ., who claimed to represent the same family by the wills of Rene I. and his nephew, and Ferdinand the Catholic, the representative of the legitimate Aragonese line. Eene had shown his incapacity, the Venetians feared any increase of the maritime power of Spain, so by their advice it was determined to apply to France, wliither the prince of Salerno proceeded in 1492. Meanwhile events occurred elsewhere to focilitate the French invasion. Lodovico Sforza was still scheming to supplant his nephew in the duchy of Milan. But Gian Galeazzo had married Isabella, daughter of Alfonso of Calabria, who was likely to inter- fere on behalf of his son-in-law. Lodovico, therefore, looked round for allies who might assist him in a possible war against Naples. The Medici were the oldest allies of the Sforzas, but the rash conduct of Piero de Medici convinced Lodovico that he would probably find Florence hostile. This compellel him to look outside Italy. His immediate object was to hamper the Neapolitan rulers so as to prevent their interference in the affairs of Milan. This might be done by a French invasion, though he had no desire or expectation that Naples would be conquered. In 1493 he sent to the French court Galeazzo da San Severino, a relative of the prince of Salerno, to co-operate with him in urging on the invasion. Charles V III. was at this time under the influence of two low- born ministers, Eti onn a de V ers and Guillaurne Mconnet, both of whom were won over by the Italian envoys. The duke~of Bourbon and the most prominent nobles of France endeavoured to dissuade the king, but in vain. In 1-194 Charles advanced to Lyons, and thence crossed the Alps by Mont Genevre. Milan was his ally and Venice was neutral, so that he met with no opjwsition in northern Italy. Lodovico Sforza obtained the object of his intrigues. Gian Galeazzo died suddenly at Piacenza, and his uncle was accepted as duke of Milan. The French troops in Romagua warded off danger from Naples. Gian Galeazzo left an infant son, Francesco, but he was passed over. A.D. 1494. FRENCH INVASION OF NAPLES. 35 § 2. There were three cadvantageoiis points for resistance to an army invading Italy, at the entrances into Tuscany, the Papal States, and the kingdom of Naples. The passes of the Appcnnines which divide Lombardy from Tuscany were commanded by Floren- tine fortresses, but no measures were taken for their defence. This was the result of a misunderstanding between Piero de Medici and his subjects. The Florentines were attached to the French alliance both by commercial connection and by old Guelf traditions. They were alienated, therefore, by Piero's close relations with the rulers of Naples. The ])arty of opposition to the Medici rule was immensely strengthened bj^ foreign politics. They had already opened a connection with the French king before he entered Italy. When Charles had advanced as far as Pis;), Piero made a sudden resolution to .«ave himself from domestic sedition by a complete change of policy. He made his way to the French camp, and agreed to cede, not only Pisa, but Leghorn, Sarzana, Sarzanello and Pietrasanta. This complete abandonment of their interests was even move ciayiaiaiing to the Florentines than his previous opposition to the French. On his return to the city, Piei'o found that a revolt had begun. He fled to Venice, his family was exiled, and a republic was proclaimed in Florence. Charles VIIL now entered the city as its pretended conqueror, and made the most e.xtreme demands. But the republican leaders, and notably Piero Capponi, showed unexpected sj)irit, and ultimately a treaty was concluded which confirmed the cession of the fortresses, but only on condition that they should be restored when Charles entered Naples or returned to France. In Naples, Ferdinand I. had died before the French invasion in January, 1494. His son and successor, Alfonso II., who had obtained unmerited repute as a commander through his boasted expulsion of the Turks from Otranto, displayed at the crisis equal incapacity and cowardice. He entrusted the command of the army to his son Ferdinand, and that of the fleet to his brother Frederic of Tarentum. The army was now encamped at Viterbo, at the entrance to the Papal States. The eyes of all Italy were fixed on this spot in the expectation of a decisive conflict. But the French were again favoured by their marvellous good fortune, Ferdinand withdrew with his troops to Eome, and Charles VIII. entered Viterbo unopposed. He marched thence upon Rome, and the enemy again withdrew. Alexander VI. shut himself up in the Castle of St. Angelo. Charles refused to listen to those who urged him to depose the pope, and was satisfied to extort a treaty, by which four papal towns were temporarily ceded to him. At the same time Dj^m, brother of Bajazet II., was handed over to the 36 MODERN EUROPE. Chap, v French, as a possible instrument in the projected crusade against the Turks, and Caesar Borg ia, the pope's son, became a hostage for his father. But Csesar soon escaped, and Djem died, probably of poison. Alfonso of Naples, terrified at the near approach of the French, and conscious that his cruel rule had alienated his subjects, abdi cated in favour of his son Ferdinand, wlio was too young to have incurred enmity. Ferdinand II., his father having retired to die in Sicily, advanced with his army to San Germane on the frontier, which a mountain-pass and the river Garigliano rendered easily defensible. But the news of a revolt in Naples compelled him to withdraw to the capital, and the French arm}- again met with no opposition. The Neapolitan citizens compelled Ferdinand to fly to Ischia. Charles YIII. now realised his wildest desires ; he entered Naples, and was croAvned king. But the marvellous success of the French arms, which the historian Commines calls "a true mystery," had effected a great change in the sentiments of the Italian powers. Lodovico Sforza had never anticipated tlie conquest of Naples, and had reason for alarm. Louis of Orleans, Charles' cousin, who had been left in command at Asti on the border of Lombardy, laid claim to Milan as the grandson of Valentina Yisconti. The French invasion had given Milan to Lodovico, it might also deprive him of it. He was now as anxious to oppose Charles YIII. as he had previously been to befriend him. Yenice was roused from its neutrality by the threatened establishment of a new and overwhelming power in Italy. Foreign princes, too, felt their interests to be at stake. Ferdinand of Aragon, as kingof Sicily, was opposed to the possession of Naples by France. Maximilian was roused b}' the news that Charles YIII. had designs on the empire. The envoys of these powers met at Yenice. The news that Charles had passed Yiterbo hastened their deliberations. A league was concluded between Milan, Yenice, the Pope, Ferdinand and Maximilian, which was really directed against France, though its avowed object was only mutual protection against attack. Meanwhile in Naples Charles' conduct was unwise and im- prudent. He took no pains to conciliate bis new subjects, and the nobles, even the Angevin partisans, were esi^ecially ill-treated. All offices were conferred ujwn Frenchmen. The news of the conclusion of the league at Yenice decided Charles to return to France. Leaving some of his troojDs under different commanders to uphold French interests, he set out on the land journej*. He passed through Home, whence Alexander Yf., conscious of fraud, fled to Orvieto. Through Siena Charles came to Pisa. Hitherto A.D. 1495. EXPULSION OF THE FEENCH. 37 he had takeu uo steps to fulfil his treaty with the Florentines. He had given liberty to the Pisans, who had been subject to Florence since 1406, and this was resented by the Florentines. Charles' evil genius on this journey was the count of Ligny , who induced him not to surrender the fortresses, but to leave them occupied by French garrisons. After thus weakening his army, the king proceeded through the Appenuines towaids Lombard y. In northern Italy, the duke of Orleans had determined to prosecute his private plans upon the duchy of Milan. Rallying out of Asti, he captured Novara. This attack on one (f their members gave the lea;^ue their desired pretext for hostilities. A large army was collected at the entrance of Lombardy prepared to dis))ute tJie passage of the French. Charles VIIL was thus compelled to fight a battle at Fornc/ ^vo. .^July, l^ ?i^. The battle was merely a confused skirmish, in which neither side could claim a victory. But the French were enabled to continue their journey unmolested. The duke of Orleans was left to fight out his own quarrel. Charles might have done great injury to Lodovico Sforza by espousing tl;e cause of Giau Galeazzo's infant son. But he refused either to assist his cousin or to prejudice his cause in any way. § 3. No sooner was the king's back turned than affairs in Naples began to go bndly for the French. Their evil rule did much to obliterate from tlie minds of the natives the misdeeds of their former kings. Ferdinand IL took advantage of this reaction in men's opinions. He received assistance, both men and ships, from the king of Aragon, and the Venetian fleet under the marquis of Mautua was placed at his dis^josal. In return for this, he promised to cede to Venice five important ports on the Adriatic, including Otranto and Brindisi. Keturning from exile Ferdinand commenced the reconquest of his lost kingdom. One place after another opened its gates. The city of Naples received him with enthusiasm, though the citadel was for some time held by the French under the marquis of ]\Ionti)ensier. At length, as no assistance came from France, the citadel was evacuated, and Montpensier with his army, after enduring a siege in Atella, surrendered to Ferdinand. Calabria held out longest under d'Aubigny, the ablest of the French commanders, but he too had to yield. Ferdinand did not live long to enjoy his triumph. After marrying his father's half-sistei-, Joanna, he died suddenly in 1496. He was succeeded by his uncle Frederick of Tarentum, the fifth king who had worn the crown of Naples within less than three years. Meanwhile Charles VIII. was occupied with tournaments and other pleasures. In his intervals of leisure he had two Italian questions to consider; whether to assist the duke of Orleans, who 38 MODERN EUROPE. Chap ii. was reduced to p;reat straits in Novara, and secondly, how to preserve the vanishing French power m Napk'S. At court there were two contending parties. One wished to concUide a peace and to withdraw from Itahan politics altogether ; the other, headed by Brifonnet, saw its interest in the prolongation of the war. At last the peace party prevailed so far as to open negotiations with Lodovico Sfoi'za, and to conclude the treaty of Vercelli. By this the duke of Orleans Avas allowed to quit Novara, and Sforza promised to equip two vessels for the relief of the castles of Naples. But the latter promise was constantly evaded, and Philippe de Commines, a member of the party of peace, failed to persuade Venice to accept the treaty. Charles VIII. lived for three years after his return, during which he did nothing either for Italy or France. He ditd at Ambo'se in Ajiril, 1498. His understanding was as feeble as his joerson was deformed, and it was tlie irony of fate that made such a man the conqueror of Italy at a time when that country Avas in tlie zenith of its civilisation. Charles' three children had died before him, and the crown now fell for the fourth time in French history to a collateral line, in the pert-'on of Lcj iyis of Orleans. By Charles Vlll.'s death, Brittany was again severed from the crown, as it passed to his widow Anne. Louis XII., anxious to recover so important a province, induced Alexander VI. to grant him a divorce from his wife Jeanne, daughter of Louis XL This preliminary accomplished, Louis at once married Anne of Brittany. § 4. Louis XII.'s accession was an important event for Italy. Not only did he inherit his predecessor's claims to Naples, but he possessed a personal claim upon Milan, which he had already shown his intention to assert. He was urged on by his minister George of iimboise, who had designs on the papacy, which he hoped to attain by making his masier powerful in Italy. And in Italy itself circumstances were favourable to the French. The Venetians, always rivals of Milan in northern Italy, were at this time on especially bad terms with Lodovico Sforza. Florence Avas occupied in the siege of Pisa, and though it owed its disasters to France, it still clung to the French alliance as the only means of recovering its losses. Pope Alexander VI. had schemes for the aggrancHse- ment of his son Caes ar Borg ia, which went far beyond the nepotism of his predecessors, and he hoped to accomplish them with the assistance of France. It was this hope Avhich made him so com- pliant in granting Louis' divorce : he gave the cardinal's hat to George of Amboise, and encouraged his ambitious hopes. To Venice Louis promised Cremona and the Ghiara d'Adda, to Florence aid against Pisa, and to the pope French troops for the A.D. 1499. FRENCH CONQUEST OF MILAN. 39 conquest of Romagna. Having thus pnrcliased allies, he dcspatclni] an array across the Alps in 1499. Its success was immediate. Lodovico Sforza fled for refuge to the Swiss, and Milan opened its gates to the French. Louis now appeared in person to enjoy his triumph, and appointed Trivulcio governor of Milan. Trivulcio was liimself a Milanese citizen, driven into the service of France bjf hostility to Lodovico Sforza. He ruled in the interests of his own party, and soon alienated his subjects. Lodovico took advantage of this to return to Lombardy, and recovered Milan as easily as he had lost it. But the French army strengthened by reinforcements rencAved the war. The Swiss in Lodovico's service, being forbidden to fight against their fellow-countrymen, were compelled to desert him. He was given up to the French and imprisoned in the castle of Loches, where he died after ten years' captivity. Thus lie expiated his owu short-sighted policy in calling the French into Italy. Having thus accomplished his first object, Louis turned liis at- tention to the reduction of Naples. It was in vain that lung Frederick offered to become the tributary of France. But Ferdinand the Catholic had claims upon Naples and Louis was unwilling to incur the hostility of Spain. Accordingly, a treaty of partition v.-as arranged at Granada (1500). Louis was to have Abrnzzi and Terra di Lavoro with the title of king, while Ferdinand was to receive Apulia and Calabria, the provinces which lay nearest to his own kingdom of Sicily. The unccrupulous character of this treaty wap disguised bj' the flimsy pretext that the conquest of Naples was merely the preliminary of a crusade against the Tuiks. Frederick of Naples, who expected nothing but friendship from the king of Aragon, could make no resistance. He surrendered Naf)les to the French in 1501, and ended his life a prisoner in France. Thus the first object of the treaty of Granada was attained ; the partition proved more diflicult. A quarrel between the French and Spaniards soon developed into open war. The military skill of the Spanish commander, Gonsaho dc Cordova, triumphed in every contest. Defeated in the battles of Seminara and Cerignola, the French were compelled to withdraw, and Naples was annexed to Spain (1503). In 1501 a large French army attempted the recovery of Naples, but it was com[)]ete]y routed by Gonsalvo on the Garigliano. Piero de Medici, who fought on the French side in the battle, was drowned in the river. § 5. Meanwhile the papal states had been the scene of momentous events. Alexander VI. reaped all the advantages he had hoped to gain from the French alliance. Caesar Borgia was his second son, and had been destined for promotion in the church. lUit he soon 40 MODERN EUROPE. Chap, n wearied of this career, murdered his brother the duke of Gandia, and iniiuced the pope to embark in schemes for his temporal ag- grandisement. His object was to form a great secular power out of the states of the church. The assistance of Freuch troops en- abled him to conquer Romngna, which had long been divided among a number of praciically independent princes. By a policy of unscrupulous cruelty, C;vsar succeeded in establishing a strong central government in the liitherto distracted province. With an unscrupulous ability, which extortfdthe admiration of Machiavelli, he extended his power over the duchy of Urbino, Perugia, and other Important territories. When his adiiereuts apiieared untrustworthy, he entrapped them at Sinigaglia and murdered them. His power was supreme in central Italy, and he began to meditate the conquest of Tuscany. But he had always to face the danger that (he two chief supports of his power might fail him. The French were not unlikely to become hostile, and his fother might die. To make himself independent of France, he took advantage of the Neapolitan war to enter into relations with Spain. But his chief object was to secure his power against a probable reaction after his father's death. He secured a majority among the cardinals so as to dictate the choice of a new pojie. All persons in Rome whose hostility was feared were removed by poison or the dagger. But his carefully devised policy proved a failure. The received accoimt of Alexander VJ.'s death is that he and his son accidentally drank the poison prepared for the Cardinal of Corneto. The pope di(d, and though Caesar Borgia recovered, his life was for some time in Venice, and the pope seized iipon Parma and Piacenza. The loss of Milan was not the only disaster the French had to undergo. Ferdinand the Catholic drove John d'Albret from Navarre and annexed that kingdom. Henry VIII, and Maxi- milian invaded France, took several towns, and routed some French troops at Guinegate. To divert the attention of England James IV. of Scotland was induced to cross the border, but he was defeated and killed at Flodden. Louis XII. was comjjelled to make peace. In April, 1513, he concluded a truce at Orthez Avith Fer- dinand, leaving Navarre in his hands. Peace was made with England in 1514, and Louis married Henry VIII.'s sister Mary. He did not long survive the failure of his Italian policy, and died 1 Jan., 1515. He had been a popular king of France, where his easy good nature and his economy had done much to reconcile the people to a government which had been built up by harsher measures. But he wasted the resources of the country in schemes of aggran- disement from which Prance had little or nothing to gain. Before he could witness the final humiliation of France, Julius II. had died (21 February, 1513). lie was guiltless of the nepotism which aroused such enmity against his predecessors. His nephew, Francesco della Eovere, obtained Urbino legally as the nephew of Guidobaldo Montefeltro. His comparative purity of motive has obtained for Julius a reputation which he hardly deserves. His restless activity involved Italy in wars which produced no result commensurate with the bloodshed. It is true that the French were expelled, but only by establishing the power of the Sjianiards. The author of the League of Cambray could awaken no national spirit in Italy, which might preserve the country from foreign inroads in the future. And the spectacle of a pope clad in armour and' leading troops to the siege or the battle-field, though it was preferable to that of a pontiff steeped in degrading sensuality, was not likely to reconcile to the papacy the awakening opinion of Euro}>e. § 7. Julius Il.'s successor, Leo X., was Giovanni de Medici, the second son of Lorenzo the Magnificent. He had been exiled from Florence on the downfall of his brother Piero. After that event the Florentines hatl established a republic under the guidance of the great A.D. 1515. BATTLE OF MAKIGNANO. 43 reformer Sayouarola. He induced them to form a great council on the modefoF'the Venetian constitution. But the republican government depended too much for its hold on the people upon the continued influence of Savonarola. That influence was weakened by disasters in foreign politics, especially by the failure of the efforts to recover Pisa. A strong party was formed against the preacher, whose character was not robust enough to stand the trials of alternate triumph and failure. The Pope, whom he had attacked with vehemence, excommunicated him as a heretic, and in 1498 he was executed before the Palazzo Vecchio. Florence continued the siecre of Pisa, which absorbed the attention and resources of the city, but without success. The head of the government was Piero Soderini, who had been elected gonfalonier for life. But intrigues outside tlie city and discontent within proved fatal to Florentine independence. After the expulsion of the French, Giovanni de Medici induced the Spaniards to attack Florence. The city was taken (30 Auc^ust, 1512) and the Medici were restored to power. Piero's son Lorenzo became the ruler of the city under the patronage of his uncle Leo X. , i i. § 8. As Louis SLL left no sons, the French crown passed to Fiaacis, count of Angouleme, a young and ambitious prince. He married his predecessor's daughter Claude, and thus prevented the separation of Brittany, of which she was the heiress. Francs I was determined to wrest the duchy of Milan from Maximilian Sforza. Collecting an army he crossed the Alps with unexpected rapidity, before the Swiss were prepared to oppose him. Like his predecessor, Francis L was supported by the Venetians, and 'they diverted the attention of the Spaniards. Thus the burden of the war fell upon the Swiss, who were routed at the two days' battle of Marignano (13 and 14 September, 1515). Genoa had already been captured and Maximilian Sforza now abdicated the duchy of Milan arid retired with a pension to France, where he died in obscurity m 1530. This third conquest of Milan by the French concluded for a time the Italian wars, which had continued without intermission since 1494 Francis made peace with the Swiss at Freiburg, and resumed the old relations with them, which had been mten-upted by the rashness of Louis XII. With Leo X. Francis had an interview at Bologna. Parma and Piacenza were restored to Milan, and the king promised to support Lorenzo de Medici in Florence But the most important result of the interview was the QM^ of IJilii This abolished the Prasm_atjc_Sanction_^f_i438, the f^;Sion of the independence of the Galilean Church. The powers which had been assumed by the national synods under the Pragmatic Sanction were now shared between the pope and tlie 44 MODERN EUROPE. Chap. ii. king, Tlie^nnates, xic Jirst year's revenue of a new benefice, were restored to the papacy, but the king obtained tlie right of appointing to ecclesiastical dignities. Thus, the central ix)wer of the monarchy was established as firmly in the Church as it had already been in the state. Ferdinand the Catholic was alarmed at the re-establishment of the French power in Italy. Dreading an attack upon Naples, he l«™'^°^7"f.,ilte "of Charles' invasion of France; Bourbon; campaign of 1524 ^ilure oj^^^^ ^^^^^^ ^^^^^^^^, ^ Francis captuied at ^<'^.\J^:. ,^^^^ ^nd forms a league against treaty of Madrid; Fi'^'?"^ ^^^^^^J'^^^S of Rome; Lautrec in Italy, -a^A^sj-t^rcis---^^^ § 1 The election of an emperor, in \ji^, to succeed Maximihan I. Lvolved mpovtant consequences not only for Germany but for the it nf F™ Maximilian, in his later years, had endeavoured tl^X'^o^^ his randson Charles. But the electors trebv no means auxious to submit to a prince who was already X of Smfnthe xXetherlands, Naples, Sicily, and -the New World and''2> now succeeded his grandfather m the ditchy o Tus ria They were also unwilling to allow the '-Pe-^^^- !« become hereditary in the house of Uapsburg, wh.ch had already become '^e^cQ J ^^^^.^tions. These considerations encouraged 'l^l; I f taL^ toTol forward as a candidate for the ejupre. spared no bribes and promises to purchase -'PP<^!^^«-' ^^^^^^ ;^. Zl, his chances be^ to dwindle I'ubhc ^P-^ tie ekX would be outra-cd by the election of a foreigner, and the eiectois, Zui responsible, could not wholly disregard this opmion ri^.rfes wl Taerman, at least on the paternal side, and as duke of its heUs a German prince. The managers of his cause were 46 MODERN EUROPE. Chap. hi. no less lavish in money and promises than the French king. The elector Frederick of Saxony, whose character gave him important influence, and who might have obtained the vacant, dignity for himself had he wished, declared for. Charles. One hy one the electors began to desert Francis for his rival. The archbishop of Trier was the last to go over, and on the 28 th of _ June , 1519, Charles V. was unanimously elected. Thus the highest dignity in Christendom was conferred upon a youth of nineteen, whose do- minions made him the most powerful prince that had ruled in Europe since Charles the Gre.it. The German princes were not blind to the risk of their independence in the choice of such a ruler, and they extorted conditions from him for their own security. The object of the capitulation which Charles had to sign was the establishment of those constitutional reforms which had been attempted under Maximilian. He promised to renew the authority of the Imperial Chamber, and by creating a Council of Regencj^ to give the estates a share in the executive government. These reforms were insisted upon at the Diet cf Worms in 1521, after Charles' arrival in Germany. It was obvious from the first that a war must break out between Charles V. and Francis I. Not only had the contest for the empire aroused a feeling of personal enmity between them, but at every point at which their territories touched there were causes of quarrel. In Italy, Charles held Naples as the successor of Ferdinand, but the claims of Charles VIII. to that kingdom had descended to Francis. The duchy of Milan had been conquered by Francis I., but Milan v/as an imperial fief and he had never received any investiture of it. Then Charles was pre-eminently a Bnrgundian prince, the descendant of Charles the Bold and the heir to his rivalry with Fi-ancc. The duchy of Burgundy had been annexed by Louis XI., but the representative of the old dukes was unlikely to acquiesce in its loss. In Flanders and Artois also there wore conflicting claims. On the side of the Pyrenees, Charles retained Navarre, from which Ferdinand had expelled John d'Albret. The cause of the exiled family had been warmly espoused by the French Court. In addition to these isolated grounds of dispute, the rivalry had a wider aspect. Charles' power was dangerous to the independence of the lesser states of Europe. Francis obtained no incoufiiderable increase of strength by acting as the champion of national rights against a claimant to universal rule. He plays somewhat the same part in the 16th century that England played in the Napoleonic wars. § 2. War being recognised as inevitable, the two princes set them- selves to secure allies. They were especially anxious for the A.D. 1519-1523. CHARLES V. AND FRANCIS I. 47 support of Henry VIII. and Pope Leo X. Francis invited the English king to that famous interview which is Itnowu as the Field of the Cloth of Gold. But Charles had already visited England and gained over both Henry and his all powerful minister Wolsey. From the pomp and festivity of liis interview with Francis, Henry VIII. proceeded to meet Charles at Gravelines, and there concluded a treaty with him. Francis relied complacently on the support of Leo X., but Charles could make oifers which were irresistible to the pope. Leo was anxious to put an end to the spread of reforming doctrines in Germany; he was even more anxious to recover Parma and Piacenza, which had been annexed by his predecessor, but which he had been compelled to resign. Accordingly a treaty was concluded between pope and emperor, by which it was decided to expel the French from Milan, and to give that duchy to Francesco Sforza, the second son of Lodovico. Charles took the Medici family under his protection, and Parma and Piacenza were to be ceded to the pope. The war was commenced in Navarre, whither a French army was despatched to espouse the cause of Henry d'Albret in 1520. The campaign is notable only for the fact that at the siege of Pampeluna, Ignatius Loyola, then a young Spanish knight, received a severe wound. On his sick-bed his attention was drawn to religion, and he rose from it to become the founder of the Jesuits. The French easily overran Navarre, but were as easily driven out again. A campaiga on the border of the Netherlands was equally indecisive. In Italy alone was the war important. There the imperial troops, comjwsed of Germans and Spaniards and assisted by the Swiss in the pay of the pope, drove the French from Milan. The French commander, Lautrec, who shewed more vigour than ability, attempted to recover the province, but was defeated at Bicocca, and forced to retire from Lombardy. Thus the treaty between Charles and Leo was fulfilled. Parma and Piacenza were annexed to the papacy. Milan was given to Francesco Sforza, who swore fealty to the emperor. The news of the success of his t roops reached Le > X. at Rome just before his death, which is said to have been hastened by excessive joy. His successor was Adrian VI., who had been Charles' tutor and had acted as regent in Spain during the revolt of the communes. Adrian was a man of self-denying integrity, and projected reforms in the Church which, if carried out, might have changed the history of Europe. But his schemes made him un- popular in Rome, and he died before he could accom[)lish anything (1523). Imperial influence again prevailed with the cardinals, and secured the election of Cardinal Giulio de Medici, tlic nephew of 48 MODERN EUEOPE. Chap. hi. Lorenzo the Magnificent, and hitherto the devoted adherent of Spain. Ho took the name of Clement VII. § 3. Francis I. was deeply chagrined at the loss of Milan, and just when his affairs appeared most desperate he was threatened with new dangers by the treachery of the Constable of Bourbon. Louis XI. had married his daughter Anne to Peter of Beaujeu, heir to the duchy of Bourbon, on condition that, in default of male children, the duchy should pass to the crown. Thus the younger branch, of Montpensier, was to be disinherited. When duke Peter died, leaving an only daughter Susanna, the crown might have claimed the succession. But Louis XII., less anxious about the royal rights, mai-ried Susanna to Charles of Montpensier, who thus became duke of Bourbon, and was made by Francis I. Constable of France. But before long the power of the subject became an object oi" jealousy to the king; and the Constable also quarrelled witli Francis' mother, Louise of Savoy. The death of Susanna gave Louise a claim to Bourbon as the niece of Peter of Beaujeu. The crown could base still more sweeping claims on the treaty extorted by Louis XL Charles of Bourbon, seeing himself in danger of beiug strij^ped of his territories, determined to save himself by treason. He made overtures to Charles V. and Henry VIII., offericg to co-operate with them in an invasion of France. Henry hoped to realise the designs of his predecessors on the French crown ; while the ancient kingdom of Aries was to be revived for Bourbon. The news of the plot reached Francis I. as he was preparing to start with his army for Italy. He at once hurried back, and Bourbon, seeing his plans discovered, fled to join the imperial forces in Lombardy. Instead of the troops he had promised he brouglit to the emperor nothing but the services of a proscribed exile. Francis allowed his army to cross the Alps without him under an incapable favourite, Bonnivet. Had the latter marched straight upon Milan he must have seized the defenceless city. But his delay gave strength and courage to the garrison, and winter soon put an end to the campaign. Early in 152-i the inijierialists defeated the French on the Sesia, where the Chexalier Bayard met his death. Bonnivet was compelled to withdraw to France. Emboldened by this success and by the representations of Bour- bon, Charles V. now determined, to invade France and to crush his rival. An army under Bourbon and Pescara entered Provence, and laid scige to Marseilles. It was in vain that Bourbon urged a march towards his own territories, the emperor was anxious to acquire a port which would give him an easy entrance into France. Pestilence decimated the besieging forces, and the advance of A.D. 1523-1526. BATTLE OF PA VIA. 49 Francis from Avignon forced them to a hasty and disorderly retreat. It was now Francis' turn to be carried away by success. Regard- less of the advice of his mother and his wiser counsellors, he again crossed the Alps with a fine army. No preparations had been made for resistance, and, marching at once to Milan, he made himself master of the city without opposition. Instead of pursuing and crushing the imperial army he sat down to besiege Pavia. The obstinate defence of the garrison under Antonio da Leyva gave Bourbon and Pescara time to collect recruits. In 1525 they left their camp at Lodi and advanced to the relief of Pavia. With rash self-confidence, Francis not only weakened his army by send- ing 10,000 men to Naples, but also determined to await the enemy in his entrenchments. The battle which ensued was as fatal to the French as Poitiers or Agincourt. Ten thousand men fell on the field, and among the prisoners was the king himself. § 4. This overwhelming success produced a sudden reaction among the emperors allies. In Italy there was a general tear lest the Spanish power should become supreme. The Pope, Clement VII., who owed his election to Charles, and whose only hope of restoring religious unity lay in the emperor's alliance, allowed himself to be influenced by his interests as a Medici, and became a bitter enemy of Spain. Francesco Sforza felt that he was only a puppet in Milan, and was eager to free himself from imperial tutelage, Henry VIII., who had no motive beyond his own aggrandisement, urged Charles to a joint invasion of P^ ranee, hoping to place the crown on his own head. But neither Charles nor Bourbon w^ere anxious to gratify English ambition. This disappointment opened Henry's eyes to the dangers with which Charles' success threatened Europe. Wolsey was already alienated by the successive elections of Adrian VI. and Clement VJI. to the jmpacy. Louise of Savoy, who acted as regent in France during her son's captivity, was keen to take advantage of the change in political opinion. She concluded a truce with England and opened diplomatic relations with the pope. She even applied for assist:mce to the Turkish sultan Solyman. Meanwhile, regardless or ignorant of these symptoms of hostilitj', Charles thought only of extorting extreme concessions from his captive rival. In this his policy was short-sighted. France was not conquered, though it had lost its king. Terms which injured the vital interests of France were certain not to be carried out, and must; give rise to further hostilities. Francis, however, eager to j gain freedom, accepted the treaty of Madrid in iraiiuary»-1526. By i this he promised to restore the duchy of Burgundy, to give u]> his 7 claims ujx)n Naples, Milan, Flanders and Artois, and to furnish no / 50 MODERN EUROPE. Chap. ui. more assistance to Henry d'Albret. Two of his sons were to beconne hostages, and he himself was to marry Charles' sister, the dowager Queen of Portugal. On these terms, Francis was allowed to return to France in March, 1526. Before signing the treaty, he had declared his acceptance to be compulsory and therefore not binding. The cession of Burgundy was impossible, and he at once determined to renew the war. The hostility to the emperor which prevailed in Italy offered him great advantages. Venice, Milan and the pope became members of a new .HqIjc League at Cognac (May, 1526), with the object of compelling Charles to~release the "French princes and to give Francesco Sforza independent possession of Milan. Henry VIII. was acknowledged as protector of the league. § 5. Charles, while loudly declaiming against the faithlessness of the French king, took measures for an energetic prosecution of the war. Bourbon's army was far suj^erior to that of the league, which was commanded by the duke of Urbino. Francesco Sforza was speedily forced to surrender, and his duchy fell into the hands of the imperialists. Bourbon now received large reinforcements of Protestant troops from Germany under (Jeorge ^^tuudsberg. But the emperor sent neither instructions nor money to pay the troops. They became mutinous, and it was only possible to pacify them by the plunder of some rich city. In Bourbon's circumstances the boldest policy seemed the safest, and he marched straight upon Rome. Frundsberg announced his intention to hang the pope. Clement VII., trusting to the sanctity of his position, made no preparations for defence. Bourbon was killed at the first onslaught, but his soldics avenged his death by the capture and sack of the imperial citJ^ The new commander, Philibert Prince of Orange, was powerless to restrain their excesses, and Rome suffered more than it had done at the hands of Goths and Vandals centuries before. Clement VII., beseiged in the fortress of St. Angelo, was compelled to surrender himself a prisoner. 'Ihe Florentines were emboldened to throw off the despotism of the Medici and to restore the republic. Charles' second great success and the outrage on the papal dignity produced a still deeper impression than the victory of Pavia. Francesco Sforza and the Venetians renewed their league, which was joined by Florence. Francis I., who had hitherto done nothing for his Italian allies, despatched a large army under Lautrec into Italy. Lautrec captured Genoa, where he restored the exiled Fregosi and Dorias, and might have conquered Lombardy with ease. But the French were more anxious to humiliate the emperor than to restore Francesco Sforza. Regardless of the entreaties of his allies, Lautrec A.D. 1526-1529. TREATY OF CAMBRAY. 51 marched southwards. The news of his approach necessitated the release of Clement VII., wlio fled to Orvieto. With great difficulty the Prince of Orange induced the imperial army to leave its comfort- ahlc quarters in Home, and threw himself into Naples just before the arrival of the French. Lautrec at once blockaded the city, while Andrea Doria, the first admiral of the age, cut off all con- nection by sea. Naples must have fallen but for the imprudent conduct of the French king, who determined to humble Genoa by making a great port of its old rival Savona. Doria's patriotism was stronger than his attachment to France. He entered the service of Charles, expelled the French from Genoa, and restored the indepen- dence of his native city. Thus Naples was saved. Pestilence attacked the besieging army and carried off Lautrec. The remnant of the French forces was forced to surrender a t A.yersa . Francis made another effort in JiiSiLto retrieve his falling fortunes in Ital)\ An army under St. Pd invaded Lombardy, but was completely defeated by Antonio dsfLeyva. § 6. These French reverses produced a desire for peace, to which Charles, hampered by want of money, was not unwilling to accede. The negotiations were managed by Louise of Savoy and Margaret, the emperor's aunt. By their exertions th e treaty of Cambray was concluded on the basis of the former treaty'TrMadnT^^Iiarles withdrew his claim to the immediate cession of Burgundy, but the other articles were confirmed. Francis was to renounce all pretensions to Milan, Naples, Genoa, Flanders and Artois, and to complete his marriage with Eleanor of Portugal. On these conditions his sons were to be set at liberty. Before the conclusion of this treaty, Charles had come to terms with the pope at Barcelona. Not only did the emperor agree to the complete restoration of the States of the Church, but he also took the Medici family under his protection. Florence was to be restored to them, and Charles' natural daughter, Margaret, was to marry Alessandro de Medici. Charles now left Spain to visit Italy in person. At Bologna he received the imperial crown from the pope, the last emperor who was so crowned. Francesco Sforza did homage and received again the duchy of Milan. Florence, after an obstinate defence, was reduced and compelled to submit to Alessan- dro de iMedici. After thus settling Italian affairs with the high hand, Charles V. proceeded to Germany. Thus the war, which had lasted with but slight intermission for nine years, ended in the humiliation of Francis I. The haughty victor of Marignano was driven altogether from Italy. The loss of Genoa cut off all direct connection between France and the peninsula, and Francis' heartless desertion of h's allies completely alienated 52 MODERN EUEOPE. Chap. m. the Italians. But France itself had sufl'ered less than its ruler. The strength and unity of the kingdom had been increased by the war, and had manifested itself in the easy repulse of hostile invasions. The interests of France lay in the maintenance or extension of its frontiers, not in the assertion of dynastic claims in Italy. The loss of Burgundy would have been a vital injury to France. But Burgundy was retained, and this in itself was more than compensa- tion for the loss of Milan. ■§ 7. The House of Hapsburg had advanced further during the war on its peculiar career. It had obtained that supremacy in Italy, which it retained with small profit to itself or its subjects for three centuries. Naples and Milan were under its direct rule ; Florence and the papacy were dependent allies. Venice alone remained independent, but Venice was no longer what it hnd been. And while establishing their power over Italy, the Hapsbuigs had also extended their dominions in eastern Euroj^e. In 1525, Lewis, the Jagellon king of Hungary and Bohemia, had been killed in the battle of Mohacz with the Turks. His sister was married to Charles' brother Ferdinand, to whom the emperor had handed over the Austrian territories. Partly on his marriage and partly on treaty rights Ferdinand based a claim to the vacant crowns. In Bohemia the dukes of Bavaria were encouraged by Clement VII. to become his rivals. But in that country Hussite traditions were still a power, and Ferdinand's religious moderation secured him the crown against the harsh orthodoxy of a j^apal nominee. In Hungary a native noble, John Zapolya, came forward to claim the throne, Ferdinand defeated him, and received the crown at 8tuhlweissen- burgh. But Zapolya's cause was espoused by the Turkish sultan, who utilised the opportunity to seize great part of Hungary. The necessity of making head against Turkish aggression was not the least of the motives which induced Charles V. to conclude the treaty of Cambray. CHAPTER IV. THE REFORMATION. I. Germany.— § 1. Martin Lutlier; his early life; protest against in- dulgences; Melancthon ; Ulrich von Hiitten ; burning of the papal bull. § 2. Policy of Charles V. ; Diet of Worms ; Luther iu the Wartburg. § 3. Disturbances in Wittenberg ; Luther's reappearance ; action of the German princes. § 4. Knights' war ; reaction against the Reformation. §5. Revolt of the peasants; Luther's attitude. § 6. Charles V. qunrrels with the Pope; Diet of Speier; progress of the Reformation. § 7. Protest of Speier; confession of Augsburg; League of Schmalkalde; Turkish war; treaty of Nuremberg. 11. Switzerland. — § 8. Career of Zwingli. § 9. Quarrels among the Swiss Cantons ; death of Zwingli; differences between his teaching and that of Luther. IIL Scandinavi-v, — § 10. Weakness of the C.almar Union; deposition of Christian II. of Denmark. § 11. Reign of Frederick I.; Reformation in Denmark under Christian III. § 12, Blood-bath of Stockholm ; revolt of Sweden under Gustavus Vasft. § 13. Political motives for Swedish Reformation ; Diet of Westeriis ; hereditary monarchy established. IV. JoHN Calvin and the Re- formation IN Geneva. — § 14. Political condition of Geneva; teaching of Farel. § 15. Calvin arrives in Geneva; harshness of his system; period of e.xile. § 16. Calvin returns to Geneva; peculiarities of liis doctrine and institutions; persecution of his opponeats ; historical importance of Calvinism. I. Germany. § 1, The revolt against mediaeval restraints upon freedom of thought had been commenced by the Italians in the so-called Eenaissance ; it was completed by the Germans in the Reformation. The Italian humanists had been inevitably compelled to question many of the received dogmas, and to ridicule established superstitions. But they were content with negative criticism ; they had not sufficient earnestness to insist on any positive reform. That the renaissance spirit was compatible with acquiescence in existing abuses is obvious from the fact that Leo X., the representative patron of liteiMture and art, was himself pope, that the refined sensualist, who devoted himself with equal zest to the pleasures of the intellect and of the table, was eager to suppress religious innovation with fire and sword. It was n served for the more serious Germans to extend the 54 MODERN EUROPE. Chap. iv. humanibt teaching to religion, and thus to further the emancipa- tion of Europe. Martin Luther, whose name stands for ever connected with the gi'c at mo vement of which he was tl)e leader, was born at Ei*4©ben on the~i(Tth 6T iVCVewtef,' 1483. Tlis lather was a poor minex,-ftBd his youth was cine of hardship and suffering. His education began at the school of Mansfeld, and he always spoke with horror of tlie severity of liis teacliers. At the age of fifteen ho was sent to another school at Eisenach, where he found a more comfortable home with relations of his mother. His father was by this time in easier circumstances, and he was able to support his son at the University of Er.£ui't, then the centre of the humanist teaching in Germany. But Luther's religious nature preserved him from the indifference so often the result of this teaching ; he refused to comply with his father's desire that he should become a lawyer, and in 1505 he entered an Augustine monastery. This was an all-important step in his life. All real vigorous reform must proceed from within. A humanist reformation, im^TOsed by the culture of the outside world, could have had none of that deep moral feeling which characterised the influence of Luther. In his monastic retirement Luther devoted himself to study, especially of the Bible and the works of Augustine. Here he first arrived at the unconscious perception of the wide differences between the old Christianity and the secular church which had grown up from it. In l^ilSJie was transferred to \ Yittenberg , to become a professor in the new universit}', which had been founded there in 1502 by Frederick the Wise of Saxony. Luther's vigorous I ersonality and elocjueiice soon made him a power in Wittenberg and a favouiitc at the elector's court. The duty of teaching com- pelled him to formulate his opinions, and to get rid of the mysticism whicli had hitherto blinded him. But he was not yet conscious of any opposition to the church of which he was a member. In 1512 he made a pilgrimage to Kome with feelings of the most profouml reverence, though the contact with Italian corruption and immorality was not without iniluence. After his return he was employed in developing his do ctrine of j [istifinn.tioTi h^-itechh, which was opposed not so much to the dogmas as to the practices of Koman Catholicism. Just at this time he was brought face to face with the most flagrant abuse in the church, the sale of indulgences. The doctrine of indulgences was based on the theory that the merits of the whole church exceeded the sins of individual members, and that therefcre there was a surplus stock of grace, which was at the disposal of the pope as lu ad of the Church. In earlier times, such A.D. 1517. MARTIN LUTHER. 55 iudulgences had only been granted on condition of confession and the performance of penance. A possible penance was the payment of money, and as tlie Church became more and more secular, this had become the most satisfactory to the Roman Curia. The prevailing sentiment of the hierarchy was expressed by a chamber- lain of Innocent VIII., wlio said, " God desireth not the death of a sinner, but rather that he should pay and live." Leo X., reduced to great straits by his building projects and by his war with the duke of Urbino, sent three commissions into Germany to raise money by the sale of indulgences. The most shameless of the itinerant vendors of pardon, Tetze l. appeared in Saxony, and Luther was convulsed with indignation. On 31st of October, 1517, he nailed ninety-live theses on the door of the parish church of Wittenberg. In these he maintained that repentance was a necessary condition of pardon, and that without it the pope's indulgence was altogether impotent. It was accident that made Luther's first quarrel with Rome turn on the question of indulgences ; but it was a very fortunate accident, because it secured for him the support of the German princes. Their intei'ests were naturally opposed to the papal exactions, and they bitterly resented the transit of their subjects' money across the Alps. At the time of the Council of Basel they had made vigorous efforts to put a stop to the abuse, but they had been foiled by the treachery of Frederick III. They were now eager to back up the intrepid monk whose convictions were so allied with their interests. At the diet of Augsburg (1518), attempts were made to induce the emperor to sanction the general opposition to the papacy. But Maximilian, anxious to conciliate The pope, that he might cease to oppose his grandson's election, refused to listen to the princes, and thus lost an excellent oppor- tunity of putting the empire at the head of ihc great movement, and of restoring the unity of Germany. The Church was by no means without defenders ; both in Italy and in Germany theologians arose to confute Luther. The atten- tion of the pope was calleil to a controversy which affected so closely the revenues of the hierarchy. Attempts were made to bring Luther to reason by remonstrance. The Cardinal-legate Cajetan summoned him to Augsburg, but the haughty ecclesiastic failed to overawe the intrepid monk. Another attempt was made by Carl von Miltitz, a man of the world rather than a churchman. He succeeded in inducing Luther to promise silence, on condition that his opponents should also abstain from controversy till the matter was conclusively settled. From this promise Luther was freed by the indiscreet conduct of Eck, a member of the orthodox 56 MODERN EUEOPE. Chap. iv. university of Ingolstadt, He issued a treatise in which he attacked Luther's positions, and the latter came forward to answer him in a puhlic discussion at Leipzig (June 1519). No agreement could result from the discussion. Eck relied upon the authority of recent councils ; Luther on the Bible and the early Fathers. The chief result of the controversy was Luther's avowal that several of the Hussite doctrines which had been condemned at Constance were fundamentally Christian. By thus denying the infallibility of a general council, Luther took the first step in a complete rapture with tlie Church. Just before this Luther had been joined by an important ally, Melancthon, who became professor of Greek at Wittenberg. Melancthon was a relative and pupil of Reuchlin, and had already won reputation as a rising scholar. His zealous co- operation was of the utmost service to Lather. The settlement of the reformed doctrines was mainly the work of Melancthon, whose theology was more scholarly and accurate than that of his comrade. On the other hand, the practical tasks and the resistance to outside attack fell mostly to the more robust and independent Luther. Hitherto it had been doubtful what attitude would be assumed by the German humanists towards the Ueformation. This was settled by the conduct of the poet and satirist UIri£ll-Y.Qa HuLten. At first he had regarded the dispute with contempt as a monkish quarrel; but as he became conscious of the magnitude of the question, aud appreciated Luther's commanding attitude, he threw himself heart and soul into the cause. He desired to free Germany altogether from its thraldom to the papacy. He gave up writing Latin and employed his native tongue, whose power he had first learned from the works of Luther. A greater man than IJutten, Eiiastia^s, was also at first inclined to favour the reformers. He advised the elec- tor of Saxony not to withdraw his support from Luther, whose only fault was that " he had hit the pope on the crown and tlie monks on the belly." Meanwhile Eck, finding that his rival had not been silenced by the Leipzig discussion, determined to resort to other measures. Collecting Luther's writings, he carried them to Rome, and there laid them before a commission appointed by the pope. There was no doubt of its decision, and Leo X. issued a bull excommunicating Luther and his adherents and ordering his books, to be burnt. Eck himself was authorised to carry the bull to Germany, whither he returned in triumph. But his reception was not enthusiastic. The Germans were not inclined to respect a decision which had been come to in Italy, at the instigation of n rival, and without hearing A.u. 1521. THE DIET OF WORMS. 57 the arcuseci. Lutlicr was prepared with his answer. He issued an appeal " to the nobility of the German nation," and he attacked the papal authority in " Th£_^abylonish CajDlivity of the Church." Then on the 10th December T.520 he went in proce.'^sion to the market-place at Wittenberg, and there publicly burnt the pope's bull. The elector of Saxony, following the advice of Erasmus, had already resolved that the bull shonld not be executed in his territories. § 2. Thus, then, the schism had been completed, and, with a courage which captivated tlie people, Luther had broken down the bridge behind him. He was at war with the Church, and ecclesiastical weapons had failed against him. It was therefore necessary to appeal to the secular arm. At this conjuncture the newly elected emperor Charles V, made his first appearance in Germany. Everything seemed to depend upon the will of a youth not yet of age. The religious policy of Charles V. has been a matter of dispute : but the fact is that he had no religious policy at all. His religion was that of his ancestors, and he never gave sufficient thought to it to desire cither to change or to defend it. His policy was dictated solely by political interests, and varied with those interests. The cause of his failure lay in the fact that, having no real religious convictions himself, he had no conception of the influence of such convictions on others. The diet of Worms "^c^JJ] 9-fii-K 2^i[fl""^'-T-l^'^J After settling political questions, its attention was directed to religious differences. Luther appeared before the diet to defend his views. Hutten wrote to the emperor urging him to make no concessions to Rome. But Charles V. was moved neither by the heroic firmness of the monk nor by the eloquence of the poet. He wished to secure the alliance of Leo X. against Francis I. This could only be done by yielding to the pope's desire to put down reform. Accordingly the edict of Worms was issued, which declared Luther a heretic and placed him under the imperial ban. The imperial edict was not a whit more efficacious than the papal bull. Luther himself had left Worms before its issue, and on his return journey he had been seized by the emissaries of the friendly elector of Saxony and had been concealed in the castle of the Wartburg. There he employed himself in study and in the famous tuanslation of the Bible , which not only created German prose, but also made religion the property of the people, instead of being, as before, the monopoly of the priests. His disappearance, which was at first kept a profound secret, produced a marvellous impression in Germany. It was feared that he had fallen a victim to the enmity of the church, and indignation at his supposed 58 MODERN EUROPE. Chap, iv martyrdom increased the number of sympathisers and adherents. As the news leaked out that he was alive and in safety, there was a general feeling of joyful relief. Partly through popular literature, partly through the devoted energy of preachers, the Lutheran doc- trines were spread throughout the length and breadth of Germany. The most orthodox princes were unable to suppress the obnoxious but contagious heresy. § 3. In Wittenberg, which was now more than ever tlic centre of reform, and which offered a safe refuge to religious exiles, the absence of Luther gave rise to grave dangers. His place was taken by Carlstadt, a zealous reformer but a man of little strength of character. He allowed himself to be carried away by the desire for extreme and unnecessary changes. Among the numerous exiles who came to Wittenberg were the so-called "prophets" of Zwickau, Glaus Storch and his followers, who urged the people to the wildest excesses. Carlstadt fell completely under their influence. Riots ensued, in which the images in the churches were destroyed. There was danger that the elector Frederic would feel himself compelled to oppose a movement which produced such anarchy. The news of these events drew Luther from his retirement. At the risk of his life he returned to Wittenberg. In a series of six sermons he preached the necessity of moderation, and con- demned the conduct of the popular leaders. His influence pre- vailed. The " prophets" departed from Wittenberg, and order was restored. Charles V. had left Germany after the diet of Worn^s. During his absence the government was in the hands of a Council of Regency, which had been created by the diet. For the first time Germany was subject to a national and representative government. The princes who formed a majority in the council were by no means influenced by the same motives as the emperor. In spite of the entreaties of the orthodox duke George of Saxony, they allowed the edict of Worms to fall into oblivion. Their motive in this was not an inclination to Lutheranism. Most of them feared that in the excited condition of the people severe measures might produce an outbreak. And they were actuated by that jealousy of papal interference which had been more or less j^owerful among the German princes since the time of Lewis the Bavarian (1314-1347). The Imperial Chamber, which had been re-constituted in 1521, took no steps to enforce the edict, and disregarded the ru'gent appeals of pope Adrian VI. The diet of Nuremberg (1523) presented to the pope a hundred ^'j-avamz'wa -complaining of the abuses of the ecclesiastical system. Thus, while the emperor, for political reasons, condemned Luther, the German nation adopted his cause A.n. 1522-1523. THE KNIGHTS' WAR. 59 as their own. Before long Luther was ahle to leave the Wartburg and to again appear in public with perfect safety. § 4. But, iu spite of these encouragements, his position was one of great difficulty. He had been able to resist the tendency to religious extravagance, but he was unable to check the political aspirations, which were in some respects the result of his teaching. Luther himself was a steadfast opponent of anything like armed resistance to authority ; but his views on this point were hy no means shared by all his followers. There were two great move- ments at this time, which directly grew out of the spirit of the Reformation, the knights' war, and the peasant revolt. With both of them Luther could not but partly sympathise, yet he was compelled to disapprove of them because they relied for success upon force. The knights, or lesser German nobility, occupied an anomalous position. While they claimed to be independent of any power except the emperor, they were excluded from all share in the diets. They had thus no common political interests with any other order, and constantly fought for their own hand. They were especially opposed to the increasing power of the princes, whom they regarded as their natui al enemies. The spokesman of the knightly order at this time was Ulrich von Hutt en. He had been bitterly disappointed by Charles V.'s conduct at Worms ; and he now conceived the idea of placing the knights at the head of the national opposition to foreign and papal interference. With the strength thus obtained they would be able to overthrow the supremacy of the princes. He gained over to his views Franz von Sickingen , the owner of numerous castles on the Rhine and the commander of an independent army of personal follower.-s. Had they made their movement immediately after the diet of Worms, it might have been successful. But Sickingen was then negotiating with the emperor about assuming the command of an army against Francis L, and the opportune moment was allowed to pass. But in 1522 the war was commenced with an attack on the elector of Trier. It was expected that he would be easily subdued. But Luther's resolute opposition to war- like measures withheld general support from the knights, and the keen-sighted princes armed at once in defence of the interests of their order, Sickingen was repulsed from Trier and besieged iu his strong castle of Landstuhl. Its mediseval defences were battered down by artillery, and Sickingen died as his enemies entered the fortress (1523). Hutten escaped and fled to Switzerland, where he died soon afterwards. The princes, aided by the modern system of warfare, gained a great victory, and the knights, " an army of oHficers without soldiers," were deprived of all political importance. 60 MODEKN EUKOPE. Chap. iv. The knights' wai' and its failure produced a reaction which was unfavourable to the progress of the Eeformation. In spite of the moderation displayed by Luther, tlie disorder was attributed to his teaching. Hitherto Germany had been united in the demand for reform in the Church, but a party was now formed which was opposed to ail reform. This was aided by the policy of the new pope, Clement VII,, who sent cardinal Campegcrio to Germany to take advantage of the growing dislike of revolutionary progress. The legate failed in his demand for the enforcement of the edict of Worms, but he succeeded in coming to terms with the dukes of Bavaria, the archduke of Austria, and most of the south German princes. At a convention at Ratisbon (1524) a few superficial reforms were made and the power of the [.rinces in Church matters was extended. On these terms it was agreed to take measures for the suppression of the Lutheran heresy. Thus the pope suceeded in dividing Germany into two hostile camps. In Austria, Bavaria and other provinces the reformers were persecuted and driven into exile. At the same time the power of the Council of Regency and of the Imperial Chamber, which depended upon German unity, was lessened, and the constitution of these assemblies altered. § 5. Thus the central authority was weakened just at a time when it was most wanted to preserve order. For the Catholic reaction gave new strength U the radical party, and brought Luther's moderate ]>olicy into discredit. Carlstadt became again the preacher of extreme measures. Expelled through Luther's influence from Saxony, he wandered through southern Germany teaching revolu- tionary doctrines to the lower classes. He had an able assistant in this work in T homas Miin zcr. the most violent of the anabaptist prophets of Zwickau. These men found a welcome reception among the down-trodden class of peasantry. Of all classes in GermanJ the most depressed and enslaved was the Bauer or peasant. Unlike the English villein, he had as yet made no step towards the acquisition of personal liberty. He was the chattel cf his master, and he had no legal or constitutional remedy against oppression! Armed rebellion was his only resource. Already isolated move- ments had taken place in Kempten (1492), in Elsass (1490), and in the neighbourhood of the Black Forest (1513). These had all been put down with the strong hand, and the condition of the peasant was made even harder than before. But towards the end of 1524 a general rising of jieasants commenced, on a far larger and more important scale than before. The Bimdschuhe, the peasants' standard, was first raised in Swabia, and theiPcIernands were formulated in twelve articles. These are worth recording for their moderation, and because they give the best clue to the grievances complained of. A.D. 1525. THE PEASANT REVOLT. 61 The influence of the Reformation is to be seen in the fact that each article is supported by reference to the scriptures. 1. The congregation are to elect their minister. 2. The great tithe (of corn) is to be paid, but the small tithes (of animals) are to be abolished. 3. The peasants are to be free, and no longer bondsmen. 4. Game, fowls, and fish arc to he free as God created them. 5. Fuel from the woods to be free to all. 6. Compulsory service to be no longer unlimited. 7. All service beyond the contract to be paid for in wages. 8. Rents to be regulated afresh in proportion to the value of the land. 9. Arbitrary punishments to be put an end to. 10. Common pastures and fields to be restored. 11. Ileriots to be abolished. 12. These propositions to be tested by Scripture, and if found contrary to that tliey are not to stand. These articles, moderate as they were, were promptly rejected by the ruling classes, and the revolt spread. The north of Germany was alone exempt from the general anarchy and bloodshed. The peasants' demands were not everywhere so reasonable as in Swabia. In Thuringia especially, where Miinzer was supreme, the wildest ideas prevailed. There was no concerted action among the peasants, and they were no match for the united forces of the princes. If the knights had been an army of officers without soldiers, the peasants" were an army of soldiers without oflficers. Everywhere the revolt was put down with merciless severity. By the end of 1525 the peasants' war was at an end. This result was due in great measure to Luther's influence. Himself a peasant's son, he might have been expected to sympathise with the suff"erings of the class from which he had sprung ; and at the beginning of the revolt he wrote a guarded letter in which he expressed such sympathy, though he advised the most cautious measures. This encouraged the peasants to hope that, if not with them, he would at any rate not be against them. But after the war had commenced Luther wrote another and very violent letter, m which he urged the princes to cut down the misguided men who had ventured to take the redress of their grievances into their own hands. Thus he definitely threw in his lot with the ruling classes, a fact which influenced the whole course of the German Reforma- tion. At this critical conjuncture, Frederick the Wise of Saxony, the enlightened patron and supporter of Luther, died (1525). He was succeeded in the electorate by his brother John, who was a still more zealous partizan of the reformers. 62 MODERN EUROPE. Chap. iv. § 6. The revolt of the peasants naturally strengthened the hands of the conservative German princes. George of Saxony en- deavoured to form a league of north German princes on the basis of the convention of Eatisbon of 1523. It was at this time that Charles V. concluded the treaty of Madrid, in which it was arranged that he and Francis should co-operate in the sujipression of heresy. Had Charles now appeared in Germany and definitely assumed the chamj^ionship of the Catholic faitli, the progress of reform might have been stayed. But tlie treaty of Madrid was never cariied out, and at Cognac the pope joined Francis against the emperor. This quarrel between Charles and Clement VII. was of the highest importance for Germany. At t he Die_t of__S£eifij: in i luiie. 152 6. it was taken for granted that the emperor's opinions had changed ; and a recess was issued which enacted that as regards the edict of Worms and religious disputes, " each state so liv^ rule and conduct itself as it shall be ready to answer to God and his Imperial Majesty." This recess may be regarded as completing the first stage of the lleformation. The Lutherans had failed iu securing the united support of Germany ; but there was henceforward no prospect of bringing them back to the old faith. Germany stood divided into two hostile camps ; and the religion of each state was to be settled by the will of its ruler, a principle which was afterwards formulated in the words, cujus regio ejus religio. It has often been said that the Eeformation completed the disunion of Germany, but this is hardly true without limitations. The disunion existed long before. The Reformation did at first, in 1521, offer a prospect of restoring unity. This might have been accomplished had the emperor been alive to the interests of Germany. But Charles V. was a Burgundian or a Spaniard rather than a German. He allowed the opjjortunity to pass, and German divisions were not only renewed but intensified by religious differences. Though, after the diet of Speier, reform was confined within narrower limits, yet within those limits it continued to ]irogre.es. Luther broke completely with the old church by throwing off his monastic vows and marrying a nun, Catharine Boria (152(3). The reformed states set to work to form independent churches on the basis of the new doctrines. Services were conducted in German. Monasteries were suppressed and their revenues devoted to religion or education, thoirgh in some cases they were diverted to secular uses. Luther's Bible and hymns were everywhei-e adopted. The lead in these changes was taken by Saxony rrnder the elector John, and by Hesse under the young and enthusiastic landgrave Philip. Other states were not slow to follow their example. The imperial cities, head'd A.D. 1526-1530. THE LEAGUE OF SCHMALKALDE. 63 by Au-sbuvg, Ulm, &c., eagerly adopted the new doctvines. In Brandenburg, margrave George became a convert. His brother Albert was grand-master of the Teutonic order ; but ni 1525 he transformed Prussia into a secular duchy and acknowledged the suzerainty of the king of Poland. The Pxeforraation was also introduced into Brunswick, Liineburg, Anhalt, Silesia, East Fries- land, and Schleswig-Holstein. § 7 But the position of the reformed states was as yet far from secure. The orthodox princes, especially duke George of Saxony and the dukes of Bavaria, were eager to repress the progress of reform, and the emperor had yet to declare his will on the matter. As long as he was engaged in war with the pope there was no fear of his interference. But in 1529 he came to terms with Clement VII., and at this juncture another diet met at Speier (21 February). The imperial commissioners made no secret of their master's desicrns. Their proposal was to disregard the edict of 1526 and to return to the edict of Worms which liad never been executed. The influence of the emperor, who had just been so successful in his Italian war, was sufficient to induce a majority to support this. But the minority issued a protest, signed by John of Saxony, George of Brandenburg, Ernest of Liineburg, Philip of Hesse, Wol^ang of Anhalt, and the rei)resentative3 of fourteen cities. FronT this time the reforming party received the name of Pro- Charles V. now appeared iu person in Germany, prepared to enforce obedience to his views, and to carry out his agreement with the pope. A diet met at Augsburg, and the emperor entered the city with medieval pomp. His remonstrances with the protesting princes produced no effect, as they refused to sacrifice their con- victions. The protestant creed was drawn up by Melancthon in the Confession of Augsburg. All efforts to bring about a recon- ciliation between the rival beliefs failed. Ultimately an edict was drawn up which forbade the teaching of protestant doctrines, and commanded all men to submit to the established church. Charles promised to induce the pope to summon a general council which should decide religious differences. The Protestants could not accept this decree, and they felt certain that it would be enforced by arms. In the winter of 1530 they met together at SQbmalkalsie and there concluded a league for mutual defence. Germany seemed on the verge of civil war, but it was averted for a time by an invasion of the Turks, who besieged Vienna. Charles could not afford to forfeit the support of the Protestant princes, and this they were willing and anxious to give. The repulse of the Turks restored matters to their former condition, 64 MODERN EUROPE. Chap. iv. but Charles was again inclined to peace by the desire to secure the election of his brother Ferdinand as king of the Eomans. And in *ff32"the Turkish sultan renewed his invasion. This led to the conclusion of a peace at Nuremberg, which stipulated that until the meeting of a general council no one should be molested on account of his religion, and that all processes against Protestants begun in the Imperial Chamber should be sto^Dped. In return for these concessions the Protestants furnished a large contingent to the imperial army. Charles himself assumed the command, his first experience as a military leader. The Turks refused to risk a battle and after a brief campaign retired. Thus the two parties in Germany remained unreconciled and both unsubdued. The Protestants had obtained some security for their belief, but this was avowedly only temporary. From this time their history depends mainly on the European complications in which Charles V. was again involved. The elector John of Saxony died in 1532, and was succeeded by his son, John Frederick, who rivalled his father in his devotion to the cause of reform. II. Switzerland. § 8. The Swiss confederation had become practically free from all subjection to the empire in the time of Maximilian, The supreme authority was in the hands of the federal council, while each canton enjoyed a large amount of democratic freedom. This constitution made the Swiss as a body more enlightened than the population of any other European state. The humanist teaching found ready acceptance among them, and through it they were prepared to welcome proposals of reform. What Luther was in Germany, TTjrich ^wi ngU was in Switzer- land, He was born on the 1st of January, 1-4 84-, the son of the chief magistrate of the village of Wildhauij , He was educated at Berne where the new classical learning was taught, and in 1499 he proceeded to the University of Vienna, After taking his degree he entered the church, and became curate of Glarus, From the first he established his reputation as an enlightened student and teacher of theology. Like Luther he made a careful study of the epistles of St. Paul, and learnt from them many of the same doctrines as the German reformer. As army chaplain he accompanied the Swiss troops in the Italian campaign of 1515, and there first learnt his abhorrence of the system which allowed his countrymen to be hired out to fight the battles of European princes. In 1519 he became curate of Zurich, where he entered \ipon his reforming career. The sale of indulgences roused his wrath, and he induced the canton A.D. 1484-1531. ULRICH ZWINGLI. 65 of Zurich to refuse admissiou to the papal emissary, Bernhardin Samson. But his first real collision with the papacy arose in 1521, when Leo X. sent to Switzerland to raise forces for the war against the French. He was unable to prevent the levy of troops, but his patriotic feelings led him to make bitter complaints against the Roman pontiff. From this time his teaching became bolder. He attacked the church rules of fasting and the celibacy of the clergy. He urcred the peoi'le to base tlieir belief on the Scriptures alone ana not on°luinian institutions. His doctrines led to a quarrel with the bishop of Constance, in whose diocese Zurich lay. The canion supported Zwingli, and in 1525 definitely threw off the authority of the bishop. As there was no temporal prince, the settlement of ecclesiastical affairs devolved naturally upon the congregation. From Zurich the reform spread to Berne, Basel and other cantons. § 9. As poUtical motives had from the first influenced Zwingli, so his reforms continued to have a political tendency. He wished to reorcranise the federal constitution. At present the four forest cant°ons, Uri, Schwyz, Unterwalden, and Lucerne, had as many votes in the federal diet as the other cantons, though the latter were larger and more numerous. Zwingli wished to put an end to this anomalous state of things and to establish equality ot votes But this produced a natural opposition among the cantons whose interests were threatened. They adhered obstinately to the orthodox religion, as the best security for their i^litical power. The differences could only be settled by arras, and Zwingli had none of Luther's objections to their employment. In 1529 the war broke out and the four cantons were defeated. By the peace of Cappel they were compelled to pay the expenses of the war, and a rule was made that in each canton the religion should be that of the majority of the congregations. This treaty could not be lasting on account of the determination of the forest cantons to maintain their political predominance. A dispute between Zurich and Berne both of whom claimed the dignity of metroix)lis, encouraged their opponents to renew the war. In October, 1531, the citizens of Zurich were completely defeated at Cnppel, and Zwmgli himsclt was slain. The second peace of Cappel (November, 1531) so far confirmed the previous treaty that it allowed each canton to settle its own religious affairs without external interference. Thus in Switzer- land, as in Germany, the Reformation produced religious disunion. The doctrines of Zwingli were not identical with those of Luther. They differed mainly on the subject of the communion. Luther adopted a mystical explanation of the real presence which was not easily intelligible, and which was an evident compromise. Zwingli, more logical and consistent, declared against transubsfantiation 5 6^ MODERN EUROPE. Chap. iv. altogether, and considered the words on wliich it was based to be merely symbolic. This gave rise to » quarrel between the two reformers, and Luther, ever prone to sacrifice coiu-tesyto conviction, spoke of liis Swiss fellow-worker in terms which did little credit to his heart or his understanding. There was also another important difference between the German and Swiss Eeformations which arose out of the differing political constitution of the two countries. Lutheranism strengthened the hands of the territorial princes: Zwingli established the supremacy of the congregation. III. SCAXDINAVIA. § 10. In |g97 rhe three Scandinavian kingdoms, Denmark, Sweden and Norway, had been united at the union of Calmar by Margaret, daughter of the Danish king Waldemar III. Such a union seemed natural and inevitable, but it was unsuccessful, because it was based merely upon dynastic interests and paid no regard to the feelings of the people. Though ruled by one sovereign, the three kingdoms remained isolated from each other ; and the king of Denmark was practically powerless in Sweden and Norway. Besides this, within each kingdom the royal power was weakened by the independence of the church and the nobles. They possessed private jurisdiction, the right of taxation and coinage, and escheated j^roperty fell not to the crown, but to the community of nobles. Tlie Scandinavian Reformation was essentially a political movement. It had its origin in these political conditions, and it pi-epared the way for the simul- taneous development of the central power and of national unity. In 1518 Christian JT. of the house of Oldenburg obtained the three crowns. He was a man of considerable ability, but was endowed with a headstrong temper and little foresight. Under the influence of his mistress, or rather of lier motiiei-, a native of demo- cratic Friesland, he set himself to break the overwhelming power of the nobles, and to make himself supreme. In Sweden he over- threw the aristocratic government of the Stures (1520), but his tyrannical and brutal conduct gave rise to a revolt which was attended with important consequences. In Denmark he set him- self to raise the middle and lower classes as a counterpoise to the nobles. He encouraged commerce and manufactures, and endea- voured to break off the oppressive mercantile monopoly of the Hanse towns. At the same time he tried to ally himself with German Protestantism, faid induced his uncle, the elector of Saxony, to send a Lutheran preacher to Denmark. But his arbitrary conduct; produced a general indignation which blinded men's eyes to measures tendin-- to real advancement. The death A.D. 1520-1533. REFORMATION IN DENMARK. 67 of his mistress, whicli he attributed to poison, aroused all tlie worst passions of his nature. The nobles and clergy, who saw their independence threatened, took advantage of the king's unpopularity to excite a revolt. They obtained support from Liibeck, the head of the Hanseatic league. Christian II. was driven from Denmark in 1523, and the crown Avas conferred on his uncle, Frederick, duke of Schleswig-Holstein. § II. Frederick I. was a Protestant, and had already introduced the reformed religion into his OAvn duchies. But he was compelled to accept a capitulation in which he swore to do nothing to the pre- judice of Roman Catholicism. While keeping the letter of his oath, he did nothing to oppose the progress of the Eeformation, which made rapid strides. In 1527 a diet at Odensee gave formal tolera- tion to Lutheranism, at least until the meeting of a general council. But the progress of the new doctrines aroused the jealousy of the powerful clergy, and Christian II., who had returned to the orthodox faith, was encouraged in 1531 to attempt the recovery of the crown. But the undertaking tailed, Christian was compelled to suriender, and remained a prisoner till his death in 1559. On the death of Frederick I., in 1533, the two religious parties in Denmark measured their strength. The Catholics supported his second son John, while the Protestants rallied round the elder brother Christian. Ultimately, mainly by the assistance of Sweden, Christian III. obtained the crown. In his reign the Refonnation was completely carried out. The nobles assisted the king to over- throw and despoil the church. The fall of one of the great independent powers in the stale led to the foundation of a strong national monarchy in Denmark. § 12. Meanwhile in Sweden a great revolution had taken jlace. Christian II. had hoped to crush for ever Swedish independence. After the defeat of the aristocratic government, he had massacred all the nobles at Stockholm in cold biood. Thus he thought to deprive the people of their natural leaders : he even dreamt that the lower classes would be conciliated by the fall of their oppressors. In this he was completely mistaken. The news of the bloody massacre produced for the first time a real national spirit in Sweden. Hatred of the Danes and a desire to free themselves from the unnatural union overpowered all other considerations. The representative of this new spirit was Gustavus Erichsen, who received from his coat of arms the surname of Vasa. Himself of noble descent, he had been carried by Christian II. into Denmark as a hostage in 1518. From this imprisonment he escaped in 1520, only to hear the news of the massacre, in which his father and all his other relatives had fallen. From this time he consecrated his life to the work of vengeance. 68 MODERN EUROPE. Chap. iv. A price was placed upon his head, and it was with great difficulty that he escaped from his enemies to find a refuge among the loyal peasants of Dalecarlia in the north of Sweden. There he lived for nearly a year, sharing the occupations of the rough people among whom he dwelt and gradually maturing his schemes. In 1521 he collected round him some hundreds of faithful peasants, and with this small force he commenced his great work- — the emancipation of Sweden. National wrongs and aspirations brought to his standard crowds of inexperienced but determined soldiers as he marched southwards. He took Westerns and Upsala, and advanced upon Stockholm. But the capital, garrisoned by Danish troops, resisted all his efforts, when suddenly in 1523 came the news of Christian II.'s expulsion from Denmnrk. The Stockholm garrison withdrew, Gustavus Vasa was crowned king of Sweden (June 7th), and entered his capital in state. § 13. But he was as yet only on the thrcf^hold of his difficulties. He had obtained a crown, bat no real power with it. The nobles regarded him with jealousy as an equal who had been raised above them by the favour of the populace. The country was unaccustomed to the restraints of orderly government. During the long anarchy the church and the nobles had acquired all the power and nearly all the wealth of the countr}'. Moreover Gustavus' relations with Denmark were doubtful. The support of Liibeck was necessary for him, but Liibeck was also the ally of Frederick 1. If the latter insisted on the renewal of the Union of Calmar, how would Sweden be able to resist him ? This difficulty was removed by the modera- tion of Frederick I., who allowed Liibeck to negotiate the treaty of Malmoe (1524). By this Sweden was declared independent, with the exception of the southern provinces, which remained united to Denmark. Thus the Union of Calmar came to an end. Gustavus Vasa was now left free to complete his work of estab- lishing a strong monarchy in Sweden. His first necessity was a sufficient revenue, because, besides the expenses of government, ho was heavily in debt to Liibeck. He could not afford to quarrel with the nobles, who were already sufficiently hostile to him. He could wring no more from the peasants, who had given their all in his cause. In these straits he adojited a very simple policy. He de- termined to introduce the Eeformation into Sweden, not fi"om religious but from political motives. This would enable him to overthrow the church, and to obtain for the crown a large part of the clerical revenues. Out of these he would be able to improve the position of the lower classes, and if necessary to conciliate the nobles. But there were still great difficulties in the way. The nobles were sure to see in any attack on the church a scheme against themselves, A.1;. 1520-1527. GUSTAVUS VASA. 69 as their property Avas held by no better title. And the uncultured peasants, loyal as they had proved tliemselves, were still devoted to their ancient religion. It was necessary to proceed with great caution. Lutheran preachers were allowed full liberty of teaching, thou-h Gustavus was careful not to avow himself as their parti_san. But his designs were seen through, and a revolt broke out m I0.6, which was suppressed. „. , .. . 1 • i In 1521-G-ustavus Vasa summoned a diet at Westeras, at which not only nobles and clergy, but also representatives of the townsmen and peasants were present. Before this assembly the king laid his plans They met with determined opposition. Prepared for this, Gustavus with theatrical promptness announced his determmation to resi<^n the crown. The diet, astounded by this sudden move, and conscious of the anarchy which must result from such a step, yielded to his demands. Four articles were issued, which are the foundation- stone of the new Swedish monarchy :— 1 All estates are jointly bound to oppose all rebellion and to defend the government from external and internal enemies. 2. The king is allowed the free disposal of clerical- and monastic ^T^The nobles have the right to take possession of all their property which has passed into the bands of the church since 1454. 4 Preachers shall have freedom to announce the pure word ot God and the Gospel shall be read in all Christian schools. Thus the Eeformation was accomplished in Sweden, and was based in the 6rst place on political necessity. It was not, as in Gemiany and in Switzerland, first taught to the people ana afterwards adopted by the government. On the contrary, it was introduced by the crown to further its own interests. Henceforward the clergy with- drew from the Swedish diets. The king had been comi.elled to purchase the support of the nobles by dangerous concessions, and thus to increase a power which he wished to lessen. In spite ot this, Gustavus gave a national existence to Sweden, and established on a firm basis the royal power, which (1544) was made hereditary for his descendants. IV. John Calvin and the Reformation in Geneva. § 14 Geneva, situated on the border between the German and Romance nations, was subject in the sixteenth century to a triple authority. The sovereicrnty rested with the bishop : but the duke ot Savoy had certain right^s over the city, and the burghers claimed to exercise municipal self-government. Charles III. of Savoy (lo04- 1553) wished to annex Geneva to his duchy, and for this purpose he '^^ MODEEN EUROPE. Qhap. iv. gained over the bishop. The independent bar^hers formed nn senossen " nr " w -tierce they received the name of "Eid- of TwiJl "5 r° t 'r°' ""* ''"^ •■"'"P« "'« doctri.es a the™?''™ 1 .t/S'"' '7"'« °/ "PPO^ion ,„ cpteopal Geneva TW^ I , ^"'''oi™™' of religious reform in ta G ffla„Ii:i:;i°:'"7 '""f,"- -«™ a^^ e„er,e.,c teaeher vri-'iUciume.J^aa.6V^ native ot Gap n Daunhine Tn 1/1q/^ ti interdict anrt Ph.rl.o ttp ^' , '"!' '^^'^ ^^"^^''^ "J^cler an aJeftt't o r .^ 1 ' '"PP""'"^ ^y '^^^ ^'^^^«1''« «^i'es, made a hal ^"ef l™S«snr„TL:oJ:*:n?"; ""'■;'""•"'"■",■ -• cause of lil,erty. But tl e wodrr r '=°""'";"»n "■>"' 'he Tatlt a4rr.r ^^^ "™-^^ gove.™e.ft .„.,. :^=^;::^ aS stS- Lt-^tlj^Jtvt ,ua|ities f„r,ivi„g L onle ^llm'utio ta'^t^etlt^ T:"! at ,I^,s ens,, that Jolu, Calvin appeared in Geneva. Lorn i"; IsS"; N° '«■'''""' "-^second generation of reformers, was e^l rcfesio'n £°" .'" f^'-'i^- , D«'i-d by 1- father ft,; the leaaiprolession, he received an excellent education at Paris R„nr„.. and Orleans It was at Orleans that he turned hi a t™Z": SS -o*,, !-™V"^™'"''' ""^ "- ™*» of ,T.e G ,a ^.^^t^riZ^Stts-^^^^^^ G.ev. Where he was de.ain^dtgainst 'il^i: r/V/^e .^r; S CaTviu Im, ?'"' '° """'" » """o » oollea-ue. I„°Geneva Sin n'l': "i:ii't:t:r'.."'^B„.^^fr r"""" °" *^ ^"^ the hauAtv .,," , "' "'" tM-shness of his system, and haughty supremacy winch he assun,ed, provol'as vested in the crown, and a fortress was erected to overawe the old capital, Saragossa. In these and other changes Philip was aided by the provincial rivalry which still subsisted. Castile and Aragon, though united under one crown, had not for- gotten the time when they were independent kingdoms ; and only became conscious of their common interests when it was too late to defend them. It was easy for the" king to employ the forces of one country to suppress the liberties of the othei'. And in carrying out his policy of centralisation, Philip found a useful weapon in that most terrible of ecclesiastical institutions, the Inquisition. It was here that the king found a reward for his devotion to the interests of the church. The judges of the In- quisition, who were mostly ecclesiastics, were appointed by the king, to whom fell the confiscated property. The dreaded tribunal was employed to punish political offen lers as well as heretics. Its zeal for the crown was rewarded by the periodical autos-da-fe of Jews and Moriscoes. But Philip's policy, however successful, was fatal to Spain. He crushed the liberties, but with them the life of the country. 'J'he most important indnstrial elements of the population were destroyed or driven into exile by religious i^ersecution. 104 MODERN EUROPE. Chap. viii. § 3. Philip II.'s merciless character was manifested even within the limits of his own family. The most tragic incident of his reign was the fate of Don Carlos, the son of his first wife, Maria of Portugal. The young prince, avIio was born in 1545, was brought up by his aunt Joanna, and saw little of his father. He was afterwards sent to the University of Alcala de Henares, where he was the fellow-isupil of Don John of Austria and Alexander Farnese, There he gave himself up to a life of dissipation, and this further alienated his father, who had never shown any affection for him. Philip refused all his son's demands to be admitted to some office suited to his rank. At last Don Carlos planned to escape from Spain, probably to the Netherlands, and may even have manifested some inclination to the Protestantism which was making great progress there. This suspicion is sufficient to exjalain the wrath of Philip, who seems also to have accused his son of a design upon his life. The prince was seized and placed in close confinement, from which he never emerged. It is quite possible that his death (July, 1566) was natural, but a suspicious age was not slow to accuse Philip of the murder of his son. Three months afterwards Philip's second wife, Elizabeth of France, also died. She had at one time been the destined bride of Don Carlos, but had been after- wards married to the father. This fact and the coincidence of their deaths gave rise to legends of love and jealousy which have supplied both Schiller and AlHeri with the subject of a tragedy. § 4. Philip II.'s greatest success was the annexation of Portugal, by ■which he completed the unity of the peninsula. This had been a favourite object botli of Ferdinand and of Charles V., and numerous intermarriages had been concluded which might pave the way for such a junction. In 1557 the death of John III. gave the Portuguese crown to his infant grandson Sebastian. The regency fell into the hands of the young king's uncle, Henry, a cardmal of the church and a devoted adherent of the papacy. Under his rule the Jesuits became all-powerful in Portugal. When Sebastian came of age to govern, the effects of his ecclesiastical training became manifest. He refused to marry, and devoted himself to a crusade against the Mohammedans in Africa. By them he was slain in the battle of Alcacer (1578) and the crown passed to his uncle Henry, a weakly priest in his sixty-seventh year. With him it was certain that the Portuguese dynasty must expire. Philip II. at once commenced intrigues to establish his claim to the throne. His mother Isabella was the eldest sister of John III., and his first wife was John's eldest daughter. The other claimants were Antonio Prior of Crato, the natural son of John IIl.'s brother, and the duchess of Braganza, daughter of a younger brother. Antonio A.D. 1580. PORTUGAL ANNEXED TO SPAIN. 105 maintained that he was really legitimate, while the duchess opposed Philip's claim on the ground that no foreigner could ascend the throne. The succession question was still unsettled when King Henry died (Jan. 1580). Philip at once crossed the frontier with an army to support his claim. The clergy and chief nobles were gained over by his promise to respect the national liberties. The people, who hated Spain and the prospect of foreign rule, rallied round Antonio, who was crowned at Lisbon. But he had neither ability nor military force to maintain his position. Lisbon was taken at the first assault, and the pretender fled to France. There he was maintained by the European powers who wished to have a means of injuring Philip II. at their command, and died there in 1595. Philip entered the capital in triumph, and received the crown. His promise was not fulfilled, and the liberties of Portugal soon shared the fate of the similar institutions in Spain. To secure the peimanence of Spanish rule, the power of the nobles was diminished and the royal domains increased. But this policy defeated its own ends. The alienation of the nobles from Spain led to the restoration of Portuguese independence under the House of Braganza in the next century. § 5. In Philip's Italian provinces, Milan, Naples, and Sicily, his system of government was introduced with complete success, but in the Netherlands it provoked a storm of opposition which wrecked the power of Spain. The Netherlands consisted of seventeen provinces, each possessed of independent institutions and inhabited by populations of differing character. They had become united by falling under the rule of the dukes of Burgundy, from whom they had passed to the Hapsburgs. But the union under a common government had done little or nothing to put an end to provincial differences. Under Charles V., himself a Netherlander by birth, some advance had been made towards the formation of a central government. A supreme court of justice had been founded at Mechlin, and deputies from the various provinces were summoned to form the States-General. But Charles had been too cautious to make any determined attack upon local privileges, and the Nether- lands remained a loose federation. In one point only had he shown uncompromising purpose, in his opposition to religious reform. An edict of 1550 threatened heretics with the severest penalties, and a board of inquisitors, or as they were euphemistically called, " ecclesiastical judges," was formed to enforce them. But in spite of this severity the Netherlands were quite submissive when they were transferred to Philip II. in 1555. The new ruler soon made himself as hated as his predecessor had been loved. His first act was to renew the edict of 1550. When 100 MODERN EUROPE. Chap. viii. he departed for Spain in 1559, he showed his contempt for the feelin;j,s and prejudices of his subjects in the ap]x»intinent of a governor. Passing over the claims of the native nobles, he jiave the post to his half-sister, Mar<:aret of Parma, the pupil of Ignatius Loyola and the devoted instrument of Philip's reactionary policy. Her chief minister was Cardinal Granvella, a Burgundian whose father had been an influential adviser of Charles Y. With him were united Barlaymont, a noble, and Vi^lius, a lawyer. These three formed the Considta, or secret council, and their influence rendered powerless the recognised Council of State, in which the great nobles had seats. This establishment of an anti-natioual government ])rovoked widespread discontent, which found immediate vent in complaints against the continued presence of Spanish troops after the king's departure. So threatening was the opposition, that Philip, mtich against his will, was compelled to witlidraw the troops. But no sooner was this concession made than a new ground of complaint w'as furnished bj' proposed ecclesiastical changes. At this time there were only four bishoprics in the Netherlands, Arras, Cambray, Tournay, and Utrecht. Philip obtained a bull from Pius lY. in 15G0, creating fourteen new bishoprics, with three archbishoprics at Mechlin, Cambray, and Utrecht. This extension of the hierarchy was felt to be a general grievance. The secular estates dreaded the great development of the Spanish and ecclesiastical power, while even the clergj- were discontented by the proposal to confiscate church propert}' for the endowment of the new sees. The doctrines of Luther and Calvin had already made considerable progress in spite of the edicts. They now became a political power. § 6. The lead of the opposition was taken by the great nobles, who felt themselves excluded from their due share of the government. At their head were three men, William of Orange, Count Egmont, and Admiral Horn. Egmont was a soldier who had won great distinc- tion in the battles of St. Quentin and Gravelines. His bravery and his loyalty were equally conspicuous, but his devotion to the interests of the country and the feeling that his great services were imrequited combined to place him unwillingly in opposition to the crown. He was a sincere Catholic and bad no sympathy with the reformed doctrine. William of Orange Mas a man of very different stamp and of far greater importance. He was the descendant of the German house of Nassau, which had acquired large jiosscssions in the Netherlands. His grandfather, Engelbert II., had divided his territories between his two sons, Henry and William. Henry, the elder, who received the lands in the Netherlands, brought the principality of Orange into the family by his marriage with the A.D. 1559-1505. DISCONTENT IN THE NETHERLANDS. 107 sister of tliat Prince of Orauge wlio coiiiiuaiided at tlie siege of Home in 1:j27, On the death of his son Ilene in 1544, both Orange and tlie territories in the Netherlands fell to the younger branch of Nassan, which was now represented by William, the grandson of Engelbert. The prince who thus obtaineu gust,i572, the bell of St. Gei-main I'Auxerrois gave the appointed signal. The murder of Coligny was superintended by Henry of Gaiise, the son and successor of^ Francis. In Paris the mob rose and slaughtered the unsuspeclini; Huguenots. Other towns followed the example of the capital. Nearly 20,000 victims fell in this "Massacre of St. Bartholomew" or the " -Pau^M^jiioa." It has often been asserted tlaat the massacre had long ago been decided upon, and that Catharine had only waited for the favour- able moment to carry it out. It has been regarded as the direct outcome of Alva's advice at the Conference of Bayonne. But this is not only improbable but almost impossible. Catharine's guidmg motive was not religious bigotry, but personal and dynastic am- bition. She could never have nckoned on so favourable a circum- stance as the presence of so many unarmed Huguenots in the midst of the bloodthirstv mob of Paris. Everything points clearly to the conclusion that, even if the idea lay already dormant in her mind, the impulse to its execution was sudden, and arose from the immediate position of affairs. § 9 The news of the massacre roused the remaining Huguenots to a new war of defence. But, weakened as they were by the loss of their leaders, there seemed little prospect of their success. The government issued orders proscribing the reformed religion, and prepared four armies to reduce those towns which refused obedience. The heroic resistance offered by two towns, Kochelle and.Sancerre, rivals the most celebrated deeds of antiquity. And meanwhile the massacres had called into existence a new party called the PaUUoue,s . which adhered to neither of the rival creeds, but m- sistedonlhe necessity of toleration. At its head were the Mont- 122 MODERN EUROPE. Chap. ix. morencies, the sons of the Constable, who, though Catholics, inherited their father's opposition to tlie Guises. The government found it impossible to carry out their policy. The edict of July, 1573, secured liberty of conscience and permitted the Huguenot worship in Rochelle, -Nismes, and Montauban. Through the mediation ot the Polish envoy, Sancerre was iidmitted to the same privileges. Thus the policy of massacre proved a faiUu-e. The Huguenots could not be crushed by such measures. Charles IX,, who never recovered after the horrors of St. Bartholomew, and was ever haunted by imaginary visions of its victims, died without male issue on May 30, 1574. The crown passed to his brother, Henry III., who had just ascended the throne of Poland, but who promptly deserted his northern Idiigdom, and made his way through Italy to France. Till his arrival the administration fell once more into the hands of Catharine de Medici. § 10. The moderate party endeavoured to take advantage of the change of government. Damville de Montmorency met the new king on the frontier, and obtained from him promises of toleration. But when Henry III. reached Paris, he soon tell imder the influence of his mother and the Catholics, and adopted the extreme p.ilicy to which his own nature inclined him. The contest was at once renewed. The PoUtiques were strengthetied by the junction of Francis of Alencon, Henry of Navarre, and the young prince of Conde. John Casimir of the Palatinate advanced to their as-istance with German troops. Against this powerful confederacy the Government could only proceed with weapons of deceit. Con- cessions were made to break tip the hostile alliance without any intention of observing them. The Huguenots were allowed the free exercise of their religion everywhere except in Paris and the country round ; they were to be admitted to offices, and the judicial authority was to be vested in mixed parliaments. Alenyon wag bought off with the duchy of Anjou, and Conde with the administra- tion of Picardy. John Casimir received comi^ensalion and pay for his troops. The allies also demanded a meeting of the States- General, and these were convened at Blois in December, 1576 ; but with a very unexpected result. They adopted an attitude of uncompromising ho-tilify to the reformed religion, and thus strengthened the hands of the Government. The Huguenots again took up arms ; imt, alter an uneventful campaign, the king suddenly concludf^d peace by the edict of ^"'''iffl ni' |^"'"!J."'";'.^.i the most important of the numerous religious treaties. By this the extreme concessions of 1575 were revoked ; but the reformed worship was allowed in all places where it was exercised on the day of the treaty. One town in each di.-tiict and nine fortified A.D. 1573-1584. THE LEAGUE. 123 places of refuge were ceded to the Huguenots, while the nobles retained, the privilege of private service. In the parliaments ot Bordeaux, Grenoble, Aix, and Toulouse, four judges out of twelve were to be Protestants. 8 11 Thus at last the great question as to how the two religions coul.i exist side by side seemed to have received a practical solution. For the next seven years France enjoyed an unwonted respite from warfare. The peace might have been permanent but for the disastrous influence of foreign states. Never was the spirit o religious bigotry so active as at this period. By rulers who had applauded the massacre of St. Bartholomew and -'^oJ-vonreA plots for the assassination of Elizabeth of England and William of Orange, the vacillating government of France was 'egjirded wi h abhorrence. Philip H. was especially concerned. 1 he Catholic reaction, for which he lived and worked, could not be completed without French co-operation. And he had personal motives for opposing a peaceful settlement of religious differences. _ A united France offered the greatest obstacles to Spanish ambition. Even in the court of Henry III. there were symptoms of opposition to his annexation of Portugal. And Henry's brother, Francis of Anion appeared in the Netherlands as the avowed opponent ot Spain, and the aspirant for the hand of the English queen. Before long events occurred which enabled Philip to mterfere decisively in French politics. On June 10 1584, Francis of A njou-Alencon died unmarried. The house of Valois was evidently on the verge of extmction. Henry IIL, its last representative, had no children, nor was he likely to have any. By the law of succession hitherto observeression on the hereditary domains of the house of Ha[i.sburg, where, under Ferdinand I. and Maximilian IF., Protestantism hid made startling progress. Maximilian had five sons by his wile Mary, a daughter of 132 MODERN EUROPE. . Chap. x. Charles V., but he wisely gave up the family custom of subdivision and left the administration of Hungary, Bohemia and Austria to the eldest, Rudolf II., who was also elected emperor. Rudolf, educated first by his mother and afterwards at the court of Phillip II., was imbued with Spanish ideas both in religion and politics. He had an exaggerated conception of his own dignity, and no respect for the religious beliefs or political interests of his subjects. His first act was to expel from Vienna Opitz and other Protestant preachers, and he thus gave the first impulse to a Catholic reaction in Austria. Unfortunately, however, for the Catholic part}', Rudolf, though not without ability, was not of a character to interfere vigorously in the affairs of the empire. He held himself aloof from politics and devoted himself in his castle of Prague to alchemy and astrology. But it was a great thing that the policy of his two predecessors was given up by Rudolf, and that the imperial influence, however small, was henceforth assured to the Catholics. They were now determined to enforce throughout the empire their interpretation of the religious peace and especially of the ecclesiastical reservation. Thus they hoped to resist any further progress of Protestantism, and, if circum- sfaiiCfS favonred them, to reduce it to the old limits of 1552. § 5. At the Diet of 1582 an important contest arose about the bishopric of Magdeburg, to which was attached the presidency in the College of Princes. Its present holder was a Protestant, Joachim Frederick of Brandenburg. The Catholics refused to his deputy not only the presidency, but even admission to the Diet, on the ground that he was not lawful bishop. This was a point of the highest importance, as the admission of the Catholic ruling would have excluded many of the Protestant princes from political in- fluence. It was impossible to come to any compromise on the question, which remained a source of difficulty at each successive diet. A similar question arose in the third College of the Diet, that of the cities. Aachen, long a Catholic city, had fallen at last under the government of a Protestant majority. An attempt was made to exclude its deputies from the Diet, but the other towns regarded this as an attack on their liberties, and admitted the deputies, though they had received no regular summons. This also remained unsettled until 1598 when Catholicism was restored in Aachen by a military force. Still more important were ihc events in Cologne at this time. The Protestant interpretation of the ecclesiastical reservation was that it did not apply to the case of a Protestant bishop lawfully elected by the chapter. But they had never yet held that a Catholic bishop might go over to Protestantism and yet hold his see in defiance of the chapter. .\ previous elector of Cologne, A.D. 1581. GEBHARD TRUCHSESS. 133 Hermann vou der Wied, had married, and had at once resigned. But in 1581, the archbishoi^ Gebhard Triichsess married Agnes of Mansfeld, and announced his conversw*»~4d-the reformed faith and at the same time his determination to retain his see. This was of immense importance, because the defection of the archbit.hop of Cologne would give the Protestants a majority in the electoral College. The Catholics took the strongest measures. The pope issued a bull of deposition, and the temporal princes armed to support it. Truchsess, having adopted Calvinism, found no supporters among the Lutherans. He was driven from his see, and lived in exile till his death in 1601. This was a great victory for the Catholics, and encouraged them to take further measures. They had a majority in the Imperial Chamber, the supreme court of the empire. All legal disputes were decided against the Pro- testants. Besides this, an attempt was made to increase the authority of the Aulic Council, an institution which had no imperial sanction, but was merely a private court of the emperor, whose wishes it unhesitatingly carried out. § 6. Thus the imperial constitution failed to supply an efficient administrative machinery. The Diet could come to no decisions, and even if it did, they were rejected by the minority. The judicial courts were on the side of one party, and the other refused to re- cognise their authority. It was evident that the Protestants could only rely for security on their own exertions. Their obvious policy was to form a defensive union among themselves. This object Avas steadily pursued by the court of the elector palatine under the guidance of an able minister, Christian of Anhalt. But for some time all attempts failed through the want of union between Calvinists and Lutherans, and the invincible sluggishness of Saxony. But at last events happened which compelled immediate action. Donauworth, a free imperial city, was so completely Protestant that the attempt of an abbot to conduct a religious procession through the streets produced a violent tumult. '1 he matter was brought, with doubtful legality, before the Aulic Council, and that body, without a formal trial, issued the imperial ban against the town and entrusted its execution to Maximilian of Bavaria. That prince was one of the ablest of German princes and the recognised leader of the Catholic party. His devotion to his religion did not, however, prevent an enlightened regard for his own interests. He had long foreseen the possibility of war and was prepared for the emergency. His troops marched against Donauworth, and not only forcibly suppressed the Protestant religion, but practically annexed the town to Bavaria. This liigh-handed act on the part of the Aulic Council and of Maximilian convinced the Protestants of the 134 MODERN EUROPE. Chap. x. danger in which they stood. At the diet of Ratisbon ^IfiOS) tVipy made vehement protests, and these being disregarded, they left the assembly. Almost directly afterwards. Christian of Anhalt suc- ceeded in inducing the Protestant princes and towns of southern Germany to form a league at Abause n. It was impossible as yet to persuade the Lutherans of Germany to join them. The Catholics on their side were equally pi'ompt. Under the leadership of MaximiHan, a Catholic league was formed at ^unic h in July ^^§ 7. Thus the imperial constitution was broken down by religious differences, and the two parties stood face to face, both prepared for war, but neither willing to strike the first blow. A disputed succession in Jiilich and Cleve almost precipitated the struggle. On the death of the childless duke, John William, in 1609, a number of claimants to his territories arose. Of these the most prominent were John Sigismund of Brandenburg and Wolfgang William, son of the duke of Neuburg. But both were Lutherans, and the presence of heretics so near to the Netherlands aroused the fears of Spain, The emperor Rudolf was induced to claim the vacant provinces as imperial fiefs. In face of this danger the two claimants formed an alliance and took joiiit possession. A general war seemed inevitable. As the Catholics relied on Spain, so the Protestants turned to France, and in 1610 a treaty was made between Henry IV. and the Union. Henry was determined to seize the opportunity of humbling his old enemies the Hapsburgs. He was preparing to lead a large army from France, when his life was taken by Ravaillac. France fell under the miserable regency of Marie de Medici, and the danger of a European war was for the time over. Jiilich and Cleve remained in the hands of the tvm joint possessors. But the difficulty of finding a permanent settle- ment again endangered peace. Wolfgang William proposed to his rival to marry his daughter and to take the whole territories. The elector of Brandenburg, enraged at the impudent proposal, boxed the youthful speaker's cars. Wolfgang William went over to Catholicism, married a daughter of Maximilian, and threw himself on the protection of the League. Spanish and Dutch troojas were called in by either side. But there was still a general abhorrence of war. At Xanten a truce was concluded by which Jiilich and Cleve were divided between Brandenburg and Neuburg. Thus the outbreak of war was again postponed. For its immediate causes we must turn to the history of the house of Hapsburg. § 8. Ferdinand I. had divided his territories between his three sons. Maximilian II. received Austria, Hungary, and Bohemia; Ferdinand, Tyrol ; and Charles, Styiia and Carinthia. Ferdinand A.D. 157(3-1612. REIGN OF RUDOLF II. 135 died without legitimate issue and Tyrol reverted to tlie elder line. Charles of Styria was succeeded in 1596 by his son, afterwards the en>Peror Ferdinand II. Maximilian's territories passed, as has been seen to Rudolf II., while the younger sons received compensation elsewhere Ernest was intrusted with the administration of Austria, which fell after his death to Matthias; Maximilian was made governor of Tyrol ; and Albert was married to Philip II.'s daughter and became regent of the Spanish Netherlands. Rudolf II.'s^ government in his hereditary dominions was more active but quite as unsuccessful as in the empire. His attempts to put down the Protestant doctrines, and with them the political privileges of his subjects, led to open revolts. In Hungary the rebels gained the support of the Turks, and established virtual independence. So serious did matters appear, that the other members of the family determined to combine against their in- capable head and to entrust the administration to the archduke Matthias But Rudolf resisted all attempts to diminish his power with an obstinacy akin to madness. Compelled to entrust aflairs m Hun-ary to his brother, he refused to ratify his acts, and especially his treaty with the Turks. At last, in 1608, the archdukes took up arms and compelled Rudolf, by the treaty of Lieben, to cede Hunpressed with such rigour that it never afterwards raised its head. Upper Austria was purged of heresy by similar measures. Still more unpopular Avas the rigorous vengeance taken on the elector palatine. His hereditary dominions were conquered, the Lower I'alatinate by the Spaniards, the Upper by Bavaria. Frederick was forced to live in exile at the Hague, ever busied with futile schemes for the recovery of his territory. Even his electoral dignity was declared forfeited, and in 1623 was transferred to Maximilian. This Avas of the greatest importance, because the Bavarian A'ote added to those of the three clerical electors, gave the Catholics a definite majority in the electoral college, hitherto equally di\ided. § 12. These high-handed measures produced an inevitable reaction. It Avas feared that Ferdinand, Avith the support of Sj>ain, might noAV revive Charles V.'s schemes, and restore religious unity in Germany under the absolute rule of the house of Hapsburg. Those jmnces Avho had refused to strike a bloAv for Protestantism were alarmed by the danger to their independence. The Lower Saxon circle showed the greatest uneasiness, but they dared take no decisive steps Avithout external assistance. Germany seemed prostrate at the feet of emperor and League. But this sudden revival of the Austrian power aroused misgivings not only in Germany but also among the neighbouring states. France, the old antagonist of the Hapsburgs, Avas naturally the first to take alarm. Ever since Henry IV.'s doatli, the French government, absorbed in petty court intrigues, had done nothing of importance in foreign politics. But pressing danger at last put an end to tins inactivity. For the rise of Austria Avas not only alarming in itself, it also gave new strength and courage to Spain. The two Hapsburg powers had lately obtained a definite geographical connexion by the Spanish occupation of the Valtelline, a pass Avhich gave easy communica- tion between Italy and the Austrian province of Tyrol. Here was a serious danger for France. It Avas at this moment that Richelieu (1624)Jbecame chief minister of Louis XIII. His greifobjecT'vfas to depress tlie Arrstro-Spanish power, and to raise the French monarchy to its place. He succeeded in breaking off the proposed alliance betAveen England and Spain, and prince Charles Avas married to the French princess Henrietta Maria instead of the Infanta. Although a Catholic and a cardinal, Richelieu had no hesitation in supporting the Protestant cause in Germany. In this he Avas only foUoAving the lines of policy laid down by Francis I. and Henry II. His first direct interference Avas in Italy, Avhere A.D. 1623-1 G26. INTERVENTION OF DENMARK. 139 French troops drove the Spaniards from the Valtclline. But this active policy was suddenly checked by the outbreak of a Huguenot revolt in France. Richelieu was compelled lo conclude the treaty of Monzon with Spain and to concentrate his attention on the reduction of the Huguenot fortress u{ La Rochelle. By the treaty the Valtelline was restored to the Protestant community of the Grisons, from which it had been conquered by Spain. TliouL'h the allies of France were disconcerted by this sudden desertion, the Protestant cause had undoubtedly received a great impulse. The war had begun to absorb the interest of Europe. It was no longer possible to regard it as an internal affair of Germany. Political as well as religious interests were involved and both of the highest importance. Two princes deeply interested in the coiu'sc of German events were Christian IV. of Denmark and Gustavus Adolphus of Sweden, Christian, as duke of Holstein, was a member of the Lower Saxon circle, and a priuce of the empire. He bad obtained for his son the bishopric of Verden and the coadjutor- ship of Bremen. He was thus directly interested in maintaining the Protestant bishoprics, which were threatened by the Catholic victory. The Swedish king was more ardently Protestant than Christian, and had also secular interests at stake. His chief enemy was Sigismund III. of Poland, who by strict hereditary right could claim the Swedish crown, and who lelied for assistance on his brother-in-law Ferdinand II. The independence of Sweden, too, would be jeopardised by the establishment of a strong imperial power in northern Germany. Thus both these kings were anxious to head the Protestant Ofiposition to the Hapsburgs, but internal jealousies prevented their acting together, 'i'he decision as to which should undertake the task rested with the English king. He decided in favour of Christian, whose plans were the more sanguine and demanded less money. In 1626 the Danish king was acknowledged head of the Lower Sa.xon circle, and jirepared with the aid of English men and money to interfere in Germany, Gustavus had to content himself with the war in Poland, which was indirectly of assistance to the Protestant cause. § 13. Besides the Danish king, the emjieror had to make head against Mansfeld and Christian of Brunswick, who still held the field, and also Bethlen Gabor, who threatened an attack from the east. To these numerous enemies he could only oppose one army, that of the League commanded by Tilly. The imperial treasury was empty. At this juncture one of Ferdinand's own subjects came forward with a noteworthy scheme. Albert of W aldstein, or_"5£ail£asiieiii7 was the descendant of an old Bohemian noble family. By espousing the royal cause in the Bohemian wars he had obtained distinction ^ 140 MODERN EUEOPE. Chap, x. and -wealth and had been created prioce of Friedland. He now- offered to raise an army for the emperor's service which -was to cost him nothing. It was to be supported, not by disorderly pillage like the soldiers of Mansfeld, but by forced contributions. Eegard- less of the fact that such measures were of doubtful legality, Ferdinand accepted the offer. The new army was speedily formed, and advanced to support Tilly. Mansfeld was defeated at the bridge of Dessau, and retreated into Hungary to join Bethlen Gabor. While Wallenstein pursued him, Tilly routed the forces of Christian IV. at Lutter (August, 1626). In the east Wallenstein was completely successful. Mansfeld had to retire to Venetian territory, where he died. Christian of Brunswick was already dead. A treaty with the Turks (1627), who were occupied with a Persian war, put an end to farther danger from Bethlen Gabor. Wallen- stein was now free to turn his attention to German affairs. He defeated the Danes at Cosel, and drove them from Silesia. Follow- ing the enemy northwards, he occupied Mecklenburg, and then attacked the Danish territories. Holstein, Schleswig, and Jutland were overrun, and it was only the want of a fleet that prevented the complete conquest of Denmark. Foreign relations at the same time were favourable to the emperor. France and England had quarrelled, and Buckingham led a fleet to the assistance of La Kochelle (1627). And Charles I.'s disputes with his parliament rendered him unable to send the stipulated supplies to Christian, without which his army could not be paid. The victory of tlie Catholic cause was as complete in uoitheru Germany in 1627 as it had been in Bohemia and the Palatinate in 1623. But circumstances had completely clianged between the two years. The earlier victory had been won by the Catholic League, and the emperor had to carry out tlieir wishes. But in the second, or Danish period of the war, the emperor had an army of his own which had gained the greatest successes. It was not Tilly but Wallenstein who had saved the eastern provinces and had driven the Danes from the north. And with Wallenstein politics rather than religion were the guiding motive. Protestants were admitted to his army and even to high command. Under his influence the most magnificent schemes were entertained at Vienna for the revival of the imperial supremacy over all hostile interests. But these were to the full as distasteful to the Catholics as to the Protestants. The ideas of princely independence, always strong in Germany, and never more so than at the present moment, set them- selves in direct opposition to Ferdinand and his general. The ill- feeling against Wallenstein was increased by the fact that he sought his own aggrandisement as well as that of the imperial authority. A.D. 1626-1629. WALLENSTEIN. 141 After the conquest of Silesia, he had received the principality of Sasan, and afterwards he obtained from Ferdinand the investiture of Mecklenburg. This arbitrary interference with German territory, and the rise to equal rank with themselves of a Bohemian ad- venturer, aroused the greatest disaffection among the princes. The forced contributions for the imperial troops, and their oppressive conduct, were another great grievance. Tbe Cathohc electors combined to demand Wallenstein's dismissal. But Ferdinand and his minister Eg^enberg were in complete accord with the schemes of their general, and the attack on him failed. 'J'his set him free to continue his policy in Germany. His great object now was to revive the German maritime power in the northern seas, and thus to complete the humiliation of the Scandinavian kingdoms. In this he relied on the Hanseatic League, which stilf existed, though the new commercial routes had cut off most of its trade. Already the Spaniards, anxious to deprive the Dutch of their commerce, had sent envoys to the Hansa pro- posing a commercial alliance on very advantageous terms. But the merchants refused to advance their interests at the expense of Protestantism. Wallenstein relied upon force instead of diplomacy, and determined to make himself master of the southern Baltic coast. His troops occupied Wismar and laid siege to Stralsund (1628), where the inhabitants offered a heroic resistance. 'J'he siese was of vast importance. Had the town fallen, Germany would have been completely at the emperor's feet. Sweden and Denmark would have been excluded from further interference. Wallenstein strained every nerve to take Stralsund, but wns foiled by the want of a fleet, which left the sea open to his enemies. In the face of the danger of imperial supremacy on the Baltic, Gustavus Adolphus gave up his old rivalry with Denmark and sent assistance to the besieged. Wallenstein sent to beg troops from Tilly, who referred the matter to his employers, the princes of the Catholic League. They were unwilling even to ensure the fall of Protestantism if they thereby endangered their own liberties, and the request was refused. After six months Wallenstein was compelled to raise the siege and thus experienced his first reverse. This encouraged Christian IV. to attempt another landing in Germany. But Wallenstein was still too strong in the open field, and forced him to conclude the treaty of Liibeck (liiSa). By this he received back his conquered territories, but in return gave up all claims to his son's bishoprics and promised to abstain from further interference in German affairs. § 14. During the years 1627-9 the House of Hapsburg seemed to be as powerful in Europe as it had been even under Charles V. The 142 MODEEN EUROPE. Chap. x. division into two branches had weakened it for a time, but now the Austrian and Spanish lines were in the closest union. Philip IV. and his minister, Olivarez, were Ferdinand II.'s most ardent sup- porters. In Germany the emperor seemed supreme, and an opportunity now occurred of reviving his rule in Italy. The death of Vincenzo Gonzaga, the duke of Mantua, in 1627, left as the next heir a Frenchman, the duke of Nevers. But both Spain and Austria dreaded the establishment of French influence in Italy. Mantua was declared to be an' escheated imperial fief, and was occupied by Spanish troops. But again, as in 1623, the rise of the Hapsburg power excited ihe greatest opposition in Europe. The lesser Italian states appealed to France ; and Eichelieu, as soon as he had crushed the Huguenots by the capture of La Eochelle (1628), led troojis into Italy which forced the Spaniards to raise the siege of Casale (1629). In the next year, 1630, imperialist troops joined the Spaniards in Mantua. But Kichelieu again crossed the Alps, made himself master of Piedmont, and again laised the siege of Casale, though he was not strong enough to take Mantua. He now determined to make a diversion on the .'■ide of Germany by calling in Gustavus Adolphus. He negotiated a peace between Sweden and Poland, and thus set the king's hands free. At the same time hostility to the emperor appeared in Germany itself. The imperial supremacy was based on the army raised by Wallcnstein, and this army and its leader were the objects of bitter hatred to all German princes. The four Catholic electors, with Maximilian of Bavaria at their head, renewed their demand for Wallenstein's dismissal. At the same time they wished to utilise the victory which he had won for the advantage of their religion. They induced Ferdinand to issue the Edict of Kestitution (March 6, 1629), by which all ecclesiastical property that had been secularised since the peace of Passau was to be restored to the Catholic church. The measure was entirely opposed to the policy of Wallenstein, who wished to subordinate all religious questions to his grand object, the establishment of imperial supremacy. It roused the bitterest discontent among the Protestants, even those who had hitherto been neutral, and thus gave great advantages to the Swedish king. It was obvious that for once the interests of the Austro- Spanish house and those of Catholicism were at variance. The electors were ready to throw themselves on the side of France rather than submit to any diminution of their territorial independence. This offered a great opening for Richelieu's intrigues. While on the one hand he was urging Gustavus Adolphus to espouse the Protestant cause, on the other he was encouraging the extreme Catholics in their A.D. 1630. GUSTAVUS ADOLPHUS. 143 opposition to the emperor. His right-hand man, the Capuchin Father Joseph, played an important part in the meeting atEatisbon in 1630, where the attack on Wallenstein was vigorously renewed. Ferdinand, who hoped by conciliating the princes to procure his son's election as King of the Romans, at 'last gave way, and the great general went into temporary retirement. The command of his army was transferred to Tilly. Thus at the very moment of its greatest triumph, the imperial authority was onco more over- shadowed by the power of the League, from which it had attempted to free itself. § 15. At this all-important conjuncture Gustavus Adolphus landed at Usedom without opposition. He forced the aged duke of Pome- rania to make an alliance with him, and made himself master of the southern Baltic coast. Tilly failed in an attempt to oppose his progress and was compelled to retire to the Elbe. The only great obsTacle in Gustavus' way was the extreme unwillingness of the German princes to join him. A few of the lesser princes, who had more to gain than to lose appeared in his camp, prominent among whom was Bernhard of Saxe-Weimar, a representative of the Ernestine line of Saxony, But the great Lutheran leaders, John George of Saxony and George William of Brandenburg, the latter of whom was the Swedish king's brother-in-law, adhered obstinately to their feeble and ruinous neutrality. They summoned a Protestant conference at Leipzig, where they demanded once more the withdrawal of the Edict of Eestitution. But they took no steps to enforce their demand, which was unhesitatingly refused. The persecution of the Protestants was continued. Magdeburg, which had refused to accept the edict, was vigorously besieged. To strengthen his forces Ferdinand concluded the treaty of Cherasco (1631) with France, by which the duke of Nevers obtained Mantua, and the imperial troops were enabled to quit Italy. Gustavus Adolphus was above all things anxious to advance to the relief of Magdeburg. But he dared not stir southwards till he had gained over Saxony and Brandenburg, and they rejected all his offers. Tilly stormed the devoted town, and it svas sacked with a cruelty which stands out even among the atrocities of the Thirty Years' War. Thus the Catholics gained a new victory, but it was their last. Gustavus advanced to Berlin, and the Swedish troops and cannon forced his vacillating brother-in-law into an alliance, as security for which two important fortresses were ceded. But John George of Saxony was harder to deal with, and Gustavus might have been foiled but for the imprudent conduct of the emperor himself. Tilly received orders to invade Saxony and to force the elector to disarm Lis troops. This ungrateful treatment was too much for the most 144 MODERN EUROPE. Chap. x. peace-loving prince. John George threw himself into the arms of the Swedes and concluded an offensive and defensive alliance with them. A combined army marched to attack Tilly and met him in the great hattle ( f Breiten feld. The untrained Saxons were put to flight, but the Swedes held their ground and completely routed the imperial troops. The defeat undid at one blow all that the Catholics had hitherto gained. The enforcement of the Edict of Restitution in northern Germany became impossible. And Gustavus did not remain content with this success. The Saxon army was sent into Bohemia, where it occupied Prague without opposition, but did nothing further. The king himself undertook a marvellous march against the ecclesiastical principalities of south-western Germany. Passing through Thuringia he reached the Main and the Rhine. One after another Wiirzburg, Bamberg, even Mainz fell into his hands. Everywhere the Catholics fled before liim, and the work of the Counter-Reformation was undone. The exiled elector Palatine joined him and might have recovered his territories, but th^t his bigotry forbade him to promise the least toleration to the Catholics. It was in vain that French diplomacy, astounded and disniayed at the Swedish successes, sought to make peace between them and the League, so as to direct ail hostility against the house of Hapsburg. Gustavus Adolphus refused tn become the tool of Richelieu. Eariy in 1632Jie turned eastwards to attack Bavaria, the head-quarters of CathoTicTsm. Nuremberg welcomed him with effusive demonstra- tions. Tilly, who had re-formed his army, tried to dispute the passage of the Lech, but was again defeated and himself slain. Gustavus entered Munich, and the whole of Bavaria, except Ingol- stadt, lay at his feet. § 16. Thus was Ferdinand II. rewarded for his concessions to the Catholics in 1630. For their sake he had sacrificed AVallenstein, and resigned the prospect of imjierial absolutism both in Italy and Germany. And now his allies had proved unable to protect either their religion or themselves. Protestantism was triumphant, and the emperor's hereditary territories were only spared by the invincible moderation of the elector of Saxony. In these circumstances it was natural that he should turn again to his old general who had before rendered him such important service. During his enforced retire- ment Wallenstein had by no means lost sight of politics, though he regarded them with altered views. Stung Avith the ingratitude shown to him, he had made overtures to the Swedes, and had offered to drive the Hapsburgs into Italy. The news of Breitenfeld filled him with joy. When these schemes failed, he still kept up a close connection with the Saxons, whose commander, Arnim,washis A.D. Hm. GUSTAVU.S AND WALLENSTEIN. 145 old comi^anion in arms. Now came the im|.erial offer to restore him to his old command. He accepted on conditions which were to "ive him both military and political independence, and to secure him from the possibility of another abrupt dismissal. His name alone was suftlcient to create an army. But VVallensteiu entered upon his second command with a very different policy to that which had "uided him before. He was no longer the devoted champion of imperial supremacy. He was determined not to become the tool of the Leacrue or of the Catholic party at Vienufi. He would have nothing to "do with the Catholic reaction. Through bis connexion with Saxony he hoped to establish a religious compromise, if necessary by force : he would exclude all foreigners, Swedes, Frenchmen, even Spaniards, from interference in Germany : and lastly, he would foimd a great principality for himself. Wallenstein is no longer an Austrian general but an independent potentate. His first act was to drive the Saxons from Bohemia, and he endeavoured to force a peace on the elector. But John George had some honourable feeling, and refused to break his promise to the Swedes. The news of Wallenstein's movements reached Gustavus Adolphus as he was trying by organisation to secure some permanent result of his successes. For himself he wished to obtain Pomerania, which would give him absolute control of the Baltic, and a position of a prince of the empire. In this latter capacity he wished to place himself at the head of a new i'rulestant union, a corpus evangelicomm, which was to have an internal constitution, and which might defend itself against all attacks. It is pos.'^ible that he looked forward to a time when a Protestant majority of the electors might place the imperial crown on his own head. But in all his schemes he had to contend with the political incapacity of the Germans, and their incurable jealousy of himself as a foreigner. Saxony was especially reluctant to submit to Swedish headship. And now Gustavus had to stand on the defensive, for Wallenstein had marched from Bohemia against Nuremberg. The king threw himself into the town, and held out till the arrival of reinforce- ments made him strong enough to meet the enemy. But Wallenstein refused a battle, and an attack on his strong intrenchments was repulsed with loss. For once Gustavus had to retreat unsuccessful. Instead of pursuing hirn, Wallenstein broke up his camp and i'j- vaded Saxony, hoping to compel the elector to desert the Swedes. Gustavus had lo give up the plan of a direct i;aarch on Vienna, and advanced to assist his ally. M, Tiiit.yp.n" tiie'^t^a' great generals were again face to face. An obstinate battle ended in favour of the Swedes, btit Gustavus fell a victim to his personal rashness, 8* .._^ 146 MODERN EUEOPE. Chav and his loss was far more disastrous than a defeat could have been. The death of Gustavus Adolphus was fatal to the last chance of forming a Protestant union in Germany. If Saxony had objected to the Swedish king, it was not likely to submit to the influence of the chancellor Oxenstiern, who imdertook the manage- ment of affairs during the minoriiy of queen Christina. All he could do was to form the League of Heilbronn among the south German states, the nearest approach that was ever made to the jDrojected corpus evmigelicorum. The great object of Swedish diplomacy was to induce the north-German states to join the League, but it proved impossible. And the death of the king was a terrible disaster from a military, as well as from a political point of view. Numerous able leaders had been trained under his eye, notably, Bernhard of Saxe- Weimar, Horn, Baner, Torstenson, and others. But the requisite unity was gone ; and what was worse, the old discipline could no longer be maintained. The Swedes, hitherto remarkable for their tempei'ate conduct, were henceforth as great a scourge to Germany as had been the troops of Mansfeld or Tilly. In spite of all this, the imperialist cause did not reap any immediate advantage from Gustavus' death. The alliance between France and Sweden was renewed, and French influence was gradually extending itself, though Richelieu had not yet declared war against either Austria or h^pain. The elector of Trier had admitted a French garrison into Eh renbreit stein, which commanded the Rhine and Moselle. The duke of Lorraine, a partisan of Spain, had teen driven from his territories, whence the French obviously threatened Alsace. Bernhard of Saxe-Weimar maintained the Swedish preponderance in Franconia and Bavaria, and before the end of 1633 took Ratisbon. His object was to restore the Ernestine line to its old dignity, and he demanded and obtained from Oxenstiern the grant of the bishoprics of Bamberg and Wiirzburg, which were to be made into the duchy of Franconia. Tlie assumption by a Swedish noble of the right to dispose of German territories, increased the alienation of Saxony, Brandenburg, and other states. § 17. Meanwhile all eyes were fixed on Wallenstein : who, after Liitzen, had retired to Bohemia, where he occupied a strong defensive i^osition, and could advance at will either to the north or south. He was still pursuing his favourite scheme, to come to terms with Saxony as the basis of a general peace. He was prepared to revoke the Edict of Restitution altogether. At one time a treaty Avas on the verge of conclusion, but it was doubtful how far Wallenstein could insist on his jwlicy at Vienna. Thus 11 A.D. 1632-1634. DEATH OF WALLENSTEIN. 147 disappointed, he took the offensive, drove the Swedes from Silesia, and threatened Saxony and Brandenburg. But the fall of Eatisbon checked his advance, and he returned to Bohemia, refusing to assist the elector of Bavaria, towards whom he felt no good Avill. His conduct, and especially his policy of peace and religious com- promise, had aroused the greatest antipathy among the Catholic powers. A strong party was formed against at him at Vienna, 'headed by the emperor's confessor. The Spanish influence, which had once supported him, was now hostile. He had proposed to obtain the Palatinate for himself, but the Spaniards were afraid of a strong power in that neighbourhood. And he had shown himself resolutelj' hostile to all attempts of Spain to secure a territorial connexion between Italy and the Netherlands. All the hostile influences combined to sow discord between the emperor and his general. Ferdinand was naturally jealous of the independent attitude of Wallenstein, and was induced to believe that he aimed at the Bohemian crown. It was determined to get rid of so in- convenient a servant. Many of Wallenstein's chief officers were induced to desert him. It was in vain that he did all in his power to secure the allegiance of his army. The officers signed all kinds of promises, but reserved their fealty to the emperor. In an unlucky moment Wallenstein moved from Pilsen, where the garrison were devoted to him, to Eger. There his two chief supporters were killed at a banquet by Scotch and Irish mercenaries, and the murderers completed their work by assas- sinating Wallenstein in his bedroom. Thus perished a leader whose character will always be variously interpreted, but who ranks with Richelieu and (iustavus Adolphus as one of the great men of the age. The House of Hapsburg reaped undeserved advantages from Wallenstein's death. His army passed under the command of the emperor's son, Ferdinand, king of Hungary. It was joined by the Spanish troops from Italy, which Wallenstein had tried to exclude. Thus strengthened it advanced to the relief of Bavaria, where the troops of the Heilbronn League were wholly inferior. At Nordlingen, Bernhard of Saxe-Weimar induced his cautious colleague Horn to risk a battle, in which they were wholly routed and Horn taken prisoner /'Sentf^mber, 1fi.^4.^ . i^nrdlirrgen did for the Catholics of the soutli wEat-~ Broite nf§fS^iar"3one for the Protestants of the north. The work of Gustavus was undone, and almost the whole of Southern Germany fell into the hands of the imperialists. The first great result of the battle of Nordlingen was to throw the defeated Protestants into the arms of France. Richelieu's 148 MODERN EUROPE. Chap. x. object was at last obtained, and French influence tends to supplant that of Sweden. Oxenstiern was forced to cede tbe fortresses of Elsass to France, and thus to commence that dismemberment of the empire, whicli Gustavus hnd hoped to avoid. War between France and Spain was declared in 1635. Another great result of the battle was the treaty of I'mgne. John George of Saxony was more than ever averse to the war. If he had been jealous of the Swedes, he was far more so of the French. The negotiations which Wallenstfin's death had interrupted, were resumed. Ferdinand had learnt some wisdom from adversity, and was Avilling to give up in fact, though not in word, the Edict of Restitution. The year 1627 was to replace 1552. All bishoprics held by Protestants at that date were to remain in their hamis. The Calvinists were excluded from the treaty, which could not therefore be permanently satisfactory. Such as it was, however, it was accepted by most of the Protestant states, and the great cotitlict; might have ended in 1635, but for the foreign interests that had become involved in it. § 18. Henceforth the war ceases to be German ; and becomes a mere struggle of French and Swedes against Austria and Spain which is fought out on Get man soil. No regard for German interests is displayed by any of the combatants after the death of Gustavus Adolphns. The Swedes fight for compensation in the shape of Pomerania, the French for the Rhine frontier. As soon as the empire c m be forced to gratify these claims, the war may come to an end. There is henceforth a double military centre; in the north the Swedes fight against Saxony and occasionally invade the Austrian lerritories under the successive command of Baner, Torstenson and Wrangel, all leaders of eminent ability. In the south- west Bernhard of Saxe-Weim;ir enters into the service of France, and carries on a stubborn contest with Austrian^ and Spaniards for Elsass and the Phine country. At first the imperialisms had the upper hand, and the expulsion of the foreigners from Germany seemed imminent. The Swedes were gradually driven back towards the Baltic and in 1636 Oxenstiern retired to Sweden. In the south the French were equally unsuccessful. Not only were they driven back from the Rhine, and their ally the elector of Trier taken prisoner, but the enemy even entered France and threatened Paris. But now, as imder Francis I., the defensive strength of France showed itself invincible, and the invaders retired. In October, 1636, Baner recovered some of the lost ground for Sweden by a victory at Wittstock. At the beginning of the next year, Ferdinand 11. died. On him more than on any other individual, rests the res] onsibilily for a war which was perhaps in some form or other inevitable. He waa A.u. 1635-1645. LAST YEARS OP THE WAR. 149 succeeded both ia the empire and in his hereditary territories by his son Ferdinand 111., a prince cf far li ss capacity than his father. In the campaign of this year all jarties seemed exhausted by their previous efforts. But in 1638 Bernliard of Saxe-Weimar by a sudden attack seized the chief fortresses of Elsass, and thus obtained a firm stronghold for the enemies of the house of Hupsburg. Richelieu wished to treat the conquered land as a French jirovince, but Bernhard, with some lingering regard for the unity of the empire, refused to consent to its dismemberment. His j^lan was to make Elsass into a duchy for himself, and having thus established an independent position, to resume the policy of Wallenstein, and Ibrce a peace on the combatants. But his sudden death in 1639 put an end to his schemes and gave the greatest advantages to France. Bernhard's army and with it Elsass passed into French hands. Meanwhile Baner in the north had invaded Bohemia without any permanent success. In 1640, his forces, combined with the French made a hold attack in winter on Eatisbon, where the emperor was holding a diet. The town was saved by the flood caused by a sudden thaw, and Baner was forced to retreat to Saxony. In 1641 he died, and the command passed to Torstenson. He concluded a truce with Brandenburg, where the new elector Frederick William gave up that policy of dependence on the Hapsburgs which his father had pursued in conjunction with Saxony, This treaty secured the position of the Swedes in northern German}'. The death of Richelieu in December, 164'2, followed by that of his master Louis Xlll., made no change in the policy of France, which was now directed by the cardinal's pupil, Mazarin Hitherto the French troops had done nothing but hold their own, but they had gradually become inured to war and were now to acquire fame under worthy commanders. The brilliant Conde, devoid of the higher qualities of a general and prodigal of his soldiers' lives, had a genius for fighting battles. Turenne, a far greater strate;:ist, was able to supply the defects of his more dashing rival. In 1643 Conde won the first of a series of victories over the Spaniards at Rocroj', and took Thionville. In the next year a tliree days' battle at Freiburg ended in the retreat of the imperialists. A second battle of Nordlingen in 1645 cost an enormous cTumber of lives, and was only converted into a French victory by the death of the hostile commander, Mercy. In the same year Torstenson had invaded Bohemia and had won a great victory at Jankow. Thence he advanced against Vienna, but was compelled to retreat, and soon after resigned the command to Wrangel. § 19. It was evident that no great advantage was to be gained from the continuance of a war of which all parties were weary. Already in 150 MODERN EUROPE. Chap. x. 1643 the diplomatists had met in Westphalia to negotiate a peace. At Osnabriick the emperor treated with Sweden and the Protestant states, at Miinster with France and the Catholics, ^i'he great difficulty was the emperor's disinclination to dismember the Haps- bm'g territories by the cession of Alsace. Maximilian of Bavaria, who cared little for Hapsburg interests, was more desirous of inducing France to consent to his retention of the Upper Palatinate. In these circumstances it was determined by a vigorous movement to detach Bavaria from the imperial alliance. Saxony had ah'eady made a truce with the Swedes, and in 1646 Turenne, by a brilliant manoeuvre, passed the hostile army, joined Wrangel, and deliberately laid waste the Bavarian territory. Maximilian had to conclude a truce, which was no sooner made than broken. But the enemy was upon him again, and he was completely defeated at Ziismarshausen (May, 1648). Ferdinand III., unable to carry on the war by himself, was compelled at last to come to terms. The various treaties were arranged at Osnabriick and Miinster, but are usually and conveniently classed together as the peace of Westphalia. 'I'he religions settlement effected by the treaty fo'iLnved the lines laid down at rnssuu and Auusbur^. Tlic ouu iuipnvtaut dilicrence- was ThatXaTviniiim at last obtained formal recognition. 'J lie great question as to church property was arranged by the selection of a fr esh ( ,] ;a.t | f.| 16^4. B pnefirp.swprp tn remain in tlie hands dl' members of that creed to which they belonged in that year. Tliis .secured to the Protestants greater advantages than the treaty uf Prague had don^. To secure an impartial administration of justice the Imperial Chamber was to be composed of Protestants and Catholics in equal numbers. The territorial changes sanctioned by the treaty were of considerable importance. Sweden obtained the bishoprics of Bremen and Yerden aml-the greater..part of Ponierauia, and thus secured that command of the Baltic which had been so great an object of Gustavus Adoli^hus- Th^jest of Pomerania went to Brandenburg, which had legal claims on the whole. In compensation for these claims the elector received the bishoprics of Magdeburg, Halberstadt and Minden. Maximilian of Bavaria retained theJJpper Palatinate and his electoral dignity*— TlieLower Falatinate was restored to Charles Lewis, son of the deposed Ejederic V., for whom an eighth electorate was created. France obtained the legal cession of Metz, Toul and Verdun, which had been seized in 1552 by Henry II., and also retained Austrian Elsass, with the exception of Strasburg andtlie immediate vassals of the empire. Switzerland was declared formally separated from the empire. At the same time S[)ain recognised the independence of *^p ^'itflh Between France and Spain it was found impossible to arrange terms, and the war was d'ntinued till 1658. A.D. 1648. PEACE OF WESTPHALIA. 151 The great result of the Thirty Years' War, and of the religious differences from which it had arisen, was the complete annihilation of German unity. The name of the empire was retained, but it had no longer any practical reality. Ferdinand II. had identified the imperial authority with the suppression of Protestantism. Pio- testantism survived the danger, and the result was the destruction of the authority which had menaced it. Germany became a loose federation in which the territorial princes were all-i^owerful. The right to determine the religion of their subjects, which had bei n admitted in the peace of Augsburg, was confirmed in that of West- phalia. The imperial diet continued its meetings, but it became a congress of plenipotentiaries. One great blessin<4 the peace brought with it, the absolute termination of those religious quarrels which had produced such havoc and misery, and which were ended less ^ by agreement than by exhaustion. ^^^ 152 MODEEN EUKOPE. CHAPTER XL FRANCE UNDER RICHELIEU AND MAZARIN. § 1. Regency of Mary de Medici; change of foreign policy; Concini; revolts of the nobles ; States-General of 1614; fall of Coucini and end of the regency. § 2. Huguenot revolts ; de ith of Luynes ; peace of Montpellier. §3. Richelieu becomes minister; second revolt of the Huguenots ; its suppression ; conspiracy against Richelieu ; domestic reforms. § 4. Huguenots again revolt : siege of La Rochelle. § 5. Opposition to Richelieu ; the day of Dupes ; exile of Mary de Medici and Gaston of Orleans. § 6. Rising in Languedoc; execution of Montmorency ; Richelieu triumphs over his domestic enemies. § 7. Conspiracy of Cinq-Mars; death of Richelieu; character of his admini- stration; his foreign policy. § 8. Mazarin becomes minister; death of Louis XIII. ; regency of A_nne of Austria ; the Importants, § 9. Financial distress; the Parliament of Paris ; opposition to the govern- ment. § 10. Arrest of Broussel ; outbreak of the Fronde ; attitude of the nobles; peace of Rueil. § 11. The second Fronde; victory of Mazarin; junction of the old and new Frondes; Conde's triumiih ; Turenne gained over by the Regent ; civil war; colla])se of the Fronde. § 12. War with Spain; France gains the alliance of Cromwell ; treaty of the Pyrenees. § 13. Death of Mazarin ; his will. § 1. On the death of Henry IV. (1610), France fell for fourteen years under the most -worthless government that even that country had ever endured. As Ijouis XIII. -was a minor, tbe regency was claimed by his mother, Mary de Medici, and her claim was sanctioned by the Parliament of Paris. She at once reversed her husband's policy, deserted the Protestant allies of France, and concluded a close alliance with Spain. T^nis ^TTT was betrothed to Philip III.'s daughter, Anne of Austria. The favour of the queen raised to power a native of her own Tuscany, Concini, who became marquis d'Ancre, and a marshal of France. &uny""was driven into retirement. Concini's rule excited the natural enmity of the great nobles, who had been kept down by the strong hand of Henry IV., but who hoped on his death to recover their independent power. They found a leader in the Prince Qf Conde, the Idng's cousin, who, as the nearest prince of the blood royol, considored that he hail a just claim to (he regency. A series A.D. 1610-1623. EARLY YEARS OF LOUIS XIII. 153 of revolts ensued, all ecjually unimportant, because they involved no political principle. The objects of the nobles were purely selfish, and they could always be bought off with pensions, jjlaces and titles. As in the old war of the Public Weal, they put forth a flimsy claim to be the champions of popular privileges, and demanded the summons of the States-General. They met at Paris in 1614 only to display once more the weakness arising from the jealousies among the three orders. They were dissolved without any result, and no other meeting of the States-General Avas held till 1X^9. The factious turbulence of the nobles continued to harass and weaken the government till, in 1617, . the king determined to take the reins into his own hands. He ordered Concini's arrest, but the soldiers who executed the order shot him. His wife, the queen- mother's attendant, was accused of sorcery, condemned and executed. This event only transferred the government to the king's favourite, Luvneii. who had suggested the attack on the late minister. Disorder was increased by the accession of Mary de Medici to the party of opposition. § 2. The one notable point in the selfish policy of the nobles had been their, efibrts, iaoxa,s,uc£essf ul . than. th,ey.dese«:etV-to- arouse- the ■ discontent of the Huguenots. The Edict of Nantes had secured to them not only religious toleration but also a lar>;e amount of political independence. They formed an inner state within the state. This was a real danger to the unity of France, and was certain to give rise to future evils. In 1620 the re-establishment of_Catholicism in BearnJiy-*lirT5yal authority, together with the contempoi-ftry events" in Germany, aroused the greatest apprc^hension among the Huguenots, and led France into a new religious war. A great assembly at La Pochelle determined to resort to arms. A central organisation was formed and the Pi'otestant districts were divided into circles under regular officers. The example of the Dutch had evidently great influence over their fellow Calvinists in France. The king confirmed the Edict of Nantes in order to reassure the moderate Huguenots, and then prepared to put down the revolt. Luynes undertook the reduction of Montauban, but was repulsed, and died soon afterwards of (ew:: (December, 1621). But the central government was too strong for the rebels, and in 1623 they were compelled to accept the treaty of Monti)ellier. P>y this the Edict of_Nantei was confirmed, but all political meetings were prohibited, and only two towns of security were left, La Rochelle and Montauban. § 3. The death of Luynes restored some of her former power to the queen-mother, and her influence brought into the ministry a man who was destined to alter the whole character of the reign. Armand 154 MODERN EUROPE. Chap. xi. Duplessis de Richelieu, a member of an old family of Poitou, was born at Paris in 1585, he was made bishop of Lueon at an early age, and in the States-General of 1614 he appeared as an orator of the clergy; in 1623 he received the cardinal's hat. Formerly a supporter of Concini, he now assumed an independent position, and from 1624 he may be regarded as the real ruler of France. During a ministry of eighteen years he had to contend with great difSculties, the open opposition of the great nobles, his own ill-health, and the feeble vacillation of the king. But he triumphed over all, and must be regarded as the greatest, though not the noblest, statesman France has ever produced. The objects of his policy were simple and comprehensive ; within France, the establishment of national union by the suppression of the factious nobles and o^ the political independence of the Huguenots ; without France, tho annihilation of the supremacy claimed by the Austro- Spanish power. His foreign policy, which was eminently successful, has been sufficiently considered in connexion with the Thirty Years' War. It remains only to speak of his internal administration, which was of no less importance and success, but the merits of which are more open to question. While Richelieu's attention was absorbed in Italian affairs and the question of the Valtelline, a second revolt of the Huguenots broke out in 1625 under Soubise and Rohan. Its cause was the alarm arousM~tn~Ea Rochelle hy the erectmn of a royal fort in _thel^^^--— nei^hliourhood. The war was mainly a naval one, and the defeat of the Huguenot fleet was followed by a treaty which renewed, that of Montpellier. But the revolt convioced the cardinal of the necessity of establishing perfect unity at home before embarking in extensive foreign projects. Deserting his allies, therefore, he con- cluded the treaty of Monzon and threw himself at once into domestic affairs. A series of edicts in 1626 prohibited duelling, ordered the demolition of all fortresses which were not on the frontiers, and attacked the worst abuses that had sprung up under the governn:ent of grasping courtiers. These measures excited great discontent and gave rise to the first of a series of court intrigues against Richelieu. The intriguers found a useful instrument in the king's brother, Gaston of Anjou, a weak and dissolute prince. He was induced by the count of Chalais, a young royal favourite, to refuse a marriage with Mademoiselle de Montpensier, which the cardinal proposed. The duke of Vendome and his brother, two natural sons of Henry IV., a number of lords and ladies, and even the queen Anne of Austria, were concerned in a plot to depose Louis XIII., to give the crown to his brother and to assassinate Richelieu. But the cardinal's vigilance detected the plot, and his vengeance was unsparing. Chalais was arrested, tried and executed. A.D. 1624-1629. RICHELIEU. 155 The duke of Vendome with a crowd of nobles was sent into exile, Gaston, who made a full confession, was left unpunished, but had to marry Mademoiselle de Montpensier and was made duke of Orleans. Even the young queen was severely reprimanded, and was henceforth regarded by her husband with jealousy and suspicion. Having thus crushed sedition for a time, Kichelieu summoned an assembly of notables, before which he developed his plans for administrative reform. The expenditure amounted to thirty- six millions, and the revenue only to sixteen. This was to be remedied by the recovery of domain-right, the reduction of the royal household, and the abolition of the old offices of constable and admiral. Steps were to be taken for the raising of a navy, and pro- tective measures adopted for the development of French commerce. This assembly is important as showing that Richelieu had really some consideration for the pojiular welfare, and that in more for- tunate times he might have obtained fame as a reformer. But the constant succession of wars and conspiracies absorbed his attenlion, and increased the expenditure. Most of his schemes were left to be carried out by his successors, § 4. In 1627 the alliance between En^iland and France was broken off by a dispute about Henrietta Maria's marriage treaty, and, as rumour declared, by Buckingham's i assion for Anne of Austria. The prospect of English assistance aroused a new revolt in La Eochelie, and the restless Hohan again took up arms in Languedoc. This danger called forth all the cardinal's energies. The English fleet, which had been led by Buckingham against the island of Rhe, was repulsed, and Richelieu determined to crush Huguenot dis- affection once for all by the reduction of La Rochelle. 1'he great difficulty in the way of a blockade was that the beseiged commanded the approach by sea. To put an end to this Richelieu determined to build a huge mole across the mouth of the harbour. All attempts to interrupt or destroy the work were foiled. At last the town, after a heroic resistance, was starved into submission (28 October, 1628), and received fairly favourable terms, though its walls and fortifications were demolished. Thus a great step was made towards centralisation. No other French city ventured to oppose the monarchy until the Revolution. The assassination of Buckingham by Felton removed the chief obstacle to peace with England, which was concluded inj.^9. Richelieu was now free to turn to Languedoc, where the rising was put dow^n and a treaty concluded at Alais. The Huguenots retained their religious liberty and their rights as citizens, but they lost that political independence •which was dangerous to the unity of the kingdom. Their towns of security were taken away, and they became ordinary subjects of the 156 MODERN EUROPE. Chap. xr. crown. It is eviilent that Richelieu, thou<;;h a cardinal, was imbued with none of the fanaticism of the Catholic reaction. He was anxious to conciliate the Huguenots after rendering them harmless, and he had no desire to drive them to despair. § 5. The anti-Spanish policy which Richelieu so conspicuously manifested in 1629 in the affair of the Mantuan succession, aroused against him a more formidable enemy than he had yet encountered. This was the queen-mother, Mary de Medici. She regarded the cardinal as her own creature, and was astounded and enraged when he acquired ai\ independent influence over the king which threatened to exclude her from all control over the government. She there- fore allied herself with the opposition party and determined to overthrow the minister. His place was to be taken by the two Marillacs, one of whom held the seals and the other was a marshal with the army now in Italy. By coarse violence she triumphed over her son's vveakne-s and induced him to sign an order entrust- ing supreme authority to Marshal Mariilac and removing the other commanders who were Richelieu's friends. All Paris exulted in the minister's fall, and the political world crowded to Mary's recep- tion at the Luxemburg, Even Richelieu himself believed for a moment that all was lost. But the queen-mother, with fatal con- fidence, had allowed Louis XIII. to escape from her jjresence to Versailles. There Richelieu visited him and at once recovered his old influence. The next day a new order was sent to Italy for Marillac's arrest. The Parisians, astonished at this sudilen reversal of anticipations, called it "the day of Dupes." Mary de Medici saw all her schemes ruined and became more and more embittered a;4ainst the author of her humiliation. The cardinal spared no pains to gain over Gaston of Orleans, the worthless heir to the throne. But the mother's influence prevailed over her younger and favourite son. He renounced all friendship towards the cardinal and retired to Orleans. Richelieu now determined by a skilful manoeuvre to rid himself of so constant a source of danger as the the queen-mother's presence in Paris. The court was suddenly removed to Compiegne. Mary, mindful of her recent error, at once followed her son. But Louis and Richelieu rode back to Paris, whence the former wrote to his mother forbidding her return and offering her the government of Anjou. This great success being gained, steps were taken to reduce Orleans. Gaston had no means of resistance, and fled to Charles III. of Lorraine, who was the ally of Spain against France, and v/hnse sister he secretly married. Soon afterwards Mary de Medici, who had refused the proffered governor- ship, escaped across the frontier to Brussels, where she was welcomed* by the Spaniards. At the same time the duke of Guise, governor A.D. 1629-1632. PLOTS AGAINST EICHELIEU. 357 of Provence, who had been involved in the opposition to Richelieu, found it prudent to retire from France, and ultimately died in exile in 1640. § 6. Although the flight of his enemies was a great triumph for Richelieu he was still by no means secure. The House of Hapsbufg was profoundly interested in the plots for his destruction. Spanish influence had been at the bottom of the recent intrigues, and now the exiles relied upon Spanish monej' and troops to effect their return. There was no patriotism in either Mary de Medici or Gaston. , But for the bold march of Gus tav us Adolphus upon the "RhiriA it is pnggihlR t hnt, FranpR micrhf-.Tiavp. been exposeaTo~a foreigiLin,vas,iQ£u_, The Swe^Tsli successes were fatal to the hopes' of the exiles, but they determined to do what they could with the help of internal discontent. The provinces, and especially the provincial governors, were alienated by Richelieu's i-olicy of centralisation, which threatened their ancient privileges. Of all the provinces Languedoc had enjoyed the greatest independence, and moreover, some of the Huguenot disaffection still survived in its old stronghold. Montmorency, who was now governor of Languedoc, had formerly been a supporter of the cardinal's, but was induced to join in a scheme for his overthrow. He received Gaston of Orleans into the province and headed a rebellion. Richelieu at once despatched a force against him under Schomberg. At the battle of Castelnaudari, Montmorency Avas wounded by a musket- bullet and taken prisoner. Gaston had to submit, and as usual received favourable terms. The rebellious province was also treated witii politic leniency. But Richelieu felt it necessary to make some example of the danger of revolt. At the beginning of the troubles Marshal Marillac had been brought before a special commission on a charge of peculation, condemned and executed. A similar fate befell Montmorency, who was tried by the Parliament of Toulouse and sentenced to death. Strenuous efforts were made to secure a royal pardon, but Richelieu kept the king firm, and the sentence was carried out. The last of a family fanious in the liistoiy of France perished on the scaffold (October, 1632). Thus Richelieu advanced the French monarchy by a policy at once consistent and ruthless. Gaston of Orleans, enraged at the death of Montmorency, again retired to Brussels and resumed his connection with Spain. Riche- . lieu, who after the death of Gustavus Adolphus became more deeply involved in European politics, was extremely anxious to deprive the Spaniards of the advantage which they had derived from their hold over the heir of the French throne. The great difficulty was to induce Gaston to return without his mother, whom Richelieu 158 MODERN EUROPE. Chap. xi. wished to keep as fav as possible from court. At last this was accomplished, and the duke of Orleans was reconciled to his brother and the cardinal. His marriage with Margaret of Lorraine was declared null by the Parliament of Paris, and as the pope refused to confirm this, the requisite ecclesiastical authority was obtained from an assembly of Gallican clergy. Richelieu's triumph over his domestic enemies was completed by the birth of a son to Anne of Austria, after twenty-two years of married life. This at once deprived the untrustworthy Gaston of his political importance. About the same time Mary de Medici was forced to leave Flanders, and found refuge with her daughter in England. Richelieu was now all-powerful in France. Tlie great European war in which he was engaged strengthened his control over the feeble mind of Louis XIII. and did much to create a national spirit in the French peojDle. A marvellous system of espionage enabled Richelieu to detect and crush all hostile intrigues. § 7. It was not till towards the close of his life that Richelieu's authority was again seriously threatened. In 1641 the count of Soissons, imbued with the old jealousy of the nobles against the minister, collected a number of exiles at the frontier-fortress of Sedan. The royal troops which were despatched against them were routed, but Soissons was killed by a 2:)istol-bullet while heading the pursuit. His followers came to terms and laid down their arms. More formidable was a conspiracy at court. Louis XIII., weaker than ever in his old age, had fallen under the influence of a favourite, Cinq-Mars, whom Richelieu himself had introduced. The emptj'- headed but ambitious youth conceived the project of supplanting the great minister. He had opened relations with Soissons and was undismayed by the death of his ally. Louis XIII. had never loved the cardinal, whose intellect had so long dominated his own, and who liad learnt to lecture his royal pupil with scanty respect. The king lent an ear to the accusations which the favourite showered freely against the presumption and arrogance of the minister. lUchelieu was already suffering from the illness Avhich proved mortal, and was unable to follow his master. His overthrow seemed assured, when he fortunately discovered a treasonable inter- course of Cinq-Mars with Sj^ain. Louis had already learnt that he could not do without the servant on whom he had so long relied. He was convinced of the treachery of his favourite, who was arrested with his confidant, de Thou, the son of the historian. Gaston of Orleans, Avho had been involved in the conspiracy against his old enemy, was induced to betray his comrades when their cause was seen to be hopeless. Richelieu was as implacable as ever in his old age, Cinq-Mars and de Thou were tried and executed. This was A.D. 1642. DEATH OP RICHELIEU. 159 the cardinal's last triumph. On_4th _pecember, 1642, he died, at the age of fifty-eight. Richelieu will live for ever in French history as the creator of absolute power in France, as the founder of that system of govern- ment which became an abuse in the hands of his successors and was overthrown by the Eevolution. It is not true that he was entirely regardless of the interests of the subject people. It was only the constant pressureof foreign wars and of internal dissensions that prevented his carrying through reforms which would have been of the utmost benefit to France. But it is true that he refused to admit the people to any share in their own government. The States-General he never summoned at all. Provincial liberties were crushed by the appointment of Intendants , the agents of the central power. Judicial institutions were made subservient to the monarchy. The most ancient and powerful of them, the Parliament of Paris, was constantly humiliated by the minister. Constitu- tional pedants have made these facts the foundation of their gravest charge agaiust Richelieu. But it must be remembered that no statesman, however great, can free himself from the influences of past history. Richelieu worked, as he could hardly have helped doing, on the lines laid down by the greatest of preceding rulers, by Louis XL, Francis I. and Henry IV. The French people in the seventeenth century were incapable of constitutional government, they did not even desire it. A strong central power was needed to create the nation. But for Richelieu neither the glories of Louis XIV. nor the reforms of Colbert would have been possible. One great service he undoubtedly rendered, the reduction to political nullity of a greedy a;nd degenerate noble class, and this has won for him the praise even of" revolutionists whom he would have abhorred. The means which he adopted for this end were creditable to his courage if not to his heart. His vengeance was ever directed against the great and powerful ; he never condescended to iwnish their ignorant accomplices. But in pursuit of vengeance he too often transgressed the spirit if not the letter of the law, and he showed a personal animosity which excited natural unjiopularity. The execution of Marillac for an offence of which hardly any official was guiltless, remains a stain on his administration. Richelieu himself maintained even on his death-bed that he had no enemies save tho.se of the state. Contemporaries did not believe this, nor will posterity. Richelieu's services to literature have often been enumerated. He was the founder of th.e^^£,a^esa^ which has exercised so great an influence over style and thought in France. He may be credited also with the establishment of the_Ga2fiLte, the fir.-t of 160 MODERN EUROPE. Chap. xt. French newspapers. In the words o' Martin, he " gave birth at once to the two great enemies, whose contest was to fill the modern world, absolutism and the press." But government patron- age has never been an unmixed benefit to literature. Cojc^eiUe, the greatest poet of the age, was no favourite of the cardinal, who set himself to ensure the failure of the " Cid," Descartes, the greatest of French philosophers, found Holland a moreTaVrnrrable soil for independent thought than his native country, and published most of his works at Amsterdam. It was in foreign ];x)litics that Kichelieu was most completely successful. He broke the force of the Catholic reaction, and by his alliance with Sweden saved Protestantism in northern Europe. He shattered the power of the Austro-Spanish empire, and paved the way for the aggrandisement of France under Louis XIV. Under different circumstances, and by different means, he did for France what Chatham did lor England, and made his country the foremost of European powers. It has been well remarked that Richelieu invariably selected the rising cause in every country with which he was concerned and made it the instrument of his designs. "In England he was on the side of Parliamentary opposition to the crown. In Germany he was on the side of the opposition of the princes against the emperor. In Italy he was on the side of the independence of the states against Spain. In the Peninsula he was on the side of the provinces against the monarchy. There is not the slightest reason to supix)se that he cared one atom for these causes except so far as they might jiromote his ovn ends. Yet in every case he selected those causes by which the real wants of the several countries were best expressed." ^ § 8. Louis XIII. received the news of Richelieu's death without emotion and without regret. But he was nevertheless determined to carry out his policy. He at once called into his council the man who more than any other represetjted the views of the departed minister, cardinal Mazarin. Mazarin was in personal character a complete contrast to his predecessor. He could boast none of his commanding qualities. Adroit, supple, and without pride, he would fawn and cringe where Richelieu had dictated. His success was due to his great diplomatic talents, and he remained a diplomatist all his life. For domestic government he was unfitted, but in foreign politics and intrigues he was quite at home. In spite of his defects, his unquestionable ability enabled him to retain the reins of power until his death. The first symptom of a change of government w^s seen in a ^ Gardiner, 'Thirty Years' War,' p. 199. I A.u. lGi3-lG48. REGENCY OP ANNE OF AUSTRIA. 161 relaxation of the_recenc severity. Most of the political prisoner-s \vereji£La£IiLfirl.y, aiid a large number of exiles returned to France. In foreign politics the old system was unhesitatingly continued. But it was doubtful how long it could survive the king, who was already dying. The heir to the throne was not yet five years old, and the only possible claimants to the regency were the queen. Anno of Austria, and the king's brother, Gaston of Orleans. Both had been the life-long enemies of Richelieu, and both had been in constant connexion with Spain. The king determined if possible lo tie their hands by an ordinance, which gave the regency to Anne and the lieutenant-generalship to Gaston, but made their authority dependent on a standing council of wliich Mazarin was the chief member. On 14th May, 1643, Louis XIII. died. He had enjoyed little real power during his life-time, and had naturally less after his death. His ordinance found no defenders, and was promptly canoelled by the Parliament of Paris, which entrusted absolute power to Anne of Austria. Everybody expected from the regent a complete reversal of French policy in favour of her native ^^])ain. Intense was the astonishment when it was announced that Mazarin was to remain chief minister. The subtle Italian had obtained a marvellous influence over the queen, who afterwards Avas secretly married to him. Still more intense was the disappointment of the young courtiers who formed the queen's court. They had so confidently anticipated a new era, in which they were to govern I'Vance, that they received the nickname of the " Importants." In their despair they resorted to consi)iracies under the duke of Beaufort, the son of the duke of Vendome. But their plots were soon discovered, and were suppressed with an energy and firmness which showed that the influence of Richelieu's example had survived him. Beaufort was suddenly seized and imprisoned. Vendome and a number of lords and ladies, including the veteran intriguer Madame de Chevreuse, were driven into exile. For the next five years Mazarin and the regent ruled without opposition. They were in close alliance with the prince of Conde, whose son Enghien gave iucreased strength to the government by his brilliant victories. In LG48 the treaty of Westphalia was concluded, and may be regarded as the triumph of the policy of Iiichelieu and his successor. France obtained important territories in the direction of the Rhine, and succeeded in severing Austria from its alliance with Spain. With the latter power war still continued. § 9. While success attended French arms and diplomacy abroad, the home government was threatened by formidable disaffection. The chief source of difficulty lay in the wretched financial administration which had prevailed ever since Henry IV.'s death. Sully's reforms y 162 MODERN EUEOPE. Chap. xi. had perished with him ; Richelieu's short-Uved attempt to follow his example had been a failure. Not only had the great European war immensely increased the expenditure, but Mazariu found it necessary to employ large sums of money in bribing possible oiiponents of his power. Extraordinary' measures were resorted to to obtain supplies. But the worst grievance was, that of the money paid by the people a large portion of it never found its way into the coffers of the state. To the bankers who advanced loans were assigned the proceeds of certain taxes as security for principal and interest. These " partisans " as they were called, grew enormously wealthy, while the people were ground down by intolerable exactions. The task of representing the popular grievances was undertaken by the Parliament of Paris. This institution had its origin in the C'urt of 2:>eers created in the 12th cen tury by Philip Augustus. St. ■Louis was the first to admit lawyers into the court, which he employed to restrict the judicial independence of feadalism. Under Philip the Fair, the lawyers rendered the greatest services to the monarchy, and from this time the nobles tended to disappear from the parliament altogether, which becomes purely an assembly of lawyers. It was not the only parliament in France, because a number of similar courts were created by successive kings in the provinces; but it was the most important, partly on account of its origin and partly because it was established in the capital. A seat in the parliament was to be purchased like any other office in France. Under Henry IV., as we have seen^ the right to a seat became hereditary, as long as the holder paid the paulette to the royal treasury. As the position of the lawyers became thus permanent and honourable, the assembly, which had once been the servile instrument of the crown, began to make itself heard in opposition. By old usage royal edicts and ordinances had to be registered in the parliament before being carried out. This gave the members their only pretension to interfere with legislation or administration. They claimed the right to refuse to register an edict, and that this refusal made it invalid. This would have given them a right of veto, which must have produced a dead-lock. To overcome their opposition there was only one available method, the anomalous ti'ansaction kno wn as a " bed of iustice." This was an occasion when the king appeared in person in the grand chamber and ordered the registration of an edict by his own authority. It was held that the king's personal presence su^Derseded the ordinary Powers of the magistrates. Under Richelieu the attempts of the parliament to control the administration had met with persistent and contemi)tu(jus refusal. But they had now a better ground for their pretensions in the part they had played in undoing the will of A.D. 1648. THE PARLIAMENT OF PARIS. 163 the late king. It was they who had conferred the absolute regency upon Anne of Austria, and they naturally deemed themselves in some sense superior to a regent of their own creation. The Parliament of Paris, therefore, was, strictly speaking, only a central law court ; it had no share in the executive or legislative powers. Nothing but the name was- common between it and the English Parliament ; it was more like our court of King's Bench. Still, such as it was, it was the only institution in France which had sufficient strength and consistency to oppose the government. It did not in any sense represent the people, it had not even a very deep interest in the popular welfare, but it found that a popular cause was a very useful instrument for advancing its own importance. Great influence was exercised in France by contemporary events in England, where the parliament had headed a success fid revolt against the monarchy and was about to give a signal illustration of its power by the execution of the king himself. Under Mazarin the chief control of finances was entrusted lo d'Emer i, who was also an Italian, and who on that ground shared the unpopularity of the chief minister. One of his measures for raising supplies was the imposition of a duty on all food brought into Paris. The measure was not unjust, but was very unpopular, and the parliament refused its consent. Mazarin had none of the unswerving firmness of Richelieu, and gave way. But money had to be obtained, and new taxes were imposed, which were registered by the authority of the young king in a bed of justice (Jan. 1648). The next day the parliament maintained that such an exercise of royal power by a minor was invalid, and revoked the registration. Just at this time the period for which the paulette was granted had expired, and the government determined to use the opportunity for enriching itself and for teaching a lesson to the too independent magistrates. The paulette was not renewed, and thus the hereditary character of their offices was destroyed. At the same time four years' wages of the chief courts were declared to be confiscated. This attack on their common jjrivileges exasperated the whole official class. The four superior courts, or cours souveraines, agreed to issue an "edict of union," and to send delegates to a joint assembly held in the chamber of St. Louis. There they agreed upon a number of demands which were of great constitutional importance. The recently ap- pointed intendants were to be withdrawn ; the taille was to be diminished by a quarter ; no impost was to be levied without the consent of the sovereign courts ; and, to pi-event the arbitrary imprisonments so common in France, every person arrested was to be brought before a judicial tribunal within twenty-four hours. It is obvious that the magistrates were aiming at powers far beyond any 164 MODERN EUEOPE. Chap, xl tliey liad hitherto exercised. The younger members of the parlia- ment compared themselves with the senators of Rome. , § 10. Anne of Austria, who was imbued with Spanish conceptions of royal power, was enraged beyond measure at the insolent opposition of the parliament. But Mazarin, less haughty and less courao-cous persuaded her to concede most of the demands made in the chamber of St. Louis. But similar assemblies were to be strictly forbidden for the future. The parliament regarded the concessions thus limited as unsatisfactory, and refused to accept them. They were supported by the sympathy of the Parisian populace, which was filled with a democratic spirit, and was under the iniluence of the most accomplished of agitators, Paul d e Gond i. coadjutor of the archbishop of Paris, and known to ^am'e*'ag:''the cardinal de Retz. It was apparent that the quarrel between court and parliament was tending towards civil war, and this was precipitated by the action of the government. Encouraged by the news of a great victory gaiaed by Conde at Lens, the regent ordered the arrest of three prominent members of the parliament, oile of whom, Br oussel , was the idol of the populace. His arrest roused the passions"off^ mob barricades were raised in the streets, and the troops which attempted to restore order were repulsed. Thus began the war of the Fronde so called from a derisive comparison of the rebels to the Parisian gamins, who were accustomed to fight with slings (frondes). \ / Anne of Austria, despite her haughty utterances, was compelled \J to release Broussel. The aged citizen, in himself of no ability or importance, was received with extravagant demonstrations by the populace. The weakness of the government encouraged its opponents. The most insulting language was openly used towards both regent and minister, and there was no power to punish it. Orderly government being impossible, the court suddenly quitted Paris for Rueil (Sejitemb^^r, 1648). It was thought that a siege of the capital was imminent, and the parliament ordered the citizens to arm. But the government soon found that war was out of the question. Money necessities were pressing ; the peace of Westphalia was not yet signed, and the enemies of France triumphed in her internal dissensions. The regent again promised to grant the demands made by the chamber of St. Louis, and returned to Paris. The great peace was now concluded, and Mazarin was free to devote himself to domestic affairs. But the first financial measures aroused all the old dissensions. A permanent settlement was as far off as ever. De Retz was the most powerful man in Paris. Once more the court determined to retire, this time to St. Germain, with the definite intention of reducing the rebellious sapital by force of arms. Tlie great Conde, who had shown some A.D. 1648. THE FRONDE. 165 inclination to support the Fronde, was won over to^^^^ f^^^f "^ monarchy. A speedy military success was anticipated. il>c Xment, however showed no fear. It undertook the vacant lov lent, levied taxes, and raised troops for defence Mazarui trs declared a traitor, and condemned to exile. And he c^ and parliament were now joined by important allies, Ihe Fiench nobles c^leefuUy regarded the outbreak of civil war as an oppoi-tunitj for e'attg that^sition from which Eichelieu had ousted them. Condls brother, the prince of Conti, the dakes of Longuev e. Rochefoucauld 'and Bouillon appeared in Paris to support h popular movement. The duke of Beaufort, the leader of the ^Zportants^' five years ago, escaped from his pnson at ymcenneB, and at once acquired the greatest popularity as the roi des halles^ s'lmore important than the nobles were the noble ladies who crowded to Fails, headed by the brilliant and beautiful duchess o WueviUe. They threw themselves with all tlie energy of then pleas re-loving natures into the ,ame of political intrigue From [ms Ume the Fronde degenerates. It is no longer the attemp of t n a'strature to impose constitutional checks on the monarc^iy nrb;c;mes a selfish struggle of the aristocracy to regain their lost privile'^es The welfare of the people, once so prominent a pretext, i3 more and more thrust into the background. The civil war was as devoid of importance as of principle. Conde took .lace after place in the ^^^f^'Z\J^^t^ troops were defeated in every engagement. But the h^ht-heaitea nobles were wholly indiflerent, and regarded these revei-ses as a "iibect for merriment and epigrams. ^'^^ "^^ ^^^^J^/^f "^^^ the parliament were soon convinced that they had little to hope from their new allies, and were disposed to come to erms with he court. This disposition was increased by the -trigu- o h nobles with the archduke Leopold, governor of the bpanish Netherlands, which alienated all patriotic citizens. Mazarin, on his Xwasindined to treat, on account of the threatening attitude assumed by Spain. Throughout domestic difficulties he never lost s gh^of foreign politics. The President Mole, the leader ot the moderate party, headed an embassy to the court, and concluded a ™eaty at Rueil. But the nobles, who had already concluded an alliance with Spain, refused to accept the treaty, and induced the parliament to reject it. Turenne had been seduced by the duchess of Lon<.ueville to brin. his army to the side of the Fronde, ihe Spaniar^ds entered Champngne. For a moment the rnilitary advan- tage seemed to be on the side of the rebels. But Mazarin bribed the troops of Turenne to desert their leader, and the" citizens showed themselves more and more averse to Spanish intervention. Ihe 166 MODEKN EUROPE. Chap. regent on her side consented to give more favourable terms to the parliament, and bought off the nobles with pensions and provincial governorships. The treaty thus modified was at last accepted, and the court returned to Paris. This closes the first period of the Fronde. § 11. The difficulties of the government were by no means at an end. The Fronde retained itsorganisation and its pretensions. Still more foi^midable was the prince of Conde, who regarded the return of the court as his work, and was determined to exercise supreme authority. He had not the slightest sjnnpathy with the popidar interests or wishes, and he regarded the parliament with undisguised contempt. His intention was to rely only on the noblesse, who were to resume their old position under his leadershij). The members of the new aristocratic Fronde were nicknamed, from their haughty affectation, the "petitszmgip-es." Conde's insolent dis- regard of parliament and people gave Mazarin an opportunity for getting rid of the prince. He formed an alliance with the leaders of the old Fronde, so recently his bitter enemies. De Ketz was won over by the prospect of a cardinal's hat. Suddenly, in January, 1650, Conde was arrested, with his brother Conti and his brother- in-law Longueville, and sent to Vincennes. The populace rejoiced in the event. But the innDrisonment of the princes, so far from ending existing troubles, only gave rise to new ones. Discontent had spread from the capital to the provinces, and two of the great ladies of France set themselves to effect the release of the prisoners. Conde's sister, the duchess of Longueville, escaped to Normandy, and thence to Holland, where she once more secured the support of Turenne, and concluded a treaty with Spain. At the same time Conde's wife raised a revolt in Guienne. In face of these dangers Mazarin took energetic measures. Guienne was pacified by concessions which undid the centralising policy of Richelieu. Thence, at the head of an army, the cardinal marched to Champagne, which had been invaded by Turenne and the Spaniards. Tlie former was completely defeated at Eethel, and his army dispersed. But Mazarin's triumph over the party of the nobles only aroused fresh enemies against him. The old Fronde had sacrificed Conde merely because he treated their claims with contempt. They had never ceased to hate Mazarin, and they were not prepared to acquiesce in a new period of ministerial absolutism. Once more an alliance was arranged between the nobles and the party of the l^arliament. The two Frondes combined to attack Mazaiin, and to demand Conde''s release. The duke of Orleans, hitherto under the influence of Anne of Austria, was gained over by de Retz, and II A.X,. 1649-1651. WAES OF THE FRONDE. 167 P ^ f. .it in the royal council as long as the cardinal was Mamin decided toy, eld, H; ""' '"^^ P^ ^^ ^^^ then retired to LtTin't S„ro-ro2„;:;:»5r;;e'contin„ed to corres- •'ton^f ret„Tr:;l:^t ;:ri:r^r„ar., 1051X ^ 2»d"th:U,e .ad learnt no wis.ta.> tr«n ^^^^ ^^:^^ Ih t Provie. He treated with Spain as an mdependent rowe> He conmlM the regent to dismiss the ministers »ho had been -„3nnder Ma^rin B. rde-^fr:£=^=-;sA^^^^^^^^^ guilty of treason. _ .^. ^^^^ -^-^^^^^ ty "Prnnre was attain involved m civu v\osi.ion as ehief min r One important suecess Mamin had already gamed He C induced Turenne to desert Conde, and to come over to the kt's ride The two greatest generals ot France were now to be 168 MODERN EUROPE. Chap. xi. opposed to each othei-. Conde saw at once that the stru^^le was not to be decided in the south. Leaving his brother Cunti to oppose d'Harcourt, he made his way with a handful of men through central France, and after a number of hairbreadth escapes he reached the northern army under the dukes of Kemours and Beaufort. At once assuming the command, he defeated a portion of the royalist army under d'Hocquincourt, and it was only the superior strategy of Turenne that saved the court from the danger of capture. Conde now determined to secure his position by gainilig over the capital. He marched towards Paris and Turenne followed him. In Paris Mazarin's return had produced a profound impression All the enmity of the old Fronde revived against the hated minister! The parliament considered his recall a direct attack on its own authority. Not only were new edicts of banishment issued against the cardinal, but a price was put upon his head as a public enemy. The alliance so recently concluded with the court was thus broken off. But there was as yet no general desire to go over to Conde. De Retz and the other leaders wished to form a third party, with the duke of Orleans as its nominal head, and to utilise for their own advantage the contest between Conde and the court. When, there- fore, tlie prince, hurrying on in advance of his army, entered Paris, be found no geneial inclination to receive him. He was compelled to rejoin his troops in order to check the advance of Turenne, who had brought the court back to St. Germain. After a number of skirmishes, in which the royalists had the better, Turenne forced a general engagement on his opponent near the Faubourg St. Antoine. Conde' was out-numbered and out-manreuvred. The gates of the city were closed against him, and bis army must have been cut to pieces but for the energy of Mademoiselle, daughter of Gaston of Orleans. Parading the streets, she roused the mob, and compelh d the council to order the opening of the gate of St. Antoine. While Conde's defeated troops poured into the citv, she entered the Bastille and compelled the gunners to fire on the royalist troops. 'I'urenne was forced to retire, and Conde was master of Paris. A large number of magistrates and the bourgeois class were still hostile to him. But he had gained over the mob, which attacked and pillaged the Hotel de Ville. Conde took no steps to restrain a lawlessness which served his own ends. The parliament, which had refused to espouse his cause, was now compelled by terror to join him. A revolutionary government was set on foot. Gaston of Orleans was named lieutenant-general of the kingdom Conde commander-in-chief, Beaufort, " the king of the markets," governor of Pans, and Broussel, the hero of the barricades, provost of the A.D. 1652-1G53. TRIUMPH OF MAZARIN. 169 merchants. But it was obvious that such a government, founded on violence, could not last loug. All business was at an end and the peaceful burghers saw themselves ruined unless order could be restored This could only be done by the return of the king and court, to which all inclinations gradually tended. The great obstacle to peace was the old enmity against Mazarin, and this was removed by the action of the minister himself. Again of his own accord he determined to leave the court. But this time he had no fear of an overiwvvering combination of his enemies. His departure was only to assure his ultimate success: it would detach the citizens from their alliance with the nobles, and bring about a speedy peace. Mazarin's anticipations were fully verified. Conde s government found it impossible to maintain itself against the general desire for peace The Spanish troops withdrew to defend the Netheilands, and the duke of Lorraine was bribed by Mazarin. Conde, fincmg himself no longer master of the situation, quitted Paris, October 14, 1652, and sou-ht a refuge with his Spanish allies. Within a week the court returned to the capital, and the royal power was com- pletely re-established. Conde was sentenced to death, Beaufort nnd a number of other nobles to exile. Gaston of Orleans was ordered to reside at Blois, where he died in 1660; his daughter, the spirited Madeinoistlle, who had at one time looked forward to a marriafre with the king, was banished to her domains. De Retz was imprisoned. In February, 1653, Mazarin returned, to be received with triumph by the king and courtiers, and with com- placency by the fickle citizens. The Fronde was at an end. The last obstacle in the way of a centralised desiwtism was swei taway. '1 he nobles had made their final effort to regain political importance and had failed. The citizens and magistrates hod shown themselves too weak to control the monarchy. One prominent result the war had- it made a profound impression on the mind of the young king, and rendered him resolutely hostile throughout his life to all ideas of constitutional government. § 12. The conclusion of domestic disturbances left the i^rencti monarchy at liberty to continue the war with Spain. During the last four years the Spaniards had rer-ained many of the advantages they had lost They had r. taken Barcelona and Casale, and several stion.: places in Flandois, iixluding Gravelines, Ypres, and Dunkirk. They were now re'nforce.l by the presence of the great Conde, who received the chief military command in the Netherlands. But neither power was in a condition to carry on the war with vigour. France was exhausted by civil war and financial maladministration, while the internal condition of Spain was still worse. The only 9* 170 MODERN EUROPE. Chap. xi. military operations of any importance were carried on on tho frontier between France and the Spanish Netherlands, and they derive their chief interest from the fame of the rival commanders, Conde and Turenne. In 1653 Conde, anxious to utilise what relics of power and influence still remained to him, invaded France and advanced far enough to threaten the capital. The royal army was very small and incapable of meeting the enemy in the field. But Tureiine's tactics of harassing the invaders without risking a battle, were admirably suited to a small force and were completely successful. Conde had to retreat. In 1654, Louis XIV. tasted his first experience of war at the siege of Stenay, the fall of which was ensured by Turenne's masterly tactics. Slowly but surely the French were gaining ground. The two generals were fairly matched, but the old Spanish tactics were now out of date, and the once invincible infantry was almost useless in the face of the quick movements of light-armed troops which had been introduced by Gustavus Adolphus. It was only the genius and resolution of Conde that preserved the Spaniai'ds from complete and crushing defeat. In 1656 they even gained a considerable success, and routed a detachment of the French army under the walls of Valenciennes. But this was completely overbalanced by the con- clusion of an alliance between France and England. Both the contending powers had earnestly sued for the support of Cromwell. The negotiations with Spain came to nothing owing to the religious bigotry that still prevailed at the court of Philip IV. At last Mazarin gained over the Protector by promising to banish Charles I.'s family from French soil, and to cede Dunkirk to England, Reinforced by 6000 Ironsides, probably the best soldiers in Europe at the time, Turenne was irresistible. After the fall of several smaller places, Dunkirk was besieged. The Spaniards under Conde and Don John of Austria, a naturnl son of Philip IV., hastened to its relief, but were completely routed. Dunkirk surrendered, and was handed over to the English in spite of the indignant complaints of the Cathulic world. One after another the fortresses of Flanders were taken, and even Brussels was felt to be in iuimineut danger. Spain, thus hardly pressed, was aTixious to obtain peace. Events elsewhere tended in favour of France. In 1657 the emperor Ferdinand III. died, and a new election took place. Mazarin despatched an envoy to Germany to canvas the electors in favour of Louis XIV. This ambitious iwoject came to nothing, and another Hapsburg, Leopold I., ascended the imperial throne. But the French embassy was not without important results. The electors forced the new emperor to confirm the article in the peace of Westphalia A.D. 1653-1659. TREATY OF THE PYRENEES. 171 by which Austria was bound to send no assistance to Spain and to engage iu no war against France. At the same time the League of ihr, fihin" -""'' fnrmrii by tiin nhinf frrrmnn printin. Iinth • Ga tholie and Protestant, for the maintenance of the treaty of 1648. Thus France re-asserted its position in Germany, and isolated Spain completely from the Austrian Hapsburgs. Another great advan- tage for Mazarin was the death of Cromwell. He had reaied the full benefit of the English alliance, and the Protectors death enabled him to negotiate without any inconvenient regard for the interests of England. The negotiations between France and Spain were undertaken by the chief ministers of the two countries. Mazarin and Don Luis deJHaro met on a small island in the Bidassoa, the frontier-line. There in 1^59 they arranged the important treaty of the Pyrenees. It was evident tLal i'HlilJi il ui ilibftry"&ucccs ses-had.-enabLed--Ej:aB€e almost to dictate the terms. On the northern frontier Spain ceded Artois and a number of fortresses in Flanders, Hainault and Lnxe mbur g. Lorraine vpas to be restored to Charles III., who had been expelled from his duchy on account of his alliance with Spain. But the fortifications of Nancy were to be rased, the duke was to make no war against France, and was to allow a free passage to French troops through his territories. Spain resigned all pre- tensions to Alatice. and confirmed the cession of that province which had been made in the peace of \Yestphalia. In the south France retained possession of RoussiiiojJLand Cerdagne, and thus the Pyrenees were fixed by law as well as by nature, as the boundary between the two countries. In return for all these gains France made comparatively slight concessions. It renounced all j^reten- sions to sovereignty in Italy, as it had done in all the great treaties of the sixteenth century. It promised to give no further support to the house of Braganza, under whose leadership Portugal had reclaimed its independence iu 1640. And lastly, Conde was restored, not only to his private property, but also to his ofiicial dignities and to the governorship of Burgundy. The basis of all these provisions was the conclusion of a marriage between Louis XIV. and the iafanta Maria Theresa. 'i'liis was a favourite design of Mazarin, but he was on the verge of being thwarted by the personal wishes of the king. Louis had conceived a passionate attachment for Maria Mancini, one of the cardinal's nieces, and refused to hear of any other marriage. It required all the cardinal's influence to overcome an inclination which was at once so flattering and so dangerous to his own family. At last he succeeded, and the treaty was finally signed (7 Noyg i j-^liig r^ 16.^0^ The next year Louis was married to Maria Theresa, who renounced 172 MODERN EUROPE. Chap. xi. all claims to the Spanish succession on condition of receiving a dowry of ^00,000 cr owns. This renunciation was insisted upon by the Spanish court, though no one seenas to have regarded it as important or even valid. On tlie extinction of the male line of Philip IV., the infanta's claims could hardly be disregarded, especially as the dowry, on which the renunciation was conditional, was never paid. This question was destined to give rise to important complications in the future. § 13. Mazarin returned from his diplomatic triumph on the Bidassoa broken in health but more jxiuerfal than ever. Louis XIV, regarded him rather as a master tlian as a minister; he refused to listen to those who suggested thrtt he was too powerful ; and was content to learn the principles of government from him. One ot Mazarin's most notable precepts was that the king should have no chief minister. He and Richelieu had been the greatest of ministers, the real rulers of Fi-ance. But henceforth the king himself beuiiis to govern, his officials are really servants, heads of departments, who have to apply to the king for instructions. Mazarin's last days were mainly occupied in establishing the position of his family. His seven nieces all made distinguished marriages, and thus the nobles were bound more closely to the cardinal's cause. On 9th March, 1661, Mazarin died. He left behind him an enormous fortune, collected by means that do little honour to his honesty or his patriotism. Part of this wealth he left to found the "Gt>ll^ des quatre nations," to which he also bequeathed his magnificent library. This college Avas intended to educate natives of those provinces which had been added to France by himself or by Riche- lieu— Roussilion, Alsace, Artois and Pinerolo. Thus the work ot union would be completed. 1'he younger generation would be brought np in Paris, and would return to spread French culture and French interests in their native land. It was a bequest worthy of the statesman whose diplomacy had been so successful in extending the Iron tier of France. CHAPTER Xn. THE LESSER STATES OF EUROPE IN THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY. I. Spain and Italy. — § 1. Decline of Spain in the 17th century. § 2. Philip III. nnd Lerma ; expulsion of the Moriscoes. § 3. Dismissal of Lerma; Spain involved in the Thirty Years' War. §4. Philip IV. and Olivarez ; foreign policy : revolt of Catalonia and Portugal; fall of Olivarez. §5. Rising in Palermo; Masaniello's revolt in Naples; the duke of Guise in Naples ; the revolt su]^)ressed ; termination of the French war; recognition of Portuguese independence. § 6. Disastrous reign cf Charles II. § 7. The independent states of Italy; Venice and the Turks. § 8. The Papacy; the Molinist controversy; Paul V.'s quarrel with Venice ; Urban VIII. ; decline of the papal power. § 9. Savoy; steady growth of Savoy in the direction of Italy. II. The Kingdoms of tiik North. — § 10. Importance of northern history at this period; Sweden under the sons of Gustavus Vasa. § 11. Denmark in the lUth century. § 12. Poland under Sigismund Augustus; end of the male line of Jagellon; new Polish constitution; Henry of Anjou ; Stephen Bathori ; Sigismund III. § 13. Origin of the Russian monarchy ; secularisation of the Order of the Sword in Livonia; great northern war. § 14. General relations of the northern states; their importance in the history of the Catholic reaction; Charles IX. 's reign in Sweden. § 15. E.xtinction of the House of Ruric in Russia ; anarchy during the interregnum ; the tirst and second False Demetrius; rivalry of Swedes and Poles in Russia; accession of the House of Romanof. § 16. Gustavus Adolphus; his domestic government ; war with Poland. §17. Christina of Sweden ; war with Denmark; abdication of Christina. § 18. Charles X. of Sweden ; consistent policy of Brandenburg during northern complica- tions ; Charles X. makes war on Poland; the Great Elector secures the independence of Prussia. § 19. War between Sweden and Den- mark ; treaty of Roeskilde; lenewal of war; Charles X.'s death; treaties of Oliva, Copenhagen, and Kardis. § 20. Royal supremacy established in Denmark. § 21. Charles XI. of Sweden: alliance with France; war with Brandenburg and Denmark; peace of 1679; absolute monarchy m Sweden. § 22. Poland after the peace of Oliva; reign of .lohn Sobieski ; accession of Augustus the Strong; beginning of Peter the Great's reign in Russia. III. The Ottoman Tiuks. — § 23. Solyman the Magnificent; extent of the Turkish Empire. § 24. Decline of the Turkish power; reign of Selim 11.; battle of Lepanto; cVinquest of Cyprus. §25. Weakness of Selim's successors ; war with Venice. § 26. Revival of the Turkish power under Kiuprili , events in Transylvania; war with Austria; Montecuculi wins the 174 MODEKN EUROPE. Chap. xii. battle of St. Gothard ; treaty of Vasvar. § 27. Eud of the war of Candia ; attack upon PoLmJ ; achievements of Sobieski. § 28. Hungary in the 17th century ; causes of discontent ; conspiracy against Austria; its sujipression. § 29. Jieign of terror in Hungai'y ; revolt of Tokbli; concessions offered by Austria. § 30. Tokoii allies himself with the Turks; siege of Vienna; its importance; condition of Europe at the time; relief of the city by John Sobieski. § 31. Alli- ance of Austria with Venice ; Austrian successes against the Turks ; suppression of the revolt in Hungary ; conquest of Transylvania. § 32. Temporary revival of the Turkish power ; victories of Lewis of Baden and of Eugene; treaty of Carlowitz ; death of Tokbli. I. Spain and Italy. § 1. Philip II. left a sadly exhausted but still enormous empire to his son, Philip III. (1598-1621). In the first place, there was the whole united peninsula, with the addition of Roussillon and Cerdagne north of the Pyrenees. Naples, Sicily, Sardinia and Milan were provinces of Spain, and Spanish influence was almost supreme in Italy. Further north, came Franche-Comte, and then the Nether- lands. Seven provinces of the Netherlands were in open rebellion, but their practical separation had not been recognised. Beyond the seas, lay the immense colonies of Mexico and Peru, with their fabled treasures of gold and silver. The great Hapsburg monarchy had as yet escaped dismemberment. But during the next three reigns, which occupy the whole 17th century, all this was changed. Spain suddenly fell from its greatness to be scarcely a second- rate power. Internal exhaustion reacted on the external power ; from every war in which it engaged Spain emerged the loser, and gradually the magnificent empire was torn to pieces. France seized u^ion Roussillon and Cerdagne, Franche-Comt^, and great part of the Southern Netherlands. Richelieu established French influence in Italy as a counterpoise to that of Spain. HoUana enforced a tardy recognition of its hard-won independence. Portugal became onc^ more a separate kingdom, and Catalonia was reduced only to very doubtful submission The Knglish and Dutch aggrandised themselves at the expense of Spanish colonies and commerce. This decline was due, partly to causes that were in working under Charles V. and Philip II., partly to the feeble character and government of the succeeding kings. § 2. Philip III., educated wholly by women and priests, had none of his father's ability or taste for business. From the first he entrusted the cares of state to his favourite, the duke of Lerma, and contented himself with the performance of religious duties and the ceremonies of a stately court. Sjianish etiquette was a model for the rest of Europe. The churchmen reaped a rich harvest from the devotion of king and minister. Lavish grants of money and land increased A.D. 1598-1G18. SPAIN UNDER PHILIP III. 175 the already enormous wealth of the clergy. New monasteries and religious foundations were established and endowed. Almost every other country had found itself compelled to institute some kind of mortmain law : in Spain alone was ecclesiastical property allowed to increase far out of proportion to the riches of the country. At the same time this property was more free than elsewhere from the burden of public contributions. The king's religious zeal displayed itself even more disastrously in his persecution of the Moriscoes. Ever since the fliU of Granada the conquered Moors had lived under cruel oppression. But like the Jews in a similar case, they had thriven in spite of it. They were the most industrious and the most skilful of the population. The Spaniards, partly from idleness and partly from pride, disliked trade and manufactures, and gladly left them in the hands of their more industrious inferiors. Thus the Moriscoes had obtained considerable wealth, and contributed largely to the welfare of the whole nation. But their religion, even when carefully concealed, was a terrible stumbling-block to kings who preferred to have no subjects at all rather than rule over heretics. Philip II. had issued a series of heartless edicts against them. They were forbidden to speak or write in Arabic, to sing a national air or to ]3lay on a Moorish instrument. They were compelled to attend mass, and to have their cliildren baptised. Still they clung obstinately to the rites and customs which they could only practise in secret. Philip III. determined by a signal act to prove his zeal for orthodoxy and the cause of the church. I n 1609 an edic t appeared which ordered the forcible expulsion .of all iSloriscoes.fct*m Spiin, and their transference to th© sliores of Africa:' • This edict was carrJL'd out with tlu' iitinnst barbarity, and within two years, more than half a milliun people were driven from the country of their birth into exile and poverty. It was a blow to the industrial resources of Spain from which that country never recovered. § 3. It was perhaps fortunate that Lerma pursued that policy of peace which the Prince of Eboli had vainly urged against Alva under Philip II. The old aggressive attitude was given up. Peace was concluded with James I. of England, and in 1609 a truce with the Dutch ended the long and costly war of independence. The death of Henry IV. and the regency of Mary de Medici gave an opportunity for renewing and strengthening the alliance with France. Louis XIII. married the S^ianish infanta, while a French princess was given, to Philip III.'s son and heir. But this jiolicy of peace alienated the Austrian branch of the Hapsburgs, who had been accustomed to rely on Spanish hostility to France and devotion to the Catholic cause. It was at this moment that the Tliirty Years' War was about to break out. The Jesuits at the court of Vienna were occupied with 176 MODERN EUROPE. Cuap. xii. magnificent schemes for the restoration of Catholicism. For their execution the support of Spain was absolutely necessary, and the minister who opposed it must be got rid of. In 1618 the clerical party induced Philip to sacrifice Lerma, who carried the immense wealth which he had collected into retirement. His place was taken by his own son, the duke oij^^^^, who had turned against his father, and who governed Spain during the remainder of the reign. Spanish forces under Spinola co-operated with the Austrians on the Rhine and wasted the Palatinate. But Philip III. died in 1621, before he could witness the temporary success of the cause to which he had attached himself. His government had brought no happiness either to his subjects or to himself. It is a noteworthy fact, and not easy of explanation, that this period of political decline was the golden age of Spanish literature. Three writers have obtained European fame : Ce rvante s, who produced the immortal Don Quixote between 1605 ami Kilo, and two of the most fertile and distinguished of romantic diaiiuitists, Lope de Vega and Calderon. In the domain of, art Spain produced fwo"6rfhe greatest masters of the 17th century, Velasquez and Murillo. § 4. Under Philip III. Spain had escaped any very great humilia- tion, except the recognition of the United Provinces, which was in- evitable. Philip IV.'s reign ( 1621-1665 ), on the other hand, was one long series of misfortunes and losses. This difference was due, not so much to the inferiority of the younger king's character, though this existed, as to the fact that the weak and vacillating regency of Mary de Medici gave way, in 1624, to the vigorous government of Richelieu. Philip IV. was only seventeen years old at his accession, and like his predecessor, he refused to be burdened with the control of the government. This was entrusted to another fiivourite, Olivarez, a man of considerable ability and energy, but no match for his great contemporary in France. In foreign politics, Olivarez set himself to support the religious and dynastic schemes of the Austrian Hapsburgs, while at home he aimed at the further aggrandisement of the monarchy. He began by an attempt to introduce some reform into the finances, but his object was rather to increase the reveniTe than to remove or redress grievances, and no lasting good was effected. The alliance with Austria provoked the hostility of Richelieu, who expelled the Spaniards from the Valtelline and thwarted them in the Mantuan succession. At last, in 1635, open war commenced between France and Spiin, which from the first went in favour of the former p.)wer. Meanwhile Olivarez' despotic government provoked domestic rebellion, of which his opponent was not slow to take advantage. It was only in Castile that absolute despotism had been established by preceding A.D. 1618-1G48. SPAIN UNDER PHILIP IV. 177 kings. The northern and eastern provinces, especially Catalonia, still retained many of their ancient liberties. Olivarez, anxious to emulate the successes of Eichelieu, determined to destroy these liber- ties, and to crush every element of opposition to the crown. But this attempt drove the Catalans, in 1640, into open revolt, and they found ready support from France. For the next sixteen years Catalonia was a French rather than a Spanish province. And the rebellion had further results, in encouraging disaffection in Portugal. The Portuguese had never forgotten their former independence, and endured the Spanish yoke with ill-concealed repugnance. In Decem- ber, 1640, a revolution was successfully accomplished, and John, duke of Braganza, in whose veins ran the blood of the old dynasty, was raised to the throne as John IV. Here, again, Richelieu saw his advantage in fostering internal disunion, and mainly through French assistance, the independence of Portngal was assured after a struggle of twenty-eight years. These disasters were fatal to the influence of Olivarez, Avho in 1643 was overthrown by a court intrigue. His place was taken by Don Luis de Haro, who succeeded to all the difficulties caused by his predecessor, and was possessed of still less ability to confront them. § 5. While disaffection was tnus rife within the limits of the peninsula, it was impossible to retain the obedience of the Italian provinces, which the king never visited, and which were regarded merely as a source of revenue. The first duty of each viceroy was to supply the necessities of the court at Madrid, and these necessities were at their height in this period of foreign war and domestic revolt. And not only were the taxes heavy, but their incidence was unjust and oppressive. The nobles, clergy and official classes claimed exemption from the public burdens, which fell with all the greater weight on the middle and lower classes. These grievances led to a rising in 1647 in Palermo, the seat of government in Sicily. The viceroy endeavoured in vain to put down the movement by concessions, and he was forced to fly from the city. But the noble and wealthy classes felt their interests threatened by the excited populace ; with their assistance, the government put down the rising, and restored order in Sicily. Meanwhile these events had exercised an important influence in Naples. In that province, the duke of Arcos, the Spanish governor, had imposed heavy duties on all the necessaries of life. A tax on fruit, so important in that southern climate, at last provoked a rising among the excitable lower classes. They found a leader of energy and ability in a fisherman of Amalfi, Tommaso Aniello, or, as the people loved to call him, Masauiello. The duke of Arcos, who resolved to make no concessions, had not sufficient military force 178 MODERN EUROPE. Chap. xn. to support his resolution, and had to withdraw the obnoxious taxes. He then shut himself up in the Castello Nuovo, and the city was left to anarchy. Masaniello now became supreme. He received the title of " Captain-General of the people," and exercised his power with a wisdom and moderation that could hardly have been™ expected. But this alienated his more extreme followers, and" when he entered into negotiations with the viceroy, he lost all hold upon the people. Arcos thought this a good opportunity to get rid of the demagogue, and Masaniello was shot by bravos in the pay of Spain. But the rebellion survived his death. The people soon recognised their error, and buried their leader with great pomp. As his successor they chose a Spanish noble, the Prince of Massa, and fresh disturbances commenced. Arcos was besieged in the castle and forced to make new concessions. At this conjuncture a Spanish fleet arrived under the command of Don John of Austria, a natural son of Philip IV. An attempt Avas made to suppress the revolt by a treacherous stratagem. A general amnesty was proclaimed, with a confirmation of all concessions. AVhile the pojiulace was thus satisfied and quiet, the soldiers were landed to occujiy the city. But the treachery was soon discovered, and the enraged people drove the troops back to the ships. The Prince of Massa, who had throughout been in connexion with the government, was beheaded, and in his place was elected an armourer, Gennaro Annese. From this time the rebels went to extremes, and determined upon separation from Spain. As was natural, they tiu-ned for assistance to France. Negotiations were opened with the Spanish envoy at Eome, and ihese came to the ears of the duke of Guise, Avho happened to be at the papal court. He was descended from the Angevin family which had so long and so unsuccessfully claimed the crown of Naples, The opportunity of reviving this claim was too attractive to his adventurous and romantic nature to be neglected. He was received with the greatest enthusiasm in Naples, Avhere his presence Avas regarded as an earnest of French support. It Avas determined to exchange the suzerainty of Spain for that of France. But Guise's real object Avas to gain the crown for himself, and this Avas not likely to be approved by the French court. Mazarin was very eager to sever Nai)les from Spain, but not in the interests of Guise, nor in alliance Avith the lower classes. He Avished to gain over the nobles, who had perforce been driven on to the Spanish side by the popular excesses. Still he was unAvilling to lose the chance of striking a blow at the enemy, and a fleet Avas sent to Naples. But it arrived late, and as the commander refused to recognise Guise, it returned Avithout doing anything. And meauAvhile Guise had quarrelled Avith the popular leader, Gennaro Annese, who A.D. 1648-1G68. INDEPENDENCE OF PORTUGAL. 179 became disgusted with the prospect of French rule, and opened negotiations with Spain. At this opportune moment, the hated duke of Arcos was recalled, and his authority fell to Don John of Austria, who was inclined to a more moderate policy. Annese opened the gates during the absence of Guise, and the Spanish troops speedily rendered themselves masters of the city. The traitor Annese met a well-merited death with the other leaders of the populace, and the rebellion was at an end (April, 1648). The peace of Westphalia brought no cessation of hostilities'^ between Spain and France, but the civil disturbances of the Fronde gave a temporary advantage to the former. In 1652 Don John of Austria, who rivalled the achievements though not the fame of his great namesake in the previous century, succeeded in taking Barcelona, and in driving the French from Catalonia. But the policy of Olivarez was given up, and the province was confirmed in its rights and privileges. From this time the energies of Spain were absorbed in the war in Flanders, which was decided by the interference of Cromwell, and Avas closed by the treaty of the Pyrenees (1659). The peace, which was purchased with great territorial concessions, enabled Spain to devote its energies to the recovery of Portugal. But the marriage of Catherine of Braganza with Charles 11. gave that country the support of England, and Louis XIV., after failing to obtain a recognition of his eventual claims to the Spanish succession, continued to send assistance to the rebels. In 1665 the long conflict was practically decided by the battle of Villa Viciosa, w'here the victory was won by the French contingent under Schomberg. In the same year Philip IV. 's disastrous reign closed, and he left a sadly diminished empire to his only sou, Charles 11. § 6. The new king was only in his fourth year, and already dis- played that weakness of body and mind which incapacitated him for any real share in the Government even after he grew up. The regency was entrusted to his mother, Maria Anna of Austria, who was wholly under the influence of her confessor, Father Nithard. whom she had brought with her on her marriage. The new government was ill-fitted to recover any of the ground lost during the late reign. In 1668 the peace o LAix-la-Ch aTielle gave great part of Flanders to France, and the treaty of LisTbon recognised the independence of Portugal. These disasters increased the natural hostility of the grandees to the rule of a woman and a Jesuit. An opposition party was formed imder the leadership of the king's half-brother, Don John of Austria. Father Nithard was compelled to retire to Rome, whence he still directed the actions of the queen- mother. At length, as Charles II. grew older, Don John succeeded 180 MODERN EUROPE. Chap. xii. in alienating; him from his mother, who retired to a convent. But the prince wlio now obtained the government sliowed far less abiUty as a statesman than as a soldier. One disaster followed another in the French wars, and Don John only lived to conclude the treaty of Nimwegen. Maria Anna returned from her convent to resume the control of the state. From this time the history of Spain becomes unim- portant. The decline of internal and external resources continued with frightful rapidity. Q^j^jlgsII., contrary to general expecta- tion, survived the century, airdTii's death in 1700 ended the male line of the Spanish Hapsburgs. In the great contest for the succes- sion which now ensued, the dismemberment of the Spanish Empire was continued and completed. § 7. That Spain during this centuiy of decline and disaster kept a firm hold on its distant territories in Italy was due, not to any merits of the government, but to the complete lack of national feelings and political capacity shown by the Italians, and to the mutual antipath}'^ existing between the various classes of society. As has been seen, the revolts in Sicily and Naples failed mainly through the want of sympathy between the nobles and the people. The only independent powers whose attitude was of the least importance, were the grand dukes of Tuscany, the Venetians, the popes and the dukes of Savoy. The Medicean grand dukes at this time threw themselves unreservedly into tlie hands of Spain, and by sacrificing their independence, secured uninterrupted tenure of power. But they showed none of the ability, nor even the taste for literature and art, which liad given such fame to the founders of the family. They became the abject servants of the priesthood, and under their rule Florence sank entirely from its former grandeur. The line became extinct in 1737 with Giovanni Gaston, the last of the Medici. Venice was during this century almost entirely absorbed in its long war against the Turks. The republic leaned to the side of France against Spain, and was the first jwwer to recognise Henry IV., but eastern complications prevented its taking a prominent part in western politics. Cyprus had been already lost, and the first half of the century was mainly occupied with the struggle for the possession of Crete. In 1669 Candia fell, and the island was annexed by the Turks. The war was now transferred to Greece, where the famous Venetian commander, Morosini, conquered the Peloponnese (1684-9). This was formally ceded to them by the peace of Carlowitz in 1699, but was reconquered by the Turks in 17ir), and the long and wearisome warfare, as creditable as it was exhausting to the maritime republic, was not ended till the treaty of Passarowitz in 1718. I A.D. 1668-1700. THE PAPACY. 181 § 8. The papacy continued to direct the progress of the Catholic reaction, until that movement was stayed by the failure of Austria in the Thirty Years' War. From that time it had to content itself with lesser interests, the government and extension of the papal states, and the settlement of internal disputes within the church. It became evident that not only had the popes failed to restore their rule over European Christendom, but their authority over the Catholic states was weakened by these disputes and by the independence of the secular powers. Sixtus V. was succeeded by three short-lived popes (1590-1), each of whom ruled only long enough to reverse the policy of his predecessor. Clement VIII. (1592-1G05) was the first pope to break oft" the subservience to Spain which liad prevailed ever since__PhigJJ£» He gave absolution to Henry IV., and was enabled by French support to annex Ferrara to the papal states on the death of Alfonso II. of Este (1597). To his medi- ation was due the treaty of Vervins in 1598. During this pontificate a great contest broke out between the Jesuits and Dominicans. The doctrines of free-will, which were expounded by the Jesuit Molina, were regarded as an attack on the teaching of the great Dominican, Thomas Aquinas. Spain espoused the cause of the latter order, because the Jesuits, founded by a Spaniard, and at first working wholly in the interests of Spain, had now become more independent. The first generals of the order had all been Spaniards, but the office was now held by an Italian, Aquaviva. France naturally sided with the Jesuits, and Clement VIII., unwilling to offend his chief ally, died in 1605 without coming to a decision. Paul V. (1605-1621) was imbued with mediaeval ideas as to the papal authority and the validity of the canon-law. These speedily brought him into collision with the secular power, especially in Venice, which had always maintained an attitude of independence towards the papacy. Ecclesiastical disputes were aggravated by the fact that the acquisition of Ferrara had extended the papal states to the frontiers of Venice, and that frequent differences arose as to the boundary line between them. The defence of the republic and of the secular authority in church affairs was imder- taken with great zeal and ability by Fra Paolo Sarpi, the famous historian of the Council of Trent. Paul \. did not hesitate to excommunicate the Venetians, but the government compelled the clergy to disregard the pope's edict. The Jesuits, Theatines, and Capuchins were the only orders that adhered to the papacy, and they had to leave the city. If Spain had not been under the rule of the pacific Lerma, it would probably have seized the ojiportuuity to punish Venice for its French alliance. But France and Spain were both averse to war, and Paul V. had to learn that the [ a])acy 182 MODERN EUROPE. Chap. xii. was powerless without secular support. By the mediation of the two great powers, a compromise was arranged in lfi07. The Jesuits, however, remained excluded from Venetian territory for another half-century. This was the first serious reverse encoun- tered by the Catholic reaction. Tlie Jesuits had earned the pope's gratitude, and in return they obtained a decision which pacified the Dominicans, without condemning the doctrines of either party. The attention of the Catholic Avorld was now absorbed in the Austrian schemes for the repression of Protestantism in Germany, which received the unhesitating support both of Paul and of his successor, Gregory XV. The latter was a great patron of (he Jesuits. Under him the Pr opagan da was first set on foot, and the two greatest members of the order, Ignatius Loyola and Francis Xavier, received the honour of canonisation. The pontificate of Urban V j II. (1623-164-1) was a period of great imjjortance. He regarded himself rather as a temporal prince than as head of the Church. He fortified Kome and filled his states with troops. The example of Julius II. seemed to find an imitator. Urban was imbued with the old Italian jealousy of the imperial power, and allied himself closely with France. Papal support encouraged Eichelieu to take decisive measures in the Valtelline, Casale, and the Mantuan succession. And at the moment when Ferdinand II. had gained his greatest success in Germany he was confronted with the hostility of the pope. Gustavus Adolphus landed in Germany, and by a strange coincidence Protestantism found support in the temporal interests of the papacy. The Catholics were astounded and dismayed by Urban's attitude. The Spanish envoy presented a formal protest, which was disregarded. The failure of the Catholic reaction was thus due in no small measure to the action of the pope himself. Urban VIII. succeeded in making an important addition to the papal states by the annexation of Urbino, in 1631, on the death ot Francesco Maria, the last duke of the Delia Eovere family. But in the government of the states he met with great difficulties. Nepotism had been revived in a new form since Sixtus V. The relatives of the pope no longer aimed at political independence, but were entrusted with the control of the administration. Thus each papacy witnessed the foundation of a new family which acquired sufficient wealth to maintain its position after its patron's death. The aristocracy thus formed proved a great obstacle to the papal government. Urban VIII.'s relatives, the Barberini, quarrelled with the Farnesi, who had held Parma and Piacenza since the ponti- ficate of Paul III. The pope was induced to claim the district of Castro, and this claim aroused a civil war (1611-1644) in which the AD. 1555-1631. SAVOY. 183 papacy was completely Avorsted. Urban was forced to conclude a humiliatins; treaty and directly afterwards died. His successors are of very slight importance to the history of Europe. The great schemes of a counter-reformation had perished. Even within their own states the personal authority of the popes was curtailed by the rise of the Congregation, which had been founded by Urban VIII., and after his death obtained the chief control of the administration. The only important questions in which the papacy was involved in the latter half of the century were the schism of the Jansenists and the relations with Louis XIV., and these concern the history of France rather than that of Italy. § 9. Savoy owes its importance at this period not to its internal strength but to its geographical position between the territories of France and Spain. The duchy, after several years' occupation by the French, was restored by the peace of Cateau-Cambresis (1559) to Emanuel Philibert, the general of Philip 11. He was anxious to recover the territories on both sides of the Lake of Geneva, which the Swiss had acquired at the expense of Savoy during the dis- turbances of the reformation. But in 1564 he had to accept the treaty of Lausanne, by which he gave up all territories to the north of the lake. From this time Savoy tends to lose ground in the north and to extend itself southwards ; to become an Italian rather than a transalpine power. Emanuel Philibert devoted himself mainly to domestic government, and to repair the evils that the foreign occupation had left behind. He remained true to his attacliment to the House of Hapsburg, but he was careful at the same time not to provoke the hostility of France. By this well- timed policy of peace, he was enabled to leave his duchy immensely strengthened to his son Charles Emanuel (1580-1630). The new duke°was much more active in his policy. His marriage with a daughter of Philip II. bound him to the side of Spain and he sup- ported the cause of the League in France. With the help of the Catholic party he seized the vacant marquisate of Saluzzo, and thus involved himself in a long quarrel with Henry IV. In IGOl the peace of Lyons confirmed the duke in the possession of Saluzzo, in exchange for which he ceded Bresse on the Ehone frontier to Henry. All attempts made to recover Geneva for Savoy proved unsuccess- ful. Before his death the restless Charles Emanuel brought forward another claim to the marquisate of Montferrat. This had been held since 1533 by the dukes of Mantua, whose male line became extinct in 1627. The duke did not live to see the settlement of the Mantuan succession, but his son, Victor Amadeus I., obtained great part of Montferrat by the treaty of Cherasco (1031). Ilichelieu had now acquired Pinerolo and Oasale for France and this effccte-^ C5HAPTER Xin, THE AGE OF LOUIS XIV. .^o SI Tonis becomes his own first minister ; fall I. LOUIS' EARLY YEAUS.-§l.Loms become ^^^^^,^ administrative Wilt. »nd «c.ss,o„ of W.ll .n, of 0.» g^- _^ 5^^^^ ^^^ ^^ ^ ,^ r„„ French successes in lt./d , lea^ui, Fvnnrhe-Comte: victories of .gainst the .st ot' E-rcge ;^c.,ue t^ of^^^^ J- ^^4^^ ,.,,, ;:;x;?;^;a^t/L:t:ci4 j9. ^^^^/^SoJs^S ■ difficulties of France ^/^^P^'S" ^.IJf "/ ^ ™fen § H- Greatness of with Mary of England. § 10;^ieat>j .^'T^<'^^^ ^J^^^^^^ ^j^^,^^^^^ Franceat this time; ^'^^gl^-^^f^J.^t /nd ^^^ l'eague O. Auosburo. •l!§1r'r"Jl's".:SL, Louis' aggressions a., unoppose ^ § iV Rise of the Jansenists; rehg.ous^persec^^^^^ hi H"g-nots ; Luis XIV. and I-^'^^f.^^.^^j.'tio^^'nhe Edict of Nantes. § 16. the drar/oww&s of Louvoi., 1'^^^'=''^'°^ °' p^.^nee • formation of the Alienation of ^^ ^^^Z^^^'^J^^ o'iS the English crown League ot Augsburg; William otuiat archbishopric ot § 17. Louis' ^'^fXckuion Germany ; accession of William III. Cologne; French f *'^^^ "P^"' ^"l"' enormous exertions of France ; European interest in it; the two P^yt ^ °n ti aUe^^ § ^.^^^^^_ Il.'swill; Louis accepts the crown f"^J^^^ Jl^^f °°d,e, opposition; stances favourable to Louis; his ^lyi^'^l^'^^^ll ^04. The formation of the Grand Alliance; '''lf'''';^^X-2sJy changes ft: Ampaignrfm; battle of Blenheim | ?^J; J^PXlel 1705-6 in the^Netherlandstaly and Spain. § 28 Fh -^^^^^ ^^ ^.^^^S:$^^^^T:^-^-^-^^^^^ XIV. opens 216 MODERN EUROPE. Chap. xiii. negotiations; battle of Malplaquet, 1709. § 30. Congress of Gcrtruy- Sf J^' wT "•" "• ^'""' °^ ^^'^''''-^ '^'^'''' °f thf allies in Spain; fall of the Wh,g m.mstry ,n England; death of the Emperor Joseph I I S' ru^T ^n\''' 1'''"''' c^mP'-^ign of 1612 ; treaty of Utrecht. V t\^ ' f *" ■^'''' ^^•■^>^' ^^'"^'"^ of P-i«tlft Wit jt as its chief author. The existing government of Holland was based on the exclusion of the House of Orange, which had b "en accomplished on the death of William II. in 1650. Louis thought to render a service to the cause of monarchy by overthrowing the reimblicand restoring authority to William III. of Orange, who was just arriving at manly age. It was not difficult to detach England from the Triple Alliance. The bombardment of Chatham still rankled in people's minds, and commercial jealousy was a fertile source of quarrel. Charles 11. hated his pecuniary dependence upon Parliament, and his enforced 222 MODERN EUROPE. Chap, xiii, adhesion to the English cliurch. Negotiations were undertaken by Charles' sister, Hg]iH*i^^rf£.Udfians, the favourite of the French king and court. s*»«»->>^ i^1m<^1q<^ ti.^ trocfy r,f ]^QYr'' . (^^^Q) - by which Charles II. undertook to restore Catholicism in England, to combine with France against Holland, and to offer no obstacle to Louis' designs on Spain. In return for these concessions, he was to receive a large sum of money and the assistance of French troops to crush a possible revolt of his subjects. This disgraceful treaty was kept a secret even from the majority of the ministers. They were duped by a false treaty which was only concerned with the alliance against Holland, and this was not made public for more than a year. Directly after her return from Dover, the duchess of Orleans died suddenly, not without suspicion of having been poisoned by her husband. With Sweden, the other member of the alliance, French diplomacy was equally successful. The old alliance with France was renewed, and the Swedes engaged to invade Germany in case that power undertook the defence of Holland. The emperor Leopold was bound by the League of the Rhine and by his secret treaty with Louis. Most of the German princes agreed to remain neutral, and the archbishop of Cologne and the bishop of Mlinster openly took up arms against Holland. Frederick William of Brandenburg, the Great Elector, alone remained obstinate in his adherence to the Protestant cause. He hoped to obtain from the Dutch the territory in Cleve which they still held. Thus the success of France seemed assured. Spain was the only power that was likely to assist the Dutch, and the helplessness of Spain had been manifested in the recent wars. Charles III. of Lorraine, who hoped to take advantage of a new war to regain his lost in- dependence, had been expelled from his duchy in 1670 and driven into exile from which he never returned. In jJiZl, Lyonne, the foreign minister, died, and his death was fatal to the continuance of peace. Colbert had no longer a supporter in the royal council, where the ascendancy fell to Louvois, brutal and harsh in domestic affairs, and the ardent supporter of an aggressive foreign policy. He becomes the evil genius of Louis XIV^. In IfiSA the unjust and unprovoked war commenced. On sea the Dutch contended on equal terms with the combined fleets of England and France, and fought a desperate but indecisive battle in Southwold bay. But on land matters were altogether difi'erent. The army had been persistently saciificed to the navy by De Witt, on account of its military loyalty to the House of Orange. There was no force capable of resisting the French attack. r>ouis had collected two great armies imder Turenne and Conde, while a third A.D. 1670-1G72. INVASION OF HOLLAND. 223 force under the duke of Luxemburg was to co-operate with the bishops of Miinster and Cologne. To avoid arousing the open hostility of Spain, it was determined not to march through the Netherlands, but to take a circuitous route. A detachment Avas sent to make a feigned attack on Maestricht, where the Dutch were best prepared, while the main force advanced to Neuss aiid Kaiserwerth, which the elector of Cologne had ceded as military depots. The passage of the lihine, which gave sucli undeserved fame to Louis' armies, was easily effected. The Dutch could make no resistance to attack from an unexpected quarter. One fortress after another fell into the hands of the king, who delighted in successful sieges. De Witt, conscious of defeat, attempted to negotiate, but the French terms were too humiliating to be accepted. Meanwhile party feeling in Holland had been stimulated rather than allayed by the national disasters. The partisans of the Hoixse of Orange rose against the unfortunate rather than guilty government, and compelled the appointment of William of Orange as stadthulder. Not content with this, the mob at the Hague rose in armed revolt and brutally murdered John de Witt and his brother Cornelius. William was accused of complicity with the crime, probably on no other ground than that it was to his advan- tage. Although the nephew of Charles IL, he was determined to defend to the last the national independence, and he infused his own dauntless spirit into the people whom he ruled. The dykes were cut, and floods offertd a more effectual barrier than troops to the invaders' progress, A Iready the first tide of French success had spent itself. Louis, under the influence of the self-confident Louvois, had rejected the advice of his abler generals. Instead of making a rapid and decisive advance, he set himself to capture unimportant towns, and weakened his army by detaching garrisons from it. When he found his career of conquest checked, he quitted the army, and returned with the court to St. Germain. § 6. The rapidity of the early successes had aroused all the enemies of France ; the first check encouraged them to declare themselves. The emperor Leopold, disregarding all conventions with Louis, concluded an alliance with the elector of Brandenburg for the defence of Holland. A combined army, under Frederick William and the imperial general Montecuculi . advanced to the support of William of Orange. Spain, conscious of its own weakness, was unwilling to declare openly against France, bu t Monterey, the governor of the Netherlands, sent secret assistance to the Dutch. These events necessitated a complete change in the military plans of the French. Instead of continuing their conquests, they had to stand on the defensive. While Luxemburg remained in Holland to 224 MODERN EUROPE. Chap. xtii. make head against William, Conde undertook the deftnce of Alsace, and Turenne advanced to the Kbine to check the German troops. Never were Turenue's abilities more conspicuously mani- fested than in this campaign. Though he had only 15,000 men, he handled them with marvellous dexterity. The elector and Monte- cuculi marched up the Hhine to find a safe crossing. Everywhere they found the French in front of them, while they were unable to force an engrigement with their superior nmnbers. At length, wearied and exhausted, they gave up all hope of entering Holland, and retreated to attack the French allies in Cologne and Miinster, Louis and Louvois, overjoyed at the withdrawal of this formidable enemy from the Rhine, sent strict orders to Turenne not to risk a pursuit. But conscious of his strength, he boldly disregarded the orders and advanced to attack the allies. The worn out German army could make no eftective resistance, and were driven from one defensive line to another, till the whole of Westphalia was in French hands. The elector of Brandenburg retired in disgust to Berlin and offered ti-rms which were readily accepted. He promised to remain neutral, and the French undertook to restore the Cleve teiritories which were held by the Dutch. Meanwhile, in Holland, William of Orange was bitterly disappointed at the failure of his German allies. Nevertheless, with a reinforcement of 10,000 Spaniards, he attacked Charleroi, though without success. During ins absence, Luxemburg made a bold march over the ice against the Hague, and the capital was only saved by a sudden thaw. The brutal spirit of Louvois had infected the French army, and during their retreat they were guilty of atrocities which left an abiding hatred of France iu the minds of the Dutch. Louis XIV. now reappeared in person at the head of an army. The brilliant but rash operations of 1672 were now out of the question, and it was determined to reduce Maestricht and to make it a military basis. The siege was successfully conducted by Vaubau, the greatest engineer of the age, and the fortress, which commanded the whole line of the Maas, was forced to surrender (June 29, 1673). Thus in the summer of 1673 France had more than held its own against numerous enemies. But it was evident that the war had completely lost its original character. In August a league was concluded at the Hague between the emperor, Spain, and Holland. It was joined by the king of Denmark, the elector of Saxony, and the duke of Lorraine. The imperial army had been reformed in Bohemia after its recent defeat. Montecuculi was not again out- manoeuvred by Turenne. A junction was effected with William of Orange, and the combined armies laid siege to Bonn. All the French efforts to relieve the town proved fruitless. The Rhine A.D. 1G73-1674. FIRST COALITION AGAINST FRANCE. 225 was completely lost to France, and Turenne had to fall back on the Sarre. This decided the attitude of Germany. The bishops of Mimster and Cologne had to make peace. The elector of Branden- burg showed signs of breaking his neutrality. The connexion of France with the German princes, established so firmly by the treaties of Westphalia, the Rhine, and the Pyrenees, was in a moment annihilated. Soon afterwards the English parliament, bitterly exasperated by the religious policy of Charles II., forced him to make peace with the Dutch (February, 1674). Sweden was the only ally left to France, and Sweden, isolated in the north, could do nothing of importance. Thus Louis XIV.'s aggressions had completely altered the whole balance of European ] olitics. The invasion of Holland had served only to revive the old duel between France and the House of Hapsburg, with this all-important differ- ence, that the powers which had previously supported the former were now united in opposition to her, § 7. Fortunately for France, Louis XIV. showed himself fully conscious of the changed aspect of affairs, and altered his plans to meet it. He ordered the evacuation of all the recent conquests in Holland except Maestricht and Grave. He was even anxious to make peace with the enemy whom he had so wantonly provoked, but William of Orange would listen to no terms. The war was brought back to the French frontiers. Conde was to make head against the Dutch and Spaniards on the Meuse. Turenne under- took the defence of Alsace and Lorraine against the Germans. Schomberg was sent to protect Eoussillon from a threatened Spanish invasion. But while taking these measures to defend his newly acquired borders, Louis did not altogether abandon his schemes of conquest. He himself led an army into Franche-Comte'. The duke of Lorraine attempted to defend the province but was pre- vented by Turenne, The second conquest of Franche-Comte took six weeks to accomplish, but was complete and final. Henceforth the Jura was to be the eastern frontier of France. While the king was occupied with this easy conquest, Conde was attacked by the prince of Orange. The French position was too strong for an assault, and the Dutch and Spanish troops retreated. Condd followed them and forced an engagement at Senef. A fiercely contested battle ended in the victory of neither, but the exhaustion of both armies. William succeeded in taking Grave, but this was the only success gained by the allies in 1674. Meanwhile, Turenne was conducting a campaign which put the seal on his military fame. Instead of waiting to be attacked, he took the aggres- sive, crossed the Rhine at Philipsburg, and crushed the imperial forces at Sinzheim. He followed up his success by devastating tho 226 MODERN EUROPE. Chap. xm. Palatinate, so as to deprive the enemy of sustenance. The cruelty with which this was done is a lasting stain on Turenne's reputation. The Germans now received reinforcements, and resumed their advance with numbers far superior to the troops of Turenne. The French government, fearing an invasion, ordered Turenne to fall back for the defence of France. But he again refused to obey the orders of the court. For a fortnight he held the enemy in check, until want of provisions compelled thejn to march along the Rhine to Strasburg. Turenne followed them, but too late to save the city, which surrendered, and opened to the imperialists the entrance into Alsace. Instead of retreating, as everybody expected, the French general again attacked the enemy, and won a complete victory at Euzheim, a battle in which Churchill, afterwards duke of Marl- borough, took part. But immediately afterwards the arrival of the elector of Brandenburg with more than 20,000 men, restored their superiority to the German forces, and Turenne fell slowly back to Lorraine. The Germans occupied Upper Alsace, and promised themselves complete success in the ensuing campaign. But their active enemy would allow them no rest. In the middle of winter, in spite of frost and snow, Turenne marched his troops through ditfjcult mountain-passes to Belfort, The Germans, completely taken by surprise, were forced to retreat in confusion. A part of the army, rallied by the elector of Brandenburg, was routed at Turkheim by Turenne, who followed in swift jjursuit. Alsace was completely recovered, and the victorious general returned in triumph to Paris. Altogether few years are so famous in the military annals of France as 1674. The Spanish attack on Eoussillon was unim- portant, and was easily repulsed by Schomberg. § 8. The campaign of 1675 was comparatively unimportant as regards great achievements. Sweden was at last induced to keep the promise made in 1671, and to attack Brandenburg. This forced the elector to withdraw his troops for the defence of his own country, and thus the imperial forces were greatly reduced. But in compensation for this Montecuculi reassumed the command. Turenne found his task much harder than in the preceding year. His first success was in defending Strasburg, and thus making Swabia instead of Alsace the seat of war. In the Black Forest six weeks of patient manoeuvring ensued, in which the two generals dis- played all their skill in the space of a few square leagues. At last Turenne caught the enemy at a disadvantage, and was prepared to crush them, when he was killed by a stray bullet just as he made the final reconnaissance before the battle. The death of their greatest general was a far more serious loss to the French than any defeat could have been. The army at once withdrew across the A.D. 1674-1676. TURENNE AND MONTECUCULI. 227 Rhine, and Montecuculi, obtaining a passage through Strasburg, was enabled to threaten Hagenau in Lower Alsace. At the same time the French suffered another disaster. The duke ot Lorraine had attacked the electorate of Trier, where he was opposed by an army under Marshal Cre'qui. At Saarbriick the French were com- pletely defeated, and soon afterwards Trier was taken. This was the last act of the old duke Charles III., who died in September, having never been able to regain his lost duchy. Cond^ was now despatched to replace Turenne. With a skill and prudence worthy of his deceased rival, he forced Montecuculi to raise the siege of Hagenau, and ultimately drove him from Alsace. This was the last campaign of both these great generals. Montecuculi, broken down in health, resigned his command. Conde retired into private life at Chantilly, where he solaced his remaining years with the most brilliant literary society of France. § 9. In 1676 the loss of the great commanders is plainly visible in the comparative insignificance of the campaign. Louis commanded in person the army in Flanders, with the usual result. Conde' and Bouchain were taken, but an excellent opportunity of defeating the prince of Orange was neglected. The fault was so obvious that Louis was accused of personal cowardice. The true explanation seems to lie in his extravagant conception of his own dignity. He could not endure even to run the risk of a defeat in a pitched battle. Sieges, on the other hand, were comparatively secure. Louvois, though wanting in military genius, excelled in the management of the transit and supplies of troops. The engineering operations were safely entrusted to Vauban. Thus Louis' successes, though not brilliant, were usually substantial. William of Orange made an effort to retake Maestricht, but was repulsed. On the Rhine the young Charles IV. of Lorraine succeeded his uncle in the command of the imperial army. He gained one great success in this year, the reduction of Philipsburg. But Luxemburg succeeded in excluding him from Alsace. It was on a wholly novel element, the sea, that France gained its most distinguished successes in 1676. With the support of France, Messina had revolted against Spain and main- tained its independence. The Spaniards called in the aid of the Dutch fleet undec-. Ruyt e r . The French vessels were commanded b y Duquesu e. a really great admiral, who fought three brilliant actions against the combined fleet, in one of which Ruyter was killed. These maritime successes were due in the first place to the reforms of Colbert, and made a profound impression in Europe. Hitherto the French had been powerless on the sea, but if they once gained the supremacy there, as well as on laud, they would become invincible. 228 MODERN EUROPE. Chap. xiii. France had made great exertions durin"; these years, and was beginning to show signs of exhaustion. Colbert had always been ojiposed to the war, partly because it gave Louvois an influence sujierior to his own, partly because it ruined his ^financial policy. All his reforms had to be given up one by one ; new offices were created and sold ; the taille had to be raised ; even the old system of loans was revived. France was again suffering from exactions like those of Richelieu and Mazarin. Discontent produced revolts in Normandy, Brittany and Guienue. It was obvious that the glory of resisting all Europe was not without its drawbacks. Louis seriously desired peace. This he still hoped to gain by a separate negotiation with the Dutch. But William of Orange and the emperor were determined to prolong the war until some adequate security was obtained against French ambition. Louis determined to force on a jieace by an energetic prosecution of the war. In 1677 he appeared in Flanders, and took Valenciennes and Cambray. His brother, the duke of Orleans, laid siege to St. Omer, and when William of Orange advanced to its relief, inflicted a severe defeat on him at Cassel. By this victory he secured the French hold on Flanders, but earned his brother's jealousy. Louis could not pardon a success more brilliant than he had ever gained, and Oileans was never again entrusted with a command. On the Rhine Crequi com- manded instead of Luxemburg. He had learnt wisdom from his defeat at Saarbriick, and henceforth sought to emulate the prudent strategy of Turenne rather than the brilliant rashness of Conde . The result was a most successful camjmign against the duke of Lorraine. The latter tried to effect a junction with Orange, but found the way barred : then he turned to meet the army of tlie circles which was advancing from Germany to assist him, but Crequi out-marched him, and completely routed the Germans. After inflicting a defeat on the duke of Lorraine in Alsace, Crequi concluded the year by taking Freiburg (Nov. 1677). These brilliant successes increased the desire for peace, especially among the Dutch, who, having secured their independence, had everything to lose by the continuance of the war. But William of Orange was conscious that his life's task was to oppose Louis XIV. His point of view was European rather than national. The result was division and disaffection in Holland. The old republican party, apparently crushed by De Witt's death, once more raised its head. In opposition to the stadtholder, the states sent envoys to negotiate with the French at Nimwegen. AVilliam, thus deserted by his subjects, sought to strengthen himself by an English alliance. He induced Charles II. to consent to his marriage with Mary, daughter of the duke of York. By allying himself with the opposition party A.D. 1677-1679. PEACE OF NIMWEGEN. 229 in Parliament, he even forced the English king to declare war against France. Lonis was compelled to make new efforts, and to concentrate his forces. Messina was evacuated, and left to the tender mercies of Spain. Crequi again defeated the duke of Lorraine, and drove him from Alsace into the Palatinate. Louis ^ himself again entered Flanders and captured Ghent. L^^ § 10. These events gave a final impulse to the negotiations at Nimwegen. (^ Alig;nfiti 1 1^JjjLT^''^'' first treaty was signed between France and Holland. Four days afterwards, William of Orange, still anxious to make peace impossible, made a desperate attack on the army of Luxemburg before Mons, but was repulsed. It has never been definitely known whether William was or was not cognisant at the time that peace had been matle. Spain accepted a treaty in September. The emperor continued to hold out, but at last, hampered by a revolt in Hungary, he came to terms in February, 1679. France was the only gainer by a war which she had wantonly provoked. Holland lost nothing, as Maestricht, the last remnant of the French conquests, was restored, and an advan- tageous treaty of commerce was arranged. Spain, as the weakest of the allies, had to make the greatest sacrifices. Franche-Comte was irrevocably renounced, and all the important frontier towns of the Netherlands were handed over to France. The treaty with the emperor restored the arrangements of Westphalia, with the exception that Freiburg was given to France in exchange for Philipsburg. The duke of Lorraine was to be restored on the same terms as had been laid down in the peace of the Pyrenees, but these were rejected by Charles IV., and his duchy remained in French hands. The Great Elector of Brandenburg refused to consent to the French demands that all conquests made from Sweden during the war should be restored. But the appearance of Crequi on the Elbe forced him into acquiescence, and a treaty was signed in June, 1679. Two months afterwards Demnark also came to terms, and thus the war ended in the general pacification of Europe. § 11. Louis XIV. was now at the height of his glory. Single- handed he had confronted the allied powers of Europe, and had emerged from the contest victorious. In the invasion of Holland he had broken through the oldest and wisest traditions of French policy, but the vast resources of his country and the concentration of national forces under his predecessors enabled him to escape the consequences of his error. From this time, however, the period of decadence sets in. The brilliant successes of his early years are soon forgotten amidst the disasters that attend the close of his reign. The magnanimous and popular prince who so boldly grasped the reins of government as they fell from the hands of Mazarin, 230 MODEKN EUROPE. Chap. xiii. sinks gradually into the gloomy and bigoted tyrant, dreaded by all Europe and by liis own subjects. The servility and adulatior. which surrounded Louis in the years following the peace of Nim- wegen would have turned the head of any mortal. Flattery almost gave place to worship. Louis fell an easy victim to temptation, and became intoxicated with the idea of his own greatness and invin- cible power. Opposition was unbearable from an equal, still more from a subject. He refused to live any longer at the Louvre in the midst of the citizens, and built for himself the enormous and wearisome palace at Versailles, which remains an apt memorial of his character and his reign. To defray the immense expenses, Colbert had to continue those financial expedients which had been forced on him by the war, but which ruined all his previous schemes. If he ventured the slightest remonstrance, Louis crushed him by a reference to the superior devotion of his rival Louvois. While the people groaned under the taxes levied to support the royal luxury, the nobles were degraded from all political importance to become the valets of their sovereign. Eepresentatives of the great houses of France were content to hold the towel at the king's toilet instead of wielding the marshaFs baton. Military and official posts were conferred on members of the middle class whose servility was assured. The patronage of literature, for which Louis has been so undeservedly praised, was regulated not so much by the merits of a writer as by his talents as a courtier and a sycophant. Everything was made to centre round the king and court. All that was healthy and independent either in thought or action, was sedu- lously stifled. In 1683 one of the last securities for a moderate government was removed by the death of Colbert, who had striven against much that he had been unable to prevent, and had acted as some counterpoise to the baneful influence of Louvois. That minister now became supreme in the royal council. At the same time a new actor appeared prominently on the scene, who shares with Louvois the control of the king in the ensuing period. Louis XIV.'s first mistress was Louise de la Valliere, who had really loved him and who retired to a convent. She was succeeded by the bold and brilliant Madame de Montespan, who for many years was supreme at court, but who was never allowed to exert any political influence. It was she who introduced to the king's notice the lady who was destined to be her rival and successor. Francoise d'Aubigny, noted for her beauty and ability, was the widow of the burlesque writer of the Fronde, Scarron . After his death she was reduced to great poverty until she was induced by Madame de Montespan to undertake the charge of the king's natural children. Louis himself for a long time disliked her, though he gave her the A.O. 1678-1683. THE REUNIONS. 281 territory of Maintenon from which she took her historical name. Gradually he became accustomed to her society till he could no longer disjDense with it. The new favourite was a prude. She got rid of Madame de Montespau by effecting a reconciliation between Louis and his wife Maria Theresa. When the latter died in 1683, the king was privately married to Madame de Maintenon. Her character has been the subject of endless dispute, but there can be no doubt of her immense influence on the history of France. III. The Reunions. Religious Peesecutiox. The League OF Augsburg. § 12. Advantageous as the treaty of Kimwegen was to France, it was regarded by Louis only as the basis of new acquisitions. He was determined to make France impregnable to external invasion. Vauban was employed to erect fortresses on every side of the French border. But there were still some points on the frontier which were not strong enough in a military point of view. Especially the Three Bishoprics and Alsace were exposed to attack. This Louis was determined to remedy without any regard to law or equity. He foimd his opportunity in the indefinite wording of the treaties of Westphalia and the Pyrenees. For instance, Metz, Toul, and Verdun had been ceded to France " with their dependencies," and this phrase was capable of various interpretations. Again, in Alsace the immediate vassals of the Empire had retained their independence, but the question arose as to who was really such an immediate vassal. And, moreover, subjection to the Empire was altogether a different thing to subjection to France. The Empire was a very loosely connected body in which the various units did much as they pleased. In France, on the other hand, there was a highly centralised government, which allowed no independent action whatever. Hitherto France, occupied with the Fronde and with foreign wars, had alloAved these important questions to remain unsettled. But now that Europe desired peace, Louis determined to settle all these disputes for his own advantage. The parliament of Metz was ordered to find out all the dependencies of the Three Bishoprics, and they were speedily compelled to acknowledge French suzerainty. At Breisach a provincial court was erected to decide on the limits of Louis' rights in Alsace. A similar assembly in Besan^on was to act in Franche-Comte'. These are the famous "Chambers of Reunion," which claimed the powers of an international tribunal. The treaties which France had made with foreign powers were to be interpreted at the pleasure of France alone. These assumptions, bold and unparalleled as they were, aroused the mis- 232 MODERN EUROPE. Chap. xm. trust but not the opposition of Europe. Louis had kept his army on a war footing, while his rivals had disbanded theirs. The chamber of Breisach awarded to France the complete suzerainty of Alsace. The lesser imperial vassals had to submit at once, and the free city of Strasburg, suddenly attacked by an army under Louvois, was compelled to surrender (Sept. 1681). On the very same day the fortress of Casale in Italy, which had been of such im- portance in the time of Richelieu, was ceded to France by Charles of Mantua. Not content with these acquisitions, Louis demanded Alost from Spain, and to enforce the demand laid siege to Luxem- burg, a fortress which he ardently coveted. Louis was very fortunate in the moment which he chose for these unheard-of aggressions. Spain was powerless without allies. William of Orange, eager for war, was hampered by the republican party, which insisted on peace. In Germany, the elector of Brandenburg, who had raised himself to the rank of a great power, was so disgusted with his treatment by the emperor in the recent negotiations that he had formed an alliance with France. The emperor himself, on whom devolved the duty of defending his out- lying frontiers, was occupied with a revolt in Hungary, which was now complicated by a Turkish war. In 1683, for the second time in history, the Turks advanced to the siege of Vienna. No event could have been more advantageous for Louis, though he had probably done nothing to encourage the invasion. With a nhow of magnanimity he raised the siege of Luxemburg to allow the Spaniards to assist Austria against the infidel. But Vienna was saved by the heroism of John Sobieski, king of Poland, and France alone refused to share the transports of Europe. Louis at once resumed his hostilities against Spain. Courtrai, Dixmude, and lastly Luxemburg were taken. Still Europe refused to check the French advance. In August, 1684, a twenty years' truce was concluded with Holland, Spain and the Empire, Louis kept possession of Luxemburg, and the legality of the " reimions " was virtually recognised. About the same time Louis sought to establish his naval supremacy in the Mediterranean. Merely because Genoa had preferred a Spanish to a French alliance, the unfortunate city was bombarded and forced to make a humiliating submission. § 13. Louis' absolutist tendencies were to the full as conspicuous in his domestic as in his foreign policy. After the lapse of more than half a century, France was again agitated by religious disputes. The great questions of the day were, the schism of the Jansenists, the relations of the Galilean church to Rome, and tlie position of the Huguenots as an inde])endent sect. The French church A.I). 1681-1684. THE JANSENISTS. 233 was at this time dominated by the Jesuits, who supplied the royal confessor, Pere la Chaise. The famous order had sadly degenerated from the principles of Loyola. They had become more secular and more greedy of power and riches. The old unhesitating obedience to authority had disappeared, and in 1651 we hear of a general of the order being deposed. Always anxious to be on the winning side, the Jesuits had given u]j their close alliance with Spain and attached themselves to the House of Bourbon. Louis could rely upon them fur supj^wrt even against the papacy, which they had been founded to defend. And this v\H)ridly ambition had brought with it graver moral defects. Their system of casuistry taught them to find excuses for the worst vices so long as the end was laudable. Their influence and teaching tended to lower the whole moral and religious tone of the people. Against this influ- ence a natural reaction set in, of which the Jansenists were the foremost representatives. Cornelius Janseu and Jean du Vergier, two fellow-students at Louv ain, were the founders oi the new sect. Jansen become bishop of Ypres, and in 1635 produced his Augustinus, in which he laid down his theological principles. Du Vergier was made abbot of St. Cyran and inculcated the same principles by his life and personal influence. The centre of the Jansenists was the monastery of Port Pioyal and a neighbouring retreat, where there were soon collected a number of the most eminent men in France, including Pascal, Arnauld, Nicole, Tillemont and Pacine. The Jesuit casuistry was based upon the doctrine of free-will, and the Jansenists developed the counter-theory of predestination, which they found in the writings of Augustine. In their strictness of life and in many of their dogmas they resembled the Calvinists, and they have been called the " Puritans of Catlio lkism." i'ut they differed fnnn the I'rotcstants in^i+ ic w t ii ght which they attached to tradition and the fiithers, and they clung steadfastly to the idea of the universal church. From the first the sect had to make its way against opposition. Richelieu, who dreaded the appearance of new Huguenots, persecuted them and even imprisoned St. Cyran. But after his death their influence revived and spread itself. During the Fronde they supported De Retz, and thus drew on themselves the enmity of Mazarin. In 1653 the jxipe, Innocent X., was induced to issue a bull condemning five propositions which were sup}X)sed to be found in the Augustinus of Jansen. A form of declaration was drawn up, and approved by the French government and a clerical assembly. This the Jansenists were called upon to accept. But they denied that the propositions were to be found in Jansen's book, and they maintained that the papal infallibility did not extend to matters of fact. Threats and persecutions were 12 234 MODERN EUROPE. Chap. xin. unable to make them yield. In 1054 rascal publislicd the famous 'JProvincialLetterSj]_^ satire on the principles of the Jesuists so_^_ vigorous and incisive that the order never really recovered its hold on the popular confidence. Their enmity against the Jausenists became more bitter than ever, but they failed to crush them The question of the papal bull remained unsettled till 1669, when a compromise was accepted by Clement IX. The Jansenists agreed to condemn the five propositions as heretical, but reserved the question as to whether they were really taken from their teacher's book. From this time they again revived; some of them gained preferment in the church, and their doctrines spread into other countries. Louis XIV. hated them, partly as a remnant of the old Fronde, partly because they held the ecclesiastical power to be independent of the state, and partly because he personally favoured the Jesuits. They were thus opposed both by the king and by the pope, and were only saved from destruction by the want of unity between their op|X)nents. § 14. Louis XIV. wished to be supreme in the church as well as in the state, and this necessarily brought him into collision with the rival authority of the papacy. Moreover the popes at this time were afraid of the rising French power, and usually sided with the House of Hapsburg, and for this Louis revenged himself by encroaching on their spiritual power. The basis of the royal power in church affairs was the so-called regale, the king's right to receive the revenues of a vacant bishopric, and to appoint to all the livings th'it belonged to it. This right had always been exercised by the French kings except in Guienne, Languedoc, Provence and Dauphine, Louis, conscious of his power, wished to extend it to these four provinces. The two bishops of Pamier and Alais, who were Jausenists and wished to restrict secular interference, pro- tested against this extension of the royal power, and appealed to the pope. Innocent XL at once took up their cause, and forbade the king to proceed wdth his design. But Louis, religious and orthodox as he w'as, w^ould not yield to pajial authority. The clergy, and especially the Jesuits, had always been on his side, and he summoned a national synod in 1682. They approved of the extension of the regcde, and drew up four general propositions, viz., that the temporal power is independent of the spiritual: that a general council is superior to the pope : that the papal authority cannot alter the usages of the Gallican church : and that papal decisions, even in matters of faith, nre not valid till they have received the consent of the church. This was a great victory for Louis. The clergy combined with the king to exclude the domination of the papacy as a foreign power. This was a great A.D. 1G82-1C84. TERSECUTION OF THE HUGUENOTS. 235 advance both for the unity of the nation and for the royal supremacy. But the opposition to the papacy involved not the slightest tendency to a change in doctrine. Louis, under the influence of Madame de Maintenon, Avas more rigidly orthodox than ever. At the very time that he was quarrelling with the head of his church, he was preparing to render an acceptable service to that church by the suppression of heresy in France. § 15. Ever since the fall of La Eochelle and the treaty of Alais, the Huguenots had lived peaceably in the enjoyment of the religious liberty that had been left to them. During the Fronde they had remained perfectly quiet, and had thus earned the gratitude of the king. One of Louis' first acts was a promise to observe the Edict of Nantes. During the early part of his reign the Huguenots were unmolested. Excluded from direct military or political employ- ment, they devoted themselves with the more ardour to industry, and especially to financial administration. Colbert found in them his ablest and most trustworthy instruments. So peaceful and I>rosperous was the Calvinist population, that Louis conceived the idea of effecting their reunion with the church. The rejection of this scheme by a synod in 1673 hurt the king's self-love, and pro- produced the first ill-will against the Huguenots. It Avas at this time that he was at war with Holland, and though there was no trace of an alliance, he was irritated to think that a portion of his subjects had common religious interests and sympathy with his enemies. The devotion of the French clergy, who in 1675 made him an extraordinary grant for the war, seemed to merit some grateful return. From this time the court began to aim at the conversion of the Huguenots, at first by rewards and favours showered on those who came over, afterAvards by more violent measures. Every possible form of oppression Avas resorteil to that did not run directly counter to the letter of the Edict of Nantes. The conversion of a Catholic to the reformed faith Avas forbidden imder the severest penalties. Mixed marriages were pro- hibited. Huguenots Avere excluded from all financial employment, from municipal offices, and from the legal and medical professions. The faille was doubly assessed upon them, and on the slightest pre- text their churches AA'ere demolished by the orthodox parliaments. Many of the oppressed sect sought a refuge from persecution in voluntary exile. But emigration Avas forbidden by a royal edict. Risings broke out in the Cevennes and other provinces, but Avere speedily put doAvn by force. Louvois noAv hit on a characteristic scheme for procuring conversions. Troops were quartered on Huguenot households till they abjured their faith. Military brutality proved a most effective missionary instrument. Every 236 MODERN EUROPE. Chap. xiii. day came the news of numerous conversions. Louis was persuaded Viy his ministers that the one thing necessary to complete tlie work was that the royal will should be finally and unhesitatingly expressed. This could be most effectively done by the revocation of the Edict of Nantes. The king at first hesitated to take such mi an extreme step. France had obtained its greatness by alliance ■ with the Protestants. To undo the great work of Henry IV. would be to break with the most serviceable of French allies. Had war with the Hapsburgs been going on, the act would liave been impossible. But Europe was at peace, and had conclusively shown its desire to remain so. England, once the champion of Protes- tantism, was now under James II., from whom applause rather then opposition was expected. At last Louis determined on the most fatal measure of his reign. OnJDct. 22, 1685, appeared an edict by which the Huguenots were deprived of all the privileges conferred on them by the Edict of Nantes or the treaty of Alais ; the reformed worship was prohibited ; the ministers were to be exiled, and the churches destroyed ; emigration was forbidden under penalty of the galleys. The only concession made was a promise of liberty of conscience, so long as no public worship took place. The edict was welcomed with extravagant applause by the Catholic world. Innocent XI. alone, jealous of Louis' power, and personally inclined to mild measures, looked on in gloomy dis- approval. But the measure was fatal to the real interests of France, both external and internal. The prohibition of emigration could not be enforced. More than half a million of the most in- telligent and industrious population of France crossed the holders and carried their skill to more tolerant countries — to England, Holland, and Prussia. By the gain of those comitries may be measured the loss of France. The industrial life which Colbert had hoped to create and stimulate, neemed to be irretrievably ruined. And the moral and intellectual energies of the people were no less seriously injured. Louis XIV. may have been misled and misinformed by Louvois, he may have been influenced by the milder bigotry of Madame de Maintenon, but on his head must rest the ultimate responsibility of the measure which did such infinite damage to France, and which far outweighs any benefits that his earlier government may have conferred on his subjects. § 16. In foreign politics the effect of the revocation of the Edict of Nantes was equally disastrous, and was more immediately felt. All the Protestant allies of France Avere completely aUenated. In Holland William of Orange was enabled to triumph over the republican party, which had hitherto tied his hands. The elector of Brandenburg, who had closely allied himself with Louis in A.D. 1685-1686. .LEAGUE OF AUGSBURG. 237 opposition to the emperor, changed his attitude, and noade up all his differences with Austria. The influence which France had obtained over the German princes by the League of the Ehine was overthrown. Louis had schemed for the transference of the Empire to himself, that was henceforth hopeless. The aggressions of Louis on the frontiers of Germany, hitherto unopposed and condoned by the truce of 1684, would no longer be tolerated. In 1685 the elector palatine Charles died, the last male of the House of Simraern. The electorate passed to Philip William of the line of Neuburg. But Louis at once claimed great part of the Lower Palatinate, in right of Charles' sister, the wife of his brother I'hilip of Orleans. Germany raised itself to oppose the claim. In July, 1)S86. a defensive league was concluded at Augsburg between the emperoi', Spain, Sweden, Holland and almost all the'Geiman princes and circles. In the next year it was joined by the elector of Bavaria, the duke of Saxony, and the chief independent states of Italy. The pope, Innocent XL, gave it his secret support. We can see how completely Louis XIV.'s ambition and bigotry had reversed the attitude of the European powers. Formerly France had supported Protestantism in its resistance to the great Catholic power of the House of Hai^sburg. Now Spain and Austria — even the Pope himself — were leagued with the Protestant powers to check the aggressions of France in the sj^here both of politics and of religion. There was still one important power whose adhesion to the league against Louis seemed necessary to ensure its success. England which, under Elizabeth and Cromwell, had been the champion of Protestantism, was now ruled by the bigoted and impracticaulu James II. So far from disapproving of Louis' actions, he showed a desire to imitate them in his own country. Like his predecessor, Charles II., he relied upon French subsidies and French troojis to crush any discontent among his subjects. This discontent ho speedily aroused. In a reign of only three years (1685-1688), he succeeded in completely alienating every class. His attack on the established church evoked the opposition of the most ordeily and submissive of his subjects. The malcontents turned naturally to William of Orange, whose wife was James' daughter and presumptive heiress. The unexpected birth of a son to the king suddenly removed all prospect of a Protestant succession, and rendered prompt measures necessary for the protection of civil and religious liberty. It was determined to invite the Prince of Orange to England to effect a settlement. But in existing circumstances such an act was of European, as well as insular, importance. William was the bitter and avowed opponent of the French king, his success was certain to involve England in the great conflict impending on the continent. 238 MODERN EUROPE. Chap. xni. So intense was the hostility which Louis had excited, that the Catholic powers of Europe, the pope at their head, were inclined to support a scheme which must result in the triumph of English Protestantism, and which might involve the deposition of a legitimate and Catholic sovereign. Every risk must be ran in order to deprive France of so important an ally. § 17. It was manifest that Louis' jsosition was a very critical one, and required the most cautious action. He had no ally of importance except the Turks, and they were now being decidedly worsted in the war with Austria. In 1688, the great fortress of Belgrade was taken by the imperial army, and the Porte was forced to sue for terms. But Louis obstinately refused to yield in the face of any difliculties. Not only did he continue to prefer his claims in the Palatinate, he prepared for a new and more offensive intervention in German affairs. For a long time he had been in the closest alliance with the electors of Cologne, and this alliance was of great moment as securing the French on the Khine. In 1688 the archbishop Maximilian Henry died, and the eyes of Europe were turned on the election of his successor. The French party, which included the majority of the chapter, put forward William of Fiirstenberg, a vassal of Louis, who had been coadjutor under the late elector. But the emperor was determined not to allow so great a principality to remain practically subject to France. He put forward an opposition candidate, Joseph Clement, brother of the elector of Bavaria, The imperial intervention had some weight with the chapter, and Fiirstenberg only obtained thirteen votes out of twenty- four, while his rival received nine. But for a legitimate election two thirds of the votes were required, and the dispute had to be referred to the pope. Innocent XL had many grounds for quarrel with Louis XIV., and to these had been added a recent grievance. A frequent source of abuse in Rome had been the franchises claimed by foreign ambassadors, which enabled them to shelter any persons, however criminal, who sought refuge in the neighbourhood of their residence. Innocent had issued a decree abolishing these franchises. Louis XLV., with characteristic haughtiness, refused to give up the privileges of his embassy at the command of the pope. An envoy was sent to Rome with a military escort to enforce his pretensions. The pope excommunicated the ambassador, and France and Rome were again at open war with each other. It was obviously the interest of Innocent to check Louis' power in every way. He at once declared Joseph Clement to be the lawful archbishop of Cologne. The French king, afraid of losing his hold on Cologne, replied by acknowledging Fiirstenberg and announcing his intention to uphold him. A.n. 1688-1689. THE ENGLISH KEVOLUTION. 239 But meanwhile the interests of France were still more directly threatened by William of Orange's projected expedition to England. Louis sent urgent warnings to James IL and threatened to attack Holland But James, with his usual stupid arrogance, refused to listen to the warnings, and declared that his position was weakened by the open avowal of the French alliance. Loms had to act fur himself His council was divided as to the measures to be taken Sei-nelay, Colbert's son, who was minister of the revenue, urged sVafa^nst Holland both by land and sea. But Louvois, always iealoul of the Colbert family, and fearing that a naval war might increase his rival's influence, advised an immediate attack upon Germany. His opinion was adopted by the king. An army under the dauphin laid siege to Fhilipsburg, and the skill of Vauban compelled its speedy surrender. The League of Augsburg was entiJely miprepared for war, and in an incredibly short space u time the four Rhenish electorates were at the feet of France The Palatinate was devastated for the second time. Louis attack upon Germany decided the fate of England. William of Orange, freed from the danger of French invasion, hastened his preparations, and on Nov. 11, 1688, sailed for England. James IL showed as much abiect cowardice in danger as foolish confidence beforehand Deser- tions from his army and his o^vn family convinced him of the utter hopelessness of resistance, and he fled from the capital. Captured ^nd brought back again he availed himself of the opportunity offered by his crafty opponent, and escaped to France. Ihere Louis received him with great pomp, and magnanimously al owed him to maintain an expensive court at St. Germains. William with his wife Mary, received the English croxvn, and one of his first acts was to secure the admission of England mto the League of Au-sburg. Thus the circle of Louis' enemies was completed. 1 he Revolution of 1688, to which his own errors «^«^f \f ^ ^'^^^"^'f f;-^; marks the triumph of those principles to which the French king was most diametrically opposed. & 18. In 16S9 the war became general. The object of the allies was to enforce a return to the state of things recognised by the treaty of the Pyrenees. Louis fought to retam, and, if possible, to extend his acquisitions. France had to face attack on every sL, n the Pvrenees from Spain, on the east from t - -mbined forc;s of Holland, Germany, and the Spanish Ketherlands, on the Italian frontier from Savoy. At the same time the coast had to be defended against the two great maritime powers, England and Holland. So immense were the resources of I ranee and so admir- able the machinery for employing them, that all these tasks were performed at once. Louis had never less than four armies m the 240 MODERN EUROPE. Chap. xiii. ' field, and sometimes as many as six. Nor were the allies on their side wanting in energy. Germany alone furnished three armies. ■ One under the prince of Waldeck advanced to co-oiserate with the ■ ' Dutch, English and Spaniards in the Netherlands, and defeated the French under d'Humieres at Valcourt. Two others, commanded respectively by the elector of Brandenburg and the duke of Lorraine, undertook to drive the French from their recent conquests on the Rhine. Kaiserwerth, Bonn, and Mainz were captured. But these early reverses only roused Lotus to greater efforts. The ablest of surviving French generals, Luxemburg, was sent to the Nether- lands, the most important scene of war. Marshal Boufflers was to act on the Moselle, and the dauphin, under the supervision of de Lorges, on the Rhine. Catinat, hardly inferior to Luxemburg in ability, was sent against Savoy, while the duke de Noailles led a fifth army across the Pyrenees into Catalonia. It is impossible to follow the details of these various campaigns. Everywhere the French held their own, and even won battles, but the numerical superiority of the allies always neutralised the importance of these successes. Luxemburg defeated Waldeck at the battle of Fleurus (1690), but the enemy was immediately reinforced by the elector of Brandenburg, and the French could make no advance. More brilliant, though not more lasting, were the achievements of Catinat on the Italian frontier. Victor Amadeus of Savoy had joined the League of Augsburg in the hope of restoring to his duchy the great fortresses of Pinerolo and Casale, which were the basis of French influence in Italy. At first there seemed little prospect of his hopes being realised. Catinat crushed his forces at Staffarda (1690), and in a short time conquered almost the whole of Savoy. In the nextyear he reduced Nice and Montmelian. And while the French retained their supremacy on land, they almost succeeded in estab- lishing a similar supremacy on the sea. In the same year (1690), their admiral, Tourville, succeeded in defeating the combined English and Dutch fleefs off Beacliy Head. While France was making these marvellous but exhausting exertions by land and sea, Louis was by no means forgetful of the interests of James If. A French force escorted him to Ireland, where he soon obtained almost universal recognition. 1 1 was only in the Protestant north that opposition was to be dreaded. It would have been the most complete triumph for Louis XlV.'s policy if England could have been conquered from the side of Ireland. But William III. did not wait for an invasion. He hurried to meet the enemy, and the battle of the Boyne_(July 1, 1690) decided the contest. James again fled to France, and William's generals were left to continue the reduction of Ireland. It was completed in A.P. 1689-1692. DEATH OF LOUVOIS. 241 1691 by the pacification of Limerick. The success of WiUiam of Change' vas a terrible blow to Louis. The combmed English and Dutch forces were now free to act directly agams France and William was able to bring his abilities and h,s dauntless resolution to the assistance of the allies. . ^i tvt ^.i i „,i^ § 19 Louis XIV., as if conscious that the war m the Netherlands was di'-nified by the presence of his great rival, appeared to take The command in person. But as usual when he was there none but the safest enterprises were undertaken. Mons was besieged in form, and taken by the skill of Vauban. Wrlham advanced to relieve it, but found the covering army too strong and had to retire. The capture of Mons, and Catinat's successes in Savoy, were the only mUit^iy events of importance in 0691. More meinorable than anything else was the death ofj^ouvois, the suggester of Louis unscrupulous policy and therefore the real originator of the wa • His royal master had for some time been weary of him, and his death was so sudden that reports were circulated and believed of Iton administered by order either of the king or o Madame de Maintenon. Louvois was the last able minister of Lou s XIN . ^rmilitary administration was entrusted to his son, E^aitox, but h was young and incapable. The king had become so TeeHy Sous of power that he could not bear the presence of able men Henceforth he surrounded himself with second-rate officials, and trusted more and more to his o^vn impulses or the suggestions ot Madame de Maintenon. . Great preparations were made for the campaign of 1692. Louis was determined on a fresh undertaking in favour of James H. TourviUe, the admiral who had been so successfu two years before, was ordei;d to convey the deposed king to Ireland. «>•-* expec - tions were based upon the popularity of James with the Engh h fleet • he had even a secret correspondence with the admiral, Uissel. But Eussell refused to recognise even his legitimate king on the deck of a French vessel. In the battle of La Hogue the French showed conspicuous bravery, but TourviUe was forced by -1--- -^^^^^^^^^ to a disastrous retreat. The expedition was now impossible and Fllndegained her naval superiority. Henceforth the maritime successes o^ the French were limited to the raids on Di^.h and En-lish commerce of adventurous privateers sucu as Jean i^ait. Colbert's son, Seignelay, who had done so much ^or^^J^^ navy, had died soon after the victory of 1690. Hi^ successor Pontdiartrain, was, like all Louis' later ministers, incapable. By T ancrthel^ rench had still the upper hand. Loms again commanded the army and attacked Kamur. The siege is reckoned as Vauban s masterpiece, and the fortress was defended by the second engmeei 2 12 MODERN EUROPE. Chap. xiii. of the age, Colioin. William's attempt at relief was frustrated by Luxemburg, and Namur surrendered. Louis had now a great opportunity of crushing his enemy, but as usual he refused to risk a battle, and soon afterwards retimied to France. Luxemburg, who was left behind with diminished forces, was drawn by William into a trap at Steinkirk, but he extricated himself with masterly energy and skill, and the allied forces were compelled to retreat. Neither side seemed able to gain any decisive success. France was exhausted by its unparalleled exertions, and disaffection began to make itself heard. Louis had great dilliculty in obtaining the necessary supplies. It was not till June, 1693, that he was able to take the field, and this delay gave the allies time to prepare their defence. On arriving in the Netherlands, Louis refused to venture an assault on William's position, and quitted the army without having achieved anything. Tt was his most conspicuous military failure, and he never again assumed the command. It was to no purpose that Luxemburg defeated the allies at Neerwinden. 'I he only result was the capture of Charleroi. In the next year the French were forced to stand altogether on the defensive, and in January, 1695, Luxemburg died. Meanwhile Catinat was holding his ground in Savoy, even against the rising Austrian commander, prince Eugene. Eugene was French on his father's side, and Italian by his mother, who was one of Mazarin's nieces. But, slighted by Louis, he had thrown himself altogether on to the side of the emperor. In 1692 the forces of Savoy had the better of the conflict, and even attempted an invasion of Dauphiue. But the next year Catinat defeated them at Marsaglia and reconquered Piedmont. In Catalonia Noailles gained still more conspicuous successes. § 20. But all these heroic eftbrts served only to prolong a conflict which was already decided by the exhaustion of France. In response to the royal demands, all classes, and especially the clergy, had made great voluntary sacrifices, but this could not go on for ever. The financial administration had fallen into very incompetent hands since Colbert's death, but even Colbert could hardly have coped with existing difficulties. Not only had the annual expendi- ture risen to an unexampled amount, but the sources of revenue Averc proportionately diminished. The Huguenots had carried Avith them much of the wealth of France, and their departure had inflicted irreparable damage on French industries. Commerce and the colonies suffered from the attacks of English and Dutch. Even the coasts were no longer secure. The English fleet bombarded Havre and Dunkirk, and it was feared that thej'^ might effect a landing. To these internal misfortnnes were now added military A.D. 1692-1697. TREATY OP RYSWICK. 243 reverses. In 1695 William of Orange with the assistance of Cohom retook Namur. The energetic defence of the commander, Boufflers, and the attempted relief by Villeroy, Luxemburg's successor, proved fruitless. It was evidently necessary for France to obtain peace. Louis had already withdrawn many of the obnoxious demands which he had put forward at the commencement of the war, but without satisfying the allies. He now determined to break up the hostile league by separate negotiations. The duke of Savoy, whose interest in the war was purely selfish, was easily induced to come over to the side of France by the restitution of all his territories, including Richelieu's great acquisitions, Pinerolo and Casale. His daughter was married to Louis' grandson, the duke of Burgundy. It was an enormous sacrifice both of power and dignity for Louis to make, but it produced the desired result. The neutrality of Italy being secured, he was able to strengthen his forces at other points. The allies, weakened by the defection of Savoy, consented to accept the mediation of Charles XI. of Sweden, and a diplomatic conference was opened in May, 1697, at l!yswick, half way between the Hague and Delft. The difficulties in the way of peace were great and numerous. Many of the demands were regarded by Louis as inconsistent with his honour and dignity as well as with his interests. Spain wished to restore the treaty of the Pyrenees, Germany that of Westphalia. And above all there was the bitter but inevitable necessity of acknowledging the legality of the English revolution. Fortunately for France the interests of the allies were not identical, and it was possible by satisfying one to limit the concessions to the other. Louis determined to expedite matters by an accommodation with William III. The treaty between England and France was not settled by the diplomatists at Ryswick, but by a private conference between Bentinck, William's friend and confidant, and the French marshal, Boufilers. Louis agreed to acknowledge William III. as king of England, and to withhold all assistance from his enemies. But with a magnanimity becoming a great king, he refused to listen to the demand for the expulsion of James II. from French soil. On these terms William undertook to manage Austria and Spain, who were anxious to continue the war. Spain was forced to a decision by the news that Barcelona had surrendered to the duke of Vendome, who had taken Noailles' command in Catalonia. On Sept. 20, 1697, the first treaty was signed at Ryswick between France, England, Spain, and Holland. Besides the concessions to William III., Louis withdrew from all conquests made since the peace of Nimwegea, and agreed that the Dutch should garrison the / frontier towns of the Spanish Netherlands as a security against a 244 MODERN EUROPE. Chap. xiii. French invasion. The emperor still held out, and demanded the cession of Strasburg. William was so convinced of the importance of this, that he was personally willing to resume the war. But England and Holland were almost unanimous in their desire for peace, and Louis Avas enabled to carry his point. On October 30, the second treaty between France and the empire was concluded_^ Louis surrendered the great fortresses of Freiburg, Breisach, and Philipsburg, and restored all the places acquired since the peace of Nimwegen except StjasLufg. That town with the whole of Alsace remained subject to France until our OAvn day. Lorraine, with the sole exception of Saarlouis, was restored to its lawful duke, Leopold, son of Charles IV. Josepli Clement of Bavaria was recognised as elector of Cologne, and the pretensions of Fiirstenberg abandoned. The claims of the duchess of Orleans on the Palatinate were surren- dered for a sum of ready money. The treaty of Ryswick was a great blow to the pretensions of Louis XIV. He had failed to enforce the legality of his famous " rgjmjgns," and had been compelled to withdraw from the Rhine frontier. The Stuarts, whose alliance had been of such service to him, remained excluded from the English throne. Holland, which he had wished to humiliate, was by its union with England more powerful than ever. The French had retired from their command- ing position on the side of Italy. Louis had posed as the champion of Catholicism, but the Protestant interests had prevailed in Europe. And the king had also found it advisable to yield in his struggle with the papacy. Directly after Innocent XL's death, the French ambassador gave up the right of franchise. Avignon, which the French had occupied, was restored, the French clergy humbly implored forgiveness for their opposition to the Holy See, and finally the four articles of 1682 were abrogated. But these con- cessions were not regarded by Louis as a final check to his ambition, they were only made with a definite object in view. The question of the Spanish succession, which had absorbed so much attention at the beginning of his reign, was now coming to a crisis, Louis wished to have his hands completely free. It is necessary to have a clear conception of the various claims that were involved. IV. War of the Spanish Successiox. § 21. Charles II., the reigning king of Spain, had never enjoyed sound health either in body or mind, and he was now rapidly sink- ing into the grave. He was the last male of the Spanish branch of the Ilapsburgs, the descendants of Charles V. He had been married twice, first to Marie Louise, a niece of Louis XIV., and A.D. 1697. THE SPANISH SUCCESSION. 245 afterwards to Maria Anna of Neuburg, a sister-in-law of the emperor Leopold, but tliere was no prospect of his having children, and the succession to his throne must go to claimants by the female side. The eldest daughters both of Philip III. and of Philip IV. had been married into the house of Bourbon, Anne to Louis XIIL, and Maria Theresa to Louis XIV. But l^oth had on their marriage re- nounced all claims to the succession. Mazarin and Louis XIV. had endeavoured to obtain some declaration of the invalidity of these renunciations, but hitherto without result. By a curious coincidence the younger sisters of the two French (]ueens had been married into the Austrian branch of the Hapsburgs, Philip III.'s daughter to Ferdinand III., and Philip IV.'s to Leopold. Neither of them had made any renunciation, and Philip IV.'s will had expressly favoured the succession of his younger in preference to his elder daughter. The French claims therefore being excluded by the renunciations of Anne of Austria and Maria Theresa, the hereditary right seemed to belong incontestably to the issue of Leopold's marriage with Margaret Theresa. This was a daughter Maria, who was married to the elector of Pavaria, and who had already given birth to a son, Joseph Ferdinand. But Leopold was unwilling to allow Spain to fall altogether from Hapsburg hands. He had compelled his daughter to renounce her claims on Spain, and demanded the succession for himself as grandson of Philip III., or, as a substitute, for the archduke Charles, his younger son by a second marriage. There were, therefore, three claimants of import- ance, the electoial prince of Bavaria, the archduke Charles, and either the son or one of the grandchildren of Louis XIV. The Spanish monarchy had declined immensely from its old importance, but it was still a prize well worth the winning. One king after another had been compelled to sacrifice provinces and strongholds either to successful rebellion or to French ambition. Holland and Portugal were independent. France had annexed Artois, Roussillon, Franche-Comte, and great part of Flanders and Hainault. But besides Castile, Aragon, and Navarre, there still remained the bulk of the Netherlands, Milan, Naples and Sicily, and the great dominions in the New World. The succession to so enormous an empire was of European importance, and Europe was prepared to have a voice in the matter. These were the days when the " balance of power " was the watchword of diplomacy, and it was natural that the idea of subdivision should commend itself. A secret treaty of partition had been concluded long ago between Louis and the emperor, but that was now out of date. The circumstances of the two princes had completely changed, and, moreover, William III. had arisen since then, and was prepared to *246 MODERN EUROPE. Chap. xra. defend the interests of Europe. All the lesser powers were unwilling to allow the aggrandisement of either France or Austria by the acquisition of the Spanish territories. It was their obvious interest to support the claims of Bavaria, which were also the best from a legal point of view, because the renunciation of Leopold's daughter, made without any reference to Spain and without Spanish sanction, was a purely Austrian transaction and could not be regarded as valid. Louis, who dreaded the natural tendency of the Spanish king to favour the collateral branch of his own family, and who was anxious to exclude Austria at all costs, thought it advis- able to fall in with the wishes of Europe. The first treaty of partition was concluded between France, England, and Holland on October 11, IjiOS-. The archduke Charles was to receive the Milanese, the Bourbon claimant was to have Naples, Sicily, the Tuscan ports and Gruipuscoa. All the rest of the monarchy was to go to the electoral prince of Bavaria, Joseph Ferdinand. This treaty might secure the interests of Europe, but it had one fatal defect, that it took no account whatever of Spanish interests or feelings. There both court and people were unanimous in their opposition to any scheme of partition whatever as likely to be fatal to the greatness of Spain. Charles determined, if possible, to avert such a misfortune, and in November made a formal will, in which the Bavarian prince was acknowledged as heir to all his dominions. But in January, 1699, the infant prince suddenly died, either of small-pox or of poison. Both the partition-treaty and the royal will were thus nullified, and the old question appeared again under altered conditions. The elector of Bavaria claimed to stand in his son's place by the letter of the treaty, but the claim was rejected both by Louis and by William II L A second treaty of partition was agreed upon in May, 1700, which was much more advantageous to Austria. The archduke Charles was to have all the Spanish inheritance, except the Milanese. This was to be handed over to the duke of Lorraine, who was in return to cede his duchy to France.^^ § 22. The obstinate determination of the European powers to divide the Spanish inheritance excited the greatest indignation in Spain. A strong party formed itself to maintain at all costs the unity of the empire. Now the only claimant who could really enforce this unity was Louis XIV., who was himself a party to the treaties of partition. But it was probable that the prospect of undivided succession would easily induce him to throw over his allies. It was certain, at any rate, that the House of Bourbon was stronger than the Hapsburgs, and that the accession of the latter must inevitably result in the weakening and dismemberment of Spain. A.D. 1698-1700. CHARLES II.'S. WILL 247 These opinions were sedulously encouraged by Louis' envo}^ count Harcourt, the ablest diplomatist in the French service. The charm of his manner had already gained popular feeling to the side of France, even when the court, under the influence of the queen, was wholly German in its sympathies. And now the attitude of the court was beginning to change. The queen's power de- creased, and cardinal Porto- C^arrero, the leader of the new French ]3arty, obtained supreme influence over the weak king. Charles sent to Rome to implore the pope's advice, and Louis now reaped the benefit of his reconciliation with the papacy. Innocent XII. declared in favour of the French claims. The contention was that the renunciation of the two infantas had been made only to prevent the union cf the two crowns on one head. This could be avoided by giving Spain to Phim>_of .^lDJOu, the daujihin's second son, who was not the heir to the French throne. On < 'ct. 2, 1700, Charles If. made a new ivill declaring the duke X'f Aujou heir to the whole Spanish territories, on condition that he should renounce for him- self and his heirs all claims _to_the French crown. Before another month had elapsed the king, who liad been forced to disinherit his own faniily in favour of his old enemies, closed his unfortunate life. Everything uovv depended on Louis XIV.'s decision, whether he would stand fast by the treaty of partition, or whether he would accept the dazzling prospect offered by Charles' will and risk a European war. It is still a debated question whether the indecision manifested by the French court at this juncture was real or feigned. Some writers have maintained that Louis had all along been intriguing for the undivided succession, and that the treaties of partition, especially the second, were only intended as a blind to conceal his real designs. Whatever be the truth on this point, it is certain that the true interests of France would have been best served by the peaceful acceptance of the advantages secured by the partition. But this would have alienated Spain, and moreover Louis had learnt to disregard all national interests in comparison with those of his own dynasty. The will was finally accepted, and the diike of Apjou was formally proclaimed as Philip V. of Sjiain. § 23. Europe was astounded at the news of this unexpected event, but it was not prepared for organised opposition. It seemed at first as if Louis would carry through his great project unhindered. Maximilian cf Bavaria, who had been appointed governor of the Netherlands l)y Charles II., was gained over entirely to the side of France. Philip V. was proclaimed in Brussels, and the barrier fortresses which, in accordance with the treaty of Ryswick, were garrisoned by Dutch troops, were now handed over to French 248 MODERN EUROPE. Chap. xiii. garrisons. Moreover the Bavarian elector and his brother, the archbishop of Cologne, promised their support to France in the event of war against Austria. On the side of Italy, Louis was equally fortunate. The dukes of Savoy and Mantua were won over, and Philip v/as proclaimed without opposition both in Milan and Naples. The emperor was the most determined opponent whom the French had to fear. The establishment of French power in Milan was a constant and pressing source of danger to Austria. Moreover, the claims of the archduke Charles were not to be relinquished without a struggle. Fortunately the Turkish war had been ended by the peace of Carlowitz in 1698. In Germany, Leopold could rely upon the newly created elector of Hanover, and on Frederick of Brandenburg, whom he bribed with a promise to transform his electorate into a kingdom. But even with these allies the Austrian power was not suflicient to do more than hold its own in Germany and to attack Milan. There could be no chance of obtaining the Spanish crown without the support of the maritime powers. England and Holland had both acknowledged Philip V. as king of Spain. AVilliam III. protested bitterly against Louis' breach of faith, but he couid do nothing against the obstinate desire for peace which was shown by his subjects. In England he had become very unpopular. The Tory majority in Parliament Avas not only opposed to the war, but made a direct attack on the king's whole system of government. William went so far as to meditate abdication and a return to Holland. From these difficulties he was freed by the action of Louis himself. Shortly after Philip's departure for Spain, his right to an eventual succession in France was formally recog- nized. This was a distinct threat to Europe, which was determined to prevent the union of the two crowns. The exclusion of the Dutch garrisons, which destroyed all barrier against French aggression, opened the eyes of the states to the impending danger. It was evident that Louis treated his son's dominions as his own. Finally, the measures taken to extend French and Spanish commerce at the expense of England and Holland, touched the most vital interests of both countries. AyiUiam III. was at last enabled to arrange the Grand Alliance at the Hague (Sept. 7, 1701), between the emperor anct~hfe'd calling on them for assistance. His subjects, touched by this unparalleled condescension of their aged ruler, responded with enthusiasm. Another army was raised and entrusted to Villars, the only general who had met with no great disaster. He was unable to prevent Marlborough from taking Toumay, but blocked his way to Mons. AtMalplaquet the is' 258 MODERN EUROPE. Chap. xm. most stubbornly contested battle of the war was fought (Sept. 11, 1709). Villavs was wounded and the army retreated under Boufflers. Though the allies were nominally victorious, and Mons surrendered to them, they suffered enormous losses, far more than their opponents. The courage of the French was immensely raised when they learned that the invincible Marlborough might be faced without the certainty of defeat, § 30. Louis was able to resume negotiations in 1710 on somewhat better terms. A congress met at Gertruydenburg, and the French offered great concessions. The acknowledgment of Charles III., the withdrawal of all assistance from Philip V., the cession of the barrier fortresses to the Dutch, and the restoration of all territory acquired since the time of Richelieu, seemed sufficient to satisfy the most exacting of enemies. But the triumvirate were inexorable. They maintained that there could be no valid security for Philip's abdication, unless the French supported the allies iu compelling it. On this point Louis could not in honour give way, and the negotiations came to an end. All the time the war continued, to the constant disadvantage of the French. Douai, Aire, Bethune, and a number of other towns were taken. Villars, with an inferior force, could do nothing but save Arras from attack. Louis' acqui- sitions in the north, which he had hoped to form into an unassail- able frontier, had been conquered one after another. The allies had now advanced to the old borders of France, and, if they could only hold together, seemed likely to invade and to conquer the kingdom. But this was not to be. It was soon made evident that the allies, in pressing too hardly upon Louis, had injured their o\vn cause. Public ojiinion, an important though incalculable force, sympathised with the king who so resolutely refused to turn against his grandson. At the very moment when affairs seemed most hopeless, Avhen Louis himself had determined to induce Philip to make a voluntary abdication, more favourable prospects showed themselves. It was from Spnin that the first good news came to France. There the war had been by no means terminated by the triumjih of Philip V. in 1707. The archduke Charles still held out in Catalonia, and in 1710, strengthened by reinforcements from England under Stanhope, and from Austria under Stahremberg, was able once more to take the offensive. The Franco-Spanish forces were defeated at Saragossa, and, by Stanhope's advice, Charles once more occupied Madrid. But the geographical position of the Spanish capital makes it one of the least important towns of Spain from a military point of view. No advantage was gained by its occupation, and the people remained resolute in their attachment to the Bourbon king. The presence of the Protestant English roused A.D. 1709-1711. FALL OF THE WHIGS. 259 all the religious antipathies of the orthodox Castilians. Charles soon found it advisable to evacuate Madrid. And now Vendome appeared in Spain to recover the reputation he had lost at Oudenarde. Attacking; Stanhope at Brihuega, he took prisoners the whole English detachment. Following up his success, he completely defeated Stahremberg at Villa Viciosa. This victory secured to Pbilip V. the Spanish crown. Aragon and Valencia were reduced, and the archduke was once more confined to Catalonia. Still more favourable to the French was the ministerial revolution that took place at this time in England. Anne was by nature inclined to the Tory party, to which power had been entrusted at the commencement of her reign. But the opposition of the Tories to the continental war forced Marlborough, whose influence was supreme with the queen, to rely more and more upon the Whigs, and at last a purely Whig ministry was formed under Godolphin, But English public opinion was • gradually turning against the costly and apparently endless war. The losses at Malplaquet made a profound impression. The ducliess of Marlborough, so long domi- nant at the court, was supplanted in tlie queen's favour by Mrs. Masham. The impeachment of SachCTgjelfor a sermon against the Whig theories alarmed Anne for the safety of the established church. The Whigs were turned out of office to make room for the Tories under Harley and St. John. The new ministers at once set themselves to reverse the policy of their predecessors, and opened secret negotiations with France. At this juncture a decisive event occurred. The emperor, Joseph L, died in April 1711, without children. The heir to his territories was the archduke Charles, the claimant of the Spanish crown, who became emperor as Charles VL To allow him to obtain the Spanish succession would be to revive the empire of Charles V., and would be even more dangerous to the balance of Europe than the recognition of Philip V. Thus the attitude of the allies was in a moment completely changed. The object for which they had been making such immense exertions was now a result to be averted at any cost. § 31. These events seemed to make peace inevitable, but till the terms could be arranged, the war continued. Marlborough still held his command in the Netherlands, and was preparing for the projected invasion of France. He broke through the lines which Villars had fortified, and invested Bouchain, which surrendered. But this was his last success. His enemies in England at last had the courage to recall him, and he was deprived of all his offices. The duke of Ormond, who succeeded to his command, received orders to act strictly on the defensive. The preliminaries of peace had already 260 MODERN EUROPE. Chap. xin. been arranged between Torcy and St. John, now viscount Bolingbroke. In January, 1712, the diplomatists met in congress at Utrecht. The emperor was still eager to prolong the war, and sent Eugene to London. But the great commander met with nothing but insults, and was convinced that he must carry on the war alone. England and France agreed to a truce in May, and Louis ceded Dunkirk as a pledge for the honesty of ?iis designs. In spite of this defection, Eugene had still a large army, with which he laid siege to Landrecies, as a preliminary to an invasion of France. But the danger was averted by a brilliant move on the part of Villars. He determined to break the enemy's line of communica- tions by an attack on Denain, which was held by the Dutch. The design was as happily conducted as it was conceived. Eugene hurried up, just in time to witness the defeat of his allies. The siege of Landrecies was raised, and Villars, after reducing Douai, Quesnay, and Bouchain, returned in triumph to Paris. France was secure and a powerful impulse was given to the negotiations at Utrecht. The great object of England, which took the lead in the negotia- tions, was to prevent the union of the crowns of France and Spain on the same head. Accordingly two alternatives were ofiered to Philip V. : either the Italian provinces of Spain with the prospect of the succession in France, or Spain and the Indian empir e with a renunciation of all claims to the French _cixtffn. He at once decided in favour of the country which had shown such devoted attach- ment to him. In a sitting of the Cortes he formally renounced all rights to the French succession. At the same time the two nearest princes of royal blood in France, the dukes of Berry and Orleans, made a similar renunciation of all claims upon Spain. Thus all obstacles in the way of peace were removed. The Dutch, who were at first inclined to stand out, and were bitter against the defection of England, gave way after the battle of Denain. On the 11th of May, 1713, the series of treaties known as the peace of Utrecht, were signed by all the belligerent powers, except the emperor, Philip V. was recognised as king of Spain and the Indies, on con- dition of the above-mentioned renunciation. England reaped the greatest advantages from the war of which she had borne the chief burden. The Protestant succession was secured, and the Stuarts ex- cluded from France. The cession of Gibraltar and Minorca established English predominance in the Mediterranean. Dunkirk was to be dis- mantled. Newfoundland, Acadia (Nova Scotia), and Hudson's Bay were ceded by France, and a favourable commercial treaty was con- cluded. Spain also made great commercial concessions to England. The Dutch olitained the ciwetcd barrier fortresses of the Spanish A.D. 1712-1714. TREATY OF UTRECHT. 261 Netherlands, the rest of which were to go to Austria. The duke of Savoy received Sicily with the title of king. Prussia was recog- nised as a kingdom, and obtained Upper Gelderland. ' It is a lasting disgrace to the allies that no stipulations were made in favour of the Catalans, Avho had rendered loyal service during the war, and were now left to the tender mercies of the Spanish monarchy. § 32. The emperor refused to accept the treaty of Utrecht, and continued the war against France. liOuis XIV., with the help of Desmarets, raised the necessary funds for a last campaign. Villars took the command of the anny, and it was soon evident that Austria, unsupported by the allies, was no match for France. A Iter reducing Landau, Villars crossed the Rhine, and in spite of the efforts of Eugene, besieged and reduced Freiburg. These successes forced the emperor'to come to terms. The two generals imdertook the negotiations, and the treaty of Bastadt wap concluded with Charles VI. (March, 1714). Soon afterwards a sujipleraentary treaty was arranged at Baden with the whole empire. The emperor received as his share of the Spanish inheritance, K^a ple s. Milan, Mnntiia and Sardinia. About the Netherlands he was to make liis own terms with Holland. He agreed to restore the electors of Bavaria and Cologne to their territories and rights. France kept Landau, Strasburg and Alsace, but ceded Freiburg, Breisach, Kehl and all other places which the French occupied on the right bank of the Rhine. Thus the general pacification of Europe was at last complettd. V. Last Years of Louis XIV. § 33. While France was occupied with the great war, the internal agitation on religious questions continued to attract attention. The Huguenots were finally crushed by the reduction of the Cevennes, but the Jansenists still existed, and with increased influence. As Louis XIV. grew older, he fell more and more under the influence of the Jesuits, who sought to identify the Catholic cause with that of the monarchy. His confessor was no longer the mild and politic La Chaise, but Le Tellier, a peasant's son, harsh and cruel, and living only in the narrow interests of his order. The result was that every element of opposition to the government was naturally inclined to Jansenism. The disasters of the war and the reckless financial administration raised the sect to the greatest importance. Noaill es, the successor of Harlay in the archbishopric of Paris, was himself a moderate Janseuist, and took imder his patronage a book by Quesne l, which the Jesuits accused of con- taining heretical doctrines. Louis, who had always aimed at the absolute unity of France both in religion and politics, coidd 262 MODERN EUROPE. Chap. xin. not tolerate the existence of a sect which divided the nation into two hostile cami^s. Moreover, he saw among the Jansenists all those tendencies represented which he had tried to crush; the constitutional longings of the old Fronde, the independence of the nobles, the provincial liberties, and the exclusion of state control in church matters. It was easy for Le Tellier to induce him to take vigorous measures. The first step was directed against Port Royal, the original home of Jansenism. The monastery was now occupied only by aged nuns, as the admission of novices had been long prohibited. They were called upon to sign a declaration acknow- ledging the heresies of their first teacher, but they preferred martyrdom to submission. Accordingly the aged ladies were forcibly dispersed and some of them imprisoned, and the monastery of Port Royal was rased to the ground. Xot content with this, the Jesuits induced pope Clement XI. to issue the bull Unigenitus, in which he explicitly condemned Quesnel's book which the archbishop of Paris had formally approved. This exercise of papal authority produced the greatest ferment. Noailles and eight other bishops refused to accept it and were supported by the Parliament of Paris and a crowd of followers. The king was induced to support the bull and to regard the opposition as a revolt against the royal authority. A persecution followed, less important and less open than that of the Protestants, but quite as discreditable. The number of sufferers is reckoned at thirty thousand of the most cultured and orderly classes. They were allowed no trial, but were arbitrarily imprisoned by ]£me&.,.d&.Mi&bd. NoaiUes' was allowed to escape through the favour of Madame de Maintenon, whose niece was married to the archbishop's nephew. This secret and cowardly persecution casts a gloom over the closing years of Louis' reign. § 34. The general depression which overspread the court at this time and which contrasts so strongly with the gaiety and festivities of Louis' youth, was caused in the first place by the military disasters and the universal misery of the people, but was deepened by losses in the royal family. In a country like France, where centralisation had been carried to extremes, and everything centred round the monarch, such losses had a far more general and definite importance than in constitutionally governed countries. And Louis had always laid great stress on the position and alliances of the members of his family. He wished to form them into a separate caste between the crown and the great nobles, and thus to lower the latter in the social scale. It was an inestimable advantage to him that his only brother showed none of those tendencies towards independent action, which had been so common with previous princes of the A.U. 1714. LOUIS XIV.'S FAMILY. 263 blood Philip, who became duke of Orleans on the death of his uncle' Gaston, was always completely submissive to his elder brother. He supported his domestic policy, he rendered substantial military service as long as he was allowed to lead armies, and when fraternal iealousy withheld this occupation he retired coiitentedly Tc oud, wh'ere he imitated the superior grandeur of YersaiUes. He was married twice, first to Henrietta of England, tl^e favourite of king and court, and the negotiator of the treaty of Dove , and afterwards to Charlotte Elizabeth of the Palatinate whose obs mate adh'ence to the customs and principles of her atherland made her a conspicuous but isolated figure at the royal court. One son Philip, was born of his marriage, and on his father s death in liOl he bekme duke of Orleans. He was a man of considerable and versatile talents, but he disgraced them by a libertinism which was without parallel even in those days. The king, who became more decorous than ever in his later years, regarded his nephew with the o-ravest suspicion and mistrust. Louis himself had only one son, the dauphm, with w-hose educa- tion the greatest pains were taken. The Delphm edition of the classics was dra^vn up for his special use, and it was for him that Bossuet wrote his m^iversal history. But all these pains were thrown away. He grew up without any mtellectual tastes, and plays a very subordinate part in the history of the reign His father's wishes were law to him, and he unhesitatingly adopted Louis' religious and dynastic policy. He was married to a Bavarian princess. Iho lived unhappily with him but brought him three sons, the dukes of Burgvmdy, Anjou, and Berry. The second of hes became king of Spain as Philip V. Besides these legi mi. e descendants, Louis had a number of natural children, who also absorbed a great share of his attention. These, too, he was prepared to lit above the heads of the great nobles. The most important of them were his two sons by Madame de Montespan who were created duke of Maine and count of Toulouse. They had been early s parated from their mother and entrusted to the care of Madame deTaintenon, who seems to have felt for them an affection wh.h they reciprocated. The duke of Mame received ^igh mditary command'and the important §— -f^P/^ ^^"^ ",t ,atlral count of Toulouse was madeadmiral of the fleet. Fo^b natural daughters, too, Louis secured lofty alUances, and employed them to W the noble's closer to his person. One was married to the pnn of Conti ; another to a grandson of the great Conde ; and a thud to the young Philip of Orleans, much to the disgust of that prince s mother, who had German notions on the subject of rank and birth. 264 MODERN EUROPE. Chap. xm. In 1711 the dauphin, who had so long been regarded as the successor to the throne, and was expected to continue his father's policy, died suddenly and unexpectedly of small-pox. His death attracted universal attention to his eldest son, the duke of Burgundy, who now became dauphin. His education at the hands of Fenelon had been far more successful than that of his father. He had become learned and devout, and what was more important, had conceived a real desire to appreciate and to remedy the grievances of the people. He had little sympathy for the policy and character of his grandfather, and held himself as much as possible aloof from the court. His accession to the throne would probably have altered many of his views, but must have proved a great era in the history of France. His wife, a daughter of the duke of Savoy, was in every respect the antithesis of her husband, but in spite of this she was devoteiily attached to him, and would have supplied many of the deficiences of his character. Light-hearted and anxious to please, she delighted in the court festivities, and the charm of her out-spoken gaiety completely won over the king and even Madame de Maintenon. The grief of the court was intense when the dauphine was seized with fever in February, 1712, and died after a few days' illness. Hut the grief became consternation when the dauphin, scarcely a week afterwards, fell a victim to the same disease. The hopes and expectations of every disinterested patriot had been based on his accession, and they were suddenly dashed to the groimd. Two sons had been born to the dau^jhin, but the elder followed his parents to the grave, and the younger, an infant two years old, was only saved by the most carefiil nursing. These deaths follov/ing so closely after each other, were a terrible blow to the old king. The family on which he had based such hopes seemed suddenly annihilated. The one great-grandchild was a sickly infant whom no one expected to survive. The second grandson was the king of Spain, who was excluded from all prospect of succession. There remained of the king's direct descendants only the duke of Berry, who i»ssessed neither virtue nor ability, but who seemed destined to rule France either as regent or as king. But in 1714 this prince also died in the same sudden manner and Avith the same symptoms as his relatives. § 35. This fourth death suddenly gave the position of first prince of the blood to the king's nephew, Philip of Orleans, and in the natural course of things he would become regent on Louis' death. But popular rumour persistently accused him of having poisoned all who stood between him and this position. There were suspicious circumstances attending the deaths- of the princes, and Orleans' character was such that no crime was considered impossible. A.D. 1711-1715. DEATH OF LOU|S XIV. 265 Louis XIV. probably did not share the prevalent suspicion, but he had always disliked his nephew, and could not endure the idea of leaving the government in his hands. To avoid this he determined to strain his royal authority to the utmost. In July, 1714, he issued an edict by which he conferred on his two natural sons, Maine and Toulouse, the rank of princes of the blood royal, and declared them heirs to the throne in case of the failure of the legitimate line. This attempt to treat the crown as a private property, and the violation of the laws of morality and religion, provoked the greatest discontent, especially among the nobles, who felt themselves most directly injured and insulted. Regardless of this prevalent senti- ment, the king made a last will, nominating the duke of Maine guardian of the infant heir to the throne, and appointing a council of Regency, of which the duke of Orleans was to be only president. Thus he hoped to secure the continuance of his policy. Orleans would be excluded from personal influence over the young king, and was to be powerless in the council against the duke of Maine and the Jesuits. This attempt to prolong his arbitrary will, even after his death, was the last important act of the "grand monanjue." He had the mortification of seeing the House of Hanover established in England by George I.'s accession, to the perpetual exclusion of his° proteges the Stuarts. 2. 1 ^^ P ^^ '' i "''^^'^ ' ^-^ '"''' XIV.'s long and eventful reign came to 'an end, and his infant great- grandson became king, as Louis XV. Madame de Maintenon, who had long wearied of her husband and the gdded slavery in which she lived with him, retired at once to St. Cyr, where she had established a school for the daughters of noble families. There she spent the rest of her life in absolute retirement, and died in 1719. Louis XIV. succeeded to a strong centralised monarchy, which had been established by Richelieu, and saved by Mazarin. In his domestic govei-nment he followed the lines which they had laid down, with the important diiference that the king himself took the place formerly held by the minister. All institutions which claimed to check or control the government were weakened or destroyed. The States-General fell into oblivion, and the Parliament was reduced to submission. The religious unity, which to other rulers had appeared desirable but dangerous, was effected by the repression of Huguenots and Jansenists, though at the expense of much that was best and most wholesome in the life of France. The nobles were excluded from the political influence which had once seemed to be their inalienable right. At the same time their allegiance to the crowTi was secured by exemptions and social privileges, which raised them above the other classes, but, by arousing jealousy and hatred, proved the ultimate cause of their downfall. Members of 13* i 266 MODERN EUROPE. Chap. xiii. the middle class were raised to official power, and even to rank.-Aii Lt the class from which they sprang reaped no benefit from their elevation. The reckless expenditure in royal magnificence and aggressive wars destroyed the commercial prosperity which the monarchy had once attempted to foster. The work of Colbert perished almost before it was accomi^lished. The misery which the king caused and disregarded, gave an origin and a justification to theories of opposition, which were destined to ripen into revolution. In his foreign policy Louis was marvellously successful as long as he was content to follow the footsteps of Richelieu and Mazarin. France, by successive acquisitions, acquired a frontier which was almost impregnable, and which was never wholly overstepped, even in the subsequent period of military failure. But Louis' successes made him regardless of the necessary limits of his power. Forget- ting the means by which France had risen to such greatness, he first alienated his Protestant allies, and then, imder these altered conditions, recommenced his old quarrel with his Catholic neighbours. In the struggle that ensued, France displayed an abundance and readiness of resource that dismayed and astounded Europe. But these extraordinary exertions were too exhausting to last, and the result was a defeat which narrowly escaped becoming a conquest. It would have been well for Louis' reputation if he could have died before the revocation of the edict of Nantes, or at latest just after the treaty of Ryswick. By the disastrous policy of the succession war, a war due only to his dynastic ambition, he forfeited all claims to the gratitude of France, while he earned the reprobation of Euro CHAPTER XIV. PETER THE GREAT AND CHARLES XII. § 1. Decline of Sweden and rise of Russia. § 2. Peter the Great; char- acter and policy ; his travels ; domestic reforms. § 3. Hostility to Sweden ; triple alliance between Russia, Poland, and Denmark. § 4. Charles XII. of Sweden ; attack on Denmark ; treaty of Travendahl. § 5. Defeat of the Russians at Narwa ; conquest of Livonia and Courland ; Charles decides to attack Poland. § 6. Condition of Poland ; Swedish success in 1702-3 ; Augustus renews the alliance with Russia; election of Stanislaus Leczinski ; reduction of Lithuania. § 7. Charles XII. in Saxony ; Augustus compelled to resign the Polish ** crown ; camp at Altranstadt. § 8. Charles XII. marches towards Moscow ; his defeat at Pultawa. § 9. Revival of the trii)le alliance against Sweden. § 10. Charles XII. at Bender; alliance with the Porte ; critical position of the Czar ; treaty of the Pruth ; Charles quits Turkey. §11. Kvents in the North during Charles' absence ; ministry of Gorz. § 12. Sweden allied with Russia and with Spain; chimerical schemes ; death of Charles XII. § 13. Accession of Ulrica Eleanor ; establishment of an oligarchy in Sweden ; execution of Gorz; treaties of peace. § 14. Guverument of Peter the Great; family policy ; death of the Czar. § 15. Reigns of Catharine I. and Peter II. ; accession of Anne of Courland. § 1. In the 17th century Sweden, thanks to a succession of able sovereigns, and to the military ardour of its inhabitants, had attained to a position in Europe wholly disjiroportionate to its resources. This position could in the nature of things be only tem- porary, and the decline of Sweden would have been as unimportant as it was inevitable, but that it was accompanied by the rise of another power of vastly superior strength and extent, which for good or evil has exercised the greatest influence on European history. Russia had emerged from the Tartar yoke, and under Iwan the Terrible had obtained immense extensions of territory in the east and south. But as yet it was hardly a European power. Its religion was Greek ; its civilisation, so far as it had any, was Asiatic. Its only port, ^^luliaagfil, was closed for more than half the year by ice, and was at all times difficult of access. To enable Russia to enter into the European state-system, and to obtain even 268 MODERN EUROPE. Chap. xiv. a superficial amount of western civilisation, further increase of territory was necessary, and a connection must be established with the Black Sea and the Baltic. The dispersion of the territories of the Order of the Sword had offered an opportunity for acquisitions on the Baltic, but the attemi^t hnd i'ailed. Sweden and Poland had shared the coveted lands, and Russia remained excluded from free contact with the west. To reverse this condition of things was the grand design of Peter I., and its accomplishment rightly earned for him the title of " the Great." § 2. Peter had been recognised as Czar in 1682, o n the death of Feodor, his half-brother Iwan being passed over as incai^able, and his half-sister Sophia as a woman. But Sophia was too ambitious to remain content with the life of seclusion to which Asiatic ideas con- demned her. With the help of the Streltsi, the guards Avho had been instituted by Iwan the Terrible, she organized a revolution, which ended in the acknowledgment of Iwan and Peter as joint Czars, and of herself as real ruler of the empire. This arrangement lasted only till 1689, when Peter, conscious of his ability to rule, drove his sister into a cloister, and assumed the sufsreme control of the government. It is difficult for the modern student to realise the character of this extraordinary man. Personally he was a savage, cruel, lustful, regardless of human life, stained with the grossest crimes, yet at the same time, undoubtedly the ablest and the most successful ruler of his time. It is as if a criminal of the lower classes were called upon to govern, and were found to be endowed with the highest qualities of constructive statesmanship. From the first Peter realized clearly the objects before him, and never for a moment relaxed in his pm-suit of them. Russia must extend her frontiers to the south and west. Eurojiean usages must supplant the old-established customs which had come from Asia. Above all, the military system must be reorganised so as to enable Russia to compete successfully with the western powers. Every- tliing in church and state must be removed which could restrict the absolute autliority of the Czar. There were great obstacles in the way. The Russians were madly jealous of foreigners, and were devotedly attached to the usages aud institutions of their ancestors. But these obstacles were trampled under foot by the reckless energy of the Czar. It is quite possible to doubt the wisdom of Peter's reforms, to say that a superficial civilisation was forced upon a people unprepared and unfitted to receive or apjireciate it. But there can be no question of the enormous influence which was exercised by the genius of a single man. Russia has had to follow, more or less unwillingly, in the lines laitj down for her by Peter the Great. A.D. 1682-1721. PETER THE GREAT. 269 Peter's first act, after lie began to reign, was his intervention in the Turkish war, by which he obtained possession of Azof, and thus opened a connexion with the Black Sea. In 1697 he started on the first of his famous journeys. Passing through Prussia and Hanover, he spent most of his time in Holland and England. There he studied, not as a visitor, but as a workman, the arts and employ- ments of an industrial community. More than 700 skilled artisans were induced by him to emigrate to Kussia. On his return journey he visited Vienna, and was preparing to go to Venice, when he was recalled by the news of disturbances at home. His absence had been taken advantage of by the opponents of reform to attempt a revolu- tion. It was proposed to expel all foreigners, to replace Peter by his infant son Alexis, and to give the regency to Sophia during the latter's minority. The priests were at the bottom of the scheme, and the Streltsi were to be employed to carry it out. But these forces were no match for the small body of regular troops which Peter had already formed imder a Scotcliman, Gordon. The move- ment was practically suppressed before Peter arrived to take vengeance. The ringleaders were barbarously punished, and Peter himself is said to have wielded the executioner's axe. Sophia was confined in a narrow cell, at the window of which three of the rebels were hanged, with a petition to her in their hands. The suppression of the revolt gave Peter the opportunity to introduce some of his reforms. The Streltsi were disbanded and their place taken by an army formed on the European model, and consisting of eighteen regiments of infantry (2000 men in each) and two regiments of dragoons. Kussian customs, and especially the practice of wearing a beard, were interdicted at court and among the nobles. Women were released from the oriental seclusion in which they had hitherto been kept, and the Czar invited both sexes to his entertainments. Nobles were compelled to educate them- selves and to travel, under penalty of forfeiting their rank. Nobility was made to depend upon service rather than upon birth. Peter actually sent his own wife into "a cloister on account of her conservative prejudices. Perhaps his most important reform was that of the church. Hitherto the Patriarch had occupied a position hardly inferior to that of the temporal sovereign. In^l^jSQlihe oflice became vacant, and Peter, instead of appointing a new Patriarch, had the duties performed by an administrator. This was ordy the prelude to further change. In 1721 Jie erected the " H oj^y ^yi ^ p d " which was to rule the church in complete subordinSfTon to the court. The Czar now became as supreme in ecclesiastical as in temporal affairs. § 3. Peter the Great was now able to turn his attention to what 270 MODERN EUROPE. Chap. xiv. lias proved the most permanently important of his successes, the acquisition of an opening to the Baltic. Tliat sea was practically a Swedish lake. Finland, Carelia, Ingria, Esthonia, Livonia and the greater part of Pomerania, all belonged to Sweden. Russia could only gain its desired object by the dismemberment of this Scandi- navian empire. And there were other powers interested in bringing this about. Poland, Brandenburg, and Denmark had all suffered considerable losses to aggrandize Sweden, and were ready to seize any 02:)portunity that offered of recovering their former territory. The arbitrary government of Charles XI. (1660-1697) had alienated the subject populations of his monarchy. Their resentment found a vigorous representative in John Reinhold Pajkul, a Livonian noble, who had represented the grievances of liis country to Charles XL in 1690, and had been condemned to death for his patriotic freedom of speech. Escaping from prison he became the soul of the general hostility to Sweden, and was determined, with foreign assistance, to free Livonia from the hated oppressor. He first applied to Branden- burg, where a little earlier he might have found a ready hearer in the Grreat Elector, but he failed to make any impression on his sluggish son. Ultimately he turned to Augustus, elector of Saxony and since 1697 king of Poland. Poland had a hereditary quarrel to fight out with Sweden, and the loss of Livonia and Esthonia was too recent to be forgotten. But Augustus was not influenced so much by Polish interests, as by a desire to make his power in his kingdom as absolute as it was in his electorate. The Poles were determined to restrict in every way the authority of the king whom they had chosen, and were resolutely hostile to the employment of Saxon troops within their borders. This opposition could only be over- come by the outbreak of war, and hence arose the willingness of Augustus and his minister Flemming to embark in a contest with Sweden. In November, 1699, Patkul was able to negotiate a treaty between Augustus and Peter, by which the latter was to obtain Ing^ria and Carelia, while Poland occupied Livonia and Es_thpnia. " A third member of the alliance against Sweden was found in Fr e d erick IV. of Denmark. 1'he house of OMenburg on their accession inT!5^D ha3 united to the Danish crown the duchies of Schleswig and Holstein. But Christian III. (1534-1558) out of affection for his brother Odolf had arranged a curiously intricate joint rule over these duchies. This arrangement proved the source of endless quarrels between the Danish kings and their relatives of the line of Holstein-Gottorp, the descendants of Odolf. The former were always endeavouring to annex the duchies to th-eir monarchy, while the dukes wished to make themselves independent. A.v. 1697-1700. CHARLES XII. OF SWEDEN. 271 Every time that a king of Denmark had almost succeeded in attaining his object, he was foiled by the intervention of the neigh- bouring powers. Finally, in 1689, the independence of Holstein had been guaranteed by England, Holland and Sweden, in the treaty of Altona. This arrangement Frederick IV. was determined to overthrow. But the duke of Holstein, another Frederick IV., had married the sister of Charles XII., who was devotedly attached to his brother-in-law. The Danish king could only effect his object in defiance of Sweden. Therefore he readily undertook to invade Schleswig and Holstein, while the Poles and Prussians overran the Swedish provinces in the east of the Baltic. It is interesting to compare this triple league of the north with the Grand Alliance which was arranged at the Hague almost at the same time. In the latter there was at least one common motive, hostility to France. But the northern powers were in pursuit ot entirely personal and selfish objects, and sought only to use each other for their own ends. Augustus committed himself to the war without obtaining or even seeking the approval of the Poles. The king of Denma^'k cared nothing about the eastern Baltic if only he could acquire the coveted duchies. Peter the Great would not move a finger to put Poland in possession of Esthonia and Livonia, and thought only of making himself master of the mouth of the Neva. § 4. '1 he allies based their hopes of success, not so much on their united co-operation, as on the supposed weakness of Sweden. In IGOJ^Charles XII., then fifteen years of age, had succeeded his father Charles XL As there were three years to elapse before he attained his majority, the regency was entrusted to his mother. But Charles, with the help of Count Piper, who became henceforth his chief adviser, got tliis arrangement'aTtered, and took the reins ot government into his own hands. Hitherto he had been occupied only with hunting and similar amusements ; and his youth and inexperience flattered his opponents with the prospect of an easy victory. But Charles was a bom soldier, conspicuous even among a race of military rulers. In 1700, the news reached him that the Danes had entered Schleswig,' that Augustus II. had laid siege to jRiga. and that the Pussians had advanced to Nanv.a. From that moment the young king gave up every other occupation and devoted himself heart and soul to the trade of war. On the 8th ot May he quitted Stockholm, which he never saw again. While Frederick IV. was in Holstein, the Swedish fleet sailed directly to the coast of Zealand. It was a great advantage to Charles that the maritime states, anxious to prevent the outbreak of war in the north, had sent a fleet into the Baltic to compel the observance ot 272 MODERN EUROPE. Chap. xiv. the treaty of Altona. The Danes were unable to oppose the landing of the Swedes, and Copenhagen was defenceless. Denmark must have fallen into the hands of the invaders but for the media- tion of England and Holland. Frederick IV. was fortunate to escape with nothing worse than the j^eace of Travendahl (August 20, 1700), by which he restored the independence of the duke of Holstein-Gottorj), and withdrew from all hostile alliances against Sweden. § 5. The other allifs were not more fortimate. Eiga was ably defended by Dalberg, and Augustus had to withdraw his troops with- out having effected anything. Charles XII. was now able to meet the most formidable of his opponents, Russia. Wilh little more than 80C0 men he attacked an army of 63,500 before Narwa. Peter withdrew before the conflict, either through the cowardice of inexj^erience or, as he asserted, to seek reinforcements. The Russian troops were ill-trained and suspicious of the foreign oflBcers who commanded them. The engagement was rather a panic than a battle. The Swedes took more prisoners than their own nmubers, and regard for their own safety compelled them to dismiss all the common soldiers. The victory was a great and decisive one, but its results were more fatal to Sweden than to Russia. Charles XII. was intoxicated with success, deemed himself invincible, and des- pised his enemy as cowardly and incapable. Peter, on the other hand, had gained experience and had lost only an army, no great matter to the despot of Russia. Report attributes to him the prophetic saying that /the Swedes will often beat us, but in the end they will teach us to beat them.'/ Charles XII. followed up his success at Narwa by entering Livonia. Routing the Saxon trooj^s on the Diina, he reduced the whole province and also the duchy of Courland to obedience. In July, 1701, the Swedish king had defeated all his enemies and might have concluded the war. But he had not yet had his fill of glory and was determined to win fresh laurels. The question now arose as to which of the two hostile powers, Russia or Poland, he should attack. All his wisest and most experienced advisers urged that Augustus was really powerless, that the power and even the existence of Sweden were involved in the dejiression of Russia. The destinies of Europe depended on Charles' decision. He allowed himself to be guided by revenge rather than by policy, and determined to make his first object the deposition of Augustus from the Polish throne. Early in 1702, he invaded Poland and occupied Wai-saw. § 6. Affairs in Poland were in a condition which would have been impossible in any other state. The king was at war, but the A.D. 1700-1704. CHAKLES XII. IN POLAND 273 republic was not. Augustus bad disregarded tbe constitutional obligation of consulting tbe diet, and tbis was in itself enougli to disgust tbe nobles witb tbe enterprise. They also feared tbe king's design to make bimself absolute witb tbe help of Saxon troops. Tbe diet, therefore, refused all assistance ; the treaty with Eussia remained unconfirmed ; Augustus was called upon to withdraw bis own army and was not allowed to levy that of Poland. It was one of the great defects of tbe elective monarchy, that the king, chosen by a faction, remained always the head of a ftiction. The powerful Lithuanian family of Sapieba bad already assumed an attitude of open hostility to the king in opposition to the Oginsky, who supported him. And many of Augustus' own partisans bad been alienated by his rule or were absorbed in the pursuit of selfish objects. Prominent among them was tbe Cardinal-Primate, Radziejowski, the arch-intriguer of this period, who wished to give the crown to a creature of his own, so as to make bimself tbe real ruler of Poland. Tbe opposition to Augustus did not at first take the form of an alliance with Charles XII. The early embassies of the diet called upon him to quit tbe territory of a state which had given him no cause of quarrel. But the continued successes of tbe Swedish king speedily induced tbe malcontents to rally to his standard. In June, 1702, be routed tbe Saxon forces at Clissow, and followed this up by tbe reduction of Krakau. His presence alone seemed to ensure success. In tbe next year he took I^ublin and Pultusk, and the West- Prussian to\vns of Thorn, Elbing and Danzig. He made no secret of his stern determination to compel the deposition of Augustus, cost him what time and toil it might. It was in vain that Augustus applied for assistance to tbe powers of central Europe : no one was willing to take a step which might throw tbe Swedish conqueror on to tbe side of Louis XIV. Nothing remained but to renew the alliance with Russia, which had hitherto been of little assistance. Tbis was negotiated by Patkul, who bad now entered the service of Peter tbe Great, as a more useful instru- ment to avenge his own wrongs and those of Livonia. Tbe Saxon army was reinforced by Russian troops and by tbe Polish partisans of Augustus. But it was too late to arrest tbe progress of events. In February, 1704, an assembly at Warsaw, under tbe presidency of the Cardinal-Primate, declared that Augustus had forfeited tbe crown, which was therefore vacant. The choice of a successor would have fallen upon James Sobieski, the son of tbe defender of Vieima, but for a dexterous move on tbe part of Augustus. A small body of Saxons captured James Sobi ggki and one of his brothers, and carried them prisoners ToLeipzig. Charles XII. was urged to assume 274 MODERN EUROPE. Chap. xiv. tlie crown himself, but he insisted on the election of Stanislaus Lecz inski. woivo^e^^of^^Posen. The choice was not a fortunate one. LeczinsK was personally able and disinterested, but he had no considerable following, and his elevation disgusted those who _j deemed themselves his equals. Eadziejowski, who saw himself fl baulked of the results of his ambition, was especially alienated. But there was no opposing the resolute will of Charles. On the 12th of July, 1704, amidst ill-concealed discontent, Leczinski was formally elected king of Poland. It was obvious from the first that he could only wear his crowTi as long as he was supported by a Swedish army. The election of a rival under foreign dictation gave a momentary impulse to the cause of Augustus. While Charles was employed in reducing Lemberg, Augustus made a sudden attack upon Warsaw, captured the Swedish garrison, and Stanislaus had to escape in haste to the camp of his protector. Charles hastened back to repair the loss, recovered Warsaw without difficulty, and defeated the Saxons at Wchlau. After witnessing the formal coronation of Stanislaus in the Polish capital, the Swedish army was led into Lithuania, which had been invaded by the Russians in accordance with the terms of the agreement with Augustus. In spite of the difficulties caused by the marshy nature of the country, Charles continued his successes and forced the invaders to retire. Elsewhere the Swedes were equally fortunate. Levenhaupt entered Courland from Riga, and defeated the Russian general Cheremitief (Jul}% 1705). In the next year another Swedish conmiander, Rhenschild, W(^n a great victory at Frauenstadt (February, 170()), over a vastly superior army of Saxons, Poles, and Russians under the command of count Schulenburg. § 7. Charles XII. had completed the reduction of Lithuania, but it was a necessary result of his position that his successes lasted only so long as he was present in person. No sooner had he marched into the southern province of VoUhynia than Augustus was able to recover much of the lost ground in Lithuania. Charles now deter- mined to reduce his enemy to submission by an invasion of Saxony. Uniting the army of Rhenschild with his own, and leaving only a small detachment under Mardefeld in Poland, he passed the frontier of Germany without any permission from the Emperor, crossed the Oder at Steinau, and marching straight into Saxony, where no preparations had been made to resist him, he took up his quarters at Altranstadt, near Leipzig. The invaded country Avas compelled to suffer for the errors of its rulers, and to pay contributions for the support of the Swedish army. Augustus was now in a dilemma. Freed from the presence of his dreaded foe, and secure of assistance A.D. 1704-1707. ALTRANSTADT. 275 from Russia, he could easily recover the cro^vn of Poland. But then he was not prepared to .sacrifice his hereditary electorate for the sake of his foreign kingdom. In this difficulty he resorted to dissimulation. While professing his adherence to the Russian alliance, he sent two envoys, Imhof and Pfingsten, with purposely vague powers, to negotiate with Charles. The envoys tried to bviy off the Swedish king by proposing a partition of Poland, a favourite design of Augustus. But Charles would have nothing but revenge, and adhered to his original ultimatum, the abdication of Augustus, Against his iron will, argmiients of friend and foe were alike useless, and on the 25th of September the envoys agreed to a treaty, by which Augustus renounced the Polish crown in favour of Leczinski ; but kept the royal title, withdrew from all alliances against Sweden, especially that with the Czar, and promised to release James Sobieski and his brother. The treaty was now sent to Augustus for ratification. His position was more difficult than ever. He had been joined by the Russian general Menschikoff, who was urging him to attack the inferior force of Swedes under Mardef eld. Augustus dared neither refuse nor consent. He ratified the treaty of Altranstadt and sent secret warning to the Swedish general. But Mardefeld treated this as a ruse and risked a battle, in which he was completely defeated (29th October). Augustus tried hard to excuse his conduct to Charles XII. who contempt- uously replied by publishing the treaty to the world. This forced the hand of the elector, who escaped as best he could from the Russian allies whom he had deceived, and appeared in December at Dresden. Charles had an interview with his defeated rival, forced him to write a letter of congratulation to Leczinski, and induced him to surrender Pjjikid, who had been sent as envoy by the Czar to the Saxon court. In defiance of the law of nations and of the dictates of hmnanity, Charles had the unfortunate noble broken on the wheel as a rebel against his lav/ful sovereign. Augustus had to pay another penalty for his shifty intrigues. The Swedish aiTuy remained for a year longer on Saxon soil, living at the expense of a country which was too weak to require conquest, and which, in spite of the strictness of Swedish discipline, had to suffer the usual hardships of a foreign occupation. At this period the eyes of all Europe were fixed on the camp of Altranstadt. In 1707, Villars had broken through the lines oi Stolhofen, and penetrated far into Swabia. If his army were to be joined to that of the Swedish hero, Germany would be at their mercy. Louis XIV. spared no pains to induce Charles XII. to play the part of Gustavus Adolphus to his Richelieu. The Grand Alliance was alarmed at the magnitude of the danger. The emperor 276 MODERN EUROPE. Chap. xiv. Joseph I. sent his ablest diplomatist, Wratislaw, to Altraustadt, and even condescended to make concessions to his Protestant subjects in Silesia at the dictation of a foreign monarch. Marl- borough also appeared in the Swedish camp. It is difficult to ascertain whether the English general had any success in his mission. It was rumoured that he bribed Piper and other ministers of Charles. It is certain that he satisfied himself that the danger was less than it appeared. Charles was at this time a sincere Protestant, and had no more sympathy with the dynastic designs than with the religion of Louis XIV. And there was another enemy with whom he had to cope, and whom he had too long neglected, the Czar of Russia. § 8. At Altraustadt, Charles XII. was at the zenith of his great- ness. At the age of twenty-iive he had an apparently invincible army at his back, and seemed able to dictate to Europe. But his fall was more rapid than his rise had been. Ever since the battle of Narwa, he had pursued a radically unsound policy. His campaigns in Poland and Saxony had not only given Peter time to recover from defeat, but had indirectly furthered his cause. The only result of the humiliation of Augustus was to give Russia a larger share of the Swedish territories than had originally been dreamt of. Not only had Peter reduced Ingria and Carelia, and laid the foundations of his new capital on the swampy banks of the Neva, but his troops had also overrun Livonia and Courlaud. It was now to be seen whether the Swedish king could recover the losses for which his own conduct was chiefly to blame. It is probable that if Charles had marched directly to the eastern coasts of the Baltic, he would have carried all before him. But he determined to pursue the same tactics that had been so successful against Frederick IV. and Augustus, and to checkmate his adversary by a direct attack on his capital. He was destined to find that Russia was a very different country from Denmark, Poland or Saxony. At the end of 1707, he collected all his forces, amounting to 33,000 of the finest troops in the world. Early in 1708 he started to march directly to Moscow. Levenhaupt had orders to follow him with 18,000 men. By September, Charles was still 300 miles from the Russian capital, Peter had adopted the wise tactics of watching and molesting the enemy without risking a pitched battle. The Swedes might still have been saved if Charles had been willing to wait for the arrival of Levenhaupt with supplies and reinforcements. But he was led away by an agreement which he had made with Mazeppa, a hetman of the Cossacks, who hoped with Swedish aid to free himself from Russian sovereignty and to found an independent Cossack empire. To join liim Charles turned from the direct road I A.D. 1707-1709. BATTLE OF PULTAWA. 277 aud marched southwards into the Ukraine. He discovered that Mazeppa was unable to fulfil his grandiloquent promises, and could only bring 5000 Cossacks to his aid. The Swedish troops, hardy as they were, suffered terribly from a winter of imjmralleled severity. Peter took prompt advantage of his adversary's error. Falling upon ^jeveuhaupt with immensely superior forces he cut his army to pieces, and destroyed his convoy. Levenhaupt displayed the most conspicuous courage and generalship, but he could only bring the shattered remnant of his army to join his master. From this time the ruin of the Swedes was only a matter of time. As soon as spring had put an end to the worst sufferings, Charles laid siege to I\d tawa, an enterprise which want of artiller\' rendered hopeless from the first. Everything was now prepared for the final blow. lu^Jvme, 1709, Peter arrived with 60,000 men to crush the worn-out Swedes, who only numbered 29,000. To make matters worse Charles had received a bullet-wound in the foot, which com- pelled him to exchange his horse for a litter and to entrust the chief command to PJienschild. O^^j^^^^j^ of June the great battle was fought which decided a momentous question for Europe, and transferred to Russia the position which Gustavus Adolphus and his successors had won for Sweden. Rhenschild, Piper, and more than 20,000 officers and men were taken prisoners and dispersed through Russia, never to see their native country again. Charles, with a few companions, fled southwards, and just succeeded in escaping into Turkish territory. There he was hospitably received, and suddenly disappeared from the view of Europe in his famous retirement at Bender. § 9. The norlTfefn states took no heed of the great change which Pultawa made in the balance of power. Instead of recognising the fact that Russia had now become their most formidable rival, they thought only of the fall of their ancient enemy, and how they could profit by the spoils of Sweden. The triple alliance between Russia, Poland, and Denmark, which Charles XII. had so triumphantly crushed, sprang into life again on his defeat. Peter was naturally able to secure the lion's share of the booty. He completed his conquest of Livonia and Esthonia, and captured Riga, Diinamunde, Revel, and other important to-wns. His hold on the Baltic was now secure, and he could continue the building of St. Petersburg with- out fear of attack. Augustus was not slow to find a pretext for breakmg the treaty of Altranstadt. The Pope absolved him from his obligations, and the negotiators, Pfingsten aud Imhof, were con- demned to severe punishments on a trumped-up charge of having exceeded their powers. The crown of Poland was recovered as easily as it had been lost, and Leczinski, who was powerless with- 278 MODERN EUROPE. Chap. xiv. out Swedish aid, was driven into Pomerania, whence he made his way to join his imfortunate patron at Bender. Frederick IV. had no scruples about throwing up the treaty at Travendahl. Ever since its conchision he had been occupied in improving his military forces. Not only did he resume his designs against the duchy of Holstein, he also sent an army across the Sound to attack the southern part of Sweden. But the Swedes, though exhausted by the long war, and demoralised by the loss of their army and the absence of their king, were still able to resist invasion. The Danes -were utterly routed imder the walls of Helsingborg by a hastily collected army of peasants, and were compelled to retire into Zealand. The maritime states, afraid lest the northern complications might impede their war with France, concluded a treaty at the Hague, by which the German territories of Sweden were to be held as neutral. But no force could be raised to enforce the neutrality, and as Charles XII. rejected the treaty with scorn, it remained little more than a dead letter. § 10. Wliile the Swedish territories were being scrambled for in the north, Charles was living at Bender, absorbed in an attempt to induce the Porte to declare war against Eussia. He could urge obvious reasons of policy. The Turks had more reason than any other European state to dread the growth of the Eussian power, which was a constant magnet to their discontented Slav subjects. But since the treaty of Carlowitz it was difficult to persuade the Porte to adopt an energetic jjolicy, and Peter was untiring in his endeavour to prevent a rupture. Charles' agent, the Pole Ponia- towski, who had helped him to escape from Pultawa, was active in all the intrigues at Constantinople, and was supported by the French envoy, Desaleurs. They succeeded in overthrowing one vizier after another, but the Czar was more lavish of his bribes than they could afford to be, and it was not till the end of 1710 that war was declared against Eussia. Early in the next year a large army was collected under the grand vizier, Mehemet Baltadschi. Peter was not slow to take measures for repulsing the invasion. Leaving a senate to conduct the government in Moscow, he advanced into Moldavia, where the Hospodar Kantemir had led him to expect a general rising of the population on his behalf. In this act Peter imitated the relations of Charles XII. with Mazeppa, and the result was pre- cisely similar. Kantemir joined him in person, but brought hardly any followers. Peter found himself on the banks of the Pruth in as hopeless a situation as that of Charles at Pultawa. He was shut in between the river, a morass, and a vastly superior Turkish army. Both the Czar and his officers were in dismay, and were in momen- tary expectation of annihilation. From this impending disaster I A.i>. 1710-1714. TREATY OF THE PRUTH. 279 Russia was saved by the folly of the vizier and the energy of a woman. Peter was accompanied by his mistress, Catharine, origin- ally a peasant-girl of Esthonia, and destined to be the Czar's wife and successor. She assembled a coimcil of officers, collected what treasure she could, and with its aid opened a negotiation with I'he Turkish leader. Baltadschi, probably thinking it better to obtain solid advantages, without risking a battle with troops maddened by despair, accepted the following terms, which are known as the treaty of Hus^Ix -or of the Pruth (July 23, 1711). Peter undertook to restore Azof, to destroy all fortresses on Turkish territory, and to allow a free passage to Charles XII. The loss of Azof was a blow to the Czar, but it was a very small price to pay for his escape from so great a danger. Charles XII., thinking that at last he had his hated enemy in his grasp, arrived in the Turki&h camp just in time to hear of the conclusion of the treaty. He vented his rage in abuse of .the vizier, whose dismissal he subse- quently obtained from the Sultan ; but he failed altogether to bring about a renewal of the war. In spite of this blow to his hopes, he clung to his project with an obstinacy that verged on madness. Hints, entreaties, commands, threats, were powerless to induce him to quit Turkey, where his entertainment involved considerable annoyance and expense. At last the Sultan gave orders to his officers to expel him by force. With a handful of servants he defended his house against regular troops, and held it till it was fired above his head. The Janissaries were forced into admira- tion of the " Iron-head ," as they called him. He was carried a prisoner to Demotica, where he feigned sickness and took to his bed. At last he was roused to action by the news that his enemies were stripping him of his German possessions. Leaving Turkey, after a five years' residence, he travelled night and day with a single companion through Hungary and Germany, and entered Stralsund on the 27th November, 1714. § 11. Charles arrived to find Swedish affairs in an almost hopelesS' condition. In 1713 the Russians had taken Helsingfors and re- duced Finland. In the next year they occupied the islands of Aland, and threatened Stockholm. Peter evidently aimed at acquiring the same position as a German prince that the treaty of Wesphalia had given to Sweden. He had two nieces, daughters of his half- brother Iwan. One of them, Aime, he had married to the duke of Courland, the other, Catharine, to the duke of Mecklenburg. These marriages were intended as preliminaries to a Russian annexation of these provinces. Peter's ambition was rapidly rousing the jealousy of his allies, but at present they were only absorbed in looking after acquisitions for themselves. In 1712 the Danes had taken 280 MODERN EUROPE. Chap. xiv. Bremen and Verden, and prepared to invade Pomerania. But Sweden, exhausted as she was, was not yet powerless. Steahock, the general who had driven the Danes from Helsingborg in 1710, now crossed to attack them on the continent, and won a complete victory at Gadeltugct (December, 1712). Instead of turning to attack the Saxons and Russians in Pomerania, he was induced by commercial jealousy to destroy, with great barbarity, the flourishing port of Altona. Thence he turned to Holstein, where the minister, Count_Qiiiz, admitted him into Tonningen. Meanwhile the Danes obtained Russian and Saxon reinforcements, which gave them the superiority. After seizing Kiel, Gottorp, and Schleswig, they forced Stenbock to capitulate with his whole army at Tonningen. This event destroyed the last chance of maintaining the southern coast of the Baltic for Sweden. Prussia, where Frederick William I. had succeeded his father in 1713, at last joined the anti-Swedish alliance, in the hope of enforcing the old Hohenzollern claims on Pomerania. Hanover, whose elector, George I., had just become king of England, was induced to take the same side by being allowed to purchase Bremen and Verden from Denmark. Against this invincible combination Charles XII. carried on an obstinate but hopeless conflict. To make matters worse, discontent was rife in his own kingdom. The oligarchy, which had been so ruthlessly put down by Charles XI., was beginning to raise its head again, and could maintain with plausibility that it was uncontrolled despotism that had brought such accumulated disasters. Charles' heroism was unable to hold Stralsund against the overwhelming force that advanced to lay siege to it. The capture of the island of Riigen by Leopold of Anhalt-Dessau made the town untenable, and Charles with great difliculty escaped to Sweden. His departure was followed by the complete reduction of Pomerania. With "\V ismar fell the last Swedish possession on German soil (April 20, 17 16). Charles had been absent from Sweden for sixtelin years, but he characteristically refused to revisit Stockholm till he could do so as a conqueror. He fomid the nobles actively engaged in intrigues to recover their lost i^rivilegcs. Charles himself was still uimiarried, so that-his death would raise a question as to the succession. He destined the crown for the young duke of Holstein, the son of his elder sister Hedwig. But the aristocratic party had induced a yoimger sister, Ulrica Eleanor, to marry the prince of Hesse-Cassel without her brother's pennission, and was prepared toT)rlng ~Be? forward as a claimant. Charles treated these intrigues with lofty contempt, and took no steps to crush them. His reckless bravery made hiiu still popular with the lower classes, in spite of the evils he had brought upon them, so that his return forced his enemies to A.D. 1712-1716. SCHEMES OF GORZ. 281 carry on their plots in complete secrecy. He himself thought only of continuing the war. For this the first requisite was funds, and in raising them he found an able instrument in count Giii'z, who deserted the service of Holstein for that of Sweden. Gorz was a libertine in jDrivate life, but was endowed with restless ambition and great diplomatic ability, and was an adept in the wild financial schemes that were so common in Europe at the time. He raised money by expedients that would now be called fraudulent, and gradually obtained a complete ascendancy over Charles, who appointed him chief minister, to the intense disgust of the nobles and the official class. § 12. Gorz conceived the happy idea of saving Sweden by taking advantage of the manifest discord among her opponents. His plan was to buy off the most formidable of these opponents, Eussia, and "to combine with her against the rest. Peter the Great would be satisfied with the acquisition of the provinces to the east of the Baltic, Carelia, Ingria, Esthonia and Livonia. In return for them he would allow Sweden to regain the German territories, and to obtain compensation at the expense of Denmark and Hanover. Prussia might be compensated for the loss of Pomerania with a portion of Poland. There was much to recommend this to the Czar, who readily fell in with Gorz's plans at an interview at .Amsterdam. Peter despised his old ally Augustus, he cared nothing for the Danes, and he positively detested George I., who had acquired Bremen and Verden without doing much for the common cause, and who had displayed a morbid antipathy to the advancing power of Russia. The great obstacle to the success of the scheme lay in the naval power of England, which had now fallen to the House of Hanover. It was here that Gorz's plans came into contact with those of the Spanish minister Alberoni. Alberoni wished to deprive the French regent Orleans of the support of England by restoring the Stuarts in that country. Gorz was willing to employ the forces of Sweden and Russia for the same object. Proofs were soon furnished of the changed relations of the northern powers. In 1716 Charles XII. invaded Norway, advanced to Christiania, but retired without having effected anything. This showed that he had ceased to have any dread of Russia. In this very year, Peter had arranged to co-operate with the Danes in an invasion of Sweden. But though he sent 40,000 men for the purpose, twice the number agreed upon, he refused to take any part in the enterprise. The Danes were convinced that but for the presence of an English fleet in the Baltic, these troops would have been emjiloyed against Copenhagen. Meanwhile a great blow had 14 282 MODERN EUROPE. Chap. xiv. been given to the scheme of a Jacobite restoration in England. Gyllenborg, the Swedish envoy, had been seized in London, and Gorz himself was for a short time imprisoned in Holland. Their papers disclosed the plot, and its discovery rendered its accomplish- ment almost impossible. Still Giirz persevered in his plans. The year 1717 was spent in military preparations. In May, 1718, Gorz and Gyllenborg met two Russian plenipotentiaries in Losoe, one of the Aland islands. There the heads of a treaty were agreed upon. In return for the cession of the eastern Baltic provinces, Peter was to assist Charles to recover the German territories of Sweden and to make further acquisitions from Denmark, Hanover and Pciland. Leczinski was to be restored to the Polish throne. Sweden was to be allowed to annex Norway, but only after she had combined with Russia to give the crown of England to James Stuart. Suddenly news came which put an end to these negotiations. Charles XII. had again invaded Norway and laid siege to the fortress of Fried richshall. As he was going round the trenches he was killed by a bullet, fired, according to a rumour which has almost become a certainty, not by the enemy, but by a traitor in the service of the aristocratic party. § 13. Charles' death was followed by a complete revolution in Sweden. The rightful heir, Frederick of Holstein-Gottorp, a feeble prince, refused the offer of General Diicker to proclaim him as king before the army. The council at Stockholm hastened to take advantage of his incapacity. Ulrica Eleanor was acknowledged as regent, but onlj^ on condition that she should immediately summon a diet and ratify any changes that should be made in the constitu- tion. Then the coimcil proceeded to apprehend Giirz, who was hastening to obtain Charles XII.'s approval of the preliminaries agreed upon at Losoe. The projected treaty with Russia was annulled. The diet met in February, 1719, and speedily agreed upon the reft)rms that were to be imjiosed on the queen. The desix)tism which Charles XL had established was swept away. The crown was to be no longer hereditary but elective. Side by side with the sovereign was erected an imperial council or senate of twenty-four members, mider the presidency of the five chief ministers. Without the consent of the council, the queen, who was allowed two votes, could do nothing, not even appoint to civil or military offices. The council was to be responsible to the diet alone, but as the diet lost importance from this time, it was practically irresponsible. Thus the government of Sweden ceased to be a monarchy and became once more a close oligarchy. Still further concessions were extorted from the queen as the price of her husband's elevation to the throne in the next year. A.D. 1717-1720. PACIFICATION OP THE NORTH. 283 The first act of the oligarchy was one of revenge. Count Gorz was brought before a specially constituted tribunal, and after a shameful parody of a trial was condemned and executed (March, 1719). His financial projects were abandoned without any regard to public faith. But the new government could not be secure as long as the war continued. The army was better disposed to the monarchy than to the nobles, and moreover the enemies of Sweden might at any time gain an advantage by taking up the claims of the duke of Holstein. The council hastened to disband a portion of the army, already weakened by the loss of 7000 men who had been frozen to death in Norway, and to open negotiations with the hostile powers. Terms of peace were speedily arranged for Hanover by the English minister Carteret j[November, 1 719). On payment of a million thalers the elector -king obtained Bremen and Verden. With Poland there was no longer war, as the republic in 1716 had openly refused to allow Augustus to continue it. The only obstacle to a complete pacification lay in the position of Stanislaus Leczinski, to whom Charles XII. had given a residence in Zweibriicken, a principality -which had hitherto belonged to the Swedish kings as the heirs of Charles X. Zweibriicken now passed to a nephew of Charles X., the prince of Kleeberg, who was an ardent Protestant and already under obligations to Augustus. He compelled Stanislaus to quit his territories, and the unfortunate prince had to seek a new place of exile in Als ace. This removed all cause of hostility between Sweden and Poland, and Augustus promised to compensate his rival for his confiscated possessions, a promise which was never fulfilled. With Prussia Sweden made a treaty in February, 1720. Frederick William I. obtained the part of Pomerania lying between the Oder and the Peene, including the to^vns of Stettin and Danzig and the islands of Usedom and WoUin, and agreed in return to pay two million thalers. The negotiations with Denmark were more difficult, in spite of the fact that the traditional jealousy of the two Scandinavian powers was modified at the moment by their mutual antagonism to the duke of Holstein. But in .luly, 1720, a treaty was concluded by the mediation of Carteret. Frederick IV. restored to Sweden the German territories w^hich she had occupied in the war, viz., Stralsund, Greifswald and the island of Eiigen. Sweden on her part resigned her exemption from the Sound dues, and allowed Frederick to annex Schleswig to his kingdom. He was only prevented from taking Holstein too by the intervention of the emixiror and the German princes. Russia was now the only remaining enemy of Sweden. To enforce compliance with his demands, Peter sent a fleet into the 284 MODERN EUEOPE. Chap. xiv. Baltic which inflicted enormous damage on the Swedish coast- Still the government held out in the confident hope of receiving assistance from England. But the English parliament was resolutely hostile to any measures that looked like a concession to Hanoverian interests, and against this opposition George I.'s ministers were powerless. At last the Swedes gave way, and the treaty of Nystad t was signed on the 10th of September, 1720. Sweden had to sun-ender Ingria, Esthonia, Livonia, and the greater part of Carelia, while Peter promised to restore Finland, and to abstain from interference in the internal aifairs of Sweden and especially in the question of the succession. This destroyed the last chance of the duke of Holstein, who was resident in Russia, and who had hoped to obtain his rightful crown with Peter's assistance. The treaty o LNystadt finally settled the great question of the supremacy in northern Europe. The position which the disunion of Germany and the genius of Gustavus Adoli:)hu8 had won for Sweden was henceforth transferred to Eussia. The only thing which to some extent neutralised the results of the transfer was the as yet almost unnoticed development of Prussia into a state of first-rate importance. § 14. Peter's foreign policy had proved triumphantly successful in all jxjints but one. He had faileti to obtain the coveted position of a German prince. His attempt to retain the hold on Mecklenburg which his niece's marriage had given him, was foiled by the steady resistance of the emperor Charles VI., and the intervention of Hanover compelled him to withdraw his troops from the province. After his peace with Sweden, Peter only undertook one more war, that with P ersia , which enabled him to extend his territories to the Caspia n. Throughout his active career he had never relaxed his reforming energy. Nothing was too minute for his attention, no obstacle so formidable as to daunt him. By constructing roads and canals he facilitated intercourse within his vast dominions ; by treaties with maritime powers he gave an oj^)ening to the newly- born Russian commerce. The navy was under his personal super- vision and special patronage. The transfer of his residence from Moscow to St. Petersburg is significant of the grand purpose of his life. Moscow remained the centre of everything that was ancient and traditional in Russia. Through the new capital was to be admitted the civilisation of the Avest which he so ardently studied and appreciated, though he could so imperfectly imitate it. The whole system of government was remodelled in imitation of the institutions he had seen abroad. In 1711 he abolished the ancient dpuma o f the boyards, and replaced it by a senate which consisted of the chief niinisl'ers of the Czar. In 1718 he suppressed the A.D. 1711-1724. RUSSIA UNDER PETER. 285 prikajjes or commissions, and created ten "colleges," similar to th'ose which the regent Orleans had established In France. A special jwlice department was set on foot, and its pjwers extended J bY the formation of an iuq uisitiaa.. wliich rendered great services to despotism, but inflicted equal misery upon the Russian pebple. The whole provincial administration was reorganised on a regular system. But there was one defect which even Peter was unable with the greatest efforts to remedy. He could appoint officials and regulate their duties, but he could not make them cease to be corrupt. His special favourite, Menschikoff, whom he had raised frorolTliumble position, was found to be^^TIted with the prevalent vice, and is said to have received summary chastisement from the Czar's own hand. Peter's reign, like that of many other successful rulers, was marred by family troubles. His first wife, Eudoxia, whom he repudiated and divorced, had borne him a son, Alexis, who in- herited his mother's antipathy to his ftither's policy and person. He became the centre of the conservative opposition to reforms and foreigners, and the alienation was increased when Peter married his mistress, Catharine. In 1712 he attempted to reconcile his son with foreign manners and institutions by marrying hhn to a German %Aafe, Charlotte of Brunswick. But the expedient proved a failure ; Alexis ill-treated his wife, who died in 1715, after giving birth to a son, afterwards Q^j^as Peter II. In 1716 Peter undertook one of his journeys westwards, and left the regency to Alexis, whom at that time he destined to be his heir. At Copenhagen Peter heard that his son was taking measures to reverse his whole policy. To escape the threatened vengeance of his father he fled, first to Vienna, and then to Naples. Thither he was tracked by the emissaries of the Czar, and compelled to return to St. Petersburg. A commission was appointed to try him, and torture was employed to extort a confession of conspiracy against his father's government. He was condemned to death, but before the sentence could be executed he died in prison, probably from the effects of fresh tortures, which were applied to compel further disclosures. Peter had now no male heir, except his grandson, of his own name, and he was naturally averse to leave his crown to an infant. Accord- ingly, in 1722 he issued a ukase, which conferred upon the reigning Czar the right of nominating his successor without any regard to birth or hereditary right. This was generally considered to imply a determination to give the succession to his wife Catharine, in whose capacity he had unlimited confidence. This was confirmed by the fact that in 1724 Catharine was solemnly crowned as empress. In the same year he gave great alarm to the Swedish 286 MODERN EUROPE. Chap. xiv. government by betrothing Anne, his eldest daughter by his second marriage, to the duke of Holstein, The exjiected nomination of a successor was never made. On the"-8th-ef-jFebguary. 1725.. Peter the Great died at the age of fifty-three. His name will alwaj's live among those of the heroes of history, as the creator of the greatness of modern Russia. § 15. Peter's death was followed by a confused period of Russian history. The question of the succession was one rather of parties than of persons. The conservative opi:)onents of tlie late reforms, headed by the Jalits ynes, Dolgoroidjis and other noble families, put forward the clafms oftllS younger Peter, who was now twelve years old. Menschikoff, on the other hand, and all the partisans of the new re'gime, were warmly in favour of the widow, Catharine. The preference of the army decided the question in her favour. During her short reign of two years, Peter's system of government was continued, and Menschikoff, from whose service she had passed to become the Czar's mistress, was aU-powerful in Russia, Before Catharine's death, in 17z7, she nominated Peter II. as her successor, and appointed a council of regency during his minority, of which the chief members were Menschikoff and the duke of Holstein. In the new reign Menschikoff, whose daughter was betrotlietl'^o the young Czar, became more i^owerful than ever. He compelled the duke of Holstein and his wife to quit Russia for their duchy, and he caused himself to be nominated Generalissimo. But his arbitrary conduct soon alienated Peter, who secured liis liberty by dismissing and banishing his dictator and would-be father-in-law. Iwan Dolgorouki, the favourite companion of Peter II., was now supreme. Under his regime the hopes of the old-Russian party revived. The Czar recalled his grandmother Eudoxia from the cloister to the court, and went so far as to quit St. Petersburg, to take up his residence in Moscow. But the danger of reaction was ended by the sudden death of Peter II., of small-iMx, in 1730. The male line of Peter the Great was now extinct, and the succession was more open than ever. Of Peter's daughters, Anne and Elizabeth, the former had died in 1728, leaving a son, afterwards Peter III. There were two other female candidates, the daughters of Peter's brother Iwan, Catharine, duchess of Mecklenburg, and Anne, duchess of Courland. Iwan Dolgorouki actually conceived the bold idea of claiming the successioii for his sister Catharine, on tlie gromid that she had been betrothed though not married to Peter II. Ultimately the party of the nobles, who were now supreme, determined to choose one of the imperial family, but to depart as far as possible from the rules of hereditary succession. By this means they hoped to obtain concessions which would establish 4 A.D. 1725-1730. THE CZARINA ANNE. 287 their own power on a firm basis. They therefore ofiered the crown ^ - A""^ "f r;»urland . but drew up a sort of capitulation for her acceptance, which would have transformed Kussia mto an oligarchical republic. The^crown_\vas to be elective, and the sover- eign was to do nothing without consulting r high council, which was to consist of eight members and to ^fiU up vacancres by co- optation. Anne accepted the crown and the conditions with which the offer was accompanied. But no sooner had she entered Moscow than she determined to break her compact. The people, and especially the army, preferred autocratic rule to that of a clique of nobles. Secure of national support, she boldly repudiated the capitulation, and punished its authors by exile and imprisonment. The system of Peter the Great was restored in all its entirety, and the first attempt to impose constitutional restrictions on a Russian sovereign ended in complete failure. 288 MODERN EUROPE. CHAPTER XV. FRANCE AFTER THE DEATH OF LOUIS XIV. § 1. Situation of affairs ; character of the Regent Orleans. § 2. The bastards ; overthrow of Louis XIV.'s will ; reactionary policy. § 3. Financial affairs ; the chaiiibre ardcntc ; Law's schemes ; the Mississippi Company. § 4. Financial crash. § 5. England and Sjiiiin. § G. Elizabeth of Parma and Alberoni; i-evival of the Spanish power. §7. Dubois; the Triple Alliance ; Spanish conquest of Sardinia and Sicily. § 8. The Quadruple Alliance ; Byng defeats the Spanish fleet ; Alberoni's alliance with Sweden and Russia; conspiracy of Cellamare. § 9. Collapse of Alberoni's schemes ; his dismissal ; Spain makes peace. § li'. Dubois becomes a cardinal ; alliance with Spain ; end of the regency ; death of Dubois and Orleans. § 11. Ministry of the duke of Bourbon ; Louis XV". marries Marie Lecziuska ; religious persecu- tion ; Fleury becomes chief minister ; his domestic policy. § 1. The death of Louis XIV. was an event of the greatest import- ance to Europe, and much more so to France. He had estahlished a centralised monarchy, which crushed all independent life in the capital and the provinces, and which had obtained absohite control not only over politics, hut also over religion and literature. The government was one vast macliine which was worked by the willt)f a single man or of those who could influence him. Eor a time the system had been triumphantly successful. France had extended its frontiers, increased its resources, and raised itself almost to supremacy in Europe. But in the later years of the long reign these successes had been overshadowed by failures. Religious intolerance had crushed domestic industry, and had raised a powerful combination of foreign enemies. In a war of dynastic ambition France had squandered her resources till the state was well-nigh bankrupt, and had lost that military reputation which had been the most popular gift of the Bourbon kings. The question now arose as to whether the system of Louis XIV. could 2wssibly survive him. It is probable that he himself recognised the impossi- bility, and in fact he was partially responsible fbr it. In his later years he had surrounded himself with docile followers of his own will in preference to able ministers, and the result was that he left behind him no statesman capable of carrying on his work. Even A.D. 1715. THE REGENT ORLEANS. 289 his own descendants had shown themselves by no means enamoured of his principles of government. His grandson, the duke of Bur<^undy, the pupil of Tenelon and the idol of popular hopes, had dra^TO up schemes of reform which were directly antagonistic to the system of the grand monarque. Had he lived to ascend the throne, France would have had an opportunity of testing the worth of that paternal despotism which was so popular in the eighteenth century, and which found its ablest exponents in Frederick the Great and Joseph II. But his early death had marred this prospect, and had left the succession to his second son, I^ouisJLY., a sickly infant of fi^ years old. The^fuTure of France depended on the choice of a regent. Custom rather than definite law assigned the office to the nearest prince of the blood royal, who would be the natural heir in case of the minor's death. In the present case this was the young kmg's uncle, Philip V. of Spain. But then the treaty of Utrecht and his ouTi renunciation excluded him from the succession in France, and any attempt to give him the regency must have aroused a new European war. Next to him stood Philip duke of Orleans (born 1G74), th^second son of Louis XI V.'s only brother Philip, and of Elizabeth Charlotte, daughter of the elector palatine. He was the most brilliant prince whom the house of Bourbon had produced since Henry IV. Not only was he accomplished as a painter and a musician, he had studied philosophy under Leibnitz, and natural science under Romberg, and his natural abilities enabled him to master any subject without exhausting effort. As a general he hacked back to Paris. Literature became once more independent. Fenelon's ''('{■U'mfri[v was published and Voltaire began to write. The regent even meditated a restoration o^ th'e edict of Nantes, but was dissuaded from making so violent a change. In all points the old repressive government was given up to make way for a milder and more constitutional system. The Parliament of Paris was allowed to resume the right which it had lost of making remonstrances before registering the royal edicts. The change was so complete as to amount to a revolution. If it had proved successful and permanent it would have made the most material difference to the history of France. But it failed lamentably, and the causes of its failure are not far to seek. The institutions were good enough, but there was a woful lack of capacity and honesty in the men who were to work them. The nobles, who had a majority of places in the councils, were wholly untrained to the work of administration, and were jealous of their colleagues, the lawyers, who jiossessed the requisite training and intelligence. Above all the regent himself was no duke of Burgundy ; he had carried through the reforms not for their own sake, but merely to secure his personal power. Once he had obtained this object, he returned to the pursuit of his own selfish 292 MODERN EUROPE. Chap. xv. pleasures. He surrounded himself vfith worthless associates whom he cynically called his i^mes, because they deserved to be broken on the wheel. His orgies at the Palais Eoyal were a disgrace not only to his country, but to his age. No prosperity could be enjoyed by France under the rule of so vicious a profligate. Thanks to Dubois, the government was carried on not without ability and with some amount of success. But there was one department, that of fi;ian^.e. in which reform was urgently needed, but where it could only be effected by conspicuous ability and honesty. It was here that the regency found its greatest difficulty, and met with its most unqualified failure. / § 3. The war of the Spanish succession had exhausted the re- sources of France. The annual expenses amounted t o ^j3 millions of francs, while the revenue was only ^186,millions, and that had been anticipated for two years to come. There was an immense floatin g debt consisting of government paper, which had sunk toj^^hird of its nominal value. There was evidently a difficult task before the council of finance, which the regent appointed under the presidency of the duke of Noailles, St. Simon, imbued with aris- tocratic contempt and hatred for financiers and men of business, proposed to ruin the state creditors by summoning the States General and declaring a national bankruptcy. This expedient was rejected, but the measures which the government adopted were scarcely less revolutionary or more inconsistent with the lawful rights of property. An extraordinary tribunal, known as the cliamhrejtrdente, was erected to inquire into the conduct of the Unanciers, and to confiscate what it pleased the government to call their ill-gotten gains. Informers were to be rewarded with a share of the spoils. For a year the work of judicial robbery was carried on with rigorous severity and amidst popular applause. But it was soon discovered that the nation profited little from the persecution. The confiscated wealth passed not into the treasury, but into the pockets of the regent and his associates, who also found a new mode of acquiring riclies in selling their protection to the terrified millionaires. Finally, in 1717, the authority of the tribunal was revoked by an edict, which did not hesitate to avow tliat corruption iwas too wide-spread to be investigated or punished. The financial /difficulty was as great as ever, and Noailles and his council had f failed to meet it. \l The regent was now induced to listen to the advice of a congenial I spirit, .J ohn J ^i'j.w ^- the son of an Edinburgh goldsmith, who had pursued his financial speculations at the gaming-tables of Elurope. He was a fanatical believer in the power of credit, which was just beginning to ]ilay a new and unprecedented part in commercial A.V. 1715-1717. FINANCIAL SCHEMES OF LAW. 293 transactions. In his opinion it was credit which had enabled England and Holland to bear the expenses of the recent war so much more easily than France had done. His scheme was to form a bank which should have at its back all the resources of the state, as security for the issue of paper-money. As further security he intended gradually to get the whole commerce of the countr}' under the control of the central bank. Thus an almost unlimited amount of paper could be put into circulation, which would perform all the functions of specie, indefinitely multiply the national wealth, give a new impulse to manufactures and trade, and enable the government to pay oft' the debt without eff'ort or sacrifice. The scheme had a political as well as a financial significance. If successfully carried out, it would give the monarchy a power far greater and more centralised than Louis XIV. had ever dreamed of obtaining. At the same time the issue of paper money would enable the government to re-purchase the offices which had been sold to individuals, and thus to recover absolute control over the magis- tracy. It was this aspect of the scheme which led Montesquieu to call Law the greatest supporter of despotism that ever lived, and it was this which raised against him the opposition of ihe Parliament and other institutions whose independence was threatened. The gigantic proportions of the scheme fascinated the mind of the regent. But it was based upon a fundamental error, which is easily to be discerned by the light of modern political economy. In those days money was regarded not so much as an instrument for effecting the exchange of wealth, but as wealth itself. If this was erroneous in the case of specie, it was still more erroneous in that of paper-money. This was what Law failed to perceive. To him every increase of the circulating medium, and such an increase could certainly be effected by his plan, implied a direct increase of wealth. The nation was destined to suffer for the erroneous opinions which he shared with almost all his con- temporaries. Law's proposals had at first been rejected by the influence of Noailles, but he was allowed in 171(5 to found an independent bank, which proved a great success. "Tii the next year it was raised to be a government institution. Law was now enabled to develope his scheme without hindrance. He formed the great Mississippi Company, to which the regent granted the recently discovered teiriioryof Louisiana, and the capital was named New Orleans in his honour. The'company soon displayed extraordinary activity. It assiuned* the management of the tobacco monoply, and advanced 1200 millions to the government at thr ee per cen| ;. to redeem debts which had been contracted at a much higher rate of interest. The 294 MODERN EUROPE. Chap. xv. shares were greedily sought after and rapidily rose to four times their original value. A perfect mania for stock-jobbing set in, which can only be paralleled from the history of the contemporary South Sea Company in England. The Eue Quincamjwix, where the company took up its headquarters, was throngedr~wTth eager and excited speculators. Meanwhile all sorts of paper-money, bank notes and company's bonds, were circulated in profusion and readily taken up, although many of the cooler speculators, including Law himself, were not slow to realise their paper in the purchase of landed estates. In spite of this success the scheme met with vehement oppo- sition in the Parliament of Paris and elsewhere, which the regent put down with a firm hand. Noaille s. who refused to have anything to do with Law, was dismissed and replaced by D'Argeusou. The seals were taken away from the chancellor D'Aguesseau and were also transferred to D'Argenson. The regent did not scruple to depart altogether from the engagements Avhich he had made to secure his power. The Parliament was deprived of its right of remonstrance, the administrative councils were suppressed, to the great disappoint- ment of the nobles, the bastards of the late king were degraded from the royal rank to which he had raised them, and the personal guardianship of the young king was taken from the duke of Maine and given to the duke of Bourbon. Finally, Law became a Roman Catholic, and this removed the obstacle to his appointment as financial minister. § 4. In 1720 came the inevitable crash. There had undoubtedly been an increase of wealth in France, because speculation had given some impulse to commerce. But it was nothing in comparison with the enormous increase in the circulating currency. The result was soon visible. Whenever the medium for circulating commodities in- creases out of proportion to the commodities which it has to circultte, the result is that each commodity commands a larger part of the medium, that is, its price increases. This was the first effect of Law's employment of credit. Prices rose all round without any benefit to either consumer or producer. This, if not advantageous, was not in itself harmful. But matters became worse \vii^ i^ pajier- rngmey began' to drive specie ojjt of circulation. ThosiT who possessed gold and silver eiHier noard'ed it'^or sent it out of the country. It was in vain that edicts were issued imposing a penalty on hoarding and endeavouring to maintain the paper at a fictitious value. They served only to shake the confidence of the jxiblic, upon' which the whole stability of the scheme rested. Everybody who held paper hastened to realise, and there were no sufficient funds to meet the demand. Sliares fell at once and a panic set in which involved both bank and company in a conunon ruin. The A.n. 1716-1720. FINANCIAL COLLAPSE. 295 regent published an absurd edict which reduced the value of the company's paper by half, and fixed the shares at their original price of 500 livres. He had to withdraw the edict after three days, but the popular indignation was so great that it is marvellous how the government managed to survive the crisis. There was no one in France to play the part which Walpols played in England, when the South Sea bubble burst. In fact it is stated that the regent and his associates were partially responsible for the extent of the disaster. Careless what means they employed to acquire wealth, they had issued paper-money from the bank of their own accord, beyond even the very extreme limits prescribed by Law. The bank had to cease payment, and thus the national bankruptcy which St. Simon had so cynically advocated, was brought about without intention. Law had to escape for his life and he carried with him but a scanty remnant of the enormous fortune which he had amassed. He died in jioverty at Yenice in 172Qj ^till preserv- ing an unshaken belief in the princii^les of his system. The disaster seemed for the moment to have ruined France, but it proved ultimately to be less serious than could hav3 been antici- pated. The losses had fallen rather on individuals than on the nation as a whole. Credit was shaken, but the national wealth was undiminished. The winding up of affairs Avas entrusted to the brothers gaxiSj, the ablest financiers of the old school. The bank was abolished, but the Mississippi Company continued to exist as a trading corporation. Ruinous as the excitement had been, it had yet given a real and lasting impulse to commercial and colonial activity. And, what was of more immediate moment to the government, the state emerged from the crisis with a substantially diminished debt. § 5. The duke of Orleans was more successful if not more disinterested in the management of foreign affairs than in that of finance. In both he acted, not on his own initiative, but on the advice of an adventurer, in the one case of Law, in the other of the abbd Duboi s. At the time of his accession there were two powers with which France was brought into the closest relations, and with which it was necessary to be on terms either of alliance or hostility England and Spain. England had been the most determined and formidable opponent of Louis XIV. In the war of the Sj^anish succession she had ruined the prestige of the French arms. At the very time of his death the late king was engaged in furthering a rebellion, which aimed at the expulsion of the new Hanoverian dynasty. The regent had already opened a connexion with George I., but he did not venture to depart all at once from the traditions of French policy. The 296 MODEKN EUROPE. Chap. xv. pretender was allowed to cross France without hindrance, and to embark at Dunkirk for the coast of Scotland. On the suppression of the revolt (1716), no opposition was made to his return, and he took up his residence at Avignon. The presence of the Stuarts within the French horders was a constant menace to the English, who also clamoured against the rising fortifications of Mardyck, which threatened to be a second Dunkirk. Moreover the position of the regent depended altogether on the provisions of the treaty of Utrecht. That treaty had been the work of the Tories, and was extremely distasteful to ihe Whig ministry, which had come into power with the accession of George I. Spain 'was ruled by Philip V. who, after Louis XV., was the head of the house of Bourbon. Although he was thus the natural ally of France, he was equally the bitter enemy of the duke of Orleans. Weak, hypochondriacal, bigoted, the slave of his wife, his character was dJametucall Y oi>|wse d to that of the regent, whom he always regarded as the murderer of his brothers and nephew, and as the supplauter of himself. For in spite of his solemn renuncia- tions and the guarantee of the European powers, Philip V. clung obstinately to his claim to the French crown. In what was regarded as the probable event of Louis XV.'s death, he was determined to enforce his claim, even if he had to abdicate the throne of Spain. He had one other guiding passion, bitter enmity to the emperor Charles VL, who still retained the title of king of Spain, and who had robbed that monarchy of its fairest provinces in Italy. These provinces Philip was determined to regain at all costs, and in this he was encouraged by the two people who had supreme in- fluence over him, his^ife, and his minister. § 6. In 1714 Philip V.'s first wife, Maria Louisa of Savoy, had died. Her favourite, the princess Orsini, who had governed Spain through her, was anxious to perpetuate her influence by finding a submissive successor for her late mistress. While she was hesitating Alberoni, who was acting as representative of Parma at Madrid, suggested Elizabeth Farnese, niece of the duke of Parma . He painted her character in accordance, not with truth, but Avith the wishes of the princess, and the match was arranged. The first act of the new queen was to dismiss the princess Orsini with brutality, and the exiled favourite had to retire to France. Elizabeth of Parma, in spite of the retirement in which she had been brought up, soon developed unbridled ambition and an aptitude for intrigue. As Philip's children by his first wife would exclude her own sons from the .Spanish crown, she was anxious to obtain for the latter the reversion of the duchies of Parma and Tuscany to which she had had an eventual claim. It was with this end in view that she A.D. 1714-1716. ALBERONI. 297 encouraged her husband's designs in Italy, while her own ambition made her eager to see him on the French throne. Elizabeth's influence over her husband secured pre-eminence to her own countryman, Alberoni . who had contributed so essentially to bring about her marriage. Alberoni was the son of a gaj'dener in Piac^nza, where he was born in 1 664. By his own ability and industry he had raised himself from obscurity, and he sought in the church the only career that was open to talent without birth. He acquired the favour of Vendome, by a skilful combination of the functions of a buffoon and a cook, had accompanied that commander to Spain, and remained there after the death of his patron. Though nominally only agent for the court of Parma, he became in reality prime minister of Spain. In this position he conceived an ardent affection for the country of his adoption, and determined to raise it from depression to the commanding position which it had once occupied in Europe. He spared no pains to develop the internal resources which had been so long neglected. Commerce and industry of all kinds revived under his patronage ; the army was reorganised, and the revenue increased. But his chief attention was given to the navy. It was on the sea that Spain had risen to greatness, and it was by the sea that Alberoni sought to revive it from torpor. Foreigners who had known Spain during the succession war were astounded at the strides wluch the country had made imder the new administration. Alberoni himself is said to have assured Philip, that with five years of peace he would make him the most powerful sovereign in Europe. But these years of peace he was not destined to have. While devoted to Spain, he was not forgetful of the interest of his native Italy, which he was anxious to free from the hated domination of Austria. This was to be the ultimate employment of the revived power of Spain, and it was this which made Alberoni agree cordially with Philip's detestation of Charles VI. At the same time his own position as a foreigner who was detested by the Spanish nobles made him completely de- pendent on his master's favours, and he was thus compelled to fall in with the designs upon the French crown and the hostility to the regent Orleans. It was necessary for Spain to have allies, and her most natural and most efficient ally was England. To England Spain could oifer two bribes, the prompt fulfilment of the com- mercial stipulations of the Utrecht treaty, and the severance of French and Spanish policy which had been the essential object of the late war. Alberoni did all in his power to purchase at this price the adherence of England to the interests of Spain. § 7. The attitude assumed by Philip V. and Alberoni really left the regent little choice as to the jwlicy which he should pursue. 298 MODERN EUROPE. Chav. xv. But it is doubtful whether of his own accord he would have acted with such tirmuess and decision, but for the influence of his adviser and former tutor, Huboi^ . Dubois was a native of southern France, of distinguished talents but detestable character. Appointed as tutor to the young Philip when duke of Chartres, he had gained a fatal influence by at once cultivating his intellect and encouraging his inclination to vicious pleasures in which he himself indulged. When Philip became regent, Dubois was apjwinted a councillor, and at once assumed the chief direction of foreign affairs, in wdiich he displayed the greatest skill and dexterity. His policy, as was natural, was dictated rather by the interests of the house of Orleans than by those of France. He conceived the bold idea of departing altogether from the traditions of Louis XIV. and forming a close alliance between France and England. The link was to be the common interests of the two families of Orleans and Hanover. Both were threatened by rivals, the one by the Stuarts, the other by the king of Spain on the one hand and the legitimised princes on the other. Each could secure the other against its enemies. This alliance was destined to prove fatal to the magnificent schemes of Alberoni. In July, 1716, Dubois visited Holland on a pretence of purchasing books, and there had an interview with George I. and his minister Stanhope, who were on their Avay to Hanover. The terms of a convention was speedily arranged. France undertook to destroy the fortifications of Mardyck, to compel the pretender to depart from Avignon, and to afford him no further countenance or assis- tance. Both powers undertook to guarantee the execution of the treaty of Utrecht, especially of the articles which secured the Protestant succession in England and the exclusion of the Spanish king from the throne of France. In January, J.717..i he treaty was accepted by Ilollaiui, and has since been known as the Triple Alliance. It marks a comjilete revolution in European politics. French historians are never tired of reviling a treaty which, according to them made France the slave of England, much as Charles II. had been dejiendent upon Louis XIV. forty years before. They have certainly a formal ground of complaint. George I. was allowed to retain the title of King of France, while Louis XV. had to content himself with the designation of Most Ch ristian King. It was stated, and not improbably with truth, that Dubois received a pension from the Hanoverian court. Not content with his alliance with England, Dubois also com- menced a project which involved a departure from the treaty of Utrecht. George I., as elector of Hanover, was bound to the A.D. 1716-1718. THE QUADEUPLE ALLIANCE. 299 Hapsburg interests, and had recently concerted an arrangement Avith Charles VI., by which the latter was to obtain Sicily, which the treaty had given to Savoy, and to compensate the duke by the cession of Sardinia. Dubois induced the regent to approve of this arrangement, and France and England endeavoured to obtain the consent of Spain by offering to guarantee the claim of Don Carlos, the elder son of Philip and Elizabeth, to the duchies of Parma and Tuscany. But the negotiation proved fruitless. Alberoni had just extorted the cardinal's hat from the pope, and was resolute in his opposition to a proposal which woidd strengthen the power of the em^jeror in Italy. He was still aiisious to avoid a war until the warlike j^i'eparations which he was conducting with boundless energy were completed. But his hand was forced by an unexpected event. The grand inquisitor of Spain, as he was returning from Eome, was arrested in Lombardy as a rebellious subject of Charles III. of Spain. This insult roused the bitter indignation of Philip V,, who resolved on an immediate rupture. Alberoni's remonstrances were unavailing, and all he could do was to postpone an attack upon Naples or Sicily to an invasion of Sardinia. In August, -17^7, a Sijanish army landed in Sardinia, w'as favourably received by the inhabitants, and in little more tlian two months made itself master of the island. The conquest of Sardinia roused the greatest enthusiasm in Spain, so long unaccustomed to military successes. Alberoni alone refused to be carried away by the general triiunph. But it was too late for him to turn back, and he was forced to hurry on the prepara- tions for the attack upon Sicily, w-hich was to be made in the next year. His energy seemed to galvanise the inert mass with new life. Forgotten industries were revived, ships were built and fitted out, and troops were raised even in the discontented provinces of Aragon and Catalonia. In July, 1718, the fleet sailed from Barcelona to Palermo. Victor Amadeus of Savoy had character- istically refused to commit himself to either side. Conscious that, whichever won, he could not retain Sicily, he withdrew most of his troops from the island, so that no effective resistance was made to the Spanish occupation. § 8. Meanwhile the emperor had appealed to the members of the Triple Alliance to assist him in repelling so unprovoked an attack and to uphold the treaty of Utrecht. A conference was opened in London at which France and tlie maritime powers concerted measm-es to force peace upon Spain. P-ubois was again the moving spirit of the negotiations, which ended in the drawing up -of a treaty in Augu st, 1^^ By this the emperor was to renounce all claims upon Spain and the Indies, while Philip made a similar 300 MODEEN EUROPE. Chap. xv. renunciation of the Spanish provinces which had passed to Austria . Savoy was to give Sicily to the emperor in exchange for ^^jjjjjyji ; the succession to Parma and Tuscany was to he secured to the children of Philip's second marriage. The treaty was at once signed by the imperial representative, and thus became known as the Quadruple Alliance. No pains were spared to induce Spain to accept the proffered terms. The English ministers went so far as to risk their popularity by offering to restore Gibraltar. But Philip and Alberoni, probably trusting that the emperor's allies would content themselves with protests, were obstinate in refusing to negotiate on these terms. Their hopes were doomed to dis- appointment. Already an English fleet under admiral Byng had been sent into the Mediterranean. It is impossible to acquit England of the desire to crush the maritime power of Spain, which had once been so formidable and Avhich was so unexpectedly revived. On the 11th of August, Byng attacked the Spanish fleet off Cape Passaro and completely destroyed it. This was a decisive triumph for the Quadruple Alliance. Djjjjyjg, its chief author, was rewarded with the portfolio of foreign affairs, the council which had hitherto directed them having been dissolved. Alberoni was now driven in despair to form those projects which are usually associated with his name, and which have created the unjust impression that his policy was chimerical and unsound. He must meet coalition by coalition. With regard to Austria his hopes had been disappointed. The attempts to raise a new rebellion in Hungary had failed, and the Turks, who had hitherto occupied the emperor's attention and arms, had just concluded the treaty of Pagsarowitz. But the governments of England and France were both threatened by formidable enemies, to whom the Spanish minister now turned. He invited the Pretender to Spain, prepared a new expedition on his behalf, and concerted with count ^orz a grand scheme by which SHSilen and Hussia were to be reconciled, and were to combine in supporting the Jacobites against the Hanoverian dynasty. At the same time, through the Spanish envoy Cellamare, he opened a connection with the malcontent opponents of the regency in France. A conspiracy was arranged, of which the duchess of Jilaine and Cai-dinal Polignac were the centre, to de^Dose the duke of Orleans and to give the regency to Philip v., who promised as his first act to summons the States General. § 9. All these projects failed one after the other. Charles XH. was killed before Friednchshall, and the plan of a northern coalition against England came to nothing with the execution of Gorz. The Spanish fleet which was to carry the pretender to the English A.D. 1718-1720. FALL OF ALBERONL 301 coast was destroyed by a storm in the bay of Biscay. The con- spiracy of Cellamare was no secret to Dubois, who only waited a favourable oi^iwrtunity to crush it. The ambassador himself, the duke and duchess of Maine, and a number of others were arrested and thrown into prison. An attempted rising in Brittany was suppressed before Alberoni had time to send the promised assistance. Dubois now induced the regent to declare war against Spain, and a French army under Tj^i-iynpl- crossed the Pyrenees (Al^ril^lTlO^. The Spanish army being engaged in Sicily, the only opponents of the invaders were worn out veterans and raw recruits. An English squadron under Stanhope gratified the rational love of a maritime monopoly by burning along the coast the vessels and docks which it had been the pride of Alberoni to create. The emperor, freed from the Turkish war, was able to send an army into Sicily, and the Spaniards after a heroic defence of Messina had to evacuate the island. It was imjDossible for Spain to continue the war, but the allies were determined not to make peace until they had j^rocured the dismissal of the minister whom they unjustly accused of having broken it. Philip V. was dexterously influenced by the production of some letters, in which Alberoni had sjDoken contemptuously of his master's ability. On the 5th of December, 1719, Alberoni received orders to quit the capital and the kingdom. Even in his exile he was pursued by the bitter hostility of the sovereign whom he had served too well. It was not till the death of Clement XI. that he ventured to visit Jiooie, where he spent the greater part of his remaining days, and where he died in 1752, at the age of 87. On his withdrawal, Spain sank back into the lethargy from which it had been roused by the genius and enterprise of a single man. In February, 1720, Philip V. accepted the terras of the Quadruple Alliance. Charles VI. obtained Sicily, and Vi ctor A madeus had to put up with Sardinia, which his family has ever since retained. § 10. With the close of the Spanish war, and the ruin of Law's financial system, the regency of Orleans loses its importance in European history. Dubois was now all-powerful, but he was anxious to secure his position by obtaining a rank which corresponded to it. This could only be done by inducing the pope to grant him a cardinal's hat. The intervention of England easily persuaded the regent to ajjpoint him archbishop of Cambray. But with Kome there were two difficulties to be overcome ; the notorious character of the aspirant to the purple, which might possibly be overlooked, and the favour which the regency had shown to the Jansenists. This latter obstacle was a serious one, but Dubois determined to surmount it. Turning his attention to religious matters, he obtained such an interpretation of the bull Unigenitus, that even 302 MODERN EUROPE. Chap. xv. its great opponent, the cardinal Noailles, was induced to accept it. Thus the schism in the Gallican church was healed. Still Clement XI. remained inexorable, but his successor, Inno- cent XIII., proved more complacent, and in 1721 Dubois was raised to the cardinalate. He now assumed a seat in the council of regency immediately after the princes of royal blood, and before long was made chief minister of France. What he had gained by this dexterous change in internal politics he was prepared to confirm by a change in foreign relations. Spain, being no longer formidable to the regent, might now be won over to his side. A double ma«-iage was arranged, by which Louis XV. was betrothed to the infant daughter of Philip V., while the daughter of the duke of Orleans was married to the prince of Asturias. To conciliate the prejudices of Philip, the court was restored from Paris to Versailles. It says much for Dubois' ingenuity that this Spanish alliance was contracted without at all interrupting the cordiality between France and England. In February, l~2Fi, Louis XV. obtained his legal majority at the age of thirteen, and the regency came to an end. But all precau- tions had been taken to prevent a change of government. Villeroy, the preceptor of the young king and a devoted adherent of the system of Louis XIV., had been driven from court, and Dubois remained all-powerful minister. But he was not destined to enjoy his power long. His constitution was worn out by debauches, and he died suddenly from the effects of a slight accident (August 10, 1723). His place as minister was taken by the duke of Orleans, but he too was carried off four months later by a stroke of apoplexy (December 7). ^~il. Oh the death of Orleans, the chief influence over the young king was exercised by his preceptor, the abbe Fleury. He might have seized the reins of power at once,~but"TTis habitual caution restrained him. He persuaded the king to appoint as chief minister the duke of Bourbon, Avho, after the young duke of Orleans, was the nearest prince of the blood-royal. Bourbon, who is usually known as Monsieur le Due, was a grandson of the great Conde, but wholly unwortliyof the descent. He possessed neither ability nor character, and was the slave of his mistress, the marquise d« Prie. The guiding motive of his policy was to secure the inffuence of the house of Conde at the expense of his relatives of Orleans. With this object in view, the recently arranged marriage for the king was revoked and the infenta sent back to Spain, on the pretext that she was too young for a king that had no heir. A new bride wo.'a found for Louis in Marie Ijeczinska, daughter of Stanislaus ex-king of Poland, who was now living in retirement at Weissemburg in Alsace. The A.D. 1721-1730. BOURBON AND FLEURY. 303 compcarative obscurity of her origin made it probable that she would remain grateful to those who had raised her to power. But the duke discovered that he gained little by the move. His domestic policy made him hated, while there was nothing about him to inspire respect. He persecuted the Protestants with revolting cruelty. He imposed a tax upon land and extorted it from the privileged classes, the nobles and clergy. All the malcontents turned to Fleury, who had just been made a cardinal, and who now determined to grasp the authority which he had always coveted. In June, 1720, the duke and his ministers received orders to leave the court. The king announced his intention of ruling in person, but this was only intended as a flimsy disguise for the supremacy of his preceptor. Fleury, who was sixty- three years old, was laborious, economical, disinterested, a very favourable contrast to the recent rulers of France. But his age and his natural temperament made him averse to activity of any kind, and his administration is a period of lethargy Avith no particularly notable features. In domestic affairs he returned to a great extent to the system of Louis XIV., and thus reversed the superficial reaction that had set in under the regency of Orleans. The finances were set in order, the expenses reduced by rigid ecTonomy, and public credit recovered from the shock which it had received. The only dispute which arose in France during his ministry was connected with religion. Fleury was a devoted adherent of the Jesuits, who regained their former supremacy. The persecution of the Jansenists was resumed, and in 1730 the king held a bed of justice to compel the Parliament of Paris to register the bull T Tnufefiiitua . The members protested against this com- pulsion, and when they were answered by an edict forbidding them to meddle with politics, they abdicated their functions. The government sent them into exile, and for a time there was no supreme court of justice. At last they were recalled, but the squabble lingered on for several years. In foreign politics Fleury was pre-eminently a peace minister. He took affairs as they came and made no attempt to direct their course. Yet it is as a foreign minister that he has acquired such fame as attaches to him, but the record of his activity is to be sought not in the history of France, but in that of the states with which he was brought into contact. 304 MODERN EUROPE. CHAPTER XVI. THE REIGN OF THE EMPEROR CHARLES VI. § 1. Charles VI. 's attachment to Spain. § 2. War between Venice and the Porte; Austria joins Venice; victories of Eugene; peace of Passarowitz. § 3. Charles VI. and Spain ; congress of Cambray. § 4. Succession to the Hapsburg territories ; the Pragmatic Sanction. §5. The Netherlands; formation of the Ostend Company ; irritation of England and Holland. § 6. Philip V.'s abdication and return ; Ripperda and his schemes. § 7. Alliance of Vienna ; League of Hanover ; Prussia gained over to Austria. § 8. Disgrace of Ripperda ; siege of Gibraltar ; general war averted. § 9. Congress of Soissons ; treaty of Seville ; second treaty of Vienna ; Don Carlos obtains Parma and Piacenza, § 10. The European powers and the Pragmatic Sanction ; succession question in Poland ; election of. Stanislaus Leczinski ; his fall; accession of Augustus III. § 11. France allied with Spain and Sardinia by tlie league of Turin ; campaigns of 1733, 1734 and 1735; treaty of peace; Lorraine under Stanislaus Leczinski. § 12. Death of Eugene ; Bartenstein. § 13. Austria involved in the Russo-Turkish war ; ill-success of the Austrian troops ; treaty of Belgrad. §14. Relations with Prussia; secret treaty with France; death of Charles VL § 1. The conclusion of the treaties of Utteeiit and Ka^tgtjlt destroyed Charles VI.'s last chance of making good his claim to the Spanish crown. It was with undisguised reluctance that he recognised this. He had conceived the greatest affection for Spain, and especially for Catalonia, the province which had shown such signal and such ill-requited devotion to his cause. This feeling led him to shower favours upon the Spaniards who had accompanied him on his return to Vienna. He went so far as to form a separate ministerial de- partment, called the Spanish Council, in which Spanish and not German was the official language. As he had never acknoAvledged Philip V. nor made peace with Spain, it was probable that he would seize the first opportunity that might offer to re-assert his claims, in spite of the expressed will of Europe. The result was the formation of a German party at court, which counterbalanced the influence of the Spaniards, and which was imwilling to allow the interests of Austria to be sacrificed for the acquisition of a distant A.D. 1714-1716. TUKKISH WAR. 305 kingdom in the west. At its head stood the greatest general of his age, Prince E ugene of Savoy. It was perhaps fortunate for this party that events occurred in eastern Europe which at a critical time diverted Charles' attention from his ambitious and impossible dreams. § 2. For ten years after the treaty of Carlowitz the Turks had remained sullenly acquiescent in the los'ses wl'iicTi they had sus- tained. The urgent representations of Louis XIV. and of the Hungarian rebel lla ^ ocsky had failed to induce them to embark in a new war with the empire. But the residence at Bt-nder of Charles XII. of tSweden, though it had availed little for his own interests, succeeded at least in reviving the military activity of the Eo^- |^. By the treaty of the Pruth the Russian conquest of Azof had been recovered. This success encouraged the hope of repairing the other losses that had been incurred in the former war. There were two states which had aggrandised themselves at Turkish expense, ^^^gjjjji and Y,e fiice . Of these the republic was far the less formidable and was naturally chosen as the first object of attack. A i^retext was found in the protection which Venice had given to some Montenegrin fugitives, and in December, yijj. the Porte declared war. Venice was entirely unprepared, and nioreover had failed to acquire popularity amongst her Ureek subjects. In 1715 the grand vizier. A J ,i ( ,> imurgi. lauded in the Morea, and by the end of the year was master of the whole jieuinsula. Sailing thence he captured §uda and Sjyualonga, the two last fortresses that Venice had been allowed to retain in Crete. The republic naturally appealed to her old ally, Austria, which had guaranteed her possessions by the treaty of Carlowitz. The advice of Eugene decided the Viennese government to renew the offensive and defensive alliance, and to call ujx)n the Porte to observe its treaty obligations. As the Turk refused to give any satisfac- tion, war was inevitable. 'J'he intervention of Austria saved Venice from ruin. The grand vizier and the main body of the Turkish army had to be employed in Hungary. Still a considerable army and fleet was sent to attack Qyiiu. The Venetian troops were commanded by count S^JiulgaiJiiLi'gj who had won a great reputation in the northern war, and whose services had been procured for the r^ublic by Eugene. A heroic defence ended successfully, and in Au gus t, _1716 , the Turks were compelled to raise the siege. "It was the last glorious military exploit in the annals of the republic, and it was achieved by a German mercenary soldier." Meanwhile the vizier, with an army of 150,000 men, had laid siege to Vfili(ii^Y''in]fiir t]ic most important of the Austrian border- fortresses in Hungary. Underneath the walls Eugene forced on 15 806 MODERN EUROPE. Chap. xvi. a battle which lasted five hours and ended in the vizier's death and the complete victory of the Christians (4-.Ug.USt fij 1~1<^) Eugene followed up his success by besieg;iug Temesvar, the last of the Ottoman iX)Ssessions in Hungary, which hacTto surrender after a stubborn defence of two months. The winter was occupied in fruitless attempts at mediation on the part of the maritime powers. In 1717 Eugene recommenced the campaign with a large army, including volunteers whom his reputation attracted from all ])arts of Europe. His object was the reduction of the famous fortress of Belgrad, which had been for a century and a half the strongest bulwark of the Turkisli power on the Danube. The new vizier, ChjHl Pa,sba,. advanced to its relief, and on the 16th of August, Eugene fought the battle of Bfikpid, the most glorious of all his victories. Atone moment the day seemed lost, but his consummate generalship averted the disaster, the Turkish army was scattered to the winds, and only a small remnant escaped with the vizier to Nissa. On the next day the garrison surrendered Belgrad . Eugene now occupied OrsoAva, and led his troops into AvintCT quarters at Semlin. The Porte was compelled by these disasters to seek for peace and to accept the i:)roffered mediation of England and Holland. A conference was opened in the Servian village of Passarowitz. The difficulty of the negotiations lay in the conflicting interests of the two allies. Austria Avas content with the status quo, but Venice wished to recover the M orea which it was unable to reconquer. The emperor was at first inclined to insist upon extreme demands which might have compelled a prolongation of the war. But the Spanish occupation of Sardinia and the threatened attack upon Sicily com- pelled him to be moderate, and i n ^ Jul y. 1718^ the treaty of Passarowitz was signed. Austria retained aU its conquests, thus completing its possession of Hungary by acquiring the Bangi. of Temesvar, and adding to it Belgrad and a strip of Servia. The Turks on their side kept the Morea, while Venice was confirmed in its possession of Corfu and Santa Maura together with the conquests which it had "made in 1717 in Albania and Dalmatia. The Porte engaged to render no assistance to the Hungarian leader Fi;and§ K.i g^jcsky. whom the Sultan had recently invited to Turkey, and who now received a residence in Asia Minor, where he remained till his death, in 1736. The treaty of Passarowitz is an object of legitimate satisfaction to the Austrian historians, but it is doubtful whether their country's interests might not have been better served by the complete reduction of European 'I'lU'key, even if it had involved the loss of Sicily and Sardinia. § 3. The peace with the Turks set the emperor free to cope with the ambitious schemes of Alberoni, which have been described in the A.D. 171G-1724. THE PRAGMATIC SANCTION. 307 last diaper. With the help of the Quadruple Alliance, he was able to overthrow the formidable minister, to recover Sicily, and to add that island to his territories by handing over Sardinia to the duke of Savoy. There were still several unsettled disputes between Spain and Austria. Charles VI. had not laid down the title of king of Spain, and he claimed the grandmastership of the order of the Golden , Flp.f;f;e n,s the direct descendant of its founders, the dukes of Burgundy. These and other points were referred to a congress which was to meet at Cambra y under the mediation of England and France. But it was soon evident that a decision Avould not be arrived at by the ordinary methods of European diplomacy. The mediating powers were hardly sincere in their efforts ; and It'ngland especially Avas concerned more in advancing its commercial interests and justifying its retention of Gibraltar, than in anything else. Two years were wasted in disputes about precedence and etiquette, and it was not till JL724: that the congress of Cambray began its work, and even then it devoted itself to other matters than the reconciliation of Austria and Spain. § 4, The treaty of Passarowitz and the accession of Spain to the Quadruple Alliance mark the zenith of Charles VI.'s power. For a whole generation, ever since l^gi3> Austria had been absorbed in almost incessant wars in w'hich, thanks principally to Prince Eugene, it had reaped a full share of military glory. But from this time a period of decline sets in. Militarj^ activity is superseded by diplomacy, always confused and often wearisome. There is one central point round which it is possible to group the ever changing relations of Eurojie, viz., the constant effort of Charles to procure the confirmation of his favourite Pragmatic Sanction. The succession to the Hapsburg territories had always been a source of dispute. Kudolf, the founder of the house in the 13th century, had declared his possessions indivisible. But his descend- ants had departed from this wise rule, and had resorted to the practice of subdivision. Even after the various provinces had been re-united under Maximilian I., they had been again divided among the children of Ferdinand I. Matters had been rendered worse by the fact that Hungary always, and Bohemia at times, claimed the right of electing their king. Successive rulers had found it necessary to settle the succession during their lifetime. The latest arrangement of the kind had been made in 1703 by Leqx)old_I., when he and his elder son Joseph renounced their claims on the Simnish croA\Ti in favour of the archduke Charles. This was accompanied by a poc^wri mutuce successionis, by wLich Joseph and Leopold were to inherit Spain 'iTTlha'rles died childles ;, and the succession in Austria was thus settled : (1) Joseph and 308 MODERN EUROPE. Chap. xvi. his male heirs ; (2) Charles and his male heirs ; (3) Joseph's daughters ; and t heir descendants; (4) Charles' daughters. In 1711 Joseph X died leavmg two daughters, Maria Amelia and Maria Josepha, and the Austrian territories fell to Charles VI. From the first he seems to have turned his attention to the succession question, and in 1713 he hrought before the council a document, which is knowoi as the Pragmatic Sanction. It contained three articles: (1) The Austrian states are one and indivisible; (2) Males of the house of Hapsburg are to succeed in order of primogeniture ; (3) In default of male heirs, the succession is to go first to the daughters of Charles VI., then to those of Joseph I., and lastly to those of Leopold I, It was this last article which was at complete variance with the agreement of 1703. But the council had no right of remonstrance, and the decree was accepted, though as yet it was not made public. In 1713 Charles VI., who had married the beautiful Elizabeth Christina of Brunswick, was still childless. It was not till 1716 that a son, Leojiold, was born, whose life would have removed all difficulties, but he died in a few months. In 1717 the empress gave birth to a daughter, the famous Maria Thejes^., and in the next year to another daughter. By 1720 the prospect of male descendants had become so distant as to be almost hopeless, and now Charles produced the Pragmatic Sanction and set himself to obtain its confirmation from the estates of the subject provinces. One after another they were induced to give their consent with more or less readiness; first Austria and Silesia in 1720, then Hungary and Transylvania, and lastly Bohemia and the Nether- lands. In 1724 a grand assembly was held at Vienna, to which all the provinces sent deputies, and the Pragmatic Sanction was formally proclaimed as an irrevocable law. The daughters of Joseph I. were compelled on their marriage to renounce all claims to the succession, and their husbands had to accept the renunciation. From this time Charles made it the grand and almost the sole object of his foreign policy to induce all the powers of Europe to guarantee the succession of his eldest daughter, Maria Theresa. It was in vain that his ministers lamented the sacrifice of Austrian interests, and that Eugene maintained that the succession would be better guaranteed by an efficient army and a well-filled treasury than by any number of hollow and interested promises. § 5. Besides the settlement of the succession, there was one other matter in which Charles VI. took a great personal interest. In point of territories he was one of the most powerful princes in Europe. He had inherited Austria, Styria, Carinthia, Silesia, Bohemia with Moravia, Hungary and Transylvania, Tyrol and the A.D. 1720-1724. THE OSTEND COMPANY. 309 Breisgau. To them he had added, by the treaty of Rastadt, Naples, Milan, and the Netherlands ; by the treaty of Passarowitz, Temesvar, Belgrade and northern Servia ; and by the Quadruple Alliance, Sicily. But there was one grear defect in his power which had always hampered the Austrian Hapsburgs. The revenue only amounted to 30 millions of gulden, a sum entirely disproportionate to. the extent of his territories and the number of his subjects. To increase his revenue was naturally an object that lay very close to the emperor's heart. Not unnaturally he turned for this purpose to his recent acquisition, the Netherlands, which had once enjoyed the- most flourishing commerce in the world, and Avhich liad been the chief source of wealth to the Spanish Hapsburgs. But since the war of independence the prosperity of the Netherlands had immensely declined. Dutch jealousy had insisted, in the treaty of Westphalia, on the closing of the Scheldt, and the trade of Antwerp had passed to Amsterdam. Charles VI. determined to revive Flemish commerce as a means of at once filling his own coffers and conciliating his subjects, who had substantial grounds for complaint in the way they had been transferred to Austria without any pretence of consulting their wishes, and in the barrier-treaty which had handed over their chief fortresses to the hated Dutch. Prince Eugene had been appointed governor of the Netherlands in 171G, and although the Turkish war and the necessity of making head against the Spanish party at Vienna prevented him from fulfilling his duties in person, he was anxious to do what he could for the province which had been entrusted to him. He therefore seconded the emperor's wishes, though he tried to restrain him from measures which would excite the jealousy of England and Holland. The re-opening of the Scheldt was too extreme a measure to be ventured upon, but there was an alternative port to Antwerp in Ostend. The merchants of Ostend were encouraged to undertake a trade with India on their own account, and in 1717 several ships made the voyage with great profit. But the Dutch were on the alert to preserve their monopoly, and did not hesitate to use force against the rival traders. Charles was indignant at the insult, but did not venture to risk a rupture as the complaints of Holland were reiterated by England. He determined however to carry out his schemes in defiance of the maritime powers. In 17^ he founded an East Indian Company at Ostend under direct imperial imtrona.2;e. Its capital was fixed at six million gulden in 6000 shares of 1000 gulden each. Foreigners were allowed to purchase shares but were excluded from the meetiugs of shareholders. The company was to have an independent administration, and was authorised to carry the imperial arms and flag. In return for these concessions it was 310 MODERN EUROPE. Chap. xvi. to pay six per cent, ou its profits to the imperial treasury. The company was speedily formed, and in a few months the shares had all been taken up. Before the treaty of Westphalia, European wars and diplomacy had mainly been directed by religious dillerences. But from that time to the French Revolution religion was superseded by com- mercial rivalry. This was one of the results of the so-called ** nieroantile^ systctn." International trade was regarded in those days not as a bargain wliicli was profitable to both parties concerned, but as a contest in which one gained and the other lost. Hence the frequent war of tariffs and rcprts-iive duties which often did much more harm to the resources of both states than open hostilities could have done. It was commercial rivalry which had caused the English wars against Holland nnder Cromwell and Charles II. ; it was the measures taken against a tariff of Colbert's that induced Louis XIV. to make war on the Dutch in 1(572; and commercial interests were at the bottom of the war of the Spanish Succession. So now the formation of the Ostend Company put an end for a time to the long alliance between Austria and England which had been formed in opposition to the House of Bourbon, and which had been confirmed by the accession of the House of Hanover to the English throne. England was determined to suppress the company at all costs, and Charles VI. was resolute to defend it. The anger raised by the English pretensions to a commercial monopoly naturally brought Austria closer to Spain, which had many similar grounds for complaint, and thus facilitated the conclusion of an agreement which the congress of Cambray had hitherto found it impossible to effect. § 6. In spite of the disasters which led to the f dl of Alberoni, Philip A'', of Sjiain and his wife Elizabeth of Parma still clung to their schemes of obtaining an Italian jirincipality for their sons, and of securing the eventual succession to the throne of France. In 1724 Europe was astounded by the news that Philip had abdicalecTin favour of his eldest son Don Luis, and had gone into retirement at St. Ildefonso. The real motive lay, not in weariness of the world, Init in a desire to remove all obstacles in the way of his accession in France, where Louis XV. was expected to die before long. But the move was not successful, Louis XV. lived, and the queen .soon Avearied of her retirement. Luckily for her, Luis died eight months after his accession. To the surprise of the world, and not altogether to the satisfaction of his subjects, Philip V. -left his retreat to resume the crown which he had laid down of his own accord. At tliis time the cliief infiuence over the queen was exercised bj' A.D. 1724-1725. RIPPERDA. 311 another of those foreign a'l venturers who at this time found in Spain a ready market for their talents. Rippcrda was a native of Gronijagen, who rose to piomiuence in the service of Holland, and after the treaty of Utrecht was sent as Dutch minister to Madrid. Foreseeing the jiossibility of advancement in Spain he resigned his office, became a naturalised Spaniard, and rendered considerable service to Alberoni in matters, of trade and finance, of which he had a real knowledge. Having incurred the displeasure of the minister, Ripuerda had to leave Spain, for a time. In Gennany he came into contact with prince Eugene, who gave him a pension, and it is possible that his later conduct was dictated to him from Vienna. On the fall of Alberoni he returned to Spain and won the favour of the king by changing his religion, and of the queen by the readiness with which he fell in with her favourite plans. The one creditable motive which can be assigned to him was the desire to restore the commercial prosperity of Spain by annihilating the maritime power of England. He persuaded the queen that the best chance not only of acquiring a princijjality in Italy for Don Carlos, but also of regaining Gibraltar, lay in breaking altogether with Eng- land and France andTn a close alliance with the emperor. Accord- ingly, at the end of 1 724 h e was sent to Vienna, which he entered incognito as Baton Pfaffeiiburg, and held secret conferences with the minister Sinzendorf. § 7. While he was in Vienna a great impulse was given to the negotiations by the sudden dismissal of the Spanish infanta from France and the marriage of Louis XV. to Mario Leczinska. This insult caused the bitterest indignation in the minds of Philip and Elizabeth, and disposed them to use any possible means of obtain- ing revenge. 1"he emperor being at this time at enmity with England on accoimt of the Ostentl Company, and being also anxious to obtain from Spain the confirmation of the Pragmatic Sanction, Ripperda had little difficulty in arranging terms, and the work which the congress of Cambray had found im]:x)ssible was completed in a few days. On the 30thof April, 1725^ the alliance of Vj£Wi*' was concluded. Charles vi. renounced his claim to the Spanish crown, while Philip made a similar renunciation of Naples, Sicily, Milan, and the Netherlands. The succession to the duchies of Parma and Tuscany was promised to Don Carlos, the eldest son of Philip and Elizabeth. Spain undertook to guarantee the Prag- matic Sanction, and the emperor pledged himself to use his influence with Kngland to obtain the cession of Gibraltar and Minorca. On tlie_l^ of May a commercial treaty was'drawn uj), by which Philip sanctioned the Ostend Company and opened the Spanish ports to it, and, to conciliate the empire, -he promised to transfer to the Germans 312 MODERN EUROPE. Chap. xvi. the commercial privileges in Spain which had hitherto been enjoyed by England and Holland. Besides these two public treaties there was a third, which was to be kept perfectly secret, and the con- ditions of which were only made knoAVTi precisely by the revelations of Eipperda. By this the emperor pledged himself to aid Spain, if necessary by force, to recover Gibraltar, and in the event of George I. proving obstinate, to assist the Jacobites in dejiosing the Hanoverian dynasty. There was also an arrangement, although it was doubtful how far the emperor committed himself to it, that Maria Theresa and one of her sisters should be married to two of the sons of Philip V. This close alliance with Spain was made in direct opposition to the advice of Eugene, who was anxious to avoid so complete and open a breach with England. So sudden a reconciliation between such old enemies as the Hapsburgs and the Spanish Bourbons naturally caused great excitement in Europe, but need not have inspired alarm if the last treaty had been kept sufficiently secret. But the indiscreet vanity of Ripperda led him to boast of the great results which he had achieved, and the English and French envoys were soon able to transmit sufficiently accurate information to their respective govern- ments. The English ministers were thrown into consternation by the news, and France was also threatened, though less directly, and moreover was unable to allow the possible union of Austria and Spain by the marriage of Maria Theresa and Philip's son. Accord- ingly the two powers formed the opposition league of Hanovej, in Septem ber, 1725. Frederick William of Prussia also joined the league, tiiough not immediately interested, partly because he had several grounds of quarrel with the emperor, and partly in the hope of obtaining Jiilich and Berg from the Palatine house of Neuburg. Europe was divided into two hostile leagues, each of which endeavoured to obtain as many allies as possible. Jealousy of the Ostend Company induced Holland, and the prospect ot English subsidies induced Denmark and Sweden to join the league of Hanover. The emperor, on his side, gained over several of the south German princes and also Catharine I. of Russia, who had succeeded to Peter the Great's dislike of Hanover. A still greater success was the separation of Prussia from the side of his enemies by the treaty of Wusterhausen (Oct. 1726). § 8. Meanwhile Ripperda, the author of all this turmoil, had fallen into disgrace. On his return to Madrid he was received with the greatest honours, raised to the rank of duke, and appointed minister of foreign affairs. This sudden advancement seems to have turned his head. Hitherto he had shown real ability for business, henceforth he was conspicuous only for vanity and overweening A.D. 1725-1726. RTPPEKDA'S FALL. 313 presumption. He openly threatened to drive the kings of England and Prussia from their thrones. It soon became evident that he had deceived others as well as himself. The arrival at Madrid of an Austrian envoy, Konigsegg, convinced the queen that httle had really been gained by the treaty of Vienna. Instead of brmgmg troops the envoy only demanded money, which Ihpperda had boastfully promised, but of which Spain had but a scanty supply. To raise supplies he resorted to extortion, debasement of the coma^e and other extreme measures, which increased his already crreat mipopularity among the native Spaniards. The emperor also showed no great readiness to conclude the projected marriage of the archduchess, and excused himself on the ground that it excited great discontent among the German princes. The queen was the last to ^ive up her belief in the minister who had promised her so much "At last, however, Fipperda received a notice of dismissal from office in May, .U2&. In childish terror he sought refuge in the house of tTTTEngUah minister Stanhoi-e, to whom he disclosed all the secrets of the cabinet. I'.nraged at this conduct Philip imprisoned him in the castle of Segovia, but after fifteen months he made his escape to England, and thence to Morocco, where he entered the service of the emperor, became a Mohammedan, and died in 1737. He has naturally been compared with Alberoni, whom he rivalled in ability, especially for domestic government, but to whom he was infinitely inferior in the essentials of character and conduct. Ripperdas policy was continued by his successor, Don Joseph _£atino, who adhered to the Austrian aUiance and dispatched a fleet to lay siege to Gibraltar. A general European war seemed to be inevitable. Charles VI. set himself to increase his army ai.d to form the rudiments of a navy. France collected troops on the Spanish frontiers. The English parliament was roused by the proiected intervention in favour of the Jacobites and by the pros- pect of losin- Gibraltar to vote lavish subsidies. The army was strengthened", and a fleet sent to attack the Spanish galleons at Porto Bello. , . ^T In spite of all these warlike preparations the war came to nothing. The chief causes of this were : (1) the pacific tendencies of Walpole in England and of Fleury in France ; and (2) the growing coolness between the emperor and Spain, The alliance of Vienna was essentially unnatural and could not last. It would have been impossible to marry Maria Theresa to a Spanish prmce even if she had not been destined for Francis Joseph of Lorraine. Moreover, the prospect of the erection of a Spanish duchy in the centre of Italy was extremely distasteful to the emperor. Other causes combined 15* 314 MODEKN EUROPE. Chap, xvi to incline Charles to peace. The king of Prussia, though he had deserted the Hanoverian alliance, was not really anxious to support the emperor, and maintained an obstinate neutrality. And the death of Catharine of Russia deprived the league of Vienna of its one powerful supporter. Accordingly, in May, 1727, while the siege of Gibraltar was proceeding, Charles threw over his obligations to Spain and signed the preliminaries of a peace with England, France and Holland. The Ostend Company was to be suspended for seven years, and all other questions were referred to a European Congress at .^y^l^ which was afterwards, for the convenience of Fleury, transferred to Soissoi^. Spain hesitated for some time to accept this arrangement, and was encouraged in the delay by the d ath of George I. But when it was seen that George II.'s accession made no difference in the attitude of England, and that Walpole's power W3S unshaken, Philip was unable to hold out any longer, and in j-\^ >^' ^Iarch, 1728 , signed the convention of thePardo. ly^ § y. I'he congress met at Soissons, but provecFas ineffective and useless as the previous assembly at Cambray. The emi)eror, anxious to gain the assent of I'.ngland and France to the Pragmatic Sanction, severed himself altogether from Spain and made no pre- tence of supporting her demand for Gibraltar. Philip V. was now almost imbecile and his wife was practically absolute. The attitude of Charles VI. induced her to give up all hojies of obtaining her ends with the help of Austria. The birth of a son to Louis XV. in 1729, destroyed all prospect of the Spanish Bourbons acquiring the French crown, and made her more anxious than ever to obtain an Italian principality for her son. For this purpose she determined to throw herself into the arms of France and England, and in November, 1729, she accepted the treaty of Seville. Spain, England and France concluded an oflensive and defensive alliance, which was immediately afterwards joined by Holland. No mention was made of Gibraltar and Minorca, which were virtually resigned by Spain. The commercial privileges accorded by the treaty of Vienna to the Ostend Company and the emperor's subjects were revoked. Don Carlos was to succeed to the duchies of Parma and Tuscany, and to secure his rights those provinces were to be occupied by GOOO Spanish troops. The news of the treaty of Seville excited the greatest indigna- tion in the mind of Charles VI., who saw himself completely duped. He collected an army of 30,000 men in Italy to opjiose the threatened occupation of the Italian duchies, and when the old duke of Parma died in January, 1731, he seized upon his territory as a fief of the empire. Elizabeth called upon her allies to enforce the treaty, but neither France nor England was willing K.V. 1727-1732. TREATY OF VIENNA. 315 to make war. But there was one bribe which could overcome the emperor's opposition. Walpole determined to act independently of France, and opened a separate negotiation with the Austrian government. In March, 1731, the second treaty of Vienna was concluded. On condition that England should guarantee the Pragmatic Sanction, Charles agreed to dissolve the Ostend Company and to confirm the treaty of Seville. In 1732, Don Carlos and the Spanish troops were conveyed to Italy in English ships, and took possession of Parma and Piacenza with the emperor's sanction. At the same time the aged duke of Tuscany acknowledged the Spanish prince as his heir, 'i'hus the long and tedious series of disputes and agreements came to an end, and Europe seemed likely to enjoy peace for a time. § 10. The temporary settlement of Italian affairs enabled Charles VI. to turn his whole attention once more to the Pragmatic Sanction. The first European power to undertake its guarantee had been Spain in 172p. Russia had followed in 1726, and now in 1731 England and Holland were pledged to the same effect. France was resolute in its refusal to agree to the emperor's scheme, and even intrigued in the other European courts to obtain its rejection. It was of especial impoitance to Charles to gain over the German princes, of whom only one, the king of Prussia, had as yet given his consent, on condition that his claims upon Jiilich and Berg should be acknowledged. In January, 1732, a diet met at Katisbon, and the Pragmatic Sancti-on was formally accepted by all its members except the three electors of Saxony, Bavaria, and the Palatinate. The two former had themselves some claims on the Austrian succession and hoped to obtain at least a share on Charles' death. The elector palatine was alienated by the prospect of Prussia acquiring Jiilich and Berg. As Augustus of Saxony was determined in his refusals to recognise the Pragmatic Sanction, the emperor on his side opposed the elector's favourite scheme of making the Polish crown heredi- tary in his family by procuring the succession of his son, another Augustus. The other prominent candidate was the deposed Stanislaus Leczinski, the former jirote'g^ of Charles XII., who had recently regained importance as the father-in-law of Louis XV. The prospect of the establishment of French influence in Poland was very distasteful to the northern powers, who were already looking forward to a partition of that kingdom. Accordingly a treaty was projected between Austria, Russia and Prussia, by which they agreed to exclude both the Saxon claimant and Leczinski, and to give the Polish crown to Emanuel prince of Portugal. But before the treaty was signed, -Augustus of Saxony and Poland died 316 MODEKN EUROPE. Chap. xvi. in February, 1733. The vacancy in this remote, and on account of its constitution powerless, kingdom was destined to involve Europe in an almost universal war. In Poland there was a strong feeling that the foreign rulers had brought nothing but disasters on the country, and that a native should be elected. This was much in favour of Leczinski, but he had little chance of being chosen unless France would espouse his cause. Fleury was as usual averse to war, and protested against the idea of ruining France for the sake of the king's father-in-law. He was not very well disposed to Marie Leczinska, whose marriage had been the work of the duke of Bourbon, and besides Louis XV. was not devotedly attached to his wife. But the same qualities which inclined Fleury to a policy of peace rendered him incapable of resisting the pressure of the strong war party in France. This was composed jiartly of the surviving veterans of Louis XIV.'s reign, such as Villars and Berwick, and partly of the young courtiers who had never seen a war and were anxious for the opportunity of distinguishing themselves. Their representations forced the king and minister to promise assistance to Stanislaus, who made his way in disguise to Warsaw and was there elected king by a majority of the Polish nobles. This event caused great excitement in northern Europe. Russia was determined not to tolerate the restoration in Poland of a king whom Peter the Great had expelled. The empress Anne, who had recently freed herself from the aristocratic restrictions imposed at her accession, made an alliance with the young Augustus of Saxony and sent an army to supj^rt him. The emperor was induced to take the same side when Augustus undertook to guarantee the Pragmatic Sanction. Austrian troops were massed in Silesia on the Polish frontier, but were never employed, as the Ikissians and Saxons were quite able to do the work by themselves. I>eczinski was driven from Warsaw and took refuge in Danzig, where he impatiently waited for the promised succour from France. But Fleury, though he had committed himself to the war, was not prepared to jjursue it with energy. Ue feared lest the despatch of a French fleet to the Baltic might offend the susceptibilities of England, and moreover he saw an easier way of benefiting France in the south than in the north of Europe. Only 16,000 men came to the assistance of Stanislaus, and in spite of the heroism which they displayed, they were unable to force an entrance into Danzig. The result of this disappointment was that Danzig had to surrender to the Piussians, and the Poles had nothing left but to acknowledge Augustus IIL as king. Stanislaus escaped into Prussia, where he was hospitably received by Frederick William, who had remained A.D. 1733. WAR OF THE POLISH SUCCESSION. 317 neutral during the war, and who refused to give up the fugitive on the demand of the emperor. § 11. It would have been well for Charles VI. if he had imitated the prudent policy of Prussia and not committed himself to either side. The accession of Augustus was effected without his intervention, which brought him no advantage beyond the Saxon confirmation of the Pragmatic Sanction, while on the other hand it involved him in a disastrous war with France. It is probable that he was misled by excessive confidence in the pacific tendencies of Fleury, but never- theless, his conduct in the Polish succession is the most con- spicuous illustration of the evils that were brought upon Austria by Charles' insane desire to have his daughter's succession universally guaranteed. Fleury had displayed no very keen desire to maintain Stanislaus Leczinski on the Polish throne, but he showed great ingenuity in using the pretext for war to obtain other ends, Italy was to be freed from the Hapsburg supremacy, and instead of being united to any single great power was to be divided into small princijjalities, which would serve the purposes of France. At the same time there was a possibility of obtaining a direct advantage to France in the direction of Lorraine, an imperial fief which was almost surrounded by French territories and had often been occupied by French arms, but had as yet escaped annexation. The province was of greater importance than ever at the present moment, because the dnke Francis was betrothed to Maria Theresa, and her accession in Austria would bring the Hapsburg jrower inconveniently nety,- xw- the French frontier. For these purposes Fleury sought and obtained the alliance of Spain and Sardinia. Elizabeth of Spain was far from being satisfied with what she had gained by the treaty of Vienna. It was true that Don Carlos was established in Parma and had been recognised as heir to the duke of Tuscany. But the emperor had taken no pains to disguise his dissatisfaction with the arrangement, and had protested against the homage done by the Tuscan estates as being null without the imperial consent. The queen readily grasped at the opportunity of increasing the power of her family in Italy by renewing the alliance between the two branches of the house of Bourbon. Savoy and Sardinia were ruled by Charles Emanuel, who had come to the throne on the abdication of his father Victor Amadeus. Charles Emanuel inherited that eager desire for territorial aggrandisement which had characterised all his pre- decessors. They had aimed, it was said, at eating up Lombardy leaf by leaf like an artichoke ; he wished to swallow it at once. In September and October, 173.3, the league of Turin was concluded 318 MODERN EUROPE. Chap. xvi. between France, Spain, and Sardinia. Don Carlos was to renounce Parma and the succession to Tuscany in favour of his younger brother Don Philip, and was to acquire Naples and Sicily as a, kingdom for himself. Both the kingdom and the duchies Avere to revert to Spain in case of the male line of their rulers becoming extinct. The king of Sardinia was to annex the Milanese to Piedmont, and thus to form a kingdom of Lombardy. AVhen the conquest was completed. Savoy was to be handed over to France. No time was lost in commencing hostilities. Two French armies were collected. One under Berwick entered Lorraine, while the other under the aged Villars crossed the Alps to assist Charles Emanuel. Before the end of the year Lorraine had been overrun, and great part of the Milanese, including the capital, had been lost to the emperor. Charles VL was entirely unprepared for this sudden attack, v>'hich his own imprudence had brought upon himself. He made urgent aj^i^eals for assistance to England, but Walpole resolutely refused to take part in the w\ar. Then he turned to Germany, where the diet voted supplies, but the resolu- tion lost much of its importance through the open opposition of the three Wittelsbach electors of Bavaria, Cologne and the Palatinate. Worst of all, the great Austrian general, Eugene, was old and worn out, and there was no successor to take liis place. The military operations of 1734 are devoid of interest and importance except as regaids their results. On the Pliine Eugene undertook the command of a large imperial army to oppose Berwick, who had broken through the lines of Ettlingen. But Eugene displayed none of his old genius or energy, and was unable to prevent the French from capturing Philipsburg, although Berwick was killed during the siege. Jn northern Italy Villars had planned a triumphant campaign Avith the aid of Sardinia and Spain. But he was foiled by the conduct of his allies. Charles Emanuel refused to take part in operations in the oj^en field and contented himself with a war of sieges. Don Carlos, intent on his enterprise in the south, had no particular interest in the aggrandisement of Sardinia. Villars resigned Ids command in disgust, and on his way back to France died at Turin (17 June, 1734), at the age of eighty-two, the last of the great generals of Louis XIV. The result of the campaign was that the Austrian general, Mercy, though defeated near Parma, was able to keep the strong fortress of Mantua and thus to maintain his hold upon eastern Lombardy. More decisive results were achieved in the south. Don Carlos entered Naples with a small army and was welcomed by the inhabitants, who disliked the German govern- ment, and who preferred to be ruled by a resident king rather than by a viceroy. The imperial forces had been diminished for the AD. 1734-1737. CONCLUSION OF PEACE. 319 protection of the Milanese, and tlie remaining troops were crushed by the Spaniards at Bitonto. In 1735 the Spanish troops crossed into Sicily and reduced the island without any difficulty. In Lombardy Konigsegg, who had succeeded Mercy, had to retire beyond the Adige. On the Ehine Eugene was again in command and was reinforced by auxiliaries from Russia. But nothing of any importance took place, and the chief powers, France and Austria, were absorbed not so much in the war as in negotiations. Walpole had offered to mediate, and Fleury, in constant fear lest England should desert her neutrality, was eager for peace. Charles VI. was naturally inclined the same way, partly by his losses in the war, partly by the desire to gain a new confirmation for the Pragmatic Sanction, and partly by the danger of a new Turkish war. On the 3rd of October, 1735, the preliminaries of a treaty between France and Austria were signed at Vienna. Stanislaus Leczinski renounced the Polish crown in favour of Augustus of Saxony, but was allowed to retain the title of king for his lifetime. As compensation he was to receive the duchy of Lorraine, which on his death was to pass into the hands of France. Francis of Lorraine, the destined son-in-law oi Charles VI., was to receive Tuscany on the death of the last grand-duke of th6 house of Medici. Don Carlos was to be recognised as king of Naples and Sicily, his former duchy of Parma and Piacenza being handed over to the emperor. All other conquests made by the allies, including Lombardy, were to be restored, with the exception of Novara and Tortona, which were to be given to the king of Sardinia. It is evident that Fleury had giveu up the design of freeing Italy from the Hapsburgs. Not only did the emperor recover Lombardy, but he added to it Parma and Piacenza, and his son-in-law in 173 T obtained Tuscany, 'i hus by resigning the distant provinces in the south, he gained a compact territory in northern and central Italy. The great advantage to France, which has given Fleury a dis- tinguished p)lace among French ministers, was the arrangement about Lorraine. Stanislaus took possession of the duchy in 1737, and at last obtained an opportunity for displaying his really eminent qualities as a ruler. After a beneficent administration of twenty-nine years he died in 1766, and Lorraine was absorbed in France. It had been so long practically separated from Germany, that its loss, though resented, was not much felt, while it was of considerable importance to the French as rounding off their frontiers. It was the last of the great accessions of territory which the country owed to its Bourbon rulers. Elizabeth of Spain was bitterly discontented at the proposed terms, and especially at the 320 MODERN EUROPE. Chap. xvi. loss of Parma and Tuscany. But she was powerless to continue tho war by herself, though she succeeded in postponing the conclusion of the definitive treaty till 1738. In this France undertook in the most explicit terms possible to guarantee the Pragmatic Sanction. § 12. Austria had suffered serious losses of prestige if not of power in the war of the Polish succession; but she was destined to undergo still greater humiliations in the succeeding years. On the 21st of April, 1736, Prince Eugene died at the age of seventy-two. His career is coincident with what is on the whole the most glorious period of Austrian history, since Charles V. had little direct connection with Austria. His claim to the affectionate and admiring recollection of the country which he served is to be measured by the collapse which followed his death. 'J'he mof>t powerful man in Vienna was now Johann Christopher von Bartenstein. He was the son of a professor in Munich and had received his education at Paris. He came to Vienna in 1714, became a Roman Catholic, and entered the service of the govern- ment. Though he never held any higher office than that of secretary to the cabinet, and was despised by contemporaries for his plebeian origin, he obtained complete suj^remacy over Charles VI., who placed unlimited confidence in his honesty and his devotion to the Hapsburg interests. Unfortunately these were his only recommendations. Bartenstein was before everything a jurist, with all a jurist's love for pettifogging details, and filled with an unbounded belief in the cumbrous and obsolete constitution of the Holy Roman Empire. He had not the slightest pretensions to statesmanship, no insight into character, no powers of administra- tion. What he excelled in was the drawing up of protocols and engagements with foreign powers. It was his influence to a great extent that induced the emjoeror to attach such exaggerated importance to the reiterated guarantees of the Pragmatic Sanction, § 13. One of the most humiliating episodes of Austrian history is the Turkish war of 1737-9, in which Charles was involved by his alliance with Russia. That country had never ceased to desire the re-acquisition of Azof, the conquest of which had been the first achievement of Peter the Great, but which he had lost again by his disastrous campaign on the Pruth in 1711. The Czarina Amie after the settlement of the Polish question seized the opportunity to declare war in 1736 against the Porte, which was at this time engaged in a contest with Persia. One army under Munnich entered the Crimea, broke through the lines of Perekop, and overran the peninsula, while another imder Lascy recovered Azof. By the treaty with Catharine I., in 1726, Russia and Austria had pledged themselves to send 30,000 auxiliaries to each other in case A.i>, 1736-1739. AUSTR0-TURKT8H WAT!. 821 either were iuvolved in war with tlie Turlcs. 'I'liis agreement had been eonfirmed in 1735 as the price of a Russian contingent to help Engene on the Khine. Anne now called upon the emperor to fulfil his engagement. If he had been content with sending the 30,000 men no great harm would have been done. But the Eussian successes of 1736 had created the impression that recent losses might be compensated by a war of con-juest, and Charles and his advisers determined to commit Austria to the war, not as an auxiliary but as a princiiml. The command was entrusted to Seckeudorf, whom Eugene had pointed out as his successor, but Avho laboured under the disadvantage of being a Protestant. On his arrival at the Hungarian frontier, Seckendorf found everything in the most deplorable condition, the troops were ill supplied, the fortresses had been neglected, the garrisons were insufficient. He wished to resign, but was induced to go on with the campaign. He succeeded in taking Nissa, the chief fortress which remained to the Turks in Servia. But two months afterwards the vizier arrived with overwhelming forces, forced the Austrians to retire, and recovered Nissa, so that the camimi^n ended without anything having been effected. The Jesuits maintained that no victory could be gained against the infidels as long as a heretic was allowed to command. Seckendorf was not only recalled but even thrown into prison. His successor in 1738, Ki'migsegg, succeeded in forcing the Turks to raise the siege of Orsowa. But his success was only temporary, he was driven back to the walls of Belgrad. Orsowa and several other fortresses fell into the hands of the enemy. The government at Vienna could think of no other resource than to treat failure as a crime and punish it by disgrace. Konigsegg was replaced by count Wallis, who proved even less successful than his predecessors. In the battle of Crocyka (July, 1739), the Turks won a complete victory and now threatened Belgrad, the greatest of Eugene's conquests. These continued disasters impelled the emperor to desire peace. If the military operations had been sufficiently discreditable and iJl-managed, the subsequent negotiations were still more so. Charles began by sending Wallis full powers to treat with the grand vizier. He had already commenced negotiations and had recognised the necessity of surrendering Belgrad, when Neipj^erg, a hostile officer, arrived with independent powers from the emperor. Neipperg was imprisoned by the vizier for maintaining that he had no authority to grant the cession of Belgrad which had already been arranged by Wallis. However, he was released on the intercession of the French envoy, Villeneuve, who now undertook to mediate between the two powers. On the 1st of September the treaty of Belgrad was 322 MODERN EUROPE. Chap, xvi drawn up, perhaps the most humiliating treaty that Austria ever concluded. Belgrad and Orsowa were surrendered, together with all the territories acquired by the treaty of Passarowitz, with the exception of Temesvar. Meanwhile the Russians, though they had won no great successes, had at any rate held their own. But the secession of Austria compelled the termination of the war, and on the 18th of September peace was also arranged between Russia and the Porte. All the Russian conquests were restored except Azof, and its fortifications were to be dismantled and the district laid waste. The Czarina had to promise not to maintain a single vessel on the Black Sea or on the sea of Azof, and to conduct all commerce with Turkey by Turkish vessels. Thus the sole gain of Russia from a war that had cost much treasure and more lives was the acquisition of a barren strip of useless land. § 14. The treaty of Belgrad was mainly the work of Villeneuve, who considered that he had rendered a service to France in exalting Turkey at the expense of Austria. Charles VI. felt the disgrace keenly and it threw a gloom over his remaining days. His govern- ment was imprudent and incapable to the last. There was one power, Prussia, whom it was his most obvious policy to conciliate. Frederick William had been the first German prince to guarantee the Pragmatic Sanction, he was the best alile to fulfil his promise, but at the same time he had the greatest temptations to break it. A weak and divided Austria would at once give Prussia the supremacy in Germany. In spite of these considerations Charles did not scruple to alienate this prince without any particular motive. In 1728, he had promised the king to secure his succession to the duchy of Berg. In January, 1739, a secret treaty was made at Versailles between France and Austria, by which, on the death of the elector palatine, provisional possession for two years of Jiilich and Berg was to be given to Karl Theodore of Sulzbach. This was intended to exclude the Prussian claims. As the elector survived Charles VI. the question did not arise dming his lifetime, but it illustrates the reckless imprudence with which he threw obstacles in the way even of his own most cherished schemes. On the 26th of October, 1740, Charles VI. died. He left a disjointed, ill-governed, and exhausted collection of territories to his daughter Maria Theresa, whose succession was not one whit the more secure for the numerous and solemn engagements that had been entered into by the powers of Europe. V CHAPTEE XVH. PRUSSIA BEFORH THE ACCESSION OF FkEDERICK THE GREAT. § 1. History of the House of Hohenzollein; acquisitions of territory §2. The Great Elector; his foreign policy; claims upon Silesia; treachery of the Austrian Government. § 3. Domestic policy of the Great Elector. § 4. Frederick I. ; he acquires the title of king of Prussia. § 5. Frederick William I. • his army ; his civil administration ; his foreign policy; relations with Austria. § 6. The royal family; Frederick William's quarrel with his son. § 7. Attitude of Prussia in the war of the Polish Succession ; gradual alienation from Austria; death of Frederick William I. § 1. The mark of Brandenburg had been formed in the tenth century on the northern frontier of Germany, for the combined purposes of defence and aggression against the Sl a\'on ic tribe of Wends . In the hands of the Ascanier margraves it became a powerful princi- pality and one of the four secular electorates of the empire. At the Council of Constance in 1415, Brandenburg was given by the emperor Sigismund to Frederick of HohenzoUern, and was thus united to the considerable territories which the Hohenzollerns already possessed in Franconia. Subsequently the family split into several branches, the elder line keeping the electorate, while the younger took the Franconian territories, which were known as the princi- pality of C ulmbac h, and were afterwards divided into A nspach and Baireuth. In 1G03 and 1618 these younger lines died out, iand their possessions fell to the reigni-ng elector. But during their existence they had made acquisitions and founded claims which are of great importance. In 1524 George of Anspach had acquired by purchase the principality of Jtigerndoj f in Silesi a. And in the next year his younger brother Albert, the grand master of the Teutonic Order, abandoned his ecclesiastical dignity and obtained the duchy of Prussia u nder the suzerainty of the king of Poland. Albert's son, another Albert (1568-1618) married Maria Eleanora, eldest daughter and heiress of William duke of Cleve and Jiilich . The marriage produced only daughters, but of these the eldest was married to Jolm Sigismund, elector of Brandenburg. 324 MODERN EUROPE. Chap. xvii. Joachim Frederick, who was elector from 1598 to 1008, did not keep the Culmbach territories when thej' fell in to him in 1G03, but granted them out again to his brothers Joachim Ernest and Christian, thus founding two new lines of Ansp ach and Baireuth. Jagerndorf he gave to his second son John George, from whom it was confiscated in 1623 by the emperor Ferdinand 11. The electorate passed to Joachim Frederick's eldest son, John Sigismund (1608-1619), who succeeded in 1618 to the duchy of Prussia which was still under Polish suzerainty. John Sigismund plays an important jmrt in history. In 1609 the duchies of Cleve and Jiilich becoming vacant by the death of duke William, he at once claimed them as the husband of the lawful heiress. He was opposed however by the palatine house of Neuburg, which had a rival claim through marriage with a daughter of William of Cleve. This dispute, which nearly kindled a great religious war in Europe, remained unsettled for many years, both the claimants keeping a firm hold of j^art on the inheritance. To emphasise his opposition to the Neuburg family who had gone over to Catholicism, John Sigismund became a Calvinist. Hence- forth Calvinism is the court religion of the Hohenzollern princes, althovigh the bulk of their subjects were and remained Lutherans. § 2. In the Thirty Years' war George William of Brandenburg (1619-1640), as has been seen, played a very sorry part, and the only result of his attempted neutrality was that his territories suffered more than those of many princes who took an open and honourable side. But a new epoch opened for the house of Hohen- zollern with the accession of his son Frederick William, the Great F.lector and the real creator of the Prussian monarchy. His first task was to redeem the disasters of the late rule. Departing altogether from his father's policy, he succeeded in ridding his territories of foreign troops, and in the peace of Westjjhalia he emerged from the war with considerable acquisitions, Lower Pom- erania and the secularised bishojmcs of Halberstadt, Minden and Magdeburg. This success was continued throughout his reign. By liis dexterous conduct in the northern war (1655-1660) which was kindled by Charles X. of Sweden, he achieved his greatest triumph, and freed Prussia for ever from the suzerainty of the Polish crown. In 1666 he concluded a final treaty of partition with the Neuburg family, by which they were to have Jiilich and Bej:g, while he kept Cleve, Eayensberg, and Mark. On the extinction of either family the territories were to pass to the other, to the exclusion of all collateral claims. This arrangement becomes of considerable importance later on. When Louis XIV. provoked a war by his attack upon Holland in 1672, the Great Elector, always a keen supporter of Protestantism, joined the league against France. To A.D. 1598-1686. KISE OF PRUSSIA. 325 draw him away from the Rhine, Louis induced the Swedes to invade Brandenburg. Frederick William had an old quarrel to fight out with Sweden. Hurrying northwards by forced marches, he not only repulsed the invaders and defeated them at Fehrbeliin (June, 1675), but even drove them away from Upper Pomerania, which had been given to Sweden by the treaty of Westphalia in spite of the HohenzoUera claims. This great acquisition, which would have given Brandenburg the desired opening to the Baltic, it was found impossible to keep. Louis XIV. insisted that the Swedes should not suffer for their alliance with him, and to the elector's great disgust he had to restore his Pomeranian conquests in 1679. To compensate himself in some measure for this loss, Frederick William now demanded that the emperor Leopold should satisfy his claims in Silesia, which require some explanation. In the first place there was the duchy of Jiigerndorf which had been confiscated by Ferdinand II. in 1623, a high-handed action which had been constantly protested against by the HohenzoUerns. There were also other claims. In 1537 the elector Joachim II. had concluded an Erhverhri'cderung, or treaty of mutual inheritance, with the dukes o f L iegnitz. By this the dukes of Liegnitz were to obtain a part of the Brandenburg territories if the electoral line became extinct, while on the other hand, if they themselves died out, their Silesian possessions, Liegnitz, Wohlau and Brieg, wei'e to pass to the Hohen- zoUerns. Ferdinand I., Charles V.'s brother, maintained that the dukes of Liegnitz had no right to make such a treaty without his consent as king of Bohemia, and compelled them to revoke it. But the house of Brandenburg had always refused to recognise this revocation, and maintained that the treaty was perfectly valid. In 1675 the last duke of Liegnitz died, and the emperor Leopold at once took possession of his territories. At the moment Frederick William was occupied with the Pomeranian war, but as soon as that was concluded he demanded that the treaty should be executed and that he should also be put in possession of Jiigerndorf. At first the court of Vienna was obstinate in its refusal. But the threatening attitude of Louis XIV. both in political and religious matters, as illustrated in the reunions &\iA the revocation of the Edict of Nantes, compelled a reconciliation between the two chief German powers, and a compromise was arranged in 1 686, By this Frederick William renounced his claims to Jjigerndorf and Liegnitz, in return for which the emperor ceded to him the circle of Schwiebus in Silesia and guaranteed the HohenzoUern succession m East Friesland. But even this concession was a mere sham. At the very moment of concluding this treaty the Austrian ambassador made a secret agreement with the elector's son and successor, liy which the 326 MODERN EUROPE. Chap. xvii. latter pledged himself to restore Schwiebus immediately on his accession. § 3. The domestic policy of the Great Elector was even more im- portant than his foreign relations. He succeeded, not to a single united state, but to a number of provinces, separated from each other geographically as well as by laws and customs, and having little in common with each other except their German name and language and subjection to the same ruler. A Prussian could hold no office in Brandenburg, nor a Bradenburger in Cleve: each province excluded all but native troops. In Brandenburg the soldiers had to take an oath to the emperor as well as to the margrave, and in Prussia the estates could at first appeal to the king of Poland, and even when that connexion was broken off they were more than once inclined to restore it. In each province there were recognised assemblies of estates, intent only on provincial objects, and on maintaining their independence by checking the central power. The elector's revenue came partly from his owa domains and partly from taxes which were granted by the provincial assemblies. The internal condition of the country was discouraging. The peasantry were crushed in serfdom to the nobles and the fields had been laid waste during the war. Owing to the same causes, trade and manufactures had perished in the toAvns, and the schools and universities were deserted. There was perhaps more than one way in which material prosperity might be restored and some amount of unity given to the jarring interests of classes and provinces. But there was one Avay which was undoubtedly quicker and surer than any other, and which could alone commend itself to a ruler in the 17th century. This was the establishment of a strong central power, which should govern not for its own sake but for the general good, and this, the foundation of a paternal despotism in the best and only true sense, was the object which Frederick William set before himself. He had no sympathy with constitutional govern- ment, and it is certain that the time and the circumstances were unsuited for it. His first act was the formation of a standing army, which gained him respect abroad and made him irresistible at home. For its support he induced the towns, not without difficulty, to grant him a permanent excise, which was a valuable addition to his revenue. The estates or Landstdnde, the strongholds of provincialism, gradually lost most of their powers. The nobles were deprived of their political independence, though allowed to retain their mastery over the peasants, and were induced to look for honour and promotion in the service of the elector. Thus was created an absolute rule which represented and formed the unity of the state, and this A.D. 1688-1713. THE PRUSSIAN KINGDOM. 327 ITOwer was uniformly exercised, not for selfish objects, but for the real welfare of the subjects. Agriculture and commerce were fostered in every way and sj^eedily recovered from the ravages of the war. Marshes were drained, and under the elector's own supervision a canal, which bears his name, was cut between the Elbe and the Oder. To repair the losses in population foreigners were encouraged to settle in the country, and the revocation of the Edict of Nantes brought nearly 20,000 industrious Huguenots into the elector's territories. § 4. Frederick William's successor, FiTdcrick J. (1688-1713) is noteworthy chiefly because he obtained the title of king of Prussia. This was conferred upon him in 1700 by the emperor Leopold, who was anxious to obtain allies for the api^roaching war of the Spanish succession. Before this Frederick had had to keep his promise about restoring Schwiebus, but he protested that he had been deceived in the matter, and that therefore the renunciation of the Silesian territories was invalid and null. In domestic government the king departed from the traditions of his predecessor. Anxiety to support his new dignity led him to maintain a magni- ficent and expensive court, and this produced confusion and loss in the finances. Prussian troops played a distinguished part in the great war, but without much advantage to their own country. In one way perhaps Frederick's reign was productive of good. It brought Prussia more into contact with Europe and contemporary civilisation than at any previous period. The king himself, and still more his wife SopMa Chaoi-Otte, the sister of George I. of England, were disposed to encourage learning and literature. The university of Halle was founded, and Leibnitz and other distinguished men were well received at the Prussian court. § 5. The work of the Great Elector was carried on and to some extent completed by his grandson, Frederick William I., whose eccentricities, which almost amounted to madness, have Avon for him a name in history which he really deserved on other grounds. His first act on his accession was to dismiss the numerous court officials of his father and to establish the strictest economy both in his own household and in the jiublic administration. His chief attention throughout his reign was given to military affairs, to the formation and training of a large standing array. Eejecting the schemes of a militia or of compulsory service for all, he arranged that each district should furnish a certain quota of soldiers, who were to be enlisted by force if necessary. Artisans, tradespeople, and citizens generally, were exempted. In this way rather more than half of the army was raised. The rest was 328 MODERN EUROPE. Chap. xvii. supplied by voluntary enlistment, which A\'as carried on with great vigour in every part of Europe. At his accession the numbers of the army were 38,459, in the year of his death they were 83,436, Among these troops the most careful discipline was maintained. The articles of war which had been drawn up by the Great Elector were re-issued, but the punishments were made more severe. The system of drill, which became the model for Europe, was due chiefly to Leopold of Anhalt- Dessan . the in- ventor of the iron ramrod. Before this tinie, in Prussia, as in all other countries, the chief oflicers had the ai^jwintment to inferior places. Frederick William reserved all appointments whatever to himself, and was careful to make them depend on merit alone. Every regiment was inspected at least once a year by the king in person, and an officer's chance of promotion depended very much on the impression which his men made. The king himself had a special regiment of guards at Eulsdam, which it was his mania to fiJI with the tallest men possible. The absurd lengths to which he carried this fad not only brought considerable ridicule upon him, but involved him in expenses which he would never have sanctioned for any other object, and also gave rise to un- pleasant quarrels with foreign states, whose territories were often treated with scant respect by zealous Prussian recruiting-sergeants. With regard to the army, Frederick William merely improved and developed the old established levies of the feudal times. The oflicers were in almost all cases nobles, w'hile the common soldiers were their natural subjects, the peasants. But his civil adminis- tration was wholly alien to feudalism. The oflicials were mostly chosen from the burgher class and acted solely as the iustrmnents of the crown. In 1722 the system was fully drawn up and put into Avorking the next year. The old administrative colleges were abolished and their place taken by a single " general dire£t Qt=¥r"- This w\as appointed to superintend every conceivable branch of the administration. It had subordinate chambers in the provinces, and the councils of each circle, which consisted chiefly of nobles, were placed under its control. Thus a centralised government was established such as no country in Europe had yet experienced. No detail was too insignificant for the king's paternal care and attention. He compelled people to build houses both in Berlin and Potsdam, where many of the streets owe their origin to him. In order to encourage domestic manufactures he imposed severe penalties on all who wore or used foreign productions, and this, unlike most sumptuary laws, was successful. The clothing of the army provided a stable market for the Prussian wool, which had hitherto been made up in England. To agriculture the king A.D. 1713-1720. FEEDERICK WILLIAM L 329 paid special attention. By improving the management of the royal domains he obtained a great increase of revenue, and his economic habits enabled him always to have a reserve fund at his command. In the last reign a famine had desolated Lithuania, he re-peopled it with foreign emigrants. The Lutheran peasants of Salzburg, being persecuted by their bishop, were offered a refuge by the Trussiau king, and more than 17,000 of them were trans- ferred at his expense to their new home. In religious matters Frederick William was tolerant of every form of belief except Roman Catholicism and scepticism. He himself attended the Calvinist service in the morning and the Lutheran in the afternoon. In fact, though he remained nominally a Calvinist, he had the greatest repugnance to the fundamental tenet of predestination. For learning he displayed a contempt which is to be explained by a conscious- ness of his own deficiency in that respect. The scientific society which had been founded by his father, received from him as president one Gundling, a man of considerable attainments but worthless character, whose recommendation to the king was his admirable qualities as a court buffoon and laughing-stock. On the whole, while it is as difficult to admire Frederick William's administration as his character, it is impossible to deny that Prussia owes to him no inconsiderable debt. In foreign politics Frederick William plays a much less distin- guished part than either of his two immediate predecessors. It has often been said that he was so attached to his machine-like troops that he was tmwilling to expose them on the battle-field. But the real explanation is that he had absolutely no capacity for foreign affairs, and that he was perfectly conscious of it. His great anxiety was to make Prussia perfectly independent, and he was afraid of risking this independence by engaging in European complications, in which more capable and designing powers might use him as a tool. The Great Elector had made it a cardinal jxiint of his policy to take part in all great affairs, so as to make the influence of Prussia felt and respected. His grandson pursued an exactly opposite plan, and in all negotiations tried to avoid committing himself to definite obligations. There was only one war in which he took part as a principal, that against Charles XII. of Sweden. This gave him his one great territorial acquisition, the town of Stettin and the adjacent district, which opened the Baltic to Brandenburg. Before this the treaty of Utrecht had handed over Spanish Gelderlaud to Prussia. After the conclusion of his treaty with Sweden in 1720, Frederick William adopted a neutral policy, and his troops were never employed again except as auxiliaries. We can trace several motives 16 330 MODERN EUROPE. Chap. xvu. which helped to direct his actions. He was anxious to maintain the balance of power, as the best security of Prussian independence. At the same time he inherited the old Uohenzollern loyalty to the empire, and was eager to perform his obligations as a German prince. If the Austrian government had acted with any prudence or foresight, Prussia might have been made a devoted ally instead of becoming an enemy and a rival. One of the most ipiportant points in Frederick William's reign was his gradual and involuntary estrangement from the em^ieror. His peaceful tendencies never made him lose sight of that territorial aggrandisement which had hitherto been so consfiicuous a feature of Prussian history. The question about Jiilich and Berg was rapidly coming to a head. The last male of the house of Neuburg was the elector palatine, Charles Philip, and on his death the two duchies w^ere to fall to Brandenburg by the treaty of 1666. But the elector palatine was anxious to break the treaty and to leave his territories undivided to the collateral branch of Sulzbach. Frederick William spared no pains to obtain guarantees for what he considered his unquestion- able rights. But the legal question was complicated by religious differences. Diisseldorf, the capital of Jiilich, was regarded as a border fortress of Roman Catholicism, and the Catholic powers were averse to allowing it to fall into the hands of the most powerful Protestant prince in Germany. This exjslains the reluc- tance of the emperor to comply with the king of Prussia's wishes on this subject. In 1 725 came the first great crisis in European relations, caused by the activity of Ripperii a and the alliance of Vienna between .Spjjin - and Augtiia. In a personal interview with George I. and 'roiHQsliaad, Frederick William was convinced that the balance of power was in danger, and the promise that England would support his claims on Jiilich and Berg induced him to conclude the treaty of .Hanover with Ffanee and England. But no sooner had he taken this decisive step than he repented of it. He felt that if war arose his territories would be the first to suffer. He saw that the maritime powers aimed chiefly at the suppression of the Ostend Company and of Spanish commerce, matters in Avhich he had no interest whatever. The characteristic doubt arose in his mind, whether England, presuming on family connexions, was not using him as an instrument for its own designs. While he was thus hesitating, matters were decided by the arrival of an Axistrian envoy. Count Seckendorf, with whom he had an old ac- quaintance. Seckendorf, wTio had been sent for that express purpose, succeeded in detaching the king from the league of Hanover. By the treaty of WusterhauseiL COct. 12, 1726), the emperor A.D. 1725-1730. PRUSSIAN FOREIGN POLICY. 381 pledged himself to do what he cuuld to induce the elector palatine to recognise the Prussian claims to Jiilich and Berg, and Frederick William accepted the Pragmatic S anction and promised to assise C harles yi.^ if his German territories were attacked. If Prussia could have lieen induced to throw itself altogether on the Austrian side, the emperor would ]irobably have prosecuted the war. But as this was impossible, Charles VI. had to content himself with what he had gained, and in 1727 he threw over Spain, and signed a pre- liminary treaty with the allies. Meanwhile Seckendorf continued his activity at Berlin, and in December, 1728, a secret treaty was arranged which was a more definite confirmation of the terms of Wusterhausen. Frederick William promised 10,000 men for the defence of the emperor's German tferritories, and again guaranteed the Pragmatic Si,nction, stipidating only that the archduchess must marry a German and not a Spaniard or any other foreigner. For the next few years the policy of Prussia was really dictated from Vienna. The king's most trusted minister, Grumbkow, was in receipt of an Austrian pension, and he and S eckendo rf played into each others hands. To such an extent was the intrigue carried, that they gained over the Prussian minister in London and induced him to send garbled reports, so as to increase the king's alienation from England. § 6. These years are the darkest period of Frederick William's reign. His Austrian connexion and the influence of Grumbkow and Seckendorf involved him in quarrels with his own family which became the chief subject of contemporary gossip, and have therefore become most conspicuous in later records. Frederick William was closely connected with the house of Hanover. His mother was a sister and his wife a daughter of George I., and the latter, Sophia . Dorothea , was "extremely anxious to continue the connexion by marrying her eldest daughter to ^eorge II.'s son, Frederick Prince of Wales, and her o-mi eldest son, the crown prince Frederick, to the English princess Amelia. This double marriage was at first accejitable to Frederick William, and negotiations went on about it for a long time. But the close alliance with Austria involved a separation from England, especially after the conclusion of the treaty of Seville in 1729. There were also other grounds of quarrel, in the measm"es taken by Hanover to put a stop to Prussian enlistments, in the dis- putes about the property left by George I.'s wife, and the dis- satisfaction expressed in Hanover at the Prussian claims to succeed in East Friesland. It was just at an imfortunate juncture that Sir Charles Hotham arrived in Berlin with formal proposals about the double marriage (1730). Frederick William was willing enough to marry his daughter to the Prince of Wales, but hi Avas determined 332 MODERN EUROPE. Chap. xvii. not to allow family alliances to influence his policy, and therefore refused to make any agreement about the marriage of the crown prince. The English government, whose object was naturally to secure the alliance of Prussia, would not agree to one marriage without the other. As a last resource Hotham disclosed the relations between Grumbkow and the envoy in London, Reichenbach, which had been recently discovered. But thisstep had a wholly unexpected result. Instead of resenting Grunabkow's treachery, the king fell into a violent rage at the interference of a foreign government between himself and his ministers. Hotham was dismissed with insult, and though apology was made for this, the negotiation was altogether broken off, This was a great blow to Sophia Dorothea, a woman of scarcely inferior obstinacy to her husband. She clung resolutely to the hoi)e of the English alliance, and induced both her son and datighter to promise that they would never make other marriages than those which had been proposed. Frederick William, a despot to the core, was thrown into an ungovernable fury by this opposition in his own family. He had already grounds of displeasure with his eldest son, who had developed a character and habits very different from his father's, and who preferred effeminate pursuits like literature and music to drilling and hunting. The king did not hesitate to vent his rage in acts of brutal ferocity and violence. Not only Frederick but also Wilhelmina could hardly venture into their father's presence without the certainty of blows and insults. On one occasion Frederick William took his son with him to a great review held at Miihlberg by Augustus of Saxony and Poland, and there publicly floggecTTiim and taunted him with cowardice for his submission. This last indignity was too much for the high spirited prince, who determined to escape from a life that was no longer tolerable. His plans were concerted with a favourite companion. Lieutenant von Katte. Advantage was to be taken of the king's journey into Upper Germany to escape from the Ehine country into Holland. Every- thing was prepared to make the attempt from Steinfurt, near Mannheim, but the project was discovered by the vigilance of those who had been appointed to watch the prince. Frederick William was almost driven out of his mind by this last instance of insubordin- ation. He was convinced that his son was concerned in a secret plot against his crowTi and possibly his life, and he determined to have him tried as an officer guilty of desertion. Frederick was sent back into Prussia and closely imjDrisoned in the fortress of Ciistrin.. His accomplice, Von Katte, Avas also arrested and condemned to perpetual imprisonment. But the king, enraged at the clemency of the sentence, ordered that he should be executed before his son's A.D. 1730-1734. THE CROWN PRINCE. 333 windows. Meanwhile the court-martial which sat on the crown- prince sentenced him to death for desertion. Great fears were entertained that the king might play the part of Brutus, and numerous princes, including the emperor himself, intervened on behalf of tlie prince. At last he was induced to relent, but it was a year before he would see his son again, and even after a partial reconciliation had been effected, it required a great deal of self-control and no small amount of Inpocrisy on Frederick's part to avoid an outbreak of the quarrel. All prospect of the English alliance was of course at an end, especially as the king suspected the English minister of encouraging insubordination in his family. In spite of the anger of the queen, Wilhehnina was married to a junior HolvenzoUern, Frederick of Baireuth, while a wife was found for the crown prince in Eliz abeth Charlotte nf Ry|ms^-^YJfi]f-'Rot7orr>. ^tio ^as a niece of Charles VI. s wife. This marriage, which strengthened the connexion between Austria and Prussia, was settled in 1732 and solemnised in the next year. The crown prince now obtained a separate establishment at Rheinsberg^^ w here he was able to carry out his own scheme of life without coming into collision with the iron will of his father. § 7. In 1733 the death of Augustus II. kindled the war of the Polish succession, which was of great importance to the history of Prussia, especially as it broke off the close alliance that had existed for the last eight years with Austria. Frederick William had considerable interest in the Polish question, and was especially anxious to prevent the accession of the late king's son, Augustus III., as the union of Saxony and Poland was disadvantageous to Prussia. He himself was not averse to the election of Stanislaus Leczinski, but as this was distasteful to both Austria and Russia, he accepted the treaty of Lowenwolde- (Dec. 1732) which aimed at procuring the crown for l unanuol of I'ortuga l. Events speedily made this arrangement impossible, and before long Charles VI. was induced by hostility to France and the desire to get rid of a formidable opponent of the Pragmatic Sanction, to take up the cause of Augustus. This was a great blow to the Prussian king, but the French invasion of the empire kept him firm to his alliance, and on condition that his claims on Berg should be again confirmed, he ofl'ered to send 30,000 troops to act on the Khine. To his intense surprise the offer was rejected. Still he loyally sent the 10,000 men that had been arranged for in 1728, and himself with his son joined Prince Eugene in the fruitless campaign of 1734. In the next year Charles VI. made a peace which in two points ran exactly counter to the wishes of the Prussian king. The integrity of the empire was sacrificed by the cession of Lorraine, and the elector of Saxony 334 MODERN EUROPE. Chap. xvii. was acknowledged as king of Poland. To make matters worse, the preliminaries of the treaty were not communicated to Frederick William, and he had to le;jrn them independently. The Viennese government actually went so far as to blame the conduct of the Prussian troops in the late campaign. To these slights was added a growing coolness on the subject of Jiilich and Berg. The emperor was now allied with France, and France had always supported the wishes of the elector palatine. It became evident that the numerous pledges on the emperor's part were entirely worthless, and that the Prussian rights would be little regarded in comparison with the possibility of inducing the elector palatine to accept the Pragmatic Sanction. Frederick William's natural irritation was increased by the thought that he had been a dupe all along, that Austria had always regarded Prussia as an inferior vassal state instead of an independent ally, and that in his blind adherence to a humiliating connexion he had involvid himself in all the miseries of a family quarrel. It was under the influence of these feelings that he one day pointed to his son with the prophetic words : " There stands one who will avenge me." A last attempt was made to induce the emperor to fulfil his engagements. On the outbreak of the Turkish war Prussian assistance was offered on condition that the treaty of 1728 should be confirmed, but the offer was refused. In fact, Charles VI., as we have seen, had practically decided to take tlie opposite side, and early in 1739 he concluded his arrangement with France, by which provisional occupation of the disputed territories was secured for two years to the prince of Sulzbach. Repeated disappointments induced Frederick William to depart altogether from his previous policy and to open direct negotiations with France, the power to which he had hitherto displayed a patriotic antipathy. Fleury was always willing to have two alternatives to choose between, and he offered to secure to Prussia part of the duchies when they became vacant. This was accepted by the king, on the ground that a part was better than nothing, and a secret treaty was arranged at the Hague to this effect. Frederick William would have been placed in a very difficult position if the question had come up for solution in his lifetime and he had found himself in open hostility to the emperor. But the elector palatine survived him, and he escaped the turmoil and confusion that followed on his death (SI May, 1640). The crown of Prussia passed to his son, a far abler, far more cultivated, and at the same time a far less honest prince, who had early been trained not only to endure hardship but also to practise deceit, and it is difficult to decide which of the two lessons was the more useful to him. 1/ CHAPTER XVIIL THE WAR OF THE AUSTRIAN SUCCESSION. Maritime War between England and Spain. — § 1. Mercantile rivalry; the right of search and Jenkins' ear; outbreak of war; fall of Walpole. II. The First Silesian War. — § 2. Accession and attitude of Frederick the Great. § 3. Question of the Austrian suc- cession ; Maria Theresa ; other claimants. § 4. Attitude of the European powers ; Prussian invasion of Silesia ; battle of Mollwitz. § 5. Prospects of the imperial election ; attitude of France ; Belleisle's schemes; Prussia joins Fiance. § 6. Critical position of Maria Theresa ; conduct of the Hungarians ; convention of Klein Schnellen- dorf. § 7. French and Bavarians take Prague ; Frederick breaks the convention ; election of Charles VII. § 8. Frederick's Moravian cam- paign, 1742; its failure; negotiations; battle of Chotusitz; treaties of Berlin and Dresden. III. Period of Prussian Neutrality. — § 9. War in Bavaria and Bohemia, 1742. § 10. Affairs in Italy; attitude of Sardinia; Italian campaign of 1742. § 11. Death of Fleury ; the French ministry ; position of Maria Theresa. § 12. Campaign of 1743 in Bavaria, Western Germany, and Italy ; treaty of Worms; treaty of Fontainebleau. § 13. Campaign of 1744 in the Netherlands and on the Rhine. IV. The Second Silesian War. — § 14. F'rederick's attitude while neutral ; his negotiations with France ; he resumes the war. § 15. Maria Theresa determines to recover Silesia ; the Prussians in Bohemia ; the Austrians retreat from the Rhine; Frederick driven from Bohemia; Charles VII. recovers Bavaria; Italian campaign of 1744. § 16. Death of Charles VII. ; Ma.ximilian Joseph concludes the treaty of Fiissen ; attitude of Saxony. § 17. Campaign of 1745 in the Netherlands; battle of Fontenoy ; Austrian invasion of Silesia ; battle of Hohenfriedberg ; convention of Hanover between England and Prussia ; election of Francis I. to the empire. § 18. Battle of Soor ; winter camjiaign ; Prussian conquest of Saxony ; the tj'eaty of Dresden ; end of Second Silesian war. V. Conclusion of the War. — § 19. Italian campaign of 1745. § 20. D'Argenson's scheme for the settlement of Italy ; its import and its failure. § 21, Italian campaign of 1746 ; accession of Ferdinand VI. of Spain. § 22. Campaign of 1746 in the Netherlands; invasions of F'rauce ; negoti- ations at Breda. § 23. French invasion of Holland ; William IV. becomes Stadtholder ; failure of the siege of Genoa ; French repulsed from Italy ; negotiations at Aix-la-Chapelle. § 24. Campaign of 1748; peace of Aix-la-Chapelle; results of the war. VI. Russia and 336 MODERN EUROPE. Chap, xviii. THE KORTHERN STATES. — § 25. Reign of Anne ; revolutions in Russia in 1740 and 1741 ; accession of Elizabeth. § 2i3. Foreign policy of Russia ; war witli Sweden ; conquest of Finland ; treaty of Abo ; Swedish affairs. § 27. Alienation of Russia from Prussia; alliance with Austria. I. Maritime War between England and Spain, § 1. In the fifth decade of the 18th century a period of open war succeeded to the confused diplomacy which had occupied Europe since the treaty of Utrecht. 'Ihe occasion of this war was the disputed succession to the last male of the Hapsburg line in Austria, just as the former great war had followed the death of the last male of the Spanish Hapsburgs. But before this occasion arose, a smaller conflict had broken out between England and Spain, which requires a few words of explanation. England was still governed by Walpole, who had been at the head of a Whig ministry for twenty years, and who had made it one of his chief ob- jects to keep the country at peace. There were two grand motives for his peace policy : to allow the country to recover from the exhaus- tion of the Sj)anish Succession war, and to dej^rive the Jacobites of the support of foreign powers. But powerful as the minister was, he was unable to continue this policy in the face of a growing desire among the people to avenge the insults offered by Spain to the maritime power of England. Spain was still ruled nominally by Philip v., but really by his second wife, Elizabeth of Parma, the " termagant " as Carlyle calls her, Avho had kept Europe embroiled by her constant efforts to obtain Italian principalities for her children. Besides the dynastic ambition of the queen, Spanish policy was directed to another object, the revival of that naval and commercial prosperity which the country had not enjoyed since the reign of Philip II. The great obstacle in the way was the irritat- ing claim advanced by England to absolute supremacy by sea. Common jealousy of England was powerful enough to terminate the ill-feeling between France and Spain which had been aroused during the regency of Orleans, and in 1733 a Family Compact was concluded between the two branches of the house of Bourbon, by which they undertook to support each other in attacking the naval supremacy of England. The treaty was kept so carefully secret that no hint of it reached the Knglish ministers, but it un- doubtedly encouraged the Spaniards to bolder measures in the maintenance of what they considered their undoubted rights. The treaty of Utrecht had given England the right of importing negroes into the Spanish colonies, but had restricted the general trade to the sending once a year of a single ship of 600 tons burden. This restriction had been evaded by the rise of a system of smuggling I A.D. 1739-1742. WAR OF JENKINS' EAR. 837 on the part of the English traders which was the chief grievance of which Spain complained. U o put a stop to it the Spaniards rigidly exercised their right of search, often seizing British vessels on the high seas and treating the crews with unjustifiable brutality. This gave rise to the greatest ill-feeling between the two nations, which was increased by other colonial disputes about the right of gathering logwood in Caropeachy Bay and about the frontiers of Florida. Stories of the atrocities committed by Spanish sailors reached England, where they roused a tempest of popular indigna- tion which was encouraged by the opposition in order to discredit Walfiole. The most famous of these stories was that of Jenkins, an English captain, who maintained that he had been tortured and his ears cut off by a Spanish cjuarda costa. The truth of this statement has never been established, but it was sufficient to rouse the people to a furious demand for reprisals. Walpole was forced against his will to declare war in October, 1739. The hostilities which followed were insignificant. During the long peace the naval organisation of England had fallen into disorder, and the conduct of the war was impeded by party jealousies. Admiral Vernon captured Porto Bello to the intense delight of the opposition. Anson plundered Paita, and with the Centurion made his famous voyage round the world. These were the only successes. An attack upon Carthagena was repulsed with great loss, and the war was soon swallowed up in the general European conflict. Its chief importance lies in the fact that it helped to direct English policy in the Austrian question, and that it led to the overthrow of Walpole, who retired from the ministry in January, 1742. II. The FiasT Silestan War. § 2. Frederick William of Prussia died on the 31st of May, 1740, a year that was also fatal to Pope Clement XII., the Emperor Charles VI., and the Czarina Anne of Russia. Great expectations had been formed of the young king of Prussia, Frederick II., who succeeded his father at the age of 28. For the last few years he had lived in retirement at Rheinsberg, apparently absorbed in literary pursuits and in correspondence with Voltaire and other French men of letters. Men built Utopian aniicipations upon the prospect of seeing a philosopher ascend a throne. His previous life, and above all, his fimious quarrel with his father, kd men to expect a complete reversal of the existing system of Government. But events proved the falsity of these hopes. Frederick was perhaps the only man in Europe who could fully appreciate the merits of hi^ father's system, which he determined strictly to 16* 338 MODERN EUROPE. Chap, xviii. uphold, while removing the excesses that had excited derision, The army was actually increased, but the costly regiment of giants at Potsdam was abolished. Economy was stili made a paramount object iu both the court and the public administration, though the former was somewhat extended and improved. Ministers were retained in their offices, and the friends of the crown prince found that merit rather than past services could gain favour from the king. From the first Fiederick maintained that absolute supremacy over every department which had been tiie most striking characteristic of his father's system. The changes that were made were only superficial, although they clenrly illustrate the diflen nee in character between Frederick and his father. Perfect liberty was allowed to the press, torture was abolished except in afew carefi.Uy specified cases, and complete toleration was assured to all religious beliefs so long as their holders behaved as good subjects and abstained from proselytism. In foreign politics the first four months of Frederick's reign are important only as proving his determination to use for ambitious purposes the forces collected by his father. His first object was naturally (he enforcement of those claims upon Julich and Berg ^v hich liad absorbed Frederick William's attention. The Elector Pala^ne was now eighty j'ears old, so that the succession question must come u[) for decision before long. It was with this in view that Frederick started to travel through his western territories and paid ihe f;\mous visit to Strasburg. The only result of the journey was a growing conviction that nothing but opposition was to be expected from Vienna, and this was strengthened by the emperor's attitude in a dispute between the king and the bishop of Liege. In this Frederick convinced Europe of his determination to maintain his rights at all hazards, and the threat of invasion forced the bishop to juirchase the disputed succession to Heristal by the payment of 200,000 thalers. Soon afterwards a wholly new direction was given to Frederick's ambition by the news of Charles VI.'s death (20 October, 1740). § 3. Two great questions were raised by this event ; the succession to the Empire, which was nominally elective, but since 1438 had been practicallj" hereditary in the house of Hapsburg, and the succession to the Austrian territories, which were absolutely hereditary, but had never yet fallen under the rule of a woman. This latter question had absorbed the attention of Charles VI. for the last twenty years, and the Pragmatic Sanction gave the inheritance to his elder daughter, Maria Theresa. Her hand had been a great prize in the matrimonial market, but her father's wish and her own inclination had chosen as her husband Francis of Lorraine, who had found it necessary to purchase his bride by exchanging his heredi- A.D. 1740. MARIA THERESA. 339 tary duchy for the alien state of Tuscany. The hope of a male heir had kept Charles VI. from seeking the election of his son-in-law as King of the Eomans during his own lifetime, and this omission left the imperial succession to the interests or caprices of the electors. In the Austrian territories Maria Theresa assumed the govern- ment without any oi^position. The young queen, who was just twenty-three years old, found her position the reverse of encourag- ing. The well-armed troops and the full treasury which Eugene had recommended as the best guarantee of the Pragmatic Sanction, were non-existent. The finances were in the most lamentable condition, and the army, partly through want of funds and partly through the disasters of the Turkish war, contained only half its numbers. The soldiers were scattered thi"ough the numerous and distant provinces, and were dispirited by recent reverses, while the most distinguished of the Austrian generals were expiating their ill-success in prison. To assist her in the work of government the queen had no one to rely upon except the octogenarian ministers of her father. Her only strength lay in her own character. In spite of her feminine weakness and her absolute inexperience, she was endowed with a resolute courage, which enabled her to win the affection of her subjects, and to save Austria from misfortimes that at one time seemed inevitable. If not the most successful, she is certainly the most attractive sovereign of the eighteenth century, and her memory is still affectionately cherished in the country that she ruled. The first object that she set before herself was to procure her husband's election as emperor, and to give him the requisite rank and dignity she named him as joint ruler of the Austrian States. Her next care was to reform the army and the finances, in order to meet any | ossible danger from without, and she inaugurated her reign by an act of justice and mercy when she released the imprisoned generals, Seckendorf, Neipperg and Wallis. But before time had been given to prosecute the needful reforms, the new government was called upon to confront difiBculties and dangers far more serious than had been anticipated. The Pragmatic Sanction had been guaranteed over and over again by almost all the European Powers, and it was now to be discovered that Charles VI.'s precautions were as useless as they had been costly. The first opposition came from Charles Albert, elector of Bavaria, who was closely connected with the Hapsburgs through his wife, the second daughter of Joseph I. But his claim had an older basis than this marriage. In 1546 Charles V. had purchased the support of the duke of Bavaria against the League of Schmalkalde by a treaty, which secured the eventual succession in Austria to the Bavarian line. The then duke, Albert, had married 340 MODERN EUROPE. Chap, xviii Anne, daughter of Ferdinand I., whose will was sujiposed to have named her descendants as heirs in case of the male line of Haps- burg becoming extinct. Directly after Charles VI.'s death the Bavarian envoy at "Vienna made a formal protest against the nccpssion of Maria Theresa, and demanded to see the will of Ferdinand I. The will was accordingly produced, and it was found to provide for the extinction not of " male," but of " lawful " descendants. Charles Albert, however, maintained that the docu- ment had been tampered with, recalled his envoy, and made no Becret of his intention to enforce his claim. He was also the most prominent camiidate tor the vacant Imperial throne. X Of the other claims the most important were those advanced by Saxony and Spain. Augustus III., elector of Saxony, had guaran- teed the Pragmatic Sanction in 1733, to obtain Charles VI.'s support in liis candidature for the Polit-h crown. In spite of this he brought forward the claim of his Avife, the eider daughter of Joseph I., protested against the appointment of Maria Theresa's husband as joint ruler in Austria, and loudly maintained that he could not be allowed to pive the Bohemian vote at the Imperial election. From the first it was evident that the Saxon claim was a manifest breach of treaty obligations, and that it was only advanced to be bought off by some concession from one or other of the competitors. The Spanish claim was still more baseless, but more formidable. Philip V., instigated by his ambitious wife, did not scruple to appeal to the old arrangement between the two Hapsburg lines, in defiance of which he had obtained his crown. The Spanish Hapsburgs were to inherit when the Austi'ian branch died out, he was the heir of the S| anish Hapsburgs, therefore the Austrian territories ought to go to him. It was obvious, not only that this claim was absurd, but that all Europe would combine against it, and it was never seriously considered. But it gave Spain tlte desired opportunity to reclaim those Italian jirovinces which Charles VI. had obtained by the treaty of Utrecht. Elizabeth had already won the two Sicilies for Don Carlos, she now hoped to acquire a similar principality for her second son, Don Philip, in Lombardy and Tuscany. § 4. It was certain that the succession, both in Austria and the Emigre, would not be settled without the intervention of the great powers of Europe. The most important of these, not only in itself, but also in its relations to the rival claimants, was France. After long hesitation France had, in 1735, guaranteed the Pragmatic Sanction in the amplest terms ; and on this guarantee Charles VI. bad relied with implicit confidence during the last five years of his reign. On the other hand, France was clos"ly allied by gratitudg A.D. 1740. THE AUSTRIAN SUCCESSION. 341 to Bavaria, and by relationship to Spain. The all-powerful minister, Fleuiy, was inclined by temperament to evade these difficulties by pursuing a waiting policy, but it was doubtful whether he would be able to resist the strong martial party Avhioh was rapidly gaining ground at the Frencli Court. Next to France the most important of European powers was England. As elector of Hanover, George II. was bound to a close alliance with the house of Hapsburg, while English interests, especially during the war with the Spanish Bourbons, made it imperative to maintain the power of Austria as a balance to that of France. There was, therefore, no doubt that Ensiland would fulfil its obligation to support the Piagmatic Sanction, and that Holland would, as usu'il, follow in the wake of England. Russia had been one of the first powers to accept the Pragmatic Sanction, and Charles VI. had thought to make certain of its support by his conduct in the Turkish War. But this close aldance had been broken off by the death of the Czarina Anne, and by the accession of the infant Iwan VI. The chief power was now in the hands of Marshal Munnich, who was known to be better disposed to Prussia than to Austria. On the other hand, the Czar's father, Anton Ulric of Brunswick, was a nephew of Charles VI.'s widow, so that some reliance was placed on his influence. But in the end the attitude of Ilussia proved unimportant, in consequence of a series of palace revolutions, which rendered impossible any decisive line in foreign affairs. '1 he only other state of any importance was Sardinia. Charles Emmanuel was descended from Philip II., and was there- fore able to put forward a claim somewhat similar to that of Philip v., i.e., that he represented the Spanish Hapsburgs. But this was a merely formal contention, and it was to be expected that he would oppose any further increase of the Bourbon power in Italy. Charles Emmanuel's policy was dictated, like that of his predecessors, by the desire of territorial aggrandisement. He inherited the traditional scheme of obtaining Lorabardy, and he was willing to sell his support to whichever side offered him the largest bribe. From what has been said it was evident at Vienna that hostility was to be expected from Bavaria and Spain, that the attitude of France, Saxony, and Sardinia was doubtful, and that Maria Theresa could rely with certainty upon the support of England and Holland and upon the neutrality of Russia. So far the prospect of affairs, if not encouraging, was at any rate not hopeless. But a sudden and unex- pected danger arose from a quarter where it was least expected. Of all the guarantors of the Pragmatic Sanction the most thorough- going had been Frederick William of Prussia, and the assent of the Ratisbon diet in 1731 was mainly attributable to his influence. In 342 MODEEN EUROPE. Chap, xviii. spite of a growing alienation from the emperor, Frederick William had never shown any desire to repudiate his obligations, and more- over Prussia had been so long at jjeace that its neighbours had grown quite accustomed to seeing its army increased and trained, and never dreamt of its being actively employed. The most intense surprise and consternation was aroused when it appeared that the young king w-as about to revive the obsolete and almost forgotten claims of his family in Silesia and to enforce them at the sword's point. There seems no doubt that Frederick formed this determin- ation the moment he heard of Charles VI. 's death. Throwing off the ague from which he was suffering, he at once set to work, and summoned to his side Podewils and Marshal Schweriu, who were his only confidants in the matter. There were two alternative lines of policy to pursue. Either Frederick might offer to support Maria Theresa against all opponents and demand Silesia as the price of his assistance : or he might ally himself with Bavaria and France and conquer Silesia in conjunction with them. Ultimately Frederick decided to seize Silesia and to leave the choice between the two alternatives open. If Maria 'J'heresa would accept his terms, he would support her and give his vote for her husband, otherwise he would join her enemies and vote for Bavaria. In either case he was willing to give up his claims upon Jiilich and Berg, which had comparatively little value in his eyes. Historians have taken very great pains to analyse and discuss the merits of the Silesian claim. But it is noteworthy that Frederick himself says hardly any- thing about them. His motives, according to his own account, were " ambition, interest, and the desire to make people talk of me." There can be no doubt that the claims were legally almost valueless, and that the invasion of Silesia was under all the circumstances an act of the most unjustifiable aggression. On the 16th of December, Frederick commenced his march, and almost on the same day his ambassador presented himself at the Court of Vienna. His instructions were to enlarge upon the dangers which threatened Austria, and to point out that the only security lay in the Prussian alliance, which could be pur- chased by the cession of Silesia. Maria Theresa and her husband rejected the insidious offer with scorn, and refused to negotiate as long as a single Prussian soldier remained on Austrian soil. But the danger was as great as it was imforeseen. There was no army to oppose Frederick's march, and he met with no resistance except from the garrisoned fortresses of Glogau, Brieg and Neisse. The Protestants, who had suffered from the orthodox rule of Austria, welcomed the Prussian King as they had formerly appi-aled to Charles XI f. of Sweden. One town after another opened their A.D. 1740-1741. INVASION OF SILESIA. 343 gates to him, aud even the capital, Breslau, undertook to remain neutral so long as it was allowed to retain its municipal indepen- dence and to be free from a foreign garrison. On the 8th of March the first of the three fortresses, Glogan, was stormed by the younger Leopold of Dessau, and Frederick now laid siege to Neisse. Here he was surprised by the sudden arrival of an Austrian army under Neipperg. Hastily raising the siege, the Prussians retreated towards Ohlau which they had previously occupied. But the enemy contrived to get in front of them, and to prevent being utterly cut off from supplies and communications it was necessary to fight the battle of Mollwitz on the 10th of April. The Prussian cavalry was the weakest arm of the service and was completely routed by the Austrian charge under Romer. Frederick was induced or com- pelled to quit the field, narrowly escaj^ed being captured at Oppeln which had been seized by the Austrians, and spent sixteen hours in almost solitary flight. Meanwhile the day had been retrieved by the steadiness of the Prussian infantry under Schwerin. At last the careful drill introduced by Frederick William aud the old Dessauer produced its fruits. With their iron ramrods the Prussians could fire more than twice as fast as the enemy, aud this gave them a tremendous advantage. The Austrians were compelled to retire upon Neisse and the first of a long series of Prussian \ ictories was won. Frederick was extremely chagrined at the part he had played in the battle and never pardoned Schwerin. But in spite of his personal humiliation his hold on Silesia was saved, and an immense impression had been made on public opinion in Europe. Frederick after Mollwitz undertook the siege of Brieg, which was forced to surrender, and then, as Neipperg's position was too strong to be attacked, he went into camp at Strehlen, where he busied himself with diplomacy and with the training of his cavalry so as to remove those defects which had been so conspicuous in the late battle. § 5. Meanwhile, Maria Theresa was still endeavouring to secuio her husband's election as emperor. The great obstac'e in the way was that the Lorraine family had come to be regarded as Frenchmen rather than Germans, and that Francis, now that he had lost Lorraine, had not a single possession in Germany. If his wife died he would be a merely nominal emperor, without any independent power of his own. In spite of these difficulties his election, in the early months of 1741, appeared by no means impossible. The electors of Mainz and Trier were in his favour. The archbishop of Cologne was not on the best terms with his brother, the elector of Bavaria, and this family quarrel might be utilised to gain him over. The attitude of England seemed to leave no doubt as to the 344 MODERN EUROPE. Chap, xviit Hanoverian vote. The Elector of Saxony wished to be emperor himself, but if that were out of the question, it seemed at least as likely that he would vote for Austria as for Bavaria. The Elector Palatine could be gained over by guaranteeing Jiilich and Berg to the Snlzbach branch. Even the Prussian vote might be purchased, if absolutely necessary, at the price of Silesia. The right of voting for Bohemia had been transferred by Maria 'I'heresa to her husband, but Saxony had formally protested, and the interesting question as to the rights of a female elector would have to be settled by the electoral college. Prussia was still the only active enemy of Maria Theresa. Bavaria and Spain were powerless without the help of France. Bavaria had neither men nor money ; and as long as the English fleets held the sea, Spain was cut off from Italy, unless France would grant an overland passage to Spanish troops. It therefore depended upon the attitude of France whether there should be a general war about the Austrian succession, or whether it should be restricted to the campaigns in Silesia. If Louis XV. and Fleury had been left to themselves they would probably have remained neutral, and in that case the war would never liave reached any serious dimensions. The motive for French intervention lay in the memory of the long contest against the house of Hapsburg. The policy of Richelieu, Mazarin, and Louis XIV, had brought such glory to France that men forgot that this policy had gained its end, and that the Hapsburgs, since the extinction of the Spanish branch, were no longer dangerous to France or to Europe. The leader of the aggressive party was Charles Louis Fouquet, count of Belleisle, the grandson of Louis XIV.'s famous minister, and the represen- tative of the rising generation who found themselves shut out from a career either at home or abroad by Fleury's jealousy of rivals and his inveterate love of peace. Belleisle's scheme, as presented by him to the ministers, aimed at the partition of the Austrian territories. France was to annex the Netherlands and Luxemburg, Bavaria was to have Bohemia and the imperial crown, Sardinia and Spain were to divide Lombardy, Parma and Tuscany. Opposition from England might be bought oft" by the grant of commercial advantages. Russia could be rendered powerless either by a domestic revolution or by a war with Sweden. Saxony might be conciliated with a small slice of territory, afterwards settled as Moravia. Maria Theresa would be powerless against so many foes, so that it would be hardly necessary to draw the sword. Austria once partitioned, the supremacy of France would be assured, and the Bourbons would be the dictators of Europe. The scheme was grand enough to fascinate the inexperienced, A.D. 1741. COALITION AGAINST AUSTRIA. 345 while Fleury was worked upon by the fear that Francis, if he became emperor, would endeavour to recover Lorraine. I'he corre- spondence with Maria Theresa became less and less cordial, while Belleisle was raised to the rank of marshal, and sent as envoy to Germany. After visiting the courts of the Rhenish electors, where he was lavish in bribes and promises, he went on to Bavaria, and on the 22ud of May, 1741, concluded the treaty of Nymphen'burg; with Charles Albert. France undertook to support the elector's claims to ihe Austrian succession as well as to the empire, and to send at least 16,000 men to his assistance. In return, the French were to be allowed to retain any conquests that they might make in the Netherlands. On the 28th of May a similar treaty was made by the Spanish envoy, who also i>romised men and money to Bavaria on condition that all conquests of the Spaniards in Italy should be confirmed to them. Prussia had not yet joined the great league that was forming against Austria; and Frederick, who saw through the French schemes for a division of Germany, was eager to force Maria Theresa to purchase his alliance by the cession of Silesia. His chief hope Avas based nixm the intervention of England. 1'hc English parliament had declared warmly for Maria Theresa, but neither George II. nor Walpole wished for war against Prussia, the king for fear of Hanover being attacked, the minister because he deemed the coalition too strong. England was actuated solely by hostility to France, while common Protestantism was a link with Prussia. The primary object of English policy, therefore, was to induce Maria Theresa to grant Frederick's demands. But the effurts of the two envoys, Lord Hyndford and Sir Thomas Robinson, were foiled by the obstinate determination of the Archduchess not to break the Pragmatic Sanction by any cession of territory. The failure of these negotiations forced Frederick reluctantly to sacrifice his patriotism as a German to his interests as a Prussian king, and to join France. On the &th of June the treaty of Breslau stipulated mutual assistance in case of attack, while in the secret articles Frederick promised his vote to the elector of Bavaria, and resigned his claims upon Jiilich and Berg. Louis XV. guaranteed to him Lower Silesia, with Breslau, and promised to send 40,000 men into Germany within two months, and to induce the Swedes to make war on Russia. Before the end of July, Augustus III. of Saxony joined the French alliance on condition of receiving Moravia and Upper Silesia. About the same time the Elector of Bavaria captured Passau. § 6. The league against Austria being now complete, France pre- pared to take an active part in the war. Two armies were formed, the 346 MODERN EUROPE. Chap, xviii one under Belleisle to co-operate with the Bavarians against Austria, the other under Maillebois to advance into the Netherlands, so as to threaten Holland and Hanover with invasion. As Belleisle was still occupied Avith diplomacy, his troops crossed the Rhine on the 12th of August, under the command of Lenville. To prove that they were auxiliaries rather than [irincipals in the war, they assumed the Bavarian colours. Without opposition they joined the elector's troops, and the combined forces took Linz on the 10th of September, so that they stood within three days' march of Vienna. Everything seemed to favour the League. Sweden declared war against Russia, and George II., frightened by the advance of Maillebois, concluded a convention by which Hanover was to remain neutral and the Hanoverian vote was promised to Charles Albert. 'J"he terror which was inspired at Vienna by the news of the French advance forced Maria Theresa to resume the project of buyi- g off the hostility of Prussia. Robinson was sent to Frederick's camp at Strehlen, but the concessions which he was authorised to offer were insufficient, and were haughtily rejected by the king. To emphasise his adhesion to the French alliance, Frederick now occupied Breslau, which had hitherto retained its independence. At the same time he urged the allied armies to advance from Linz against Vienna. It was a critical moment for Maria Theresa. Her husband was un^wpular, and she herself was absent in Hungary, the province which for nearly a century had been in constant revolt against the Hapsburgs. At this juncture she determined to disregard the advice of her German ministers, and to grant the Hungarians the right of arming themselves, which had hitherto been studiously withheld. This proof of confidence, and the visible annoyance of the hated Germans, roused the sensitive Magyars to enthusiastic devotion. An insurrection, or armed levy of the whole population, was unanimously voted, and no opposition was made to the appoint- ment of the grand-duke Francis as joint-ruler. It is true that the queen had to purchase these concessions by the grant of consti- tutional privileges, which seriously limited the central power, and that the Hungarian troops, always disorderly and unmanageable, did not render very effective assistance. But the moral effect was prodigious. At the moment when everything seemed lost, when the capital was being deserted and there was no ally to be called in, the province which had shown the greatest aversion to Hapsburg rule suddenly set an example of loyalty which made a profound impression both in Austria and in Europe. At the same time Maria 'i'heresa was materially aided by disunion among her enemies. A.D. 1741. KLEIN SCHNELLENDOEF. 347 Vienna must have fallen if it had been jiromptly attacketl. But the French, either for military reasons or through jealousy of Prussia and Bavaria, refused to advance from Linz, and leaving Vienna on their right entered Bohemia. The immediate danger to Austria was over, but it had already produced an important result in compelling Maria Theresa to consent to concessions. To save her capital she had opened simul- taneous negotiations with France and with Prussia, An envoy was sent to treat with Belleisle at Frankfort ; and he offered to give France Luxemburg, to hand over the Netherlands to Bavaria, and to satisfy Spain in Italy. In return for this the invasion of Austria was to be given up, Prussia was to be compelled to restore Silesia, and the grand duke Francis was to obtain the empire. These proposals were based on the supposition that the object of France was to obtain territorial acquisitions. But this, in Belleisle's mind, was wholly secondary to the humiliation of Austria, and the proposals were unhesitatingly rejected. More successful were the negotiations which Marshal Neipjerg was authorised to conduct with Prussia. The real mediator was Lord Uyndford. On the 9th of October a secret conference was held at K lein Schnellendorf, at which only five persons were present, Fredeiick himself and Colonel Goltz for Prussia, Neipperg and Lentulus for Austria, and Uynd- ford. The terms of a convention had been already agreed upon. The Prussians were to be allowed to take Neisse after a sham siege of fourteen days. Neipperg was to be allowed to withdraw his army without molestation, the Prussian troops were to winter in Upper Silesia, and Frederick promised to abstain from all hostilities against Austria and Hanover. Within a few months a formal treaty was to be arranged, by which Lower Silesia was to be definitely ceded to Prussia. The contracting parties swore to keep the convention completely secret, and Frederick declai'ed that if this were broken he should hold himself freed from all obligations. Nothing was signed on either side, and the only record of the convention was a writing in the hand of Lord Hyndford. The siege of Neisse was commenced, and after a formal cannonade the fortress surrendered on the 2nd of November, Neipperg was allowed to march off with his army to the defence of the Austrian territories. The convention of Klein Schnellendorf is one of the great stum- bling-blocks in the way of Frederick's apologists, and as a masterly piece of treacherous double-dealing it has no equal. Maria Theresa's object is immistakable. It was absolutely necessary to withdraw from Silesia the one army which Austria possessed, and this could only be effected by a sacrifice. She may also have hoped to irritate 348 MODERN EUROPE. Chap, xviii. the other allies against Prussia. Frederick's policy is more intricate but equally obvious. It was a great thing for him to obtain possession of Neisse without havaig to strike a blow for it. Lower Silesia passed absolutely into his possession, and he was able to recruit his exhausted troops. At the same time his future actions were left entirely untrammelled. The condition of secrecy could not possibly be observed. Even if nothing had been betrayed on the part of Austria, the sham siege of Neisse and the de];arture of Nei^jperg's army could n(jt fail to arouse the suspicion of his allies. He gained a great immediate advantage by making promises which he never intended to keep, and in fact he provided himself before- hand with a convenient pretext for breaking them. The only people whom he sacrificed were his allies, who suddenly found that they had to reckon with Neipperg's army, which had hitherto been occupied in Silesia. § 7. It is probable that when Fret'erick concluded the convention he expected the allies to fail in their invasion of Bohemia, and at the moment this appeared more than possible. Their com- munications with Upper Austria and Bavaria were cut oif by the march of Neipperg's army into Moravia. Charles Albert wished to turn back for the maintenance of his Austrian conquests, which had been left in tlie charge of Count Segur. But the French officers insisted upon attacking Prague. Belleisle himself hurried np from Frankfort to assume the command, but was detained by a serious illness at Dresden. To everybody's surprise Prague was taken at the first assault (25th Nov.), thanks to the energy and good fortune of the young Maurice de Saxe, a son of Augustus 11. and the Countess of Konigsmark. The loss of Prague was a terrible blow to Maria Theresa, and was followed by even wprse disasters. On the 5th of December a revolution in Russia deprived Austria of a friend. The Regent Anne, who governed for her infant son Iwan, was overthrown, and the government was assumed by Elizabeth, the youngest daughter of Peter the Great, who was inclined to a French alliance. AVorst of all, the fall of Prague de- cided Frederick to break the convention of Klein Schnellendorf. With cynical audacity he announced to Lord Hyndford his deter- mination to stand by the winning side, and sent Schwerin to invade Moravia. On the 27th of December the Prussians occupied Olmiitz, and Frederick promised to join them early in the next year. At the end of 1741 Maria Theresa's position seemed almost hopeless. Upper Austria and great part of Bohemia were held by the French and Bavarians. The Prussians occupied Silesia, and had begun the invasion of Moravia. The only Austrian army, that of Neipperg, lay at Budweis unable to move in either direction. But A.D. 1741-1742. ELECTION OF CHARLES VIL 349 the courage of the queen was never more conspicuous, and fortune turned at the critical moment. Belleisle's illnet^s haa led to the appointment of a new commander, Broglie, who Avas sluggish and incapable, unpopular with his own ofiBcers, and personally detested by Frederick. From this time we can trace a growing alienation between Prussia and France, which encouraged Austria to adopt a bolder attitude. Regiments were withdrawn from Italy, and, with the Himgarian levies, were formed into a second army under Khevenhiiller. Early in January, 1742, these troops advanced into Upper Austria, where they were welcomed by the population. On the 23rd Linz was captured, and on the next day Passau surrendered to an advanced body of hussars under Barcnklau. The Austrian provinces were recovered. These successes came too late to influence the course of events at Frankfort, where the Elector of Bavaria was chosen emperor as Charles VIL by eight votes on the 24th of January, the very day of the fall of Passau. Before his coronation, the luckless emperor heard that his own territories were invaded. Khevenhiiller over- ran Bavaria in three weeks, and captured the whole province except Strassburg, Ingolstadt, and a few other fortresses. He was prevented from completing the work by an order to send 10,000 men to join the main army at Budweis, the command of which was transferred from Neipperg to Charles of Lorraine, Maria Theresa's brother-in- law. § 8. Meanwhile Frederick, not without great difficulty,had obtained the assistance of the Saxon army and a French detachment, which were placed under his command for the Moravian campaign. His object, which has often been misunderstood, was to force Maria Theresa to give up Bohemia to Bavaria, Moiavia to Saxony, and the whole of Silesia with Glatz to himself. He had no real desire to aggrandise Saxony and Bavaria, but he felt that they would be safer neighbours than Austria. As long as Maria Theresa kept Bohemia and Moravia, she would always aim at the recovery ot Silesia; if she lost those provinces, Silesia would be safe. At Olmiitz he was met by an Austrian envoy, who offered the cession of Silesia ; but Frederick, confidently anticipating success, refused to desert his allies. On the 15th of February he look Iglau, where the French troops were recalled by Broglie, and after some difficulty he induced the Saxons to join him in the siege of Briinn. But Frederick found the Moravian campaign a very different affair from that in Silesia. Mixed forces were far more difficult to handle than his own subjects, and the population was bitterly hostile to the invaders. Before the sluggish Charles of Lorraine had decided which enemy to attack, the Prussian king had given up the enter- 350 MODERN EUROPE. Chap, xviii. prise in disgust. On the 25th of April the Prussians evacuated Olmiitz, and marcljed to Chrudim in Bohemia, where they en- camped for a period of rest. The Anstrians fomid that they had nothing to do but occupy the deserted fortresses, and Prince Charles now determined to follow the enemy into Bohemia. The failure of the Moravian campaign, and Frederick's evident alienation from his allies, led to a renewal of negotiations with Austria. Maria 'J'heresa had recently been strengthened by the fall of Walpole's ministry, which had been partly due to his failure to give efficient support to the Austrian cause. Foreign affairs were now in the hands of Carteret, who was regarded as the champion of intervention in Germany. Parliament declared strongly for swp- porting Austria against France, and voted a subsidy of half-a- million. But on one point Walpole's policy was followed by his successors. They gave it to be understood that England could take no part in the war until terms had been arranged with Prussia. Maria Theresa was now eager for an agreement which would give her the support of the maritime powers, and ensure the triumphant expulsion of the French from her territories. She was willing to give up Lower Silesia with Glatz and great part of Upper Silesia. but she demanded that, in return for these amj^le concessions, Frederick should join her against France and Bavaria. This the king unhesitatingly refused. He would be neutral, but even he was not capable of such a political somersault. Moreover he wished to keep Silesia, and not to fight for it over again with France and Saxony. On this diiference the negotiations, which were again conducted by Hyndford, broke down, and it was obvious that the war must go on until one or other party should give way. Charles of Lorraine was now marching from Moravia into Bohemia, and the Prussians lay between him and Prague. If the negotiations had succeeded he would have been allowed to attack the French without hindrance. That was now impossible, and on the 17th of May the Prussian and Austrian armies met for the second time in a pitched battle at Chotusitz or Czaslau. The result was the same as at MoUwitz, with the great difference that the victory was not won in Frederick's absence, but was gained in great measure by his own skill and energy. The battle was a diplomatic move rather than a great military achievement, and was fought by Frederick to force Austria to fall in with his demands. This was fully realised at Vienna, and the negotiations were at once resumed. The news of Chotusitz had roused the French to make some show of energy. A detachment of Broglie's troops won a small victory at Sahay over the Austrians under Lobkowitz, who had been left in A.D. 1742. TREATY OF BERLIN. 351 Bohemia by Prince Charles. The French might have held their position in Pisek and Pilsen if they could have prevented the union of the Prince's army with that of Lobkowitz. Belleisle, who had returned from Frankfort after the election, hurried off to Frederick's camp to induce him to do something. There he must have seen pretty clearly through the king's designs, especially as the Prussians made not the slightest effort to check the enemy's retreat. Prince Charles joined Lobkowitz without any difficulty, and at once advanced against the French. Broglie decided that he could not resist so large a force, and retreated from point to point. First Pisek and then Pilsen were taken by the Austrians, and the French were compelled to retire ignominiously under the walls of Prague. This news decided Frederick. He was afraid that if Prague were taken, Maria Theresa would withdraw the powers that had been given to Hyndford, and try to recover Silesia. He sent off a courier at once to his minister Podewils, urging him to arrange a treaty with Hyndford as soon as possible. Pie was to stipulate for Lower Silesia and Glatz, with the border-counties of Bohemia if possible ; if not, then he must get as much as he could of Upper Silesia. Podewils, who had always wished to come to terms with Austria and England, had already commenced the negotiations of his own accord, so that the matter was readily settled. On 11th June, the very day on which the courier arrived, the preliminaries of peace were signed at Breslau. Maria Theresa surrendered Lower Silesia, Upper Silesia with the exception of Teschen, Troppau, etc., and the county of Glatz in full sovereignty for ever. Frederick renounced all claims elsewhere, and undertook to withdraw all his troops from Austrian soil within sixteen days. Difficulties arose about the exact line of frontier, and further negotiations were transferred to Berlin, where the final treaty was signed on the 28th of July, 1742. The example of Prussia in deserting France was promptly followed by Saxony. Augustus IH. tried hard to obtain some advantage from the bargain, but Maria Theresa refused to give up another foot of territory. Ultimately, just to satisfy the king's desire to save his dignity, Austria promised to assist Saxony m obtaining Erfurt, if this could be done with the consent of the archbishop of Mainz, to whom it belonged. On the 7th of September the treaty was formally signed at Dresden. IIL Period of Prussian Nkutkality. § 9. The defection of Prussia and Saxony ruined all the French schemes of partitioning Austria, and Fleury and Belleisle had nothing to aim at but the release of the troops from their imprison- 352 MODERN EUROPE. Chap. xvm. ment in Bohemia. This was first attempted by diplomacy, and terms were offered which contrasted strongly with tlie haughty tone hither- to employed by the court of Versailles. But Maria Theresa, eager for revenge upon an unprovoked assailant, and encouraged by the prospect of English assistance, refused to listen to any proposal of peace. She had hopes cf obtaining some compensation for Silesia, and wished to force Charles VII. to alienate part of Bavaria in ex- change for the Netherlands and a strip of northern France. To effect this the military strength of the French must be more completely broken than it would be if their army were allowed to march peaceably out of Bohemia. But the practical measures of Austria were less energetic than her intentions. Khevenhiiller in Bavaria was still weakened and discontented by the loss of part of his troops, and the grand duke Francis, who superseded h in brother Charles in Bohemia, was not ready to besiege Prague until the end of July. France, on the other hand, was discouraged rather than defeated. At the risk of opening the way for English intervention, Maillebois' army was ordered to march eastwards to reinforce Broglie and Belleisle, while another detachment was sent under Harcourt into Bavaria. These energetic measures nearly succeeded in wresting their expected success from the Austrians. Francis, alarmed at the approach of a new hostile army, left 12,000 menimder Festetics to watch Prague, while he himself, with the bulk of his troops, marched to meet Maillebois, Khevenhiiller, who hnd failed to prevent the entrance of the French into Bavaria, tried to redeem matters by joining the grand duke. But by this step he left the duchy undefended. Seckendorf, the second imperial general who had deserted the Hapsburg cause when it seemed to be unfortunate, was now in command of the Bavarian troops, and he found no difficulty in taking Munich (7th October), and recovering the whole of Bavaria except Scharding and Passau. Meanwhile the combined armies of Kheveniiiiller and the grand duke contented themselves with holding the Bohemian frontier against Maillebois by a series of marches and counter-marches. As the French commander was not more active or capable than his opponents, this proved a sufficiently easy task. It was now decided to send Lobkowitz with reinforcements to join Festetics before Prague, Marshal Broglie had already left the city to supersede Maillebois, so that Belleisle was left in sole command. He had taken advantage of the cessation of the siege to bring sujiplies into Prague, and could have stood a siege for some time, if there had been anything to gain by it. But his one thought now was to leave the city as soon as possible, and to march by Eger into Bavaria, He deceived Lobkowitz by the measures which were A.D. 1742. WAR IN BOHEMIA. 353 taken for a feigned defence, and on the night of the 16th of December the French troops, numbering about 14,000, started on their march. They suffered frightful hardships from the cold, and from the attacks of the light-armed Hungarian cavalry. But Belleisle's resolution overcame all obstacles, and by marching night and day he reached Eger on the 27th of December after having lost more than 2000 men on the way. In Prague some 6000 men had been left under Lieutenant Chevert, not so much to defend the place as becausu they were unable to bear the hardships of a winter march. Even this force Lobkowitz did not venture to attack, but opened negotiations with Chevert. On 25th December the capitulation was signed by which the garrison was allowed to march out with all the honours of war, and Prague returned to the possession of Austria. Thus the Austrians, after an arduous campaign, had gained less than they might have done by accepting the despised overtures of peace. Prague had been won back, but Bohemia had not been evacuated, as the French still occupied Eger. And to gain this they had sacrificed nearly all their conquests in Bavaria. Broglie, when he assumed the command in the place of Maillebois, had given up all idea of entering Bohemia, and had marched to Bavaria in the hope of taking Passau before the close of the campaign. The Austrians, once more under Charles of Lorraine, Francis having returned to Vienna, followed close upon the French, and foiled this attempt, but were themselves repulsed from Braunau. After these indecisive movements the two armies went into winter-quarters to recruit themselves for the next year's campaign. § 10. It is now necessary to turn for a moment to Italy, which in 1742 had also become the scene of military operations. The treaties of Utrecht and IJastadt had given Charles VI. consider- able possessions in Italy; Milan with its fertile territories, the impregnable Mantua, the strong places on the Tuscan coast, and Naples. Sardinia, which on account of its distance was com- paratively useless, had been exchanged in 1720 for the far more profitable island of Sicily. In Italy, as in Germany, Austria was indisputably the foremost power. But Charles VI. and his "Spanish Council" had not been successful rulers in Italy, and the result was the loss of Naples and Sicily in 1735 to Don Carlos of Spain. As compensation, the emperor had received Parma and Piacenza, and, in a sense, the grand duchy of Tuscany, which was given to his son-in-law as an equivalent for Lorraine. At the same time a considerable strip of the Milanese had been ceded to Sardinia. Maria Theres£i succeeded therefore by the li'ragmatic Sanction to 17 354 MODERN EUROPE. Chap, xviii. Milan witli its diminished territories, Mantua, the Tuscan ports, and Parma and Piacenza, while her husband was grand duke of Tuscany in his own right. The independent states in the peninsula, were Naples under Don Carlos, the papacy now held by Benedict XIV., Venice, Sardinia, which included that island with Savoy and Piedmont and was ruled by Charles Emanuel III., and Modena under one of the Este family. No hostility was to be expected from the papacy or from Venice. The duke of Modena was unim- portant, and Charles Emanuel was married to the sister of the grand duke of Tuscany, so that his support might be relied on, unless some opportunity occurred for gratifying the traditional greed of his family for inci'easing their territories. The only ruler who was likely to be hostile was Charles of Naples, but he was very distant from the Austrian territories, and was not very formidable, unless he received support from his relatives in Spain. It was on Spain, therefore, that the question depended whethc'r Maria Theresa's accession would be followed by disturbances in Italy similar to those in Germany. Of the attitude of Spain there was no doubt for a moment. The restless wife of Philip V. had never been reconciled to the loss of the duchy of Parma, where she had been born and bred, and determined to spare no effort for its recovery. The great difficulty in the way of such an enterprise was the journey between the two peninsulas. The sea was held by the hostile English fleet, and to eflect the land passage it was necessary to pass through the territories both of France and Sardinia. From France, when once Fleury had decidetl to follow the policy of Belleisle, no difficulty was anticipated, but the attitude of the king of Sardinia, who held the passes of the Alps, was much more doubtful. It was obviously to the interest of Sardinia to maintain the status quo, to balance the Bourbons and the Hapsburgs in Italy so as to prevent either of them from obtaining a predominance which would be dangerous to its own independence. Of the two families the Bourbons were the more danuerous, because of the neighbourhood of France to Savoy, If the Haj^sburgs were supreme in Italy, it was always possible to join France against them. As against these considerations of policy there was the never-ceasing desire to obtain as much as possible of Lombardy. Lombardy was in the hands of Austria, not of Spain, and the court of Txirin was well aware that the largest concessions would be made by the party not in possession. In fact Spain proposed to expel the Hapsburgs from Italy, to cede Lombardy as far as the Adda to Sardinia, and to be content with Mantua, Parma and Piacenza. On these terms Charles Emanuel joined the alliance that had been made at Kyraphenburg, and from this time was regarded by Spain as an A.D. 1741-1742. WAR IN ITALY. 355 ally. But the king of Sardinia was fully conscious of the politic aigumeuts against the aggrandisement of the Bourbons in Italy. He formed the alliance for the mere purpose of forcing Austria to pay him a good price for breaking it. It was of the greatest importance to Maria Theresa to buy over Charles Emanuel, but it was difficult for her to consent to the cession of territory which was demanded, not only a large portion of Lombardy as far as Pavia, but also territory belonging to Genoa, which Sardinia wanted as an ojiening to the Mediterranean. England undertook the mediation with Sardinia as with Prussia, but failed to induce the queen to make such extreme sacrifices. Su .'denly, in November, 1741, came the utterly unexpected news that the S( aniards had eluded the English fleet and had landed an army in the gulf of Genoa. This gave a great impulse to the negotiations, but a serious obstacle still existed in the claim which Charles Emanuel put forward to the Austrian succession as a decendant of Philip If. Naturally Maria Theresa was unwilling to admit an ally into the fortresses of the Milanese who might maintain that they were his own by right. Ultimately the question of territorial cessions to Sardinia was i^ostjioned, and on the 1st of February, 1742, a provisional convention was signed to settle military arrangements. According to this the Austrian troops were to march southwards and to occupy Mantua and Mirandola, so as to prevent the Spaniards from entering Lombardy. Charles Emanuel was to send auxiliary troops, and if necessary was to advance with his whole army. But his claims were not to be prejudiced by the convention. As long as it lasted he was pledged to do nothing to enforce them, but he reserved the right to repudiate the bargain by a month's notice, and within the month he was to withdraw all his troops from Austrian territories. Luckily for the allies, Montemar, the Spanish general, showed none of the energy that had characterised his movements when he conquered Naples and Sicily in 1734. Instead of advancing at once against Lombardy, he marched into the papal states to wait for Neapolitan reinforcements, and it was not till March, 1742, that he was ready for the campaign. The Austrian commander was Count Traun, who had been trained under Guido Stahremberg and proved a worthy pupil of that able general. The first object of the two armies was to occupy the territory of Modena, where duke Francesco d'Este had hitherto been allied with the Hapsburgs but had been induced by Maria Theresa's misfortunes to join Spain. The Austrians and Sardinians had little difficulty in taking Modena (June, 1742), and the duke had to fly to Venice. This first success decided the campaign. The allies seized Mirandola, and advanced 356 MODERN EUROPE. Chap, xviii. to meet Montemar, who promptly retreated through Rimini and Ravenna to Foligno. The Spanish disasters were completed when an English ileet appeared before Naples, and by the threat of a bombardment compelled Don Carlos to recall his troops and to promise strict neutrality for the rest of the war. The Government of Madrid was so dissatisfied with Montemar's conduct that, in spite of his former services, he was superseded by a younger oilficer. Count Gages. Maria Theresa was encouraged by the substantial victory of her troops to aim at the recovery of Naples and Sicily and the complete expulsion of the Bourbons from Italy. But here she came into collision with her ally. Charles Emanuel had been willing enough to exclude the Spaniards from Lombardy, but he was not eager to drive them from Italy, simply to restore the Hapsburgs to their old supremacy in the peninsula. Not only did he refuse to advance, but he found a pretext for withdrawing his troops in the attack that w;is threatened against Savoy by another Spanish army under Don Philip which had marched through southern France. The other ally of Austria, England, refused to employ its fleet for the conquest of Naples : and the pope would not admit the Austrian troops into his territories. Traun was therefore compelled to withdraw his army to the north of the Tanaro where he occupied a strong position. Montemar's successor, Gages, had advanced against Modena, but then gave up the enter- prise and went into winter quarters near Bologna, which was governed by the ex-Spanish minister Alberoni ; so the campaign of 1742 ended, leaving Austria in secure possession of its territories and of Modena, but with no other advantage being gained. § 11. The first important event of 1743 was the death of Cardinal Fleury, on the 29th of January, at the age of 03. His ministry had lasted 17 years, and was rendered illustrious by the annexation of I.orraine, but otherwise he had conferred few benefits upon France. He had been compelled at the close of his career to give up the policy of peace which was congenial to him, and the result was disaster and disgrace to the French arms. For several years speculation had been rife as to his successor, Louis XV. declared that he would imitate his great-grandfather, and be his own minister: but his disinclination for business made this an empty profession. The chief result of Fleury's death was that unity in the administration was replaced by discord. There was no one who could be regarded as first minister, but there were several rivals for the chief influence over the king. The most important of these were three men who held no office, Cardinal Tencin, the persecutor of the Jesuits, Marshal Noailles, and the due de Richelieu, who owed a brief tenure of power to the favour of the king's mistress. A.D. 1742-1743. DEATH OF FLEURY. 357 Besides these, there were the ministers proper, Orri, the controller- general of finance, Amelot, minister of foreign aflairs, Maurepas of marine, d'Argenson of war, and the chancellor d'Agiiesseau. The government of Fleury had not been successful, that of so manj- rival pretenders to his place Avas not likely to be more fortunate. The brilliant Belleisle, who two years ago had been regarded as certain to be the next minister of France, had just returned with the remnants of his Bohemian army. The failure of his grand German schemes involved the ruin of his prospects at home, and he retired into temporary obscurity. The treaty of Berlin had been purchased at a great sacrifice, but that it was worth the loss of Silesia is proved by comparing the situation of Maria Theresa at the beginning of 1743 with that which she had occupied the year before. The jiroject of partitioning the Austrian territories, at one time so certain of success, was now a thing of tlie past. Upper Austria, Bohemia and Moravia, which twelve months ago lay at the mercy of her enemies, had been triumphantly recovered. Eger was the only place which the French still held in Bohemia. Charles VIF., the nominal head of the hostile league, had suffered great losses, Frnnce was humiliated, the Spaniards had utterly failed in their attack on Lombardy. The powers which a year ago had been so energetic in their aggressions were now compelled to stand on the defensive. England was at last about to take a decisive part in the war. The Swedish war with Eussin, on which France had relied to occupy the great northern empire, had bi-en unsuccessful, and before the close of the year Sweden had to accept the humiliating peace of Abo. The attitude of Maria Theresa changed with the altered circumstances. No longer was she content to uphold the Pragmatic Sanction, she would take vengeance for the unprovoked attacks that had been m;ide upon her, and would extort from her enemies some compen- sation for the loss of Silesia. § 12. 'J'he military events of 1743 are more imjiortant in their results than in themselves, and the three campaigns, in Bavaria, Western Germany, and Italy, may be passed over in rapid review. In Bavaria, Charles of Lorraine and Khevenhiiller had a very easy task. Broglie,wdio commanded the army of Maillebois, refused to give any assistance to Seckendorf, and finally marched back to France without striking a blow. The Bavarian troops were now com- pletely outnumbered. Munich was retaken by the Austrians, and the unfortunate Charles Yll. had to fly from his capital to Frank- fort. On the 27th of June the convention of Niederschonfeld was. signed, by which the whole of Bavaria, except Ingolstadt, was handed over to Austrian occupation until the conclusion of a general 358 MODERN EUROPE. Chap. xvui. treaty. In August the French had to give up Eger, the last relic of their Bohemian conquests. Before this Charles of Lorraine had advanced from Bavaria to the Rhine, to co-operate against France with the allied troops which England had brought into Germany. In 1742 a mixed English and Hanoverian army had entered the Netherlands, and early in the next year it commenced its march towards Germany with some 20,000 Austrian auxiliaries under the duke of Arenberg. The " Pragmatic Army," as it was called, was commanded by Lord Stair, and so dilatory were its movements, that it did not cross the Rhine till April. Through the whole ol May it remained in complete inactivity near Mainz and Frankfort. To oppose the allies, a Fi-ench army was formed out of the remnant of Belleisle's troops with fresh recruits, and placed under the command of Noailles. He contented himself with carefully following the enemy, so as to frustrate any attempt either to attack France or to interfere in Bavaria. The explanation of Stair's inactivity" is to be found in the negotiations which England was conducting to induce the Dutch to take part in the war. For a long time the republic, which had no real interests at stake, was persistent in its refusal. But at last the Orange party, which wished for an opportunity to restore the stadtholdership, got the upj^er hand, and in May, 1743, Holland uutertook to send 20,000 men to support the cause of Maria Theresa. The prospect of this reinforcement impelled Stair to more active measures, and leaving his magazines at Hanau, he advanced towards Aschaffenburg, But Noailles, who carefully watched all his movements, outmarched him and blocked the way. At this juncture George If. arrived to assume the command in person. To extricate himself from the difficult position, George determined to return to Hanau. But Noailles, anticipating this resolve, was again too quick for the enemy, and occupied a strong position at Seligenstadt, while he sent his nephew the duo de Grani- mont to seize the village of Dettingen, about half-way between Aschaffenburg and Hanau. The king found himself compelled to fight a battle in a disadvantageous position (26th June), and he would certainly have been defeated but for an error of Grammont, who left his position at Dettingen to meet the enemy in the valley below. This deranged all Noailles' elaborate plans, the battle became a confused melee, and the French had ultimately to retreat. But the victory, such as it was, proved of very slight imiwrtance. Noailles was not pursued or harassed in any way, and George II. was quite content to have secured his one object of removing all obstacles to his return to Hanau. So hasty was he in effecting this that he actually left his wounded on the field of battle to the humanity and courtesy of the P'rench commander. A.D. 1743. PROGRESS OF THE WAR. 359 The news of the battle -f Dettmgen was received with the greatest enthusiasm at Vienna. Maria Theresa was confident that the iunction of Charles of Lorraine with the victorious allies must compel France to yield. But nothing came of these expectations% Quarrels arose between the English and Hanoverian troops, and Lord Stair in disgust threw up his command. Charles of Lorrame, eacrer to win glory for himself, refused to join the English king. At last it was decided to attack France in two divisions, Ihe Austrians under Charles were to enter Lower Alsace by Alt-Breisach, wMle the Pragmatic Army was to cross the French border further north Two French armies were set on foot to oppose the invasion ; one under Coigni against the Austrians, the other under NoaiUes ac^ainst George IL The defence was completely successful. Prince Charles advanced to Alt-Breisach, but failed to effect a passage across the Ehine. The Pragmatic Army crossed the Rhine below Mainz but made no effort to attack Noailles. Ultimately the two invading armies gave up their enterprise and went into winter quarters. The French were excluded from Germany, but their own frontiers were secure fr^-m attack. . , , ^ In Italy the Spanish commander. Gages, received orders to renew the enterprise in Lombardy which had failed in the preceding year Crossing the Tanaro, he attacked the Austrians under Traun, but was completely defeated at Campo Santo and compelled to retire to Rimini. Traun wished to follow the enemy and co.n|lete his discomfiture, but was prevented by the attitude of his ally, the king of Sardinia. Charles Emanuel had not yet extorted from Maria Theresa any definite promise of territorial concessions, and until that was eftected he was determined not to continue the war. io aive greater force to his demands he entered into negotiations with the courts of Versailles and Madrid, which were eager for the Sardinian alliance. English mediation had to be called m to efiect a reconciliation between Austria and Sardinia. As in the case of Priis'.ia Enc^land did not hesitate to urge unwelcome sacrifices upon Maria Theresa, with a vehemence that may have been politic but was certainly unwelcome at Vienna. But too many interests were Tt stake for L queen to hold out. On the 13th of September, 743, the important treaty of Worms was arranged between England Austria and Sardinia. Maria Theresa ceded to Charies Emanuel the Milanese west of the Ticino and Lake Maggiore, the cities and districts of Pavia and Piacenza, and the right of re-purchasmg the marquisate of Finale from the Genoese. Finale had been sold by Charles VI. to Genoa for 1,200,000 piastres, but the emperor ha.l reserved the right of reclaiming the territory on paying back the money The transference of this right to Sardinia was bitterly 360 MODERN EUROPE. Chap. xvin. resented by the Genoese and ultimately drove them to side with France and Spain In return for these concessions, Charles Lmanuel guaranteed Maria Theresa in the possession of all her other territories, and promised to assist Austria with 40,000 men until the couclusion of a .general peace. The settlement of the Sar- dinian difiiculties enabled the Austrians to take the offensive in Italy Khevenhiiller having lately died, Traun was recalled to take his place in Germany, and his command in Lombardy was criven to Lobkowitz. At the head of a mixed force of Austrians and Sardinians, Lobkowitz attacked the Spaniards in the papal terri- tories and drove them back from point to point. Ultimately, at the end of October, Gages went into winter quarters at I'esaro J he treaty of Worms was a serious blow to France and S ain 0°lh T T.'* 1"^ T^"'^"^ '" "'^ ""^^°^^ ^' Fontainebleau (25tb October). By this the two Oonrbon lines pledged themsel.es to a permanent union. France promised to declare war against England Pa ma foi Don Phihp; not to negotiate with England until Gib- alar, and 1 possible Minorca too, had been restored to Spain; and o force England to resign the colony of Georgia, which had recently been usurped from the Spaniards. This treaty, which pled^eJ 1 ranee to obtam such enormous and almost impossible advantages to Spain, without any recompense for itself, was the work "of Maurepas. It is characteristic of Louis XV. that he saw and ^ZZf', ! " 'f'^'l '' *'^ *"^*^ ' ^"* ^-d -* efficient trength of mmd to refuse his signature to it. The first result of this new family compact was seen in the energy with which Savov was attacked from the French side. For two ^Ls a S;^th ^n J had been assembled m southern France under Don Philip but as yet It had done nothing In October of this year an attemi^ va made to force a passage through the Alps, but Charles Emanuel's ?eXr ^"^l"^*-^^""^ ^^'^'■^ f^'^y -efficient and the attack was § 13. The war was far more vigorously prosecuted in 1744 than in he preceding year. One cause of this ^as a sudden outburst of mrrof i; tl^ T "'^'''' °^ Chateauroux, strove to play the pa t of an eighteen h-century Agnes Sorel, and to inspire the kin. s« of theE "f"^ ''''': ^' '''' ^'^-^ *-- t'^^ -«onal spirit of the French was roused by tlie threatened attack on their Maurice desT'' 1 '''V'' " ^'-^"^^"^^ ^-^P«olitics at Vienna that the defence of the Netherlands against France might safely be left to the maritime jiowers, and therefore she preferred to send the majority of the troops which were released by the treaty of Dresden to Italy. The result was that the allied forces were too Aveak to oppose the progress of the French. In January Marshal Saxe advanced against Brussels, which surrendered, after a brief siege, on the 20th of February. Antwer[i was besiegt d in the ])resence of Louis XV. himself; the town capitulated on the 20th of May, the citadel on the 3rd of June. The French followed up their successes by the capture of Mons and Charleroi. Maria Theresa was now compelled to send reinforcements, while the victory at Culloden (16th April) enabled the English to return to the Continent. The allied army was raised to nearly 80,000 in number, and on the 21st the command was undertaken by Charles of Lorraine. This was an error on the part of the Austrian government. Maria Theresa's affection for her brother-in-law ought not to have blinded her to the fact that he had given conclusive evidence of incapacity. At the same time the appointment put a distinct slight upon the 380 MODERN EUROPE. Chap, xviii. English and the duke of Cumberland, whose success in Scotland had made him a hero in the eyes c f his countrymen. Charles of Lorraine attempted to protect Namur, hut he was forced to retreat towards Liege, while Namur was taken behind his back. Marshal Saxe now followed the enemy, and Charles, eager to win back some of his lost reputation, insisted on fighting a battle in a disadvan- tageous position and with inferior numbers. The result was that he was completely defeated near the village of Raucoux (11th Octo- ber). But the French victory was not productive of any important consequences, and the two armies were soon afterwards dispersed into winter quarters. The whole of the Netherlands, with the exception of Limburg and Luxemburg, were lost to Austria. While the French arms were carrying all before them in the north, France itself was exposed to invasion on two points. At the end of September an English squadron lauded some troops on the coast of Brittany, which attempted to surprise Lorient, but were repulsed without much difficulty. More serious was the enterprise in Provence. After the capture of Genoa, debates arose between the Austrians and Sardinians as to what further operations should be undertaken before the close of the year. The Austrians naturally wished to carry out the provisions of the treaty of Worms, and to renew the attempt to conquer Naples, which had failed so lamentably in 1744. Charles Emanuel, however, who was not so anxious to aggrandise the Hapsburgs, wished to secure what had been so fortunately conquered. The difference was settled by the intervention of England. The guiding motive of the English tl^'oughout the war had been hostility to France. They now induced their allies to combine in an invasion of southern France, Their object was to crush the French maritime power in the Mediterranean, and this could be best effected by the capture of the great naval arsenal, Toulon. In November Browne led 40,000 Austrian and Sardinian troops across the Var into Provence. The French retreated before them, and a third of the province was speedily overrun by the invaders. But the English still pressed for an attack upon Toulon, and for this Browne required heavier artillery than he had been able to bring with him. A request was therefore sent to Botta, who had remained in Genoa, to dispatch some of the large guns from that city. But the attempt to dis- mantle their fortifications was more than the already disaffected Genoese could endure. A revolt broke out, which speedily attained such dimensions that Botta, with the Austrian troops, was driven to retire into Lombardy. This event decided the campaign in Provence. Marslial I^elleisle, who had superseded Maillebois, received reinforcemeno uted commander-in-chief. Munnich was now all-powerfnl a 00 r Ind he had been alienated from Austria by the ktter's a^nduct u 1 ;^-kish war, and was inclined to ally himself with Pruss^ Not only were Maria Theresa s demands for assistance refused but Frederick, who had now entered Silesia, received encouraging let er ^"m the marshal. But these relations ^^^^^^^^^^^^^J^ Ion- Munnich's claim to supremacy was resented by the other Germans, and esix^cially by Ostermann, who was uiclmed to supp AuXta The r gent was easily induced to oppose the mau ho ha 1 conferred ^wer upon her. Munnich, haughtily convinced that S services were indispensable, thought to overpower oin^os.tion V offeX his resignation. To his astonishment the ofter was ^ lT?n March 1741; his appointments were taken from him; :: £ h^ ^in^d Ms persoL liberty, all his political power w lone This second revolution involved a change m toreign ol l; Oste^^mann. who now enjoyed the chief influence with the C^ prepared to render active assistance to Maria Theresa It vts to ave^^t this danger that France and Prussia instigated he Swlh^ n the summer of 1741 to declare war n gainst Eussia, in t^ie vlin hope that they might recover son^ ^ /I- emto «-t Peter the Great had acquired from them by the peace of .Njstadt. fi S ptlber the war. w'hich never attained any serious dimension . tas commenced by an encounter at Wilmanstrand in Fmhuid, where the Russians under Lascy won a complete victory. In the winter of 1741 a ne^v plan was devised for breaking off thalltie between Russia and Austria. The French envoy at S Pet rsbnrg. La Chetardie, gave his countenance to an intrigue t^vch Smed It the deposition of the re.ent and the eleva ion to h cro" of Peter the Great's surviving daughter, Elizabeth So . e s and incompetent was Anne, that she took no steps to foil a conspiracy which was hardly a secret at all. The sold.ei-s were won :ver\o the cause of Elizabeth, and the Russian ^!^^f;^^^ was a powerful impulse in her favour. In the night ofthc oth of December the revolution was accomplished without diflicuUy and 388 MODERN EUROPE. Chap, xvm, without bloodshed. The regent, her husband^ and the infant Czar were seized in their beds. All the ministers, including Osteruiann and Munnich, were imprisoned. Elizabeth was proclaimed Czarina on the spot, and the whole of the next day was sjoent in tlie ceremony of doing homage. She had lived a careless and dissolute life, but she had one great merit — good-nature. The sentences of death which were passed on most of the prisoners were commuted to perpetual banishment. Anne and Antony Ulric never returned to Russia, and their unfortunate son Iwan VI., as he is called in Russian history, lived in solitary confinement till 1764, when he was murdered at the age of twenty-four. Ostermann died in exile ; but Munnich, whose spirit was unbroken by adversity and who made himself quite a power in Siberia, survived Elizabeth, nntl was recalled by her successor to St. Petersburg. § 26. Elizabeth's accession was a victory of the national party in Russia against the foreigners who hnd been introduced by Peter the Great, and had been raised to supremacy under the descendants of Iwan. In order to exclude the latter from the throne, Elizabeth, Avho refused to marry, chose as her successor Charles Peter Ulrichof Hol-;tein-Gottorp, the son of lier elder sister Anne. The natural impulse of the new government was to desert Austria and to throw itself into the arms of France and Prussia. But on the other hand, Bestoujef, who now became minister of foreign affairs, was inclined to an Auatrian alliance, and France had compromised itself by its relations wi h Sweden. Elizabeth, who was naturally pacific, oifered to renew the peace of Nystiidt. But the S Aides thought tliat '.he recent revolution had weakened Russia, and not only refused the ofl'er, but demanded the restoration of southern Finland with the town of Wiborg. It was impossible for a daughter of Peter the Great to resign any of her father's conquests, and the war was continued through 1742. A Russian army pre]iared to invade Finland with General Lascy as commander-in-chief, and as his subordinates Keith and Lowendahl, both of whom won a repu- tation afterwards, the one in Prussian and the other in French Kervice. The opening of the campaign was delayed by a mutiny. The antipathy against foreigners, which had just been so successful in the capital, naiurally extended to the army, where hardly any natives were admitted to offices. It was not without great danger and difficulty that Keith's resolute measures put an end to the mutiny. In June the Russians entered Finland, and carried all before them. The Swedes, led by an incapable nobleman, Lcewen- haupt, made no resistance, but allowed themselves to be driven back to Helsingfors, where they capitulated to an army of about their own number. Never did a nation sink so suddenly and utterly A.D. 1741-1743. KUSSIA AND SWEDEN. 389 from that military reputation which had made the Swedes, under Gustavus Adolphus, Charles X., and Charles XII., the terror of Europe. The blame rests, in the first place, with the oligarchical government which had established itself in Sweden with the acces- sion of Charles XII.'s sister Ulrica Eleanor. She had died childless in 1741, and the crown passed to her husband Frederick of Hesse- Cassel, who was even more impotent than his wife had been. The nobles, being absolutely supreme in the State, split into two parties, which were known as the "hats" and the "caps." Party rivalry extended itself to the army, and rival officers and soldiers eagerly watched for an opportunity to bring accusations against their opponents. In these circumstances it is no wonder tlmt no unity or courage was displayed by the Swedes, and that the Eussians were astounded at the ease with which their conquests were effected. The humiliation of the Swedish army made it absolutely necessary to make peace, and in March, 1743, necrotia- tions were opened at Abo. The great difficulty was that success had mduced Elizabeth to demand further cessions of territory and that she also wished to settle the succession to the Swedish throne. For this there were two prominent candidates, Frederick crown-prince of Denmark, and Peter the Great's grandson, Charles Peter ol Holstein-Gottorp. The majority of the Swedes, especially the lower classes, inspired with bitter hatred of Russia, wished for the elevation of the Danish prince. They hoped that the union of the three Scandinavian kingdoms, Sweden, Denmark and Norway, might be able to resist the encroachments of their powerful Slavonic neighbour. But the nobles saw the only chance of retaining their authority in conciliating Elizabeth, and therefore decided to offer the crown to her nephew. But Charles Peter, ambitious of succeeding his aunt and becoming the Czar of Russia' refused the offer. Elizabeth now suggested that the Swedes should choose Adolf Frederick of Hoistein-Eutin, who held the bishopric of Lubeck. The will of Russia was accepted without further resist- ance. By the peace of Abo (1743) Adolf Frederick was recognised as heir to the throne, and Russia acquired the whole of southern Finland as far as the river Kiiimen. § 27. The continuance of the Swedish war foiled all the efforts of La Chetardie to ally Russia with France and Prussia. But at the same time the chancellor Bestoujef was unable to interfere on behalf of Austria. In 1743 another complication arose. A con- spiracy was detected, in which the Austrian envoy Botta was supposed to be implicated. The conspirators were sentenced to exile, and Elizabeth imperatively demanded the punishment oi Botta. As Maria Theresa refused to treat her ambassador as a 390 MODERN EUROPE. Chap, xviii. criminal until his guilt was established, and as the necessary proofs were not forthcoming, an open quarrel broke out between the courts of Austria and Russia. Frederick took prompt advantage of this to restore his influence at St. Petersburg. Elizabeth demanded one of his sisters in marriage for her nephew and heir, Charles Peter of Holstein. When Frederick refused this, the Czarina was so far from being irritated that she asked his advice as to the choice of some other princess. The king suggested the daughter of Christian August of Anhalt-Zerbst. The suggestion was adopted, and in July, 17-i4, the betrothal took jilace. 'I he pdncess was admitted to the Greek Church, and re-baptised with the name of Catharine, under which she was destined to become very prominent in the history both of Russia and of I'^urope. But this good understanding between Prussia and Russia was not destined to last long. The first cause of quarrel was Frederick's intervention in Sweden. In December, 1743, Christian VI. of Denmark had cemented a close alliance with England by marrying his eldest son to a daughter of George 11. The Swedes, in order to redress the balance of power, sought to ally themselves with Prussia, and proposed a marriage between the heir-apparent to the throne, Adolf Frederick, and Frederick's sister Ulrica Eleanor, 'i'he marriage was concluded in 1744, but this would not have sufficed in itself to alienate Kussia if Fredericit had not used his influence in Sweden to foil the Russian designs ; and reports were brought to Elizabeth that in his familiar conversation the king was in the habit of using scornful language about her and her lovers. A personal slight the Czarina could never forgive, and from this time she was inspired with the bitterest hatred against Frederick. It was this rather than any political motive that induced her to compromise the quarrel about Botta, and to conclude a close alliance with Maria Theresa in 1747. In accordance with the terms of the treaty 30,000 troops were despatched to Germany, where they arrived only to find that peace had been concluded, and that their services were not required. But Elizabeth's enmity to Prussia was not cooled by this ineffectual act of hostility, but remained to become in the future an important factor in European politics. CHAPTER XIX. THE SEVEN YEARS' WAR. I'he Diplomatic Revolution. — § 1. Interval of peace ; foreign policy of Austria ; plan of Kaiinitz. § 2. Kaunitz goes to Versailles ; the French court; treaty of Aranjuez between Austria and Spain; Kaunitz becomes chief minister at Vienna. § 3. Colonial quarrels between England and France ; outbreak of war in America ; England negotiates with Austria and Russia; convention of Westminster with Prussia ; French conquest of Minorca. § 4. Negotiations between Austria and France ; treaty of Versailles ; Frederick anticipates attack. II. OuTiiRiiAK OF THE War. — § 5. Frederick's motives for invading Sa.xony ; battle of Lobositz ; capitulation of Pirna. § G. The diet declares against Prussia; alliance between Austria and Russia; negotiations with France; change in the French ministry ; attitude of England ; second treaty of Versi.illes. III. The War from 1757 to 1760. — § 7. The Prussians invade Bohemia; battle of Prague; Frederick's defeat at Kolin; evacuntion of Bohemia. § 8. French attack on Hanover ; Convention of Closter-Seven ; Prussia threatened on every side; Frederick's victories ai Rossbach and Leuthen. § 9. Policy of Pitt ; Ferdinand of Brunswick drives the French across the Rhine; renewed treaty between England and Prussia. § 10. Russian conquest of East Prussia; dismissal of Bestoujef; new treaty between Rus.-ia and Austria. § 11. Frederick's campaign in 1758; failure at Olmiitz ; victory over the Russians at Zorndorf ; defeated bv Daun at Hochkirch; saves Silesia and Saxony. § 12. Ferdinand of Brunswick's campaign in 1758; successes of the English by sea, in India, and iu Canada. § 13. Choiseul becomes chief minister; new terms with Austria. § 14. Frederick's )osition in 1759; the Russians at'ack Brandenburg; battle of Kunersdorf; capture of Dresden by the Austrians ; capitulation of Maxen. § 15. Cami)aign of 1759 in Western Germany; battle of Minden ; naval victories of England; Wolfe takes Quebec; accession of Charles III. in Spain; the Schuwalov/ treaty. § 16. Campaign of 1760 in Silesia; disaster of Landshut ; battle of Liegnitz ; the war in Saxony ; battle of Torgau. § 17. Western Germany and the colonies in 1760; accession of George III. in England. IV. Conclusion of the War. — § 18. Exhaustion of the combatants; campaign of 1761. § 19. Family compact between France and Spain; fall of Pitt ; England at war with Spain. § 20. England withdraws the Prussian subsidies; death of Elizabeth of Russia; Peter III. allies himself with Frederick; accession of Catharine II. ; Prussian successes. § 21. Treaty of Paris ; treaty of Hubertsburg ; results of the war. 392 MODERN EUROPE. Chap. xix. I. The Diplomatic Revolution in Europe. § 1. The Treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle jiroduced no immediate change in the relations of the great European powers. For the next seven years they remained divided into two hostile camps, England and Austria against France and Prussia. This division appeared to statesmen of the old school so natural and so consonant with political traditions as to be completely unalterable. During this period, however, a great revolution was working itself out, and was suddenly consummated in 1756 at the outbreak of the Seven Years' War. This was no less than the cessation of the long-standing rivalry between the houses of Bourbon and Hapsburg, the breaking otr of the alliance between Austria and the Maritime States, and the formation of a wholly new balance of p]uropean forces, France and Austria combining against England and Prussia. The indi- vidual who, more than any other, is responsible for this novel combination is Count Kaunitz, recently Austrian plenipotentiary at Aix-la-Chapelle, who returned to Vienna in 1749 to receive a seat in the Cabinet, and to direct the policy of Austria for more than forty years. He was at this time thirty-seven years old, and though he had the exterior of a fop and the habits of a sybarite, he must be regarded as the most successful diplomatist of his age. To an impartial observer it appeared that Maria Theresa had reason rather to congratulate herself than to complain of the results of the succession war. She had escaped the annihilation that at one moment seemed inevitable, and her arms had been fairly successful except when opposed to the invincible Prussians. But the empress-queen was more impressed with the losses she had suffered than with the dangers she had avoided. Valuable territory had been sacrificed to Prussia, to Sardinia, and to Don Philip, and all attempts to obtain compensation had proved unsuccessful. These sacrifices, and this is a point which was constantly present to her mind, had been exacted from her quite as much by the pressure of her allies as by the victories of her opponents. It was not unnatural that, guided as she was rather by feminine impulses than by statesmanlike calculations, Maria Theresa felt dissatisfied with the results of the war and inclined to try the chances of a new course of policy. In 1749 she invited each of her ministers to draw up an independent statement of their oj^inions as to the line of conduct which Austria should pursue in the future. The emperor Francis and the older ministers pointed out that there were three chief enemies whom Austria had to fear, Prussia, Turkey, and France, while several lesser powers, such as Sardinia and the new duke of Parma, were eager to A.D. 1749. POLICY OF KAUNITZ. 393 aggrandise themselves at her expense. To obtain security in this ditiicult position, the first essential was to reform the finances and to strengthen and improve the army. As foreign alliances were also necessary, it would in their opinion be best to maintain the old connection with the maritime powers, and at the same time scrupulously to observe the terms of the treaty, so as to give the king of Prussia no excuse for renewing his hostility. Kaunitz, on his i^art, drew up a very different and more aggressive manifesto, which is important as the first clear statement of the future policy of Austria. He also admitted that Austria had three natural enemies in France, Prussia and Turkey, while she had four natural allies in England, Holland, Eussia and Saxony. Chief among the hostile powers he placed Prussia, and he did not hesitate to declare that the first object of Austrian policy must be the recovery of Silesia. For this, however, the existing alliances were insufficient. The weakness of Saxony had been clearly demonstrated in 1746, when it had compelled the acceptance of the treaty of Dresden. liussia was for the moment a devoted friend, but no reliance could be placed on a country where everything depended on the whims of a despot. England was, of course, the foremost ally of Austria, but English aid could never be expected against Prussia. George H., as elector of Hanover, was well-disposed to support the Hapsburgs against the HohenzoUerns, but that in itself was enough to alienate the large party in England which hated the Hanoverian connexion and refused to accept a policy which favoured Hanoverian interests. At the same time community of religion formed a close bond between England and Prussia. In the late war the English ministers had merely used Austria as an instrument to humble France, and had never ceased to urge Maria Theresa to buy off Frederick by giving up Silesia. This conviction that the English alliance was useless against Prussia is the key-stone of the policy of Kaunitz. Holland, which always followed in the wake of its powerful neighbour, was equally out of the question. 'Pherefore the recovery of Silesia was absolutely hopeless unless some other ally could be secured in addition to Russia and Saxony. The only power which would be of any service in this matter was France, and the practical conclusion of Kaunitz's argument was that Austria should use every possible means to disarm the enmity of France and to gain her over as an ally. The difficulty of the problem was fully recognised, and the only method which the minister could suggest was to do something for Don Philip of Parma, who was Louis XV.'s son-in-law, and for whom the French wished to secure a principality near their own border. If he would give up his Italian duchy he might receive either Luxemburg or 394 MODERN EUROPE. Chap. xix. possibly Savoy. In the latter case Austria would have to compensate the king of Sardinia by resigning the Milanese to him. From this outline the motives of Kaunitz's policy are fairly obvious. He thought little of the outljang territories in comparison with the German provinces which formed the kernel of the Austrian monarchy. He was willing to make any sacrifices in the Netherlands if only he could recover Silesia. The importance of this province to Austria was not to be measured merely by its wealth or its population. It was an essential part of the German- speaking provinces which formed the chief civilising element in the empire of mixed races. Any decrease of the Germans in proportion to the Slavs was a distinct danger to Austria. At the same time the loss of so extensive a province was a serious blow to the power and prestige of the Hapsburgs, as heads of the empire. Its recovery was essential if the imperial power, immensely weakened by the recent crisis, was ever to return to its old proportions. Another point, which had perhaps more weight with the empre-s than with Kaunitz, was that the acquisition of Silesia by a Protestant king was a great blow to the lloman Catholic influence in Europe. § 2. From this time we can trace two parties in the Austrian govern- ment ; on the one side, the adherents of the old policy, including the emperor and the chief ministers, and on the other, Kaunitz and his partisans, Maria Theresa, to whom the recovery of Silesia was naturally an object of ardent desire, was won over to the views of Kaunitz and determined to give him the opportunity of realising them. In 1750 he was appointed Austrian envoy at Versailles. There he was brought face to face with the enormous difficulties which confronted him. The French government was in a state of hopeless confusion. Louis XV., a slave to the most degrading vices, had altogether lost tlie popularity that had once given him the name of bieu-aime, and in 1750 a revolt broke ont in Paris which was the precursor of future disorders. Madime de Pom- padour, though she was no longer actually the king's mistress, was all-powerful at court, and secured her influence by ministering to the king's pleasures. Most of the ministers were her creatures, and the}' were changed with a frequency that makes it almost impos- sible to remember the order of succession. The department of foreign affairs was transferrtd in 1751 from Puysieux to Saint- Contest, and on the death of the latter in 1754 was given to Eouille, who had previously had charge of the maiine. But these ministers had only a slight control over the conduct of affairs. Louis XV., averse as he was to the burden of business and incapable of forming a serious decision, took a puerile interest in the minuti.T of A.D. 1750-1753. KAUNITZ AT VERSAILLES. 395 dii^lomacy. It pleased him to carry on private negotiations without any reference to his responsible ministers. Most of the French envojs at foreign com'ts had a double set of instructions, one from the government and tlie other from the king himself, and they often found it difficult or imj^ossible to harmonise their conduct to both. This secret diplomacy, which has only recently ken investigated with any thoroughness, makes the French history of this period an almost trackless labyrinth. One of the king's objects was to secure the succession in Poland to the prince de Conti, wlio was at this time Ills chief confidant. Kannitz fouiid it impossible to coniC to any definite understanding wiih liie French government, although he succeeded so far as to gain the personal favour of the king and Madame de Pompadour. But while he was at Paris, Austria was able to come to terms with one at least of the Bourbon states. Spain, which under Philip V. hud been bitterly opposed to the Hapsburgs, now took the lead in proposing an alliance. In 1752 the treaty of Aranjuez was concluded, and was accepted also by the kings of Sardinia and Naples and the duke of Parma. Spain and Austria guaranteed to each other all their European possessions. A similar guarantee was arranged with the other powers, but only extended to the Italian provinces of the Austrian monarcliy. It was hoped that this treaty might influence the court cf Versailles, but since the accession ol Ferdinand VI. Spain had severiel itself so entirely from the Family Compact with France that the expectation was baulked. Kaunitz left Paris in 1753 and was at once promoted by Maria Theresa to be her chief minister. But the promotion of Kaunitz by no means imiilied the immediate adoption of the new policy. On the contrary, his residence in France seemed to have convinced him that his scheme was hopele>s. He was now jire- 1 ared to leave Prussia in undisturbed possession of Hilesia and to maintain the most intimate relations with the maritime powers. But circumstances worked for him in an unexpected manner, and before long he was able to resume his ]ilans with a better prospect of success. In spite of the alliaiice which had lasted for half a century, and of the undoubted services which England liad nndered to Austria in the recent war, the relations between the two countries were by no means harmonious. The Austrian government was dis[)leased with the part which Englam^ had played in negotiating the treaties of Berlin, Dresden, and Aix-la-Chapelle, and Avith the hectoring tone that was so often adopted by English ministers at Vienna. It was in vain that George II. sought to make his peace by joining in 1750 the alliance between Austria and Kussia, and by proposing the electiem of the archduke Joseph as King of the Pn 'mans. The Aus' ro- 396 MODERN EUROPE. Chap. xix. Russian alliance had been concluded in 1746 really, tliough not ostensibly, against Prussia, but England was resolute in refusing to accept it in that sense. And the proposed election of the archduke proved a source rather of discord than agreement. Only three votes could be reckoned iipon with security, Hanover, Saxony and Bohemia. Prussia, backed up by France, was openly hostile to the election of a minor. The other neutral electors might possibly have been purchased, but only by concessions wliich Maria Theresa refused to make. The negotiations Wf-re carried on for two years, but ultimately George II. had to abandon the jiroject on account of the lukewarm support he received from the very power in whose interests it had been conceived. At the same time there were more substantial grounds of difference between the two powers. By the treaty of Utrecht, England and Holland had procured the cession of the Netherlands to Austria, but only for their own security against France. Special provisions were made for the occupation of the fortresses by Dutch troops, and for preventing any possible com- mercial rivalry. The attempt of Charles VI. to form the OsUnd Company had given a clear illustration of the selfish jealousy with which ttie Maritime States were determined- to uphold their mon- opoly. The old provi^rions about the fortresses and trade were re- newed in the treaty of Aix-la-Cliapelle. Mari:i Theresa was disinclined to sacrifice her own subjects to their overbearing neigh- bours. She refused to pay the subsidies to Holland, and in conjunc- tion with Charles of Lorraine, the governor of the Netherlands, she began to take measures for the revival of commerce. This at once provoked vehement remonstrances, both from the English and Dutch, which were in the hi'^hest degree displeasing to a sovereign who was accustomed to absolute rule in her territories. § 3. If the hostility between Austria and Prussia is the most con- spicuous point in European politics, the quarrel between England and France, which arose out of conflicting colonial interests, was equally deep-seated and important. The vagueness which neces- sarily existed about the rights of discoverers and settlers in the vast continents of America and Asia was certain to lead to disputes, and in the eighteenth century these proved a most fertile source of international contests. It was easy to admit the right of the first settler to a small island, but if a man planted a flag on the eastern coast of A merica, it was impossible to allow that he had thereby established a right to the whole territory from the Atlantic to the Pacific. In two opposite hemispheres the English and French found themselves face to face. In India the open war between them had been stayed by the peace of Aix-la-Chapelle, but it speedily broke out again in a new form as the two nations A.D. 1754. PRANCE AND ENGLAND. 397 mixed themselves up in the quarrels of the native princes. This time the genius of Dupleix was met and foiled by the courage of Robert Clive, and in lloi the French government decided to recall their enterprising but unsuccessful representative. In America the quarrel was more complicated and was less easily settled. The first dispute arose about the boundaries of Acadia or Nova Scotia, which had originally been a French colony, but had been ceded to England at Utrecht. Commissioners had been appointed to decide the question, but no settlement had been agreed upon. And still more serious questions were raised about the general limits of the rival colonies. By this time the English had established them- selves firmly along the east coast of what is now the United States. But the French held Canada and Louisiana, and they now sought to unite the two provinces by claiming the two great valleys of the St. Lawrence and the Mississippi. Their object was to coop the English up within the Alleghany Mountains, and to prevent any further extension of their settlements. The governor _of Canada, Duquesne, sent troops to seize the territory of the Ohio, where they built Fort Duquesne. The Virginians and Pennsyl- vanians were ordered by the home government to resist this aggression. In 1754 George Washington at the head of the Virginian militia cut a French detachment to pieces, but was himself defeated by a superior force at Great Meadows. So far the quarrel was purely colonial, but it soon extended to the mother- countries. Public opinion was profoimdly excited both in England and France. Eegular troops were despatched to America under General Braddock, but he allowed himself to be drawn into an ambuscade and his whole force was annihilated. The French, on their side, sent a fleet into the Atlantic, and a great naval battle was only avoided through a fog, wliich enabled the French vessels to escape from the English with the loss of two of their number. War had not yet been declared, but the English privateers did not scruple to attack the French shipping, on which they inflicted serious damage. War between England and France was now inevitable, and George II.'s fears were at once aroused for the safety of Hanover. The French w^ere not likely to have the best of the naval war, and they were certain to avenge their losses on the sea by attacking the continental possessions of the English king. The treaty by which Hesse supplied troops in return for a subsidy had recentlj expired, and was at once renewed, in spite of the outcry of the anti-Hanoverian party in Parliament. But a more powerful ally was needed to oppose France, and there were only two powers which could give the requisite security, Austria, as mistress of the 398 MODERN EUROPE. Chak xix. Netherlands, and Prussia. Naturally George II. made his first appeal to Austria. Now was the time for Maria Theresa and Kaunitz to decide definitely on the policy tliey intended to adopt. If they refused to assist England, the old alliance must be finally abandoned. If, on the other hand, they acceded to George's demand, they must resign all hope of an agreement with France, and therefore of recovering Silesia. For a moment they hesitated. They pointed out to the English ministers that ilanover might also be attacked by Prussia as the ally of France, and advised them to hire Russian troops with a subsidy. The advice was followed, and negotiations were at once commenced at St. Peters- burg, which resulted in a treaty (September, 1755), by which an annual imyment of £100,000 was promised to the Czarina Elizabeth, and she undertook to send 55,000 men to the assistance of Hanover if attacked. The English government now renewed its demand that the Austrian forces in the Netherlands should be strengthened, so as to oppose the threatened passage of the French. But Kaunitz and Maria Theresa decided to refuse the demand on the ground, that the sending of troops to so distant a province would leave the Austrian territories exposed to invasion from Prussia. Thus the first step was taken in the great change of diplomatic relations. The alliance between England and Austria, which had been called into being by the ambition of Louis XIV., and had been cemented by the exploits of Eugene and Marlborough, was at an end. Nothing now remained for England but to appeal to Prussia, and I.ord Holderness was despatched as envoy to Berlin. Ever since the treaty of Dresden, Frederick had been absorbed in the cares of domestic government. He had reformed the judicial administra- tion with the help of Cocceji, he had improved the finances, and above all he had strengthened his army. But there is no ground for charging him, as the Austrian ministers did, with cherishing new schemes of aggrandisement, like the conquest of Silesia. On the contrary, his chief wish in 1755 was to remain at peace, and the approaching war between England and France filled him with dismay. He regarded France as his natural ally, but he had never guaranteed her American colonies, and he was not willing to sacrifice his own interests for them. Moreover, neither party was very firmly attached to the alliance. France was not likely to forget that Frederick had twice deserted her cause in the late war. Frederick, on his side, resented the way in which the com-t of Versailles treated Prussia as a subordinate power, and was extremely unwilling to allow the French to make themselves supreme in Germany. They were now about to attack Hanover, and would certainly call upon him for assistance. If he supported them ho A.D. 1755-1756. CONVENTION OF WESTMINSTER. 399 would be exposed to a triple attack, from Knglaud through Hanover, from Russia, and from Austria. TIae French would very likely involve him in the war, and then leave him to his fate. At this moment came the overtures from England, and a little later the news of the treaty which England had concluded with Russia, The latter decided Frederick's conduct. By accepting the overtures he could rid himself at once of two formidable enemies, and at the same time keep the war outside the limits of Germany. Russia was bitterly hostile to him, but then Russia would never go to war without ample subsidies, and the money which had been promised by England could never be supplied from the exhausted treasury of Austria. Accordingly, on the 16th of January, 1756, the Conven- tion of Westminster was agreed upon. England and Prussia confirmed the previous treaties between them, and guaranteed each other's territories. They also agreed, in case any foreign troops should invade Germany, to combine their forces for their expulsion. This was the essence of the compact ; Prussia was to protect Hanover from France, and in return England was to give up the design of bringing the Russians on to German soil. Hitherto the French government had carefully avoided any overt act of hostility against England. But early in 1756 an edict was issued confiscating all English property in France, and at the same time extensive military and naval preparations were commenced at Brest and Dunkirk. The English government, which was headed at this time by the feeble duke of Newcastle, believed that the intention was to invade this country. Great efforts were made to induce the Dutch to support their old ally. William IV., who had been made stadtbolder during the last war, had died in 1751, and the government was now in the hands of his widow Anne, a daughter of George II. But the republican party was still numerous, and strong enough to carry a resolution by wliich Holland remained neutral. The government, conscious that the national defences were in a lamentable condition, took the unpopular step of summoning Hanoverian and Hessian trooj^s into England In the end the panic proved groundless. The preparations at Brest and Dunkirk were only a blind to call off attention from an expedition which was being fitted out at Toulon to attack Minorca. The duke of Richelieu, the vicious companion of the king's pleasures, was appointed to command, and the fleet sailed from Toulon early in April. The i.-land was entirely unprepared for resistance, and General Blakeney was forced to withdraw the garrison from Port Mahon, and to throw himself into Fort St. Philip, where he was besieged by the French. It was not till a month had elapsed that Admiral Byng advanced to relieve Minorca, 400 MODERN EUROPE. Chap. xix. and then, after an indecisive conflict with the French fleet, he retired without having effected anything. Fort St. Philij) had to surrender in May, and Minorca, one of the most important acqui- sitions of the treaty of Utrecht, was lost to England. The govern- ment, whose incapacity was the chief cause of the disaster, tried to throw the blame upon Byng, and he was condemned by a court- martial, and shot in the next year. The attack upon Minorca at last extorted from the belligerents a formal declaration of war, which was issued by England in May, and by France in June, 1756. § 4. Meanwhile the imminent outbreak of a continental war had forced Austria to come to an all-important decision. If France carried out its intention of attacking Hanover, the Netherlands could not possibly escape becoming a field for military operations. Maria Theresa had refused to support England by strengthening her forces in the Netherlands. Neutrality would have suited the interests of Austria, but it was impossible for a grent power to remain neutral while one of its provinces was occupied by foreign troops. Tlie only possible way out of the difficulty liy in an alliance with France, which opened the additional prospect of revenge against Prussia. Now or never Kaunitz must carry out the grand scheme which he had pro^Munded in 1749, but which had hitherto proved imjxjssible of achievement. The Austrian minister was equal to the occasion. In August, 175r), he drew up a state- ment of the offers which were to be made to France. Louis XV.'s son-in-law, Don Philip, was to exchange Parma, Piacenza and Guastalla, for a more extensive principality in the Netherlands. Austria would undertake to support Conti in his candidature for the Polish throne, and to bring France into cordial relations with Russia, Sjiain and Naples. The allies of France, Sweden, Saxony and the Palatinate, were to receive advantages at the expense of Prussia, nnd that state Avas to be reduced to the position which it had held before the peace of Westphalia, so that it should be power- less in the future to disturb the peace of Europe. France, for its part, was to renounce the alliance with the Prussiaii king, and to share with Austria the expense of the undertaking. The plan was aj^proved by Maria Theresa without consultation with tlie other ministers, and was embodied in instructions to Count Stahrembcrg. who had succeeded Kaunitz as envoy at Paris. The magnitude of the scheme, which involved a complete revolution in the politics of Europe, is best expressed in Kaunitz's own words : " A great power was to be convinced that the whole political system which it had hitherto pursued was in direct opposition to its true interests. It was to be persuaded that what it regarded as the only means for overcoming the difficulties with England, were really unsuited to AD. 1756. FRANCE AND AUSTRIA. 401 the purpose, aod that it was pursuing a ladically false policy when it made the support of Prussia the central object of all its alliances. Nothing less was aimed, at than to root up the old rivalry of France against the house of Austria, and to comptetely alter the national character of a whole ministry.'' The plan would hardly have escaped failure but for an unexieded combination of fevouring circumstances. On the 29th of August, Stahremberg received his instructions, and two days later he made his first overtures to the court of Veisailles through Madame de Pomjjadour. It w as a great ix)int in his favour that the all-powerful mistress, like Elizabeth of Russia, was bitterly enraged by the reports that had reachetl her of insulting expressions used by Frederick in private conversation. Throughout this jjeriod she is the chief opponent of the Prussian alliance and the most influential supporter of the Austrian jxilicy. ^he induced Louis XV. to conceal the matter from his ministers for a time, and to entrust the negotiations with Stahremberg to one of her own favourites, the Abbe de Beruis. On the 3rd of September the two diplomatists held their first confereuce in a country house at ^-^vres. The answer to the Austrian proposals was by no means encouraging. The French king definitely refuseti to agree to any enterprise against Prussia unless conclusive proofs were given of a secret understanding between Prussia and England. At the same time he called upon the empress to combine with him against England as a disturber of European peace. The decision expressed in this answer forced Kaunitz to change his attitude. French assistance against Prussia was out of question. But it would be absurd for Austria to make war upon England when the only reward which made such an enterprise worth undertaking was withheld. Kaunitz therefore fell back u[X)n the idea of neutrality, and proposed a defensive treaty with France, by which the war should Ije kept outside Germany. Ou these terms Stahremberg recommenced negotiations, this time not with Bernis alone, but with several of the ministers, Rouille, Machault and Sechelles. From d'Argensou and Belleisle, who were vegardeti as enemies of Austria, the nffiur was still kept secret. But it was obvious from the firet that the new proposals had a very slight prospect of success. The object of France was to humiliate England : in a naval war England was certain to win in the end: the French must seek compensation by land, and this could only be done by attacking Hanover. Therefore the propoi,ed neutrality of Germany was directly op]X)sed to French interests. At the same time, if the choice lay between two possible allies against England, Prussia could render vastly greater services than Austria. 'J'hc initcr bad net onlv no naval force, but it was 19 402 MODERN EUROPE. Chap. xix. so distant from Hanover that armed intervention there av^s ahnost impos?ible. Without rejectinfr the Austrian projiosals, the French ministers determined to «end the duke de Nivernois to l>(.rlin to conclude a definite alliance with Frederick. Nivernois arrived in January, 17oG, just in time to receive the first news of tlie Conven- tion of Westmins er. 'I'his was the turning-ix>int in the negotiations between France and Austria. The French king and m nisters were furiously indignant that the prince whom they re^anled as their natural and necessiry ally sliould have concluded a treaty with their liatcd enemy, and guaranteed that very neutrality of Germany which would foil the military designs of France. It was France which now took the lead in demanding the revival of Kaunitz's driginal scheme for an idliauce against Prussia. The negotiations between St.ihremberg and Bernis were resumed on the old basis. But there were still considerable difficulties in the way of a complete understmding. The French representative insisted on reciprocity of action as an essential preliminary of the alliance; that is, France was not to do more against Prussia than Austria would undertake to do against England. But Austria was unable, from its position, to take any direct share in a war with England, therefore France would not join in any attack upon Prussia. Moreover France was willing to allow the recovery of Silesia, but was opposed to a complete humilintion of Prussia, which would restore to Austria its supremacy in Grermany. Kaunitz saw that time alone could overcome these difficulties ; that when once war had begun, France would have to do more than fulfil the bare stipulations of a treaty, and therefore instructed Stahremberg to urge the conclusion of the general alliance, and to leave the details for future settlement. Accordingly on the 1st of May three distinct treaties between France and Austria were signed at Versailles. By the first, which was a tre^ity of neutrality, Austria undertook to remain neutral during the war between France and England, and France pledged itself on no account to attack the Netherlands or any other territory of Maria Theresa. The second was a defensive alliance. Both powers guaranteed each other's possessions, and in case they were attacked by any foreign state, agreed to raise an auxiliary force of 24,000 men, or, if recpiired, to furnish an equivalent sum of money. This engagement was not binding as rei^ards the war between England and France. The third treaty contained five secret articles. (1.) Although the war between England and France had been expressly excluded from the previous treaty, Austria undertook to send the stipulated assistance to France if attacked by any foreign power as an auxiliary of lOngland ; and France made the same pledge to Austria. (2 ) The allies who were A.D. 1756. TREATIES OF VERSAILLES 403 to be invited to join the defensive alliance were, the emperor as grand duke of Tuscany, the kings of Spain and Naples, Philip of Parma, and such other iirincco as might be subsequently agreed upon. (4.) The two povv^ers pledged themselves not to conclude any new alliance nor to confirm an old one without mutual agree- ment. The third and fifth articles were merely formal. The treaty of Versailles was regarded by both parties only as a preliminary to a more definite alliance. In the months of May and June Stahremberg pushed on tlie negotiations with great vigour. On the French side Bernis pointed out that the principality in the Netherlands for Don Philip was a ver}' small jirice for Austria to pay for the recovery of Silesia and Glatz and tlic duchy of Parma. To induce France to take an active part in the war it would be necessary to cede to her all the Netherlands, except the portion set apart for the Spanish Infant. Kaunitz was quite willing to sacrifice the Netherlands, but he was conscious that such an increase of the power of France would excite the bitter hostility of the Mari- time States, and would probably alienate those powers that might otherwise be allies. He olfered therefore to cede the whole of the Netherlands to Don Philip, with the exception of those provinces which had at any previous period belonged to France. But he insisted that none of these promises should be fulfilled until Silesia and Glatz were actually recovered for Austria, and he demanded that France should earn such great advantages by sending an army into Germany, and by paying ample subsidies to Austria and her allies. Although Louis XV. and Madame de Pompadour had practically decided to accept the offers of Kaunitz, a definite agreement was postponed on account of the prepossession in favour of Prussia which existed among the French people and was shared by several of the ministers. The Austrian government, on the other hand, was impelled to haste by the attitude of Russia. The Czarina Elizabeth had concluded the alliance with England simply out of hostility to Prussia, and in ratifying the treaty she had expressly stated that her troops should be employed against no other power. The Convention of Westminster, therefore, at once annulled the treaty of St. Petersburg : Elizabeth not only refused the English subsidies, but was filled with bitter iu'tignation. She determined to have revenge at any rate, and offered to join Maria Theresa with 80,000 men against l^russia, and not to lay down her arms until Silesia and Glatz had been conquered. Nor was this the only loss to which the Czarina wished to subject Frederick. Prussia proper was to return to Poland, with the exception of Courland and Semgallen, which Russia demanded for itself. Saxony was to have Magdeburg, Sweden Prussian Ponierania, and Frederick was to 404 MODEEN EUROPE. Chap. xix. be left with little besicUs the original marks of Brandenburg. Kaunitz was encouraged by so favourable an offer, but he was compelled to moderate the ardour of his ally, lest any permature aggre.-sion on the part of Russia should induce France to break off the negotiations. Elizabeth was urged to wait patiently until the alliance had been concluded. Nothiiig could contribute more to this result than that Fredirick should put himself in the wrong by breaking the peace. Meanwhile Frederick, by means that were characteristic of the employer, had obtained sufficient if not complete information of the designs that were being formed against him. The result was seen in energetic military preparations and the massing of troops on the Prussian frontier. Austria was extremely alarmed at this. Bohemia was defenceless, and any attempt to ii. crease the forces in that province might induce Frederick to attack it. Moreover the government desired to postpone active ofierations until tlie next year, when the arrangements with France would be completed. But Frederick, with his accustomed audacity of resolution, wiis determined to strike the first blow. With great reluctance Austria had at last followed the example of Prussia, and commenced to put Bohemia and Moiavia into a posture of defence. Frederick at once instiucted Count Klinggralf, his envoy at Vienna, to demand the meaning of these preparations, and to ask whether it was true tliat an alliance with Russia had bem concluded against himself. The demand was intended merelj'' to obtain a decent pretext for hostilities. It was replied that Prussia had begun to arm itself long before Austria had done so, and that no such alliance Nvith Russia had existed or did exist. On the 25th of August, 175(5, Frederick received this answer from Vienna. On the next day he commenced the Seven Years' War by advancing with his army, not as was expected into Bohemia, but into Saxony. II. Outbreak of the War. § 5. That Frederick was justified in beginning hostilities there can be no doubt. Although it was literally true that no alliance had as yet been concluded between Austi'ia and Russia, yet those powers and France were diligently concerting measures which threatened Prussia with annihilation. If Frederick had remained inactive, the war would only have been postjvincd till next year, when his enemies could have attacked him at their leisure. It was by the help of a traitor that Frederick had obtained his knowledge of these hostile designs. Ever since 1753., Menzei,a clerk in the Saxony Chancery, had been in Prussian ]iay, and had sent copies to Berlin of all the A.D. 1756. THE PRUSSIANS IN SAXONY. 405 important documents that pafsed through his hands. Among these was the proiiosal for a partition of Prussia which had been communicated by the Russian chancellor, Bestoujef, to the Saxon minister at St. Petersburi];. But while this (iiscovery justified Frederick in attacking Austria, the same cannot be said for liis invasion of Saxony. He was doubtless aware that Augustus HI. and his minister Briihl regarded him with bitter animosity, and tiiat neither they nor their subjects lind forgotten the iuimiliations of 1746. But nevertheless Saxony was not a j)aitner to the projected alliance against Prussia. Though both Austria and llussia had suggested that some share of the spoil might be given to Saxony, the consent of the government at Dresden had never been asked nor given. The motive for Frederick's action must be found in military considerations. In the last war he had ample experience of the danger of invading Bohemia while Saxony was left free to act behind him, and he had also convinced himself that that country offered the best base of operations for aa attack on the Austrian territories. He had also anot'ier motive. In Dresden were the originals of those documents whose contents had been divulged to him by Menzeh If he could seize and publish them he might con- vince Europe of the rectitude of his conduct, and prove thnt he was not the unprovoked robber and aggrf^ssor that his enemies loved to paint him. Frederick's intention was to march througli Saxony into Bohemia before the Austrians had time to arrange any effectual resistance. But to avoid leaving a hostile army in the rear, he demanded that the Saxon troops should take an oath of fealty to him and combine with the Prussians against Austria. He relied on the well-known weakness of Augustus III. and the terror inspired by a sudden attack to lend force to this outrageous request. But the Saxon kinj- had not fallen so low as io surrender his army without a l)low. Acting on the advice of the Fiench envoy, the Count de Broglie, he threw his troops into Pirna, an almost impregnable mountain fortress on the Elbe a few miles above Dresden. Here he could hold out until assistance came from Austria, or possibly also from Russia. This step, undoubtedly the best under the circumstances, was resented at Vienna. The Austrian ministers had wished the Saxon troops to retreat into Bohemia, arid to join the army that had been collected there under Marshal Browne. They were afraid that the occupation of Pirna would prove only a preliminary to an under- standing with Prussia. The demands for assistance were therefore very coolly received. Browne refused to quit Bohemia, for fear of leaving that province exposed to a Prussian attack. When at last he consented to march to the relief of Pirna, it was only to effect a 406 MODEKN EUROPE. Chap. xix. junction with the Saxons so as to facilitate their retreat into Bohemia. Frederick was well informed of his intentions, and leaving half of bis army to Avatch Pima, he advanced with the rest to meet Browne. At Lobositz the two armies came into conflict (October 1st). For once the PrLi^^sians failed to gain a victory, although they kept possession of the battle-field. The Austrians, who had displayed distinguished courage, were able to continue their march without further opposition. As the left bank of the Elbe was occupied by the enemy, they had to take the right bank, and it was arranged that the Saxons should cross the river to join them. The latter failed to perform their share of the operations, and Browne gave up the enterprise and retreated into Bohemia. Nothing now remained for the Saxons but to capitulate, which they did on the 16th of October. The officers were released, after giving their word not to serve against Prussia in the i)resent war, but the common soldiers were compelled to join Frederick's army. Augus- tus II r. retired to his second capital, Warsaw, leaving his wife behind in Dresden. The imfortunate queen was compelled, not without threats of personal violence, to surrender the Saxon archives, from which Frederick compiled a memoire raisonne in justification of his conduct, which was sent round to all the European courts. The season was now too late for an invasion of Bohemia, and that enter- prise had to be postponed till next year. By holding out in Pima the Saxons had rendered an inestimab'e service to Austria. § 6. The unexpected outbreak of hostilities forced Austria to hurry on the formation of the great anti-Prussian alliance. The first power that was griined over was the Empire. In September, 1756, the emperor Francis issutd a formal declarati(jn that Frederick by invading Saxony had broken the imperial constitution, and exposed himself to the penalties of such an act. But the personal authority of the emperor counted for little unle.-s it was backed up by the formal adhesion of the German states. This was not difficult to obtain. France and Austria, which on previous occasions had pulled different ways, were now on the same side. This combination of influence was irresi-tible, and in January, 1757, the diet of Ratisbon issued a recess authorising the emperor to take measures for the compensation of Saxony and the defence of Austria and Bohemia, and promising to support him Avith an imperitil army. The recess was opposed by Prussia and Hanover, but Avas carried by a majority in all three chambers. This manifesto of the diet gave more moral than practical assistance to the Austrian cause. The military orga'iisation of the Empire was as distracted and powerless as ever, and for real help in the war Austria relied chiefly ujion Russia and France. With A.D. 1756. AUSTRIA AND RUSSIA. 407 Russia there was little beyond details to settle. Elizabetli, who had been raised to the throne in 1741 in opposition to Austria, had completely changed her original policy, and .siuce 1746 had become the close ally of Maria Theresa and a bitter enemy of Frederick the Great. All her ministers, especially Woronzow and the powerful Schuwalow family, were on the same side. The only persons from whom opposition might be dreaded were the Chancellor Bestoujef, who was known to have been corrupted by English bribes, and the heir-apparent, Peter of Holstein, who was a devoted admirer of Frederick. There was a constant risk that Flizabeth's death might bring about a complete change in ihe atiitude of Russia. This was an additional reason for hastening tlie negotiaiions. On the 11th of January, 1757, the Convention of St. Petersburg was signed, by which Russia accepted the defensive treaty of Versailles between Austria and France, although, to satisfy the scruples of the latter pov/er, its provisions were not to be enforced in case of a war with Turkey or Persia. Three weeks later, on the 2nd of February, an offensive alliance against I'russia was arranged between Russia and Austria. Both powers pledged themselves to bring 80,000 men into the field, and not to lav down their arms until Silesia and Glatz had been wrested from Frederick. They also a'^reed to reduce the j^ower of Prussia within such limits that it shoiUd no longer be formidable to the peace of Europe. Sweden and Denmark were to be iuduced to join the alliance by the offer of territorial advantages, and Saxony was to receive as compensation the district of Magdaiiurg. Maria Theresa undertook to pay to Russia an annual subsidy of a million roubles during the continuance of the war. An army had already been assembkd at Riga under Apraxin, but military affairs were so ill-organised in Russia that it was doubtful whether it could commence operations with any promptness. It now only remained for Austria to bring its negotiations with France to a satisfactory conclusion. The whole situation was altered by Frederick's invasion of Saxony. The court of Versailles was extremely indignant, especially as the injured king was the father-in-law of the dauphin. The outbreak of war at once brought into operation the defensive alliance that had been concluded in May, ard Louis XV. offered to send the stipulated 24,000 troops to the assistance of Austria. But at the same time the chief obstacle was removed in the way of the offensive alliance which was already being negotiated by Stahremberg. France was no longer unwilling to impose further losses upon Prussia besides Silesia and Glatz. The negotiations were pressed on with redoubled rigour, but there were still endless difficulties, in the 408 MODERN EUROPE. Chap. xix. discussion of which several valuable months were spent. One of these lay ia the relations into which France was necessarily brought with Russia. If the Russian troops attacked Prussia they would have to march through Poland, and for some time it had been a prominent object of French policy to oppose the growth of Russian influence in that country. That Louis XV. gave w^ay on this point exposes him to considerable responsibility for the subsequent partition of Poland. Another considerable dispute arose about that part of the Netherlands which w as to be cut off from the principality of Don Philip and ceded to France. The French demanded that the two ports of Ostend and Nieuport should be included, to which Austria was opposed on the ground that it would excite most vehement hostility on the part of England and Holland. But the great source of difficulty lay in the divergent objects of the two powers. 'Jo Austria the chief enemy was Prussia, for whose humiliation every effort was to be made. French hostility, on the other hand, was directed in the first place against England. It was projjosed that the French armv, instead of marching to the assistance of Saxony or Bohemia, should first attack Hanover, and thence invade Prussia from the west. This was extremely distasteful at Vienna. In the first place the treaty of Versailles had expressly excluded the war between France and England, so that, while France was bound to oppose Prussia, Austria had undertaken no such stipulation with regard to England. Besides, there were very grave arguments against the attack upon Hanover. The very crime of which Frederick was accused, the attack upon a member of the empire, would then be committed by the Hapsburgs, whose position bound them to enforce the im]3erial laws. And it was probable that the French troops would find sufficient occupation in Hanover to prevent them from taking any part in the combined attack upon Prussia. Maria Theresa's object was to induce George If. to arrange for the neutrality of Hanover as he had done in the former war, and this not unnaturally provoked a suspicion in France that Austria was still inclined to favour English interests. External events helped to remove some of these obstacles. While the Hanoverian ministers were inclined to fall in Avith the suggestions of Austria, public opinion in England, always hostile to the connection with Hanover, was eager to throw the country definitely on to the side of Prussia. In November, 175(5, the feeble ministry of Newcastle retired, and the king was compelled to confide in William Pitt, the representative of the popular voice and the greatest war minister that England has ever produced. The result of the ministerial change was seen in the tone of the kin<^'s A.v. 175G-1757. SECOND TREATY OF VERSAILLES. 409 speech at the opening of Parliament in Fehruary. It expressed the most bitter antipathy to France, and the determination to support Prussia at all costs. This declaration of English poUcy exasperated Maria Theresa, and rendered her willing to comply with the wishes of France. Matters were still more facilitated by a change in the French ministry. In January a madman named Damiens stabbed Louis XV. with a knife. The wound was never dangerous, but the king was terrified lest the weapon might have been poisoned, and took to his beih The court at once deserted Madame de Pompadonr to surround the dauphin, and though the king's recovery speedily restored her to her old position, she had seen the weakness of her position and determined to strengthen it by removing those ministers she could not fully trust. Botli d'Argenson, who had always ranked as her opponent, and Machault, tlie minister of marine, who had hitherto been one of her supporters, received their dismissal. The latter was sacrificed to the enmity of the Parliament of Paris which had been aioused by his daring financial reforms and his attack upon antiquated ])rivilezes. One result of these changes was the admission into the ministry of the Abbe de Bernis, who had played the most prominent part in conducting the negotiations with Stahremberg. From this time he, with Madame de Pompadour and Belleisle, who had now comjiletely abandoned his policy of antagonism to Austria, exercised the chief influence on the direction of French policy. These two events, the avowal of England's determination to support Prussia, and the changes in the French ministry, facilitated the work of Stahremberg, and enabled him to conclude the second treaty of Versailles on the 1st of May, 1757. France undertook to pay to Austria a subsidy of twelve million gulden a year, to take into her service 6 )00 Wurtembergers and 4000 Bavarians, and to bring into th3 field 105,ODO troops of her own. These exertions were to bo continued not only till Silesia and Glatz had been conquered, but until Prussia had definitely given them up by a formal treaty. Other provinces were to be extorted from Prussia, but were not equally insisted upon. The principality of Crossen and some other territory not definitely specified were to be added to the Austrian share ; Magdeburg, Halle and Halbeistadt were to be given to Saxony ; Pomerania to Sweden ; Prussian Cleve to the Elector Palatine ; Gelderland to Holland. The obvious intention was to deprive Brandenburg of all the acquisitions that had been made by the Great Elector and his successors. Austria, on her side, promised to hand over to Don Philip in exchange for his Italian duchy the whole of the Netherlands, except Ostend, Kieuport, Ypres, and other districts, which were to go to France; 19* 410 MODERN EUROPE. Chap. xix. but this obligation was not binding until Silesia and Glatz were acquired. OsteM and Nieuport were to be placed in French occu- pation directly the first subsidy was paid, but were to be restored if the enterprise proved unsuccessful. Also Austria renounced all }irevious alliances with England, as Fr.mce did with Prussia. Tf the duke of Parma accepted tlie Netherlands, his claims to the Two Sicilies were to revert to the descendants of the present king of Naples, who was to resign the Tuscnn stato dejU presidii to Austria. Thus was completed the gnat diplomatic revolution which Kauni z had been the first to sngge.-t, but which had appeared for years to h'. a chimerical dream. France had at last given up its traditional enmity to the house of Hapsburg, and liad allied itself with Austria against a German power, which it had hitherto been the grand object of French policy to support. The Abbe de Bernis had reversed all the plans of Rich lieu. The treaty had not been concluded without a considerable strife of interests, but tlure can be no doubt that the ultimate terms were to the advantage of Austria, it is usual to assert that in the alliance against Prussia religious mutives regained an ascendency in Europe which they had lost since tlie treaty of Westphalia. But this aspect of the Seven Years' War has unijuestionabiy been exaggerated, mainly througii the infiuence of Fr. derirk himself, who loved to represent himself as the champion of Protestantism against Catholic in- tolerance. Louis KV, and Maria Theresa were both superstitious and bigoted enough to have embarktd upon a war of persecution. But Kaunitz, the real author of the alliance, was a philosopher rather than a devotee, and it is absurd to regard as essentially Roman Catholic a league which included Russia and Sweden, as well as several of the Protestant states of Germany. All that can be said of the Seven Years' War is that religion had some influence in directing the ]iartiality of states for one side or the other, but the I'cal guiding motives were as purely political and secular as in the war of tiie Spanish succession. ill. The War from 1757 to 17G0. § 7. Great preparations were made by Frederick and his opponents to make the campaign of 1757 decisive. In Vienna it was deemed certain that a concerted attack upon Prussia from Bohemia by the Austrians, from Westphalia by the French, from the smth b}' the army of the Empire, and from the north by the Swedes and Russians, must force Frederick to relinquish his hold on Silesia and Saxony, and to make peace on humiliating terins I'"!ugland, at A,D. 1757. PRAGUE AND KOLIN. 411 most, could only ward off the French attack by holding Hanover against invasion. As usual, Frederick's superior activity enabled him to disconcert his enemies. Instead of standing on the defensive, he determined to resume the enterprise of the last year and invade Bohemia. By the end of April the Prussian army had crossed the frontier. The deftu'e of the province was no longer in the hands of Marshal Browne. The bitter experience of the succession war had not sufficed to overcome Maria Theresa's partiality for her brother-in-law, and Charles of Lorraine was allowed to give new proofs of his incapacity. By his orders Browne made no opposition ro the Prussians, but retreated from point to ] oint upon Prague. Here at last it was necessary to make a stand, and the position seemed favourable enough to ensure success. Frederick, who had marched steadily afcer the retreating enemy, was determined on a battle, and without allowing any rest to his troops, he attacked the Austrian intrenchments on the 6th of May. The engagement was tlie bloodiest that had been fought in Europe since Malplaquet. Schwerin, the hero of Mollwitz, was killed on the field, and Browne received a wound that proved mortal. The losses on each side were nearly equal, but the Prussians carried the day. The larger jiart of the Austrian army sought refuge within the walls of Prague, and the rest escaped southwards to join Dann, who was bringing up reinforcements. Frederick at once laid siege to Prague, and if he conldhave taken it at once might have defeated Daun, and crushed all opposition in Bohemia. But the large numbiT of defenders made a stoim hopeless, and it was necess.iry to resort to the slower process of blockade. Twenty thousand men were detached under the duke of Brunswick-Be veru to prevent any attempt to relieve the city. But Prague held out, and the delay enabled Daun to receive reinforce- ments. When his army was about 54,000 strong, he tui-ned upon Bevern, before whom he had hitherto retreated. Frederick had now to decide whether he would raise the siege or wait to be attacked, or whether he Avould stick to his enterprise, and also meet Daun in the field. Unfortunately he chose the latter alternative. Leaving the bulk of his forces to maintain the blockade, he hurried off to join Bevern with only 14,000 men. His recent success had inspir(d him with contempt for his fo. s. At Kolin (June 18) the superior numbers of the Austrians gave them a complete victory, Frederick had to give up his enterprise as hopeless. The siege of Prague was raised, and in two detachments the Prnssian army quitted Bohemia. Frederick himself made good his retreat into Saxony; but the other portion of hi-* army, which was led by his brother Augustus William, suffered very serious loss on its march into Lausitz. 412 MODERN EUROPE. Chap, xix, Charles of Lorraine followed him across the frontier, and took the town of Zittau. But here the Austrian advance was checked. Charles ought to have completely crushed the detachment which he was content to pursue. Frederick now joined his brother, and the Prussians regained their numerical superiority. The Austrians had 10 stand on the defensive at Zittau, but their position was too strong for Frederick to attack them. The victory of Kolin, decisive as it was, produced no other immediate result than the expulsion of the Prussians from Bohemia. § 8. But the victory had more important indirect results. On every side Frederick's enemies were encouraged to attack him, and his destruction seemed almost certainly imminent. Early in the year a large French army under Marshal d'Estrees had march' d upon Hanover, with the intention of invading I'randenburg Ir^m the west. They were opposed by a mixed force of English, Hanoverians and Hessians, under the duke nf Cumberland, wlin had won a reputation at ('ulloden, but had never been otherwise than unfortu- nate on the continent. At Hastenbeck (July 26) he was defeated, though indecisively, by the French, and retreated northwards to Stade. D'Estrees was superseded by the incompetent duke de Richelieu, who reaped the profit of his predecessor's victory in the Convention of Closter-Seven (September 10), by which Cumberland undertook to disband his army, and thus surrendered Hanover and Brunswick to the French. The Hanoverian ministers were anxious to induce George II. to act as he had done in the previous war, and to stipulate for the neutrality of his German territories. There was now nothing to prevent Richelieu from invading Halberstadt and striking at the heart of the Prussian monarchy. But the duke's incapacity, and the want of discipline in his army, allowed the opportunity to slip. But this was not the only danger which Frederick had to face. '1 he battle of Kolin had hastened the collection of an imperial army, which was to carry out the decrees of the Ratisbon diet and was placed under the coaimand of the prince of Hildburghausen. A French force under Soubise advanced from Alsace to co-operate with the Germans. Numerically the army was formidable, but the military organisation of the Empire had for centuries been in- efficient, and it was soon proved that the old defects were as prominent as ever. There was no unity among troops collected from various provinces, most of which had no direct interest at stake, and the junction of the French, instead cf being an advantage, only increased the confusion. But the situation was sufficiently threatening to Frederick. A Russian army under Apraxin entered East Prussia, defeated Marshal Lehwald at Gross-Jagersdorf A.i). 1757. ROSSBACPI. 413 (August 30) and devastated the province with relentless barbarity. At the same time Sweilish troops were sent to Stialsund, and prepared to attempt the recovery of their former possessions in Pomerania. It was impossible for Frederick to remain inactive while his territories were exposed to invasion at four different points. All his efforts to force the Austrians to give him battle had proved unavailing. Leaving Bevern to oppose Charles of Lorraine and Daun as best he might, he himself marched to Thuringia to oppose the armies of France and the empire. On the news of his approach, Soubise compelled Hildburghausen to retire against his will to Eisenach. Frederick's march was interrupted by the news that Hadik, a Hungarian officer, had led a body of light cavalry to Berlin, and had even levied a contribution on the capital. But the affair proved to be a mere raid, and had no i^olitical or military importance. The slight retrograde movement of the Prussians was to some extent advantageous, as it emboldened the enemy to leave the hilly country round Eisenach and to risk an engagement. Tlieyhad received reinforcements from Kichelieu under the duke de Broglie. At Kossbach (November 5) Frederick with 22,000 men utterly routed the allied army, which was more than twice as large as his own. The battle was a turning-point in the history of Europe. The projected humiliation of Prussia, which so lately seemed inevitable, was in a moment rendered almost impossible. On every side the tide of victory turned. The Russian general Apraxin retired from East Prussia, probably because the Czarina's illness offered the prospect of a change of rulers, and the heir, Peter of Hol stein, was certain to desert the Austrian alliance. Lehwald was now enabled to employ his forces against the Swedes, who were speedily driven from all their possessions in Pomerania except Stralsund. Still more encouraging to Frederick was the news from England. Pitt, who had been driven from office by royal dislike in A[ ril, was restored three months later by the popular favour. He at once undertook the supreme control of the war. ^I'he Convention of Closter-Seven was disavowed, and Frederick was requested to allow prince Fenlinand of Brunswick to take Cumberland's place at the head of the army in Hanover. There was still one enemy to be faced before Prussia could be regarded as secure. Directly Frederick had marched to Thuringia the Austrians gave up their inactivity, forced Bevern to retire, and drove him before them into Silesia, where he took up his position under the walls of Breslau. While the main army kept watch upon his movements, a detachment undertook the siege of Schweidnitz. At last it seemed likelv that Maria Theresa would recover the 414 MODERN EUROPE. Chap. xix. province whose loss had been her greatest and moot keenly felt disaster. Eight days after his victory at Rossbach, Frederick set out to recover the ground that had been lost. But the news that reached him on his march seemed to prove that he came too late. Schweidnitz surrendered, and Charles of Lorraine, spurred to activity by reproaches from Vienna, at last attacked and defeated Bevern at Breslau, and the Silesian capital fell into his hands. Liegnitz, another important fortress, fell, I'evern was taken prisoner, and the Austrians seemed secure of winter-quarters in the lieart of Sdesia. But, in spite of their successes, they were guilty of serious mistakes. They ought never to have allowed the junction of Bevern's troops v/itli Frederick, which took place at Parchwitz on the 28th of November. The victors oi Rossbach inspired their defeated comrades with their own jubilant confidence. On the 5th of December Frederick won the greatest of his victories at Leuthen. The rout of the Austrian army was so complete that no one thought of further resistance. Breslau and Liegnitz surrendered before the end of December, and the whole of Silesia was recovered to Prussia with the exception of Schweidnitz. It had been a very critical year for Frederick the Great. His aggressive cami)aign had been ruined by the defeat of Kolin, and the Prussian monarchy had been threatened with annihilation. But tM'O great battles had re- moved the danger, and restored the contending powers to their original position. § 9. It is obvious that the war was as fir from an end as ever. Various schemes of pacification were proposed, but iiotl.ing came of them. On the contrary, the two hostile alliances were more closely cemented. It was all-important for Frederick to retain the support of ICngland, and this was assured by the accession to power of William Pitt. The English interests in the war were purely colonial, and English hosiility was directed against France, not against Austria. But Pitt saw clearly that the only chance of success in America and India lay in occupying the energies of France in Europe. This he determined to do, not bv employing the chief forces of England on the continent, because they were required else- where, but by subsidising the king of Prussia, and thus enabling him to carry on the war after his own resources had been exhausted. This determination frustrated the schemes of Maria Theresa, who hoped to emphasize the division of interest between England and Hanover, and to induce the latter province to assume a neutral attitude. This was rendered hopeless by the successes of the general whom Frederick had sent to Hanover at Pitt's request, Ferdinand of Brunswick. At the 1 eginning of 17 "^8 ibc French held a commanding position in northern (iermaiiy stretchin2; fnm A.D. 1757-1758. FERDINAND OF BRUNSWICK. 415 Bremen to Brunswick. Tliis position Ferdinand was determined to attack. His task was facilitated by the incompetence of his enemies. Richelieu had been recalled to Versailles, but his successor, Clermont, was still more incai able and inexperienced. By a series of masterly movements the prince of Brunswick, who was backed up by the appearance of Henry of Prussia in the territory of Hildesheim, forced the French to retreat from one line of defence to another, until they finally crossed the Rhine near Emmerich on the 27tb of March. In less than six weeks, Hanover, WestphaLa and Hesse had been freed Irom foreign occupation. Tiiese events, fol- lowing as th'ydid upon Rossbachand Leuthen, excited the greatest enthusiasm in England, and removed all danger of opposition to Pitt's policy in parliament. On the 11th of Apiil, 1758, a new convention was concluded between England and Prussia, in which the terms agreed upon at Westminster were confirmed, England promised an annual sul)sidy of £670,000, and both parties agreed not to come to terms with the enemy without mutual consent. § ]0. The expulsion of the French from northern Germany con- vinced the Austrian Government that the desired humiliation of Prussia could not be effected by Austria and France alone. This had in fact been proved by the events of 1757. The victory of Hasten- beck and the Convention of Closter-Seven had brought no propor- tionate advantage to the Austrian cause. This conviction led naturally to another, that the chief reliance must henceforth be placed upon Russia. Already, directly after the battle of Leuthen, an urgent request had been made at St. Petersburg not only that the Russian attack upon Prussia should be conducted with greater energy, but also that a large contingent of Russian troops should be sent to join the main Austrian army. Both these demands were approved by Elizabeth, who had recovered from her recent illness, and whose enmity against Frederick blazed as fiercely as ever. In January, Apraxin was superseded by Fermor, who at once advanced from Memel, took Konigsberg, and by the end of February compelled the whole of Prussia proper to do homage to the Czarina. Other events raised still more sanguine expectations at Vienna. The great obstacle to the efficient interference of Russia in the war had been the chancellor, Bestoujef, who was suspected with justice of having been bribed with English gold. But in the inquiry that was instituted into the conduct of Apraxin disclosures were made which implicated the chancellor. He was ]>roved to have been I^rivy to a plot not onl\' to dethrone the Czarina, but also to exclude her heir Peter of Holstein, and to transfer the government to Peter's wife, Catharine, as regent for her infant son. This discovery, which alienated from him both the chief parties at court, ruined 4^16 MODERN EUROPE. Chap. xix. Bestoujef. He was ar-ested, deprived of all his offices, and condemned to death, a sentence which Elizabeth commuted to perpetual banishment. But his dismissal brought few of the expected advantages with it. Woronzow, who succeeded to the chief direction of affairs, was more slavishly devoted to his mistress's will, but he had little of Bestoujef s capacity with a large share of his dishonesty. The chief result of the change was the^conclusion of a new treaty between Austria and Russia, almost exactly contem- porary with the convention between Prussia and England. § 11. Meanwhile Frederick had made great preparations for the coming campaign. His strength lay in the concentration of his forces, which made him unable to resist invasion at different points, but on the other hand enabled him by rapid marches to inflict successive blows upon his enemies. His first act was to lay siegs to Schweid- nitz, which surrendered on the 16th of April, and thus the recovery of Silesia was completed. But Frederick was not content to maintnin the integrity of his own territories. In spite of the odds against him, he determined once more to assume the aggressive, in the'^hope that a conspicuous success would force the court of Vienna to come to terms. Accordingly he astounded tlie Austrians by suddenly invading Moravia, and on the 5th of May he commenced the siege of Olmiitz. But he met with a more determined resistance than he had anticipated. Maria Theresa had at last been induced to withdraw iier confidence from Charles of Lorraine, and the conniiand of the Austrian army was entrusted to Daun, A bold attack mio-ht have crushed the Prussian forces, but Daun adhered to the cautious tactics in which he excelled. Advancing to the neighbourhood i f Olmiitz, he threatened Frederick's communications with Silesia, and endeavoured in this way to compel him to raise the siege. But the king obstinately persevered in his enterprise, until the destruction of an important convoy by Laudon, who founded a great reputation in this engagement, rendered it hopeless. On the 1st of July he quitted Olmiitz, and marched into Bohemia and thence to Silesia. This march, which he conducted in the face of a vastly superior forces and without disaster, must be regarded as one of his greatest military achievements. But he had fiiiled to carry out the plan he had formed, and this failure forced him to accept the En^lisli subsidies, which he had hitherto hoped to dispense with. The Prussian army was not allowed any rest after its arduous services. The Russians, having completed the conquest of Prussia, had occupied Poland, thus dealing a final blow to French influence in that kingdom, and now threatened to invade Brandenburg and to march upon Berlin. To oppose them there were no troo2)s except those wliich, under Lehwald, had held Pomerania against the Swedes A.D. 1758. ZORNDOEF AND HOCHKIRCH. 417 and which were now commanded by Dohna. Frederick determined to march in i:)erson against the Ruswians who were besieging Ciistrin. His intimate knowledge of the country served him in good stead, but he found tlie enemy more formidable than he had anticipated. At Zorndorf a great battle was fouglit on the 25th of August. The Russians were badly led, but they fought with dogged courage, and it was only the great superiority of the Prussian cavalry under Seydlitz that decided the day after ten hours' hard fighting. The Prussians had suffered great losses, but they had gained their object. Fermor retreated to Poland and gave up all idea of co-oj«rating with the Swedes. Brandenburg was secured from invasion on this side. No sooner had Frederick overcome one danger than he had to face another. Daun had taken advantage of his absence to enter Laiisitz, and had received orders to crush Prince Henry of Prussia and to recover Dresden. He was to be assisted by the army of the Empire, of which Hildburghausen had surrendered the command to the prince of Zweibriicken. A second Austrian army under Harsch had entered Silesia and invested Neisse and Cosel. Daun's invincible sluggishness allowed the favourable moment to escape. By a march of marvellous ra; idity Frederick was able to join his brother before the decisive blow had been struck. A series of manoeuvres followed, in which Frederick sought to entice Daun from his impregnable position at Stolpen. At last after a month's inactivity Daun left Stolpen on the 5th of October, only to occupy an equally strong position at Kittlitz. Losing all patience at the delay, and anxious to decide matters before the Silesian fortresses could be taken, Frederick disregarded the advice of his generals, and exposed his troops under the Austrian camp by the village of Hochkirch. Daun was not slow to take advantage of the opportu- nity given him, and attacked the enemy in the eai'ly morning. Although taken by surprise, the Prussians fought with desperate courage, and it was only after enduring great losses that the Austrians could claim the victory. As regards results, the battle was more advantageous to Frederick than Daun. The latter thought that he had done enough if he excluded the Prussians from Silesia. But Frederick, who re-formed his army with great celerity, deter- mined on a bold move when he found that Daun declined to follow up his success. Marching right round the Austrians, he hurried off to Silesia, and forced Harsch to raise the siege of Neisse and Cosel. Meanwhile Daun had advanced upon Dres'len, which was defended with admirable skill by Schwettau. By another forced march Frederick re-appeared in Saxony, and Daun, giving up the enterprise as hopeless, retired into winter-quarters in Bohemia. 418 MODERN EUROPE Chap. xix. The Prussian successes were completed bv the repulse of the Swedish attack on Pomerania. § 12. Frederick could hardly have been so successful in 1758 but. for the fact that he had nothing to dread from the French. This danger was averted by the successes of the allied army under Ferdi- nand of Brunswick. After his first achievement in driving the French back to the Rhine, Ferdinand had rested for a time to recruit his exhausted troops. Meantime great efforts were made by France to redeem the recent disasters. The experienced Marshal Belleisle was appointed minister of war, and he took great pains to reform the military administration. It was determined that Clermtmt should advance at the beginning of July to recover the lost territory. But Ferdinand was the first to move. Early in June he crossed the Rhine, and on the 26th he defeated the French at Crefeld. It seemed probable that the war would be transferred to the old battle-ground, the Netherlands. So great was the danger, that Maria Theresa released the French government from its engage- ment to send Soubise with a second French army into Bohemia. Soubise, with Broglie as second in command, now invaded Hesse- Cassel. The latter defeated the defending force at Sangershausen, and the province was once more occupied by the French. At the same time Clermont was supersedtd by the more capable de Contades. Ferdinand found it impossible to continue his advance, and in August he re-crossed the Rhine, followed by the French. The arrival of reinforcements from England enabled the prince to maintain a defensive attitude, and the campaign ended without either side gaining further advantages. Ferdinand had rendered conspicuous service to Prussia, and had established his reputation as a general. Meanwhile France had entirely lost that superiority at sea which had been obtained at the outbreak of the war. Pitt main- tained that his share in the continental struggle was Avholly subordinate to the naval and colonial interests of England. He crg.mised a series of attacks on the French coast which were very expensive in proportion to their results, but which were sufficiently galling to a great power, and inflicted consiiierable damage on the French shipping. More important were the losses inflicted ujion French commerce, and the interrujation of the connection between France and its colonies. But it was in the colonies themselves that the chief English successes Avere won. In India the founda- tions of a new empire were laid by Robert Clive, who took the French settlement of Chandernagore, and won a great victory at Plassy (July, 1757) over the Nabob Surajah Dowiah. In Madras a great effort was made to revive the Frencli power by l.ally A.D. 1757-1758. INDIA AND AMERICA. 419 Tollendal, who was appointed commander-iu-chief lu 1758. He captured Fort St. David, the most important of the English fortresses, and razed it to the ground. But his overbearing temjjer alienated his colleagues, and his ignorant disregaiil of Indian customs exasperated the natives. He failed in an attack upon Madnis, and in 1759 the struggle was finally decided in favour of the English by (!oote's victory at Wandewash. It was in the American war that the greatest interest was felt both by English and French. In 1757 Montcalm with inferior forces had successfully defended Canada against General Loudoun, Bat Pitt's accession to office entirely changed the aspect of affairs. Loudoun was rejjlaced by Abercrombie, with whom were sent out Amherst, Wolfe, ILiwe, and other officers chosen for their abilities rather than iheir standing. In June, 1758, the fortress of Louisburg, with almost the whole of Cape Breton, was captured, and thus the way into Canada was laid open. Abercrombie wasrejwlsed from an atlack upon Ticondeioga, but this failure was more than made up for by the capture of Fort Duquesne (November 25), which received the name of Pittsburg. The loss of this fortress cut off the connection between the French territories in Canada and on the Mississippi, and destroyed the greatest danger that had threatened the English colonies. § 13. The results of the year 1758 were sumn.ed up by Frederick the Great : " Our campaign is ended, and neither side has gained any- thing except the loss of many brave soldiers, the ruin of several provinces, the plundering and burning of several flourishing towns." A French minister said the same thing in different words : " Whether through ill-luck or through errors, the powers of a great league like ours have no advance to show for the last two years. This is as humiliating to us as it is honourable to our enemies."' The Prussian king had more than held his own. His defeat at Hoch- kirch had served only to show off bis brilliant qualities as a leader and the sterling merit of his troops. Against the occupation of East Prussia by the Russians and of Hesse by the French were to be set the retention of Saxony l>y Fred' rick, ihe conquest of the Westphalian bishoprics by Ferdinand cf Brunswick, and the colonial successes of the English. Of the allies the greatest sufferer was undoubtedly France, which bad the lenst interest at stake, and wliich had in fact been involved in the European war by the mere wliim of an incom[:etent king and his mistress. The French treasury was empty, and the loss of colonial trade made it especially difiicult to refill it. It was no wonder that these considerations had a depressing effect upon the cliicf minister, Bernis, who had been a prominent agent in concluding the treaty of A^'ersnilles. Through- 420 MODERN EUROPE. Chap, xix, out the year he had insisted upon the necessity of making peace, But Maria Theresa and Kaunitz refused to listen to such a pro{:osal, and their obstinacy carried the day with Louis XV. and Madame de Pomp^idour. Conscious that he was incapable of confronting the difficuitit's of the situation and that his vacillation was losing him his favour at court, Bernis pttitioncd that the ministry of foreign affairs might be entrusted to Stainville, the Fiench envoy at Vienna, who had lately been created due de Choiseul. The request was granted, but Bernis soon discovered that he had introduced a rival rather than a colleague. In December he was not only removed from office, but banished from Paris, and Choiseul became chief minister. The new appointment was as unpopular among the French people, who had always hated the war, as it was welcomed at Vienna. Choiseul was a native of Lorraine, his father was in the service of the grand duke of Tuscany, and his accession to office was regarded as a proof that the close alliance between France and Austria was to remain intact. But these expectations were not exactly fulfilled. Choiseul was too able and ambitiovis to follow slavishly the policy of Bernis or the wishes of Madame de Pompadour. While he was still envoy at Vienna, he had not disguised his conviction that the terms of the treaty of Versailles were far too favourable to Austria, and his first act as minister was to insist on its being revised. Kaunitz was naturally anxious to retain the old provisions, but he was compelled to authorise Stahremberg to open fresh negotiations. The result was the conclusion of two new treaties, one public and the other secret, which were dated the 30th and 31st December, 1758, but were not really signed until March, 1759. By them the former secret treaty was altogether abrogated, and thus France freed itself from the obligation not to make peace until Silesia and Glatz had been recovered. At the same time France engaged to do all in its power to assist in the recovery of these provinces, and to continue the payment of subsidies to Austria and its allies. Nothing was said of any further partition of Prussia in favour of Saxony or Sweden. Neither party was to conclude a separate peace with- out the other. The scheme of dividing the Netherlands was abandoned. At the same time the family alliance between the PLapsburgs and Bourbons was strengthened by an agreement that the archduke Joseph should marry a princess of Parma, and that the second archduke, who was destined to succeed his father in Tuscany, should marry a Neapolitan princess. The new terms were more equitable than those of 1757, but the advantage was still decidedly on the side of Austria. France was bound to continue its exhaust- ing efforts in a continental war which ruined its colonial power and A.D. 1758-1759. CONDITION OF PKUSSIA, ' 421 the otjcct of which was to make acquisitions for Austria. It was impossible even to come to terms with England without the consent of the empress-queen. It was no wonder that the Austrian alliance was cordially detested by the French, and that the continu- ance of the war weakened the hold of the monarchy on its subjects. § 14. Successful as Frederick had been, the prospect of affairs in 1759 was by no means encouraging. His territories were so com- paratively small that victory was far more exhausting to him than defeat was to his enemies. He contrived to raise his army to its old numbers, but the new recruits were by no means equal to the veterans he had lost. The military superiority of the Prussian troops was a thing of the past ; his own genius and the ability of the officers he had trained were the only advantages left. And he was in serious straits for want of money. His father's hoards had long been consumed, the English subsidies and the ordinary taxes were insufficient to defray his enormous expenses. 'Jo raise supplies he had to resort to the debasement of the coinage, and other measures which could only be excused by extreme necessity. In 1759 he realised for the first time that it was impossible for him to act on the offensive. He must wait for his enemies, and then do all in his power to resist invasion. But he allowed himself one blow against the enemy. Prince Henry made a successful inroad into Bohemia, destroyed the Austrian magazines, and then turning into Franconia, he drove the army of the empire back to Bamberg and AViirzburg, whence he was recalled to the defence of Saxony. Daun had collected a large army with which he hoped to reduce Silesia and, if possible, to recover Saxony, but he refused to move until the Russians had advanced to the Oder, and for two months Frederick remained inactive on the Silesian frontier. Elizabeth of Russia had transferred the command of her army from Fermor to the inexperienced Soltykoff, who delayed the opening of the campaign till the summer. At last he marched from the Vistula through the unfortunate Poland, and at Ziillichau he crushed a detachment of Prussian trooj s under Wedell. The Russians now laid siege to Frankfort-on-the-Oder, and Frederick saw that he must march against them in person unless he wished to give up Brandenburg and Berlin to the enemy. Before he could arrive, the Russians had been reinforced by 20,000 Austrians under Laudon, so that theirnumbers were now 80,000 to Frederick's 50,0C0. In spite of bis inferior forces the king did not hesitate to attack their strong position at Kunersdorf (August I2th, 1759). At first the headlong valour of the Prussians carried all before them, and the battle might have been won, if Frederick had only desisted from further hostilities. But he was determined tn annihilate the 422 MODERN EUROPE. Chai-. six. enemy, and forceil his exliausted tnmps tu atlack the last intrencli- menfs. The attack was repulsed, an i a well-judged charge of tlie Austrian cavalry under l.audon turned the defeat into an utter rout. Frederick, who had recklessly exposed his life on the field, was with difficulty induced to fly. For a short time he fell into complete despair and even meditated suicide. But he was saved by the action of the enemy. The Fai-^sians might have advanced into the heart of Brandenburg, but they thought that they had done enough for their allies, anddeterniinul to leave the completion of their Avork to Daun. Frederick soon fiunl himself once more at the head of a considerabPe force, and the return of the Russians to the Vistula re- moved the most immediate danger that threatened him. The only direct result of the battle of Kunersdorf was the loss of great part of Saxony. There were no troops to defend the province, and the imperialists had no difficulty in compelling Leijizig, Torgau, and even Dresden to capitulate. The I'russians hastened to repair these losses, but they were unable to take Dresden, which Daun under- took to d^■fend. To harass the Austrians, Frederick sent 12,000 men under Fincl< to cut off their communications with Bohemia. The expedition was as unlucky as it was ill-judged. Daun surroimded Finck's troops with vastly superior numbers, and forced him to capitulate at Maxen (November 21st). This was a final blow to Frederick, whom the events of 115^ had brought to the verge of ruin. § 15. It was fortunate for Frederick that the war was more successful in the west of Germany than in the east. Choiseul had conceived the bold scheme of recovering the French colonies by inrading England itself and by conquering Hanover. The latter project was foiled by Ferdinand of Brunswick. The French had two armies in the Geld, one under Contades, and the other under the duke de Broglie, who had succeeded Soubise. Ferdinand determined to anticipate attack, and marched into Hesse against Broglie. But at Bergen (April 13th) he was defeated and compelled to retire into Westphalia. The two French armies were now imited, and their combined strength carried all before it. Minden was taken, and Ferdinand saw that the only way of saving Hanover was to fight a battle. By masterly manoeuvres he enticed the enemy into the open country, and won a complete victory on the 1st of August. The French only escaped annihilation through the extraordinary refusal of Lord George Sackville to lead the cavalry into action. For this conduct he was subsequently tried by court-martial and dismissed from the service. The battle of Minden secured to the allies the possession of Westphalia, and further operations drove the French from Hesss. Still more conspicuous was the failure of Choiseul's other grand A.D. 1759-1760. ENGLISH VICTORIES. 423 scheme, the direct invasion of England. Never did the I'lnglish vindicate their claim to naval supremacy more convincingly than in 1579. The Toulon fleet was destroyed by Boscawen in the battle of Lagos (August 17), and three months later Hawke gained n still more complete victory over the Brest fleet oft" Quiberon (No- vember 20). But vhe greatest English success was the capture of Quebec, an enterprise which cost the life of the 'two rival com- manders, Wolfe and Montcalm. With the latter perished the last hope of maintaining Canada for France. These disasters forced upon Choiseul the conviction that peace was an absolute necessity. It had been a great disadvantage to France that no help was to be obtaim d from Ferdinand VI. of Spain. But in August, 1759, Ferdinand died, and the crown passed to Charles of Naples, who was married to a dau'^hter of Augustus of Saxony, and who had never forgotten the way in which England had treated him during the Austrian succession. He was also under an obligation to Maria Theresa, who had enabled him to leave Naples and Sicily to his younger son, whereas by previous treaties they ought to have passed to his brother Philip of Parma. These were substantial grounds for expecting that he would give cordial support to France. But, on the other hand, Charles III. was vividly impressed with the traditional hostility of the Bourbons to the Hapsburgs, and he resented the new French policy of alliance with Austria. It was^ unadvisable for a new king to excite the hostility of England, and Charles contented himself at first with offering his senices as a mediator. Choiseul was anxious to conclude a separate treaty with England which should detach that jTOwer from the continental war. But Pitt, in his loyalty to his ally, rejected the proposal with decision. Prussia and England, however, proved their desire fur peace by issuing a joint declaration at llyswick (Octobei-, 1759) in which they suggested the summons of a European congress to settle all dispute. But the suggestion was taken as a proof of weakness, and Eussia and Austria refused to listen to it. Maria Theresa hail to pay a heavy price for the faithfulness of her northern ally. The Czarina demanded some compensation for her exertions in the war, and Austria was compelled with great unwillingness to sign the Schuwalow treaty (March 21, 1760), by which Kussia was to retain permanent possession of Prussia proper and Danzig. This aiTangement was in the highest degree irritating to France, which had always posed as the opponent of Russian influence in northern Europe, and it threatened ruin to the smaller powers on the Baltic, Sweden and Denmark. § 16. 1760 was the last great year of the war, the last in which ])itched battles were fought and strenuous exertions made by the 424 MODERN EUROPE. Chap. xix. various powers. The main armies of Prussia and Austria had wintered side by side in Saxony. As usual, Dauu was inert and sluggish, and the campaign was opened in Silesia by his more active colleague Laudon. Laudon was opposed by one of Frederick's favourite generals, Fouque', who left his position at Landshut on the approach of the Austrians. Frederick orderal him to hold tlie position at all hazards, and Fouque obeyed with the blind obe Franco and Spain were more 428 MODERN EUROPE. Chap. xix. valuable than those which were retained. Some of Bute's colleagues remonstrated against the way in which lawful advantages were thrown away in the determmation to effect a peace. But, with all deductions, the treaty was a triumph for England and marks a great era in the history of her maritime and colonial power. France restored Minorca, the first and greatest of her conquests, and surrendered the whole of Canada, Nova Scotia, and Cape Breton. The Mississippi was fixed as the boundary of English territory in the west, and Spain purchased the restoration of Havannah by ceding Florida. The Spanish claim to share in the Newfoundland fisheries was withdrawn, but France retained its rights. England kept Senegal, Grenada, St. Vincent, Dominique and Tobago, but restored to France Belleisle, Goree, Guadaloupe, Martinique and St. Lucia. In India, all conquests made since 1749 were restored, but the French possessions were to be merely commercial factories, and they were forbidden to erect fortifications or to maintain troops. Dunkirk, an old bone of contention, was to be placed in the condition required by the treaty of Aix-la- Chapelle. The treaty of Paris terminated the war in western Germany, as the allied arniy was broken up by the Avithdrawal of the English contingent, and the French agreed to evacuate all their conquests. Prussia and Austria were cow left face to face, and it w'as obvious that peace could not be long delayed. Maria Theresa could expect nothing but loss from the continuance of the war under existing conditions, and she was forced to abandon the scheme of reducing Prussia to powerlessness. Augustus of Saxony was eager for a peace w^hicli should restore to him the electorate from which he had been excluded for six years. The diplomatists met at his castle of Hubertsburg, where the treaty was signed on the 15th of February, 1763. Maria Theresa had demanded at first that she should retain Glatz, and that some compensation should be given to Saxony. But Frederick was determined not to sacrifice an inch of territory, and his iron will prevailed. The suggestion that the fortifications of Glatz should be dismantled he also rejected. Ultimately the treaty restored matters exactly to their position before the war. Maria Theresa resigned all territorial claims, and practically renewed the previous treaties of Berlin and Dresden. By a secret article Frederick pledged himself to give his vote for the election of the archduke Joseph as King of the Romans. To Augustus III. Frederick ;[)romised to evacuate Saxony, and the demand for compensation was dropped. From a purely I*]uropean point of view the great result of the war was the elevation of I'russia to an 0(juality Avith Austria, and A. D.1763. RESULTS OF THE WAR. 429 the consequent establishment of a dual leadership in Germany. This was entirely due to the marvellous endurance and military genius displayed by Frederick, who had held his own against tbe three great powers of Europe and emerged from the struggle without loss, and with a well-merited reputation. But regarding the war as an episode in the world's history, its great significance lies in the decision of the quarrel between England and France for the New World in the east and west. The definite establishment of the English power in India and the exclusive assumption of North America by the Anglo-Saxon race, are events of the most far- reaching and stupendous importance. At the same time the English conquest of Canada prepared the way for another great event, the revolt of the American colonies. By removing all dangers from the French it destroyed the one great motive for dependence upon England, while the expenses incurred in the war necessitated those schemes of taxation which jiroved the ultimate occasion of the revolt. There is one other result of the war which ought not to be over- looked, the humiliation of France, which for a time loses its place among the great powers, and the alienation of the French people from the monarchy. The Austrian alliance was the work of Louis XV. and Madame de Pompadour, and it is significant of the change of popular sentiment that this in itself was enough to make the war hateful to the nation. 430 MODERN EUROPE. CHAPTER XX EUROPE AFTER THE PEACE OF HUBERTSBURG. . Southern Europe and the Fall of the Jesuits.— § 1. Influence of Literature in the 18th century. § 2. Choiseul's ministry in trance ; Madame du Barry ; full of Choiseul ; the Parlement Muupcou ; death of Louis XV. § 3. Si)ain under Charles IIL ; Pombal's ministry in Portugal ; expulsion of the Jesuits. § 4. Expulsion of the Jesuits h-om trance and Spain; attitude of the papacy; suppression of the Order by Clement XIV. ; subsequent history of Spain and Portucral. II. Eastern Europe and the First Partition of Poland— §5 Austria after the war ; accession of Joseph II. to the empire. § (i* Fredericks administration in Prussia. § 7. Policy of Catharine IL § 8. Constitution of Poland ; question of the succession; interests of the European states. § 9. Death of Augustus IIL; election of Stanislaus Poniatowski. § 10. Russian supremacy in Poland ; proposal of religious toleration; Confederation of Radom ; reforms. § 11 Indignation of the Poles; Confederation of Bar; Russia at war with lurkey; policy of Frederick; Russian successes against the Turks. § 12. Interviews between Frederick and Joseph II. ; Prussian i>roposals at St. Petersburg,- the treaty of partition; treaty of Kutschuk Kainardji. III. The Bavarian Succession.— § 13. Ao-gressivc policy of Joseph II. § 14. Extinction ot the Bavarian line; claims of Joseph II. ; opposition of Prussia ; treaty of Teschen. IV Joseph II AND THE League oe Princes.— § 15. Administration of Maria Iheresa; accession of Joseph II.; his domestic reforms; his policy in Germany; discontent of the princes. § 16. Attitude of Prussia; alliance between Austria and Russia; Catharine's aggressions in lurkey. § 17. Project to exchange the Netherlands for Bavaria ; the Furstcnhund ; death of Frederick II. V. The Eastern Question 1786-1792.- § 18. Character of Frederick WiDiam II. of Prussia • intervention in Holland ; treaties of the Hague. § 19. Relation^ of Joseph II. and Catharine IL ; renewal k Russo-Turkish war; Hertzberg s policy. § 20. The eastern war ; Sweden attacks Russia ; treaty of Werela. § 21. Prussia at the head of a great coalition- question of war with Austria; death of Joseph II. ; skilful administra- tion of Leopold IL; treaty of Reichenbach ; treaties of Sistowa and Jassy. VI. The Second and Third Partitions op Poland — S 22 Alliance of Poland and Prussia; reform of the Polish constitution;' attitude of the neighbouring slates; the Confederation of Taro-owicz ; death of Leopold IL ; the new coustituHon abolished. § 23. Catha- rine II. negotiates the Second Partition with Prussia; indio-nation of Austria; diet of Grodno. § 24. Revolt of Kosciusko; 'failure of Prussian intervention; Russia puts down the revolt; the Third rartitiou ; finis Polonix. INFLUENCE OF LITERATURE. 'J 31 T. Southern Europe and the Fall of the Jesuits. § 1. A period of comparative peace followed the treaties of Paris and Hubertsburg, and at the same time the history of Europe loses the unity that has characterised it since the formation of the great league against Louis XIV. England abdicates the commanding position which it had assumed under Pitt, and its energies are absorbed in domestic questions, such as the Wilkes quarrel, or in attempting to suppress the rising liberties of the American colonies. On the continent the great powers divide themselves into two great leagues ; in the south the Bourbon states held together by the Family Compact, in the north and east, Russia, Prussia and Austria. In the north, the all-absorbing question is the succession to the Polish crown, which we must consider subsequently. In the south, historical interest centres rather in the men of letters than in political events. In the fifteenth century, literature had for the first time become a living force, had broken through the trammels of media3val ideas, and had given birth to the Reformation. The idea of individual liberty then established had never been developed to its logical extent. With the Catholic reaction and the splitting up of the Protestants into rival sects a period of stagnation had set in. In most of the countries of Europe absolute governments had been set up, and literature had become subservient and therefore degraded. In France there had been one conspicuous movement of opposition, that of Jansenism. But the Jansenists were only partially pro- gressive, and their opinions never emancipated themselves from the bonds of sect and class. One country alone, England, had main- tained the struggle for liberty, and had thus preserved the indepen- dence of literature. With the English philosophers, especially Hobbes and Locke, originated most of the ideas which sj^read to France in the eighteenth century and there became productive of vast political results. It is impossible here to treat of the great philosophic movement which connects itself with the names of Voltaire, Montesquieu, and Rousseau. Voltaire was the great distinctive teacher of the new school. In almost every form of literature he excelled his contemporaries, and in all his numerous writings he brought the keen edge of his satire to bear upon the ordinary conceptions of religion, politics, and society. The lesson for which posterity owes him gratitude is one which he vindicated in practice as well as in theory, that philanthropy ought to be one of the aims of government, that the welfare oi the subjects is higher than even the interests of a ruling family or the privileges of a class. Montesquieu, in his Lettres Persanes, struck a vein of satire as effective though more genial than Voltaire's, and in his Esprit des 432 MODERN EUROPE. Chap. xx. Lois he introduced the historical method of enquiry which was destined to prove the most powerful solvent of traditional errors. But the most influential teacher of the century was Rousseau, ^vho inspired men with a passion for the old free life of nature, and who developed as the basis of a new social organisation the theory of Hohbcs, that royal authority originated in a contract between king and people. The new spirit inspired by these writers found ready acceptance in the literary coteries that were so prominent a feature of Parisian society. In every department of learning their influence was visible. Buffon begins a new era in natural science. Condillac and Helvetius develop the philosophy of mind and morals, Diderot, d'Alembert and the Encyclopaxlists apply the new doctrines to every subject. Of special practical importance are the advances made in political economy. The mercantile system, which had so long regulated the relations of Europe, received a fatal blow from the teaching of Quesnai, Turgot, and Adam Smith. Nor was the new spirit confined to men of letters. Frederick of Prussia, Catharine of Russia, and Joseph II., with a number of smaller sovereigns and statesmen, prided themselves on being the leaders of a new movement. The attempt to force enlightenment ujwn their subjects by a paternal government was naturally not altogether successful, but it ix-oduced indirect results which were not without influence upon the subsequent course of history. Even in the states of southern Europe, where the Catholic reaction had fully worked itself out, the new ideas found at any rate temporary admission. Their most conspicuous achievement was the destruction of the order of the Jesuits, the aggressive champions of Catholicism. In the last oentury the Jesuits had had to face a bitter and resolute attack from the Jansenists, and though they had emerged successfully from the contest, their credit and influence had been seriously impaired. The renewal of the onslaught in the eighteenth century was not solely due to the progress of enlightenment. The Jesuits had mixed themselves up in commerce, had employed their influence to obtain privileges and. monopolies, and had thus become possessed of enormous wealth. They had utilised their position as missionaries to acquire political power in the colonies, and in some cases, as in Paraguay, they had formed a state in complete practical indepen- dence of the home government. These commercial and colonial establishments brought them into collision with the secular power even in countries where the desire for reform was altogether non- existent. § 2. The most important of the southern states were Franco and Spain, both ruled by Bourbon princes. France remained after tlie •conclusion of the peace under the domination of Madame do A.D. 1763-1770. MINISTRY OF CHOISEUL. 433 Pompadour and Clioiseul, and when the king's mistress died in 1764, the minister's position was unshaken. Choiseul's great ambi- tion was to revive the naval power of France, so as to recover what had been lost to England during the war. Domestic affairs he was willing to subordinate to foreign politics. But his designs were never destined to bo realised. As a minister he compares very favourably with his immediate predecessors and successors, and personally he was honourable and patriotic, but he did very little for France. At home he was Avorried by the question of the Jesuits, and the incessant quarrels with the Parliament of Paris Avhich fill up the history of France during the century. The Parliament set itself in opposition to the unlimited exercise of the royal power in taxation and in the administration of justice, and especially against the practice of arbitrary imprisonment bj' means of lettres de cachet. But unfortunately its opposition w'as dictated by the interests, not of the people, but of the privileged classes, and its success or failure was a matter of little moment to the bulk of the peojile. Choiseul tried to compromise matters by making slight concessions, but the reconciliation was purely temporary. Abroad, France made two acquisitions of territory during his ministry. Lorraine fell in to the croAvn on the death of Stanislaus Leczinski in 17G6, and in 1768 Grenoa, imable to put down the revolt of Pascal Paoli, sold Corsica to the French, who took posses- sion in the next year, after crushing the rebels with relentless severity. fZ^wn afterwards Ohoiseul was deprived of office, and hiS fall marks a new degradation in the history of France. Louis XV. lost his wife, Marie Leczinska, in 1768, and after a brief period of remorse fell into worse debauchery than ever. His new mistress, Madame du Barrj^, was a degraded womaii belonging to the lower classes, but she obtained complete ascendency over the brutalised king. Even the most submissive of French courtiers shuddered with horror at this novel infamy, and Choiseul's pride refused to bend before the new favourite. On the 24th of December, 1770, he received a curt letter from the king dismissing him from all his offices, and ordering his immediate retirement to his estates. He was succeeded by a triumvirate, consisting of Maupeou, the chancellor, the Abbe Terrai, minister of finance, and d'Aiguillon, who had charge of foreign affairs. Maupeou, the guiding genius of the government, neglected foreign affairs in order to put down discontent at home. His measures were characterised by brutality and resolution. As the Parliament of Paris continued its opposition to tlie royal will, it was abolished, and the provincial parliaments shared the same fate. A council of seventy-five nominees of the crown v/as appointed for Paris, and received the nickname of the 20* 434 MODERN EUROPE. Chap. xx. Parlement Maupeou. To supervise the administration of justice in the provinces six conseils superieurs were created for the chief local centres. It is significant to notice that the liberal party hesitated whether to deplore or welcome the change. Voltaire and some of his associates approved tlie action of Maupeou. 1'he Parliament had been a close privileged institution, and its members held office by the payment of a recognised bribe. The new judicial system, if less independent, Avas more prompt in action and less expensive. On the other hand, the mass of the people felt, and felt rightly, that it was better to have some restraint upon the royal power even if that restraint was often exercised from selfish motives. Louis XV. had entirely lost the popularity that had once given him the name of the Bien-aime. His death was now as eagerly desired as his life had been in 1744. His son, a gloomy reactionary, had died in 1765, leaving three sons, all of whom subsequently came to the throne as Louis XVI., Louis XVII I., and Charles X. On the lOtli of May, 1774, Louis XV.'s death gave the crown to his eldest grand- son, and relieved France of one of the most worthless kings the world has seen. " He had lived 64 years, and reigned 59 ; he had passed his life in destroying little by little the prestige which the two great Bourbon kings, Henry IX. and Louis XIV., had given to modern royalty, a prestige ah-eady much weakened in the old age of Louis the Grand." § 3. The throne of Spain had been occupied since 1759 by Charles III., who had learned to rule in his previous kingdom of Naples, and who carried witli him the aftection and respect of his former subjects. Charles was by no means a jmrtisan of the new philo- sophical ideas; he was a devoted adherent of the church, but at the same time he had an exaggerated idea of the royal power and a firm determination to maintain and advance it. In Naples, with the help of his minister Tanucci, he had restricted the exercise of the papal supremacy, forced the clergy to contribute to the taxes, and struck a blow at the feudal system which had so long flourished in the kingdom. When the death of his half-brother, Ferdinand VI., gave him the Spanish crown, he left Naples to his third son, Ferdinand IV., and entrusted the govermnent during the minority to Tanucci, who carried it on on the old lines. In Spain, Charles III. continued the same policy of putting an end to those exclusive jirivileges and pretensions, whetlier of the church or the nobles, which stood in the way of royal absolutism. It was this which brought him into collision with the Jesuits, whom he would other- wise have been unwilling to attack. But the first blow against the order had already been struck in a state which they had learnt to regard as their special property. A.D. 1750-1758. POMBAL. 435 Under John V. (1706-1750) Portugal had fallen into complete iusio'niticance. The wealth produced by its commerce passed mostly into the hands of the English. The government was carried on by ecclesiastics, the people were slaves to the grossest supersti- tions. John's successor, Joseph I. (1750-1777), was not a whit more enlightened than his father. On the contrary, he was absorbed in vicious pleasures, and left the cares of government altogether to a minister who would have obtained a great reputation in history if he had belonged to one of the more important states. This was .Sebastian Joseph de Carvalho, better known by his later title of the Marquis de Pombal. He obtained such complete ascendency over the feeble character of the king that he became absolute despot at Ijisbon. He employed his power to introduce the most thorough reforms into every department of government, and he enforced them by means that stand in complete contrast to the liberal spirit in which they were conceived. The great obstacle in his way was the opposition offered by the privileged classes, the nobles and clergy, and especially by the Jesuits, who had become all-powerful under the late king. The first opportunity for attacking the order arose from events in South America. By a treaty in 1750 Spain and Portugal agreed to exchange their respective colonies of Paraguay and San Sacramento. The Jesuits, who had made themselves absolute masters of Paraguay, were bitterly hostile to the transfer, and induced the Indians to oppose it with ai ms. The result was a war which lasted several years, and it was not till 1756 that the resistance of the natives was crushed. 'J'he expense which this entailed upon the Portuguese government naturally excited enmity against the order which was responsible for the war. At the same time -the Jesuits encouraged the popular discontent roused by the domestic reforms of Pombal. The minister resolved on their des- truction. In 1757 the Jesuits were forbidden to approach the court without leave, and in the next year they were prohibited i'roni trading, preaching, and the confessional. Both parties appealed to the pope, but Benedict XIV. died before he had arrived at any decision. His successor, Clement XIII., was a devoted adherent of the Jesuits, and Pombal would hardly have succeeded as he did if terror had not given him the unconditional support of the supersti- tious Joseph I. In September, 1758, as the king was returning from a visit to the wife of the Marquis of Tavora, he was fired upon and woimded. For three months an enquiry was conducted apparently without success. Suddenly all members of the two great families of Tavora and Aveiro were seized, and in their papers evidence was supposed to be found of a conspiracy against the king and minister. The Jesuits were implicated in the conspiracy, and 436 MODERN EUROPE. Chap, xx when the nobles were put to death application was made to the pojie to permit the trial and punislmient of the priests. As Clement XIII. hesitated to give the desired permission, Pombal took the decisive step of seizing all the Jesuits and transporting them by sea to Civita Vecchia, where they were left to be main- tained at the jwpe's expense (Sept. 1759). 'i'he property of the society was confiscated, and tliis act was followed by a complete breach between Portugal and l.'onio. 'J'hose Jesuits who had been imprisoned for complicity in the plot were tried, and Father Malagrida, a fanatical enthusiast, was executed in 1761. Pombal employed the Inquisition in the interests of the crown, and was thus led to prolong the existence of an institution which otherwise lie would probably have suppresse<1. § 4. Meanwhile the example of i ortugal had been followed by other countries. A great scandal was caused by the bankruptcy of La Valette, the head of a great Jesuit establishment at Martinique, who had involved himself in considerable mercantile undertakings. The credit of the society was immensely shaken by this affair, and Venice and Genoa at once took steps to restrict their privileges. In France the Parliament of Paris undertook to revise the consti- tutions of the order, and in 1761 issued edicts condemnhig them as inconsistent with the laws of the realm. The provincial parlia- ments took the same line, and were supported by the influence of Choiseul and Madame de Pompadour, Clement XIII. tried in vain to stay the storm, and the efforts of the orthodox jiarty headed by the dauphin were equally fruitless. In 1764 a royal edict was insued which abolished the Jesuits in France. Clement XIII. answered this edict by issuing the bull Apos- tolic-um 2>ascendi munus, which renewed the confirmation of the'order and denied the truth of the recent charges. The only result of the bull was to intensify the opposition of the secular governments, which were now reinforced by the support of Spain. In 1766 a tax imposed by the finance minister Squillace provoked a rising in Madrid, and Charles 111. was compelled to satisfy the [lopulace by dismissing the unpopular foreigner. This was a serious affront to a king, who held a high conception of his prerogative, and when the subsequent enquiry pointed to the Jesuits as the authors of the revolt, Charles's devotion to the church was overcome by the desire for revenge. In April, 1767, an edict was issued which banished all Jesuits from the kingdom, and measures were at once taken to carry this into eftect. The unfortunate fathers were crowded into ships and carried to Civita Vecchia. The pope refused to receive them, and it was not until two months of liardship had elapsed that Choiseul allowed them to land in (!or.sica. The Bourbon states in A.D. 1759-1777. SUPPRESSION OF THE JESUITS. 487 Italy followed the example of Spain, and the Jesuits were expelled from the Two Sicilies and from Parma. Pombal now proposed that the various states should combine to force the hand of the pope, and a rash act of Clement XIII. gave additional weight 1o his representations. The weakc st of the hostile powers was Parma, which, since the death of Don Philip in 1765, was governed by a Frencii n(-)blen)an, du Tillot, as regent for the infant duke Ferdinand. The pope, as claiming to be feudal superior of Pcxrma, excommunicated the duke and declared his principality confiscated. The insult to the house of Bourbon was promptly avenged. France seized Avignon and the Venaissin, while the Neapolitans invaded Beneventum. In January, 17G9, the ambassadors of Spain, Naples and France demanded tiie suppression of the order. Before he could give an answer, death removed the pope from the difficulties that had gathered so thickly round him. Great efforts were made by both ^larties to influence the new election, and the Jesuits nearly succeeded in carryii g their candidate. Ultimately the choice of the cardinals fell upon Lorenzo Ganganelli, a moderate man who had declared for neither side. The new pope, who took the name of Clement XIV., hesitated for some years about his decision. Oh the one side was the persistence of the .secular powers, on the other the undisguised threats of the vengeance which the Jesuits would take. Ultimately the pope had to give •way when Maria Theresa, orthodox as she was, declined to sujiport the order, and Bavaria, the stronghold of Catholicism, expelled its members. In July, 1773, Clement XIV. issued a brief, sup- pressing the Jesuits, to the intense delight of the progressive party throughout Europe. But Clement's fears proved to be well-founded. In the next year he was suddenly seized by a fatal illness, and the symptoms left little doubt that he perished of p)oison. The fall of the Jesuits was not final. The reaction against the excesses of the Revolulion gave them before long a new lease of existence. Pombal continued his reforming activity in Portugal until the death of Joseph T. in 1777, when the crown passed to his eldest daughter Maria, who had married her uncle Don Pedro. The minister who had rendered such services to his country was dismissed, and persecuted by hostile accusations till his death in 1782. The new government adopted a reactionary policy, and Pof- tugal relapsed into its former lethargy. In Spain the reforms of Charles III. were more moderate and therefore more lasting. Two ministers belonging to the liberal party, Camjiananes and Florida Blanca, governed the state during his long reign, and after his death in 1788 the latter retained his power for four more years. The 438 MODERN EUROPE. Chap. xx. outbreak of revolutionary violence in Paris was fatal to the cause of reform in other countries. II. Eastern Europe and the First Partition of Poland. § 5. The i^olicy of Maria Theresa and Kaunitz was unaltered by the disasters of the Seven Years' War. They continued to uphold the alliance with France as the only secuie means of counterbalancing Prussia. But Austria had suffered one very severe loss in the defection of Russia. All attempts failed to induce Catharine II. to adopt the same attitude as Elizabeth had done. This compelled Austria to desist froni its ])rojects of aggression and revenge, and to direct its efforts to avoid the outbrealc of a new war. In 1764 the archduke Joseph was imanimously elected King of the Romans, all difficulties having been removed by the withdrawal of Prussian opposition. In the next year the emperor Francis I. died suddenly. He had been kept in the background by the superior qualities of liis wife, and had distinguished himself only in reforming the Austrian finances, a task for which his business capacities and tastes admi- rably fitted him. Joseph uow became emperor, and was appointed by his mother joint-ruler of the Austrian states. His younger brother Leopold succeeded to the grand duchy of Tuscany. From this time the administration at Vienna loses mucli of its unity. Maria Theresa, as she grew older, became more orthodox and con- servative, and more disinclined to commit herself to an energetic foreign policy. Joseph, on the other hand, was an ardent champion of the new ideas, eager for religious toleration and domestic reforms, and ambitious to increase the power that had fallen to him. § 6. In Prussia the great problem which Frederick had to solve after the peace of Hubertsburg was to repair the ruin that the war had brought upon his kingdom. He grappled with tlie difliculty with characteristic energy, and the centralised administration which he had established gave him great advantages in carrying out the work. Fortunately he had avoided running into debt, and had even collected money for a new campaign should it be necessary. Re- gardless of the lessons of the new ] olitical economy, he employed his capital in subsidising industry of all kinds, and he took stringent measures to restrict both the exportation of raw produce and the importation of manufactured goods, so as to make his country self- supporting. His policy was wonderfully successful witliin certain limits, and Prussia owed to him the revival it not the creation of its industrial prosperity. But he could never have done this if he had not been careful to maintain the peace of wliicli tlio country stood AD. 17G3. CATHARINE II, 439 in such earnest need. To inBure peace it was necessary to keep his army on a footing that would inspire respect, and to raise supplies for this purpose he incurred great unpopularity by imposing an excise and by introducing French officials to organize and collect the tax. But he also needed allies. Fiance and Austria were sus- picious and their friendship was not to be relied upon. England was distrusted by Frederick ever since Bute had succeeded in ousting the ministry of Pitt, and moreover England hud withdrawn to a great extent from continental jolitics. It was therefore a great relief to the king when Eussia ])roffered her supjiort. He eagerly accepted the overtures made to him, and was willing to risk con- siderable sacrifices to maintain an alliance on which the security of Prussia and the duration of peace equally depended. § 7. In spite of the ease with which the revolution of 1762 had been accomplished, Catharine II. was far from feeling secure upon the Eussian thi'one. She was anxious to carry out those reforms, religious and political, which had roused such a storm against her husband. The result was wide-spread disaffection, and the foreign envoys reported that the new government was not likely to last long. But Catharine had gained over the soldiers, and she took prompt measures to check a rising. The unfortunate Iwan VI. had been imprisoned ever since 1740. Advantage was taken of a conspiracy for his release to put him to death, and thus a pretender whose birth made him formidable was removed. But Catharine was fully conscious that her position, as a foreigner, could never be really safe until she could identify herself with the hopes and aspirations of the national party. For this end she reverted to the ambitious schemes of Peter the Great and endeavoured to distract the atten- tion of her subjects by a vigorous policy of aggrandisement. Eussia had suffered less than the other combatants in the war, and was now the most powerful state of northern Europe. It was Catharine's task to make this power felt and recognised, and she perceived that this could best be accomplished by an alliance with Prussia. France was the old opponent of Eussian influence in the north, and though this duty had been recently neglected, there was no doubt that it would be resumed now that the connection with Eussia had been severed. 'I'o counterbalance the alliance that existed between the Bourbon states and Austria, which -had been cemented by several intermarriages, Catharine was anxious to form a great coalition of the north between Russia, Prussia and England. § 8. The pivot on which the relations of the eastern states turned at this period was the fortunes of Poland. The time had long passed since Poland had been an object of terror to its German neighbours. 440 MODERN KTTROT»K. CirAi-. x> li,K(loc'liii(^ wiisdiu^ ill llui lii'sl |il;ic(^ t(i in((M'ii;il ;iii;ircliy. 'V\w ;ji;(iv('rii- mcnt. was iioiuiiiiilly n inoiiariihy, but really arcpulilif, in wliicli tlid nobU's liad a uionopoly ol' ])n\vor. 'I'horo was no iiiiddlo class to act as a link botwoou tho nobles and tlio crowd of oi)]iressc(l and powerless serfs. The constitulii)n, such as it Avas, rested ujxin a tri[ile basis; tlu! elective character of the nionnnOiy, whicli enabled the nobles to make tiieir own terms witli the kinj^ of tlieir clioice; tho Uhcrnm, veto, by which a single nolile could frustrate tho decisions of the diet; and the ri^ht of confederation, which au- thorised any number of nobles to combine to oirect an object, if necessary, with arms. Tho disorder to wliich such institutions naturally gave riso wore comi)licate-d by religious differences. In tho latter ])art of the Ifith century Poland had become the northern centre of tho (Jatbolic reaction, and from Hint time orthodoxy had been maintained by rigid ])erseciii-i(>n. In 17.'?.'5 a decree was ])assed which declared all non-Catholics incapalile of holding any ollice or even of sitting in the diet. 'J'ho "dissidents," as they were called, consisted of two (iliief classes, tho ri'otestants in tlio western districts, and Iho adlierents of tho Greek Church in the east near the borders of Russia, lioth had been treated with eijiial injustice by tho dominant sect, and their com])laints had given frequent excuses for intervention on (he i)art of foreign ])owers. For two generations Poland had been rul('r the l'ol(V4. Perhaps the interest most directly involved in tho fate of I'oland was that of Prussia. Frederick, (hough he had few religious convic- tions, had found it advantageous to follow tlie example of Jus father, and to pose as the champion of Protestantism, lie was thereforo tho natural ally of a large number of tho Polish dissidents, and was in fact bound by treaty to support them. Again, Saxony was tho rival of Prussia in nordiern Ciermany, and the two s(a(es had recently been engaged in a bitter quarrel. It was anatural wish t)f Frederick's to prevent Jiis neighbours from obtaining hereditary possession of tho Polish (M'own. But ho had s(ill moro vital interests at stake. Prussia, the territory from which his kingdom took its name, tho modern lOast- Prussia, had boon a Polish fief; and though it had liocn freed from do])endenco by tho Great Elector, it was cut off from Urandenburg by the considerable province of Polish-Prussia on (lie w(!stern side of the Vistula. The result of this separation was 1 A.I). I7:!.T 17fi.^. l'0|,ANr>. 441 nlcMily iii;iiiircs(, in (lio rccoii), war, wlicirit lin.l Ijcori uMcrly iiii|M.ssil>l(^ t(. (lofi;ii. 1769-1770. PROPOSAL OF PARTITION. 447 § 12. Meanwhile Joseph had paid Frederick the proposed visit in October, 1769, at Neisse in Silesia. The place was well suited for an interview which was intended on the part of Austria to express its final renunciation of the province for which so much blood had been shed. Both king and emperor were favourably impressed with each other, but the meeting had no great political results. It was an indirect advantage to Frederick, inasmuch as it raised the value of his alliance in the eyes of Russia, and the renewed treaty which was arranged before the end of the year contained stipulations more favoiu-able to Prussia than had been secured in 1764. In the autumn of 1770, Frederick paid his return visit to the emperor at Neustadt, and at this interview, which was politically much more important than tlie former one, Kaunitz was present. The great subjects of discussion were the affairs of Poland and the Turkish war. No definite agreement was come to, but Kaunitz vmdertook to state clearly the views and intentions of Austria. The successes of the Russian arms had excited well-founded alarm in Vienna. It would be intolerable if the Russians were allowed to establish themselves in Moldavia and Wallachia on the very frontiers of Austria. Kaunitz declared that any attempt to do this would force Austria into war, which lie and Frederick wished to avoid. This was the point at which Austrian and Prussian interests converged. Both powers were eager to arrange a peace, and it was hailed as a fortunate coincidence that during the interview letters arrived in which the Porte solicited the mediation of Austria and Prussia. Frederick undertook to communicate the views of Austria to St. Petersburg, and to support them by his own influence. Tliis important negotiation was entrusted to Prince Henry of Prussia, who arrived in St. Petersburg in October, 1770, It was this embassy that originated the scheme of partition as the best practical method of solving the dilficidties. Catharine, referring to the Austrian occu- pation of Zips, remarked that everybody seemed able to take what they liked in Poland. From this time the arrangement of a parti- tion became the chief object of diplomacy. It was necessary, in order to secure peace, that Russia should resign its Turkish conquests. For this moderation it could only be compensated at the expense of Poland. Prussia, as we have seen, had obvious motives for desiring the acquisition of Polish Prussia, which could be taken as repayment of the subsidies paid to Russia. Austria could best be satisfied with a share of the booty. The practical advantages of a jiartition are obvious, and from what has gone before it is equally obvious that no one can be specially accused of having suggested it. The scheme was in the air, and had been so for a long tinu^ John Casimir had proyiliesied 448 MODERN EUROPE. Chap. xx. this fate for Poland more than a century ago. Frederick, ever since his accession, had looked forward to it as a dream which he could hardly hope to realise. Even France, which after\vards made the loudest outcry about the injustice of the transaction, was not with- out responsibility. Choiseul had definitely olfered to Frederick Courland and Ermeland as the jjrice of his desertion of the Russian alliance. It is none the less true because it has become a common- place that Poland deserved no better fate. Its anarchical constitu- tion could not be regarded as a domestic matter, because it invited and practically compelled the intervention of its neiglibours. It had become a firebrand in the midst of Europe, and tlie other powers were justified in taking measures to suppress it. These considerations may be regarded as justifying the partition itself, but hardly the means which were ado2)ted in carrying it out. For nearly two years the negotiations went on, and fiunlly resolved themselves into a scramble for the largest share of the booty. The chief burden of the diplomacy fell upon Frederick, who had the j^freatest interest in arranging a permanent peace. Matters Avere fa' ilitated somewhat by the downfall of Choiseul, whose continuance in office might have altered the course of events. His successor left the eastern powers to settle the matter among themselves. Catharine was stirred to new enmity against Poland by an attempt of the confederates in 1771 to seize the person of Stanislaus. The greatest . difficulties were raised by Austria. Maria Theresa was opposed to the partition, but her wishes were overruled by Kaunitz and Joseph. Their demands, however, were so excessive, that a lung time was spent in inducing them to moderate them. Ultimately a treaty was signed at St. Petersburg in August, 1772, between the three powers, which virtually settled the matter. Russia obtained Polish Livonia and part of Lithuania, a territory containing 2500 square miles and about a million and a half of inhabitants. To Austria were assigned the county of Zips and the province o Red Russia, about 1300 square miles, with a population of two and a half millions. Prussia renounced Danzig, but took the coveted district of West Prussia, which gave complete control of the Vistula, and the population of which amounted to about 900,000. It only remained to secure the approval of the Polish diet, and this was effected by a combination of bribes and intimidation. The diet met in 1773, was converted mto a confederation to avoid the veto, and finally sanctioned the treaty in September. The tbree powers had already sent troops to occupy the shares nssigned to each respectively. Stanislaus remained king of the nst ot' Poland ; but lie could only rule in complete dejiendence upon Russia, and his ]iowor was a im-re shadow compared to that of the Russian envoy at Warsaw. A.u. 1771-1774. KUTSCHUK KAINARDJI. 449 Mtanwliile the Turkish war had not been ended. A truce had been arranged in May, 1772, and a congres.s had assembled to settle the terms of peace. But the Russian demands were too excessive for the Porte to accept, and the Turks resumed hostilities in 1773. They attempted to recover Mohlavia and Wallachia, and for a time they succeeded in forcing the Russians to retreat. Mustafa 111. died in December, and was succeeded by his brother Abdul Hamid. In the next year Romanzow won a complete victory, and compelled the grand vizier to accept the terms dictated to him at Kutschuk Kainardji. The Russians restored the conquered provinces except Azof and Kinburn, only stipulating for toleration for the Ciiiistia)i population. The Tartars of the Crimea and Kuban were declared independent of the Porte, and authorised to elect their own Khan. Russian ships were allowed free passage through the Uardanelles, and the right of sailing in the Turkish seas and on the Danube. Poland, for which the Tnrks had undertaken the war, was not even mentioned in the treaty. in. Thk Bavarian Succession. §13. Joseph II., the second emperor of the house of Lorraine, was the most ardent and daring exponent of the reforming ideas that spread through Europe in the eighteenth-century. No regard for tradition or prejudices could stay him, no task was too difficult for his ambition. For some time his j^owers were limited. His mother, Maria Theresa, kept a firm hold of the Austrian government, and her opinions and objects were the very reverse of her son's. The only field of action left open to him was the Empire, and he at once undertook the hopeless task of reforming its obsolete institu- tions. Measures were taken to purify the Aulic Council from the l)ribery and partiality which prevailed in it, and a commission was appointed to examine into the working of the Imperial Chamber. But these well-intentioned efforts proved utter failures, and Joseph was not the man to carry out a determination in spite of all ob- stacles. He resolved to leave the empire to its fate, and set him- self to gain as much influence as he could over the states that were destined to fall to him. From the management of home affairs he was jealously excluded by Maria Theresa, but he succeeded in making his influence felt in foreign politics. His great object was the territorial aggrandisement of Austria, and his first achievement was the arrangement of the partition of Poland. The value of the Austrian acquisition in this aftair was small compared with that of the other contracting powers. Prussia obtained a territory which was urgently needed to weld together its 21 450 MODERN EUROPE. Chap. xx. disjointed provinces, and Russia advanced her frontiers considerably towards the west. Tliis was tlie all-important result of the partition. The most powerful Slav state in the world — a state whose gigantic resources Avere still undeveloped — was now placed in immediate connection with the Gorman powers which had so long striven to repress and crush the Slavs. The fate of Europo depended upon the attitude which Germany would assume in face of this new danger. Frederick tlie Great com})rehended the real nature of the crisis, but his isolation had compelled him to assist rather than oppose the progress of Russia. This state of things could only be altered by the termination of the long and bitter enmity between Austria and Prussia and their union against a common enemy. Such a result might have been anticipated from the two interviews between Frederick and Joseph, but it was not to be. Joseph was a professed admirer of the Prussian king, but his admiration took the form of a desire to imitate him. If Prussia, a small state of recent origin, had been able to gain such signal successes, why should not Austria do the same? His ])rofession that the loss of Silesia had been forgotten was untrue. He liad no stronger wish tlian to recover the province or some compensation for it. Both he and Kaunitz left Neustadt with feelings of distrust and enmity against their visitor. Instead of unity between the two leading German states, the old rivalry broke out again. This was an inestimable advantage to Russia, and it was this rivalry which necessitated the partition of Poland. The conclusion of the treaty of Kainardji was a new blow to Austria. It was true that Russia did not retain any of her conquests, but the establishment of Tartar independence would undoubtedly give her an ever-ready pretext for intervention in Turkey. As a counter-move to the treaty, Austria induced the Porte to cede the territory of Bukowina, which had once belonged to Transylvania, and serve 1 as a useful link between that province and the recent acquisitions in Poland, This act, which was accomplished without any pretence of consulting the other powers, excited great discontent both at Berlin and St. Petersburg, and Catharine would probably have gone to war if Frederick had not dissuaded her. The king had already noted in the first interview the ambitious character of the young emperor, and he was now determined to be on his guard against any further aggrandisement of Austria. To make matters worse, it was reported from Vienna that Kaunitz had used threatening language about the necessity of destroying Prussia, and had declared that if a new war arose the sword Avould not be sheathed imtil one or other of the two powers had been ruined. § 14. Wliile relations were thus strained, an event occurred wliicli A.D. 1777-1778. THE BAVARIAN SUCCESSION. 451 threatened to involve Europe once more in a general war. With the death of Maximilian Joseph of Bavaria (30 December, 1777) the younger branch of the house of Wittelsbach became extinct, and the electorate of Bavaria, which had been conferred uix)n them in 1623, came to an end. By virtue of the original partition in 1310, the duchy of Bavaria ought to pass to the elder branch of the family, repre- sented by Charles Theodore, the Elector Palatine. But Joseph saw the iMssibility of securing valuable additions to Austria which would round off the frontier on the west. The Austrian claims were legally worthless. They were based chiefly upon a gift of the Straubingen territory which Sigismund was said to have made in 1426 to his son-in-law, Albert of Austria, but which had never taken effect and had since been utterly forgotten. It would be impossible to induce the diet to recognise such claims, but it might be jx)ssible to come to an understanding with the aged Charles Theodore, who had no legitimate children and was not likely to feel any very keen interest in his new inheritance. Without much difficulty the elector was half frightened, half induced to sign a treaty (3 January, 1778) by which he recognised the claims put forward by Austria, while the rest of Bavaria was guaranteed to him and his successors. Austrian troops were at once despatched to occupy the celled districts. The condition of Euro]M} seemed to assure the success of Joseph's bold venture. France was bound to Austria both by treaty and by marriage alliance. Eniilandwas too absorbed in the American war to dream of interfering on the con- tiiient. Russia was occupied in a dispute with Turkey about affairs in the Crimea, and was likely to have her hands full. There was only one quarter fiom which opj^wsition was to be expecte<-l, Prussia. Frederick promptly appealed to the fundamental laws of the Empire and declareppoi tunity was oflercd for foreign powers to interfere in Germany. But, on the whole, it was a great triumpli for Frederick and an equal humiliation for Joseph II. His schemes of aggrandisement had been fialed by the prince in imitation of wliom they had been midertaken, and he allowed Prussia to pose as the champion of the imperial laws and constitution which he, the head of the empire, had attempted to infringe. But in the next year the death of his mother (29 November, 1 780) gave him the means of resuming his an.bitious designs with greater independence and on a more extended scale. IV. Joseph II. and the League of Pkinces. § 15. The memory of Maria Tlieresa is still affectionately cherished in Austria, not so much for the merits of her government as for her lofty character and courage, the purity of her domestic life, her devotion to her husband and children. She had saved Austria from the ruin and disintegration that had threatened the country on her accession, and her long reign had not passed without the accom- plishment of many useful reforms. The military administration had been comiiletely altered imder the auspices of Daun and Lascy, and at the close of the Seven Years' War the Austrian army was no imequal match for the Prussians, who had been taken as a model. Tlie laA\' courts had been ])urified and ttieir procedure improved. Financial affairs had made rapid strides under tlic. A.D. 1779-1780. JOSEPH II. 453 painstaking care of Francis I., whose qualities fitted him to be a man of business rather than an emperor. Even in religious matters, in which Maria Theresa had been resolutely orthodox, persecution had been avoided. Hungary had been bound more closely to the monarchy, and thus an imiiortant step had been taken towards the concentration of the various provinces which had been brought to- gether in the course of centuries. But in all her actions Maria Theresa had been hampered by the traditions of the Hapsburg family, of which she was a loyal descendant, and in her later years she had shown more and more repugnance to reform. Her successor was not a Hapsburg at all, but a Lorrainer, and this serves to explain the lack of reverence with which he attacked the most cherished customs and deserted the oldest traditions of policy. He had already endeavoured to imitate Fiederick II. in the management of foreign relations, he now aspired to copy his domestic government. The strength of Prussia he attributed to its marvellous centralisation, to the machine-like way in which every- thing moved in obedience to the royal will. This was the system which he wished to introduce into Austria, utterly forgetting that the way had been prepared for Frederick by the exertions of his predecessors, whereas he succeeded to a state of which the govern- ment had been conducted for centuries on principles diametrically opposed to his own. No contrast can be more striking than that between the sternly practical activity of the Prussian king, who never set his arms too liigh and never stopped till he had reachi d them, and the doctrinaire and revolutionary liaste w ith which the young emperor imdertook the most sweeping reforms at the panic moment, and long before they had been accomplished hurried on to other tasks which would have needed the work of generations. Joseph is like the boy playing with chemistry, who loves to mi.x^ together the strangest compounds and to produce startling results ; Frederick treats his materials with the economy and straightforward purpose of the trained man of science. But it would be imfair to deny that a real enthusiasm for progress and love of humanity underlay the refomis of Joseph II., or that many of them would have been of lasting and incalculable benefit if he had only been more prudent and practical in carrying them out. The great principle which underlay all the reforms of Joseph H. was that no personal or class interest should stand in the way of the general welfare, and of this welfare he was the sole judge and intcrpretei. It is easy to realise what enormous confusion would be created in any state by the attempi to carry such a principle into immediate action and without ample compensation. It is only fair to say that Joseph included himself among his own victims. The ^^ MODERN EUEOPE. Ciiap. xx. court expenses were immensely reduced, the emperor lived in the simplest and most mostentatious way, the pension list and even the allowances to the archdukes were cut down. The money thul saved was not used in uducing taxes, as had been fondly^hoped but m increasing a revenne Avhich was still insufficient for the uses Cnr th'; ,^^7— /.^t"^^^'^"^^ '^'^^'^ undertook!: mmense ; he attention and industry with which be studied every detail recall the bureaucratic activity of Philip II. The ministers were encouraged to apply for instruction upon all doubtful p. nts and the b mdest obedience was exacted from them. The judic ai aduim,s,ra ion was reformed so as to ensure the equality of all men before the law. The privileges of the feudal nobles, the exclus vc nTrhTls'of tV'T^' ''^ accumulation of unproductive wS: m the hands of the clergy, were simultaneous objects of attack Perhaps none o tl,e innumevabl. reforms of these years ar mo o a tempt o abo ish serfdom in the Austrian dominions. A first ediet, limiting the rights of the lord to inflict punishment^ wa! ollowed by others which gave the peasant personal freedom allowel him to marry as he pleased, and compelled the lord to live Ins serfs property in land on receipt of a fair rent. The same spint IS seen in the effort to raise the people from their su^e" stitious Ignorance by founding and endowing schools for elementary education and by conferring complete libert; upon the press S enlightened but equally characteristic were the mea^ifes taken to suppress the Magyar nationality in Hungary, by 00^01 ttl^ natives to ajlopt the German language and custmf, and by bolis ! mg the old constitution for a new centralised s;stem wh ch 4 worked by German officials. In all these changes a great share was taken by Kaunitz the Chancellor, to whom the change of rulers must have been a ^rS relief. He had always been a partisan of the new movement and his leanmgs were strongly anti-clerical, but he had been com p'e 1 disgmse them out of deference to the mistress who had raise h7n to po^ver. He had now to deal with a sovereign who was w 11 n "to ., „ , — "^'"^ "■ ^'J^^it^igu wno was wilhno- tn ZT,T Tr ''"^r"' ''''' '' "^^^"^ 1- -- bound by n n^ of the old t.es of dependence and gratitude. The minister ceased to fs Louifxr;i: T •'^^m'^^-^ ^^^ ^-^^^^^^ ^-^^^^ ^^> as i.ouis AIV. had done to Mazarin. In religious matters the attitude of Kaunitz was even more pronounced th.n tha ofjoseS S;eed from .11 I 'i "''^ ''"' "^""^^ subservient to the state bnn« . f . dependence upon external authority. All ,mpal bulls and briefs were to be submitted to the secular ma.istVa e and A.D. 1780. JOSEPH II. 455 were not to be circulated until they had received the imperial sanction. All newly elected bisho[)S were to take their first oath of fealty to the emperor, so tliat no subsequent oath to the papacy should affect their primary obligations as subjects. Ajijjjeals from ecclesiastical consistories were to be made not to Rome but to the secular courts. All foreign ecclesiastics, heads of monasteries and others, were expelled and their places filled by natives. Those monastic orders which took no part in education, in hospital work, in preachin* or at the confessional, but had been formed for a life of contemplation, such as the Carthusians, were abolished and their revenues confiscated. At the same time Joseph secured toleration and equal citizenship to all dissenters, whether Lutherans, Calvin- ists, or members of the Greek chvirch. This measure marks the completeness of the departure from the policy which had been pursued by the Hapsburgs from Rudolf II. to Maria Theresa. Meanwhile Joseph II. had once more turned his attention to Germany, but no longer with the object of reviving or extending the central power over the innumerable large and petty states that owned his nominal sovereignty. That scheme had failed once and for all, and he now resumed the old policy of the Hapsburgs, and determined to emjloy his position as emperor to extend the territorial influence of his family. He had already secured tlie election of his brother Maximilian to the archbishopric of Cologne and the bishopric of Miinster, and had thus obtained not only a strong supporter in the electoral college, but also a preponderating influence among the states of western Germany, This was followed by a series of attacks upon the imperial Constitution. There were a number of independent bishoprics, such as Salzburg and Passau, whose sees extended over Austrian territory. Joseph announced his intention of confiscating this part of their sees and transferring them to native bishoprics. These and other high- handed actions excited a feeling of dismay among those small states Avhich clung to their territorial independence and to the old conception of " German liberty." The natural appeal la}' to the Diet, but the action of this assembly was nullified by the supremacy which Austria had established over the college of princes, as nothing conld be done without the agreement of the three colleges. There was only one remedy left, the formation of a league against the emperor on the same principles as those of the League of Schmalkalde against Charles V. But to carry this out it was absolutely necessary to secure the support of some great power, and here there was considerable difficulty. PVance and Russia, the two guarantors of the treaty of Teschen, were out of the question, and the only hope lay in Prussia. But many of the injured states 456 MODEKN EUROPE. Chap. xx. were held by Roman Catholic ecclesiastics, who had great scruples about accepting the protection of the leading Protestant state of Crermany. Ultimately these scruples were overcome by the immi- nence of the danger, and an appeal for assistance was made to lierlin. § 16. Frederick 11. had foreseen the dangers which threatened both Germany and himself from the accession of Joseph, and had taken measures to meet them. His plan was to renew his close alliance with Russia^ and to extend it by including Turkey and either England or France. This would enable him to check the ambition both of Catharine and Joseph, to uphold the integrity of the iurlush empire, and to act as an arbiter of European relations. But the plan was doomed to failure at the outset At St Petersburg the foreign minister Panin, who clung to the Prussian alliance, had been practically superseded by the Czarina's favourite Potemkin, under whose influence Catharine threw herself into the most boundless schemes of aggrandisement at the expense of iurkey. From this time the watchword of Russian policy was the advance upon Constantinople. Frederick's proposal of an alliance of which the Porte should be a member was wofully ill-timed and promptly rejected. Even if the king could be induced to fall in with the Russian scheme and to approve of the dismemberment of iurkey, it was obvious that his support could not be so valuable as that of Austria. And Austria was more than wiUin- to meet Russia half-way. Kaunitz saw clearly that the great obstacle to the success of his policy had been the alliance between Russia and Prussia, which had been formed on the death of Elizabeth and which had recently compelled the relinquishment of the de'sic^ns upon Bavaria. If this alliance could be broken off, Joseph 'll could pursue his schemes of aggrandisement both in the west and the east with every prospect of success. In 1780 Joseph anh kings. The executive power was to be in the hands of the king and a responsible council of ministers, the legislative functions were to be shared between a senate and an elective diet. The lilierum veto and the right of confederation, the source of so many evils, were ab;dished. The Koman Catholic religion was recognised as that of the state, but other forms of belief were to be tolerated. This grand reform, which was carried through the diet by an art- fully planned surprise and which by no means represented the unani- mous wishes of the Poles, Avas completely imexpected by the three neighbouring powers, llussia was profoundly irritated, and Catha- rine only waited for a favourable opportunity to take summary vengeance. Prussia, already alienated by the obstinacy with which the Poles clung to Danzig and Thorn, was bitterly opposed to the formation of a strong monarchical state in its immediate neighboiu- hood. On the other hand Leopold II., though he had nothing to do with the introduction of the constitution, was completely satisfied with it. A strong and independent Poland formed the best and most satisfactory bulwark against the westward advance of Russia. He determined therefore to do all he could for the maintenance of the constitution, and he was favoured by the close relation in which he was brought to Prussia by their common interests in regard to France, in July, 1790, he succeeded in inducing the Prussian envoy to sign the preliminaries of a treaty in which "the free constitution of Poland" was expressly guaranteed. But in the final treaty of February, 1791, a slight but important alteration was made by the substitution of the words "a free constitution of Poland." Meanwhile Catharine II. had done all in her power to involve Austria and Prussia in a war with France in order to secure herself from their intervention in the east. In January, 1792, she concluded the peace of Jassy with the Turks, and at once ordered her troops to march into Poland. They were aided by a party 4G8 MODERN EUROPE. CiiAr. xx. among the Poles thoinsclves, who fornuHl the Confederation of Targnwicz, revived the old uanio of " patiiols,"' and demanded the restoration of "liberty" and their old constitution. Stanislaus and liis adherents a])pealed for assistance to Prussia, but there the ill- feelinj:; against the constitution had been increased by a subsequent projiosal to substitute for tiie daughter the brother of the elector of Saxony, and so to pcrjietuato the connection between Saxony and Poland. Frederick William refused his assistance and oftVred no opposition to the Russian troops, who speedily made themselves masters of the hapless and still divided country. Austria was the only state from which resistance was to be feared, and here good fortune came to the aid of the Czai'ina. On the first of March Leoi>old II.'s short but successful reign was ended by a sudden and unexpected death, which involved important conseciuences both to Austria and to Europe. Six weeks later the war with France was actually commenced, and the Austrian troops had to defend Belgium from invasion. These events removed all difllculties from the way of Russia. Prussia w^as averse to the aggrandisement of her eastern neighbour, but was not willing to move a hand for the constitution of 1790. Austria thoroughly approved of the constitution, Francis If. was as anxious as his father had been to opiKise the ambition of Catharine, but armed intervention was impossible. The Poles, divided among themselves and with no hope of foreign assistance, could make no ettVctive resistance. The feeble Stanislaus was terrified into deserting his party and joining the Confederat it)n of Targowicz. The constitution was formally abolisiied at the dictati(.)n of Russia, the old anarchy was restored untler tlic name of " liberty," and the leaders of the reforming party tied from the country. § 23. Catharine II. had triumphed, but she felt that the victory could not be permanent as long as the two great rival powers re- garded Russian influence in Poland with envy and mistrust. Almost at the moment that her troops entered the kingdom she suggested a partition. Austria being still clamorous for I'olish independence and the constitution of 1790, she turned to Prussia, whose inte- rests did not lie at any rate in that direction. The change of policy which had resulted in the treaty of Rcichcnbach and the fall of Ilertzberg had been mainly the w'ork of Frederick "William himself, and had never been acceptable to the courtiers at Ikrlin, Avho inherited the traditional jealousy of Austria from the time of Frederick the Grreat. While there was no desire to truckle to Catharine, there was a strong feeling that it was better to profit by a Russian alliance than to court disaster by adherence to the cause of a natural and treacherous foe. Pel ween Berlin and A.D. 1792-1793. SECOND PARTITION OF POLAND. 469 St. Petertibiirg tlierc were nothing but details to settle, and to gain over Austria tlie Russian envoy propored to revive the project of effecting an excliange of the Netherlands for Bavaria. Throughout the .second half of 1702 incessant negotiations were carried on upon this point, whether Austria would on ihis condition consent to the aggrazidisenient of PiU.ssia and Prussia in Poland. Put the difliculties proved insuperable. Frederick William was willing to apir.jvc the projected exchange, but he refused to eini)loy force to overcome any unwillingness of the rulers of Pavaria. Austria was not eager to allow a great and immediate advantage to Prussia in return for the doubtful and distant prosj^xjct of an advantage to herself, which after all was nothing more than an improvement of frontier. It was demanded that to Bavaria should be added the old HohenzoUern principalities of Baireuth and Anspach, which had recently fallen in to Frederick William. This was refused by the king, and the conquest of Belgium by Dumouriez at the end of tlie year made the whole proposal more doubtful and visionary than ever. Ultimately Russia and Prussia determined to settle the matter by themselves, and on the 23rd of Januiny, 1703, the second treaty of partition was concluded and was carefully kept a secret from Austria. After arranging tbc extent of territory which was to go to eacli power, the treaty provided that Russia and Prussia should employ their "good services" to effect the exchange of Belgium for Bavaria, that Frederick William should continue his present exertions against France, and that he should not lay down arms until tlie object of the war, the suppression of disorder, slmulii be attained. Before this, on the Gth of January, the king cf Prussia had issued a manifesto in which he announced his intention of interfering to put down the anarchy in Poland, which he attributed to Jacobin influences. Eight days later his trooi)s crossed the frontier, and in a short time occupied the stipulated territories. This energetic example was followed by Russia with the same success, 'i he share of Prussia, consisting of the coveted towns of Danzig and Thorn, with the provinces of Great Poland, Posen, Geresen and Kalisch, contained more than a thousand square miles, with a population ui about a million and a half. The Russian acquisitions in Eastern Poland were four times as great in extent, and comprised twice as many inhabitants. It was not till the 23rd of March that the nev\8 reached Vienna, where it excited the most profound indiguation. The existing ministers were dismissed, and the conduct of foreign affairs was entrusted to Thugut, who directed tlicin for the next seven years with little credit to himself and with less profit to his country. lie definitely refused to accept the treaty of partition, ^70 MODERN EUROPE. Chap. xx. pointed out the utter inadequacy of the terms that were offered and demanded that Austria should receive immediate compensation in l-oland. iiut the two powers continued their task without any regard to either demands or threats. A diet was summoned at (xrodno to legalise by its consent the act of robbery that had been already executed. In spite of the care with which the diet was packed, and the presence of armed force to intimidate its members tliey showed some lingering signs of patriotism. It \vas a-ainst Prussia as a recent ally, that the greatest indignation was felt! On the 23rd of July the Russian demands were granted, and an attempt was made to induce the Czarina to Uirow over the Prussian cause, i or a time there was a serious alarm at Berlin lest all the fruits of their exertions might be lost, but at last the difficulties were over- come, and on the 22nd of Septemter, in the famous " dumb sitting " the partition was finally accepted. Austria was indignant but powerless. When it is remembered that these events took place at the crisis of the revolutionary war, it may be easily understood how this undisgmsed quarrel about Poland tended to weaken and dissolve the coalition against France. The remaining part of Poland became practically a vassal state of Russia. The un- ortunate Stanislaus was compelled to accept a humiliating treaty known as the "eternal alliance " (14 Oct.), by which the Poles were bound to make no change in their constitution, and to enter into no Sr""* ""'^^ ^'''''°" ^'''"''''' ''''*^'"'* '''P'''' Pe'-™5««i«nf'-om the § 24. The Polish malcontents were cowed rather than conquered In March, 1,94, an attempt of General Igelstrom, the Russian re- presentative at Warsaw, to diminish the small remaining nati.o army provoked a rising in Krakau which speedily assumed iormidable dimensions. Kosciusko, who had s,.rved under Wash- ington in the war of America.i independence, and wlio had been •; leading promoter of the reform of 1790, arrived from his refu-^c iu baxony and was appointed generalissimo. On the 4th of March he gained a slight success over the Russian forces, and on the 18th a despemte rising of the people expelled Igelstrom and his troops from Warsaw. Stanislaus, the puppet of fortune, now offered lo acknowledge the constitution once more, but he was no longer trusted, and though allowed to retain the royal title, he was practically superseded by Kosciusko. Rapidly as the insurrection had gamed gromid it was evident to any dispassionate observer that It could not be permanently successful, and it must lead sooner or later to the absorption of Poland by its powerful and unscrupulous neighbours. The ministers at Berlin clearly per- ceived tins, and determined by active measures to secure their share A.D. 1793-1795. THIRD PARTITION OF POLAND. 471 of the booty. At the beginning of June, Prussian troops crossed the frontier, on the 6th they defeated Kosciusko at Rawka, on the loth Krakau was taken. A rapid march must have resulted in the fall of Warsaw and the collapse of the insurrection. But valuable time was wasted before the siege was commenced, even then it was only languidly pressed ; and before long a rising in the recently annexed provinces compelled the Prussians to retire. But by this time the Russians under Suwarow had entered Poland. On the 4th of October, Kosciusko, who had previously suffered several minor reverses, was completely defeated at Maciejowice and taken prisoner. With him fell the last hope of Polish independence. On the 4th of November the Russians stormed Praga, and put the whole population, men, women and children, to death. Four days later Warsaw surrendered, and the whole kingdom lay at the mercy of the conquerors. Prussia having faikd in arms, now resorted to diplomacy, and Tauenzien was sent to St. Petersburg to arrange a partition treaty with Russia on the model of that of 1793. But it was soon apparent that Catharine was determined, upon this occasion, to favour Austria, 'llie motives of her iiolicy are fairly obvious. It was the interest ol' Russia to balance the two great German powers against each other, and therefore to grant them alternate acquisitions in Poland. IVussia had recently thwarted Catharine's wishes by opening negotiations with the French which led up to the treaty of Basel. Moreover Tliugut, the Austrian minister, was willing to conciliate Russia by renewing that aggressive alliance agairst Turkey which had been so fatal a defect in the policy of Joseph II. Tauenzien discovered that everything was being arranged witliout his participation, and left St. Petersburg after making a futile protest. On the 3rd of January, 1795, the final partition wns arranged between Austria and Russia. Russia was to have the lion's share, about 2000 square miles, while Austria received about 1000 square miles, with the town of Krakau. The remainder, amounting to over 700 square miks, ami including Warsaw, was assigned to Prussia. On the same day the two contracting powers signed a secret declaration which has only recently been discovered. Austria was to accept the treaty of January, 1793, and the terms there inserted about the exchange of the Netherlands for Bavaria ; she was to guarantee the Russian possessions in Poland ; a similar guarantee was to be extended to the Prussian possessions when Prussia had acceded to the j)resent treaty of partition. In case of a war with Turkey, Austria was to assist with all her forces in compelling the Porte to cede Moldavia, Wallaeliia, and Bessarabia, and tliese 472 MODERN EUROPE. Ciiai-. xx. provinces were to be formed into an appanage for a member of the imperial fiimily of Russia. For this Austria was to be compensated by acquisitions to be made, if possible, in France ; but if that fiiiled, then at the expense of A^'enice. 'i his declaration was never carried out, and its existence was never suspected for half a century, but it throws a lurid light ujjon the selfish and treacherous dii:)lomacy of those days, and upon the reckless policy (f aggiandisement pursued by Thugut. In March, 1795, the duke of Courland, Peter Biren, was compelled to abdicate, and his duchy was made into a Russian province. On the 24th of October the partition of Poland was finally settled by the adhesion of Prussia to the treaty of the 3rd of January. This adhesion was given with great reluctance, and after much futile grumbling. The greatest objection was felt to giving up Krakau, which was in Prussian hands, to Austria. But Russia silenced every objection by refusing to give up AVarsaw as long as Prussia retained Krakau. Thus perished a kingdom which had once played a great I^art in Europe, but which owed its downfall quite as much to its anarchical constitution and to its want of all the essentials of a sound state, as to the unprincipled greed of its neighbours. Stanislaus Poniatowski, who had been nominal king since 17C4, was compelled without difficulty to abdicate. On the death ot Catharine II. (17 Nov. 1796), his mistress in both senses of the word, he took up his residence in St. Petersburg, where he died in 1798. Kosciusko, the real hero of the last j^eriod of Polls fi independence, was released from prison by Paul I., and, after several changes of residence, died in Switzerland in 1817. CHAPTER XXI. THE IlEIGN OF LOUIS XVI § 1. The iluties of tl'iulalism had perished, while tlie rights ;ind privileges remained; class jealousies ; condition of the peasants. § 2. Ch;iracter of Louis XVI.; Maurepas ; admission of reformers to the ministry; restoration of the Parliaments. § 3. Principles of Turgot; his i-efoims; opposition of the privileged classes; Turgnt's fail. § 4. Financial policy of Necker. § 5. American revolt ; France joins the colonics ; alliance of France and Spain ; the armed neutiality ; isolation and danger of England. § 6. Necker's reforms e.\cite hostility ; his resii^naiion ; reaction against administrative reform. § 7. Independ- ence of the United States; siege of Gibraltar; treaty of Versailles. § 8. Financial straits of the F"rench government ; administration of Calonne ; hostility to Marie Antoinette. § 9. Financial disclosures; Calonne's pbm ; the Assembly of Notables; fall of Calonne; Lomenie de Brieime ; quarrel with the Parliament of Paris ; summons of the States-General and recall of JS'ecker. § 1. In France the external fabric of feudalism had been more com^ pletely destroyed than in any other country of Em-ope. The old sy.siem, imder which the nobles governed their own estates with more or less responsibility to the crown, had given way to a new cen- tralised administration which had been gradually perfected from the reign of Louis XI. to that of Louis XIV. Under the king the supreme control of domestic affairs was in the hands of the con- troller-general of finances, who was assisted by a central council and by the provincial intendants. The States-General had been powerless since the 14th century, and had never been summoned since 1614, so that their composition and procedure Avere known only to antiquarians. In five of the outlying provinces, the so-called pai/s d'etat, there still lingered some traces of the local estates, but they had no real vitality or importance except in Languedoc and to some extent in Brittany. In the other provinces, the pai/s d'election, the intendants were absolute rnlers. All sorts of officials existed, many of whom had paid large sums for their posts, but their functions had become nominal. The parliaments, or courts of justice, had retained their independence longer than any other iostituticins, and at one time had threatened to impose 22 474 MODERN EUROPE. Chap. xxi. formidable checks upon the royal power. But this was due, not to any sympathy with popular liberty, but to the fact that the lawyers had formed themselves into a liereditary and privileged class, and when the old parliaments were suppressed by Maupeou the action was applauded by Voltaire and his followers. The last vestige of the medijcval system had thus been swept away from the path of the royal despotism. The nobles were still the most conspicuous persons in their districts, but they had ceased to govern. 'J'he peasants, who had once been their serfs, had risen to be metayer tenants, or in many parts small proprietors. "J he only career left open to a noble was in the civil or military service of the govern- ment. In Paris or with the army he might still acquire fame, on his own estates he was powerless. His rank prevented him from becoming one of the intendants, and they exercised the power that had once belonged to his ancestors. Yet it is usually said that the French llevolution destroyed feudalism, which had provoked it. This is untrue if we regard feudalism in its old and true sense as a system of government and society, The essenti d merit of feudalism was the emphasis that it laid upon the duties as well as the rights of property. But as it decayed, as the duties were usurped by the monarchy, the rights were left behind to console the nobles for their impo- tence. Thus they were exempted from payment of the taille and other oppressive taxes, and in its origin the exemption had ample justification. The tailla was imposed to provide for the maintenance of a military force ; but the nobles were bound to serve at their own expense, and therefore were excused. Since then the obligation of military service had lapsed, but the right of exemption had been jealously retained. So they had lost the absolute mastery over their serfs, but had kept the rights which had been the symbol and outcome of that mastery. Many of them had powers of jurisdiction, all had supreme I'ights of hunting and forestry. They could exact forced labour from the peasants, and could compel them to pay tolls and other dues, and to grind their corn at the lord's mill. These exactions would have been cheer- fully acquiesced in as long as the lords were real rulers and gave protection and judicial administration in retu'n for them. But in the 18th century the vast majority of the iiobles were absentees, who left the collection of their dues in the hands of extortionate bailiffs and squandered the proceeds in the capital. It was the absence of duties that made the continuance of the rights and privileges absurd, and it was this, even more than their oppressive character, that roused the bitter wrath of the peasants. It was not against the feudal system, but against the offete survival eet of tlic welfare of the 476 MODEKN EUROPE. Chav. xxi. country being firmly established. But the dream had soon dis- appeared. Louis XIV. himself had brought the nation to the verge of ruii), the Regent and Louis XV. had done nothing to save it. The finances are the crucial test of an administration. We have already seen how Law's nieasures had resulted in bankruptcy, and his numerous successors had found it impossible to revive the national credit. The great problem was to make the revenue cover the expenditure, and this it never did ; the continual deficit had burdeneii the country with an ever-increasing debt. It was now to be seen whether the new kin^ could cope with difliculties which liis predecessors had never fairly endeavoured to face. § 2. Louis XVI. was born in 1754, iind was therefore twenty years old at the time of his accession. ik>th in his merits and in his defects he presents a marked contrast to the other members of the house of Bourbon. He had been brought up in retirement, and his manners were always coarse and unpreixtssessing. He had no pronounced tastes except for the manual labour of an artisan and for hunting. But he was free from the gross vices that had disgraced his predecessors, and he was conscientiously eager to secure the welfare of his subjects. Unfortunately he had none of the requisite qualities for the discharije of this necessary task. Unable to form an opinion for himself, lie lacked the strength of mind to carry out with resolution a course of action which he adopted on the advice of others. Throughout his life he was dependent upon the influence of those around him, of his aunts, his brothers, and finally of his wife, Marie Antoinette, whom he had married in 1770, but who only gradually obtained that supremacy over his intellect and affections which was ulti- mately to prove fatal to both of them. The first great question that the king had to decide was the selection of a minister. Public exj)ectation pointed to Choiseul, who had been mainly instrumental in effecting the king's marriage and in cementing the Austrian alliance. But at tKis time Marie Antoinette was con;paratively pt)vverless, and Louis was prejudiced against Choiseul as the opix>uent of his fother. He decided to summon M. de Machault, but at the last moment his aunt, Madame Adelaide, interfered, and the letter which had been writtm to Machault was sent to M. de Maurepas. Maurepas had held oftico under Louis XV., but he had for many years been removo1776. TURGOT. 479 micistry. A bad harvest and scarcity of bread gave additional weight to their representations. Riots took place in Paris, and there can be uo doubt that this first recourse to revolutionary violence was instigated by some of the nobles. Louis XVI., always weak, was inclined to yield, and it was with great difficulty that Turgot induced him to stand firm and to put down disorder. For tlie moment the minister seemed more powerful than ever, and tlie king dechu-ed that no one loved the people except himself and Turgot. The opposition steadily incrensed in strength. The clergy were seriously fri;^htened by the obvious inclination of the ministers to a tolerant policy, and by the report that Malesherbes wislied to restore the Edict of Nantes. A league was formed among the privileged classes, nobles, clergy and lawyers, to protect their vested interests. It was joined by the queen and most of the royal princes, and it had even the indirect support of Maureiias, who b:^gan to tremble lest the man he had rai-ed to office should supplant him in his master's favour. Meanwhile Turgot was con- tinuing his work without any heed to the approaching storm. In January, 1776, he proposed to the king in council a seiies of measures which sufficiently illustrate the scope and objects of his policy. The coriJee for the making of roads was to be abolished and the expenses defrayed by a tax upon land : all the old taxes upon corn which hindered free trade within the kingdom were to be abandoned: the guilds and other protective associations were to be done away with, so that every man might exercise his natural right to undertake what labour he chose : the gahelle, or tax upon salt, was to be altered so as to remedy the glaring inequality of its incidence : the expense of the kind's civil household was to be diminished, and the marriages of Protestants were to be legalised. Maurepas put up one of his creatures, Miromesnil, to oppose these measures, but Turgot carried the king with him, and the edicts were signed and sent to the Parliament of Paris for registration. The Parliament justified all the fears which Turgot had ex[iresscd at the time of its restoration, and made itself the cliampion of the threatened privileges. To put down this resolute opposition the king had to hold a lit de justice, which, as Voltaire put it, was for once a lit de bienfaisance. But here Louis X VI.'s firmness suddenly came to an end. The members of his family urged upon l.im that he was going too far, and that he was degrading the monarchy by unworthy concessions to the roturier class. Maurepas was con- vinced that either he or the reformers must fall. By adroitly picking a quarrel with Malesherbes he forced him into a hasty resignation. Turgot being more obstinate and less sensitive, other 480 MODERN EUROPE. Chap. xxi. means had to be foimd. A paper was foi-cl ia imitati.Hi cf his handwntinnr whicli contaiued reflections upon the king and queen and this was brouglit to Louis. Forgetting all the services that liad been rendered, the king was induced in a lit of pique to dismiss the only man wlio might have saved his crown and his life. Tnr. 177G-1777. NECKER. 481 money much more easily and chca])ly tliaii his predecessors had been able to do. In one way his administration had iinjwrtant results for France. LilvC Ilousseau, he was a native of Geneva, and he imported into monarchical France the ideas and traditions of a free vepjiblic. Tliese traditions and the exigencies of credit led him to introduce publicity into tlie national accounts, and thus lo put an end to that secrecy which had been the snare and tl)c security of a decrepit government. Ho was also willing to obtain the jwpular consent to taxation, by giving new lite and ))Owcrs to the provincial assemblies. Thus he did much to prepare the way for the Revolu- tion. His taxation led to the Stutes-General, li's loans gave the people convincing insight into the condition of tlie finances. For a time Neci;ave way, and he proposed to open negotiatioi.s with America. But Lord Chatham came down to protest in Ijis dying speech against such a humiliation before an ancient enemy. His last act was to insist upon a war which he alone could have suc- cessfully directed. The English ambassador was recalled from Ver.-ailles, and naval hostilities were inmiediately commenced. From a purely military point of view, the action of France was well judged. England had been unable to put down the rebels when they were isolated, she was still less likely to s-ucceed now that they were snpported by tiie whole jiower of Franc. But a regard to internal politics amply justified the uloomy anticipations of Turgot and Necker. Peace was absolutelv necessary tc restoie financial pnsperity to France. War involved increased expenditure and ultimate exhaustion. And there were still more convincing arguments which ought to have weighed with the supporters of the monarchy. Rebellion is contagious, and it was preposterous to expect that principL s which were approved on the other side of the Atlantic could be excluded from European soil. The open inter- vention of France in the cause of republican liberty gave an enormous impulse to those forces which were gathering to effect the overthrow of the established system c>f government. But for a 'time all these considerations were fiirgotten in the passionate desire for revenge, and in the intoxication of unwonted successes. Not only did the French admirals, like d'Estaini: and d'Orvilliers, show them- selves a fair match for Howe and Keppel, but all Europe seemed eager to join France against a haughty and dictatorial power. It was to Spain th;it Vergennes naturally made his first application •for assistance. Charles III., as Ave have seen, was a firm believer in the rights of monarchs, and had no sympathy with the cause of rebels. But the traditional jealousy of England, the P'amily Com- pact, and above all the desire of recovering Gibraltar and Minorca, combined to overcome his scruples, and in 1779 a treaty was A.D. 1778-1780. WAR WITH ENGLAND. 483 concluded between France and Spain against Euglaiid. Spanish forces at once laid vigorous siege to Gibraltar, and England naturally reverted to her old and .successful plan of involving France in a continental war. For this a convenient opportunity seemed to be offered by the outbreak of the quarrel about the Bavarian succession. But the caution of Vergennes averted this danger. Louis XVI. refused to assist his brother-in-law, and French mediation forced upon Joseph IL the peace of Teschen. This was followed by a general expres.sion of resentment against the arrogant claim of England to naval supremacy. Of ih's supremacy the most offensive symbol was the right of seaich, by which vessels sailing under a neutral flag were boanled to discover whether they were carrying sui)plies to the hostile belligerents, and if such goods were found they were confiscateil. In 1780 Catharine II. ot Russia issued a declaration, which involved au important and permanent change in international law, to the efficL that neutral vessels may trade fretly with belligerents in all articles that are not contraband, and tliat a blockade need not be respected unless it is effectual, i.e. that a mere forrn;d announcement that a harbour is blockaded is insufficient unless enough ships are provided to jirevent the ingress of other vessels. This declaration was accepted by Frederick the Great, who -glndly seized the opportunity of displayi'.ig enmity to England and to the ministry oi Lord North, and by most of the '.'states of Northern Europe. Thus was formed the "armed neutrality," which was a serious check upon English operations, although it did not lead to active hostilities. It was of great importance to England under these circumstances to retain the alliance of its old naval rival, Holland. The House of Orange had been closely attached to England ever since the recovery of the ' stadtholdership by William IV. in 1718 and his marriage to a daughter of George 1 1. The present head of the family, William V., whose minority had ended in 1766, was inclined to continue the same policy. But the republican party, which had its head- quarters in Amsterdam, was now very strong, and was eagerly desirous of an alliance with France and the United States as the best method of throwing off English dictation. In 1780 an American vessel was captured by the English, on which . papero were found which proved that as early as 1778 the Pensionary of Amsterdam had drawn up a projected treaty with the American colonies. It was also known that Holland had sent supplies to the rebels, and that the Dutch island of St. Eustatius had been a great centre for traffic with America. So great was the indignation roused in London by these disclosures, that the envoy was with- drawn from the Hague, in December, 1780, war was declared ag-iinst 484 MODERN EUROPE. Chap. xxi. Holland, and thus England was left without an ally in Europe. To make matters worse, a great war had broken out in India in this year through the quarrel with Hyder Ali, and a French fleet under the Bailli de Suffren gave the English forces ample occupation. At j; was easily induced to summon an assembly of Notables for the beginning dl 1787, Before they met the position of the government was alter li for the worse by the death of Vergennes (13 February), who had considerable influence with the upper cla-scs. It was a grand but chimerical idea to expect the ] privileged classes to sacrifice their private interests to save the state. The assembly, wiiich met on the 22ud of February, contained 14.4 members, of whom only six or seven belonged to the third estate. It was soon evident that nothing but strenuous opposition was to be expected from them. Even the people and the partisans of reform ridiculed measures which they would have welcomed from Turgot, when they were oO'ered by Calonne. In the assembly the opposition was headed by Lomenie de Brienne, archbishop of Toulouse, a selfish aspirant for office, and by Necker, who was disgusted at the exposure of the fallacious character of his own financial statement. This formidable coalition convinced the kinc^ that he must get rid of the unpopular minister, and Calonne was dismissed. But Louis refused to have anything to do with Necker, whose abrupt resignation he had never pardoned, and gave the vacant post to Brienne. Brienne had no policy of his own : he had posed as the champion of privileges to gain office, he adopted tlie plans of Calonne to keep it. The only difference was that he brought in the various measures singly, instead of trying to carry A.D. 1786-1788. THE STATES-GENERAL. 489 them out at once. Tlie Notables, satisfied with having overthrown the minister, approved his policy and were dissolved. But there still remained the Parliament of Paris, which had now become the last resource of the opponents of reform. The edicts about the corvees, the trade in corn, and the provincial assemblies, were registered without opposition, but when the equal land-tax upon all classes was proposed, the Parliament refused to accept it. The edict was registered in a bed of justice, and for protesting against this high-handed measure the Parliament was exiled to Troyes. but Brienne s-oon found that ho could not govern by himself, ard the court was allowed to return to Paris on condition of accepting the edicts. Thus, by a curious mixture of violence ami weakness, the crown gained its first victory over the privileged classes. Bu t the quarrel broke out afresh on the next scheme for imposing a tax, and the Parliament determined to purchase the support of the people by denying its own rights in matters of taxation and l>y demanding the States-General. Another bed of justice, and the exile of the duke of Orleans and other leaders of the opposition, roused the Parliament to fury. It was quite in vain that Britnne sought to conciliate them by promising concessions to the Protes- tants and the summons of the States-General witliin five years. The arrest of two of the most violent members of the court oidy extorted fresh protests against the arbitrary conduct of the govern- ment and gave increased popularity to the Parliament. As a last resource Brienne determined to follow the example of Maupeou, to restrict the Parliament to its judicial functions, and to entrust its political duties to a wholly new court, or Cour Pleniere. But such general indignation was aroused that it proved impossible to carry out the measure. Risings took place in Dauphind, Brittany and other provinces YiVtia. an assembly of the clergy, which Brienne summoned in the hope of obtaining money, began its proceedin. s by demanding the abolition of the Cour PUniere and the meeting of the States-General. At last the government gave way, and on the 8th of August, 1788, the States- General were summoned to meet in May, 1789. A fortnight later Brienne, whose adminis- tration had been one long failure, resigned and the king, much against Ins will, was obliged to summon Necker once more to office. 490 MODERN EUROPEo CHAPTEll XXII. THE FRENCH HE^'OLUTION. Fall of the Old Regimk. — § 1. Discord in tlie court and ministry; questions about the constitution of the States-General; attitude of the third estate; the "national assembly." § 2. The hnll closed; the oath of the tennis-court; adhesion of the clergy; the royal sitting; victory of the assembly. § 3. The court determines to emi>loy force ; disturbances in Paris; the Palais, Royal; governmmt Assumed by the electors. § 4. Dismissal of Necker; rising in Paijs ; storming of the Bastille ; the king yields ; royal visit to Paris. § 5r Continued disturbances; Bailly and Lafayette; the electors superseded by a new municipality. §6. Provincial risings; abolition of feudal lirivileges on tiie 4th of August. II. The Cokstiti tion. — § 7. Parties in the Constituent Assembly ; Mirabeau. § 8. The rights of man ; a ^ingle chamber ; the suspensive veto. § 9. OfKcers' banquet at Versailles ; march of the women ; riot in the palace ; the king and royal family remove to Paris ; all the assembly follows ; secession of moderates. § 10. Comparative order; the Jifcobin and other clubs. § 11. New territorial divisions ; judicial relorms. § 12. Financial difficulties; confiscation of eccleji; stical pro]erty; assiijmits ; civil constitution of the clergy; new attack on the nobles. § 13, Tlu; right of peace and war; responsibility of the opposition, the kiijg, ai.d the ministers, for the progress of the revolution. § 14. Jlirabeau's relations with the couit; his policy and his death. § 15. Flight aiuf capture of Louis XVI.; conduct of the assembly; the monarchy suspended ; the P'euillans. § 16. Completion of the constitution ; Robespierre's self-denying ordinance; the king's acceptance; the Assembly dissolved. HI. Europe and the Revolution. — § 17. French encroachments in Avignon, Alsace, &c.; comj)laints of the German princes; the emigres at Cohlentz. § 18. Attitude of the European States; Leopold II. inclined to jieace ; declaration of Pilnitz. IV. The Legislative As^EMBI,Y. — § 19. Parties in the new assembl)-, Feuillans, Jacobins, and Girondi.-ts. § 20. Edicts against the emigrants and the non-juring priests; the royal veto. § 21. The Girondists eager for a war; three armies on the frontier; death of Leopold II. i the Girondists in office ; declaration of war. § 22. Failure of French troops; th^ king vetoes two more edicts ; dismissal of Roland and his colleagues. § 23. Riot of the 20th of June; temporary reaction; Lafayette in Paris. § 24. The foieign invasion revives hostility to the crown; manifesto of the duke of Brunswick; the Tuileries stormed on the 10th of August. § 25. Impotence of the assembly ; the monarchy suspended ; Paris under the commune ; the royal family A.D. 1789. THE STATES-GENERAL. 491 in the Temple. § 26' The Prussians advance to Verdun; Lafayette a prisoner; tlie September massacres. § 27. Dumoiuiez saves France ; the cannonade of Valmy ; end of tlie monarchy. I. Pall of the Old I^KdiMF, 5tii of May to 4tii ok AuGUST, 1789. § 1, The iccall of Necker cand the definite summons of the States- Gent-ral excited universal enthusiasm throughout France. But the two measures were not steps in exactly tlie same direction. Necker was by no means in complete sympathy with the reforming party, with which he had allied himself to put pressure on tlie court. Narrow-minded and unsympathetic, lie thought only of admiiMstra- tive reform, the security of credit, and his own tenure of office, and had no conception of the needs and desires of a people amongst, whom he was always a foreigner. Neither was he in accord with the court, where the chief influence was exercised hy the queen, the count of Artois, and the Poliguac factiun, who were opposed to all constitutional change beyond what was necessary to evade immediate danger. The differences between Necker and the court divided the ministry, which was therefore wdtliout any decided policy. The king, who ought to have taken a line of his own, was incapable of independent ac ion, and vacillated helplessly between one party and another. It was this condition of the government which was the great advantage of the reformers and which gave rise to many of the disasters that were to fall upon France. The States-General having been summoned, it was necessary to determine their constitution, a matter of some difficulty, as they had never met since 1614. 'Jhere were two great questions to settle: (1) Were the three orders to have an equal iiumber of representa- tives, or wa< the third es'ate to be the more numerous, as several precedents indicated? and (2) Were the three orders to deliberate separately or together, i.e. were votes to be taken by head or by order? These questions ouglit to have been decided by the executive government, but there was too little unanimity for this. Ultimately the matter seems to have been arranged by Necker, and his decision offers an excellent illustration of the position in which he stood. To be popular was essential for him, therefore he granted the third estate a number of representatives equal to the other two orders together. To restore the finances the pecuniary privileges of the upper classes must be abolished, and to effect this it seemed desirable tliat the assembly should be undivided. On the other hand, that measure would make the third esta'e absolute and would involve danger to the constitution. Unable to decide between these conflicting considerations, the minister left the 492 MODERN EUROPE. CiiAi-. xxii. question of voting undetermined. All citizens over twenty-five years of age who paid tlie capitation-tax were authorised to choose representatives; and these representatives, the electors as they were called, chose the deputies for their respective estates, and drew up the cahiers, or lists of grievances and instructions to tlie deputies. Tliese cahiers, which touch upon nearly every department of government and of social organisation, offer the most instructi>e picture of ancient France, and throw a flood of light upon the aims and wishes of its variovis classes. On the 5th of Maj'' the assembly was opened by colourless speeches on the part of the king, Necker and other ministers. The total number of deputies amounted to 1139, of whom 291 represented the clergy, 270 the nobles, and 578 the third estate. The different classes had mainly chosen their own members, but the nobles included twenty-eight members of the parliament, whose rank was ofiicial, while the commons had chosen twelve nobles, including Mirabeau, and two ecclesiastics, of whom one was the Abbe Sieyes. From the first ihe third estate as'^unud a resolute attitude on the qnestion of procedure, demanded that, votes sboidd be taken by head, and refused to verify the powers of its deputies, until the assembly had been constituted by tlie adhesion of the other orders. x\mong the nobles there were a number of moderate rtfoniiers, of whom the most prominent were Lafayette, Lally-ToUendal, and Cleimont-Tonnerre, who urged this course of action upon their colleagues. But the majority, influenced by the queen and the count of Artois, refused to give up their separate existence, and maintained that deliberation by order and the right of each estate to a veto were essential parts of the constitution. The clergy were more evenly divided. Most of the great ecclesiastics were inclined lo support the nobles, and to oppose a union of the three orders which would leave them powerless to defend their interests or their religion. But the majority of the order was composed of ill-paid cure's, who had little sympathy witii their liaughty and high-born superiors, and were inclined to throw in their lot with the third estate. On the motion of the clergy commissioners were appointed lo devise some compromise, but the attempt fiiiled. Nothing couM be more adroit than the tactics of the commons, who succeeded in throwing all the blame of their prolonged inactivity upon the other estates. At last it was decided to act with decision. On the 12th of Jnne they invited the clergy and nobles to join them in a common verification of powers, and at once proceeded with that necessary preliminary of business. A few cures appeared among them, and on the 17th they took the all- important step of assuming the name of national asscmh?9/. tluis A.D. 1789. THE NATIONAL ASSEMBLY. 493 ignoring tlic separate existence of the rival estates. Tliis daring measure was followed by others equally bold and prudent. They declared that all the existing taxes wei'e illegal, because they had not been granted by re; rcseiitativcs, and then proceeded to authorise their continuance during the sessi.in of the assembly. This provided them widi a valid security against an attempted dissolution. They then giiar.iuteel the public debt, and appointed a committee to consider tiie food question and to concert measures for averting a threatened fnmine. Late on the 19th of June the clergy, by 138 votes to 129, decided to join the third estate. The majority was mainly comiosed of the Inwer clergy, but it con- tained seveial bishoi'S, and was lua'cd by the archbishop of Boideaux. § '2. The government was astounded at the rapidity with which events had marched. Necker was as irritated as the most pronoimctd supporter of despotism and privilege. The establish- ment of a single legisla'ive assembly, in which the comn ons were jiractically supreme, was fatal to his favourite scheme of a double chamber hke the English parliament. He advised the king to hold a royal sitting, much the same thing as a lit de justice, to conciliate the people by granting the most essentiil reforms, and to order the separate deliberation of the three estates on all matters concerning tlie interests of classes. Tliis was a measure which might have succeeded eailier, but was now much too late, and moreover was not exactly carried dut. The court party succeeded in gaining the king's enr, and convinced him that the interests, not only of the crown, but of religion, were at stake. It was determined to effect a real coup cVetat and to 'strike terror into the hearts of the opposition. But in the meanwhile it was important to prevent any further sess-inns, for fear lest the union of the clergy with the third estate might make their subsequent separation more difficult. On the pretext that the hall had to be prepared for the royal sitting it was occupied by workmen, and when Bailly, the | resident, arrived in the morning he was inibrmed that no session could be lield. The assembly was roused to indignation by so palpable n Irick, and, after some violent pioposals had been rejected, they adjourned to the adjacent tennis-court. There, on the motion of Mounier, a deputy of Dauphine, and one of the most moderate of the reformers, all with one exception took a solemn oath "not to desert the assembly and to meet wherever circumstances shall require until the constitution is firmly established on a solid founda- tion." The next day the count of Artois engaged the tennis-court, but the deputies foiuid more respectable and comfortable quarters in the church of St. Louis. Here they were immensely encouraged 494 MODERN EUROPE. Ckai>. xxii. by the arrival of the majority of the clergy, who were welcomed with transports of joy (21 June). The court blindly adhered to the progranmie that had been agreed upon. On tlie iJSrd of June Louis XVI. entered thj assembly with all the impressive pomp of the old regime. Necker showed his disapprobation of the changes made in his scheme, and revived his waning popularity, by absenting himself. The king, who had learnt his lesson only too well from his advisers, proceeded to rate the assembly in terms which were equally opposed to prudence and to his oun acquiescent temper. He declared that the national representatives could only be composed of the three estates deliborating apart; only on special occasions and with royal permiss'on could a joint meeting be held. He prohibited the discussion of all burning quesiions, such as the property and privileges of classes, and ordered the immediate consideration of certain specified reforms which he would accept without hesitation. The decrees of the ITth were declared to be unconstitutional and therefore aimuUed. Finally he oidered the immediate dissolution of the assembly, and the meeting in different chambers on the next day. "I can say with truth that no king lins ever done so much for any nation : support me in this benevolent undertaking, or else I will alone secure the welfare of my jjcople and will rci^ard myself as their only real representative." The cleigy and nobles obeyed the order to separate at once, but the third estate remained in sombre silence until Mirabeau rose and inveighed in burning worels against the insulting dictation they had listened to. On the arrival of the Grand Master of the Ceremonies to remind the deputies of their instructions the orator turned upon him fiercely and bade him tell his master that they were there by the will of the people, ami would cot depart unless compelled by bayonets. It was unanimously decielod to maintain the edicts of the ITth, and to eleclare the inviolability of the national representatives. The co^t,p d'etat hael alreaely faileel when those against whom it was elirecteel hael shown that they were not intimidated. Louis himself was the first to recognise a defeat which lie had courted under the influence of others. The assembly by its firmness had ousted the king from the hii;hest position in France, and the first great step in the revolution was taken. On the next day the majority of the clergy again joined the thirel estate, and their example was followed by 43 nobles, among whenn was a prince of the royal blood, Philip of Orleans. On the 27th the king sent a special request to the rest of the nobles and clergy that they would also join the national assembly. With unfeignen:! reluctance they obeyeel the reiyal order, and henceforth sat among the men whose A.u. 1789. THE NATIONAL ASSEMBLY. 495 measures they hated and dreaded. They were encouraged by representations from the court that their complaisance would not be permanent and that means would be found to defeat the hostile projects of the revolutionists. § 3. The first alarm being over, the court party began to repent of the weakness they had shown in allowing tiie assembly to gain so easy a victory. The king was carefully separated iVoin Necker and other moderate advisers, so as to give free jilay to the influence! of the queen and the count of Artois. The new scheme was to employ force to repress a movement which had become too dangerous to be despised or tolerated. From all parts of the kingdom troops were collected, and before long Piiris was surrounded by 40,000 men. 'I'hfc supremj coraniiind was entrusted to Marshal Broglie, a veteran of the Seven Years' War, who took his measures as if he liad to conduct a regular campaign against a foreign enemy. Such public preparations naturally aioused the alarm of the assembly. On the motion of Mirabeau a deputation was sent to the king to express ajjprehension and to demand the withdrawal of the troops. Louis replied thiit he iiad supreme control if the army, that his only object was to ensure tranquillity, and that if the deputies were alarmed they might withdraw to Noyon or Soissons. Such an answer was equivalent to a confirmation of the worst fears. But already the initiative in resistance had been taken by a far more dangerous enemy than the assembly, the people of Paris. For a long time the capital had been in a very disturbed state, chiefly owing to the scarcity of food and the consequent riots for bread. But since the meeting of the States-General the disorders had become more organised and more political. It is difficult to decide how fnv this change was due to chance or to premeditation. There can be no doubt that a large number of contemporaries believed that the chief instigator of disturbances was tlie duke of Orleans, and that the leading rioters received pay from him. Orleans was the bitter and unscrupulous enemy of the queen, atid liad sufficient ground to complain of the treatment he had received from Louis. His personal cliaracter was base enough to make no char<:e against him incredible. On the other hand, he was too timid, too weak, and too wanting in talents, to 1 e the leader even of a riot. But it is probable that he was really the instrument of abler men, who used his wealth and his name, and promoted disorder for their own ends. It is quite possible, though not so certain, that they wished to depose the king and to raise Orleans to the crown, or at any rate to the regency. 'Jlie malice of his numerous enemies has included Mirabeau among these members of the Orlcanist faction, but the calumny has been sufficiently refuted. But then) is no 496 MODERN EUROPE. Chap, xxil doubt tl)at he was fully aware of the designs of the revolutionists, and that he was equally willing to make use of them or to defeat them as circumstances dictated. The head-quarters of the disorderly element in Paris was in the cafes which had grown up round the garden of Orleans' residence, the Pal \is Royal. There was formed a sort of club, which had no definite existence, but which used to mcL-t to discuss aflairs and which sent out emissaries to promote the course of action whicli it desired. It was their dictation whicli gave to the popular move- ment-i a consistency and definiteness of object which they must otlierwise liave lacked. One of the chi f aims of their intrigues was to corrupt the soldiers, and in this tLey were conspicuously successful. The result of the agglomeration of troops in the capital was that tliose troops became untrustwortliy and insubordinate. A colonel arrested some of his men for acting in the interests of the Palais Royal, the mob released them, and the regiment went over to tlie popidar side. It became known that the native regiments would not act against the people, and Broglie had to resoit to the still more unjiopular measure of summoning foreign troops to eflect the designs of the court. The excitement in Paris steadily increased, and there was no adequate authority to put down the tumults. In this crisis the government of the city was assumed by the electors who had chosen the deputies for the States-General, and they ful- filled their self-imposed task with an energy and devotion that reflected the highest credit upon them. It was mainly due to their exertions that supjilies were obtained and that the city was saved from the horrors of fomine. § 4. Meanwhile the court party adhered to their plan. On the 11th of July Nccker and three of his colleagues were summarily dismissed and banished, and their places filled by devoted royalists, Bieteuil, Broglie, Foulon, and Laporte. This was a tremendous blow to the assembly, which was now confronted by a united and avowedly hostile ministry, A deputation was sent to demand Necker's recall and to renew the petition for the dismissal of the troops. An unsatisfactory answer from the king provokeil edicts in favour of the fallen ministers, and the assembly decided to sit night and day to prevent a forcible closing of the hall. To relieve the president from the fatigue involved by this measure Lafayette was tleuted vice-j^resident. But again it was evident that the real battle was to be fought in Paris and not at Versailles. The news of the dismissal of tlie ministers reached the Palais Royal on the 12th : at once Camille Desmoulins, the most eloquent of the popular orators, denounced the king's action as the tocsin for a St. Bartholomew of the patriots, and called ui)on the people to rise in A.D. 1789. FALL OF THE BASTILLE. 497 defence of their lives and liberties. The mob rose in obedience to this suggestion, and in the Tuileries gardens came into collision with a German regiment. Bloud was shed in the skirmish, but the French guards joined the citizens auJ forced the Germans to retreat. It was feared that a general attack would be made upon the cai)ital, and the troops and citizens remained on the defensive all night. The next day the mob repaired to the Hotel de Ville and demanded arms from the electors. Flesselles, the provost of the merchants and head of the old muncipality, put them off with promises and assurances that were never fulfilled. The greatest disorder prevailed, and the criminal classes took advantage of it to commit the worst outrages with impunity. To serve the double purpose of restoring tranquillity and defending the city, the electorK determined to organise the citizens into a military force, and thus laid the founiiation of the famous National Guard. All that was now wanted was arms^ and they were obtained by an attack on the Invalides. The attention of the mob was now directed to the famous fortress of the Bastdle, the ur st conspicuous monument of the old despotism, which commanded the Faubourg St. Antoine, whence the worst class of the rioters weie furai.-hed. Afier a siege of several hours the garrison compelled the commander, De Launay, to surrender on condition that the lives of the garrison should be spared. The leaders of the attack did what they could to observe their ja'oraise, but the mob was too infuriated to listen either to reason or to authority. De Launay with several of his suborainates was murdered, and the rest of the garrison, who were carried to the Hotel de Ville, were with difficulty saved by tlie electors. At- tention was now called to the failure of Flesselles to fulfil his promises of procuring arms, and a letter which had been found upon De Launay was considered to prove that he had hII along been i)etraying the people until succour could arrive. Flesselles tried to biave the matter out and agreed to accompany his accusers to the Palais Royal, but on the way he was shot. The mob was supreme in Paris, the troops which had been so assiduously collected were utterly untrustworthy, and the commander, Besenva], could do nothing but withdraw from the cit3\ The very night which \\'itnessed these events in Paris had beer. destined by the court for their great coup d'etat. The king was to renew his declaration of the 23rd of June, of which several thousand copies had been printtd for circulation. Tlie military force was to compel its acceptance by the assembly, which Avas then to be di.ssolved. To provide for immediate financial necessities, notes had been struck off for more than a hundred millions. The danger from the mob of Paris was ill understood, and despised by the 23 498 MODERN EUROPE. Chap. xxn. ignorant and thoughtless courtiers. The assfmbly \\ressive powers of government. In the north the lower classes suddenly refused to pay the accustomed services and dues, and thus deprived their superiors of the means of sub?istence. In the southern provinces the peasants set themselves to take a terrible vengeance for the oppressions which they had endured for centuries. Auvergne, Dauphine, and Franche-Comte' were the scene of frightful atro- cities ; castles were burnt, nobles and their families were tortured and killed, and all the horrors of the old Jacquerie were renewed with complete impunity. The intelhgence of these events reached the IS'ational Assembly on the 4th of August, and roused the members from an academical discussion of the rights uf man, which had been started by Lafayette. The assembly was the only body which could restore order, but it was rightly felt that this must be preceded by a removal of grievances. Two nobles, Noailles and d'Aiguillon, began the work of destruction by proposing the abolition of all feudal rights and of all exemptions and privileges enjoyed by individuals and corporations. The proposals were received with acclamation, and the assembly promptly decreed that it "annulkd the feudal regime, abolished all j.rivileges with regard to subsidies, and declared evtry citizen admissible to all offices and dignities, ecclesiastical, civil, and military." A perfect frenzy uf self-abne- gation seized the deputies, every one hastened to resign or abolish something, whether he possessed it or not. The sitting w:>s pro- longed till midnight, while one decree after another was carried with reckless haste, and finally Louis XVI. was formally declared the " restorer of French liberty." The famous 4th ef August, which was afterwards called the " St. Bartholomew of jDroperty," destroyed the last relics of the feudal system in France and marks the final termination of the ancien regime. The following is a brief summary of the decrees that were adopted by the assembly. Serfdom, corvees. and all the customary services that the lords had been accustomed to exact from their peasants were abolished : the exclusive rights of hunting and the savage punishments for poaching were done away with : the guilds and other close corporations in the towns were dissolved : offices were no longer to be sold, and the a'l ministration of justice; was to A.D. 1789. THE FOURTH OF AUGUST. 501 "be gratuitou-s : the lords lost all their old rights of jurisdiction : tithes were to be redeemed and converted into a money-tax : the payment of annates to Rome and the plurality of benefices were forbidden. It is perfectly true that these changes were too sweeping and too important to be made all at once and with so little consideration ; it is true that the work of destruction ought not to have been accomplished until a new system was ready to replace the old ; it is true that the deputies acted under the influence of an excitement that overpowered all considerations of statesmanship or even of justice. Nevertheless the work was essentially necessary, and t'lere was something grand and im- pressive in the spirit of self-sacrifice that had been shown. The decrees of the 4th of August inflicted great temporary disasters upon France, but they have given gnat blessings to humanity. They vindicated for all time the fn e lom of labour and the equality of all men before the law. II. The Constitution, 4x11 of August, 1789, to 30rn of Septemrkr, 1790. § 7. The old system having perished, the monarchy having abdicated its powers to the assembly and the nation, the privileges which divided classes having been abolished, it was now impera- tively necessary to commence the great work of establis-hing a new constitution which should give permanence to the great changes that had been made. From the time the assembly began to grapple with real definite work, in which questions of principle were involved, parties bcgiin necessarily to form themselves in its midst. 'On the right sat the partisans of reaction, all members of the clergy and of the noble class, who wished not so much to prevent further change as to undo what had been already accomplished. Hitherto they had mostly maintained a con- temptuous silence, in the hope that the court would find some means of changing the course of affairs. Now that they began to take part in business they posed as the champions of prerogative and privilege. But their conduct was still factious and reckless : not in- frequently they allied themselves wiih the extreme party in the hope of carrying measures which would bring the assembly into disrepute. Their most prominent representatives were Maury, an ecclesiastic, Cazales, a noble and an officer, and d'Epremcsnil, the champion of the Parliament of Paris. But on the whole the, party was not conspicuous either for ability, prudence, or patriotism, and it gradually lost ground as its numbers were decreased by the con- tinuous emigration. 502 MODERN EUROPE. Chap. xxii. In the centre sat the moderate party, che allies of Necker, headed by honest and capable men such as Mounier, Malouet, Lally- 'J'ollendal, and Clermont- Tonnerre. Tli-ey bad been disgusted by the popular excesses in Paris and elsewhere, they were eager to stop a movement which they could no longer hope to control, and they wished to direct all their efforts to the formation of a permanent and effective constitution. Their ideal was a system like that of England, the division of the legislative power between the king and two chambers, triennial elections, and the retention of executive power by the king and ministers whom he selects. There cm be no doubt that the triumph of this parly would have saved France from many of its subsequent disasters, but unfortunately it was too much bound up with Necker. Had he been the great statesman that his admirers deemed him, he might have directed the course of events and maintained both himself and the monarchy. But he was a mere financier, with no adequate conception of the great issues that were being raiser), and with no ability to grapple with the great practical difficulties that stood in his way. The failure of his administration involved the defeat of the party with which he was identified. The left was occupied by the great mass of the deputies who had no particvdar union, and who by no means shared the same opinions on all subjects. Generally they sympathised with the revolution, and they were united by a common antipathy to despotism and to class privileges, but they included the most ojiposite views as to where the movement was to end. On the extreme left sat a small and as yet unnoticed group of fanatics who already dreamed of a republic. Among them were^ Robespierre, Petion, and Buzot ; but no one could foretell their future prominence. The most extreme of the prominent leaders of the assembly were the heads of the Breton Club, Barnave, Du2:)ort, and Lameth, whose youth and ardent courage made them willing to accept and make the best of any change. They believed in the people, and were ready to pardon even its excesses. More prudent and still more prominent were two men who played a great part in the constituent assembly, Sieyes, its legislator, and Mirabeau, its orator. Mirabeau was undoubtedly the great man of the day. Born of a noble family, he had been driven to vice and despair by the persecutions of his father, and he had conceived a bitter loathing for the political and social system that had made such treatment jwssible. Hence he had thrown himself heart and soul into the revolutionary movement, had employed his pen and his voice to maintain the courage of the assendilv and to excite the MTath of the people. So incessant was his activity and so wide-spread were his connections tliat his A.D. 1789. MIRABEAU. 503 enemies attributed every outbreak to his intrigues. His attacks u])ou the queen had roused the bitter enmity of the court, where he was regarded as the apostle of rebellion and of unbelief. But Jilirabeaurthough liable to lose his self-control in fits of passion, was not a mere destroyer, and was not without a plan of his own for the regeneration of France. His enmity was satisfied by the destruction of the privileged classes from which he had severed himself- he had no quarrel with the monarchy, of which he now became 'the champion. He was convinced that the changes that had been made were not inconsistent with the existence of a strong central power, or even with that of a new aristocracy. He was confident that he could build up a new organism in place of the old and he eagerly sought for an opportunity to make the attempt. His ambition— and this was well known both to friends and opponents-was to be a minister. It would perhaps have been well if the court could have made up their minds to employ him; but the queen regarded him as a monster and as the author of all the mi-chief while the king disliked him as a libertine almost more than he'feared hi-ii as a politician. As long as he was excluded from office Miiabeau was forced to side with the opposition, both to maintain the popularity in which lay his strength, and to force his way to the position that was denied him. His great disadvantage was that he had no organised following— that he was his own party His hau^rhty and independent temper would brook no associates on terms of equality. He despised the assembly of which he was the guiding spirit; he despised mediocrities like Lafayette and Necker, whose popularity made them a power ; and while he knew of the intrigues of the duke of Orleans, he always regarded that prince with unmixed contempt. Another point on which his conduct was open to attack was his pecuniary difficulties. He was constantly harassed by his creditors, and even when the death of his father left him a considerable property he never had the time to arrange his affairs. These circumstances and his lavish habits made the acquisition of money unusually imi ortant to him and this laid him open to charges of venality and corrupt.on which it was not easy to refute. It is impossible to assert that M.rabeau could have succeeded in carrying out the grand schemes which he so confidently propomided, or that he could have checked the revolutionary movement, but it is equally certain that no one else """s 8 The first work of the assembly after the 4th of August was to resume the discussion about the rights of man, which ended m the issuincr of the declaration on the 27th. It was a feeble and un- necessary imitation of the great American manifesto. Philosophi- 504 MODERN EUKOPE. Ciur. xxii. cal definitions were kid down by the vote of a majority, and principles were enunciated which, if logically carried out, would put an end to all government. Then the assembly took into consideration the proposals of a committee which had been authorised to prepare a scheme of the constitution. The first great dispute arose on the question whether the legislature should consist of one or two chambers. The suggestion was that the first chamber should consist of six hundred 'members chosen by the people, while the second or senate should contain two hundred members, nominated by the king on the presentation of the depart- ments. On the left the cry was raised that this would destroy the equality which had just been laid down in the declaration of rights; on the right the nobles and clergy resented a proposal which disregarded all their claims and pret^ensions. The union of these two extremes decided the matter, and it was carried by a large majority that the legislature should be indivisible. Then came the still more burning question as to the relations of the crown and the legislature. It was proposed that the king should have a veto upon all laws adopted by the assembly. The left raised a loud outcry against a proposal which left the interests and wishes of twenty-five millions at the mercy of one man. Mirabeau, who had previously announced his opinion on this point, vigorously opposed any further encroa-hmont upon the royal power. But opinion was b ecoming agitated outside the assembly. The Palais Royal taught the cry a has h veto to a mob which thought it meant a kind of tax. Necker, always afraid of losing the popu- larity which had restored him to office, induced the king to accept a compromise. The veto was to be suspensive and nol absolute, i.e. the king could posti^one an act of the assembly for four years • but if two successive legislatures adhered to it his opposition had to be withdrawn. The supporters of the crown found themselves deserted by their own leader, and the suspensive veto was decreed on the 21st of September. § 9. Meanwhile the disorders went on in the provinces as well as in Paris. In the latter the number of representatives hail been increased from 120 to 300, but without introducing any unanimity into the administration. The real power was in the hands of the national guard and of its idolised commander, Lafayette. They represented the hourgeoisie, or middle class, and succeeded in repressing the worst outrages. The Orleanists saw that a new effort must be made to attain their objects, 'i'heir most prominent leaders were the journalists, Desmoulins, l.oustalot an^i Marat, and mob-orators like Danton and St. Huruge. But the real directors were a small knot of men who immediately surrounded Ihe duke. A.D. 1789. RIOT AT VERSAILLES. 505 They conceived the plau of either murdering the king or of terriVyiug him into flight. In either case the duke could be raised to power as regent if not as king. The discussion about the veto had o-ivcn occasion for fresh disturbances, and the question of the king's flight had been seriously debated at Versailles. But Louis himself refused to leave the coast clear for Lis ambitious and Avorthless relative. It was necessary to try some more direct attack. The conduct of the court afforded a convenient opportunity. The royal guards had been strengthened by the arrival of the re^^iment of Flanders, and the officers of the former entertained the new-comers at a banquet in the palace (October). Late in the evening the royal family appeared in the hall and were received with an outburst of enthusiasm. It was reported, probably with inten- tional exaggeration, that the tricolour had been trampled under foot in drunken excitement and that all the guests had adopted the white cockade. In Paris the greatest alarm was felt and simulated, and the most disquieting rumours of an intended cotuiter-revolution were industriously circulated. On the 5th of October a mob of women marched to Versailles accompanied bj the riff-raff of the population. They entered and harangued the assembly, and a deputation gained admission to the king, who satisfied them with promises of bread and kind words. The nati(inal guard called upon Lafayette to lead them to Versailles lor the maintenance of peace, but he refused to march till he had received orders from the municipality, and it was not till late in the afternoon, after the mob had come into armed collision with the guards, that he ajipeared upon the scene. His arrival restored order, he replaced the guards by his own troops, and after guarantee- ing the king's security he retired to rest. In the eaily morning a paVty of rioters obtained admission into the palace by a neglected door. Murdering the guards whom they m,et, they advanced to the queen's apartments, and it was only with great difficulty and by the heroic self-sacrifice of her defenders that she was enabled to escape to the king. Lafayette, who had been roused by the unwelcorce intelligence of this new outbreak, now brought up liis troops and cleared the palace. But outside the utmost disorder and excitement prevailed, and the cry was raised which had already been heard in the capital, "the king to Paris." Louis was compelled to show himself at a window and to make a sign of acquiescence. Without delay the compulsory journey had to be undertaken, and on the evening of the 6th the royal family arrived at the Tuilerie«. They had been preceded by the mob bearing the heads of the murdered guards, and they were accom- panied by a crowd of wonieQ who declared that there was no 23* 506 MODERN EUROPE. Chap. xxii. longer any fear of famine as tliey brouglit with them "the baker and the baker's wife and the little baker's boy." The 5th of October marks a new and disastrous change in the course of the revolution. The presence of the king and the government in Paris confirmed the supremacy which that city had assumed in France, and gave irresistible powers to the mob. So well appreciated were the inevitable results that when the assem- bly determined to follow the king, and took up its quarters in the riding-school near the Tuileries, more than a hundred members, including Mounier and Lally-'L'oUendal, refused to retain their seats. It was no wonder tha^ men sought to discover the originator of the popular rising. The court attributed it to the evil influence of Mirabean, but his innocence was subsequently proved to the satisfaction even of Marie Antniuette, and the charge is based merely upun the fact that he had early information of the rising. The real authors of the mischief were the duke of Orleans and his associates, and subsequently a letter was found in his handwriting to the effect that " the money has not been earned, as the simpleton still lives." The court was probably aware of his atrocious designs, and forced him to retire for a time to England. It was on this occasion that Mirabeau expressed his contempt for the prince who had wished to be his king, and whom he would not employ as his lackey. § 10. The removal to Paris had one unexpected result, the restora- tion of com[)arative order for a time. The middle classes, having obtained the supremacy that they desired, showed an unwonted determination to exercise it with firmness. When the mob rose and murdered a baker named Francois, the assembly, on Mirabeau's motion, carried a strong measure which authorised the summary procedure of martial law, and entrusted its administration to the old court of the Chatelet. Lafayette and his national guard became masters of Paris, and the lioters, having lost their pay- master, retired into obscurity. But opinions were none the less excited because they ceased to be translated into action. This is the era of the clubs, which coiitributid to define more clearly the lines of party divisions, and which acte 1 as a sort of link between the assembly and public opinion. By far the most important was the club which had been originally founded by the deputies from Biittany, but which obtained the name of Jacobin from the quarters which it todk up in Paris. Its character was now wholly altered, and it began to admit others besides members of the assembly and to affiliate corresponding clubs in the chief ]irovincial cities. As its numbers increased, its opinions became more extreme, and several of its former leaders, Lnfiyette, Sieves .nrvl Cli.ipelier, deserted it, to A.D. 1789. THE CONSTITUTION. 507 form a new club, that of '89. The nobles and clergy who were opposed to the revolution sought to imitate the tactics of their enemies and formed a club of their own, which, after several changes of name, was suppressed by the mimicipality as a source of disorder. I'hese and numerous other clubs served to maintain the public interest in political questions, while the assembly took advantage of the restoration of order to continue its work of establiyhing the constitution. It will be convenient to summarise their la! ours instead of endeavouring to follow the clirunological course of their decrees, which took several months to elaborate. § 11. One of the earliest and most important tasks which the as- sembly undertook was to destroy the old system of provincial adminis- tration, as they had already destroyed that of the central government. On the 23rd of December, 1789, the old provinces were completely abolished, with all their separate privileges and institutions, with all that marked the fact that they had once been independent states. France was divided into eighty-three dcfiartments, whose boundaries were merely geographical and whose names had to be invented on the spot. The departments, which were as nearly as possible equal in extent, were subdivided into districts, and these again into rural cantons, containing five or six parishes, and into communes. Ail these divisions were to have a regular organisation based upon the same model. The department had an administra- tive council of thirty-six members and an acting directory of five ; the district had also a smaller council and directory, though subordinate to those of tlie department. The canton was originally intended to be merely an electoral unit, in which all active citizens assembled to choose electors, and these latter were to choose every two years the members of the various councils or directories, and also the dei^uties to the next legislative chamber. An active citizen was a man who paid a direct tax amounting to at least three days' wages : to be a member of any of the councils a man must pay at least fifty days' wa^es, while a still higher qualification was exacted for members of the legislature. These subdivisions were sufficiently contrary to the rights of man, but they serve to show how entirely the middle class had the upper hand at this time. The commune, which was the most important of the newly organised divisions, was to be governed by a council and an executive municipality, their number were to be proportioned to that of the population, and they were to be chosen, not by intermediary electors, but directly by the people. These changes were not exactly models of legislative wisdom. Their object was to establish the national unity, to make peojjle no longer Normans or Bretons or Gascons, but simply Frenchmen. But one evil wa? 508 MODERN EUROPE. Chap. xxii. only avoided by incurring a greater. The units were so much stronger than the central government that the 44,000 communes seemed likely to develop into so many independent republic?. But it was a sufficiently striking departure from the old system when a score or two of intend^nts under the minister of finance governed the whole of France. Now it was reckoned that one man out of every thirty-four was an elected official. Naturally the greatest discontent was aroused in the provinces, which were proud of their separate existence ; and in some, as in Dauphine, an attempt wa-; made to o])poss the will of the assembly. But the passion for unity was stronji; in France, and the efforts of the champions of provincial independence were soon swallowed up in the more dangerous movements of the privileged classes. The reforms in the judicial administration were almost equally sweeping and extensive : that they were more prudent is probably due to the presence of numerous able and experienced lawyers in the assembly. The old parliaments, one of the sturdiest elements of the old regime, disappeared as a matter of course. Now that offices were no longer saleable and the a^lministration of justice was gratuitous, their existence became impossible. Trial by jury was unanimously introduced in criminal cases, but the lawyers success- fully opposed its employment to decide civil cases where questions of law were mixed up with .those of fact. The new judicial institutions were naturally based upon the local divisions. Every department had a criminal couri-, every district a civil court, a supreme court of cassation was established in Paris. Even the canton was made a judicial unit and received juges de paix, or justices of the peace. Torture and lettres de cachet were prohibited, heresy and witchcraft ceased to be crimes, and the punishment of death was limited to a very few oll'ences. A great stand was made by the royalists on the question whether the judges should be appointed by the king. But the natural dread of royal intervention in judicial matters was too strong, and it was carried that they should be chosen from among the lawyer class by the electors of the various districts and departments. This was the great defect of the new system. The old courts may have been corrupt, but they were at least independent. In the administration of justice the influence of the mob is at least as dangerous an evil as the despotism of a monarch. § 12. While these great measures were being discussed, the assem- bly was always being confronted with the great jiroblem of France, the finances. Their condition had been steadily going from bad to worse, because the disorders of the revolution had cut off many ol the sources of revenue, while the expenditure bad been enormously A.D. 1790. THE ASSIGNATS. 509 increased. Huge sums had been swallowed up in providing Paris with corn, in organising the national guard, and in compensating the members of the parliaments. The assembly had naturally- wished to postpone the granting of money until the constitution was completed, but the i:)ressure of immediate necessities had been too strong. Necker pursued his usual policy of disguising the real condition of things, and sought only to postpone bankruptcy by temporary ] alliatives. He had demanded and obtained two loans, one of thirty and another of eiijhty millions, but through deficient information the assembly fixed the rate of interest too low, and neither was successful. Then he diinauded a jiatriotic contribution of a iouith of every income, the nssessment to be made on the declaration of each mdividual. This liad been carried by the impe- tuous oratory of Mirabeau, who insisted that as the assembly depended for its financinl information on the minister, he must be implicitly trusted and must accept the sole responsibility for the measures which he recommended. Still the needs of the govern- ment were as pressing as ever, and Necker's resources seemed to be exhausted. He had Loped for a moment that the tithes might be employed for state uses, lut the deputies had preferred to make a jiresent of them to the landowners. It was in these circumstances that Talleyrand pointed to what seemed at first sight a source of boundless wealth, the estates of the church. He maintained that the clergy were not the owners but only the administrators and trustees of their domains, and he therefore proposed that the nation should appropriate ihem, and at the same time undertake to provide for the clergy and for the expenses of public worship. A tremen- dous outcry was raised ly the class whom it was proposed to desjioil, but in vain, and it was decreed that the property of the church stood at the disposal of tlic nation. It was hoped that this measure would give renewed security to public credit, but as the hope was disappointed it became necessary to proceed to action. A decree of the 19ih of December, 1789, ordered tlie sale of church property to the value of 400 millions. But the general feeling of insecurity was so great that no purchasers could be found, and for some time the edict was fruitless. It was not for three months that a way was fouiid out of the difficulty. The muncij^alities, Paris at their head, undertook to purchase the (states in the hope of gradually selling them to individuals and making a profit out of the transaction. As they coulil not aflbrd to pay in ready money they were allowed to issue bonds on which interest was given, and these were employed by the state to satisfy its creditors. Before long this use of paper money was adopted by the government itself on a larger scale. Assignats in proportion to a given amount of 510 MODERN EUROPE. Chap. xxn. church property were issued by the state and their circulation was made compulsory. On application the holder of cue of these assignats could realise in land, and thus the property was gradually sold, while becoming immediately available for the needs of the exchequer. Thus at last the financial problem was solved, though only for a time and not without disastrous results in the future. The clergy, who had at first been more in sympathy with the revolution than the nobles, became now equally antagonistic, and did all in their power to obstruct the progress of affairs. The re orming party now discovered that tlie church was an essential part of the old regime, and, as a priviUged and exceptional body, was inconsisti'ut with the revolutionary organisation. The financial necdi? which had suggested the attack on property were replaced by other and less practical motives when it came to altering the con- stitution. There were a number of Jansenists in the assembly who had a long score of oppression and ill-treatment to settle with the orthodox clergy. Tliere were a still larger number of men who had imbibed the doctrint-s of Voltaire and the encyclopaedists, and who were not likely to neglect an opportunity of giving expression to their opinions. The first step was taken by destroying the monasteries and all the orders except those which employed them- selves in works of charity. Their wealth was confiscated, but their members received pensions from the state. In July, 1790, the assembly took a further step, and decreed the civil constitution of the clergy. The old geographical divisions were abolished and every department was made into a bishopric, 'ihe bishops and parish priests were to be chosen, like the secular magistrates and officials, by the electors of the departments and districts. The cathedral chapters were abolished, no demand was to be made for a papal confirmation, and the authority of no bishop or metropolitan was to be recognised whose see did not lie within the boundaries of France. The pecuniary treatment of the church was neither lavish nor par- simonious. The salaries ol' the bishops were lowen d, but those ol the cures were raised. The civil constituiion roused the clergy to open war against the revolution, which at this time celebrated with great pomp the tiist anniversary of the I4th of July. The assembly was exasperated into following up one false step by another. In November it was ordered that all the clergy should take an oath to observe the civil constitution under penalty of dismissal. This provoked an imme- diate schism which gave speedy occasion for a civil war. An enormous number of priests refused the oath and were replaced bv others. But the refi'actory priests were in most cases the most virtuous, and naturally retained their hold oi\ tlieir congregations in A.D. 1790. THE CONSTITUTION 511 matjy places. This scLism i^roved one of the most serious obstacles to the revolution. Before this the assembly had completed its attack upon the nobles by abolishing all titles and liveries. Hence- forth the privileged classes formed a close alliance i'or the recovery of their rights. "The opposition of the magistrates had caused agitation without result ; that of the clergy kindled a civil war ; that of the nobles, in which the other classes combined, was destined to produce the foreign invasion of France." § 13. In 1790 a quarrel broke out between England and Spain about the territory of Nootka Sound, in California, and it seemed likely that the Family Compact of the Bourbons would involve France in the contest. This gave rise to an important discui-sion as to whether the right of making pt ace and war should be invested in the crown under the new constitution. 'J'he revolutionary party, still in- fluenced by an overpowering suspicion and dread of the royal power, wished to transfer this right to the assembly. Mirabeau triumj^hantly pointed out that sufficient trammels had been im- posed to remove all danger of royal despotism, and denounced the absurdity of attributing an essential function of the executive to a legislative assembly. This defection of the great tribune disconcerted the majority. Tiie Jacobins put up Barnave to answer him, and a pamphlet was hawked about the street, " The Great Treason of Count Mirabeau." But the next day Mirabeau returned to the attack, tore Barnave's eloquent sophistries to pieces, and compelled the reluctant assembly to accept a comj^romise. It was decreed that " war can only be decided upon by a decree of the assembly, based upon a formal and exI)re^s proposition from the king and sanctioned by him. The king alone can maintain relations with foreign powei s, appoint negotiators, take j ireliminary measui es for war, and direct its operations." In spite of this victory, as it was regarded at the time, the royal power was seriously lessened. The title of " King of the French " was substituted for that of " King of France," and tlie holder was regarded merely as the chief official of an all-powerful people. His domains were taken as national property, and a civil list of 25 million francs allowed him in their stead. The rapid march of the revolution must not be attributed only to the energy of the extreme party. The adherents of the old regime pursued a miserable policy, which showed that their passions had overcome their reason. Instead of accepting what was in- evitable and conciliating the people hy a moderation which would have won them many a^liierents, tliey soughr only to discredit their adversaries by irritating tliein into taking violent measures. By studiously insulting speeches, by disorderly conduct, which several times brought the asseniMy to the verge of ojDcn fighting, 512 MODEKN EUROPE. Chap. xxn. they discredited themselves and the monarchy ; and when the most important questions came on for decision they usually walked out without voting. Equally bkmeable was the invincible weak- ness and vacillation of the king, who remained perfectly passive, and could never bring himself to refuse his sanction to the most harmful decrees. But the most culpable of all were the ministers, Necker at their head, who simply obliterated themselves and left the whole responsibility of the government to the assembly and the local councils. § 14. The true policy of the king was to have allied himself closely with the moderats party, and to have exercised by their means aii influence over tiie course of events. Tliere was one man whose friendship was as valuable as his enmity was dangerous, Mirabeau, who after the abolition of titles became plain M. Riquetti. An opponent of the old regime, but a supporter of the monarchy, he took the first step in offering his assistance to the court. His most intimate friend, the count de Lamarck, was a Belgian noble who was attached both by origin and sympathy to Marie Antoinette, and he acted as mediator in the matter. Mirabeau, falsely accuj^ed of being an autlior of the rising on the 5th of October, was really profoundly opposed to the king's residence in Paris. Directly afterwards he drew up a memorial, in which he urged Louis to escape to some other town in France, and dwelt earnestly on the inevitable results of remaining in the hands of the Paris mob. The document was conveyed by Lamarck to the count of Provence, but no notice was taken of it. It was at this time that Mirab .ui conceived the design of forcing himself into the ministry, and to facilitate this he propose d that the ministers sliould be invited to take seats in the assembly. But his attitude and ambition in.>-piied distrust amongst his former associates, and a law was carried (6 November, 1789) that no member of the assembly should hold office during its session. This was a direct blow to all his hopes, and also to the prospects of stable government in France. It was evident that the prejudices against him at court were very strong, and for some time he gave way to despair. Lamarck left Paris until he was suddenly recalled by the Austrian ambassador, de Mercy. It had at last been decided to make use of Mirabeau, but the king in- sisted that the matter should be kept an absolute secret from the ministers. The agreement was made in May, 1790. The king paid Mirabeau 6000 francs a month, and discharged all his debts, amounting to 208,000. Mirabeau, on his side, undertook to defend the monarchy, to keep the king informed about the course of affairs, and to advise him as to the policy which he considered advisable. The arrangement was hardly lojlowed by the rosidts A.D. 1790-1791. DEATH OF MIRABEAU. 513 that were expected by either part}'. Mirabeau's advice was taken, but rarely followed, and he found that he was no more powerful than he had been before. He still urged the king to leave Paris, even at the risk of exciting civil war ; but he warned him against encouraging a foreign invasion, which would only unite tlie whole nation against him. A great obstacle in his way was Lafayette, now the most powerful man in France, whom he regarded witii mingled distrust and contempt, but whom he was compelled to try and gain over without success. I'he return of the duke of Orleans was a slight advantage, because it raised a rival to the popular general, wlio seemed to aspire to the part of a second Cromwell. But on the whole the situation of affairs was very adverse. The queen, on whose courage and decision he relied to influence the king, took no keen interest in public aflairs, and was easily induced to take a hopeful view of things. Keeker and mot-t of the ministers, whom he still denounced with bitter malignity in the assembly, were hostile, and it was not for some time that he established a connection with the minister of foreign affairs, M. de Montmorin, The departure of Mercy to the Netherlands was a great blow to him, as he thus lost the only man who could have induced the king and qui en to adopt his views. In September, 1790, Necker suddenly threw up his office and quitted France, where his departure excited no regret and hardly any atttntion. Soon afterwards his colleagues, with the exception of Montmorin, were dismissed. But Mirabeau reaped none of the expected ad- vantages from the change. The new ministers were nearly all nominees of Lafayette, and all co-operation with them was im- practicable. Still he continued his prodigious activity, and sought, by a regular organisation in Paiis and the provinces, lo prepare public opinion for a reacti' n. He had no intention of rt storing the old system, and he had easily convinced the king that such a thing was impossible. But he thouglit, and rightly, that France might be socially democratic and yet subject to a strong and orderly government. The first essential was to induce the king to seek some other residence, and Lamarck was sent to sound the fidelity of M. de Bouille, the governor of Metz. Mirabeau became more and more sanguine as his grand scheme seemed to approach realisa- tion. His eloquence was triumphantly displayed in denouncing the proposal of a tyrannical law to prevent emigration. But his health had long been undermined by his incessant labours, and by the excesses of his private life. On the 27th of March, 1791, he was seized by a serious illness, and on the 2nd of April he died in the arms of Lamarck. With him perished the greatest man of the revolutionary epoch, and the last hope of the French monarchy. 514 MODERN EUROPE. Chap. xxn. § 15. The position of the king was naturally not improved by the loss of his most powerful ally, and the project of flight continued to occupy the attention of the court. The p)eople were profoimdly indignant at the employment of non-juring priests by the royal family, and when the king proposed to pass Easter at St. Cloud his carriage was forcibly arrested by the mob. Bailly and Lafayette did all in their power to induce the people to respect the liberty ol their sovereign. The national guard refused to obey their leader, who resigned his command, only to resume it after three days. This proof that he was a prisoner impelled the king to resume the plan which had already been concerted. On the evening of the 20th of June he left the Tuileries with the queen and their three children, and took the road to Montmedy, where the troops were prepared for his reception. At the same time his brother, the count of Provence, departed by another road, and succeeded in reaching Brussels without risk. But Louis XVI, was less fortunate. At St. Menehould he was recognised, and at Varennes he was arrested. Bouille with his dragoons arrived too late to release him, the troops were even doubtful in their allegiance, and their commander hastened to join the emigrants beyond the frontier. The un- fortunate king was brought back to Paris and escorted to the Tuileries amidst the omimius silence of an enormous crowd. The news of his departure, which became public on the morning of the 21st, created a profound impression in the capital. For a moment the opponents of the revolution hoped for an outbreak of anarchy which would favour and justify their reactionary designs. But the assembly showed itself equal to the occasion. After a proclamation, which the king left behind to espilainhis motives, had been read, it was decreed that the ministers and all other function- aries should be bound to obey the assembly ; that an oath should be taken to that effect both by ihem and by the military officers ; that all edicts should have the force of law without sanction during the king's absence ; that foreign courts should be assured of the pacific intentions of France ; and that commissioners should be appointed to arrange for the defence of the frontiers. " In less than four hours," says Ferri^res, " the assembly was invested with all powers, the government went on, there was no shock to public tranquillity. Paris and France learnt by this experience, which has proved so disastrous to royalty, that the monarch is almost always a stranger to the government which exists in his name." On the king's return it was decided that his provisional suspen- sion should be continued vmtil the completion of the constitution, and that he should be strictly guarded. The next three months were a real interregnum in France, and during this period party A.D. 1791. THE CONSTITUTION. 515 differences and passions revived with a vigour that seemed to threaten a renewal of the disorders of 1789. More than 200 of the extreme royalists protested against the king's suspension and with- drew from the assembly. On the other hand the most advanced section of the Jacobins, and the Orleanist party which revived under these favourable ch-cumstances, clamoured that the king had for- feited his crown, and demanded either a new ruler or a republic. The destruction of the monarchy would involve the utter ruin of the constitution which the assembly had spent so much time and labour in preparing. The majority, Avho regarded their own work with a reverence almost amounting to awe, were not prejiared to sacrifice it for the gratification of a few fanatics like Eobespierre, Petion, Danton, Brissot and Marat. But Eobespierre succeeded in gaining the ear of the people and in maintaining his supremacy in the Jacobin club. It is at this crisis that he becomes for the first time a great power in France. His enemies were compelled to secede and to form a new club of their own, the Feuillants or the Constitutionalists. Lafayette, Bailly and Sieybs found themselves reinforced by unaccustomed allies, Barnave, the two Lameths, Duport, Chapelier and others, and for a time they seemed to carry all before them. But the Jacobins stood firm, and their afiiliations in the provinces soon gave them a great superiority. Tlieir emissaries stirred the people to fresh outbreaks in order to intimidate the assembly. On the 17th of July the national guard came into violent collision with the mob on the Champ de Mars, and after long hesitation Lafayette gave the fatal order to fire. Two hundred were killed or wounded and the tumult was suppressed, but Lafayette's popularity was gone. § 16. The constitution had already been completed by the spring of 1791. In May Eobespierre had carried a self-denying ordinance which was destined to ruin all that had been accom})lished. It was decided that no member of the present assembly should be admissible either as an elector or as a deputy to its successor. This entrusted the government at a critical time to nien without experience, who would naturally be induced to question the wisdom of their predecessors and who would be elected at a time of un- paralleled excitement. The adoption of this lamentable and fatal decree was due to a combination of the extreme left with the reckless party, of reaction who cared little to what evils they exposed France so long as they overthrew the hated constitution. The last few months were passed in revising the work already accomplished, and only the firmness of the moderate majority prevented the adoption of fundamental changes. Finally, to secure the permanence of thoir creation they decreed that "the nation has the right to revise its 516 MODERN EUROPE. Chap. xxii. constitution when it pleases ; hut the assembly declares that its interest invites it to suspend that right for thirty years." On the 3rd of September the constitution was submitted to the king, who demanded time for its consideration. On the 14lh he issued a letter in which he said : " I accept the constitution. I engage to maintain it within, to defend it against all attacks from without, to enforce its execution by all the means that it places at my disposal ; I declare that, informed of the adhesion which the great majority of the people gives to the constitution, I renounce the share which I had claimed in the work ; that, as I am responsi- ble to the nation alone, no one else, when I have made this renun- ciation, has the right to complain." The last acts of the constituent assembly were a futile attack upon the Jacobin club, and a decree of amnesty to all persons accused and imprisoned for complicity in the king's Sight. On the 30th of September it dissolved itself. III. Europe and the Eevolutiok. § 17. The course of events in France was naturally followed with the keenest interest and anxiety by the European powers. The declaration of the rights of man involved open hostility to the princii^les on which the government of other states was carried on. The spread of the revolutionary propaganda, which was avowed as an object by so many of the most enthusiastic Frenchmen, Avas a danger which could not be disregarded by rulers who wished to maintain the old regime. Many of the sovereigns of Europe were allied by family ties with the royal family of France, and regarded their sufferings with unmingled pity and horror. The kings of Spain and Naples were themselves Bourbons, and looked up to Louis XYI. as the head of their house. The king of Sardinia, Victor Amadeus HI., was the father-in-law of the count of Artois. The successive emperors, Joseph II. and Leopold 11., and also the elector of Cologne, were brothers of Marie Antoinette. Moreover open inroads were made upon the rights of neiglibouring princes at the very outbreak cf the revolution. The county of Venaissin and the city of Avignon had belonged to the papacy ever since the 14th century, but in consequence of disorders which were aroused by the civil constitution of the church, the constituent assembly had decreed their union with France and their formation into an 84th department. Again, in Alsace and other border-provinces which had once belonged to the empire, a number of rights and possessions had been exjjressly reserved by treaty to several German princes. All these were abolished by the famous resolu- tions of the 4th of August and by the subsequent measures todfect A.D. 1791. EUROPE AND THE REVOLUTION. 517 the unity of France. Altliough compensation had been offered, it was too scanty to be accepted. The injured princes, including the great Rhenish electors, the bishops of Strasburg, Speier and Basel, the rulers of Wurtemberg, Zweibriicken, Hesse-Darmstadt, Baden and many others, clamoured for redress to the diet, which adojoted their cause and called upon the emperor to take practical measures to carry out its decrees. These circumstances gave great encouragement to the hoj^es of the cmiurants, who never disguised their policy of forming an P]uropean coalition against France, and restoring the old system of government with the help of an irresistible force. They established a sort of court in Coblentz, and their followers thronged in all the neighbouring towns of the Rhine district. The king's brothers claimed to represent the real government of France, and as such to conduct independent negotiations. They were utterly reckless of the dangers to which their conduct exposed Louis XVJ. ; and when he remonstrated with them they replied that they knew he was not a free agent, and therefore they would pay no attention to letters which must be dictated to him. All the frivolities and rivalries of the old court were revived at Coblentz. A man's merits ^rere reckoned by the date of his emigration, and when Cazales, who had upheld the cause of tliC monarchy with con- spicuous courage to the last moment, arrived among them, he was treated with scornful coolness. The incapable Calonne became a sort of prime minister, and was not a whit more earnest or compe- tent at Coblentz than he had been at Versailles. § 18. Offers of sympathy and assistance were not slow in arriving to encourage the extravagant hopes of the emigrants. The electors of Cologne and Trier, in whose territories they had found a home, were eager to espouse a cause which involved interests of their own. By a visit to Turin the count of Artois had secured the co-operation of his father-in-law, the king of Sardinia. The kings of Naples and Spain expressed their willingness to fulfil their obligations as members of the House of Bourbon. Gustavus HI. of Sweden, who had restored autocracy in his own kingdom, was eager to head a crusade in the great cause of monarchy. He was encouraged by his recent enemy, Catharine II. of Russia, who saw a grand advantage for her plans in the east if she could involve the western powers in a great war with France. The susceptible Frederick William II. of Prussia, who looked back with complacency to the ease with which he had restored the stadtholder in the Hague, and who was profoundly touched by the disasters of Louis XVI., was not likely to refuse to join in a general movement for his assistance. But the man to whom every one looked to decide the question 518 MODERN EUROPE. Chap. xxii. whether Europe should or should not iutcrfere iu France, was the cool and cautious emperor Leopold II. He had escaped from most of the difficulties which the imprudence of his elder brother had bequeathed to him. He had avoided a tlircatened rupture with Prussia by the treaty of Reichenbach ; he had put down the rising in Belgium, and had appeased the internal troubles of Hungary. At first sight it seemed that he must inevitably espouse the cause of the falling French monarchy His affection for his sister, his experience of tlie dangers of a revolutionary movement in Belgium and Liege, the neighbourhood of these provinces to France, and his duty as emperor to redress the wrongs (if his injured vassals, all seemed to point in the same direction. But Leopold was opposed by temperament to hasty measures and to a military policy, and, like Joseph IL, he made the interests of Austria his first care. He had not yet arranged terms of jjeace with the Porte, and until then his relation-; with Prussia were uncertain. Above everything, he was anxious about the ambition of Russia, and was determined not to leave Catharine free to carry out her will in Turkey and Poland. But the importunity of the diet, and the news of the king's attemjated flight and arrest at Varennes, forced him into some approach to action. From Padua he issued a circular (6 July) to the European pow-ers, in which he called upon them to espouse the cause of the French king as their own, to refuse to recognise any laws in France unless the king were restored to liberty and accepted them of his own free will, and in case these representations were disregarded to resort to arms. But tlie circular served no purpose except to excite new indignation in Fiance, and to make the imprisonment of the royal family more severe. Leopold was driven still further towards intervention against his will. He concluded the treaty of Sistowa Avith the Porte and drew closer to Prussia. By personal flattery he gained a complete mastery over the Prussian envoy, Bischofswerder, who signed a preliminary treaty with Austria (25 ^ly) in opposition to the express instructions of his own court. From this time the policy of Frederick the Great and Hertzberg was abandoned at Berlin, and the king acted in defiance of the strong feeling that still existed against an alliance with Austria. On the 27th of August Leopold and Frederick William held a conference at Pilnitz. To their ill-concealed disgust the count of Artois thrust his presence upon them, and demanded their consent to a ready-made scheme in which the selfish arrogance of the emigrants was clearly dis- played. The scheme was definitely rejected, and the emigrants were warned that, though their residence on German soil was tolerated, they would not be allowed toe nduct armed preparations A.D. 1791. THE LEGISLATIVE ASSEMBLY. 519 The emperor and king then issued a joint declaration, in which they maintained that the restoration of order and of monarchy in France were matters of great moment for the whole of Kurope, invited the other powers to co-operate with them in the worlc, and " then and in that case " promised active intervention. The italicised words give the key to Leopold's policy. He was deter- mined to avoid a war if jiossihle. He knew already that Pitt's ministry had virtually decided on the neutmlity of England, and that therefore tlie hypothetical case in which action was necessary could not exist. The declaration of Pilnitz, accompanied by the answer to the coimt of Artoi-^, was really an assurance of peace, instead cf being the origin of the war, as French historians have represented. Leopold urged Louis XVI. to accept the constitution, and was delighted when the king followed his advice on the 14th of September. As Louis now recovered his crown, and at any rate nominally his liberty, the emperor issued a circular to announce that the necessity for an European coalition no longer existed. The question whether there should be war or not dej^ended now upon the attitude of France itself. IV. The Legislative Assembly. — Outuueak ok War. — Fall OF THE Monarch V. § 19. The second national assembly of France, which had been chosen according to the forms of the new constitution during the exist- ence of its predecessor, held its first sitting on the 1st of October, 1791. It contained 745 members, of whom more than 300 were lawyers, and about 70 journalists. From the first it was evident that the legislative assembly, as it called itself, was wholly different in character from the constituent. The self-denying ordinance had excluded all the former deputies, the court nobles and clergy had exercised no influence over the elections, there were absolutely no adherents of the old monarchy and class privileges. The extreme right was formed by the constitutional party, or Feuillants, the firm supporters of the constitution and eager for the establisliment of a permanent government. Their leading members, Dumas, Beugnot, Vaublanc, etc., were not men of great importance, hut they were supported by the bulk of the middle classes, by a majority of the national guard, and by the great reputation of men like Lafayette, Barnave and Bailly. This was the party with which the king ought to have allied himself. But Louis XVI. at this time was surrounded by royalist ministers, of whom the chief were Bertrand de Moleville, Delessart and Duportail, and he still cherished the hope of evading the cliecks imposed by the constitu- 520 MODERN EUROPE. Chap, xxii, tion which he had formally accepted. Moreover, the queen had an intense i^ersonal hatred of Lafayette, who was now the only man who could stay the course of the revolution. It was a great misfortune, both for themselves and for France, that the Feuillants at this time lost their hold upon the capital. In consequence of changes introduced by the constitution Bailly resigned the office of mayor, and Lafiiyette the command of the national guard. The latter was now entrusted to six officers, who held it for a month in turn. Lafayette was a candidate for the mayoralty, but the court blindly gave its support to his rival, Petion, a leader of the Jacobin;j, who obtained a majority of votes. This was a great blow to the constitutionalists. A minority in the assembly, powerless in the commune, they soon found themselves reduced to complete insig- nificance in the rapid onward march of events. On the left of the assembly were the men who wished to develop the revolution, i.e. to introduce a republic. They were divided into two sections, the Jacobins, who were afterwards known as the Mountain, and the Girondists. The Jacobins, led by Bazire, Merlin de Thionville, Couthon, etc., were strong neither in numbeis nor in reputation, but they had the all-important support of their great club, with Robespierre at its head, and they were backed up by the active demagogues and the mob of the lower classes. Far more numerous and important, as regards the assembly itself, were their rivals, headed by men from the Gironde, and from other districts of southern France. They were nearly all young men, and ardent believers in the sacred cause of revolution. They disliked the monarchy, and they relied upon the people. Their strength lay in their eloquence, their weakness in their want of statesmanship and of practical experience. They formed an almost unique collection of orators, bvit they proved utterly incapable of governing France. The guiding spirit of the Girondists was Madame Roland, whose husband was one of the deputies. Among the most conspicuous of the leaders were Vergniaud, the orator of the party, Condorcet, the philosopher who aspired to play the part of Sitycs in the new assembly, Guadet, Gensontie, Isnard, and Barl aroux. Brissot, deputy for Paris and a disciple of Thomas Payne, who had at one time been dictator of the Jacobin club, whs the most ex- perienced and practical of the Girondists, who were at first called after him, but his influence gradunlly declined before the more attractive but sharlowy enthusiasm of Madame Roland and her immediate circle. Dumouriez was also regarded as a member of this group, but he soon emnncipated himself from the bonds cf party to ])lay a brief but dazzling part of his own. Bfsidcs these three well-defined divisions nf the iisseinl'ly, there were some 200 A.D. 1791. THE LEGISLATIVE ASSEMBLY. 521 independent members, who formed the centre and whose votes were the great object of the various ]iarty leaders. § 20. From the first it was evident that the relations of the king with the assembly were not likely to be very cordial. The revolution was threatened by two dan::ei-ous enemies, the emigrants, who were urging on a foreign invasion, and the non-juring bishops and priests who were doing all in their power to excite domestic rebellion. The latter were really the more dangerous, and already their bitter denunciations of the " intruders," as they called the clergy who accepted the civil constitution, had aroused tumults in Calvados, Gevaudan and La Vendee. The Girondists clamoured for repressive measures. On the 30trh of October it was decreed that the count of Provence, unless he returned within two months, sliould forfeit all rights to the regency. On the 9th of November an edict threatened the emigrants with confiscation and death unless they returned to their allegiance before the end of the year. On the 29th of November came the attack upon the non-jurors. They were called upon to take the oath within eight days, when lists were to be drawn up of those who refused ; these were then to forfeit their pensions, and if any disturbance took place in their district they were to be removed from it, or if their coaiplicity were proved they were to be imprisoned for two years. The king accepted the decree against his brother, hut he opposed his veto to the other two. The Girondists and Jacobins engerly seized the opportunity for a new attack upon the monarcliy. They maintained that the two decrees were not laws, but practical measures of immediate impor- tance, and that the veto was out of the question in such a case. There was considerable weight in their arguments, but the fault lay not with the king but with the constituent assembly. By making the veto suspensive they implied that it referred only to legislative enactments; but they had not expressly statetl this, and they had tailed to provide for circumstances which had never occurred to them. The blame rests partly on the exceiJtional and deranged position of aflairs. The decrees were really intended, whether rightly or wrongly, to j^rotect the kingdom against foreign and civil war. As such they ought to have originated with the king and ministers, and then been submitted to the assembly for approval, instead of originating with the assembly, and being exposed to the royal veto. It is one of innumerable instances of the fatal way in which the legislature at this time iisurj^ed, instead of controlling, the functions of the executive. § 21. Throughout the winter attention was devoted almost exclu- sively to foreign affairs. It has been seen that the emperor was really eager for peace, and that as long as he remained in that mood there 24 522 MODERN EUROPE. Chap. xxu. was little risk of any other prince taking the init at've. At the same time it must be acknowledi!;ed that Leopold's tone towards the French government was often too haughty and menacing to be conciliatory, and also that the open preparations of the emigrants in neighbouring states constituted an insult if not a danger to France. The Girondists, the most susceptible of men, only ex- pressed the national sentiment in dwelling upon this with bitterness, and in calling for vengeance. At the same time they had conceived the definite idea that their own supremacy could best be obtained and secured by forcing on a foreign war. This was expressly avowed by Brissot, who took the lead of the party in this matter. Robespierre, on the other hand, partly through temperament and partly through jealousy of his brilliant rivals, was inclined to the maintenance of peace. But on this point the Feuillants were agreed with the Gironde, and so a vast majority was formed to force the unwilling king and ministers into war. The fiist great step was taken when Duportail, who had charge of military affairs, was replaced by Narbonne, a FeuilLmt. Louis XVI. was compelled to issue a note (14 December, 1791) to the emperor and to the arch- bishop of Trier to the efiVct that if the military force of the emigrants were not disbanded by the 15th of January hostilities would be commenced against the elector. The latter at once ordered the cessation of the military preparations, but the emigrants not only refused to obey but actually insulted the French envoy. Leopold expressed his desire for peace, but at the same time declared that any attack on the electorate of Trier would be regarded as an act of hostility to the empire. These answers were unsatisfixctory, and Karbonne collected three armies on the frontiers under the command ot Riichambeau, Lafayette, and Luckner, and amounting together to about 150,000 men. On the 25th of January an explicit declaration was demanded from the emperor, with a threat that war would l>e declared unless a satisfactory answer was received by the 4th of March. Leopold IL saw all his luipes of maintaining peace in western Eurojie gradually disappearing, and was compelled to bestir himself. He ratified the decrees of the diet against the aggressions in Alsace, and on the 7th of February he finally concluded a treaty with the king of Prussia. The two princes guaranteed to each other their respective territories, and agreed upon mutual assistance in case of attack. On the 1st of March, while still hoping to avoid a quarrel, Leopold II. died of a sudden illness, and with him perished the last possibility of peace. His son and successor, Francis II., who Avas now twenty-four, had neitlicr his father's ability nor his experience, and he was naturally more easily swayed by the anti-revolutionary A.D. 1791-1792. OUTBREAK OF WAR. 523 party. But it is doubtful whether Leopold himi-elf could have prevented the speedy outbreak of war. The Girondists combined all their efforts for an attack ujion the minister of foreign affairs, Delessart, whom they accused of truckling to the enemies of the nation. Delessart was committed to prison, and his colleagues at once resigned. 'J he Gironde now came into oftice. The ministry of home affairs was given tolloland; ol war to Servan; of finance to Claviere. Dumouriez obtained the foreign department, Duranlhon that of justice, and Lacoste tiie marine. Its enemies called it " the ministry of the sansculottes." Dumouriez introduced a more dictatorial tone into the foreign relations, and provoked an answer from Vienna in which was demanded the establishment of order in France for the security of Europe, and the restoration to their rights of the pope, the clergy, and the German princes. This settled the question, and on the 20th of April Louis XVI. appeared in the assembly and read with trembling voice a declaration of war against the king of Hungary and Bohemia. §22. The outbreak of war startled Euroj^e and found Austria isolated. Prussia and Sardiuia were willing to move, but had to organise their furces. Kussia was occupied in Polaud ; Spain was uncertain, and England neutral. The most ardent champion of royalty, Gustavus IH. of Sweden, had died on the 2yth of March. Dumouriez determined to take advantage of these circumstances ftir the extension of the French boimdaries, and he ordered Luckner, Lafayette and Rochambeau to co-operate in an attack upon Belgium, where it was hoped that tlie recently suppressed rebellion would revive. But the French army w.is completely disorganised by recent changes, the soldiers distrusted their officers, and on the first approach of the eneniy the cry was raised of treason, and all fled panic-stricken. Rochambeau resigned in d'sgust, and Lafayette and Luckner contented themselves witli standing on the defensive. TIjis first disaster roused a great outcry in Paris, where the most invincible suspicions were expressed about the treachery of the court and the " Austrian committee " which was supposed to surround the queen. The mob was armed with jiikesand regularly organised, and from this time the " pikemen," the force of the lower classes, became a formidable rival to the national guard of the bourgeoisie. The assembly declared itself in jiermaneut session, disbanded the royal guard, and then issued two very extreme decrees. One, pro- posed by Servan without consulting either the king or his own colleagues, ordered the formation in Paris of a camp of 20,003 volunteers from the departments. This force, ostensilDly destined for the defence cf the capital against invasion, was really intended 524 MODERN EUROPE. Chap. xxii. for the maintenance of the Girondist supremacy. The other decree aixthorist'd the smiimary banishment of non-juring ]iricsts on the simple denunciation of twenty citizens. The king interposed his veto to both measures, and when Roland wrote liim a letter containing severe strictures upon his conduct, he dismissed him, together with Servan and Claviere, who were also closely identified with the Gironde. Dumouriez and the two other ministers whom the king wished to ke<'p, now demanded the sanction of the decrees, and as he was still obstmate about the clergy thc)' also resigned. § 23. Louis now tried to ally himself with the Feuillants, who rallied for his defence. The new ministers, all obscure men, were chosen exclusively from their ranks. Lafayette, who kept an anxious eye upon domestic events, took the impolitic step of writing an out- spoken letter to the assembly, in which he denounced the Jacobin club as the source of all evils and demanded its suppression. This attempt at dictation only urged the majority to extremes. On the 20th of June a great organised rising took place in Paris. The mob first proceeded to the assembly to jjresent a petition for the recall of the ministers, and then carried their grievances to the Tuileries. The guards refused to oppose them, and the crowd poured into the palace. Louis, who showed conspicuous courage, was forced into a corner, where he had to wear the red cap of the Jacobins and to drink to the people's health. In another room Marie Antoinette and her children were exposed for hours to the insults of the mob. At last Petion, whose conduct left little doubt that he was a promoter of the riot, arrived to terminate the disorder, and the palace w^as cleared without difiiculty or bloodshed. The first result of the 20th of June was a reaction in favour of the constitution and the king. The Feuillants took the asrgressive, Petion and other leaders of the riot were formally accused. But the favourable opportunity was lost by the blindness of the king. He expected a speedy release by the foreign troops, and was un- willing to tie his hands by an alliance with any party to the revolution. Lafayette hurried to Paris to restore order by his personal presence. But he was coolly received by the assembly, which reproached him for deserting his command ; and wlien he tried to raise his old troops of the national guard against the clubs he was foiled by the direct influence of the court. He retired in disgust, the constitutional i)arty sunk into entire insignificance, and the last hope of saving the monarchy was gone. § 24. The foreign invasion, on which the king relied for secu- rity, really assured the victory of his enemies. Francis IL was unanimously elected emperor on the 3rd of July, and his corona- A.D. 1792. THE PAEIS MOB. 525 tion gave the opportunity for a great assembly of German princes and of the emigrant nobles. The Prussian king had now arrived with 80,000 troops, and it only remained to concert the military measures. The French people, thus threatened, felt tliat they could no longer trust a king whose sympathies were inevitably on the side of their foes. This sentiment was taken advantage of by Girondists and Jacobins to resume the designs which had been interrupted by the failure of the 20th of June. Vergniaud, in a speech of equal bitterness and eloquence, denounced the king as the chief source of danger to the country, and maintained tliat his treachery paralysed their aims and rendered all attempts at defence hopeless. The camp of 20,000 men, which Louis at last authorised, was summoned to Soissons; but it was decreed that the volunteers from the departments shovild march through Paris on their way. The contingent from Marseilles brought with them the fomous song, composed by Eouget de Lisle, which was destined, as the Marseillaise, to be the war-cry of the revolutionary armies. On the 11th of July the assembly declared "the country in danger,' and set itself at once to take precautionary measures. Pe'tion, who had been suspended by the directory of the department, was, on the popular demand, formally acquitted and restored to his office. The great national fete was held as usual on the 14th of July, and gave a new illustration of the depjths to which the monarchy was reduced. The king was compelled to renew an oath which every one knew to be insincere, and Petion was the hero of the day. The im- prudent manifesto of the Prussian commander, the duke of Brunswick (27 July), in which he tlireatened Paris with military execution and total destruction if the royal family were harmed, added fresh fuel to the rapidly growing excitement. The mob demanded the deposition of the king, the summons of a national convention, and the accusation of Lafayette. As the assembly showed signs of resenting this dictation, and especially refused the decree against Lafayette, it was decided to force its hand by a new rising. The Jacobins, always ready to execute what the Girondists could only conceive, undertook to organise an attack upon the Tuileries on the night of the 9th of August. No popular move- ment was ever more adroitly and carefully arranged. At midnight the signal was given, and the insurgents assembled in the Faubourg St. Antoine. Their first act was to undertake the municipal government. The existing council was dissolved and a provisional Commune, of which Danton was the head, appointed to take its place. The measures which had been taken to defend the palace were adroitly countermanded. Mandat, the commander of the national guard, was summoned to the municipality, and when he 52G MODERN EUROPE. Chap. xxii. api^eared was committed to prison. On the way he was assassi- nated. The Commune appointed in his place the brewer Santerre, one of the leaders of the 20th oi June. About 5 o'cloclc in tlie morning the king held a review of tlie troop."? assembled in the gardens, and discovered to his horror that they were untrust- worthy. 20,000 men appeared to attack the palace, and resistance was hopeless. In this crisis the king took the only course that was open to liim ; with his wife and children he escaped to the assembly, where Vergniaud assured him of their protection. Meanwhile a contest had commenced between the mob and the Swiss guards, who had received no orders to desert their posts. The first volley of the guards cleared tlie Place du Carroussel, but the insurgents returned to the attack, and their numbers assured them an ultimate victory over the heroic handiul of defenders. A deputation of the assembly was sent to calm the people, but cnuld gain no hearing. The deputies sat in impotent silence, listenin>4 to the sounds of the combat that raged in their neighbourhood. By 11 o'clock the hopeless strugiilo was over, and the mob began to stream into the hall, bearing the trophies of their victory. § 25. The 10th of August was decisive for the history of France. Not only the monarchy but the assembly was now at the mercy of the mob. The Girondists had good reason to repent of the policy they had pursued. The supreme power was in the hands of the revolutionary Commune of Paris, and there it was not they but the Jacobins who were dominant. The assembly could do nothing but register the decrees dictated to them. The king was suspended and ordered to reside in the Luxemburg, and a National Convention was summoned to revise the constitution. The Girondists, Roland, Servan, and Claviere were restored to office, but with them Dautou obtained the ministry of justice. The assembly was compelled to sanction the change in the municipality, and to confirm the election of the Commune, which proceeded to usurp all the functions of government. Its numbers were raised from 60 or 70 to 288, and among the newly elected members was Robespit-rre, who had hidden himself on the 10th of August, but who now came forward to reap the advantage of a rising in which he dared not take a part. He and Danton became the guiding spirit of the new body which undertook to rule France. The Commune transferred Louis XVI. from the Luxemburg to the Temple, and appointed its own commissioners, Petion and Santerre, to guard him : it ordered the destruction of all statues of kinps, and demanded from the assembly the appointment of an exceptional tribunal to try the enemies of the pco})le. The deputies again gave way, and on the 17th of August decreed the formation A.D. 1792. THE SEPTEMBER MASSACRES. 527 of this tribunal, which was to be choscu by the sections and was to decide without appeal. The edicts for the confiscation of the property of emigrants and for the banishment of non-juring priests were now put into force, and the municipalities were authorised lo arrest persons on suspicion. § 2G. Meanwhile the danger of invasion was as great as tver. On the 30th of .July the Prussians, under the command of Brunswick, but accompanied by the king, had started from Coblentz ai^d mMrchtd by Luxemburg to the frontier of Champagne. They were opposed by two armies under the command of Lafayette a^d Lucknerj \\ hile a third French force under Biron and Custine defended Alsace. Then came the news of the 10th of August, and the question was raised whether the army, like the majority of the deiartments, would approve the action of the Parisians. Lafayette did not hesitate to pronounce against the Jacobins, and called upon Luckner to march with him upon Paris to restore older. Buttlie soldiers were not prepared to take such an extreme course, and the other officers, with Uumouriez at their head, maiutained that the duty of Fienchmen was to oppose the foreign enemy rather than their fellow-country- men. L:ifa,\ette, declared a traitor by the assembly and deserted even by Luckner, gave up all hope and fled w ith his friends towards Holland. On his way he was arrested by the enemy, who treated him as a prisoner of war and detained him in close confineri.ent till the treaty of Campo-Formio. His command was given lo Dumou- riez, and Luckner was replaced by Kellermatin. These dii-orders gave a great advantage to the Prussians. Longwy capitulated on the 23rd of August, and the fall of Verdun on the 2nd of September left the road opcm to Paris. The imminence of this great danger roused great excitement in Paris, and gave occasion for scenes of horror far worse than any that had yet been witnessed. The assembly ordered defensive measures to be taken, and tried to regain its independence by sup- pressing the Commune. But the Commune not only refused to be suj)- pressed, but took the whole conduct of the defence out of the hands of the assembly. Danton was now the dictator of Paris, and, with the conviction that all means were justifiable to save the country, he determined to defend Paris at once against foreign and domestic enemies. His avowed policy was to " strike terror into the royalists." The police-committee of the Commune Avas strength- ened by the addition of Marat, the apostle of murder, and other members. On the night of the 29th of August the barriers were shut, and each house was visited by commissioners under the pretext of seeking for arms, but really with the intention of discovering the men who were suspected of royalist tendencies. 528 MODERN EUROPE. Chap, xxii Three or four thousand priests, nobles, officers, &c., were thrown into prison. Even these arbitrary measures did not satisfy the zealous champions of popular security. On the night of the 3rd of September, after the news had been received of the fall of Verdun, the signal was sounded for a new St. Bartholomew. An organised band of not more than five or six hundred men visited each of the prisons in turn and massacred their inmates. There can be no doubt that the butchers acted under the instructions of the Commune, and received regular pay for their work. For three days the slaughter went on with machine-like regularity. The citizens, as if stupefied, made no attempt to stop the horrors ; the national guard had been disorganised by Santerre; the assembly and the ministers were equally powerless. Wlieu Holand demanded the punishment of the miscreants, the police committee decided to arrest him, and it was only Danton's influence that prevented its being done. At least two thousand men perished in the massacre, which stopped only when the prisons were empty. A few indi- viduals, e.g. Barnave, were saved by Danton. Among the slaiu was the princess of Lamballe, the friend and confidante of the queen, whose head was paraded on a pike before the windows of the Temple. The committee actually wrote to the authoritiis uf the chief towns to encourage them to similar measures, in order that they might " marcli against the enemy, and leave behind no brigands to murder tlieir wives and children." At Versailles, Rheims, Meaux, Lyons and Orlenns, the horrible counsel was fol- lowed. This was the first result of the triumph of the Gironde and of the efforts of foreign powers to restore order in France ! § 27. Meauwliile the danger which had served as a pretext for these outrages had passed away. Directly after the fall of Verdun Dumouriez, assisted by the lethargic movements of the Prussians, hastened to occupy the passes of the forest of Argonne, " the Thermopylaj of France." Again everything seemed lost, when an Austrian detachment under Clairfait carried a neglected pass and threatened the French in the rear. But Dumouriez succeeded in repairing his error. Leaving Grandpre he occupied a strong position at St. Menehould, on the south side of the forest, and was there joined by Kellermann's army froui Metz. A Prussian attack was ordered against the neighbouring; height of Valmy, but it came to nothing more than a simple cannonade. The French troops, which were beginning to be inspired by the revolutionary spirit, showed an unexpected firmness which astounded both the Prussians and the emigrants. This slight success decided the campaign, and from this moment the invaders began to retreat. Dumouriez had saved France. A.D. 1792. THE CONVENTION. 529 By this time the elections to the Convention had talseii place. Thp rules prescribed by the constitution were no longer observed. Every Frenchman over twenty-one years of age was considered an active citizen, and every such citizen over twenty-five was eligible as an elector or as deputy. No exclusive regulation was any longer in force, so that members both of the constituent and of the legislative assembly could be chosen. Ou the 21st of September, the day after the cannonade at Valmy, the Convention met, and its first not was to declare that France was no longer a monarchy but a republic. 24* 530 MODERN EUROPE. CHAPTER XXIII. THE FRENCH REPUBLIC AND THE EUROPEAN COALITION. L The National, Conventiox and the King's Death. — § 1. Parties in the Convention. § 2. Quarrels between the Gironde and the Moun- tain. § 3. The war ; French aggressions in Savoy and Germany. § 4, Conquest of Belgium ; ill-treatment of the province. § 5. Trial of Louis XVI. ; his condemnation and death II. Fallofthk GiRONDE AND Reign of Terror to Robespierre's Death. — § G. Formation of the European coalition against France. § 7. Kenewal of party conflicts in Paris. § 8. Rising in La Vendee ; treason of Dumouriez. § 9. Attack of the Girondists; popular risings; fall of the Gironde. § 10. Provincial revolts; military reverses of the French. §11. Consti- tution of 1793; Committee of Public Pafety. § 12. Suppression of provincial revolts. §13. Success of the revolutionaiy armies. § 14. The reign of Terror; introduction of the new Calendar. § 15. The Mountain splits into the three parties of Robespierre, Hebert and Danton ; Robespierre triumphs over liis opponents. § 16. Opposition to Robes[)ierre ; his fall an! death. HI. Tiiermidorian Reaction AND End of Convention. — § 17. Reaction against the Terror. § 18. French victories in 1794; treaty of Basel, and break-up of the Coalition. § 19. Risings in Paris ; royalist expedition to Quiberon. § 20. Con- stitution of the Year HI. ; en I of the Convention. IV. The Director V. — § 21. Success of the domestic administration of the Directory. § 22. Campaign of 1795 in Germany. § 23. Campaign of 1796 ; Bonaparte in Italy ; the Archduke Charles in Germany. § 24. Bonaparte invades Austria ; preliminaries of Leoben ; treacherous treatment of Venice. § 25. Coup d'etat of the 18th Fructidor. § 26. Treat}- of Campio Formio. § 27. Bonaparte's expedition to Egypt. § 28. Second Coalition; French disasters in 1799. § 29. Discontent in France; Bonaparte's return; coup d'etat of the 18th Brumaire. § 30. Constitution of the Year VIII. ; establishment of the Consulate. I. The National Convention and the King's Death. § 1. The Convention contained 749 members, of whom 65 had sat in the constituent and 104 in the legislative assembly. The deputies had been chosen under the immediate influence of the September massacres. In Paris the Commune and its adherents had their own way. Robespierre was first deputy, then came Danton, CoUot d'Herbois, Camille Desmoulins, &c., and finally Marat and the duke of Orleans, now Philip, e Fgalitu. But in the provinces A.D. 1792. THE CONVENTION. 531 there was a strong feeling of jealousy against the preponderance of the capital, combined with horror at the recent outrages, and at most of the elections Girondists were returned. It was charac- teristic of the revolution that the extreme party of one assembly became the moderates of the next. Not a royalist or a constitution- alist could be found, and the Girondists occupied the extreme right. Thoy were confident in their superior numbers and in their hold on the ministry from which Dan ton had retired on his election as deputy. Their old leaders, Vergniaud, Brissot, Condorcet, Guadet, and Gensonn^, had been re-elected, and were strengthened by several new comers. They were determined, by reducing the Commune to obedi- ence, to recover the power they had lost since the 2nd of September, and also to free the departments from Parisian dictation. On the upper benches on the left sat the deputies of Paris with some thirty others, and received from their position the name of the Mountain. There was little difference of principle between them and the ■ Gironde. Both parties were republican, and both had api ealed to the people to support their measures. But the Girondists wished for orderly government, and a reaction from the recent excesses led them to distrust the mob, and to incline towards the bourgeois class. They had become conservative now that they had secured all that they wished. The Mountain, on the other hand, was eager to continue the revolution. Their leaders wished to obtain the power which the Girondists now held. They were pre[iarcd to accept all the consequences of the most extreme democracy, and they denounced as treason any attempt to thwart the will of the sovereign people. Their strength lay in their imity, in the support of the Commune, now the first power of the state, and in their ability to call in the mob to aid them against the majority. Between the two parties were a large number of independent members, known as the Plain or the Marsh, who alternately leant to the side of the Gironde or the Mountain as they were influenced by conviction or by fear. § 2. The first measures of the Convention were unanimous. They legalised a Republic which had existed since the 10th of August, and they determined to date the commencement of a new era from the 21st of September, which begins the year I. of the Republic. As the former constitution had thus ceased to exist, it was decreed that all oflicers should be re-elected, and that all laws should be kept that were not expressly repealed, and appointed a committee to consider a new constitution. In this, as in all the other com- mittees, the Girondists had an overwhelming majority. To secure the confiscated wealth, it was ordered that the emigrants should be banished for ever, and that if any of them should be found on French 532 MODERN EUROPE. Chai>. xxm. soil, or be taken with arms in their hands, they should he put to death. These measures having been agreed to, the two hostile parties came into collision on a re[)ort of the ministry about the condition of the state. The Girondists denounced the recent massacres, demanded the punishment of their authors, and openly attacked Danton, Robespierre and Marat, as an ambitious trium- virate who aimed at the establishment of a dictatorship. This charge was the grand card of the Girondists, but they played it too soon and too imprudently. They had no evidence tosupjwrt it, and by making too much of their opponents they helped to l)ring about the very result which they dreaded and denounced. The three accused rose in their defence. Danton adroitly turned the tables on the Girondists by accusing them of a desire to break France up into innumerable republics by making the departments independent of the capital. These mutual accusations of a dictatorship and of federalism became the chief party-weapons ua the Convention. Robespierre, as usual, dilated upon his own virtues. When Marat appeared at the rostrum, a howl of execration rose from the right and centre of the Assembly. Many of the deputies affected to believe that such a monster of iniquity never existed, and that his writings were the work of a royalist who sought to throw discredit on the revolution. Marat exulted in the rage of his adversaries, insisted upon speaking, and gloried in the truth of the charge that had been brought against him. His cynical audacit}' raised the idea that he was insane, the accusation was dropped, and the Assembly proceeded to the order of the day. Soon afterwards the Girondists renewed their attack, which was this time concentrated against Robespierre, and led by Louvet. After obtaining an interval of eight days to prepare his defence, Robespierre demolished the flimsy case of his accusers amid the applause of bis supporters. The Plain evidently regarded these accusations as merely personal quarrels, to which no weight was to be attached. The conduct of the Gironde was in the highest degree injudicious. They made a charge, failed to substantiate it, and let it drop. Their attacks served only to give greater prominence and popularity to their hated rivals. They decreed the re-election of the Commune, but took no steps to prevent the same men from returning to power. They alienated Danton, the most moderate member of the Mountain, who was willing to prevent the further shedding of blood and might easily have been won over from his associates. Their ministers were equally incapable and wanting in a real policy. The party tended to disintegration, and lost the al of the war. The old aristocratic generals, such as Custine and Montesquieu, were replaced by men who had risen from the ranks, like Jourdan, Hoche and Pichegru. Thus was restored that unanimity between the commanders and the central government which had given the French their great successes at the end of 1792, and the interru2)tion of which had led to the subsequent disasters. After the capture of Conde and Valenciennes the English and Austriaiis, instead of continuing their advance, separated, to secure their own selflsh interests. The prince of Coburg attacked and took Quesnoy, and the duke of York laid siege to Dunkirk, an old object of greed to England. Houchard, who had succeeded Custine in the command of the northern army, was ordered to attack the English, and by a slight success at Hondscoote he forced York to raise the siege of Dunkirk (6 Sept.). As Houchard's conduct was considered unsatisfactory, Carnot replaced him by Jourdan, who defeated the Austrians at Wattignies (16 Oct.). The prince of Coburg retired behind the Sambre, and effected a junction with the English, while the French went into winter quarters. Meanwhile, another Austrian army under Wiirmser had invaded Alsace in con- junction with the Prussians under Prunswick, forced the lines of Weissemburg, and almost succeeded in taking Strasburg. I5ut the jealousy between the two commanders and between their respective armies ruined an undertaking which had been so successfully undertaken. The French, led by Hoche and Pichegru, and inspired by the presence of St. Just as commissioner of the Convention, took the aggressive, reco\ered the lines of Weissemburg, and forced the invaders to retire upon the Rhine. § 14. These successes were glorious to France, but they were sullied by the terrible measures which the victorious party thought A.D. 1793. THE REIGN OF TERROR. 545 itself justified in taking against domestic enemies. The "reigu of terror" was inaugurated in Paris with the same sophistical professions of virtue that had been employed to justify religious persecutions in past ages. The prisons were crammed with more than 5000 suspects, arrested under the decree of the 17th of September. The revolutionary tribunal, hitherto almost inactive, now commenced its bloodthirsty functiun-. The first victim was Custine, accused of treachery in the su' render of Mainz and Valenciennes. Marie Antoinette folluwe i l.er husband to the scaffold with not infeiior courage on the 16th of October. The imprisoned Girondists, with Vergniaud at their head, shared the same fate. Many of their associates who had escaped, Roland, Petion, and Buzot, evaded the vengeance of their implacable enemies by suicide. Philip of Orleans, Madame Roland, Baill}-, Barnave, Houchard, and a number of other men scarcely less distinguished, perished by the guillotine. Among the almost innumerable victims of the terror was the famous Madame Dubarry, once the all-powerful mistress of Louis XV. In Lyons, Toulon, and above all at Nantes, the same horrors were repeated with even less pretence of judicial forms. In order to complete the separation from the past a new calendar was introduced on the 6th of October. The year, which began on the 22nd of September, was (Uvided into twelve equal months : venrfemiaire, hrumaire, frimaire, for the autumn ; nivose, pluviose, ventose, for winter; germinal, floreal, prairial, for spring; messidor, thermidor, fructidor, for summer. Each month con- tained three decades, and the ten days of each were named after their numerical order: primidi, duodi, tridi, quartidi, quint idi, sextidi, septidi, octidi, iionidi, decadi. Every tenth day was to be a day of rest. Five supplementary days were added at the end of the year, called sans-culotides, and dedicated respectively to Genius, to Labour, to Actions, to Recompenses, and to Opinion. The abolition of the Christi^jn calendar, and with it of the old Sundays and festivals, naturally led to an attack ujwn Christianity itself. But in this we see the first trace of divisions in the party which had hitherto carried everything before it by imited and unscrupu- lous action. § 15. For some time the Mountain had been tending to split into three distinct divisions, representing the views of its ongmal leaders — Danton, Robespierre, and Marat. Danton's party had justified the employment of terror by the necessity of saving the country ; but, now that this object had been attnined, they wished to return to a more merciful iwlicy. They were nicknamed the "moderates-," and their views were powerfully expressed in Le 25 546 MODERN EUROPE. Chai-. xxin. Vieux Corddier of Camille Desmonlins. They \\ere supjiorted by the vast majority of the bourgeois class, but since Danton's retire- meot they had lost all hold upon the government, and they were discredited by the looseness and luxury of their private life. The party of Marat had been deprived of its real leader by the act of Charlotte Corday, but it had a number of prominent representatives, and it was all-powerful in the Commune. " Chaumette and his substitute Hebert were its political chiefs; Eonsiu, commander of the revolutionary army, its |2;eneral ; the atheist, Anacharsis Clootz, its apostle." 'i he club of the Cordeliers, from which the Dantonists had been excluded, was entirely composed of its partisans. 'J'hese men, known as the exageres or Hdbertists, jiloried in the worst excesses of the revolution, and wished to destroy all religion in France. Their opinions were shamelessly expressed in the in- famous paper, Pere Duchrne, of which Hebeit wms the proprietor and editor. They took the lead in the destruction of the royal tombs at St. Denis, and they forced the Con\ ention to decree the abolition of the Catholic faith and to adopt the relijiion of freedom and equality. On the 10th of November they celebrated the famous " feast of reason " in Notre Dame, where the goddess was represented by a prostitute. These obscene rites excited the out- spoken disgust of Robespierre, who was a sincere believer in the deism which he had extracted from the writings of Eousseau, and who adopted Voltaire's phrase that "if God did not exist it would be necessary to invent Him." Eobespierre occupies a middle position between the indulgents on the one side, and the extreme party on the other. He was still master of the Jacobin club and its affiliated societies, and with his allies, St. Just, Couthon, Billaud- Varennes, and CoUot d'Herbois, he could commnnd a secure majo- rity in the Committee of Public Safety. The Committee was now definitely op[)osed to the Commune, and determined to crush its rival by the destruction of the Hebertists. At the same time Eobespierre would have nothing to do with Danton and his adherents, who made vigorous eflbrts to draw him over to their side. He resolved on the destruction of the two parlies which threatened to ruin tiie republic, the one by their anarchical excesses, the other by their ill-timed levity ; and he pursued his aim w ith a combination of obstinacy and dissimulation which excited tie admiration of his followers and the bitter wrath of his deceived opponents. He first allied himself with the Dantonists, and on the 15th of March, Hebert, Chaumette, Anncharsis Clootz, Eonsin and others were arrested and soon afterwards executed. A universal feelino; of relief sjircad through Paris and France at the punishment of these ruffians, but it was speedily dissipated on the 30th of A.D. 1793-1794. ROBESPIERRE. 547 March, when Danlon, Camille Desmouhns, and several vf ihcir associates were also conducted to jjrison. The accusation was managed by St. Just, but it broke down beneath the invectives of Danton, who pointed triumphantly to his past conduct, denounced the treachery of his accusers, and defeated all the efforts that were made to silence him. So great Wfis the impression made by his defence, that the Convention was forced to decree the termination of the trial, and the accused were condemned with revolutionary promptness. On the 5th of Afjril the Dantonisis, fifteen in number, were led to the scaffold, and met their fate with a resolution worthy of a better cause. A few days later the last remnants of the two defeated parties, including the widows of Hebert and of Desmoulitis, were got rid of in the same way. Robespierre was now at the height of his power, the Committee of Public Safety was as yet innlivided, the Commune, in which Fleuriot had succeedeii Pache, was devoted to him, and the Con- vention f tliC alhes. Their only success was at sea, where Howe utterly defeated ihe French fleet oil Ushant on the first of June. Coburg, the most capable general of the allies, resigned his com- mand in disgust at the shameful evacuation of Belgium, and was succeeded by" Clairfait. After a short delay, the French resumed their advance, drove the Austrians across the Rhine, and occupied Cologne, Bonn, and Coblentz in rapid succession. The retirement of the Prussians at the same time gave to France absolute possession of the left bank of the Rhine. Pichegru, regardless of the winter, now invaded Holland, which was defended by the English under Walmoden, the duke of York having been recalled. No real resist- ance was made to the invaders, who crossed the rivers on the ice, and a regiment of cavalry captured the Dutch fleet in the Texel. The stadtholder fled with his family to England, and Holland was made into the Batavian republic in complete dependence upon France.^ 1794 was a great year to France : in addition to Savoy and Nice, she had conquered Belgium, Holland, Germany left of the Rhine, and strips of Piedmont^and northern Spain. The coalition fell to pieces under these repeated blows. The grand-duke of Tuscany, brother of Francis II., was the first to come to terms with the republic (Feb. 1795). The obvious interests of Prussia and the persistence of the anti- Austrian party at BerUn, overcame at last the scruples of Frederick William II., and a treaty was signed at Basel in April. France retained the Prussian territories to the left of the Rhine on the understanding that on the conclusion of peace some compensation should be given on the right bank. France recognised the neutrality of the states of Northern Germany as the allies of Prussia. In June, Spain followed the contagious example, and purchased peace by ceding the Spanish Port of St. Domingo. One of the obstacles to this treaty was removed by the deatli of the dauphin, whom the royalists called Louis XVII. (8 June). The 552 MODERN EUROPE. Chap. xxiu Provence asV'uis XVlil "'' ""' "^"""' '^ *^^ ^^^^ °f by the mob, wiri ILanif «< ^^^^^^^^ were captured and shot. ^^tomet, the Vondean leaders, § 20. Meanwhile, the ConventioTi l^ari i «titution, the wori of the G^r nltt I "-T r ^' ' "'" '^^" entrusted to two councils one tC A ., I;^S»«l''^tave power was of 250 members over 4" ;;a" ^^a^^^^^^^^^^ t' ^'Tr' ^^^^^^ over 30. Every year a tS f f ' ''"''^'' °^ ^'^^ members of new membefs.'^ The tl^Jt 'T'] "". '^ """-^ ^^ ^— nominated by the prhLy ass rblsw,/' ''■''''' ^^ ^'^^*-- over 21 and [myml a Zct t^ tL ' T"''''"^ '^"^^ "*^^^■- Ws of a Dir'ect^r/ rfilfp;^^^^^^^ TT^" *^ '^ "^ ^^- every year. The Five IhZLT I ''^'''^'' ^''^^ ^^ retire eachVace in tleD rectory nd T" r""'^' *^" ^^^^^^^'-^^^ f- was ti be made by rZCttril^'^Se^^'^ 'f ^^^^^"^^ determined i)y lot. The fear ofT i T *'""' '^''"^^^^i" ^'^s the new assembly shoulrl hr. nT,^.„ ^ '^^t-iL-it, tnat two-thuds of and „„,y „„e thi^ ™ tott ^ired^'TA,"^ T^T ""'"^^ to choose these two-thirds then Lr .• ''""°''' "'"'«='» «.e.f. This undisgui^' .th,:!:" ^^rrte ™r fr decant n,sjo,.ity natural,, „„,ed the' H.JldlgJi";:,'^,? A.D. 1795. THE DIRECTORY. 553 opponents, whether royaUsts or terrorists. The Convention was called ni^n to face a new rising in Paris on the 13 Vendeinian-e (5 Oc .) The command of the troops was entrusted to Barras, but he handed on the responsibility to Napoleon Bonaparte, a young Corsican, born iust at the time when Choiseul annexed that island (1/68), who had won considerable reputation in the siege of Toulon, hut who had recently been removed from his command on account ot his supposed connection with Eobespierre. Bonaparte took his measures with characteristic decision. Cannon were brought up from a neighbouring camp, and volleys of grape-shot speedily dispersed the rebels with great loss. On the 2.nh of October the Convention was dissolved, and the new constitution came mto operation. IV. The Directory. 26 October, 1795, to 9 November, 1799. § 91 On the 27th of October tlie newly elected deputies were joined by twice their number of members of the Convention, and the whole body was divided into the two prescribed councils. The Five Hundred took up their quarters in the riding-school where the Constituent Assembly had sat, while the 250 Ancients remamed in the Tuileries. The first duty of the new legislature was the election of the five Directors, and out of the fifty nominees the Ancients chose La Reveillere-Lepaux, Letourneur, Revvbell, bieyes, and Barras. On the refusal of Sieyes to accept ollice Carnot was selected in his place. The Dhectors were installed m the Luxemburg, which was assigned as the seat of the executive goTernment and at once proceeded to settle their respective functions. Rewbell, an active and expeaenced lawyer assumed the control of justice, finance and foreign affahs ; La Reveillere, a eeble enthusiast for what he called " theophilanthropy," became a sort of minister for home affairs; Barras, better fitted for mtrigue than for government, took the police; Letourneur managed e navy and the colonies; while the direction of the war fell mto the experienced hands of Carnot. The choice of tiie Directors lUustrat the primary object of the dominant majority, which was to prevent he possibility of a restoration of the monarchy. They were all menX hal voted for the death of Louis XVL, and had thus siven hostages to the republic. . • ^i ^ The internal condition of France was calculated to inspire the new government with despair. The Directors "entered the Luxemburg without finding even a table to write upon, and the state was in no better order than the palace." The exchequer was emptv, the assupMs had fallen to a thousandth part of their nominal value, the army was without pay, and the people were 25* 554 MODERN EUROPE. Chap, xxiii- witliout food. The abolition of the maximum had done nothing to restore confidence, while it had removed the compulsory character of production and exchange. The Directors were not, as a body, men of distinguished ability, yet they succeeded in grappling with these difficulties with fair success. The comparatively settled character of their rule did more than anything else to put an end to the general sense of insecurity, which was the chief cause of the stagnation of trade. Agriculture and all kinds of industry revived, as the feverish interest in politics declined, and the clubs were deserted for the fields and the workshop. But the finances proved a crucial difficulty. The number of assignats in circulation amounted nominally to 45,000,000,000 francs, and further issue was impossible. After several expedients had been tried, the Directors determined to issue a new kind of paper-money, rnandats territortaux, each of which entitled the holder on demand to a specified portion of the national domains. Mandats to the value of 800 millions sufficed to buy up all the debased assiynats, and the block from which the latter were printed was broken. The mandats, on account of the comparative ease of realisation, were at first welcomed by the people, and their issue gave temporary relief to the government. But before long depreciation began, and the state advanced nearer and nearer to bankruptcy. But the real credit of the Directory in its early months lies not so much in any particular measures, as in the fact that the domestic history of France loses for a time its exciting character. Parties were at last exhausted by their incessant struggles, and though they had no special enthusiasm for the government they preferred it to anarchy. Brittany and La Vendee were pacified by the admirable measures of Hoche. The old party of the Jacobins made a despairing effort, under Baboeuf's leadership, to recover their ascendancy in Paris, but the plot was detected and its originators were put to death (May, 1796). The quietude of internal politics was accompanied, and partly caused, by a tremendous extension of the foreign war. § 22. The establishment of a settled government in France offered a favourable opportunity for a general peace, but England and Austria, who had answered the treaty of Basel by a new oifensive alliance (May, 1795), refused to take advantage of it. Thugut, who directed foreign politics at Vienna, was inspired with bitter enmity towards Prussia, and was eager to compensate Austria for its exertions by acquiring territory. In England, Pitt for a long time strenuously resisted the growing antipathy to the war, and when at last he opened negotiations, he found that France would not grant his most essential demand, tlie restoration of the A.D. 1795-1796. PKOGRESS OF THE WAR. 555 Netherlands to Austria. Moreover, the allies were encouraged by the fact that the desertion of Prussia had not led, as was exjjected, to a complete collapse of the war in Germany. The French had begun the campaign by capturing the great fortress of Luxemburg, and their two armies, under Pichegru and Jourdau respectively, received orders to cross the Rhine and take Mainz. But Pichegru, the conqueror of L'elgium and Holland, was dissatisfied with the reward of his services and with the course of affairs at home. Like Dumouriez under similar circumstances, he determined to betray his country, and opened negotiations with the prince of Cond^. The advance of Jourdan compelled him to obey his instructions, he took Mannheim, and Mainz was closely blockaded. But under these circumstances the conduct of the French was not likely to be very efficient. By a series of masterly movements, the Austrian generals, Clairfait and Wiirmser, broke up the blockade, recovered Mannheim, and drove the French in disorder across the Eliine. Hostilities were closed in December by an armistice, and Pichegru, whose treachery was suspected though not proved, was recalled by the home government. § 23. In 1796 Carnot planned a grand triple attack upon the power of Austria. Two French armies were to advance through Germany, while a third was to enter Italy. It was in the latter country that results of decisive importance were obtained. In 1792 the French had annexed Savoy and Nice, and since then they had been pressing slowly but surely over the Maritime Alps. In 1795 a victory of General Scherer at Loano had secured the entrance into- Piedmont, Scherer was superseded by Bonaj^arte, who had recently married Josephine Beauharnais, the mistress of Barras, and who was supported by Barras and Carnot among the Directors. Bonaparte found his soldiers in the most lamentable condition, starving for want of clothes and food, but he encouraged them with the prospect of the plunder of Italy. He was opposed by 2000 Piedmontese troops under Colli and 40,000 Austrians under Beaulieu, and his first object was to separate the two hostile armies. This he succeeded in effecting by rapid victories at Montenotte and Dego (April, 1796). Determined not to leave a hostile province in his rear, he disregarded the express instructions of the Directors and pursued the Piedmontese to the gates of Turin, where he forced Victor Amadeu^ III. to sign an armistice. The king withdrew from ihe coalition, disbanded his army, and surrendered his chief fortresses as hostages till the conclusion of peace. The Directors were compelled to approve the disobedience of the general, and their scruples were overpowered by the sums of money which were extorted from the conquered, and which materially helped the government to cope 556 MODERN EUROPE. Chap. xxm. with financial difficulties, Bonaparte now turned to pursue the Austrians, and a small engagement at Fornbio enabled him to carry the line of the Ticino and to cross the Po. Beaulieu now made a stand on the Adda, the second of those vertical rivers which form the only lines of defence on the Lombard plain. Bonaparte attacked him at Lodi, and liy an onslaught carried the bridge and gained a complete victory (9 May). This success gave the whole of Lombardy to the French ; the Austrians retreated to the Mincio, to their great fortress of Mantua. Milan sent in its submission, Bonaparte entered the city in triumph, and, in accordance with his usual custom, demanded the payment of twenty millions of francs for the privilege of subjection to France. Still more obnoxious than these pecuniary exactions was the reckless robbery of works of art, which were sent off wholesale to Paris. In despairing indignation the citizens of Pavia rose against their conquerors, but Bonaparte put down the revolt with severity, and took advantage of it to justify fresh extortions. His express instructions were to march upon Leghorn, Rome, and Naples, but he was determined to leave southern Italy till he had crushed the Austrians, and the Directors could not aftbrd to quarrel with a general who poured such lavish supplies into the exhausted treasury. The great difficulty in the way of a French advance upon the Mincio lay in the feet that the district as far as Bergamo belonged to Venice, and Venice was a neutral po'ver. Cynically disregarding the neutrality, Bonaparte occupied Brescia, and thus compelled the Austrians to encroach upon A''enetian territory by entering Pesclliera. I'eaulieu was again defeated at Borghetto and driven to retreat into Tyrol. Bonaparte now i)icked a quanel with Venice on the ground that they had admitted the Austrians to their territory, made himself master tif the Adige by seizing Verona and Legnago, and then laid siege to Mantua. He was now able to give some attention to the wishes of the Directors. Naples he had admitted to an armistice, but he sent Augereau to occupy Ferrara and Bologna in the papal states, while another detachment imder Murat treacherously seized and plundered Leghorn, in spite of the fact that the grand- duke of Tuscany had in the previous year made peace with France. While enjoying the hospitality of the grand-duke at Florence, Bonaparte was treaclierous enough to urge upon the Directors the impolicy of leaving a brother of the emperor in possession of his territories. These easy and not very creditable aggressions were suddenly interrupted by a new danger from the north. The Austrian government determined on a great eOort to regain their hold upon Italy, and Wiirmser, recalled from the Rhine, was des|mtched with A.D. 1796. BONAPARTE IN ITALY. 557 30,000 men to relieve Mantua. In the Tyrol he was joined by the scattered remnants of Eeaulieu's army. Unfortunately, Wiirmser was compelled, by his instructions from Vienna, to divide his forces, and this enabled Bonaparte to follow his favourite plan of attacking tlie hostile detachments in succession. Already several of the French positions had been carried, when Bonaparte raised the siege of Mantua, and Wiirmser, Avho hurried up to the city, found that his march was useless, and that he had left the bulk of his troops to be attacked in his absence. At Lonato (3 August), Bonajjarte crushed one Austrian detachment under Quasdanowich, and then, turning upon Wiirmser, who had returned from Mantua, he defeated him at Castiglione two days later, and drove him back to the Italian Tyrol. Mantua, which had been re-victualled — the only result of these great exertions — was again besieged, but as the French had lost most of their artillery, they had to be content with a blockade. Wiirmser was preparing to renew his advance \\hen Bonaparte determined to forestall the attack. Hurrying north- wards, he routed the Austrians at Bassauo, and as he stood between them and their retreat, they were compelled to throw themselves into Mantua, where they were closely imprisoned. Bonaparte's intention had been, after settling affairs in Italy, to march through the Alps into Germany and to join with the other French forces in an attack upon Austria. In Germany, mifortu- nately, the French had not the advantage of an undivided command. Two armies were prepared, under Jourdan and Moreau, with instructions to advance eastwards by the valleys of the Main and the Necker respectively. The miserable condition of the troops delayed the opening of the campaign, and by that time everything seemed favourable. The mission of Wiirmser into Italy left them confronted by only one Austrian army, under the archduke Charles, who in this year Avon a great reputation as a general. The French advanced into the heart of Germany, when the archduke took a bold resolution worthy of Bonaparte himself. Leaving 30,000 men to face Moreau, he threw himself with vastly superior forces upon Jourdan, defeated him in a series of engagements, and drove him across the Ehine. The French campaign was ruined, and Moreau, who had advanced into Bavaria, saw himself in danger of having his communications cut off. lie conducted his retreat with con- spicuous courage and success, and succeeded in passing the Ehme without any serious losses (25 October). The Austrians concluded the campaign by taking the fortresses of Hiiningen and Kiel. The failure of the French invasion of Germany compelled Bona- parte to remain in Italy, and at the same time enabled the Austrians to make a fresh effort for the relief of Beaulieu in 558 MODERN EUROPE. CuAr. xxiii. Mantua. 40,000 men under Alvin/.i and 18,000 under Davidowieh entered Italy from the Tyrol and marched by different routes towards Verona. Bonaparte had em]iloyed the recent interlude in consolidating French influence in Italy. Against the wishes of the Directors he dethroned the duke of Modena, and formed his terri- tories into the Cispadane Republic. Then he tried to induce Pied- mont and Venice to join France, but both states preferred to retain their neutral position. This was another of the charges which the general was preparing against Venice. On the news of the Austrian advance, Bonaparte marched against Alvinzi, and checked him at Carmignano (G November). But meanwhile Davidowich had taken Trent and was approaching Kivoli. Bona- parte, in danger of being surrounded, was compelled to give way, and retreated to Verona, while Alvinzi followed him. Never was the French position more critical, and nothing but a very bold move could save them. With reckless courage Bonaparte attacked Alvinzi at Areola, and after three days' hard fighting won a com- plete victory. He then forced Davidowich to retreat to the Tyrol. The danger was averted, and the blockade of Mantua was con- tinued. But Austria, as if its resources were inexhaustible, deter- mined on a fourth effort in January, 1797. Alvinzi was again entrusted with the command, while another detachment under Provera advanced from Friuli. Bonaparte collected all liis forces, marched against Alvinzi, and crushed him at Rivoli (15 Jan.). But meanwhile Provera had reached Mantua, where I'onaparte, by a forced march, overtook him, and won another complete victory in the battle of La Favorita. The fate of Mantua was at last decided, and the city surrendered on the 2nd of February. With a generosity worthy of the glory which he had obtained, Bona- parte allovped Wiirmser and the garrison to march out with the honours of war. He now turned to Romagna, occujiied Bologna, and terrified the Pope into signing the treaty of Tolentino. The temporal power was allowed to exist, but within very curtailed limits. Not only Avignon, but the whole of Romagna, with Ancona, was surrendered to France. Even these terms, harsh as they were, were not so severe as the Directors had wished. But Bonaparte was beginning to play his own game ; he saw that Catholicism was regaining ground in France, and he wished to make friends on what might prove after all the winning side. § 24. Affairs in Italy were now fairly settled : two republics, the Cisalpine in Lombardy, and the Cispadane, which included Modena, Ferrara, and Bologna, had been created to secure French influence in Italy. The only open question was the relations with Venice. The French had occupied the Venetian territory from A.p. 1796-1797. PRELIMINARIES OF LEOBEN. 559 Bergamo to Veroua, and Lad established close relations with those classes who were dissatisfied with their exclusion from political power. When the republic armed against the danger of a revolt, Bonaparte treated it as another ground for that quarrel which he artfully fomented for his own purposes. But at present he had other objects more immediately pressing than the oppression of Venice. Jourdan's army on tlie Rliine had been entrusted to Iloche, whose ambition had long chafed at the want of an opjjor- tunity, and who was burning to acquire glory by retrieving the disasters of tlie last camjjaign. Bonaparte, on the other hand, was eager to anticij^ate a i)0ssible rival, and determined to hurry on his own invasion of Austria, in order to keep the war and the negotia- tions in his own hands. The task of meeting l.im was entrusted to the archduke Charles, who had won such a brilliant reputation in 1796, but who was placed at a great disadvantage to his oppo- nent by having to obey instructions from Vienna. The French carried all before them. Joubert occupied Tyrol, Masse'na forced the route to Carinthia, and Bonaparte himself, after defeating tlie archduke on the Tagliamento, occupied Trieste and Carnidla. The French now marched over the Alps, driving the Austrians before tliem. At Leoben, which they reached on 7th April, tliey were less than eighty miles from Vienna. Here Austrian envoys arrived to open negotiations. They consented to surrender Belgium, Lombardy, and the Rhine frontier, but tliey demanded compensa- tion in Bavaria. This demand Bonaparte refused, but offered to compensate Austria at the expense of a neutral state, Venice. Tlie preliminaries of Leoben, signed on the 18th April, gave to Austria, Istria, Dalmatia, and the Venetian provinces between the Oglio, the Po, and the Adriatic. At this moment Hoche and Moreau, after overcoming the obstacles interposed by a sluggish government, were crossing the Rhine to biing their armies to bear against Austria. They had already gained several successes when the unwelcome news reached them from Leoben, and they had to retreat. Bonaparte may have failed to extort the most extreme terms from Austria, but he had at any rate kept both power and fame to himself. No sooner had the preliminaries been concluded, than Bonaparte received intelligence from Venice whicli he afterwards paraded as a justification for the treaty. On the 17th of April a rising took 2ilace at Verona, known as tlie pdques veronaises, in which some French soldiers were killed. Although it was a mere popular out- break, which the government could not possibly have kindled, Bonaparte seized upon it as a pretext for war, and sent troops to threaten Venice with attack. In the panic caused by this threat 560 MODERN EUROPE. Chap, xxiir. the Senate granted all that was demanded of them. The old oligarchical constitution, which had existed for centuries, was abolished ; an offensive alliance was concluded with France, and a French garrison was admitted into the city. In secret articles the ordinary tribute of works of art was exacted, and a vague expres- sion about " exchange of territories " was introduced so as to cover the intended cessions to Austria, of which the Venetians had absolutely no idea. The French at once seized Corfu and the other Venetian possessions in the Levant. Soon afterwards Genoa, the other surviving republic of Italy, was compelled by French dictation to receive a democratic constitntion. § 25. Meanwhile, affairs in Paris were hurrying to a crisis. The cardinal defect of the constitution of the year III. was, that it provided no means of adjusting any difference that might arise between the executive and the legislative powers. As long as tvo- thirds of the councils were composed of former members of the Convention, the Directors were supported by the majority wliich had elected them, and this question was avoided. But on tlie 1 Prairial of the year V. (May, 1797) half of these members had to retire by lot, and at the same time one of the Directors was to vacate his seat. For some time parties had been growing uji in the legislative body: the moderates, consisting of almost all the newly elected deputies, who formed one-third of the councils, wished to carry on the policy of reaction, and many of them were inclined to favour a restoration of the monarchy. This party had its headquarters at a house in the Rue de Clichy, and was known in consequence as the Cluh de Clichy or the Clichyens. In opposition to them, the members of the Convention \\dshed to stop at the point they had reached, and to maintain the republic at all hazards. A similar division had ariaen in the Directory itself. Carnot and Letourneur belonged to the moderate party, while Rewbell, Barras, and La Reveillere were thorovigh-going opponents of any change that might affect their own power. The elections, as was foreseen, gave a strong majority to the moderate party, and among tlie ne\r deputies was Pichegru, whose treason had not yet been divulged, and who became a prominent leader of the Clichyens. The re- tiring elector was settled by lot, and this, as many believed un- fairly, fell upon Letourneur. His place was taken by Bartlielemy, the negotiator of the treaty of Basel, and universally respected for courage and probity. He at once joined himself to Carnot, so that the balance of parties remained the same in the Directory, and the triumvirs, as the other three were called, retained their numerical superiority. These changes brought the Directors into frequent and oppri A.D. 1797. THE EIGHTEENTH FRUCTIDOR. 561 collision with the legislative councils. As there were no constitu- tional means of overcoming the difficulty, Rewbell and his associates determined to employ force against their opponents, and to make themselves absolute in France. The moderate party played into their hands by attacking Bonaparte's treatment of Venice and Genoa. They thus excited t'.ie most bitter hostility of tlie one man without whose support the Directors would hardly have ventured to take active measures. Hoche was first chosen as the agent of the coup d'etat, but he drew back as he began to under- stand the real purpose for which he was employed. The triumvirs then appealed to Bonaparte, who refused to have any pai-t in the business himself, but who sent Augereau, a military democrat, " to kill the royalists." The intention of the three Directors was to feign the discovery of a conspiracy against the republic, and then by active measures to remove their two colleagues, and to jiurge the councils of their chief opjxinents. The councils were fully sensible of their danger, and passed decree after decree against the unauthorised assembling of troops and other arbitrary acts. But decrees were a poor weapon against force, and Carnot, in spite of an open quarrel with Barras, seemed resolutely blind to the acts of his colleagues. On the 18th Fructidor (Sept. 4, 1797) the long-prepared blow was struck. Barthe'lemy was arrested in his chamber, but Carnot contrived to escape by a door into the Luxemburg gardens. At the same time Augereau, with 12,000 men, surrounded the Tuileries, and, as the guard had already been corrupted, occupied the palace without opposition. Pichegru and several other deputies were imprisoned. The councils were now assembled to accept perforce the dictates of the Directory. Carnot, Barthelemy, and fifty- three deputies were to be exiled to any place which the Directors might choose. In forty-nine departments the elections were annulled, and the Directors might a^jpoint nominees of their own. The laws against priests and emigrants, which the moderate party had recently repealed, were renewed. 'J'he Directors were invested with absolute powers ; they could suppress journals or political clubs at pleasure, and the ai^pointment of all judges and magistrates was placed in their hands. 1'he prisoners were banished to the pesti- lential coast of Guiana, where half of them perished. Two new Directors, Merlin de Douai and Francois of Neufchatel, were elected at the dictation of the triumvirs. The only justification advanced for these measures was the treachery of Pichegru two years before, proofs of which Bonaparte had discovered in the papers of D'Antraigues, an emigrant who had been arrested in Venice. There was absolutely no proof that Pichegru had renewed his schemes, for which the opportunity was long past, or that he 562 MODKRN EUROPE Chap, xxiii had communicated them to any of his colleagues in the council. On these flimsy grounds the Directors had overthrown the con- stitution, and had set a fatal example by calling in the army to settle domestic affairs. Almost equally harmful was the apathy %vith which the citizens of Paris watched the overthrow of liberty by a tyrannical executive. § 26. Moreau, as a friend of Pichegru, was removed from his command on the Rhine and replaced by Hoche, who died shortly afterwards at the age of twenty-nine. The army was now entrusted to Augereau, whom the Directors were eager to remove from Paris. Meanwhile, Bonaparte was still engaged, in negotiating with the Austrians, who had delayed coming to terms as long as there was a chance of a change of government at Paris. It was this that had made Bonaparte so angry witli the attacks upon his conduct in Italy, and had led him to support the executive. Now that the obstacle in the way of peace had been withdrawn, he was by no means eager to ajiprove the coujj d'etat, which had gone much further than he had ever intended. He had no confidence in the Directors, Avhom he knew to be jealous of his ascendancy, and he was especially in- dignant at the ajjpointment of Augereau to the command on the Rhine. He showed his displeasure by the independent way in which he hurried on the negotiations. In addition to the territories arranged in the preliminaries of Leoben, Austria demanded the cession of Venice itself, and to this the Directors were obstinately opposed. They wished to compel the accej^tance of their terms by the advance of Augereau into Germany. But Bonaparte was determined not to admit a rival to a share in the work, and, ni open defiance of his instructions, concluded the treaty of Campo Formio on the 17th of October. France obtained Belgium, Lombardy as far as the Adige, which was made into the Cisalpine Republic, and the Ionian Islands. Austria received Istria, Dalmatia, Venice, and the Venetian territory as far as the Adige. A congress was to meet at Rastadt to arrange peace between France and the Empire, but, by a secret article, Austria undertook to employ all its influence to obtain the cession of the Rhine frontier. All possibility of resist- ance on the part of Venice was crushed by the city being handed over to the Austrians before the French quitted it. The Directors Avere bitterly enraged at the news of the treaty, and for a moment dreamt of refusing its ratification. But the unanimous delight with which the nation welcomed the peace compelled them to approve the act of the domineering general. § 27. Bonaparte remained in Italy, occupied with the organisa- tion of the Cisalpine Republic, until the middle of November, when he travelled by way of Rastadt to Paris. There he was received A.D. 1797-1798. BONAPARTE IN EGYPT. 563 in triumph, and many of his friends urged him to seize upon the supreme power. But he was conscious that the moment had not yet come, and refused to mix himself up with political parties. England, now the only remaining enemy of France, had conclusively maintained its maritime supremacy in 1797. Spain having formed an alliance with France in the previous year, the Spanish fleet was attacked and crippled by Jervis at tiie battle of St. Vincent (14 Feb.). In spite of the mutinies at Spithead and the Nore, Admiral Duncan was able to blockade the Texel, and when the Dutcli fleet at last ventured out it was destroyed at Camperdown (6 Oct.). In December Bonaparte was appointed to command the " army of England," and it was universally supposed that the neigh- bouring island was to be invaded. But Bonaparte himself was determined on another enterprise, the conquest of Egypt. For a long time the East, with its traditions of great conquerors, had exercised an invincible fascination on his ambitious mind. He had also personal motives for his decision. To prevent men from forgetting him he must win new successes, and Europe no longer offered a convenient opening. Moreover, he wished the existing government to ruin itself, and he had a lurking hope that, during his absence, disasters might befall France, which would compel, not only his recall, but also his advance to absolute power. The Directors on their side were not unwilling to get rid of a general whose glory overshadowed their own power. In May he set out with a sjilendid armament from Toulon, captured Malta through the treachery of some of the knights, and on the 30th of June appeared before Alexandria. In his manifesto he tried to conciliate the native population, by professing that he was the friend of the Sultan and of the Mohammedan religion, and that his only object was the overthrow of the tyrannical rule of the Mamelukes. His troops, the best that France could produce, speedily overcame all resistance, and on the 25th of July he entered Cairo in triumph. A few days later Nelson, who had been vainly hunting the expedition through ' the Mediterranean, found the French fleet in Aboukir Bay and completely annihilated it in the great battle of the Nile (1 August). This disaster not only deprived the French of the power to retreat, but cut off all communication with Europe. § 28. The Congress of Kastadt, which had met in November, 1797, was from the beginning a hollow sham. The lesser German States had sent envoys in the belief that the integrity of the Empire was to be restored. But Austria and Prussia were both pledged to the cession of the left bank of the Ehine, and this was reluctantly confirmed in March, 1797. The question now aros-e as to how the dispossessed princes were to be compensated, and it was 564 MODERN EUROPE. Chap, xxiii. proposed to secularise the ecclesiastical states of central Germany. This was naturally approved by Prussia as a leading Protestant — power, but Austria refused its consent. As it became evident that HI France was inclining more and more to a Prussian alliance, Thugut, in spite of a strong opposition party in Vienna, began to meditate a renewal of the war. In this intention he was encouraged by new acts of aggression on the part of France. In Rome the French envoy, Joseph Bonaparte, promoted democratic intrigues against the papal government, and, in the disorders which arose, General Duphot was shot. This gave the desired pretext for war to the French government, and Berthier, who had been Bonaparte's aide-de-camp, was ordered to advance upon Rome. The populace, already pre- pared for a revolution, welcomed the invaders. The aged Pius VI., on his refusal to abdicate his temporal power, wa^ removed to Tus- cany, and thence to Valence, where he died in the next year. Ber- thier now surrendered the command to Masse'na, who organised a regular pillage of the city, and aroused such general discontent that even his own soldiers insisted on his resignation. Rome, like the other conquests, was organised as a republic on the French model. Only the names were borrowed from classical times. Instead of Directors there were Consuls, and the Ancients and the Five Hundred were represented by a Senate and a Tribunate. Similar measures were taken at the same time in Smtzerland. French intrigues provoked a revolt in the Pays de Vaud, and when the Bernese government tried to put down the rebels, Franco declared war. One of the objects of the campaign was to obtain money, as the Directors were reduced to great straits by the failure of those sujjplies from Italy which had been so plentiful in the previous year. Berne was taken, and the treasure found there was con- fiscated. The old constitution of Switzerland was abolished, and a new Helvetic RejDublic, in which every inhabitant was to have equal political rights, was proclaimed at Aarau in April. Geneva was now united to France, and the German territory on the left of the Rhine was formed into four French departments. These aggressions aroused once more the wrath of the great Powers of Europe, and England was able to form a coalition still more formidable than that of 1793. Besides Austria, Naples, and most of the German States, Russia and Turkey also took up arms against France. Turkey had obvious grounds for hostility in the invasion of Egypt. In Russia a complete change of policy had followed the death of Catharine II. (Nov., 179G) and the accession of her son, Paul I. Paul, whose mind was hardly sane, was bitterly t)pposed to the reforming ideas of his mother. He restored all the old forms of despotism in Russia, and his fanatical hatred of Jacobinism led A.D. 1798-1799. FRENCH DiSASTERS. 565 him to form a close alliance with Austria, by which he undertook to send a Russian army into Italy. The war was commenced by Ferdinand IV. of Na2')les, who was driven to imprudent haste by the energy of his wife, Caroline, a sister of Marie Antoinette, and by the confidence which was inspired by the arrival of Nelson's fleet after the victory of the Nile. On the 22nd of November war was formally declared against France, and a Neapolitan army, organised and led by the Austrian General Mack, marched upon Rome. The French garrison retired, and the authority of the exiled Pontiff was nominally restored. But the action of the Neapolitans proved as fatal as it was ill-timed. Championnet, with a French army, de- feated the incompetent Mack and advanced to Capua. Naples was panic-stricken, the royal family fled to Nelson's ships, and by the end of January the whole kingdom was reduced and formed into the Parthenopean Republic. At the same time Charles Emmanuel IV. of Sardinia and the grand-dukc Ferdinand III. of Tuscany were deposed, and their territories occupied by the French. This extension of territory at the beginning of a great m ar was a serious error for France. Especially fatal was the occupation of southern Italy at a time when the combined Austrian and Russian forces were to be faced on the Adige. The French frontier ex- tended from Holland to Naples, and it was exposed to attack on almost every point. The centre of the line was Switzerland, which had been neutral territory until its seizure by the French. Massena was in command here, and his instructions were to advance through the mountains so as to cut otf connection between the Austrians in Italy and in Germany. On his norths Jourdan was to march along the line of the Danube upon Vienna, while in Italy Scherer was to hold the line of the Adige until Massena could join him from the lyrol and help him to crush the enemy. The campaign was commenced by Massena (March, 1799), and he succeeded in ad- vancing as far as the Inn valley. But meanwhile the archduke Charles had defeated Jourdan at Stockacli (25 March) and drove him back across the Rhine. A week later Scherer was routed at Mag- nano and forced to retire to the Adda, where he was promptly super- seded by Moreau. Massena, finding that the two lateral campaigns had failed, and that his own flanks were now exposed to attack, retreated to Zurich. The Austrians now occupied IJastadt, where the Congress was still sitting in spite of the outbreak of hostilities, and the French envoys were killed (28 April). Tradition ascribed this outrage to Thugut, and it is probable that he authorised, not the murder, but the seizure of the envoys' papers. In Italy the campaign of 1799 went decisively against the French. They were opposed by Suwarow, the veteran Russian commander, who had a 566 MODERN EUROPE. Chap, xxiii. great advantage over his Austrian predecessors by refusing to take instnictions from the military council at Vienna. Suwarow arrived in Lombardy in April, and at once defeated the French on the Adda. With the fall of Milan tlie Cisalpine Republic suddenly collapsed. Moreau retired to Alexandria, but by a rapid march Suvvarov? surprised Turin in their rear. Cut o(T from retreat and from reinforcements, Moreau's only hope lay in the arrival of Cliam- pionnet's army, which Macdonald was bringing up from Naples. But again Suwarow was too rapid for the French, and, out-marching Moreau, he cut Macdonald's troops to pieces on the Trebbia, after three days of hard fighting '17-19 June). Moreau now collected the remnant of the French forces and conducted a masterly retreat. Suwarow was eager to pursue him and to invade France. But he was paralysed by the selfishness of the Austrian government, which wished to make conquests for itself rather than to crush France or to terminate the war. Suwarow was compelled to remain in Italy, while all the Lombard fortresses were reduced and while Mantua was besieged. Meanwhile the Directors sent a new army into Italy, and this time entrusted the command to Joubert, whose reputation was as yet unsullied by defeat. At Novi, Joubert met Suwarow, but found to his surprise that Mantua had already fallen, and that he had to face two armies instead of one. After an heroic struggle against overwhelming odds, the French were completely defeated and their general left dead ujxm the field. Italy was now entirely lost to France. Cardinal RuHb had already effected a revolution in Naples, to which Ferdinand IV. and his family were restored by the English fleet. Nelson affixed an ineradicable stain upon his reputation by supporting the king and queen in a policy of reprisal, which was quite as horrible as the reign of terror in Paris. In spite of a solemn promise of amnesty, 30,000 patriots were thrown into prison and the majority of them were punished with death or exile. It was a proof that kings could be at least as treacherous and as cruel as Jacobins. Just after the French cause in Italy had been ruined at Novi, an English armament, under the duke of York, landed in Holland, captured tlie Dutch fleet in the Texel, and threatened Amsterdam. It was due rather to York's incajmcity than to any success of the French, that this was the first and last success of the invaders. § 29. The disasters of 1799 naturally made a profound impression upon public opinion in France, and the new elections in May returned to the councils a large mnjority hostile to the Directors, upon whose shoulders the blame of failure was thrown. Sieyds, who had emerged from the insignificance into which he had fallen during the Terror, and who was now a leader of the moderate party, A.D. 1799. EETURN OF BONAPARTE. 567 was chosen Director in place of Rewbel, whose turn it w as to retire. The old quarrel between the executive and the legislature broke out again, the only difference being that this time it was the latter which took the initiative. La Eeveillere and two of his colleagues were compelled to retire and their places were filled by Gohier, Moulins, and Ducoa. Barras, who had lost all reputation and importance, was now the only remaining member of the original Directory. The general feeling of discontent encouraged Sieyes to plan the overthrow of the constitution of 1795, its chief fault in his eyes being that he had had no share in framing it. His own scheme had been long matured in his mind, but he needed the support of a man of action to carry it through. After some hesi- tation he fixed upon Joubert as the instrument of his designs, and sent him into Italy to win a great reputation. But the battle of Novi frustrated this plan, and, after vainly trying to gain over Bernadotte and Moreau, Sieyes was obliged to postpone matters. For a long time nothing had been heard of Bonaparte, whose reputation had grown in proportion to the failures of his successors, and who was popularly regarded as a martyr to the enmity of the Directors. After reducing Egypt, and discovering that his action had forced the Porte into war with France, Bonaparte determined to anticipate attack by invading Syria. For some time he carried all before him, but was at last repulsed from the walls of Acre by the obstinacy of Djezzar Pacha and the bravery of the English sailois under Sir Sydney Smith (May, 1799). This defeat marks a turning-point in his career. His troops were decimated by sickness when he led them back to Egypt. There he found that Murad Bey, the Mameluke leader, had again made head against the French. At the battle of Aboukir the rising was suppressed, but at this moment Bonaparte received intelligence from France. The news of the loss of Italy and the discredit of the Directors con- vinced him that the long expected moment had come. Eegardless of the hardships in which he had involved his army, and of the almost certain fate to which lie left it, he decided to return at once to France. Carefully disguising his intentions, he contrived to set sail in a small frigate with Murat, Marmont, Lannes, and Berthier. The deserted troops were left under the command of Kleber, who bitterly denounced Bonaparte's cold-blooded tieachery. Before Bonaparte's arrival France had been saved from the most pressing dangers, General Brune had recovered Holland and forced the duke of York to capitulate. But the great crisis occurred in Switzerland. Suwarow had been compelled by Austrian jealousy to give up his plan of invading France, and had been sent into Switzerland to co-ojierate with another Russian army under 568 MODERN EUROPE. Chap. xxm. Korsakow. But before he could effect the difficult crossing of the Alps, Massena had already fallen n^Ton Korsakow and had utterly crushed him at the battle of Zurich (26 Sept.). On arriving in Switzerland Suwarow found thnt he liad come too late, and that advance or retreat were alike impossible. With desperate resolution, he attempted a new and unexplored passage through the Alps, and after almost incredible difficulties and hardships he brought his army into safety at Coire. Convinced that he had been betrayed by Austria, the veteran general threw up his commmd and returned to Russia. Massena's success had hardly been gained when it was forgotten in the universal outburst of enthusiasm which welcomed Bona- parte on his landing at Frejus (9 October). From this moment the history both of France and of Europe is bound up with his. Bonaparte was the very man to carry out the design of Sieyes, but a great obstacle existed in the mutual enmity of the two men. However, a short stay in Paris convinced the general that he could gain his end with no other ally, and he felt satisfied that he could easily exclude the Abbe from any real share in power. A recon- ciliation was easily e fleeted, and Bonaparte undertook to overthrow the existing government, the implied condition being that Sieyes should then be allowed to introduce his constitution. The 18th Brumaire (9 Nov.), was fixed for the cotip d'etat which was to avenge the 18th Fructidor. Sieyes could command a majority among the Ancients ; and in the Five Hundred the conspirators ])(issessed a great advantage in the fact that Bonaparte's brother, Lucien, had just been elected president. To prepare the way for intimidation, if it should be needed, the Councils were induced to transfer their sitting to St. Cloud. Bonaparte, with the assistance of his four companions from Egypt, had no difficulty in gaining over the chief officers. 'J'he only opponents in the army weie Bernadotte, who had ambitions of his own and supported the existing constitution, and Jourdan and Augereau, who were inclined to Jacobinism. Fouchc, the head of the police department, was always ready to support the winning side. On the ajipointed day Sieyes and Ducos commenced operations by resigning their seats in the Directory, and Barras was compelled to do the same. Gohier and Moulins, who courageously refused to resign, were arrested. Bonaparte, accompanied by devoted troops, went in person to St. Cloud and entered the Council of the Ancients. ■ He was so con- fused that in his harangue to the deputies he made no allusion to the fear of a Jacobin revolt, which was the feigned pretext of the coujJ d'etat. On arriving among the Five Hundred, he was received with such a chorus of execration tliat he had to be car- A.D. 1799. CONSTITUTION OF SIEYfiS. 569 rieil fainting from the hall. The whole plot seemed tm the verge ;if failure, when Lucien Bonaparte arrived, and encouraged tlic soldiers to clear the hall by force. This completed the revolution. A small body of carefully chosen deputies was assembled in the evening, and they voted the appointment of a commission to draw up a new constitution, and of a provisional consulate to carry on the government in the interval. The three consuls were Bonaparte, Sieyes and Ducos. § 30. Sieyes now brought forward the constitution which had so long been a secret in his own breast, and of which even Bonaparte had as yet no knowledge. The great object of this marvellous conception was to avoid the dangers of frequent popular elections. Every election since 1795 had been more and more reactionary, and there was no doubt that before long a royalist majority might be returned. Against this danger every possible precaution was to be taken, even at the risk of destroying the elementary rights of the people whicli had been established with such pomp and circum- stance in 1789. Sieyes proposed that the adult male population should elect 500,000 men from whom all the municipal officers were to be chosen. The 500,000 were to choose 50,000 who were to furnish all the officials of departments. Finally the 50,000 were to choose 5000, and these alone could fill places in the government and the legislature. The choice of all oHicials from these lists Avas vested, not in the people, but in the government, and the lists were not to be altered for ten years. As regards the legislature, Sieyes pro- posed to create as many bodies as there are processes in any measure. A Council of State was to initiate all laws, they were then to be discussed in a Tribunate, and finally were to be accepted or rejected without discussion in a Legislative Body. To give final security to his system and his party, a Senate, whose members held their seats for life, was to be created, with powers to veto any laws which should infringe upon the constitution. The Senate had the power of electing its own members and also those of the three legislative bodies. The executive power was to be entrusted to two Consuls, one for peace and one for war. Above tliem was to be a Great Elector, a purely ornamental personage, who should represent the nation in diplomatic affairs. The Great Elector nommated and dismissed the Consuls, and could himself be de^Msed by the senate. This elaborate scheme seemed intended to avoid the possibility of change by putting an end to government. Every element was too weak to do anything. As Bonaparte himself described it afterwards, " Sieyes put shadows everywhere — shadow of legislative power, shadow of judicial power, shadow of a government ; it rerjuirod a'tXibstance somewhere." "^I'hcre cimld be no doubt as to 26 570 MODERN EUROPE. Chap, xxiii. | where he would place the substance. When the scheme came up for discussion, he accepted the greater part of it with slight alteration, but scornfully swept away the Great Elector and the two Consuls. " Do you know," he said to Sieyes, " a man of mean enough character to play such an apish performance ? Can you have imagined that a man with any sense of honour could resign himself to the part of a hog fattened on so many millions ? " In the place of these phantom officials he established a First Consul with two colleagues. The First Consul was to have the power of making peace and war, of appointing all state officials and judges, and even of initiating laws, which were only to be drafted by the Council of State. The other two consuls, who were only put in to gratify republican prejudices, had no other function than that of advising their chief. Thus mutilated, the Constitution of the year VIII. was accepted with hardly a murmur. Bonaparte, of course, became First Consul. As Sieyes refused a place of official impotence, the post of Second Consul was given to Canibaceres, an eminent lawyer, who was always willing to serve the established government. The Third Consul was Lebrun, who had been secretary to Maupeou under Louis XV. Everything seemed to prosper well for the new organisation. The people wished for peace and order, and cared little for power. Bonaparte's absence had given him a great advantage in that he was attached to no particular party, and therefore had no profes- sional opponents. He was Avise enough to adhere to his profession that the new constitution was to end all civil confiict. Nevertheless the new government was degrading to France, And involved the destruction of all that was most healthy in the work of the Revolution. The Eepublic was at an end, and the era of despotism had be2un. CHAPTER XXIV. EUROPE DURING THE AGE OF NAPOLEON. The Consulate. — § 1. Internal government of France under the Con- sulate. § 2. Foreign politics ; Campaign of 1800 ; battle of Marengo. § 3. Negotiations; battle of Hohenlinden; treaty of Luueville. § 4. Armed Neutrality of the Northern Powers; bombardment of Copen- hagen; assassination of Paul I. § 5. Affairs in Egypt; capitulation of the French army. § 6. Peace of Amiens. § 7. Bonaparte's despotic government ; Consulate for life ; Concordat and Civil Code. § 8. French aggressions in Italy, Holland, and Switzeidand. § 9. Settle- ment of German affairs after the treaty of Lundville. § 10. Renewal of war between England and France ; occupation of Hanover by the French. § 11. Royalist conspiracy of Pichegru and Cadoudal ; attempted implication of Moreau ; murder of the duke of Enghien. § 12. Establishment of the Empire. II. The Third Coalition. — § 13. Euro {lean relations in 1804. § 14. French aggressions ; Napoleon becomes King of Italy. § 15. Formation of the third coalition. § 16. Projected invasion of England. § 17. Campaign of 1805; Ulm, Trafalgai-, Austerlitz. § 18. Treaties of Schiinbrunn and Pressburg. § 19. Aggrandisement of the Bonaparte family. § 20. The Confede- ration of the Rhine. § 21. Prussia quarrels with France. § 22. Collapse of Prussia after Jena. § 23 The Berlin Decree and the Con- tinental System. § 24. Campaign in East Prussia ; revival of the coali- tion. § 25. Battle of Friedland ; peace of Tilsit. § 26. Affairs of Scan- dinavia ; English fleet bombards Copenhagen ; extinction of house of Vasa in Sweden. HI. The Peninsular War and the Campaign of 1809 against Austria. — § 27. French occupation of Portugal. § 28. Intervention in Spain; deposition of the Bourbons. §29. Popular risings in Spain ; capitulation of Baylen. § 30. English in Portugal ; battle of Vimiera; Convention of Cintra. §31. Prussia and the fidministration of Stein ; revival of national spirit in Germany; Stein retires. § 32. Interview of Napoleon and Alexander I. at Erfurt. §33. Napoleon in Spain; Sir John Moore's retreat to Corunna. §34. Austrian war in 1809 ; occupation of Vienna ; battles of Aspern and Wagram. §35. Wellesley in Portugal and Spain; battle of Talavera; the English evacuate Spain. §36. The Walchereu Expe- dition. § 37. Treaty of Vienna ; annexation of the P.ipal States; of Holland; of Northern Germany. § 38. Napoleon divorces Josephine and marries the Arch-duchess Mai'ia Louisa; breach with Russia. § 39. The Spanish Cortes and the new Constitution. § 40. The Penin- sular War from 1810 to 1812. IV. The War ok Liberation.— § 41. European relations in 1811. § 42. Expedition to Moscow and disastrous retreat. § 43. Prussia breaks with France ; alliance with 572 MODERN EUROPE. Chap. xxiv. Russia and military preparations. § 4i. Napoleon's preparations. § 45. The War of Liberation to the armistice of Poischwitz. § 46. Austria joins the cwlition. § 47. Second ])eriod of the war ; battle of Leipzig; Germany freed from the French. § 48. Welling- ton's campaign of 1813. §49. The Allies advance to Paris; Napo- leon's abdication. § 50. Restoration of the Bourbons ; peace of Paris ; Louis XVIlI.'s Charter. V. The Congress of S^ienna and tiik Hundred Days. — § 51. Congress of Vienna; settlement of Europe, § 52. Napoleon , leaves Elba and recovers his power in Fr ince. § 53. Murat's rising in Italy ; its failure. § 54. Campaign in Bel- gium; Waterloo; >iapoleon sent to St. Helena. § 55. Fate of Jlurat. § 56. The Allies again occupy Paris ; Louis XVlll. restored ; second peace of Paris. I. The Consulate. § I. BoNAPAKTE lost no time in setting to work to re-organise the institutions of France. The principles which he followed were those of the old regime rather than of tlie constituent assembly. The excessive emphasis which had been laid upon the rights of man and the final authority of the popular will, was replaced by an absolute centralisation which Richelieu would have been proud to imitate. Every official in the commune or the department was appointed by the First Consul, and absolutely dependent upon his will. Prefects took the place of the old Inteudants, and governed as despotically and effectively as their predecessors. The government of France became a vast machine, in the working of which the people had no control and desired none. It was to Bonaparte's interest to make the administration good, and he was careful in the choice of his agents. Talleyrand was minister of foreign affairs. Fouche kept the management of police, the finances w^ere entrusted to Gaudin, military aflairs to Berthier, and the home department to Lucien Bonaparte. There was great competition for places in the new legislative councils. The Senate was filled with tried adherents of Bonaparte, whose fidelity could be trusted. The Legislative Body, the dumb assembly, consisted of nobodies. 'J'he Tribunate, whose function was to discuss without being able to alter or reject, contained some brilliant names, Benjamin Constant, Chenier, Ganilh, and J. B. Say. This body, in which the voice of freedom was occasionally heard, was regarded with great jealousy by the First Consul. Pie did all in his power to discredit it ; he made it sit in the Palais Royal, and he transferred as many of its functions as he could to the Council of State, which he intended to use as the chief instrument of his will. No one could be more keenly sensitive to hostile criticism. Not content with suppressing all the indepen- dent journals, he banished Madame de Stiiel, Necker's daughter, from Paris, because her friend ('(instant liad displeased him by a A.D. 1799. THE CONSULATE. 573 speech in the Tribunate. The abolition of the old parties, of which he made such parade, was only intended to lead to the creation of a single party, his ovm followers. He had not the slightest conception of justice and mercy: his one motive was calculating ambition. He offered terms to the rebels in Brittany, because he thought that their devoted courage would be useful to him. When they refused his terms, he had them hunted down like wild beasts. That he had no religious scruples had been proved by his attitude U< Mohammedanism in the East, but no sooner had lie risen to power than he set himself to gain over tho Roman Catholic priests, because he saw that they might become the firmest bulwark of his authority. § 2. In foreign politics, as might be expected, Bonaparte was no less autocratic than at home. While the nation desired peace, he wished the war to continue, partly because he hoped for some great success to consolidate his power, and partly because he intended to satisfy the most pressing financial needs by the spoils of conquered nations. This organised pillage, of which he had set the first example in his Italian campaign of 1796, now becomes a definite object of the French government. In spite of these motives he could not afford to run directly counter to the popular wish, and his first act was to express a desire for peace in two letters which he sent directly to George III. and Francis II. This theatrical contempt for diplomatic forms was designed to impress the French, and was thoroughly characteristic of Bonaparte, in England, Pitt, who believed France to be exhausted, and that so changeable a l^eople would not long tolerate a military dictatorship, was determined to continue a war which seemed to him on the eve of success. In his reply he hinted at the restoration of the Bourbons as the real object of England, and this enabled Bonaparte to rouse the national wrath against foreign dictation. Austria, which was now in possession, not only of its old territories but of the Tapal States and of Piedmont, was naturally unwilling to treat on the basis of Campo Formio, and replied that it could only negotiate in conjunction with its allies. Bonaparte published his own letters and the answers, and thus proved his desire for peace, while he secured the continuance of the war. Great preparations were made in France for the new campaign, which opened with more favourable prospects because Paul I., disgusted with the conduct of Austria, had practically withdrawn from the war. The command in Italy was entrusted to Massena, who was opposed by vastly superior forces under Melas, the colleague of Suwarow at iVovi. The army of the Rhine was led by Moreau. The archduke Charles, dis- gusted with the policy of Thugut, had retired from the Austrian 574 MODERN EUROPE. Chap. xsiv. command, which was entrusted to Kray, the victor of Magnano. A third French army was secretly collected in France around Dijon, but its destination was uncertain, and for a long time its very existence was doubted by the allied powers. The plan of the campaign was elaborated by Bonaparte, and with one great object, that a great blow might be struck by himself. Moreau was to cross the Rhine and drive the Austrians into the Rhine valley. But he was not to advance beyond Ulm, although a great success in Germany was almost certain to drive Austria to submission, and this could not be done by any success, however brilliant, in Italy. Massena, for his part, was simply to make as good a stand against Melas as he could with his vastly inferior forces. Meanwhile, Bonaparte with the army of reserve, for which all supplies were care- fully reserved, was to cross the Alps into Lombardy and take Melas in the rear. Surrounded and cut off from retread the Austrians could not possibly escape a great disaster. The plan does as much credit to Bonaimrte as a strategist as it proves him to be wanting^ in all the qualities of a statesman or a patriot. The first to move was Melas, who attacked the French in the Apennines, separated them by moving on the centre of their line, and drove Massena with one division into Genoa, while the other, under Suchet, held the line of the Var. In Germany Moreau commenced to cross the iihine on the 25th of April. By admirably calculated movements, he not only effected the crossing without loss, but within a fortnight he won five victories over Kray, who was forced to retire to Ulm (10th May). Here he was comjielled, by Bonaparte's oixlers, to stoj) and remain inactive, although one energetic movement would have opened the way to Vienna. It is perfectly certain that if the Directory had given such orders to Bonaparte, he would have disobeyed them. By this time every- thing was ready for the First Consul, who assumed the command of the reserve army on the 8th of May. He crossed the Alps by the St. Gothardt, an exploit which, according to his flatterers, rivalled the deeds of Hannibal, but was really far less difficult and dangerous than Suwarow's march in the previous year. By the end of May all his troops were in Lombardy, and Melas, who bad disbelieved all the reports about the army of reserve, found himself caught in a trap. Everybody exj)ected that Bonaparte would at once march to the relief of Massena, who had obeyed his orders with the greatest loyalty, and had held out with such stoicism that both garrison and citizens were reduced to the last extremities. But ambition won the day against gratitude and simple duty. Bonaparte thought only of inflicting a crushing blow upon Melas, and left Massena to his fate. On the 4th of June Genoa was surren- A.D. 1800. MARENGO. 575 dered, but the besieged obtained honourable terms. Meanwhile Bonaparte had taken such elaborate precautions to prevent the escape of Melas, that he very nearly incurred a defeat. In utter ignorance of the enemy's position he arrived at Marengo near Alessandria, and sent oft' a large detachment under Desaix to Novi, just as Melas had made up his mind to attack the French, and to cut a retreat through them. On the 14th of June the Austrians advanced, and their superior numbers carried all before them. Melas had already retired to his tent to write the bulletin of his victory, when the return of Desaix, who had heard the sound of cannon, completely changed the fortunes of the day. A flank charge of cavalry broke the Austrian column, which fell into a sudden panic and was utterly routed. No victory was ever won more completely by chance, but Bonaparte suppressed all tlie true accounts of the battle, and the official bulletins attributed every success to the general's strategy. I'he battle of Marengo, however won, was for the moment decisive. Melas was so utterly crushed that he could not renew hostilities, and an armistice was concluded at Alessandria by which the Austrians surrendered the whole of northern Italy as far as the Mincio. Bonaparte's safe passage of the Alps removed the obstacle in the way of Moreau's advance, and the latter at once gave up an inactivity which he detested himself, and which had excited loud murmurs from his officers. Instead of directly attacking Ulm he marched beyond it, and compelled the Austrians to fight by threatening their stores at Donau worth. A victory at Hochstett (19th June) forced Kray to evacuate Ulm and to retreat towards Bohemia. Moreau took Munich a week later, and then concluded a suspension of hostilities. § 3. After concluding the convention of Alessandria, Bonaparte handed over the Italian army to Massena and returned to Paris. The temporary cessation of tlie war was occupied in negotiations. France had contrived to gain over two valuable allies. Paul I. of Eussia, whose foreign policy was as insane as his domestic govern- ment, was now wholly estranged from Austria, and had conceived an enthusiastic admiration for the First Consul, m whom he saw the real destroyer of the revolution and the champion of absolutism in Western Europe. Bonaparte took care to encourage this feeling by sending back without ransom 6000 Russian prisoners. Ko defi- nite treaty was concluded, but an understanding was arrived at that peace should be made between Russia and France on condition that Malta and Piedmont should be restored to the Knights of St. John and to the King of Sardinia respectively. Bonaparte had no intention of fulfilling these conditions, but he had no scruples about making promises which would gain so valuable an ally. More 576 MODERN EUROPE. Chap. xxiv. distinct was the agreement with Spain, where Bonaparte had obtained a complete ascendancy over Godoy, " the Prince of Peace " and the all-powerful minister of Charles IV. Spain restored Louisiana, which had once been a French colony, and France secretly undertook to give Tuscany, witli the title of king, to the duke of Parma, who had married Charles IV.'s daughter. It was not felt as an objection to this treacherous bargain that France had no right over Tuscany, not even that of conquest. In spite of these successes, no progress was made in the negotiations with England and Austria. England could not make i^eace until affairs were settled in Egypt. Austria had not been seriously weakened by the defeat at Maiengo, and was inclined to resent the teOns that had been extorted from Melas. Only a few days after the battle Thugut was able to eftect the last triumph of his policj-, and concluded a new subsidy treaty with England (20 June), by which Austria was pledged not to make a separate peace before February, 1801. In spite of this the negotiations went on, and a prolongation of the armistice was purchased by the cession of Ulm, Philiijsburg, and Inpjolstadt. A diplomatic conference was opened at Luneville, at which Cobenzl represented Austria, and Joseph Bonaparte France. But the only object of the Viennese govern- ment was to gain time, and a definite refusal to treat apart from England compelled a resumption of hostilities. Moreau, who had received reinforcements, was opposed by the archduke Joseph, over whom he won a crushing victory at Hohenlinden (3 December). The French were advancing towards Vienna, when the archduke Charles, who had superseded his brother, solicited and obtained an armistice at Steyer (25 December). Meanwhile Macdouald, at the head of a detachment of the army of Italy, had accomplished the marvellous feat of crossing the Spliigen in the middle of winter. He had already driven the Austrians back to Botzen when he was stopjied by the conclusion of the armistice. The battle of Hohenlinden hurried on the work of tlie diploma- tists at Luneville, which was also facilitated by the downfall of Thugut and the appointment to the ministry of foreign affairs of Cobenzl, the negotiator of Campio Formio. That treaty was taken as the basis of the new peace, which was signed on the 9th of February, 1801. France recovered its old possessions in Italy with the Adige as their eastern boundary, and its hold upon Holland, Belgium, and the left bank of the Khine was once more confirmed. The only difference was that, in accordance with the agreement with Spain, Tuscany was transferred to the duke of Parma. The dispossessed princes of Germany and the grand-duke of Tuscany were to receive such compensation for their losses as should be approved A.D. 1800-1801. THE ARMED NEUTRALITY. 577 by France. The restoration of French power in Italy implied the submission of Naples. But the intervention of Paul I. preserved that throne to the Bourbons, and Ferdinand IV. obtained peace on easy terms by engaging to close his ports against English vessels. § 4. England was now isolated in Europe, and had to face other enemies besides France. Great discontent was aroused by the right of search, and by the high-handed way in which England seized upon the commodities which neutral powers were carrying to France. Paul I. was bitterly exasperated by the refusal of England to surrender Malta to the Knights Hospitallers, of which order he had been elected grand master. To show his anger, he revived the Armed Neutrality of the northern powers, which Catharine II. had formed in 1780. A treaty was signed between Russia, Sweden and Denmark on the 16th of December, 1800, and was soon afterwards joined by Prussia, which hnd remained neutral since the treaty of Basel. The contracting jMwers announced their intention to resist by force English interference with their com- merce. England was at this time occupied with a ministerial crisis. Pitt had in 1800 carried his great measure, the Union between England and Ireland, and had purchased the consent of the Irish by a promise to repeal the oppressive j^enal laws against the Roman Catholics. The king's obstinate orthodoxy made him unable to fulfil this promise, and at the beginning of 1801 he resigned his office to the feeble hands of Addingtou. But the retirement of the great minister made no difference to the spirit with wliich the war was carried on. Determined not to sacrifice the advantages of maritime ascendancy, the government treated the Armed Neutrality as a declaration of war, and sent a fleet under Parker and Nelson into the Baltic. On the 2nd of April, Nelson bombarded Copenhagen and compelled the Danes to retire from the league. He was on his way to attack Russia when he received news which altered the whole aspect of affairs. Paul I.'s insane government had excited universal discontent in Russia, and a con- spiracy was formed among the courtiers, to which his son Alexan- der was privy, for the Czar's deposition. But deposition in Russia involves assassination, and Alexander I. found himself raised to a throne the way to which was prepared by parricide (23 March). This event broke up the Armed Neutrality. Peace was made between England and Russia, in which the points at dispute were compromised. England retained the right of confiscating merchan- dise intended for France, but agreed that the jiresence of a man-of- war should protect neutral vessels from privateers, and that a blockade should not be recognised \mless it were eflective. § 5. England and France were botJi desirous of peace, to which 26* 578 MODERN EUROPE. Chap. xxiv. only one serious obstacle now remained, the war in Egypt. By a sort of tacit agreement, negotiations were suspended until that quarrel should be settled by arms. After Bonaparte's desertion, Kleber saw clearly that all chance of a permanent occupation was at an end, and offered to arrange an evacuation with Sir Sidney Smith. On the 24th of February a convention was signed at El Arish by which the French army was to be allowed a free return. At this moment instructions arrived from England that no treaty should be made unless the French laid down their arms. Sir Sydney Smith was compelled to recall the convention, and Kleber at once gave battle to the Turks at Heliopolis, where 10,000 men utterly routed 80,000. Tlie French had recovered Cairo, and seemed more secure in Egypt than ever, when Kleber was assas- sinated by an obscure fanatic. The command was transferred to Menou, the most incompetent general that France produced during the revolutionary epoch, who had shown such enthusiasm for the Egyptian expedition that he had become a convert to Islam, An English army now landed in Egypt under Sir Ralph Abercromby, and speedily decided the campaign. Before Alex- andria (21 March) the English won a complete victory, in which Abercromby was killed, and forced Menou and his army to seek refuge in the city. In June the French garrison surrendered Cairo, and in August the arrival of troops from India compelled Menou to capitulate at Alexandria. § 6. The last obstacle to peace was now removed, and on the 1st of October preliminaries were signed in London. England restored all its conquests with the exception of Trinidad and Ceylon. Egypt was to return to the Porte, and Malta to the Order of St. John. On the other hand, France was to evacuate Naples and the Papal States, and the Ionian Islands were to be formed into a republic. The agreement was welcomed with enthuvsiasm by the English people, but there were many clear-headed men who had watched tlie career of Bonaparte, and foresaw that his ambition would not be content witli what he had already gained. Their misgivings were justified by the high-handed way in which a constitution, designed in French interests, was forced upon the unwilling peoples of Holland and the Cisalpine Republic. The government, however, was anxious to conciliate public opinion, and disguised the resent- ment which was felt at these acts of aggression. The final treaty was signed at Amiens on the 27th of March, 1802. Europe was to enjoy a short period of peace. But it was soon evident that the peace was a hollow one, that most of the real grounds of quarrel had been omitted, rather than settled, and that nothing but new exertions could check the aggressions of France. A.D. 1801-1802. DOMESTIC GOVERNMENT. 579 § 7. Meanwhile the internal government of France, still nominally republican, was becoming more and more centralised to suit the will of the First Consul, who steadily aimed at the establishment of despotism. He took up his residence in the Tuileries, and did all in his power to revive the forms of the old court. In this way many of the emigrants were attracted back to France, where they were received with great favour. No pains were spared to gain over the royalists, and to destroy the repub- licans, and the hypocritical pretext was always advanced, that arbitrary measures were needed to protect " liberty and equality," and to uphold the principles of the revolution. In December, 1800, as Bonaparte was on the way to the opera, he narrowly escaped from the explosion of an infernal macldne. This incident was at once employed to carry out his purposes. To avoid judicial forms the Senate was induced to issue a decree — which was not one of ts functions — by which 130 Jacobins were condemned to exile. It was afterwards proved that the attempted assassination was the work of a few Chouans, and that the Jacobins were perfectly innocent ; but the difficulty was got rid of by altering the terms of the decree so as to show that the sentence was for their previous conduct. The slightest breath of opposition threw the First Consul into a fary, and to remove the insignificant checks that were imposed upon his power he did not scruple to infringe the constitu- tion. The justices of the peace, the most healthy and independent class of officials, were deprived of their most important functions and diminished in number. Perhaps no law is more characteristic of Bonaparte's system than that which established special tribunals. By this the government could, in political and other cases, dispense with the course of ordinary justice, and conduct the trial by a tribunal consisting of three judges, members of the criminal court, three officers, and two assessors. As the last five were nominated by the First Consul, it is obvious that he could ensure the decision that he wished. The law was strenuously opjiosed in the Tribunate, there was not a single valid argument in its f ivour, but so strong was the government influence that it was carried by forty-nine votes to forty-one. This futile resistance was enough to exasperate Bonaparte, and the criticism of some details in his new code induced him to take active measures against a bo.iy which dared to express an opinion of its own. By the constitution a ninth of the members of the Tribunate had to retire every year, and the individuals were usually chosen by lot. On the suggestion of Cambaceres, Bonaparte decided that the retiring members should be nominated by the Senate, and thus got rid of all those who had shown the slightest independence. The Legislative I'ody was " purged " in the same 580 MODERN EUROPE. Chap. xxiv. way, and liencefortli the two assemblies were submissive instru- ments. These open advances of despotism were simply disregarded by the great mass of Frenchmen, who bad ceased to take any interest in politics. The few sincere republicans, such as Lafayette, who had recovered freedom by the treaty of Campo Formio, and Moreau, the victor of Hohenlindeu, felt resistance to be vain, and retired into private life. A vigilant police, organised by Fouche, carried espionage to lengths which had been unknown under the old regime. At the back of the government was the irresistible force of the army, which was increased by a system of constant recruiting. And the First Consul found new and very powerful allies in the clergy. Himself a sceptic, he fully appreciated the importance of religion as a political lever, and determined to use it for his own ends. In spite of the traditions of the revolution and the repug- nance of many of his supporters, he opened negotiations with the Pope, which ended in the conclusion of the Concordat (April, 1802). By this, the Roman Catholic religion, which was already freed, became once more the state religion. Archbishops and bishops were nominated by the First Consul and confirmed by the Pupe ; appointments to benefices were made by the bishops and approved by the First Consul. To clear away disputes between non-jurors and clergy who had accepted the civil constitution, all existing bishops were removed, but most of them were re-appointed. The Concordat gave considerable imiLediate advantages to Bonaparte, as the clergy were strictly subordinated to the state and became its willing vassals. But in the end it was the church which reaped the greatest advantage, and from this time we may trace the rise of modern ultramontanism in France. Next to the Concordat, the most important of Bonaparte's permanent measures was the pro- mulgation of the famous Code Napoleon. Though it has been called after him, he was not the real originator of this reform. The Constituent Assembly had commenced the work, and the Conven- tion made great strides towards its completion, but, after being interrupted by the Directory, it was resumed and finished in the time of the Consulate. Bonaparte's personal share in it was limited to the alteration of several articles, such as those about divorce, to suit his owa special needs. The Code was finally issued in March, 180i. The conclusion of the peace of Amiens, and the general joy with which it was welcomed, seemed to offer a convenient opportunity for obtaining a more definite sanction for a power which was already great enough for all practical purposes. Tlie Senate, as usual, took the lead in servility, but Bonaparte's real aims were so little under- A.D. 1802-1804. DOMESTIC GOVEKNMENT. 581 stood, that they only offered him a renewal of the Consulate for ten years. Enraged at this paltry gift, yet afraid of compromising himself by seeming to demand what was not offered, Bonaparte adroitly contrived to suggest an appeal to the people, and the question put to the vote was not the Consulate fur ten years but for life. To make the matter simpler all votes not given were reckoned as being in the affirmative. The result of the scrutiny (August, 1802) was that out of 3,577,885 voters only 9,62G were against the proposal. Among the minority was Carnot, who had compromised himself by accepting one of the places in the Tribu- nate vacated by the " purging,"' but who began to return to the republican cause as its prospects appeared hopeless. After the plebiscite a number of changes were made in the constitution. The First Consul was authorised to nominate his successor, and his two colleagues were also to hold office for life. The powers of the Senate were increased, but it was not allowed to meet without a summons from the First Consul. The Tribunate was reduced to fifty members, and from this time lost all independence and importance. Bona- parte was never tired of repeating tliat the French must be ruled through their vanity, and to conciliate this he caused the formation )f the famous Legion of Honour, which was to contain GOO ) members, civilians as well as soldiers, with the First Consul as their Chief. By the end of 1802 the government of France had become practically monarchical, a change of title was alone needed to put an end to the Republic. § 8, During the interval of peace that followed the treaty of Amiens, Bonaparte continued to excite the misgivings of Europe by his high-handed treatment of the lesser states whom misfortime had brought into dependence on France. The Batavian Ivepublic had been organised in October, 1801, and the Dutch were too lethargic to make any opposition. In January, 1802, the Cisalpine became the Italian Republic, and the deputies, assembled at Lyons, were forced to offer the Presidency to Bonajiarte. Switzerland could not be treated quite so despotically, so the First Consul encouraged the disputes of rival factions, then interfered as " mediator," and in that capacity established the Helvetic Republic. To secure dependence upon France the federal government was rendered powerless, and extreme independence was granted to the separate cantons, whose number was increased to nineteen. Piedmont, in spite of the representations of England and Holland, was defi- nitely annexed to France (Sept. 1802), and the island of Elba shared the same fate. To get rid of Moreau's army, wliich shared the independent sjjirit of its general, and at the same time to revive the colonial power of France, Bonaparte dispatched an 582 MODERN EUROPE. Chap. xxiv. expedition to St. Domingo, where the negroes, enfranchised by the Revolution, had been organised under a regular government by one of themselves, Toussaint I'Uuverture. Toussaint was sent a prisoner to France, but most of the troops perished from the unhealthiness of the climate. § 9. At the same time the power of France was immensely increased by the settlement of imperial affairs in Germany. The treaty of Luneville had arranged that the dispossessed princes on the left bank of the Rhine should receive compensation for their losses elsewhere. In 1801 the diet met at Ratisbon to carry out this article, but the real settlement was effected by private agree- ment of the various German states with France. To strengthen himself, and to conciliate a possible enemy, Bonaparte called in Alexander I. of Russia to assist in the mediation. It was not till March, 1803, that all these various arrangements were collected and promulgated by the diet. Thanks to the grasping ambition of Austria and Prussia, and the unpatriotic greed of the lesser states, France was able to effect a settlement which destroyed all j^rospect of a national union of Germany, and ensured the permanence of French influence in the country. The material for compensation was found in the territories of the ecclesiastical i^rinces and of the free cities. All the clerical slates were secularised, and forty-four out of the fifty cities of the empire were suppressed. Austria, as the most powerful rival of France, was excluded from all share of the spoil, and Prussia was only allowed to increase its territory in the north. Bonaparte's policy was to lean upon the lesser states, Baden, Bavaria, Wurtemberg, and Saxony. As these princes were related by marriage to the Czar, their advancement was not only a real gain for France, but a graceful compliment to Alexander. These changes were not only important to the policy of Bona- parte, they also exercised a permanent effect upon the future of Germany. The balance of power in the Emjjire was completely changed, the Roman Catholics lost their predominance, and the imperial sovereignty of the Hapsburgs became more nominal than ever. The number of Electors had been eight since the union of Bavaria with the Palatinate in 1777. By the change of 1803 the archbishops of Trier and Cologne disap23eared, and their places were taken by Baden, Wurtemberg, Hesse-Cassel, and Salzburg, so that the number was now ten. It was in tlie Chamber of Princes that Austria had so long held the upper hand, and it was through this body that the emperors had been able to control the diet. All this was altered in 1803, the number of votes was diminished from 100 to 82, and though 26 of tliese belonged nominally to spiritual princiBS, they were really held by the possessors of seen- A.D. 1802-1803. RENEWAL OF HOSTILITIES. 583 larised territory. The Chamber of Imperial Cities disappeared altogether. Whereas in the old diet the Koman Catholics had had a secure majoritj^, this was now reversed, and the Protestants could command fifty votes as against thirty. This was another blow to Austrian influence. The foundations of the old Empire, long undermined, were now overthrown, and Bonaparte was already meditating the construction of a new edifice. § 10. The annexation of Piedmont and the intervention in S^vitz- erlaud were breaches of the treaty of Amiens, and called foi-th indignant remonstrances from the English government. But Bona- parte was determined to exclude England from Continental affairs, and he replied by incessant complaints of the freedom of the press in this country, and the way in whicli the French government was attacked in the newspapers. A stronger ministry would have resorted to hostilities at once, but Addington was so anxious to maintain peace that he tried to satisfy the Consul by prosecuting for libel the editor of a French paper in London. Malta had not yet been given up on account of difficulties which had arisen about the piroposed Kussian guarantee, and England threatened its retention unless France surrendered some of its recent acquisitions. The appearance in the Moniteur, the French official paper, of a report upon the resources of Egypt brought matters to a crisis (January, 1803), and Bonaparte publicly insulted the English envoy, Lord Whitworth. At last the I'>nglish government pre- sented an ultimatum, in which was demanded the evacuation of Holland and Switzerland, an mdemnity for the king of Sardinia, and that England should occupy Malta for ten years, Bonaparte refused these terms, and when war was declared on the 18th of May, he promptly imprisoned all the Englishmen that were found in France. Tins war, which continued without intermission till 1814, was at first purely naval, as England had no allies on the Continent. English vessels seized the French colonies, of which Louisiana had just been sold to the United States. Bonaparte replied by closing all the ports of France and the subject states against English goods, and by making vast preparations on the northern coast which were supposed to be destined for an invasion of England. But as such an enterprise required time and its success was doubtful, Bona- parte decided to attack George III. through his German electorate. A French army under Mortier entered Hanover (May, 1803) and occupied the province without difficulty. This act was in direct defiance of the treaty of Basel, which had guaranteed the neutrality of the northern states of Germany. If Frederick William II. had been alive it is probable that Prussia would have taken up arms 584 MODERN EUROPE. Chap, xxiii. to avenge this insult. But lie had died in 1797 and his son and successor, Frederick William III., under the influence of Haugwitz, had adopted as a permanent policy the neutrality which exhaustion had forced upon his father. After some futile negotiations, Prussia adhered to that inactivity which was destined before long to receive a terrible punishment. § 11. The renev/al of the English war encouraged the royalists to resume their schemes for a Bourbon restoration. A plot was concerted in which the chief movers were Georges Cadoudal, the Chouan leader, and Pichegru, the renegade general of the Republic. Cadoudal was to organisa active measures for seizing the First Consul, while Pichegru was to gain over all who were discontented with the existing system. Great hopes were felt of obtaining - the assistance of Moreau, who had been an intimate friend of Picliegru and was known to have quarrelled with Bonaparte. When every- thing was prepared, the Count of Artois was to appear in France and to take the lead of the movement. From a very early period every detail of the plot whs known to the police, but they were instructed to allow matters to go on until all Bonaparte's enemies were compromised and a decisive blow could be strnck. Cadoudal and Pichegru both arrived in Paris, and the latter had an interview with Moreau, who refused to be made a tool of the Bourbons, but promised not to betray his old colleague. At last, in February, 1804, the government determined on action. Moreau was arrested, and at s' lort intervals Pichegru and ddoudal with a number of their accomplices. But Bonajjarte was not satisfied until he had obtained possession of a Bourbon jirince. He wished to give a signal example of the ven- geance he would take upon his enemies. Vain efforts were made to allure the Count of Artois to follow his fellow consjnrators, and a new victim had to be found. On the 15th of March a detach- ment of French troops made a raid into Germany and cajitured the duke of Enghien, son of the prince of Conde, who was living at Ettenheim, near Strasburg. There was not a tittle oC evi- dence to connect him with the royalist plot, but he was brought to Vinceimes, where his grave had been already dug, and after a hasty trial before a military commission was shut. All Europe stood aghast at this atrocious deed, and the fate of the other prisoners was watched with eager solicitude. Picliegru was found strangled in prison, Cadoudal, with several others, was executed, but Mo- reau, to Bonai»rle's intense indignation, was only sentenced to two years' imprisonment. The charges agiiinst lum had in fact broken down, and his only real crime was that 1 e refused absohite submission to the Consul, and that he was the only m;in whose reputation and ability made him a possible rival. His sentence A.D. 1804. THE EMPIRE. 585 was altered by Bonaparte to perpetual exile, and he sailed to America. § 12. In France terror stifled the feelings of horror and sympathy which Enghien's murder would naturally have aroused, and Bona- parte was able to utilise this carefully managed plot to attain the great object of his ambition. Together with the congratulations that were showered ujjon him for his escape came suggestions that France should be saved from similar attempts in the future by the establishment of a permanent form of government. Tiie Tribunate took the lead in i^roposing that hereditary rule should be conferretl ui»n Bonaparte with the title of emperor. Only one voice, that of Carnot, was raised against the insidious proposal. In the Senate there were four malcontents, who included Sieyes and Lanjuinais. The proflered title was at once accepted by Napoleo^, as he hence- forth styles himself. 'Ihe form of taking a popular vote was adhered to, but so little attention was paid to it that the formal pro- clamation was issued before the voting had commenced (20 May). Napoleon's family now obtained formal recognition. In default of male heirs to himself the empire was to pass to his brothers Joseph and Louis, who obtained the title of Imperial Highnesses. The other two brothers, Lucien and Jerome, were passed over because they had incurred Napoleon's displeasure. Sixteen marshals were created, and included the chief followers of Bonaparte, Murat, Berthier, etc. Cambaceres aiid Le Brun, hitherto colleagues in the Consulate, received the titles of arch-chancellor and arch- treasurer. These and others forms were borrowed from Germany, and Napoleon loved to pose as a new Charlemagne, who had once more brought the imperial dignity from the east to the west. The coronation did not take place till the 2ud of December, when the Pope, Pius VII., was hiduced to be present in person. But his share in the ceremony was but small, as at the last moment Napoleon seized the crown and placed it upon his own head. The chief result of the pope's visit was that he compelled Napoleon to go through the forms of a religious marriage with his wife Josephine, whom he was aLeady thinking of re])udiating. The Bonaparte family, especially the emperor's three sisters, were bitterly hostile to the empress and to her two children by her first husband, Eugene and Hortense Beauharnais. The latter was married to Louis Bona- parte and was treated by her husband with jealous cruelty. The court history of the Empire is full of the ignoble squabbles between the two parvenu families of Bonaparte and Beauharnais. 586 MODERN EUROPE. Chap. xxiv. II. The Third Coalition. § 13. In France the establishment of tlie Emi:)ire was regarded with complacency. The government was already as despotic as it could be, and the introduction of a new name and of the forms of court life was looked upon as a security for the continuance of that material welfare which personal rule had undoubtedly given to the country. But in Europe the ch:inge was rightly regarded as marking the complete destruction of the old system, and it strength- ened the antipathy that had been roused by previous aggressions. Externally the state of affairs seemed favourable to the new dynasty, but there were not wanting signs of approaching disturbance. In England Pitt returned to office in May, 180i, and this in itself was an evil omen for France. He enjoyed the confidence, not only of his own nation but of Europe, and he at once set to work to resume the threads of that coalition of which Englar.d had formerly directed the resources. Alexander I. of Eussia had begun to see through the designs of Napoleon ; he found that he had been duped in the joint mediation in Germany, he resented the occupation of Hanover, and he ordered his court to put on mourning for the duke of Enghien. Before long he broke off diplomatic relations with France (Sept. 1804), and a Eussian war was now only a question of time. Austria was the power most closely affected by Napoleon's assump- tion of the imperial title. The old Holy Roman Empire could hardly continue to exist by the side of a youn'.'er and hardier rival. But Austria was not yet jirepared for hostilities, and Francis II. contented himself with securing his own dignity against probable contingencies. On the 10th of September lie assumed the title of " Hereditary Emperor of Austria," so that if his old rank had to be abandoned he would still be on an equality with the rulers of France and Russia. But this was not intended as the basis of a permanent reconciliation. While hastening to acknowledge Napo- leon, Austria was busied in military preparations and began to resume its old connection with England. Prussia Avas the power on which France was accustomed to rely with implicit confidence. But the occupation of Hanover and tiie interference with the com- merce of the Elbe had weakened Frederick William III.'s belief in the advantages of a neutral policy, and, though he could not make up his mind to definite action, he began to open negotiations with Russia in view of a rupture with France. The fluctuations of Prussian policy may be followed in the alternating influence of the two ministers of foreign affairs, Haugwitz and Hardenberg. § 14. Meanwhile Napoleon, ignorant or reckless of the growing hostility of the great powers, continued his aggressions at the A.D. 1804-1805. THE THIRD COALITION. 587 expense of the lesser states. After visiting the enormous army which had been collected at Boulogne, he made a triumphal pro- gress through Belgium to the Rhenish provinces, where he laid the foundations of that Confederation of the Rhine which was to be called into existence two years later. The vassal states found that they must once more model their institutions upon those of France. The Batavian Republic was reorganised and placed under the rule of a Grand Pensionary, Schinimelpenninck, whose authoiiiy was to pave the way for a monarchy (March, 1805). Italy, being more servile, was treated with less caution. The heads of the Italian Republic found it advisable to petition for the formation of the state into a kingdom, and oHered the crown to Napoleon him- self. The ofler was accepted, and on the 26th of May Napoleon placed the iron crown of Lombardy upon his own head. Xienua was annexed to France and its territory divided into three depart- ments. Parma and Piacenza were incorporated with the Italian kingdom. Piombino and Lucca were combined to form a princi- pality for Napoleon's sister Eliza and her husband, the Corsican Bacciochi. Naples was treated with a harshness that portended the speedy overthrow of the Bourbon dynasty. After settling affiiirs in his new kingdom and introducing the new code and other French institutions. Napoleon api oiuted his ste^vson, Eugene Beauharuais, to act as vicero}', and returned to France. § 15. These acts gave the final impulse to the hostile powers, and before Napoleon quitted Italy the coalition had been formed. On the 11th of April, 1805, a final treaty was signed between Russia and England. The two powers pledged themselves to form an European league against France, to conclude no peace without mutual consent, to settle disputed points in a congress at the enil of the war, and to form a federal tribunal for the maintenance of the system which should then be established. The immediate objects of the allies were the abolition of French rule in Italy, Holland, Switzerland, and Hanover ; the restoration of Piedmont to the king of Sardinia ; the protection of Naples ; and the erection of a permanent barrier against France by the union of Holland and Belgium under the House of Orange. The coalition was at once joined by Gustavus IV. of Sweden, who inherited his father's devotion to the cause of legitimate monarchy, and who hoped to recover power in Pomerania. Austria, terrified for its Italian possessions by Bonaparte's evident intention to subdue the whole peninsula, wiis driven into the league. Prussia, in spite of the attraction of recovering honour and indejiendence, refused to listen to the solicitations of England and Russia, and adhered to its feeble neutrality. Of the other German states Bavaria, Baden, 588 MODERN EUROPE. Chap. xxiv. and Wurtemberg were allies of France. As far as effective opera^ tions were concerned, the coalition consisted only of Austria and Russia. Sweden and Naples, which had joined secretly, could not make efforts on a great scale, and England was as yet content with providing subsidies and the invaluable services of its fleet. It was arranged that one Austrian army under the archduke Charles should invnde Lombard y, while Mack, with a second army and the aid of Russia, should occupy Bavaria and advance upon the Rhine. § 16. Without paying any apparent attention to the storm that was gathering in the east. Napoleon seemed to have at last deter- mined on carrying out the projected invasion of England. To ensure a successful passaie it was necessary to have the whole navalfforce of France at hand, and, if possible, to secure the absence of the English fleet. Napoleon, in sj^ite of his ignorance of mari- time war, mapjied out a regular campaign, and might have been successful but that no allowance was made for accident. Admiral Villeneuve was ordered to sail with the Toulon squadron to the West Indies so as to entice Nelson in pursuit. As soon as the English fleet was well out of the way, he was to sail back with all possible speed and raise the blockade of Brest. That done, the French would be masters of the Channel, and a calm for twelve hours would bring them to the English coast. Napoleon had forced Spain into a new treaty (Dec. 1804) by which he could command the st-rvices of thirty Spanish vessels. The first part of the programme was successfully accomplished. Nelson was drawn to the West Indies, and while he was pursuing thi; French there, they were in full sail for Europe. But though Nelson discovered his error too late to arrive in time, a swift brig brought the news to the English government, and when Villeneuve arrivfd off Cape Fiuisterre he found Calder waiting for him with fifteen ships. The battle was not in itself very decisive, but it was enough to ruin Napoleon's grand scheme. Villeneuve was shut out from the Channel and retired to Cadiz, the blockade of Brest was continued, and all possibility of a French invasion of England was at an end. § 17. It was probably fortunate for Napoleon that the enter- prise was thus foiled at the start. He must have found more difficulty in conquering England than he had anticipated, and during his absence France would have been left to the mercy of Austria and Russia. So obvious are these considerations that his admirers have maintained that the project of invasion was a mere feint, and that the troops collected at Boulogne were never to act except against Austria. Documentary evidence makes this in- A.t). 1805. CAPITULATION OF ULM. 689 credible, but it is certain that Napoleon was fully prepared for failure, and that he changed the destination of his army with a promptness tliat would have been impossible if the necessity had not been foreseen. He determined to crush the coalition before it had time to form itself. On the 1st of September the cam]) at Boulogne was broken up, and by the end of the month the " grand army " was in the Danube valley. The Austriaus had begun the campaign by a leisurely occupation of Bavaria, so as to give the Russians time to join them. Mack had reached Ulm before he received any news of Napoleon's movements, or even knew that he had left the coast. The French had met with no opposition in the territories of Baden and Wurtemberg, and had marched to the north of Ulm so as to cut off the Austrian retreat. At the same time the troops which had occupied Hanover marched in a parallel line under Bernadotte and joined the main army. Mack found himself hopelessly shut in, and on the 20th of October he was compelled to capitulate with all his troops. No such rapid and unexpected blow had ever been struck before, and it proved the utter folly of oi)posing to the genius of Bonaparte a respectable and learned strategist like Mack. But on the very next day France suffered a blow no less severe. Villeneuve had at Inst ventured out of Cadiz, and Nelson destroyed the combined French and Spanish fleets at Trafalgar (21 October). The English admiral fell in the battle that set the seal upon his glory and really completed the work for which he had lived. The maritime power of France was utterly crushed, and England was secure from any possibility of invasion. Napoleon had no means left of attacking the power which was the real leader of the opposition to his ambition, except by excluding English commerce from every country that he could influence. And this policy ultimately defeated its own ends, because it increased the sufferings of the subject peoples, and led them to welcome any deliverance from so oppressive a yoke. The capitulation of Ulm altered the whole character of the war. Tlie advanced guard of the Russiaus, which Kutusow had already brought as far as the Inn, was compelled to retreat to join Alexander I. and the main army. The archduke John evacuated the Tyrol, and the archduke Charles, who had already commenced a camj^aign in Italy against Masse'ua, had to return to Hungary. Meanwhile the road to Vienna was left open to the French. Francis 11. went to join the Czar, and Murat with his cavalry, after taking the bridge over the Danube by a dishonourable stratagem, occupied the Austrian cai)ital on the 13th of November. Napoleon stayed for a short time at Schonbrunn and then marched to meet the euemy in Bohemia, wheie he took \\[) his 'quartets at 590 MODERN EUROPE. Chap. xxiv. Briinn. The coalition had recently been encouraged by the adhesion of a new member. Bernadotte's division, on its march from Hanover, had coolly violated the neutrality oi Prussia by passing through the territory of Anspaeh. This insult was too much even for Frederick AVilliam III., and he at last yielded to the entreaties of the war party at Berlin. The catastrophe at Ulm rather cooled the ardour of the Prussian government, but a personal visit of Alexander effected the conclusion of the treaty of Potsdam (3 November). Prussia undertook to demand from Napoleon the evacuation of Piedmont, Switzerland, and Holland. But a month was to be allowed for negotiations ; if at the end of that time the demands were refused, Prussia was to occupy Hanover and to send an army to aid the coalition. Haugwitz was entrusted with the negotiation, which he conducted with a half-hearted tardiness which testified to his disapproval of the abandonment of neutrality. The treaty with Prussia was a strong argument for the allies to delay their attack, aud if they had done so, it is probable that Napoleon would have been unable to maintain a position so far from his own country. The eager courage of the Czar and his officers refused to listen to the dictates of policy, aud they determined to give battle on the ground which Napoleon had himself chosen before Briinn. At Austerlitz the "battle of the three emperors" took place ou the 2nd of December. In spite of the superior numbers of the assailants, the admirable tactics of the Fiencli gave them the most complete victory that had been won in the whole course of Eurojxjan wars. The Russians, who had suffered enormous losses, promptly retreated homewards, and Francis II. was compelled, two days after the battle, to accept an armistice which was a virtual surrender. The army of the archduke Charles was still intact in Hungary, but Austria had suffered two such crushing blows that resistance was no longer thought of. The coalition was prostrate at the feet of France, and its author, Pitt, already stricken by disease, could not survive the news of Austerlitz. He died on the 23rd of January, 1806, and the government fell into the hands of his old rival. Fox, who strove to obliterate party differences by forming the " ministry of all the talents." § 18. The presentation of the Prussian demands to Napoleon, aud the union of Prussia with the coalition were now equally out of the question. But no one was prepared for the humiliating treaty which Haugwitz was bullied into signing at Schbnbrunn (15 Dec.) without being allowed time to consult the home government. By this the principality of Neufchatel and the remaining portion of the duchy of Cleve were ceded to France, Auspach was given up to Bavaria, and Prussia was formally allied with France. In return A.D. 1805. TREATY OF PEESSBURG. 591 Prussia was to receive Hanover with tiie oblii;ation to exclude English vessels from the harbours of the North Sea. The news of these shameful conditions arrived like a thunderbolt in Berlin, where negotiations were being carried on for the receipt of an English subsidy. But it was too late to make an effective protest, and Frederick William III. was compelled to ratify the act of his envoy, though he tried to persuade England that the occupation of Hanover was only a temporary measure until a final peace could be arranged. Still more shameful were the terms which Xapoleon dictated through Talleyrand to the Austrian plenipotentiaries at Pressburg, and which were hurriedly acceirted in the feverish desire to rid the country of its hated conquerors. By this treaty, whicli was signed on the 26th of December, Francis II. recognised Napoleon's king- dom of Italy, and increased it by the surrender of Venice and the district which had been given to Austria at Campo Formio and Luneville. In Germany even greater sacrifices had to be made to the French allies. Bavaria received the Tyrol with a considerable part of the border territories of Austria. The outlying provinces of the Hapsburgs in western Germany, from which the family had originally sprung, were divided between Baden and Wurtemberg. All imperial authority over these three states was abandoned ; the electors of Bavaria and Wurtemberg were raised to the rank of kings ; the elector of Baden assumed the title of grand-duke. Never had "fortunate" Austria been called upon to make such enormous sacrifices. In Italj'', where the Hapsburgs had long been the dominant power, they had not a single fief left. The treaty dei^rived them of nearly three million subjects and a revenue of thirteen million gulden. The headship of the Empire, which the Hapsburgs had held since 1438, with the one interval of Charles VII.'s reign, was no longer of any value even as a title, and before long was formally resigned. § 19. The brilliance and completeness of his success seem to liave turned Napoleon's head. From this time he is possessed with the chimerical idea of forming an empire which should dominate the whole of Europe through a long chain of dependent kingdoms and principalities. The model which he followed was his own con- ception of the feudal system, and the first step towards the reali^ sation of his scheme was to find thrones for the members of his family, as the Hapsburgs and Bourbons had done in tlie past. He first turned his attention to Naples, which had incurred his enmity by joining the coalititm. On the day after the treaty of Pressburg a proclamation was drawn up at Vicuna which declared that the Neapolitan dynasty had ceased to reign. A French army was 592 MODERN EUROPE. Chap. xxiv. despatched to carry out this imperious decree, and for the second time Ferdinand IV. and his wife were comi^elled to fly from their kingdom. Joseph Bonaparte was proclaimed king of the two Sicilies on the 1st of ApriL But his power was limited to Naples, as the jwesence of an English fleet made it impossible for the French to cross the straits of Messina into Sicily. Soon after- wards Holland received a monarchial constitution, \vith Louis Bona- parte and Hortense Beauharnais as kmg and queen (June, 1806). Joachim Murat, the dashing cavalry officer who had married Caro- line Bonaparte, received the duchy of Berg, and Neufchatel was given to Berthier as the husband of a sister-in-law of Joseph Bona- parte. While he thus distributed states at his will, Napoleon suppressed one of the last relics of the revolution in France by abolishing the republican calendar on the 1st of January, 180H. Jerome Bonaparte, who had incurred his brother's displeasure by marrying an American lady, was restored to favour on sei)arating from his wife, raised to the princely rank, and re-married to a daughter of the elector of Wurtemberg. Eugene Beauharnais, the viceroy of Italy, was betrothed to a daughter of the king of Bavaria. Out of the Venetian states twelve ducal fiefs were carved for Napoleon's marshals. § 20. Of more permanent importance was Napoleon's settle- ment of Germany, which was arranged by Talleyrand in private negotiation with the German princes. The Confederation of the Rhine was formally proclaimed on the 12th of July, 1806. By this act the kings of Bavaria aiid Wurtemberg, the archbishop of Mainz, the grand-duke of Baden, and eight lesser princes were declared to be separated from the empire and formed into a federa- tion under the protection of France. Dalberg, the archbishoji of Mainz, and hitherto the arch-chancellor of Germany, who had taken the lead in the negotiations with Talleyrand, was apjiointed prince-primate of the Confederation. Frankfort was made the capital of the league, and there the diet was to meet and all federal business was to be transacted. The Gemian knights or ritterschaft, the lesser tenants-in-chief of the empire, were now abolished. Their territories were declared to be mediatised, i.e. annexed to the larger provinces in which they were situated. The members of the Confederation Avere pledged to support the French emperor in all his wars with 70,000 troops. Austria, the titular leader of Germany, was powerless to resist the thinly-veiled domi- nation of France, and on the 6th of August the Roman Emperor, Francis II., became Francis I., Emperor of Austria. An institu- tion which could trace its history back to Julius Caesar was over- thrown by the will of a Corsican usuriier. A.D. 1806. ATTITUDE OF PRUSSIA, 593 § 21. But there was one state which even more than Austria might be regarded as the champion of German iudei^endence. In spite of the miserable part whicli Prussia had played for the last ten years, the traditions of the great Frederick had not been wholly forgotten. An enthusiastic war-party at Berlin was headed by the popular queen, Louisa of Mecklenburg-Strelitz, and by Prince Lewis Ferdinand, a nephew of Freilerick II. This party had succeeded in bringing about the treaty of Potsdam, but the hopes then excited had been dashed to the ground by the battle of Austerlitz and the miserable treaty which Haugwitz had accepted at Schonbruun. Since then Napoleon had treated Prussia almost as a vassal state. He adroitly involved her in a quarrel with England by the cession of Hanover. To lull suspicion he suggested the formation of a North-German Confederation under Prussian headship, and then interposed obstacles which made it impossible. The Elienish Confederation was organised without the slightest pretence of consulting Prussia. 'i'hese and other insults were bitterly resented at Berlin, but the final impulse to the vacillating government was given by the news of secret negotiations between England and France. The accession to the ministry of Fox, long the opponent of the French war, suggested to Napoleon the idea of coming to terms with England. It is doubtful whether this could have been effected, as Napoleon's aggressions had become intoler- able, and Fox's sympathies were with rejuiblican and not with imperial France. At all events the negotiations were broken ol! by the minister's death (13 Sej^t.) ; but meanwhile the Prussian envoy at Paris discovered that the bribe which 1 ad been oflered to Eng- land was the restoration of Hanover. This intelligence that Prussia was to be quietly deprived of the one reward for its dishonour was too much for the pacific king and ministry. From this moment war with France was decided upon, and was formally declared on the 9th of October. But Prussia was now to pay the penalty of its previous selfishness. England and Russia were willing to forge-t their grievances against a country which would really fight against France, but neither could furnish immediate assistance. The differences Avith Sweden were speedily settled, but Sweden now counted for little in Eurojie, Austria was too busy with repairing its recent losses to venture on another war, and remained neutral. Prussia was left without an ally to face a power that ha<:l crushed a formidable coalition. Under Frederick the Great sucli a task might not have been hoireless, but since his death Prussia had degenerated as rapidly as it had risen. Its greatness had been created by the genius of its rulers, and had jierished with them. The whole edifice of the state was rotten al the foundation. 'Hut 27 594 MODERN EUROPE. Chap, xxiv. ministers were mere heads of departments ; the king was surrounde 1 hy a cabinet of irresponsible courtiers. The army was formid- able in numbers, but in nothing else. 'Jlie officers were almost all aged men, trained in a school of tactics which was already obsolete. Many of the common soldiers had been recruited abroad arid were inspired with no patriotic devotion to the country which they served. Even the native troops consisted mainly of oppressed and down-trodden serfs who were really little better than merce- naries. Nevertheless, the old confidence which Frederick II. had inspired had not yet been overthrown, and victory av;is regarded as inevitable. The supreme command was entrusted to Bruns- wick, the author of the famous manifesto of 1792, and it was determined to advance against the French, instead of waiting to defend the line of the Elbe. § 22. The armies with which Napoleon had overthrown the Austrians and Russians had not yet been recalled from Germanj-, so that it was easy to give a prompt and decisive answer to the Prussian manifesto. The Prussian forces were collected near the Thuringian forest when the French advanced against them with superior numbers. At Snalfeld the latter showed their superiority in a small skirmish which was fatal to Prince Lewis Ferdinand, " the Prussian Alcibiades." Brunswick, alarmed by the presence of the French emperor in person, changed his plans at the last moment, and retreated towards Magdeburg, leaving the left wing under Hohenlohe to hold Jena as long as he could. The result was that when Napoleon arrived at Jena with his splendid army he found himself confronted by a small division, instead of, as he expected, by tlie united forces of Prussia. Hohenlohe was, of course, utterly crushed by the enormously superior numbers of the enemy (14 Oct.). On the same day a French detachment under Davoust fell in with Brunswick's army and defeated it at Auer- stadt. As the Prussians were retreating in good order they fell in with the fugitives from Jena, a sudden panic seized the whole army, and the retreat became a hopeless rout. This double battle was even more decisive than Austerlitz. The Prussian monarchy seemed for the moment to be annihilated. And the spirit which was shown after the defeat was still more lamentable and disgraceful than the defeat itself. The commanders of the chief fortresses seemed to compete with each other in their haste to surrender their charges. Erfurt, Halle, Ciistrin, S})andau, Berlin, etc., opened their gates in rapid succession. On October 28 Hohenlohe capitulated with the remnant of the army of Jena. The only courageous stand was made by Bliicher, who fought every point as he retreated, held out in liiibcck till the town wiis taken A.D. 1806. THE BERLIN DECREE. 595 by storm, and refused to surrender until the superior numbers of ]iis pursuers threatened to drive him into the Baltic. The whole of Brandenburg was in the hands of the French. Frederick William III. tried to arrange a peace, or at least an armistice. But Napoleon's terms, which were moderate after Jena, rose to extremes as the weakness of Prussia became more and more manifest. Lucchesini, the Prussian envoy, went so far as to sign a convention by which all the fortresses still uncaptured were to be surrendered. But the king, wliose character improved with adversity, refused to ratify an act which amounted to an abdication of his crown, and retreated into East Prussia so as to carry on the war with the help of Russia. This worthy decision involved the resignation of Haugwitz, whose feeble truckling to France was one of the chief causes of the evils that had befallen Prussia. But even yet Frederick William could not be induced to entrust the power to Stein, the one minister who commanded the confidence of the nation. Stein irritated the king by protesting against the existence of a cabinet from which the ministers were excluded, and was dismissed from the department of finances. Foreign aftairs were entrusted to Zastrow, another incomj^etent politician of the same school as Haugwitz. § 23. Napoleon's success must have been marvellous even to himself, and was ill-calculated to diminish the haughtiness with which he dictated his will to Europe. Northern Germany was now at his feet, and was treated with the same disregard of all but personal interests as the Southern States had been. The riders of Hesse-Cassel and Brunswick were deposed, and their territories formed into the kingdom of Westphalia. The elector of Saxony, Frederick Augustus, purchased pardon for his very half-hearted hostility by joining the Confederation of the Rhine, for which he was rewarded with the title of king. The small states of 'i'huringia, Weimar, Gotha, Meiningen, and Coburg followed the example of their more powerful neighbour, and thus escaped the vengeance of the conqueror. On the 21st of November Napoleon issued a decree from Berlin which announced to the astonished world the ultimate object of that conquest of Europe on which he had now set his heart. He could not rest till he had humiliated England, the one country which was safe from his invincible armies, and he determined to accomplish his aim by the destruction of its commerce. The Berlin decree declared the British Isles in a state of blockade, ordered the confiscation of all British merchandise, and forbade all the countries that were dependent upon France to carry on any trade whatever with Great Britain. Thus was founded what was known as the "continental system," the most stupendous proof of Napoleon's incapacity as a statesman, and 596 MODERN EUROPE. Chap. xxiv. destined to bring about the collapse of his empire. The policy was based upon the idea that every subject ai:|,d every ally of the French Emperor was willing to sacrifice the most pressing material interests to enable him to wreak his personal vengeance upon a nation that had dared to thwart his will. It was quite true that England had exercised her maritime supremacy with scanty regard to the inte- rests or the rights of other countries, tliat the rights of search and of blockade were employed with irritating severity ; but these evils were trilling compared to the deprivation of necessaries which was brought about by Napoleon's measures. The results of the decree were nut fully appreciated until England began to retali- ate. By four successive Orders in Council (Jan. to Nov. 1807) the English government forbade vessels to trade with ports belonging to France or her dependent allies, authorised reprisals against those countries which had seized English property, declared the blockade of all ports from which the English flag was excluded, and made it illegal for a neutral to sell ships to a belligerent power. The poUcy of these orders has been severely criticised, and it is certain that they did a great deal to irritate the United States against England. But they were certainly justified by the measures of Napoleon, and they were politic in so far as they increased the hostility of the subject populations to the rule of France. § 24. 'J'he elder Pitt announced in the Seven Years' War that lie would conquer France in America : Napoleon now ventured on the counter-declaration that he would conquer England on tlie continent. But to do this he must complete the reduction of Europe, and as yet his power in Northern Germany was bounded by the Vistula. To this river Napoleon advanced directly after the Berlin decree, and prepared for a campaign in East Prussia, where Frederick William was determined to make a last struggle with the help of Russia. By artfully worded bulletins and proclamations, Napoleon inspired the Poles with the belief that he intended to restore their independence. Thousands of the oppn ssed nation rallied to his standard, and the name of the great patiiot Kosciusko was employed to fan hopes which were destined to spee'.y disappointment. P^or some time the war was confined to isolated skirmishes about the Vistula, in which the French on the whole maintained their superiority. The first pitched battle was fought at Eylau (8 February, 1807), where Napoleon met the main Russian army under Bennigsen, and ft>und that he had to deal with a very different enemy from any that he had yet encountered. After an obstinate engagement, in which the Russians met the French attack with unflinching stubbornness, both armies remained in their positions. On the third day Ben- nigsen determined to retreat, l)ut Na)H)leon also thought it j)rudent A.D. 1807. INTERVIEW AT TILSIT. 597 to retire until he could obtain reinforcements. The French now contented themselves with reducing the Prussian fortresses that still held out. Danzig and Kolberg surrendered after a vigorous resistance on the part of the garrisons. If England had taken energetic measures at this juncture, and had sent a ileet into the Baltic to relieve these fortresses, the result of the war might have been altered. But the Grenville ministry, which was now in power, was incapable of apprehending the situation, and preferred to fritter away the resources of the country in futile expeditions to Buenos Ayres, the Dardanelles, Egypt and Sicily. In March Grenville was dismissed by the king for supporting the demand for Catholic emancipation, and Portland formed a ministry, composed for the most part of the followers of Pitt. Foreign affairs were placed in the hands of the youthful Canning, who was eager to repair the errors of his predecessors. One of his first acts was to accept the treaty of Bartenstcin (April, 1807) by which the rulers of Russia, Prussia, and Sweden pledged themselves to carry on the war until a satisfactory arrangement of European affairs could be concluded. England now set to work to prepare for the Baltic exijedition, but before the fleet was ready to start the revived coalition had unexpectedly collapsed. § 25. Before resuming his advance against an enemy whom he had learnt to respect at Eylau, Napoleon was careful to collect reinforcements from every quarter, mitil he had at last 140,000 men at his disjoosal. A march upon Kouigsberg, the capital of East Prussia, compelled Bennigsen to fight a battle at Friedland (14 June). The encounter was as desperate and costly as at Eylau. The Russians were almost decimated, and the French suffered enormous losses, but the superior numbers of the latter gave them the victory, and Konigsberg was taken. The Russians retired behind the Niemen, and a few days later an armistice put an end to active hostilities. Ale.xander I. now determined to negotiate in person with the rival emperor, and on the 25th of June the two sovereigns met at Tilsit, on a raft which was moored in the middle of the Niemen. The details of the conference are a secret, as Napoleon's subsequent account of it is untrustworthy, and no witnesses were present. All that is certain is that Alexander I., whose character was a curious mixture of nobility and weak- ness, was completely won over by his conqueror. Napoleon seized the opportunity of realising the hopes that had been destroyed by Paul I.'s assassination. Instead of attempting to impose extreme terms upon a country which it was impossible to conquer, he offered to share with Russia the supremacy in Europe which had been won by French arms. The only conditions were the aban- 598 MODEEN EUROPE. Chap. xxiv. doDinent of the cause of the old monarchies, which seemed hope- less, and an alliance with France against England. Alexander had several grievances against the English government, especially the lukewarm support that had been given in recent operations, and made no objection to resume the policy of his predecessors in this respect. Two interviews sufficed to arrange the basis of an agree- ment. Both sovereigns abandoned their allies without scruple. Alexander gave up Prussia and Sweden, while Napoleon deserted the cause of the Poles, who had trusted to his zeal for their inde- pendence, and of the Turks, whom his envoy had recently induced to make war upon llussia. The treaty of '1 ilsit was speedily drawn up; on the 7th of July peace was signed between France and Russia, on the 9th between France and Prussia. Frederick William III. had to resign the whole of his kingdom west of the Elbe, together with all the acquisitions which Prussia had made in the second and third partitions of Poland. The provinces that were left, amounting to barely half of what he had inherited, were burthened with the payment of an enormous sum as compensation to France. The district west of the Elbe was united with Ilesse- Cassel, Brunswick, and ultimately with Hanover, to form the king- dom of Westphalia, wliich was given to Napoleon's youngest brother, Jerome. Of Polish Prussia one province, Bialy stock, was added to Russia, and the rest was made into the grand duchy of Warsaw and transferred to Saxony. Danzig, with the surrounding territory, was declared a free state under Prussian and Saxon protection, but it was really subject to France, and remained a centre of French power on the Baltic. All trade between Prussia and England was cut off. Alexander I., on his side, recognised all Napoleon's new creations in Europe^the Confederation of the Rhine, the kingdoms of Italy, Naples, Holland, and Westplialia, and undertook to mediate between France and England. But the really important agreement between France and Russia was to be found, not in the formal treaties, but in the secret conventions Avhich were arranged by the two emperors. The exact text of these has never been made public, and it is probable that some of the terms rested upon verbal rather than on written understandings, but the general drift of them is unquestionable. The bribe offered to Alexander was the aggrandisement of Russia in the P^ast. To make him an accomplice in the acts of Napoleon, he was to be allowed to annex Finland from Sweden, and Moldavia and Wallachia from Turkey. With regard to England, Russia undertook to adopt Napoleon's blockade-system, and to obtain the adhesion of those states which still remained open to English trade — Sweden, Den- mark, and Portugal. A.D. 1807. TKEATY OF TILSIT. 599 § 26. Never were the liberties of l<]urope more directly threat- ened than by this union of the two representatives of despotic rule. But fortunately light appeared in the moment of the most extreme darkness. The task, which kings and princes had found too difficult, was undertaken by the peojales, and popular resistance proved a force which even Napoleon's genius could not ciuell. Prussia, under the ministry of Stein, set the example of a regenera- tion which was destined to have the most important results, and for which the previous humiliations provided the necessary impulse. And there was one state, England, which was enalfled by its insular position to maintain the cause of Europe when the continental thrones were falling in ruins. The English minister had obtained information of the secret agreement at Tilsit, and used it to strike an unexpected blow. France and Eussia had determined to seize upon the Danish navy, and to employ it for their own purposes. But an English fleet appeared before Copenhagen, and demanded that all vessels should be handed over until the conclusion of the war. A three days' bombardment compelled the Danish Govern- ment to accede to the demand. It was a high-handed act, ^\•hich could only be justified by the greatness of the danger, and by the necessity of fighting Napoleon with his own weapons. Denmark was naturally driven into a close a'liance with France, but the two emperors were disagreeably reminded of the existence of a power which they could not even attack. Meanwhile the other Scandin- avian power, Sweden, was left at the mercy of the robbers of Tilsit. Eussian troops overran Finland, but Gustaviis IV. refused to nego- tiate even when the enemy was at the gate of his capital. At last the Swedes, disgusted with an obstinacy that was akin to madness, and which did nothing to defend them, determined to depose Gustavus (1809), and gave the crown to his \mcle, Charles XIII. A treaty Avas now concluded by which Finland was sur- rendered to Eussia, but Sweden recovered its possessions in Pomerania on condition of closing its ports to English vessels. With Charles XIII. the great house of Vasa came to an end, and his successor was found in the French Marshal, Bernadotte. Napoleon gave an unwilling consent to the elevation of a man whose ability and independence he had always distrusted; and thus was founded the only one of the Najwleonic dynasties which was destined to have any permanence. III. The Peninsular War. Campaign of 1809 against Austria. § 27. Napoleon was at the very zenith of his power whfn he returned from 'J'ilsit to France, and he was received with an adula- tion proportioned to the greatness of his achievements. His fu-st 600 MODERN EUROPE. Chap, xxiv act was to create an imperial nobility which should revive the forms of the old monarchy, and to abolish the Tribunate, the last body that had the power, though not the will, to criticise his actions. But his chief object was to complete the humiliation of England by excluding her vessels from every jxirt of Europe. The only country which had not adopted the continental system was Portugal, which was now governed by a Prince Eegent, John, on behalf of his mother Maria, who bore the title of queen As early as 1801, during the Consulate, he had compelled Spain to attack Portugal, and hail thus extorted the closing of the ports of that country. But in 1801, on the renewal of the English war, he had allowed the Portuguese to purchase a formal recognition of their neutrality by the payment of sixteen million francs. Since then the trade with England, which was necessary for the very existence of the king- dom, had continued without interruption. This treaty Najxjleon was determined to revoke, and at the same time to conquer Portugal. His motive was a desire to annex Tuscany to his kingdom of Italj', and to find some compensation elsewhere for the titular king of Etruria. Accordingly, he demanded not only the closing of the ports, but also that the Portuguese government should declare war upon England and seize all English subjects and property in the kingdom. On the first symj^toms of hesitation to accept such ruinous terms, he ordered Junot to advance with an army which had already been collected on the Spanish frontier. At the same time he compelled Godoy, the Spanish minister, to sign the treaty of Fontainebleau (27 Oct., 1807), which arranged for a partition of Portugal. The northern districts, with the title of Northern Lusitania, were to be given to the young king of Etruria, who was to surrender Tuscany to the Italian kingdom. In the south a principality was to be carved out for Godoy himself. The central provinces were to be kept by France in pledge until the conclusion of a general peace. Half of the Portuguese colonies were to go to the king of Simin, who was to adopt the title of " Emperor of the two Indies." Meanwhile Junot was marching eastwards with a rapidity that reduced his troops to the greatest straits, and at the end of their journey they were barely able to carry their arms. Luckily for them they had no enemy to encounter. The Prince Regent never dreamed of opposing the French, and as soon as they approached the capital he set sail for Brazil with the court and some 15,000 loyal followers (29 Nov.). Half of the English fleet escorted tliem, while the other half remained to blockade the mouth of the Tagus. On the following day Junot entered Lisbon, and proceeded to take possession of the kingdom Napoleon announced in a formal decree that " the house of Braganza has ceased to reign." A.D. 1807. SPAIN. 601 § 28. This^ rapid success in Portugal was not enough for the French Emperor, who had also designs upon Spain. Ever since 1796 Charles IV., under the influence of Godoy, had been the obe- dient vassal of France. And this vassalage had brought nothing but disaster to Spain. In the battles of Cape Finisterre and Trafalgar the Spanish navy liad been annihilated. At Amiens Napoleon had allowed England to take Trinidad, and since then that country had seized Buenos Ayres. For a long time Spain had depended upon the precious metals of Mexico and Peru, and now these resources seamed likely to be cut off. Only once liad Napoleon the slightest complaint to make. At a time when English hos- tility was more than usually ruinous, and when the coalition was strengthened by the adhesi<.n of Prussia, Godoy had dreamed for a moment of throwing off the yoke, and had gone so far as to issue a belligerent proclamation. But the dream was rudely shattered at Jena, and Napoleon had condoned the offence in the treaty of Fon- tainebleau. In spite of all this Napoleon was determined to attack Spain, and lie only waited to find a pretext for hostilities in internal quarrels. Godoy, who was known to be the jjaramour of the cjueen, was bitterly hated by the people for the disasters which his policy had brought u])on Spain. At the head of the opposition to the favourite stood the crown prince Ferdinand, as insignificant a creature as his rival, but endowed with all good qualities by the popular favour. Godoy, conscious of tlie insecurity of his position, did all he could to secure the support of Napoleon, and this explains the abject servi- tude of the government to Franco. At last Ferdinand, who was regarded as the opponent of the French policy, determined to imi- tate his enemy, and also became a suitor for the emperor's favour. He entered into secret relations with the French ambassador, Beauharnais, and went so far as to demand the hand of a Bonaparte princess. Napoleon readily encouraged a proposal that offered to make him arbiter of the court quarrels of Madrid. The decisive moment seemed to have come, when Godoy, who had discovered some of the intrigue against himself, obtained from the feeble Charles IV. an order for his son's arrest. French troops under Dupont were ordered to enter Spain under pretence of supporting Junot, and great efforts were made to mass reinforcements on the frontier. But the moment that Ferdinand's relations with Napoleon were discovered, Godoy hastened to patch up a reconciliation. The pretext for an invasion was thus removed, but Napoleon determined to proceed with his enterprise. The French soldiers were eagerly welcomed by the natives, who fondly imagined that they had come to espouse the prince's cause against Godoy. Charles IV. wrote to demand an explanation of this hostile demonstration, but received 21* 602 MODERN EUROPE. Chap. xxiv. a tlireatenlng answer, and Napoleon adroitly removed to Italy to escape further remonstrance. Thence he despatched Murat in February, 1803, to take command of the army, which had already occupied tl:e northern provinces of Spain. He gave no hint of his real designs, and Murat felt convinced that the crown of the Bourhons was destined for himself. As the French continued to advance upon Madrid, and resistance was out of the question, Charles IV. and Godoy determined upon flight. The news of this intention roused the smouldering passions of the people. Risings took place at Aranjuez and Madrid, Godoy was maltreated, and Charles IV. was compelled to abdicate in favour of the unworthy idol of the populace, Ferdinand. For the second time the position of the French underwent a sudden and unexpected alteration, but Murat proceeded with a caution worthy of the great personal interests which hj3 believed to be involved. He obtained from Charles IV. a secret declaration that his abdica- tion had been comiiulsory and invalid, and he occupied Madrid (23 March) without in any way acknowledging the title of Ferdi- nand. Meanwhile Napoleon had matured his' own plans. Advanc- ing in person to the frontier, he sent Savary, the principal agent in the murder of Enghien, to act as his agent at Madrid. Savary persuaded Ferdinand that Napoleon was entering Spain, and that the best chance of securing Ids crown was to meet the emperor at Burgos. At Burgos the ill-fated victim was lured on to Bayonne, where he found himself a French prisoner and was suddenly cou- fi-onted with Ids parents and Godoy. After a dogged resistance, he was intimidated into restoring Ids crown to his fatlier (5 Jane), who at once made a second abdication. To the intense chagrin of Murat, Napoleon at last announced his real intentions. A meagre assembly of notables was convened at Bayonne, and was compelled to offer the vacant crown to Joseph Bonaparte, who had been summoned f r the purpose from Naples, and who was speedily installed at INIadrid. § 29. But before this the Spaniards had discovered that they had been duped, and had risen with the courage of despair against their treacherous invaders. Loyalty in Spain was a superstition rather than a sentiment, and in spite of the unworthy character of Ferdinand the popular devotion to him knew no bounds. In every province juntas were formed to direct the military movements, and in a short time the insurrection had spread to every quarter of the kingdom. It was the first time tliat Napoleon had had to face an infuriated people, and he regarded the novel phenomenon w ith the contempt of ignorance. He determined to make ^Madrid the centre of operations, and to send a series of simultaneous expeditions A.D. 1808. THE PENINSULAR WAR. 603 against each of the revolted provinces. The task of subduing a disorderly and inexperienced mob might safely be entrusted to the less prominent of his generals. At first events seemed to justify his calculations. Bessieres defeated the insurgents at Eio Leco, near Valladolid, and thus secured the roads from the Pyrenees to Madrid (13 July). This success seemed to Napoleon decisive, but he overestimated the importance of the capital. Madrid had never been a capital in the same sense as Paris, and its military importance was of the slightest. The provincial revolts went on unchecked, the French were repulsed in A^'alencia, and Dupont, who had advanced into the heart of Andalusia, was compelled to retreat and ultimately to capitulate with all his forces at Ikylen (19 July). The Spaniards now advanced upon Madrid, and Joseph had to fly from the capital which he had only just entered. § 30. At the same time disasters befel the French in Portugal. On the 1st of August an English force landed at Figueras under Sir Arthur Wellesley, and at once marched to attack Junot at Lisbon. At Vimeira the first battle of the Peninsular war was fought, and the English won their first victory upon the mainland (21 August). The French army was now surrounded and might easily have been annihilated, but at this juncture Wellesley was superseded by his superior officer. Sir Harry Burrard, who opened negotiations with Junot. By the Convention of Cintra (30 August) the French agreed to evacuate Portugal, but stijjulated that they should be conveyed to France in English ships. The conven- tion was bitterly censured by the English government, which was already preparing to send help to the insurgents in Spain. At last Napoleon was convinced of the serious nature of afiairs in the penin- sula, and determined to remedy matters by his personal jircsence. But before he could undertake the journey in safety, it was neces- sary to settle matters in central Europe, which w ere beginning to assume a threatening aspect. § 31. The year which followed the treaty of Tilsit was a period of supreme importance in the history of Prussia. Napoleon had insisted on the dismissal of Hardenbcrg from the ministry, and his place was taken by Stein, who received the fullest powers to effect the reorg;misation of the administrative system. Never was a country in a more abject state : reduced to half its extent, and deprived of almc st all resources to pay the indemnity, Prussia had still to support an enormous number of French troops, who found one pretext after another to postpone their promised evacuation. In all probability it was only a regard for the susceptibilities of Russia that prevented Napoleon fiom utterly destroying the con- quered kingdom. In these terrible circumstances Stein undertook MODERN EUROPE. Chap. xxiv. the task of government with a resolute confidence tliat extorted the wonder and admiration of his contemporaries. He saw clt^arly that the root of the evil lay not so much in the maladministration, had as that had heen, as in the whole social structure of tlie system. The Prussian government had been carefully organised so as to sup- press all freedom among the subjects, and to make them passive agents of a despotic will. Not only were there three classes — nobles, citizens and peasants — which were absolutely cut off from each other from birth to death ; the land was divided in the same way and was equally immutable. 'I he citizens were comparatively free from military ser\ice, and were suj^posed to devote their energies to enriching the country. The nobles supplied tlie officers in the jirmy and the peasants the common soldiers. The peasants were in a condition of serfdom which had passed away from almost every civilised country in Europe. Neither citizens nor peasants had any self-government, or, it is needless to say, a voice in the direction of the state. The absolute want of any knowledge of, or interest in, public aflairs was to Stein one of the most grievous defects of Prussia, and was in itself sufficient to explain the abject inertness with which the invaders had been received. Ste n took office on the 4th of October, 1807, and on the 9th was issued the famous Emancipating Edict, the greatest legislative work of the period. Perfect freedom of trade in Ian 1 was established, and the old distinction between noble-land, burgher-land, and peasant- land was abolished. The system of caste was done away with, hence- forth noble, citizen and peasant might follow any occupation they chose, and a man might pass freely from one class to another. No new relation of serfdom could be created after the date of the edict, and at Martinmas, 1810, all existing serfs were to become free. The edict did not, as has been so often represented, convert the villein into a peasant-proprietor, but left him a free tenant of his lord. The further change was the work of Ilardenberg, who in 1811 gave the peasants absolute possession of two-thirds of their holdings, and allowed the lord to take tlie other third as compen- sation. Neither Stein nor Hardenberg ventured to interfere with the judicial functions of the noble class, and these survived until 1848. This great edict, though it is identified with Stein's name, was not really his work, as the main outlines of the reform had been already drawn up by a commission appointed under Hardenberg. Still less direct share was taken by the minister in the military reforms which were carried through by his colleague, Scharnhorst. These reforms were really only sketches of what was to be effecteil in the future, as .at the time want of supplies and the presence of A.D. 1808. REFORMS IN PRUSSIA. 605 the French army prevented the adoption of military reform on a large scale. Scharnhorst proposed to form an active army of 40,000 men, the number fixed at Tilsit, but to adopt a short term of ser- vice, and to draft the soMiers as soon as they were trained into the reserve. At the same time a Landwehr, or militia, was to be formed for defensive purposes only. These reforms, accompanied by an abandonment of the obsolete tactics of Frederick the Great, and the abolition of the degiading punishments hitherto employed, did much to revive the military glury of Prussia. Scharnhorst himself did not live to see the result, as he was killed in one of the first battles of the War of Liberation, but the fruit of hi- labours was reaped by Bliicher and Gneit^enau. Meanwhile, Stein was pursuing what was more especially his own scheme — the admission of the people to a voice in their own govern- ment. He reorganised the municipalities, and gave the citizens the right to choose their own magistrates and to regulate local affairs. He hoped to establish similar re23resentative institutions in the country districts, and also for the whole kingdom; but neither time nor opportunity was allowed him. There was a strong feeling in Prussia that the erection of a parliament would lead to a Jacobin revo- lution, and the reforms already accomplished had provoked sufficient opposition. Moreover, foreign politics came to interrupt the course of domestic legislation. The revived national spirit which Stein had called into existence was violently hostile to France. The Tugend- hund and other secret societies spread themselves in a network over the country, and only waited for the opportunity for a rising. While opinion was in this excited state, the news of the Spanish successes made a profound impression. And Napoleon had now decided to recall his army of occupation from Germany in order to throw over- whelming forces into Spain. But at the same time he determined to impose fresh terms upon Prussia that should remove all danger of a rising behind his back. The indemnity still due was to be fixed at 140 million francs ; until it was paid off 10,000 French troops were to occupy Glogau, Stettin, and Ciistrin at the expense of Prussia; for the next ten years the Prussian army was to be reduced to 42,000 men, and all idea of forming a militia was to be given up ; and last, in case of a war with Austria, Prussia was to assist France with 16,000 men. »5tein urged that a desperate war should be attempted before the acceptance of such humiliating terms. But Frederick William III. had not the courage to follow his minister's advice, and the proposed convention was signed on the 10th of September, 1808. Napoleon had intercepted a letter of Stein's in which the possibility of an alliance with Austria was discussed. He peremptorily demanded the dismissal of a ^^^ MODERN EUROPE, Chap. xxiv. minister whom he now recognised to he still more dancrerous tlian Hardenberg. Again the humbled king gave way, and'stein went into exile. His place was taken for the next two years by Altens em, who shared his views but was not strong enou-h to carry them out. & "^ § 32. Prussia was not the only state in Germany which Napoleon liad reason to fear. The treaty of Pressburg had been far too hard a blow for Austria to be accepted as permanent. Under the able .mmstry of Count Stadion a number of reforms had been initiated which, less sweeping than those of Stein, had yet given some s^mb ance of national unity to the various races that owned the Hapsburg rule. At the same time the army was carefully reformed by the archduke Charles, and its numbers were vastly increased so as to be ready for the first opportunity. Napoleon comj-lained bitterly of this hostile attitude, but he could do nothing untd Spain had been recovered. Meanwhile, he determined to overawe Austria by a new demonstration of his good understanding with Eussia and he proposed a second meeting with Alexander I. at Erfurt Of the bribes promised at Tilsit the Car had only obtained Finland and he could not afford to separate from France until he had secured the Danubian principalities. The proposed interview took place in October with the greatest pomp. All the vassal kings and princes ot Oermany came to pay court to their suzerain, and Goethe and Wieland were induced to visit Erfurt to give additional i^roofs of the slavery of their country. The promise of Wallachia and Moldavia was confirmed to Alexander, who undertook to continue his hostility against England, and to support France against Austria m case of war. ° § 33. Convinced that the Erfurt Conference would preserve him from all danger in Central Europe, Napoleon hurried off to Siiain In spite of their great success at Baylen, the insurgents were not in an encouraging position. The local juntas had abdicated their authority in favour of a central junta which was to exercise supreme power. But the latter body contained thirty-four mem- bers, far too large a number for executive business, and displayed nothing but hesitation and incapacity. The troops, about 130 000 men,_ were extended over a long Hue from Bilbao to Sara-ossa and It was easy for Napoleon, to break through the centre and then crush the two wings. Blake, with the main body of the Spaniards, was defeated at Espinosa (10th Nov.), and only escaped annihilation by a fortunate accident. The centre of the line was forced by Sordt's capture of Burgos, and tiie left wina under Palafox, defeated at Tudela by Lannes, threw itself into Sara-ossa In a week the Spanish army had disappeared fnnn ilio field" and i A.i). 1808-1809. THE PENmSULAR WAR. 607 Najjoloon marched upcu Madrid and restored Joseph to his caj)ital. All this lime an English force of 20,000 men, under Sir John Moore, had been marching, in sj^ite of great obstacles, to the assistance of the Spaniards. On receiving the news of their utter defeat, he still hoped to strike a blow for tiie safety of Madrid. When he heard that the capital had fallen, he felt that nothing remained but retreat, but he determined to do something for his unfortunate allies by diverting French tittention Irom southern Spain. He continued to advance against Soult's division, and the news of this movement brought Napoleon from Madrid to crush the Englisli. Sir John Moore retreated before superior numbers, and only the most speedy and exhausting marches saved him from destruction. At last Napoleon saw that the enemy must escape him, and, on the pretext of alarming news from Austria, left the army and the fruitless pursuit of the English to Soult. On the 11th of January Moore reached Corunna, but found to his horror that his transports had not arrived, 'i'he French at last overtook him ank to remain neutral. The king was aghast at the compromising act of his general, tried by all means to excuse himself to Napoleon, and went so far as to annul the CoTivention and to dismiss York. But public opinion was strongly in favour of the Russian alliance, and the king was soon induced to alter his mind. For a moment it was doubtful whether the Russians would cross the Is'iemen and undertake the task of freeing Ger- many. The old Russian party, with Kutusow at its head, was strongly in favour of standing on the defensive and leaving the foreigners to settle their own affairs. Alexander's hesitation was removed by the influence of Stein, who eagerly seized the opportu- nity for which he had long waited. Stein was appointed to ad- minister East Prussia as the Czai's official, and in that capacity, which aroused the suspicion of many of his former colleagues, he did not hesitate to summon a diet at Konigsbei'g (5 Feb., 1813), which decreed a levy in arms of the whole population for a war with France. Frederick William III. found that his hand had been forced and that his only hope lay in obedience to the popular will. At the end of January he fled from IJerlin to Breslau, and a month after- wards he concluded the treaty of Kalisch with the Czar (28 Feb.). Russia agreed to furnish 150,000 men, and Prussia was to supply at least 80,000. The latter kingdom was to be restored to its old dimen- sions before 1806 ; but Alexander was careful not to ])ledge himself to the former frontiers, 'i'he understanding was that Prussia should give up some of the Polish annexations and should be compensated with German territory. \ igorous measures were now taken to arm Prussia for the great striij^s^le, and Seharnhorst was at last enabled 620 MODERN EUKOPE. Chap. xxiv. to complete liis military reforms. "War was formally declared against France on the IGth of March, and on the next day the king; depai t'jd from all the traditions of Prussian rule by publishing a touching appeal to his subjects. It was answered by an over- whelming burst of enthusiasm ; classes vied with each (.ther in making sacrifices for the public welfare, and in an incredibly short space of time the new military organisation was set on foot. A patriotic literature was called into being, which can boast the names of Komer, Eiickert, and Arndt. Already Eugene Bcau- harnais had led his army from Prussian soil, and Berlin had been entered iu triumph by the Russian commander Wittgenstein with York at his side (11 March). § 44. Meanwhile Napoleon, on his arrival in Paris, had speedily restored order and set to work to rejiair the terrible losses he had suffered. As his dynasty seemed to depend only ujwn his own lite, he drew up rules for the administration of the country in case of his death. The Empress Maria Louisa was to be regent for his infant son, the King of Rome, who had been born in 1811. Cambaceres, his former colleague in the consulship, was to be First Councillor of the Regency, and Champagny was to be chief Secretary. Further to secure his power he determined to bring his long quarrel with the church to a close. Pius VII. was brought from Savona to Fon- tainebleau, and there induced to sign a new concordat (25 Jan., 1813). In this he gave way on most of the points in dispute, authorised the metropolitan to confirm the bishops whom Napoleon had appointed, and practically abdicated his temporal sovereignty by agreeing to take up his residence at Avignon and to receive the proffered income of two million francs. But Napoleon's chief interest was the formation of a new arm3\ The regular conscrijotion of 1813 was collected, and that of 1814 anticipated, the national guard had to furnish 100,000 men, and recruits were collected in every possible way. To the astonishment of Europe the French army was numerically as formidable as ever. The new levies were doubtless raw aud untrained, but there were sufficient veterans left to set them an example, and Napoleon and his marshals were unsurpassed in the art of inspiring their troops with courage and inuring them to hardship. But the new army had two f ital defects, it was almost without either artillery or cavalry, and these were the two arms on which Napoleon hal been accustomed to rely. § 45. The allies commenced the "war of liberation " by issuing from Kalisch an appeal to all Germans to rise in defence of their liberty (25 March). But it met with a very scanty res^wnse. The ])iinces of the Confederation of the Rhine were not j^et prepared to break their bonds, or to accept any liberty that wis not forced A.D. 1813. THE WAR OF LIBERATION. 621 upon them. The most powerful of them, Frederick Aiignstus of Saxony, was so incapable of deciding between lii,-, personal wi.shes and his obligations to Napoleon that lie escaped responsibility by flying to Prague, and he had no general to play the part of York. The allies were compelled to resort to arms to compel the adhesion of the states in whose behalf they weie fighting. The only jx)wer that hastened to join the coalition was Sweden. Bernadotte, who practically ruled the country in the name of Charles XIII,, was determined to effect the annexation of Norway, and in April he signed a treaty with Prussia, by which Sweden on this condition promised help against France. One result of this treaty was ihat Denmark adhered more closely than ever to Nai^oleon, who promised to guarantee the integrity of her dominions. The supreme command of the allied forces was entrusted to Kutusow, and under him the chief authority was exercised by Wittgenstein and the Prussian cavalry-leader Bliicher. The main eiforts of the allies were directed towards Saxony. At Mockeru Wittgenstein defeated prince Eugene (5 April), and forced him to retire to Magdeburg. By the ei.d of the month Kutusow and Bliicher arrived, and the combined Kussian and Prussian armies occupied Dresden (24 April). Even this blow failed to induce the king of Saxony to declare himself, and by this time Napoleon had arrived with his new army, in which he had absorbed Eugene's troops. At Gross Gorscl^en, near the scene of Gastavus Adolphus' great battle of Liitzen, the first great contest was fought (2 May). The French were superior in numbers, and Napoleon's strategy gave him the victory. But the allies were neither crushed or dispersed, and might have resumed the battle if the Russians had not pie- ferred to retreat behind the Elbe and to wait for reinforcements. Want of cavalry prevented the French from pursuing the enemy, and the march was conducted in perfect order and without kss. The unfortunate Frederick Augustus was compelled, on pain of deposition, to place his army at the disposal of the emperor and to announce his continued adhesion to the Confederation of the Rhine. Determined to follow up his first success, Napoleon now hastened to cross the Elbe and attacked the allies in the position thej' had assumed at Bautzen (20, 21 May). Again the Russians and Prussians displayed conspicuous courage, but again superior numbers and strategy gave the French the victory. Wittgenstein was now superseded by Barclay de Tolly, and the allies retreated into Silesia. A vigorous advance of the French might have terminated the camiaign, but to everybody's surprise Napoleon opened negotiations and concluded an armistice for two months at Poischwitz (4 June). 622 MODERN EUROPE. Chap. xxiv. § 46. This armistice was afterwards recognised by Napoleon as one of the gravest errors he had ever committed. His motive is to be found in the tln-eateuing attitude of Austria, which had long been entreated to join the coalition. Metternich had no real sympathy with the leaders of the war of liberation. He regarded their dreams of a united Germany and the projected reforms of Stein as revo- lutionary and Jacobinical. At the same time he was naturally anxious to recover for Austria what had been lost in the treaties of Pressburg and Vienna. His diplomacy was marvellously acute and well-timed, and circumstnnccs played into his hands. He held back from the coalition until the Austrian alliance had become im- peratively necessary, and he could dictate his own terms. On the 27th of June he concluded the treaty of Eeichenbach, by which undertook the congenial office of mediator, and promised that Austria would join the allies in case Napoleon rejected certain specified terms that were to be offered to him. These terms were wholly different from what had been anticipated in the alliance of he Kalisch, and were primarily conceived in the interests of Austria. Fiance was to cede the Hlyrian Provinces to Austria, to dissolve the grand-duchy of Warsaw, to evacuate all the provinces which had been taken from Austria and Prussia, and to restore the district in north Germany which had been annexed in 1810. Napoleon was determined from the first to make no coucessieais, but, after a stoiToy interview with Metternich, he accepted the proposal of a congress at Prague. The congress was nothing more than a sham. Prussia used every effort to avert the possibility of the Austrian proposals being accepted, and Napoleon thought only of bringing his Italian army into Carniola so as to intimidate the Austrian government into remaining neutral. This scheme was based on a complete mis- conception, and on the 12th of August Austria declared war against France. From this moment the ultimate success of the coalition was almost assured, but at the same time it f irfeited all hopes of carrying out its original programme. § 47. The interval of peace had been employed by both sides in military preparations, but in these the allies, being less exhausted, had a great advantage. They were able to put three considerable armies in the field and to plan a campaign on the grand scale. In Bohemia the chief army, 250,000 strong, was commanded by the Austrian Prince Schwarzenberg. Bliicher was at the head of 100,000 Russians and Prussians, while the northern army in Bran- denburg, consisting of the Swedish contingent and 50,000 troops of the allies, was led by Bernadotte, the crown-prince of Sweden. Great things were expected of the ex-marshal of France, but Ber- nadotte was not very eager to fight against his own countrymen, A.D. 1813. THE WAE OF IJBERATION. 623 and Ins cLief anxiety was to jireserve his Swedish soldiers for a war with Denmark. Ena;land had concluded subsidy treaties witli all the allied powers, and had stipulated for the restoration and increase of Hanover. The plan conctrted by the allies was that the three armies should all converge upon Dresden, avoid separate encoun- ters as much as possible, and only strike a great blow when their junction had made them irresistible. Napoleon had very inferior numbers at his disposal, but he determined to surprise the enemy by a succession of rapid attacks. Oudinot was despatched against Berlin, but he was met and defeated at Gross Beeren by a portion of Bernadotte's army under Bulow (23 Aug.). Napoleon himself started to attack Bliicher in Silesia but his departure encourac^ed the Bohemian army to advance upon Dresden, and this news compelled him to entrust the command to Macdonald, and to return by forced marches to the defence of his head-quarters. Bliicher now fell upon Macdonald and completely crushed him at Katzbach (2G Aug.). Meanwhile Napoleon arrived in time to save Dresden, and in a great battle under the walls the French were victorious (27 Aug.). Amon^ the slain was Moreau, the hero of Hoheulinden, who had been recalled from his exile in America on the advice of Bernadotte as a possible rival to Napoleon in the favour of the French soldiers. The battle of Dresden was a great blow to the allies, but Napoleon was not strong euouiili to complete their duftat by an energetic pursuit. Vandamme, who had been sent with 40,000 men to attack the Bohemian army in the rear, was surrounded by superior numbers at Kulm, and after an obstinate conflict was compelled to capitulate with all his soldiers (30 Aug.). To complete the French disasters Nej% who had attempted to renew Oudinot's attack upon Berlin, was utterly routed by Billow at Dennewitz (6 Sept.). Napoleon's scheme of crushing the alhes in detachments had failed. There was now nothing to prevent the junction of the allied forces, and from this moment the freedom of Germany was assured. The only question now left was what organisation should be given to the German states. At Kalisch the idea had been that all the princes of the Confederation should be expelled from their thrones, and if they were restored it should only be (^n conditions which should establish the unity of Germany. A central commission, with Stein as jiresident, had actually been appointed to ailminister the territories which should be thus confiscated. But the adhesion of Austria to the coalition had foiled these schemes, and Metternich's conservative policy was enabled to prevail. By the treaty of Toplitz (Sept. 9, 1813), which confirmed the alliance between Russia, Prussia, and Austria, it was decided that all members of the Rhenish Confedera- 624 MODEEN EUEOPE. Chap. xxiv. tion should retain their power and should merely resume their indei:)endent existence. The first state to take advantage of these advantageous terms was Bavaria, which had been the constant ally of Napoleon since 1805. By the treaty of Eeid, Maximilian Joseph placed his army at the disposal of the allies and agreed to surrender Tyrol, hut stipulated that he should receive ample compensation. The allies were in no hurry to complete the work they had so auspiciously begun, and it was only Bliiclier's energy that at last induced them to advance. The news that the Silesian army had crossed the Elbe drew Napoleon from Dresden, but he was foiled in his attempt to force Bliicher into a battle, and had to retire to Leipzig. Here he determined to make a stand against the enormous forces that were closing round him. After a number of minor but important engagements had been decided on the 16th October, the great "battle of the nations" was fought on the 18th. The French held their own throughout the day, but their losses were so great that they had to retreat in the evening, and they could not halt until they had crossed the Ehine. In Leipzig was found the unlucky king of Saxony, who was sent as a prisoner to Berlin. The French power in Germany, lately so irresistible, was now represented only by the garrisons which occupied the chief fortres.ses from east to west. Many of these, including Dresden, Danzig, Ciistrin, Stettin, and Torgau, were compelled to surrender in the next few months ; but several, such as Magdeburg, Hamburg, and Mainz, held out till the conclusion of peace. The Confederation of the Rhine ceased to exist, and most of its unpatriotic mendiers hastened to purchase the continuance of their rule by accepting the treaty of Toplitz. The only territories which fell to the adminis- tration of Stein's central commission were the kingdom of Saxony and the little duchy of Berg, which Napoleon had conferred on his infant nephew Louis after Murat's accession in Naples. Olden- burg and Brunswick were occupied by their former rulers. The kingdom of Westphalia disappeared on the flight of Jerome, and the elector of Hesse returned to Cassel. Outside Germany the effects of Napoleon's fall were equally felt. Holland was freed by General Biilow, and the son of the former Stadholdcr was restored as Sovereign Prince of the Netherlands with the title of William L Denmark was compelled to accept the treaty of Kiel (Jan. 14, 1814), by which the French alliance was abandoned, Norway was ceded to Sweden, and Heligoland to England. As compensation Frederick VI. was to receive Swedish Pomerania andEiigen. Thus Bernadotte received the reward of his adroit but not very generous conduct, and Sweden, losing the last of the acquisitions of Gustavus Adolphus, ceased to have any connection with Germany. A.D. 1813. THE ALLIES IN FRANCE. 625 § 48. To complete the list of Napoleon's disasters, this same year, 1813, witnessed the overthrow of his power in Spain. Sonlt with a large number of the best troops had been summoned to take part in the German war, and for the first time Wellington had to contend with fairly equal forces. In the spring he advanced from Ciudad Rodrigo, and the French retreated before him to Vittoria, a town on the high road to France. There Jourdan, who now commanded in Soult's place, was utterly defeated, and the Pen- insular war was at last decided. Joseph retired from a kingdom which he had never been capable of ruling, and France itself was now exposed to attack. The task of defending the frontier was en- trusted to Soult, who discharged it with skill and devotion. Ste[) by step, however, Wellington fought his way through the Pyrenees, and in January he was able to reduce Bayonne. § 49. Even after the great successes of Leipzig and Vittoria the allies seem to have doubted their ability to depose Napoleon, and only the very boldest spirits ventured to propose such an enter- prise. Invasions of France had rarely been successful in the past, and if Napoleon had enjoyed the real affection of his subjects, the march upon Paris would have been as impossible for f^chwarzenberg as it had been for Charles V. or Marlborough. From their camp at Frankfort the allied sovereigns offered the usurper terms that after subsequent events appear impossible. Not only might he keep his crown, but France was to retain the left bank of the Rhine and enjoy its " natural frontier." This proposal, so disgraceful to the champions of Germany, was undoubtedly due to the preponderating influence of Austria, but fortunately Napoleon was still too confi- le. A deputy must be over forty years old and pay a thousand francs in direct taxes ; an elector must be over thirty and paj'' three hundred francs. The chamber of deputies bad the right of granting taxes and supervising expen- diture. The king reserved to himself the right of initiating laws ; ministers were to be responsible ; the peers were to be fi ee ; and all citizens were declared eligible to office. The old nobles recovered their titles, and the new nobles were confirmed in their rank. The Iioman Catholic religion was declared to be that of the state, but all other beliefs were to be tolerated. The Charter was signed by Louis XVIII. as given " in the 19th vear of his reign."' V. The Congress of Vienna and the Hundred Days. § 51. The Congress of Vienna was the greatest Eurojieau as- sembly that had met since the Council of Constance. Every country except Turkey was represented. Besides the rulers of Russia, Austria, and Prussia, the kings of Bavaria, Wurtemberg, and Denmark, with a number of lesser German princes, were present in person. But the most important members were the ministers of the great states : Metternich for Austria ; Hardenberg for Prus.'-ia; Castlereagh, and afterwards Wellington, for England ; Nessclrode for Russia ; and Talleyrand for France. A secret article of the Peace of Paris had rescrvovl the most burning questions for the separate decision of Aut Iria, Russia, Prussia, and England. A-D. 1814. CONGRESS OF VIENNA. 629 But this arrangement was overtbrown Ly the audacious and masterly intrigues of Talleyrand, who, at first barely tolerated, gradually managed to share with Mctternich the chief influence in the deliberations. The first few weeks were spent in festivities, and it was not till the 1st of November that business was com- menced. Even then the formal sittings of the Congress were of slight importance, as the real decisions were arrived at in private colloquies between the chief ambassadors. The Congress marks the formal triumph of the reaction against the principles of the Eevolution, but its proceedings were characterised by a disregard of popular rights, of differences of race and religion, and of histo' ical tradition, worthy of Napoleon in his most absolute days. Europe was treated as if it were a blank map which might he divided simply into arbitrary districts of so many square miles and so many inhabitants. The most critical questions tliat required settlement were con- nected with the fate of Saxony and Poland. Alexander I. had set his heart on obtaining the grand-duchy of Warsaw, and Prussia demanded as comi ensation for its loss in the east the whole of Saxony. But Austria was firmly opposed to such an aggrandise- ment of its old rival, and was supported on this point by Eng- land and France. Bavaria and most of the lesser German states were actuated by bitter jealousy against Prussia. Hardenberg lost ground by foolishly supporting Austria in opposition to Eussia in the Polish question, and trusting to the gratitude of Metternicli. So high did feeling run that at one time there seemed a prospect of a new European war, and a formal alliance was concluded between Austria, England, and France. Ultimately, however, the matter was peacefully settled. Saxony was divided into two parts, the one including Dresden and Leipzig was restored to Frederick Augustus, the other was ceded to Prussia. 'As further compensation Prussia obtained Posen with the town of Thorn in the east, and in the west all that had been lost by the treaty of Tilsit, the duchies of Jiilich and Berg, the old electoral territories of Cologne and Trier with the city of Aachen, and parts of Luxemburg and Limburg. Russia received the whole of the grand-duchy of Warsaw except Posen and Thorn, and Alexander fulfilled his promises to the Poles by granting them a liberal constitution. It is impossible to do more thnn summarise the other deci.-ions of the Congress. Swedish Pomerania had been ceded by the treaty of Kiel to Denmark, but had long been coveted by Prussia. The Danish claims were bought off with two million thalers and the duchy of Lauenburg, but Hanover had to be compensated for the latter by the cession of the devotedly loyal province of East Frieslnnd, one of 630 MODERN EUROPE. Chap. xxiv. the acquisitions of Frederick the Great. Hanover, which now assumed the rank of a kingdom without opposition, was also aggrandised by the acquisition of Hiklesheim, Goslar, and other small districts. Austria was naturally one of the great gainers by the Congress. Eastern Galicia was restored by Russia, and the Tyrol, Salzburg, and the Inn district by Bavaria. As compensation for the Nether- lands, Venetia and Lombardy became Austrian provinces. B.ivaria, in return for its losses in the east, received Wiirzburg, Aschaften- burg, and its former possessions in the Palatinate. Long discussions took place about the constitution to be given to Germany, and here the hopes of the national party were doomed to bitter disappoint- ment. Metternich would liear nothing of the proposed revival of the meJia3val Empire, and Prussia was not yet stiong enough to assume an imperial position in opposition to Austria. Finally a Confede- ration was foiiiied which secured the semblance of unity, but gave almost complete independence to the separate states. 'J'he members numbered thirty-eight, and included the four remaining free cities, Frankfort, Hamburg, Liibeck, and Bremen, and the kings of Denmark and the Netherlands. The diet was to meet at Fninkfort under the presidency of Austria, but in matters concerning religion or the rights of memliers the decision of a majority was not to be binding. 'J'he Confederation was as weak and disunited as the old Empire and liad none of its traditions or prestige. In Italy the same process of restoration and subdivision was car- ried out. Victor Emmanuel I. recovered his kingdom of Sardinia, with the addition of Genoa as compensation for the portion of Savoy which France retained. Modena was given to a Hapsburg prince, Francis IV., son of the archduke Ferdinand, and Beatrice the heiress of the house of Este. Tuscany was restored t > Ferdinand III., a brother of the Austrian Emperor. Charles Louis, son of the Bourbon king of Etruria, was compensated with Lucca and a promise of the succession in the duchy of Parma, which was for the time given to Napoleon's wife, Maria Louisa. Pius VII. had already returned to Rome, and the Papal states now recovered their old extent. But Tins refused at first to accept these terms because he was deprived of Avignon and the Venaissin, and because Austrian garrisons were in occupation of Ferrara and Comacchio. Naples was left for a time in the hands of Joachim Murat, as a reward fur his desertion of Napoleon after the battle of Leipzig. S-witzerland was declared independent and neutral, but its federal unity was loosened by a new constitution (Aug., 1815). The number of cantons were raised to twenty-two by the addition of Geneva, Wallis (Valais), and Neufchatel, the last under Prussian suzerainty. The position of capital was to be enjoyed in rotation by Berno, Zurich, A.D. 1815. THE HUNDKED DAYS. 631 and Lucerne. The kingdom of tlie Netherlands was formed for the house of Orange by the union of Holland and Belgium and the addition of Luxemburg, which made the king a member of the German Confederation. Tlie professed object of this avtifici >il union of Catholics and Protestants was the erection of a strong bulwark against French aggressions. § 52. The deliberations at Vienna had been hurried on by the news that Napoleon had suddenly quitted Elba and had landed at Cannes (I Marcli, 1815). The allies had already recognised the folly of placing an adventurous and reckless man midway between two kingdoms, both of which had once belonged to him and which were still unsettled. In France the Bourbons failed to make them- selves popular, and it was difficult for Frenchmen not to contrast the humiliation of receiving a dynasty at foreign dictation with the recent gloria's of tlie (-mpire. The prevalent discontent, of which intelligence was despatched to Elba, coupled with tlie news of dis- putes among the allies, encouraged Najioleon to make a last effort to regain his power. For the moment everything seemed to favour him. The audacity and suddenness of his movement dazzled and attracted the people. Li his proclamations he undertook to give up all thought of aggression and to grant a liberal constitution. All the towns hastened to open their gates to him. His old comrades, Soult, Mass^iia, and Augereau, espoused his cause, and even Ney, who had completely gone over to the Bourbons, was gained by a few words from his old commander. Louis XVII L was speedily con- vinced that resistance was impossible and fled to Ghent. On the 30th of March Napoleon entered the Tiiileries, and at once aiipointed a ministry which included Fouche, Carnot, Maret, Cam- baceres, etc. In a formal announcement of his return to the allies he offered to accept the treaty of Paris. § 53. The news of Napoleon's success decided the action of Murat, who was discontented with his treatment by the allies. He had made terms with Austria at the beginning of 1814, in the hope of obtaining all Italy south of the Po as a kingdom for himself. That hope had b^en destroyed by the restoration of Pius VJI. and of the rulers of Tuscany and Modena, and he felt that Naples would not long be left to him. By secret negotiations he had reconciled himself with Napoleon at Elba, and he now determined openly to espouse the cause of his brother-in-law. He issued a manifesto calling upon the Italians to rise on behalf of their freedom antl unity, and led his Neapolitan troops into the Papal States. Austria gladly welcomed the breach of a treaty which had become a serious obstacle to her jxilicy. Murat'.s early successes were speedily reversed when the Austrian armies had time to unite. He was 632 MODERN EUROPE. Chap. xxiv. defeated in a two days' battle at Tolentino (May 2, 3), and, return- ing to Naples, he embarked with a few of his immediate followers for the south of France. Two days later the Austrian troops entered Naples and restored Ferduiand IV., who now assumed the title of " E'erdinand I. of the Two Sicilies." § 54. Meanwhile the allies had refused to listen to Napoleon's proposals and had declared him the public enemy of Europe. Steps were at once taken to \)tc\ are for war, and the English and Prussian armies were assembled in Belgium under Wellington and Bliicher resijectively. Napoleon on his side was eager to strike the first blow and if possible to divide the two armies so as to defeat them separately. He succeeded in thrusting himself between the English and Prussians, but they were so near together that he had to fight a double battle on the 16th of June, At Ligny the Prussians, after an obstinate struggle, were comi^elled to retreat. But at Quatre Bras Wellington's mixed army of English, Belgians, and Hanoverians, made a successful resistance to the attacks of Ney. Still, on the whole, the French had a distinct advantage, and a rapid and energetic movement might have given them a great victory. But Napoleon seemed to have lost some of his old vigour and resolution. The 17th of June was wasted on a review, and he miscalculated both the losses of the Prussians and their line of retreat. Thinking that they were utterly routed, he detached 30,000 men under Grouchy to pursue them in the direction of Liege. But Bliicher, with Gneiscnau to help him, had already rallied liis troops and retired northwards to Wavre, whence it was jjossible for him to advance to Wellington's assistance. On the 18th of June the great battle of Waterloo, or of La Belle Alliance, as the Prussians p'refer to call it, was fought. Through the whole day the obstinate courage of the English held their position against the desperate assaults of the French. At last the battle was decided by the arrival of the Prussians, which had been wholly unforeseen by Napoleon. His line had to be weakened to oppose them, and the English were thus enabled to assume the aggressive. By the combined exertions of the aUies the French army was driven from the field, and the Prus- sian pursuit completed the rout. Napoleon had fled when he saw that all was hopeless, and on the evening of the 20th of June he returned to Paris. The steady advance of the allies and the obvious disinclination of the citizens to suffer in his personal cause proved to Naj)oleon that he could not struggle with destiny. For the second time he abdicated in favour of his son, apjxunted a commis- sion to govern France, and endeavoured to escape from Ptochfort to America. But the port was blockaded by the English fleet, and he embarked on the Bcllcroiihnn, throwmg hims^'lfupon the generosity (I A.D. 1815. SECOND TREATY OF PARIS. 633 of a country that had never refused to shelter the unfortunate. But with the allies policy prevailed over sentiment, and on his arri- val at Plymouth Napoleon learned that he had been condemned to imprisonment in the island of St. Helena. There he lived, sur- rounded by a few faithful followers, for six gloomy years, rmtil his death on the 5th of May, 1821. § 55. Murat's fate was soon decided. Napoleon had disapproved of his rash movement, and had forbidden him to quit the south of France. On the news of Waterloo he determined to return to his former kingdom and to raise an insurrection against the Bourbon king. In October he landed < n the coast of Calabria, but the popu- lation refused to rise on his lehalf. Before he could effect his escape he was captured, tried and condemned by a military commission, and shot (15 Oct., 1815). His rai)id rise from an ignoble origin and his tragic fate hav(i given Murat a reputation in history which he hardly deserves. § 56. Long before this Wellington and Bliicher had appeared before Paris, and, after an attenii ted resistance on the jmrt of Davoust, the city capitulated on the 3id of July. The Prussian general was eager to despoil the French, ami expressed in a letter to his king the hope " that the diplomatists would not be allowed a second time to lose what the soldiers had won with their blood." Wellington had had great difficulty in preventing his colleague from blowing up the bridge of Jena over the Seine. Again the allies had France at their disposal. But practically the matter had been settled by the in- trigues of Fouche, who was jiresident of the provisional government. He convinced Louis XVIII. that moderation was necessary in his own interests, he gained over Wellington, always attached to the cause of legitimacy, and he contrived to secure the tranquillity of Paris. On the 8th of July Louis XVIII. returnel, and the allied sove- reigns, when they hurried to Paiis to settle affairs, were surprised to find that one part of the problem was already solved. Talleyrand and Fouche were both appointed ministers, and their ability was conspicuously displayed at this crisis. A Congress was formed at Paris to arrange a final peace, and this time Prussia pressed very earnestly that France should be rendered [-owerless for the future. But Alexander I. was inclined to treat the conquered coimtrj- gene- rously, and the French ministers found means to work upon his susceptible nature. England and Austria took the same view, and ultimately the second Peace of Paris was concluded on the 20th of November. France had to pay an indemnity of 700,000,000 francs, and to maintain for five years an allied army of 150,000 men in the chief northern fortresses. The frontier of France was on the whole the same as had been settled the year before, but several small '^is- 634 MODERN EUROPE. Chap. xxit. tn'cts were given to Belgium and Prussia, nnd the king of Sardinia recovered the ceded portion of ISavoy. Still France was larger than before the Revolution, as the Venaissin was twice the size of these last districts. Most of the works of art which Napoleon had col- lected had already been returned to their original homes. 'J'he territorial changes tliat followed tlie downfall of the Napo- leonic empire were too ariificial to be permanent. 'J'he formation of national unity in Germany and Italy was delayed, but not pre- vented. In Italy, Napoleon's rule, worthless as it was in itself, had created a passion for unity and a feeling of enmiry against the Ilapsburgs and other dynasties which stood in its way, and these feelings were destined to ripen. In Germany, Prus^ia had made great, if unconscious, strides towards a national headship. By giv- ing up her Slavonic province; in the ea-t and obtaining compensa- tion in the west she had become a purely German power. By the acquisition of the Rhenish provinces she had become the champion of Germany against France. All that was needed to complete the work was the exclusion of Austria, as a really Slavonic power, from German affairs, and a new war with France. These conditions realised, Germany was to commence a new era in its history under Prussian guidance. CHAl TER XXV. EUROPE AFTER THE GREAT WAR. Western Europh and the Holy Alliance. — § 1. Formation of t.^c Holy Alliance. § L'. Reaction in Germany. § 3. P'rance under Louis XVni. § 4. Revolution in Spain. § 5. Revolutions in Portugal and Brazil. § (3. Italian governments after 1815. § 7. Revolution in Naples and Sicily. § 8. Congresses of Tropjiau and Lay bach ; supjuession of the Neapolitan constitution. § 9. Rising in Piedmout suppressed. § 10. Congress of Verona; suppression of the constitutions in Spain tmd Portugal. IL Eastern Europe and the Independence of Greece. — § 11. Condition of Turkey at the beginning of the 19th century. § 12. Greek rising in 1821 ; rivalry of the chief's ; Congress of Verona ; first four years of the war. § 13 Egyptian troops in Greece; fill of Missolonghi and Athens. § 14. Accession of Nicolas of Russia; change of policy; Convention with fhigland. §15. Destruction of the Janissaries ; Convention of Ackermann. § 16. Treaty of London ; battle of Navarino. §17. Russo-Tuikish war, 1828-9; treaty of Adrianople. §18. Esiablishment of the Greek kingdom. 111. France UNDER CiiARLlS X. AND Ti!E Revolltion OF 1830. — § 19. Accession of Charles X. ; reactionary governinent in Fiance ; fall of Villele. §20. Fall of Martignac; the Polignac ministry; strength of the opposition; Ordinances of July. § 21. The July Revolution. § 22. Flight of Charles X. and accession of Louis Philippe. IV. Liberal Movements in Europe. — § 23. Results of the July Revolution. § 24. Causes of discontent in Belgium ; rising in Brussels. § 25. European intervention; the Conference of London ; election of Leopold ofCoburg; the Dutch resort to arms; the 24 Articles ; acknowledg- ment of Belgian independence. § 26. Revolution in Poland ; disunion among the Poles; Russian attack upon Warsaw; suppression of the revolt. §27. Constitutional movements in Germany ; reaction ; con- ference of ministers at Vienna. § 28. Liberal movement in Switzer- land. § 29. Risings in Modena, the Pa]ial States, and Parma ; inter- vention of Austria ; French occupation of Ancona. § 30. Usurpation of Dom Miguel in Portugal; arrival of Pedro I. from Brazil; the Quadruple Alliance ; Maria da Gloria obtains the crown. V. The Reign of Louts Philippe. — § 31. Difficulties of the Orleanist monar- chy; the restricted franchise; industrial discontent ; socialist theories ; foreign politics. § 32. Ministerial changes ; insurrections; the duchess of Berri ; Fieschi's attempt to assassinale the king; the "laws of Sep- tember." § 33. Parties in France ; first ministry of Thiers ; its fall ; ministry of Mole. § 34. Louis Napoleon at Strasburg ; proposed settlements for the royal family; changes in the ministry; coalition of 1838 ; fall of the ministry ; interim ministry ; Thiers again premier; Napoleon's body brought to Paris; the treaty of London; Louis Napoleon at Boulogne ; fall of Thiers. § 35. The Soult-Guizot ministry. § 36. Retrospect of Spanish aftaiis ; the Spanish marriages. 636 MODERN EUROPE. Chat. xxv. I, Western Europe and the Hoi,y Alliance. § 1. England liacl done more than any otlicr country to crush the power of Napoleon, but in the eyes of Europe it was Kussia that had contributed most to liis final overthrow. The story of the French, invasion and of the burning of Moscow had fascinated men's minds and given them a profound impression of the invincible strength of the great eastern empire. Alexander 1. found himself the greatest of living sovereigns and elevated to a kind of European dictator- ship. He became impressed with the idea that he had a divine mis- sion to restore peace and order to the world, and his enthusiastic temperament gave way to the impulses of religious superstition. He fell under the influence of the Baroness Krudener, a native of Riga, with whom he spent several hours of each day in prayer and consultation. At her instigation lie drew up the plan of the famous Holy Alliance, to which he obtained the assent of the rulers of Austria and Prussia on the 26th of September, 1815. The three monarchs solemnly aunounced their intention of regulating their foreign and domestic policy by the precepts of Christianity, and declared that they would rnle justly, promote brotherly love among their subjects, and do all in their power to maintain peace. All princes, except the Pope and the Sultan, were invited to join the alliance, which was to introduce a new era into Europe, and to prevent the recurrence of such convulsions as that which had lately been experienced. The motives which were expressed in the preamble were sincere at the moment, but they were the outcome of an unpractical enthu- siasm that was entirely out of date. The objects i>f the Holy Alliance were necessarily modified by circumstances. The Revolution had be:'n apparently suppressed, but its principles survived, and to some extent they had been adopted by the conquerors. The French empire had fallen before the power of the peoples, who demanded a share in the government as a reward for their dangers and exertions. The old sj'stem of personal and irresponsible rule seemed to be an anachronism, and was regarded as such even by the Russian Czar. Alexander I. promised a consti'-zUtion to the vassal kingdom of Poland which the treaty of Vienna had subjected to him. Frederick William HI. had made a similar promise to Prussia. More conspi- cuous still, the allies had not only permitted, but had almost com- pelled, Louis XVIIl. to give a charter to France. It seemed likely that before long every country in Europe would receive a constitu- tion on the' model of that of England, and that the people would be allowed a voice in the control of taxation and expenditure. But these liberal principles of Alexander and his colleagues were accom A.D. 1815. THE HOLY ALLIANCE. 637 panied with important reservatious. All these constititioiml pri- /ileges were to be free grants iVom the sovereign, any attempt on the part of the people to enforce concessions was regarded as Jacobinism, and any tendency in that direction must be suppressed as endangering the tniniiuillity t)f Eurojae. It was obvious from the first that this presupposed an amount of contentment among the subject jjopulations that did not exist. The arrangements of the treaty of Vienna had been in tlie highest degree artificial, and they could not be maintained without the em|iloyment of force. Before long the Holy Alliance abandoned its high sound- ing professions and became simi)ly a league of soverei.L^ns a-ainst the people — a kind of European police to put down all liberal move- ments. As such as it was joined by most of the European powers excejit Englan.l, which was necessarily in sympathy with the constitutional aspirations on the continent, and could not honour- ably withhold from others the blessings which she enjoyed herself. But her refusal in the first instance was due rather to accident than to principle. The Alliance was a i:)ersonal league of princes, it was simply signed " Francis, Frederick William, Alexander." English traditions made it impossible for the Prince Eegent to accept a treaty except through the intervention of a responsible minister. But Castlereagh, who was foreign secretiry at this time, was on the whole in sympathy with the reactionary policy of the great powers, and fur some years England contin ud in cordial relations with her continental allies. § 2. It was in Germany that the force of the reaction first dis- played itself. In Austria the oW absolute government had not been shaken by the revolution, and was continued without opposi- tion. The Viennese were too careless and pleasure-loving to desire liberties which involved labovir, and the real danger to Austria, the national aspirations of the Bohemians and Hungarians, had not yet arisen. Francis I. was a cautious and not unpopular sovereign, and Metternich, an amiable rom, thought only of suppressing dis- order during his own generation. Jpres nous le deluge was his flivourite sentiment. The fininces were so culpably mismanaged that the debt continued to increase in time of peace, and i\\'.\ stale fell under the control of Jewish money-lenders. In Pruss'a the ardent hopes that had been roused by the war of liberation were doomed to bitter disappointment. Frederick William III., well-meaning but weak, submissively followed the lead of Russia, and sought only to secure quiet to his exhausted country. Hardenberg, who remained chief minister till his death, broke off his connection with the reforming party and adopted the royal system. The promised con- stitution was withheld, and expressions of discontent were carofnlly 638 MODERN EUROPE. Chap. xxv. snpprcsseJ. At the same time the administration \\\is honest and efficient, which hel^^ed to prevent any outbreak. But Prussia lost tlie chance of assuming the leadership of Germany, and the lesser states, who were jealous of her inlhumce, adopted a more liberal attitude as the reaction gained ground in Berlin. In Wurtemberg, Bavaria, Baden, Hanover, Brunswick, and other provinces, the rulers granted constitutions on the model of the French Charter. But care was taken not to allow popular privilege to encroach upon prerogative, and the machinery of the Confederation was employed to suppress the slightest tendency towards liberal opinions. In 1817 a sensation was created by a grand meeting of German students at the Wart- burg to celebrate the anniversary of the Reformation. Real alarm was professed two years later when Kotzebue, the dramatist, was assassinated by a sUnlcnt named S.md. The motive for the act was that Kotzebue was in correspondence with Al xander I., and was supposed to have warned him against the liberal spirit in the German nnivcrsil;ies. Metternich toolv advantage of this occur- rence to hold a conference of ministers at Carlsbad, where it was decided to take active measures. The j^rcss was subjected to a rigorous censorship, the control of ihe universities was transferred to officials appointed by the government, and a commission was established at Mainz to examine into the supposed conspiracy and to punish the guilty. Metternich wished to utilise the opportu- nity to suppress the constitutions of the lesser states, but in this he was foiled. The rulers of these states w-ished to be }X)pular with their subjects in order to strengthen themselves against Austria and Prussia, and they were supported by the Czar, who was anxious to keep a hold on Germar.y. The commission at Mainz continued in activity for some years, but no real conspiracy existed, and the only result of its labours was the removal of a number of liberal professors from their chairs. § 3. Few princes have ever been placed in a more difficult posi- tion than that of Louis XVIII. after his second restoration in 1815. It is true that any open opposition was impossible as long as the allied troops remained in occupation of French soil; but the very fact that he owed his cro\7n to foreign intervention was one of the great causes of his insecurity. Under these circumstances he took the wisest course open to him and determined to conciliate the people by a punctilious observance of l.is engagements and by avoiding a revengeful and reactionary policy. But he found him- self confronted by vehement ojiposition fi'om his own family and liis immediate followers. A royalist reaction had set in like tliat of IGGO in England. In the southern provinces the people rose and massacred the Bonajiartists. In Paris the emigrant nobles A.D. 1815-1817. LOUIS XVIII. 639 demanded the restoration of the old regime and the punishment of all who were connected with the recent revolution. At the head of this extreme party Avas the king's brother, ihe Count of Artois, whose positi(jn was the more important as he was heir-apparent to the throne. His residence in the Tuileries, the Pavilion Marsan, became the headquarters of the Ultras, and he wtnt so far as to urge the revocation of the Charter. Louis XVIII. was determined not to yield to the solicitations of this party, or to adopt a policy which must inevitably lead to a new revolution as soon as the first force of the reaction was spent. But certain concessions had to be made, esjiecially as the majority in the newly elected cham- bers was vehemently royalist. Talleyrand and Fouche were dismissed from the ministry, and their places taken by the due de Kichelieu, who had won an honourable reputation in the Kussian service as the founder and governor of Odessa, and M. Decazes. Ney and several others who had betrayed the monarchy on Napoleon's return were tried and executed. Three laws were proposed and carried, to put down seditious cries, to authorise extraordinary arrests by the government, and to create special military courts for the summary trial of political crimes without the intervention of a jury. But here the government determined to stop, and when the majority of the chambers demanded more extreme measures and clamoured against the granting of an aujuesty to traitors, Louis dissolved them. On the 5th of September, 1816, he issued an edict on his own authority, which made important changes in the system of representation. The number of deputies was reduced from 394 to 260, and the franchise, as settled by the Charter, was secured to all who paid 300 francs in direct taxes. The measure was a coup d'etat in the liberal interest, and it was for the moment completely successful. The moderate party Avas in a majority in the new chamber of deputies, and tlie danger from the I'oyalists was averted. But the change involved serious dangers in the futuie. A fifth of the chamber had lo be renewed every year, and it was almost certain that the new elections would be more and more liberal in their character. Neither the king nor Eichelieu were prepared to free themselves from the party of reaction in order to fall into the hands of the radicals. But at first this danger was overlooked, the ministry and thfi legislature were in accord with each other, and a good opportunity seemed to present itself for freeing France fi-om the expensive humiliation of its foreign garrison. In 1817 a part of the allied troops was recalled and the moderation of Alexander I., who wished France to be strong enough to balance the other western powers, obtained a diminution of the indemnity which was to bo paid befor« 640 MODERN EUROPE. Chai-. xxv. the occupation altogether ceased. Iq September, 1818, a great Congress of princes and ministers met at Aix-la-Chapelle. Here it was agreed that the occnpation of French territory should entirely cease by the 30th of November, five years before the stipulated date. Next to the Czar the chief advocate of this generous act was the duke of Wellington, who had won universal respect as comm?inder of the allied army. At the same time France was admitted to a share with the other great powers in regulating the affairs of Europe. By a treaty which was drawn up in November, the five powers, the " pentarchy " as they were called, pledged themselves to act in concord for the maintenance of European peace. In case of any disturbance measures were to be concerted at a congress, either of the sovereigns themselves or of their chief ministers. This signal diplomatic triumph seemed to give additional secu- rity to the ministry of Richelieu. But he was troubled by the in- creasing liberal majority in the chamber of deputies, and especially by the elections of 1818, at which Lafayette, Manuel, and Benja- min Constant were returned. He attributed these disasters to the edict of f^eptember, 1818, which gave a majority of votes to the lower middle class, and he became convinced of the necessity of again changing the electoral law. As the king refused to recognise this necessity, Richelieu resigned in December, and Decazes became head of a purely liberal ministry. A number of popular measures followed. The censorship was abolished and trial by jury was established for cases concerning the press. To prevent opposition from the upper chamber the king consented to the creation of sixty new peers, nearly all of whom were men who had occupied important positions under the empire. The royalists were in despair, and the count of Artois maintained that his brother must have lost his senses. But Louis XVIII. soon discovered that even these enormous concessions had failed to conciliate the extreme liberals either to the crown or to the ministry. One of the chief causes of complaint was an agreement that had been made with the Pope, by which Napoleon's concordat was annulled, and the old concordat between Francis I. and Leo X. (1516) was restored. Decazes found himself attacked on both sides, and at last began to meditate some modification of the electoral edict of 181 fi. But while the matter was being discussed an event happened which com- pletely revolutionised French politics. On the 13th of February, 1820, the dvdve of Berry, second son of the Count of Artois, was assassinated by a man named Louvel. His death was the more impor- tant because his elder brother, the duke of Angoulemc, was childless, and it was to the duke of Berry that nie;i looked for a continuation of the royal line. He had been married in 1816 to Caroline Mary, A.D 1818-1821. FEEDINAND VII. OF SPAIN. 641 granddaughter of the king of Naples, who was ah-eady the mother of a daughter, and who was jn-egnant at tlie time of her husband's murder. An irresistible ro.\ alist reaction now set in, Decazes had to resign, and Richelieu once more undertook the direction of affairs, with the sup]^x)rt of the right instead of the left in the chambers. The censorship of the press was re-established and a new electoral law was introduced, which placed the election of half the deputies in the hands of the wealthy classes. The feeling in favour of the crown was increased by two events, the birth of a sou, Heniy duke of Bordeaux, to the duchess of Berry in September, 1820, and the death of the late emperor at St. Helena on the 5th of May, 1821. In December, 1821, Eichcdieu, who found himself more and more out of harmony with the Ultras, resigned office for the second time, and was succeeded by Villele, the recognised leader of the ro^ alist party. From this time Louis XVIII., whose energy declined with advancing years, and who fell under the influence of Maflame dn Cayla, practically resigned his authority to the count of Arto's. Another change in the constitution, which abolisheil tlic annual election of a fifth of the deputies, and authorised the chamber to sit for seven years, secured the victory of the reactionary ] arty. § 4. Nothing illustrates more clearly the wisdom of Louis XVIII. than a comparison of the jDolicy puisued by another restored Bourbon, Ferdinand VI F. of Spain. When Ferdinand was released by Napoleon at the beginning of 1814, Spain was still governed by the Cortes which had been created under the constitution of 1812. At first the king undertook to maintain this form of government, but on arriving on Spanish soil he discovered that the liberal adminis- tration was by no means popular among the peasants and was detested by the priests. Ferdinand was a worthless and incapable prince, who had learned nothing in his four years' captivity escei^t an aptitude for lying and intrigue, and who was subject to two guiding passions, sensuality and superstition. From Valencia he issued an edict dissolving the Cortes and promising a new constitu- tion in place of that of 1812. So strong was the reaction in fovour of the monarchy tliat this measure Wiis hailed with applause, and the king entered Madrid in tiiumph. No sooner was he established on the throne than he threw his promises to the wind and lestored the old absolutism with all its abuses. The nobles recovered their privileges and their exemption from taxes, the monasteries were restored, the Inquisition resumed its activity, and the Jesuits returned to Spain. All Liberals and all adherents of Joseph Bonajiarte were ruthlessly persecuted. The government was con- ducted b}' a camarilla of worthless courtiers and priests, who encouraged the king to fre.sh acts of reactionary violence. For six 29 642 MODERN EUROPE. Chap. xxv. years this royalist reign of terror was continued, and the suppression of isolated revolts gave occasion for new cruelties. The finances of the country were in the most wretched condition, owing to the loss of the American colonies, which had taken advantage of Napoleon's conquest of Spain to establish their independence. Instead ol' trying to restore prosperity by maintaining peace, Ferdinand squandered large sums u]ion futile expeditions to recover the colonies. One of his expedients for raising money was the sale of Florida to the United States in 1819. Discontent in Spain found expression in numerous secret societies, for wliich the model was found in Itnlj^ It was among the soldier.-*, neglected and ill-pai()pular institutions 644 MODERN EUROPE. Chap. xxv. were sujipressed, the jiolice were as active as in Milan, and the people were encouraged to forget public affairs in a.life of indolent pleasure. In Naples the aged Ferdinand I. owed his restoration to Austria, and wrfs thus compelled, evejn if he had not wished it himself, to suj^press all liberal tendencies. One of his first acts on recovering his independence was to revoke the constitution which he had given to Sicily while he was under the guidance of the P]ng!ish admiral, Lord Bentinck. Any energy that was wanting to the king himself was amply supplied by his wife, Caroline, who constantly urged her husband to fresh precautions against revolu- tion. But the i^rovince in which the reaction was most tlioroughly carried out was Piedmont. During the • French occupation the king, Victor Emmanuel, had lived quietly in the island of Sardinia, completely untouched by all that was pas:ying on the cuntinent. He returned to Turin with all the prejudices and prepossessions of a system that was thoroughly out of date. Regardless of the confusion and absurdity tliat was involved in such an act, he issued an edict which abolished all laws and regulations introduced by the French, and restored the government as it had existed in 1770. ]']ven the new roads were abandoned, and it was almost decided to destroy the bridge which Napoleon had built across the Po. As compared with the system pursued at Turin the Austrian government of Milan appeared liberal and far-seeing. But liberal opinions survived in Piedmont and were nourished by the neigh- bourhood of France. Among their adherents was a member of the royal house, Charles Albert, Prince of Cariguano. As both Victor Emmanuel and his brotlier Charles Felix were childless, Charles Albert wns the legiiimate heir to the throne. But so strong was the reaction, that the idea was entertained of disinheriting him, and securing the succession to the archduke Francis IV. of Modena, who had married a daughter of Victor Emmanuel, and whose re- actionary principles were above suspicion. § 7. Althougli the government of the Italian jirovinces corre- six)nded so exactly to the wishes of Austria, there was still some ground for uneasiness in the numerous secret societies wliich covered the whole country. The most important and active of these was the famous Carbonari, which eagerly watched for an opportunity of overthrowing foreign despotism and effecting the simultaneous union and freedom of Italy. The first opening for active measures was given by the effect of the Spanish icvolution in Naples, always closelj'" connected with Spain by dynastic ties. Here, as in S]iain, the movement originated with the army. The garrison of Nola raised the first cry for the Spanish constitution, other ti'oops followed the example, and General Pepe, a popular A.D. 1815-1820. THE TWO SICILIES. 645 officer, assumed the lead of the rebellion. No semblance of resist- ance was made by Ferdinand I., who at once undertook to form a liberal ministry and to take the oath to the constitution, of the provisions of which both he and the rebels were completely ignorant. In four days the revolution was accomplished without disturbance, and the king even went out of his way to express his gratitude to General Pepe and his determination to uphold the new sy.-tem. Very different wn, Dom Miguel, a monster of bigotry and cruelty, were determined to ptmish 648 MODERN EUROPE. Chap, xxv the conquered party. The king found himself a prisoner in his own palace, his favourite minister, Louie', was murdered, and the queen aimed at her husband's deposition and the elevation of Miguel to the throne. At List John VI. cscaf ed to an English ship in the Tagus (May 9, 1824), and the people rallied to his cause. Miguel obtained his father's forgiveness, but retired to Vienna, whence he returned after John's death to bring further troubles on his country. For the time the Holy Allimce had triumphed, and the revolu- tionary movement in nestern Europe seemed to be suppressed. But the resolute attitude which Canning had assumed at the Congress of Verona and in subsequent negotiations had broken up the pentarchy, and deprived the decisions of the other ])0wcrs of the unity which was necessary for permanence. The death of Alexander I. in 1825 gave a final blow to a league which must either have crushed the growth of liberty in Europe, or have led to another continental war, not less general and destructive than that which had been aroused by the French devolution. IT. Eastern Europe and the Independence of Greece. § 11. One of the services which the house of Hapsburg rendered to I'lurope was the defence of the eastern frontier against the aggressions of the Turks. The victoiies of Montecuculi and Kugeiie destroyed for ever the terror which the Ottoman arms had once inspired. All the successes of Austria, and the treaties of Carlowitz (1699) and Passarowitz (1718), by which those successes were secured, had been not ooly acquiesced in but eagerly welcomed and exulted over by the other European states. The infidel was the common enemy of all Chiistian nations. But in the latter halt of the 18th century the great cMstern (juestion entered a new pliase. Russia began to make rapid strides southwards and obtained a permanent hold upon the Black Sea. The ultimate ac(iuisition of Constantinople became an acknowledged object of the house of Romanof. Catharine II. had taken a great step in this direction by establishing a sort of Russian protectorate over the Christian population of Turkey in the treaty of Kutschuk Kainardji ; she had inscribed over the entrance to the Chersonese " the way to Constantinople ; " and she had given the name of Constantino to her second grandson as if he were the destined successor of the Palajologi. Alexander I. had pursued the same policy of aggression alter the treaty of Tilsit, and although the French invasion com- pelled him to conclude the peace of Bucharest, he succeeded in extending his frontier to the Pruth, and in reserving the right of Russia to interfere in the domestic affairs of Turkey. But these A.J). 1789-1825. CONDITION OF TUEKEY. 649 advances^ unlike those tif xVustria, were by no means welcomed by the other powers. The rapid growth of the great Slavonic empire was regarded as one of the great dangers to western Europe. From this time the western nations, and especially England and France, began to recognise the necessity of supporting the IMohammedan Sultan rather than allow Constantinople to fall into the hands of the Christian Czar. The declins of the Turkish power, as has been seen before, was not only due to external defeats at the hands of Austria and l\ussia, but still more to internal disorders. The authority of the Sultan was perpetually checked by the haughty independence of the dreaded Janissaries, who played the part of the Prajtorian guards at Rome, and made a puppet of the sovereign whom it was their function to defend. Selim III. (1789-1807) had sought to free himself from this military oligarchy by forming a new army on the European model, and had pai'l the penalty for his boldness by deposition and death. His nephew and successor, Mustafa IV., had only ruled a year before he also was n.urdered. Mahmoud II. (1808-1839), a brother of Mustafa, and a man of considerable energy and resolution, was compelled to purchase his thiotie by accepting all the demands of the infuriated soldiers, and by promising to abandon all thought of reform. It is true that he only awaited the first opportunity to break his promise, but in the meanwhile he was as powerless as his predecessors. Another source of weakness to the Turks was the independence assumed by the pashas of distant provinces. Two conspicuous illustrations of this existed in the time of Mahmoud. In Egypt, Mehemet Ali, a native of Macedonia, had taken advantage of the disturbances that followed the struggle between the English and French to obtain his nomination as pasha. In that position he had crushed every element of resistance, and was able to treat his nominal sovereign as an equal. Nearer home, Ali Pasha, the famous " Lion of Jannina," had thrown off the Sultan's yoke, and was enabled, b}' the strength of his island fortress, to defy the forces that were sent against him. Two other officials, the Hospodars of Moldavia and Wallachia, who were nominated by the Porte, were far more under the authority of Russia. § 12. These and other difficulties in the way of Ottoman rule must have led to the speedy disruption of the empire, but for the military prowess of the 'i'urks and the divisions of the subject populations. The four races that inhabited European Turkey — Slavs, Roumans, Albanians, and Greeks — were not only hostile to each other, but were again subdivided among themselves by differences of religion and by geographical boundaries. Of these races the most active and intelligent, the Greeks, were also the 29* 650 MODERN EUROPE. Chap, xxv, least numerous. The old inhabitants of Greece had been almost lost among the numerous immigrants who had settled in the peninsula since its conquest by the Komans. The mass of the population consisted of Slavs, and the old name of Peloponnese had long given way to the Slavonic aiipsllation of the Morea. In spite of this the scholars of western Europe were in the habit of re- garding the Greeks as the descendants of the ancient Hellenes, and this was sufficient to secure them general sym|)athy in a struggle against Turkish misrule. At the Congress of Vienna great efforts had been made to do something for the cause of the Greeks, and a liter.iry society of their admirers (tTaipeia cfiiXofiovcrav) derived political importance from the lact that one of its leading members, Count Capo dlstria, was secretary to Alexander I. The Czar had an obvious interest in the cause, and was believed by many to be himself a member of a secret committee of Pliilhellenes. The risings in S|);iin and Naples gave tlie necessary impulse to a move- ment which hail been already preparid. It was commenced, not in Greece itself, but in Moldavia, because that ]"irovince was near to Russia, from wh'ch help was confidetitly expected. "^I'lie revolt was headed by Ipsilanti, an officer in the Russian service, whos(! Itxther had been Hospodar of Moldavia. I|isilanti was a Phanariote — i.e. he belonged to one of the old Greek families who lived in the Phanar, a suburb of Constantinople. The Phanariotss had long been in intimate connection with Russia, and it was from among them that the Porte usually selected the Hospodars of Moldavia and Wallachia. Ipsilanti's rising depended entirely for success on Russinn support, but at the Congress of Laybach Alexander ex- press d his disapproval, and it speedily collapsed. The Turks won a complete victory at Dragatschan (19 June, 1821), and Ipsilanti spent the next seven years in an Austrian ]>rison. But his move- ment had been the ])reconcerted signal for another and more general rebellinn in Greece propei-. Under the leadership of Kolokotroni, Nikitaa, I'ietro Bey and others, the jieople rose all over the Morea, and in a few days the Turks were driven to the fortresses, where they were speedily besieged. The rich islands of the iEgean, Hydra, Ipsai'a, and Spezzia, espoused the national cause, and the skill and daring of their sailors gave the Greeks a maritime superiority which was of decisive importance in the war. Ali Pasha, of Jannina, having quirrelled irretrievably with the Porte, took the side of the Greeks, though he remained a Mohammedan. He rendered considerable service by concentrating against himself the main force of the Turks for a year, thus leaving the Greeks time to gain a firm position. North of the isthmus of Corinth, Odysseus, a famous chietain of the mountain A.D. 1821-1822. REVOLT OF GEEECE, 651 tribes, revolted against the Turks and barred their passage into the Morea. The Porte was wliolly unprepared for war, and though the garrisons of Patras and Nauplia repulsed their besiegers, the important fortress of Tripolitza was taken by storm. The Turks could only avenge their disasters by the murder of the Greek Patriarch in Constantinople and by massacres of the Christian population in Asia Minor. These cruelties led to re[irisals on the part of the rebels, and gave the war a bloodthirsty character. ' At the beginning of the year 1822, a national convention met in Piada and drew up a constitution. The executive power was en- trusted to a convention of five members and the work of legislation to a council of seventy. The president of the convention was Mavrocordato, the descendant of an old family of Chios, but he was regarded withjealousy by the military leaders, and especially by Ko- lokotroni. From the first the movement was hampered by personal quarrels and divisions. One party looked to Russia for assistance, another to England, while several chiefs, notably Odysseus an.i Pietro Bey, were fighting mainly for plunder. A great blow was dealt to the cause by the defeat and death of Ali Paslia (Feb. 182'i), which enabled the Turkish army to leave Jannina and to turn against the Greeks. In spite i f this the balance of succesG during the year was decidedly in favour of the rebels. The Turkish fleet captured the island of Chios and mas.sacred or enslaved all tlie inhabitants, but their atrocities were avenged by the destruction of several of their largest vessels by fire-ships, in the management of which the islanders were proficient. A grand expedition which Chourchid Pasha, the conqueror of Jannina, led into tlie Morea, was repulsed with such loss that the commander had to et^cape the bowstring by suicide. The first siege of Missoloughi was triumphantly defeated, the citadels of Athens and Corinth were reduced, and finally, Nauplia (Napoli di Romania) was comjielled to surrender. In spite of these successes it seemed probable that the Greeks must ultimately succumb to superior force unless they could obtain the active assistance as well as the sympathy of Europe. I'he question of intervention was seriously discussed at the Congress of Verona, but in fatal conjunction Avith the question of Spain. Metternich, at this time the guiding spirit of Euroi^ean diplomacy, succeeded in representing the movements in the two peninsulas as identical in character. Alexander I., the natural champion of Greek independence, and a few years ago the professed adherent of liberal principles, was worked upon through his dread of revolution. He himself declared that he "discerned the revolutionary march in the troubles of liie Peloponncse, and from that mom.ent kejit aloof from 652 MODEKN EUROPE. Chav. xxv. them." By a curious inversion of interests, the English minisiei- Canning, by policy the oppunent of Eussian influence in Turkey, Wiis personally an eager champion of the Greek cause. But he could not venture to take the initiative, and the practical result of the Congress was a decision that the Greeks, as rebels against legitimate authority, should be left to their fate. It is true that the Russian envoy protested against the Turkish cruelties, and when satisfaction was refused quitted Constantinople. But even this diplomatic rupture did not impel Alexander to desert the neutrality that Avas enjoined by his new principles. In 1823 the quarrels among tlie Greek leaders blazed more fiercely than evei'. The central government lost all authority and Mavro- conlato had to escape to Hydra. Still the Turks were unable to seize the ailvantages offered to them. Omer Brione, the successor of Ali in the Pashalic of Jaunina, was defeated by the Suliote hero, Marcos Bozzaris, who lost bis life in the engngement. The threatened attack upon Missolonghi was averted by this victory, and in the Morea Nikitas succeeded in reducing the citadel nf Corinth. In the next year a great impulse was given to the rebellion by the efforts of foreign enthusiasts. Lord Byron and Colonel Stanhope appeared in Greece, and a large loan on the part of foreign capitalists restored credit to the constitutional government. Mavrocordato returned, and his chief opponent, Kolokotroni, was compelled t > subnjit. At the same time Odysseus, who was suspected of intrigues witli the Turks, was seized and imprisoned at Atliens. The Turkish fleet succeeded in capturing and devastating the island of Ipsara (July, 182-i), but Canaris took a signal revenge by destroying more than twenty of the enemy's ships. The European powers begnn to lake an interest in a movement that had shown itself so difticult to suppress. Can- ning expressed the willingness of England to recognise the Greek blockade, and Alexander I. proposed that Greece should be divided between four Hospodafs, who should occupy the same relation to the Poi'te as the rulers of Moldavia and Wallachia. This scheme, how- ever, offered too many advantages to Paissia to be accepted by the other powers, aiid Mettern'ch succeeded for a time in averting any active intervention. § 13. For four years the Greeks had more than held their own, but their resources were so limited that victory was as costly to them as defeat was to the Turks. And their incorrigible dissensions alien- ated their foreign supporters. The loans were uselessly squandered, and Byron died of fever and disappointment in the swamps of Mis- solonghi. In 1825 a wholly new character was given to the war by the arrival of an army from Egypt. Mehemet Ali, who hoped to succeed to the position of the house of Othman, determined to pre- A.D. 1823-1827. ACCESSION OF NICOLAS. 653 vent the luptuic of an emiiire which he might one day rule. In February his son, Ibrahim, landocl at Modon with 17,000 men. From the first it was evident thnt the Greeks were no match for the Egyptian troops, wiio had been carefully formed and trained on the European model. Ibrahim captured Navavino and Tripolitza, and advanced through the Morea to the walls of Nauplia. At the same time Redschid Pasha was despatched by the Sultan to resume the siege of Missulonghi. Early in 1826 Ibrahim joined the Turks, and the fate of the town was secured by a rigorous blockade. After enduring the most terrible hardships, the garrison made a heroic elTort to cut their way through the besiegers, and only accident prevented their complete success (2 April, 1826). The fall of Mis- solonghi was followed by the siege of Athens. Another obstinate defence was made, but in spite of the assistance rendered by Colonel Fibvier, Lord Cochiane, and General Church, Athens had to surrender (2 June, 1827). The Greek cause was hopeless unless the European powers would mterfere, and the old dissensions broke out again. Fortunately for the Greeks events had occurred which altered the relations of the European states, and frustrated Metternich's determination to uphold the Poite as the champion of legitimate authority against revolution. § li. On the 1st of December, 1825, Alexander I. died suddenly on a journey to the Crimea. As he left no children, his natural successor was his brother, Constantine, who resided in WarsaAV as governor of Poland. But Constantine, who had contracted a morganatic marriage with a Polish princess, and who was devoid of ambition, had in 1822 formally renounced all claims in fovonr of his younger brother, Nicolas. This renimciation had never been made public, and Nicolas, unwilling to act upon it until it had been confirmed, caused the troops to swear fealty to Constantine, as Alexander's successor. But the elder brother positively refused to ascend the throne, and Nicolas was compelled to assume the authority that now devolved upon him. But unexpected difficulties confronted him. Alexander's desertion of liberal principles in his later years had alienated the affection of his subjects, and a serret association had been formed, under Prince Troubctskoi, with the object of forming Rus.sia into a federal republic. The uncertainty about the succession and the consequent interregnum gave the conspirators an unexpected opportunity. They persuaded the soldiers that Constantine's pretended renunciation was a fraud, and that Nicolas was trying to usurp his brother's throne. The result was that, when the tioo]is were callcl upon to take a new oath of fealty, a cry was raised for Constantine, and the tumult went so A\r that artillery had to be employed, and the disloyal reoirricnts Vv'ere 654 MODERN EUROPE. Chap xxv. almost destroyed before they would yield. The conspiracy was now discovered and its leaders punished. The accession of Nicolas brought with it a complete change in both the internal and foreign politics of Russia. From the first moment he abandoned the system pursued by his predecessors from Peter the Great downwards. Instead of attempting to civilise Russia by introducing the customs and laws of western Europe, he showed himself an ardent partisan of all the old national institu- tions, and especially of the Greek church. The Russian language was ordered to be taught in the German and Polish provinces, and a knowledge of it was essential fnr a jilacc in the public service. If a foreigner married a Russian their chiMten must be educated in the faith of the latter. The zeal for ])roselytism only just stopped short of actual persecution. At the same time Nicolas claimed to be the head and protector of all members of the Greek church outside his own dominions. It was evident that his attitude in the eastern question would be very different from that of Alexander, and that it would be determined by the interests of Russia rather than by the principles of legitimacy. The Holy Alliance had been shaken by the conduct of Canning; it was shattered by the accession of Nicolas. Metternich lost the control of European diplomacy which he had contrived to hold for the last ten years. Canning lost no time in sending Wellington to St. Petersburg to discuss the question of Greece with the Czar. At first Nicolas haughtily declared that his relations with the Porte concerned no other power, but he soon saw the advantage of making England his accomplice in a partition of Turkey. In April, 1826, a secret con- vention was signed, wliich arranged that Greece should be formed into a regular state, but should pay tribute to the Sultan. In case of refusal the two powers were to compel the Porte to accept these terms. The other powers were to be invited to join the alliance. § 15. At the same time Nicolas had other matters to settle with the Sultan, and Mahmoud II. played into his hands by choosing this very moment for the reforms which he had been meditating ever since his accession. He issued an ordinance altering the constitution of the Janissaries, though it left the existing members of the corps in enjoyment of their privileges. The result was a general mutiny on the 14th of June. Bnt the Sultan was prepared for extreme measures. He produced the sacred standard of the projAet and called upon all true believers to support him. A wholesale massacre of the Janissaries followed, and the name was abolished for ever. Mabmoml now set to work to raise a new army, which was to consist of 250,000 men armed and trained like European troops. But a long time must elapse before such :m A.D. 1S2G-1827. BATTLE OF NAVARINO. C5f- elaborate scheme could be carried out, and meanwhile Turkey was defenceless. This compelled the Sultan to accept all the demands of Nicolas in the convention of Ackermann (October, 1826). 1'he treaty of Bucharest was confirmed, and it was agreed that the Hospodars of Moldavia and Wallachia should be chosen for seven years, that they should rule with a council of Boyars in complete independence of the Porte, and that they could not be deposed without the consent of Kussia. Servia was to elect its own prince and the Sultan was not to mterlert; in its internal affairs. Eussia was to occupy the fortresses on the east coast of the Black Sea, and Russian ships had the right of intering all Turkish wateis. § 16. One of the Sultan's motives lor such abject compliance was a desire to separate Russia from England on the Gieek question. But Nicolas was the last man to 1 e turned iiom his course by an exhibition of weakness, and the ne.uotiations were actively pro- secuted at a conference in London. Metternich resolutely refused to countenance rebellion in any form, and induced Frederick William of Pruj^sia to adhere to the proizrannne of the Holy Alliance. In France the moderate Louis XVIIL had been succeeded by the reactionaiy Charles X., but the strong French sympathy with the Greeks induced, the government to disregard the danger of revolu- tion and to join Russia and England. On the 6th of July, 1827, the three powers concluded the treaty of London, which was based on the previous convention of April, 1826. Greece was to be tributary but otherwise independmt; hoslilitics were to cease immediately ; and if the Sultan failed to accept the mediation of the powers within a month, the latter would recognise the entire independence of Greece. This treaty, which was forced upon Canning by the fear of allowing Russia to interfere single-handed, was his last conspicuous act. He died on the 8th of August, and the Tories gradually regained the upper band in the ministry. The Sultan, whosj hopes of success had been raised by the capture of Missolonghi and Athens, Lau<;hiily refused to admit the ri^ht of any power to interfere between himself and his rebellious subjects. Ibrahim at th s time received large reinforce- ments, which were brought to Navariiio by an Egyptian fleet from Alexandria. He received orders to wage a war of extermination in the Morea, and he acted up to the letter of his instructions. Meanwhile the allied fleets of England, France, and Russia had appeared on the scene to enforce the treaty of London. The admirals called upon Ibrahim to cease hostilities, and entered the harbour of Navarino to compel his submission. In these circumstances a battle was inevitable, and in four hours the whole Egyptian fleet was utterly destroyed (20 October, 1827). Mehemet Ali was 656 MODERN EUROPE. Chap. xxv. compelled to recall his son. Such active mediation had not been anticipated in England, where the ministers alluded to the battle as "an untoward event." But the Greeks, whose cause seemed on the very verge of collapse, received the news with frantic enthusiasm. Mahmoud II. complained bitterly of the outrage, and expressed his determination not to yield. In December the ambassadors of the allied powers had to leave Constantinople. § 17. That the battle of Navarino really proved an " imtoward event" to English interests, was due mainly to the conduct of the ministers, who abandoned the policy of Canning and allowed Russia to attack Turkey single-handed, the very thing which he had striven to avoid. No opposit'on was m;)de to the election of the Russian nominee, Cajw d'Istria, as president by the Greek national assembly. Nicolas was enger to seize the advantages offered to him by the vacillation of England and the destruction of the Janissaries. Time was required to collect the resources of so vast a country as Russia, but in April, 1828, war was declared, and in May 150,000 Russian troops under Wittgenstein crossed the Pruth. To the astonishment of Europe the campaign was a complete failure. The Turks wisely restricted their efforts to the defence of fortresses, in which they have always excelled. The Russians spent so much time in the siege of Schumla, Varna, and Silistria, that winter compelled them to retreat before they had achieved anything beyond the reduction of Varna. Tie simulta- neous campaign in Asii was more fortunate, and Paskiewitsch, who had already made a great name in the wars with Persia, raptured the strong fortresses of Kars and Achalzik, which the Turks regarded as impregnable. At the same time the with- drawal of Ibrahim and his Ej2yptian troops enabled the Greeks once more to hold their own in the peninsula. Still, on the whole the Russians had failed, and Metternich endeavoured to take advantage of this to arrange a peace which should save Turkey fr. m humili- ation. But France and Prussia declined to support him, and oven Wellington, v.ho was now at the head of the English ministry, would not take any active steps to check the advance of Russia, In 1829 the command of the Russian army was transferred from Wittgenstein to Diebitsch, a native of Silesia. His ])lan was to cover ihe Turkish fortresses and to push on with his main force across the Balkans. A cornplete victory over the newly- appointed Vizier, Redschid Pasha, was followed by the surrender of Silistria (30 June). The passage of the Balkans, a militaiy feat which the Russians had never yet attempted, was successlully accomplished, and on the 19th of August Diebitsch appeared before Adrianoplc. But his troops had suffered so nnich from hunger and A.D. 1827-1833. THE KINC4D0M OF GREECE. 657 disease that he was only followed by about 13,000 men, and a resolute attack on the p irt of the Turks must have resulted in his utter ruin. Fortunately, his marvellous achievement, and the approach of the enemy to po short a distance from his capital, over- came the courage of Mahmoud II., and he concluded the treaty of Adrianople on the 14th of Sept-jmber. Russia resigned all conquests except some islands at the mouth of the Danube and a stiip of territory in Asia which included tlie fortress of Achalzik. These acquisitions, though small, were of considerable strategical im- portance. The Hospodard of Moldavia and Wallachia were to be appointed for life, they were to have inde[)endent sovereign power, and no Mussulman might reside in these provinces, which became practically appendages of Russia. The navigation of the Danube was to be free, and the vessels of neutral powers were to be allowed to pass through the Dardanelles. Ihe Porte accepted the pro- visions of the treaty of London with regaid to Greece. § 18. Another conference in London undertook to settle the affairs of the new state, and issued a protocol on the subject in February, 1830. A tardy and ill-timed regard for Turkish sensi- tiveness gave Greece a niggardly frontier, extending from the Gulf of Volo on the east to the mouth of the river Aspro on the west. The government was to be a constitutional monarchy, and the crown was offered to Leopold of ISaxe-Coburg, the widower of Princess Charlotte of England. After some hesitation he refused it, and during the interregnum Capo d'Istria continued to rule. The latter was suspected of aiming at the crown himself, and the opposition to him became so vehement that it led to civil war. The Greek fleet was burnt by Miaulis to prevent its being used by the Russians to support the President. Soon afterwards Capo d'Istria was assassinated (Oct. 1831). At last the :dlied powers agreed to extend the frontier on the west from the Aspro to Arta, and f lund an asjjirant to the throne in Otho L, a younger son of the king of Bavaria. In 1833 he landed at Nauplia, but two years elapsed before he really midertook the work of government, and fixed upon Athens as his cajaital. III. France under Chables X. and the Revolution of 1830. § 19. The reaction in France which commenced with the death of the duke of Berry was carried to its height by the ministry of Villele. The expedition to Spain in 1823 was so completely successful that a royalist chamber was elected and its existence prolonged for seven years. On the 16th of September, 1824, Louis XVIII, died. He had never been popular in France, and he was 658 lilODERN EUROPE, CiiAi'. xxv. not a strong ruler ; but there can be no doubt that he displayed creditable wisdom and self-restraint. He disapproved of the re- action and foresaw the disasters that it would bring \ipon his successor, but he was too' weak to resist the pressure of his ministers and his own family. The count of Artois, who now became king, was imbued with all the prejudices and prepossessions of the old regime, and he had none of his brother's power of seeing when it was nece.^sary to yield. He contrasts with Louis XVIII. as James II. did wi h Charles II. But his first measures were popular. lie expresrsed his determination to uj^hold the Charter, he removed the censorship of the press, and he restored to Louis Philippe, the son of l'hili|ipe Kgalite, the great possessions of the house of Orleans and the tit'e of Royal Highness. But before long 1 c showei his real intentions. The ministry of Villb'e was retained, more tban 150 officers of the Empire were dismissed from the army, and tl'e Jesuits, though still proscribed by law, were allowed to I etui n to France and to resume their control of education. The enormous sum of 100,000,000 francs was raised to compensate the losses of the emigrants ; and in spite of vigorous opposition the scheme was adopted by the submissive chambers. But it was the king's devotion to the Church that raised the bitterest discontent. The o] en j ntronage of the Jesuits, the gorgeous processions through the streets, in w Inch the king himself took part, and a law which proposed to punish sacrilege with death, aroused uncompromising hostility in a city where the teaching of Voltaire still prevailed. In 1825 the funeral of General Foy, the most elotpient leader of the opposition, gave au opportunity for a grand liberal demonstration. To silence criticism the government brought in a new law to shackle the press, but it was received with such disfavour in both chambers that it had to be withdrawn. In 1827, while the king was te- viewing the national guard, a cry was ra'sed of "Down with the Jesuits ! " and the force was broken up. Viilele now determined on a last effort to maintain his power. The chamber of deputies was dissolved and seventy-six new peers were created. But the new ehctions went complete'y against the government, nnd the liberals secured a majority of 428 to 125. The king was compelled lo give way, and Viilele was dismissal (Jan. 3, 1828). § 20. A moderate ministry now came into office under the presidency of M. de Martignac. A law was introduced which imposed only slight restrictions upon the press, and a number of ordinances were issued against the Jesuits. But Martignac- foimd that he had a very difficiUt position to occupy. Charles X. re- garded the ministers as forced upon him, and refused to give them his confidence. At the same time the majority of depiities were A.D. 1824-1830. FRANCE UNDER CHARLES X. 659 hostile to them for not carrying liberal measure-:, which their relations to the king made impossible. Martignac wished to strengthen the monarchy, and to give stability to the constitutiun, by freeing the provinces from the excessive pn. ponderance of the capital. Earl}^ in 1829 lie brought forward a i>roposal to give to colleges in the commmies and departments some control over the authority of the mayors and pre'ects. But tias was not well received by ihe liberals, who had matters their own way in Paris, and who feared the iirejionderance of conservative and clerical influence in the country. On the 3C:h of July, 1829, the king dissolved the chambers, and seized the opportunity to di.-miss Martignac and his colleagues. He h:id convinced himself that concessions only encouraged more < xtrcuie demands, and he was determined not to yield. At the head of the new ministry was Prince Jules de Polignac, the son of Maiie Antoinette's favourite, and the representative of the eniigrant nobles. The choice was an unfortunate one, as Polignac was incapable as well as unpopular, but it was dictated to some extent by foreign politics. It was just at this time that Eussia and Turkey were negotiating at Adrianople, and Austria and England were anxious to prevent the former from obtaining excessive advantages from its victory. Martignac had been altogether on the side of Russia, and one of his chief supporters had been Pozzo di Borgo, the Russian envoy at Paris. Polignac was a personal friend of Wellington, the head of the Tory ministry in England, and this contributed to his elevation. Still more un- fortunate was the choice of the minister of war. General Bouniiont, who had deserted to the allies at the beginning of the battle of Waterloo, an act which the French could neitlier forget nor forgive. The appointment of the new ministry wis greet d with general indignation. Lafayette came forward as the leader of the agitation, and formed a secret society with the name Aide toi et h del fdidera, which exercised considerable influence over the elect ons. When the chambers met in March, 1830, the liberals had an over- whelming majority among the deputies. Iheir leaders were Royer- Collard and Guizot, the representatives of the coni^titutional theorists or c^odn'najres, and the former was elected j resident. A number of royalist peers, influenced either by jealousy of Polignac or by Russian intrigues, deserted the ministry, and an address expressing want of confidence was carried by large majorities. Charles X. dissolved the chambers again, and determined t) make a bold bid for popularity by an expedition against the Dey of Algiers, who had insulted the French consul. The French have always been very eager for military glory, and it was hoped that 660 MODERN EUROPE. Chap. xxv. the news of a brilliant success just at the time of the election would secure a majority for the goveiinnent. But the scheme was too obvious not to be seen through, and unforeseen accidents postponed the expected triumph until the elections were over (4 July). A chamber was returned which was still more hostile to the government than its predecessor. Matters had now reached a crisis, but Charles X. was resolute to make no concessions. On the 25th of July a ministerial conference at St. Cloud drew up the celebrated Ordinances, which were issued on the next day. The press was subjected to a t^trict censorship and the chief liberal papeis were suppressed. The nuni'oer of electors was diminished by raising the property qualification, and elections were to be no longer direct but indirect. The recently chosen chamber was dissolved before it had even met, and a new one was summoned for the 8th of September. 'J hese exce]3tional measures were justified by the 14th article of the Charter — " Tiie king makes regulations and ordinances for the execution of iho laws and the safety of ilie state." § 21. The Ordinances were wholly unexpected in Paris, where the first feeling was one of stupefied astonishment. Jf the government had been fully prepared for active measures, an easy triumph was assured. But there were only 12,000 troops in the capital, and the command was in the hands of Marmont, who was unpopular among the soldiers as a traitor to Napoleon, and who personally disap- proved of the Ordinances. The first opposition came from the journalists, headed by Thiers and Mignet, who refused to recognise the suppression of their papers as a legal act. The liberal deputies assembled at the house of Casimir I'erier, but they distrusted the chances of a popular revolt, and contented themselves with a written protest against the dissolution of a chamber which had never met. Among the citizens there were bolder spirits. The manufactories were closed, the workmen crowded the streets, and a number of collisions with the troops occurred on the 28th of July. Marmont advised concessions, but Charles X., who had gone on a hunting-party as if notliing was happening, sent him orders to stand firm. On the 29th came the decisive conflict. Lafayette, wlio was absent when the Ordinances were issued, hurried back to Paris and assumed the command of the national guard. The troops were concentrated to defend the Tuileries, the Louvre, and the Palais Eoyal, and an obstinate conflict took place, in which much blocd was shed. At last Marmont's indecision allowed the populace to gain possession ol the Louvre, from which the long gallery admitted them to the Tuileries. So strong was the feeling against disgracing the revolt, that the treasures of the palace were left undistnrbcd, and a man D. 1830 THE JULY REVOLUTION. 661 who wns detected in the act of plunder was pvounitly executed. By the evening Paris was in the hands of the mob. When the news of these events reached St. Cloud the old king was at last compelled to recognise the necessity of concessions. Poliguac was dismissed, and the duke of Mortemart, a moderate man and acceptable to the Kussian court, was appointed in his place. Mortemart lost no time in sending to Paris and announcing the revocation of the Ordinances. Put it was too late. The dej^utics had recovered their courage when the victory had been won for them, and had entrusted the provisional government to a municipal commission, of which Lafayette, Laffite, Casimir Pe'rier and Gerard were members. They refused to recognise Mortemart, and declared that " the stream of blood which has flowed in Charles X.'s name has separated him from France for ever." The res2)ectable bourgeoisie wished to secure themselves against anarchy and to form a durable government. The establishment of a republic would inevitably excite the enmity of the great powers, woulel lead to another European war, and probably to a third restoration. These considerations urged all moderate men to maintain a monarchical government in France. Fortunately they havd not far to look for a suitable candidate for the throne. The duke of Orleans had been the acknowledged patron of the liberal party ever since his return to France in 1815, and the favour shown to him by Charles X. had failed to draw him any closer to the elder branch of his family. He was a Bourbon and therefore might be expected to satisfy the scruples of the monarchical states of Europe. At the same time he would owe his power altogether to the popular choice, and could hardly venture upon unconstitutional government. Laffite and Thiers were his active sujiporters, and found no difHculty in gaining over the majority of the deputies. Messengers were sent to Neuiliy, where the duke was then resid- ing, to ask him to undertake the office of Lieutenant-General of the kingdom until the chambers could meet to secure the observance of the Charter. Louis Philippe, whose rule was to profess a becoming want of ambition, waited to consult Talleyrand, on whose diplo- matic experience he relied to conciliate the European courts. On receiving his approval, he at once journeyed to Paris and accepted the proffered office. At the same time, to secure himself on both sides, he sent a letter through Mortemart to assure Charles X. of his fidelity. The king placed such c nfidence in these treacherous professions that he confirmed the duke's appointment, and thus helped to drive his own supporters to the side of the usurper. The municipal commission, which was suspected of republican ten- dencies, was not informed of the action of the deputies until all 662 MODERN EUROPE. Chap. xxv. had been settled. Lafayette, however, was soon won over by Louis Vhilij^pe's profession?, and the name of Orleans was so popular in Paris that opjiosition whs out of the question. § 22. Charles X. was still confident that his crown was secun", but the anxiety of the duchess of Berry for the safety of her sm induced him to move from St. Cloud to the Trianon and thence to Eambouillet. There he was persuaded that his own unpopularity entlangered the dynasty, and both he and the Dauphin abdicated in favour of the duke of Bordeaux (1 August). '1 he duke of Orleans, whose honesty was still relied upon, was asked to assume the regency for the infant king. But Louis Philippe now saw the crown within his grasp, and was determined to drive his rivals from the kingdom. The cry was raised that Charles X. meditated an attack upon Paris, nnd a mob of 60,000 men marched upon Rambouillet. At last Charles realised the treacliery of his rela'ive and gave up all hope. His misfortunes were respected by the people as he journeyed to Cherbourg, whence he sailed to England, and for the seccnd time took up his residence at Holy rood. On tlie 3rd August the French chambers were opened, and on tiie 7th tliey had decided the future of France. The crown was declared vacant through the abdication of Chailes X. and the Dauphin, and no allusion was made to the duke of Bordeaux. By 219 to 33 votes Louis Philippe was raised to the tlirone with the title of " King of the French." The Roman Catholic church was no longer to be privileged, and all forms of religion were placed on an equal footing; the censorship of the press was abolished; the king was forbidden to suspend any law, to appoint extraordinary tribunals, or to employ foreign troops; indirect election was abolished ; deputies were to be chosen for five years ; the sessions of the peers Avere to be public, and the peers nominated by Charles X. were struck off the list ; the chambers were to have the right of initiating laws as well as the king, the tricolour was substituted for the white flag. On tlie 9th of August, Louis Philippe was formally enthroned in the Palais Bourbon. He found little difficulty in procuring the recognition of the European courts, which were only too pleased that the dangers of a republican government in France had been avoided. England was the first to approve a change which was a flattering imitation of her own institutions, and which seemed to ensure a preponderating influence in the neighbouring state. The last sovereign to acknowledge Louis Pliilipje w.ns the Czar of Russia. A.D. 1830. HOLLAND AND BELGIUM. 663 IV. Liberal Movements ix Europe. § 23. The contrast between the two Revolutions throiio;li which Franco had passed is conspicuously illustrated by the diiVerence iu their results, and this difference is nowhere more obvious than in Enuland. Tlie reaction after the death of Louis XVL and the reign of terror effectually stayed the progress of English liberties. Pitt abandoned the refurniing projects of his earlier years, the government adopted a sternly repressive attitude, the Tories obtained almost uninterrupted rule lor forty years, and the Whigs became a powei-less and discredited minority. But the Eevolution of 1830 fascinaied, instead of repelling, the English people. Wellington's ministry fell, and the Whigs came into office under Lord Grey. The Reform Bill of 1832, the first great step in extending to the masses the liberties that had been won in 1688, Avas carried by the over- whelming jiressure of public opinion, and the House of Lords did not dare to persist in its oppo.-ition. Throughout Europe the example of the French exercised a similar influence, and encouraged the liberal party to shake off the trammels that had been imjwscd by the Congress of Vienna and the Holy Alliance. The inde- pendence of Belgium, the rising in Poland, the advance of consti- tutional principles in several of the German states, the movements in Italy, Switzerland, and Portugal, were all more or less direct results of the July Revolution. § 24. The treaty of Vienna had united Holland and Belgium into a single kingdom under AVilliam L, who had previously been stadt- holdcr of Holland. In doing this the congress had been actuated by purely political motives, and had paid no regard whatever to the interests or wishes of the peoples they dealt with. But the differences which had divided the Netherlands into two halves in the 16th century had by no means been removed by the lapse of 300 years. The second branch of the House of Orange was not likely to succeed where William the Silent and Maurice of Nassau had failed. The Dutch were bigoted Calvinists, the Belgians were equally devoted to Roman Catholicism ; the northern provinces were essentially Teutonic, the southein were inclined to the civilisation and language of tlie Romance lands that lay near them ; Holland was a trading, Belgium a manufacturing country. William L, by his obvious preference of his Dutch subjects, had intensified rather than removed these natural differences, 'i'he Dutch, though their numbers were smaller, had an equal number of representatives with the Belgians, and the constitution was forced upon the latter in spite of their protests. The Belgians were saddled with the burden of the national debt of the northern state. 664 MODERN EUROPE. Chap. xxv. The clergy were alienated by the establishment of secular education under state control, and by the x>lacin2 of the Roman Catholic and Calvinist churches upon an equal footing. A close alliance was formed between the clerical and the liberal parties, and this alliance, though as unnatural as the state itself, was none the less formidable. Ever since 1828 the opposition had been growing in strength, and had been encouraged rather than appeased by the concessions which had been extorted from the king. Matters were in this state when the news arrived of the Revolu- tion in Paris. For three weeks the quiet prevailed that precedes the storm. On the 25th of August a performance of the " Mute of Portici," an opera of which the plot centres round the revolt of Masaniello, was followed by a rising in Brussels. The residences of Van Maanen and other unpopular ministers were sacked, and the troops, when they were at last called out, were driven back to their barracks. The government practically abdicated its functions and made no further efforts to restore order. A national guard was formed which speedily made itself master of the capital. A pro- visional governuient of some of the chief citizens opened nego- tiaiions with the king. But the movement had gon ■ too far to be contented with concessions which might have betn wrlcomed a month before. The example of Brussels was followed by the other towns, and in some, e.g. Verviers, the mob was guilty of revolu- tionary excesses. William I., though determined to maintain his rights, found it necessary to temporise, and sent his eldest son, William prince of Orange, to calm the rebels with promises. The prince went so far as to suggest the legislative and administrative independence of Belgium under the Dutch crowTi. The king showed no hostility to the scheme, but reserved a definite settle- ment for the meeting of the States-General, which he summoned at the Hague on the 13th of September. There would have been no difliculty in carrying through the States-General the scheme of a separate legislature and administra- tion, as the Dutch were quite as eager for it as the Belgians. But the king was really determined not to give way, and the Dutch deputies did not like to thwart him. The matter was not even discussed, and William I. went so far as to recal Van Maanen, whom he had previously dismis^sed. The Belgians felt that they had been duped, and the rebellion was carried on witli new vigour. This time the Liegeois took the lead. Marching to Brussels, they estab- lished a new and more democratic provisional government. Prince Frederick, the king's second son, who had Ixen collecting troops while his elder brother was negotiating, attacked Brussels but was repulsed. The Belgian soldiers espoused the national cause, and the A.D. 1830-1831. BELGIAN INDEPENDENCE. 665 Dutch troops were expelled from most of tLc fortresses. Antwerp, Maestricht, and the citadel of Ghent alone remained in tlieir hands... The States-Gineral, alarmed at the com-seof events, now hastened to decree the legislative and administrative separation, but it was too late. On the 5th of October the provisional government proclaimed the independence of Belgium, appointed a commission to draw up a constitution, and summoned a national congress to meet at Brussels. Four days later they declared that the House of Orange had forfeited all claims upon Belgium. If they had had their own wny, they would probably have istablished a republic. But the clerical party, hitherto thrown into the background by its liberal allies, showed its strength in the elections to the national congress, and secured the return of a moderate majoiity. § 25. The Belgiim question excited the keenest interest in Europe, and there was a fear le^t it might revive a general war. The liberal party was known to de.-irc the re-union of Belgium with France, and this would have been a. .-i nal for general hostilities. But Louis Piiilippe hastened to jjurciiat-e the rec- gnition of the great powers by promising not to accept the Uelgian crown or to allow the erection of a republic. Nicolas of h'lissia was inclined to support William I., who had appealed lor the aid of the five powers, bnc his hands were full with tlie contemporary Polisli revolution. The Tory ministry in England, which might have backed up the Czar, was hampered by the growing power of ti e Liberals, and moreover, the interests of English coimnerce and manufactures demanded the separation of Holland and Belgium. Prussia was afraid lest the revolutionary movement might extend to its Rhine provinces, and Austria was anxious about Poland and Italy. The result was, tl at the jJi'inciples of the Holy Alliauce were abandoneil, and the great powers adopted, for the first time, the policy of non-intervention. A conference of ministers, of which Talleyrand was the guiding spirit, met in London, and its first protocol (4 Nov.) called upon Holland and Belgium tn accept an armistice, which was done. The national congress met at Brussels on the lOlh of November, and determined to act as much as possible in accord with the London conference. It was decreid that Belgium should be an independent state, the delicate question of Luxemburg being re- served ; that the government should be a monarchy ; that the house of Orange should be excluded h-om tlie throne ; and that the legis'ature should consist of two chambens. These decrees, and especiilly the abandonment of republican designs, were acceptable to the powers, and on the 20th of December the London conl'ercncc accepted the principle of P>elgian independcmce. Early in I83I tlie ' bases de separa firm ^ were drawn uji, which I'let^iu'ved to Holland 30 666 MODERN EUROPE. Chap. xxv. the boundaries of 1790 with Luxemburg, and imposed upon Belgium one half of the Dutch debt. These terms were accepted by William I., but were protested against by the Belgian congress. The Belgians refused to give up their hold ujx)n Luxemburg, and the Dutch retained Antwerp. The congress now proceeded to draw up a new constitution and to elect a king. Their choice fell upon the duke of Nemours, ihe second son of Louis Philippe. But the French connection was dis- tasteful to the other powers, and Louis Philippe was compelled by prudence to decline the offer. On the 4th of June the Belgians chose Leopold of Saxe Coburg, the widower of the English I'rincess Charlotte. The London conference imw issued a new protocol (27 June) containing 18 articles, u hich gave Belgium mf)re favour- able boundaries, left Luxemburg m statu quo, and made the country responsible only for its own debt and for a share of that which had been jointly contracted. These terms having been approved by the congress, Leopold accepted the crown, proceeded to Belgium, and swore to accept the constitution. William I. protested bitterly against the 18 articles, and on this ground the represcntativis of Russia, Austria and Prussia postponed their recognition of Leopold. While Leopold was engaged in a tour through his new kingdom, lie was disagreeably surprised by the news that a Dutch army }iad crossed the frontier. The Belgians, trusting in the support of Km-o^ie, were wholly unprepared for war, and their troops were routed in every engagement. On Augu.-t lltii Leopold himself was com- pletely defeated at Tirlemont and escaped with difficuliy to Mechlin. But on the first news of hostilities a French army under Marshal Gerard marched into Belgium, while an English fleet ap; eared in the Scheldt. The Dutch were compelled to retire and to conclude an armistice. But their energetic action had the desired result of obtaining more favourable terms from the powers. On October 14ih the London conference issued 24 articles, by which Limbnrg on the right of the Mease was ceded to Holland and Walloon Luxemburg to Belgium, and the latter country was to pay 8,400,000 ilorins a year towards the debt. With great reluctance the Belgians accepted these altered conditions, and on November 15th all the powers except Russia recognised the kingdom of Belgium. But William 1., obstinately trusting to the iriendship of the Czar, would have nothing to do with the 24 articles. Even when Nicolas, in May, 1832, at last accepted the i>rotocol of November 15, the Dutch king refused to give way. It was necessary to employ force; an English lleet blockaded the coast of Holland, and Marshal Gerard laid siege to Antwerp. After an heroic defence, General (.basse', the commander of the gar- rison, was compelled to cnpitulate on December 2;]rl. On May 21, A.D. 1830-1833. RISING IN POLAND. 667 1833, a preliminary treaty was arranged wl:ich put an end to hos- tilities. But it was not till January 22, 183!), that William I. finally consented to accept the 24 articles in a definitive tieatv. Meanwhile Leopold had married in 1832 the eldest daughter of Louis Philippe, and liad utilised the period of peace to establish an orderly constitutional government iu Belgium, under which the moral and material wclflire of the kingdom made rapid progress. § 26. The kingdom of Poland, which the congress of Vienna had called into being, and to which Alexander I. had presented a con- stitution on the model of the French Charter, was as artificial a creation as the kingdom of the Netherlands. Euled by a Kussian viceroy, it could hardlj'^ be termed a kingdom, and it comprised only a small part of the old Poland. The constitution was utterly im- suited to a country which possessed no middle class to mediate between the crowd of nobles and serfs. Moreover, constitutional checks were inconsistent witii the habits and traditions of Kussian despotism, 'the grand-duke Constantine, who had preferred his government at Warsaw to the throne of the Czars, had already broken throu;ih tlio letter of the constitution, and several conspira- cies had been detected and punished, when the French Revolution gave a new impulse to the undying love of national independence. In the dusk vf the evening of November 29, 1830, a number of young men attacked the residence of the viceroy. Several officers were killed, but Constantine himself escaped to join the Russian troops. The citizens of Warsaw rose at the signal, and the Polish soldiers came over to their side. Constantine made no effort to put down the rebellion, and was allowed to depart from the province without molestation. The first step in the revolution had been successful, and Poland was fiee. But from this moment tlie want of unanimity, which was ultimately fatal to the movement, began to show itself. Chlopicki, who had won renoAvn in the Napoleonic wars, assumed the command of the army, but he was out of symp'itliy with the people, and eager to make terms with the Czar. At the head of the provisional government was Adam Czartoriski, a descendant of the great house of .lagellon, but wanting in decision and ability. In the diet which met on the 18th of December, parties were hopelessly divided. The extreme revolutionists wished to push on as rapidly as possible, and to kindle the flames of insurrection in all the provinces that had once belonged to Poland. But the moderate party was afraid of alienating Austria and Piussia, and hoped, by laying stress on the breaches of the constitution, to secure the support of the western, powers. The result was that the rebellion remained stationary, and envoys were sent to make terms with Nicolas. Tiie Czar refused 668 MODERN EUROPE. Chap. xxv. all concessions, demanded immediate submission, and ordered Die- bitsch to advance with an armj- into Poland. On receipt of this answer, Chlopicki resigned his command, and was succeeded by the honest but incapable Radziwill. The diet now proceeded to decree the deposition of Nicolas, but, to gratify the western powers, announced that Poland should remain a constitutional monarchy. All hopes of foreign intervention, however, proved futile. Louis Philippe took advantage of the Polish difficulty to extort his recognition from the Czar, and the other states thought only of excludin^^ liURsian influence in the settlement of the Belgian question. InFebruiry, 1831, Diebitsch, with 114,000 men, cro?sel the fron- tier and marched against Piaga, the bulwark t.f Warsaw on the.'iide of the Vistula. Now followed a heri)ic struggle which casts a ray of glory npon the last days of Poland. In one battle after another the Russians were foiled by the resolute courage of their opponents. The cholera broke ont among the besiegers, and carried off Diebitsch on the 10th of June, and the grand-duke Constantine a month later. Paskiewitsch, who now assumed the command, determined to cross the Vistula lower down, and to take Warsaw in the rear. His plans were aided by the bitterness of party quarrels among the Poles. The democrats had alienated the nobles by proposing the emancipation of the serfs. The generals wh) had deieated Diebitsch were accused of treachery. Moderate men were still led away by the futile hope of French intervention. A rising in Lithnania, which might yet have turned the current of success, was allowed to tail for want of support. Finally, the democratic party gained the upper hand in Warsaw, expelled Czartoriski and the existing government, put to death all Avho were suspected of treachery, and gave dictatorial power to its own leader, Krukowiecki. While these events were going on, the enemy were at the gates, and resistance became impossible. On Sefit- mbei- 8tli Warsaw capitulated to Paskiewitsch, and on the 28th General Riidiger entered Krakau. The remnants of the heroic defenders of Warsaw escaped to Prussian territory, where they were disarmed and dispersed as exiles to France and other parts of Europe. Poland was deprived of its constitution, and became a Russian province with Paskiewitsch as governor. An amnesty was promised by Nicolas, but the exceptions were so numerous that it might as well have been withheld. It was computed that in 1832 80,000 Poles were sent to Siberia. The keenest sympathy was excited in Europe by the fate of a country which had fought so bravely for a liberty which it did not deserve. § 27. The great evil in Germany at this period was the want of A.D. 1831-1833. REACTION IN GERMANY. 6G9 unity. Material prosperity was obstructed, not only by the closing of the mouths of the Rhine and Danube, but also b.v the stiict customs regulations of the numerous petty states. An attempt had been made to remedy this evil by the arrangement of a ZoHveieiii, or customs union. This was concluded first between Bavaria and Wurtemberg, and in 1829 was joined by Prussia and the northern states. The Eevolution of 1830 exercised a marked influence in Germany, but unfortunately it hindered rather than promoted union. A number of isolated movements broke out to demand constitutional privileges for individual states. It is impossible to trace in detail the petty revolutions by which concessions were extorted from the rulers of Brunswick, Hanover, Saxony, Hesse, etc. In Austria and Prussia no disturbances took place, although a distinct impulse was given to national independence in Hungary. Metternich, however, was alarmed by the iirospect of danger to his principles of government, and ihe machinery of the Confederation was once more put in working to repress the progress of reform. In 1832 the diet confirmed the Carlsbad decrees, forbade all popular assemblies and festivals, and promised military assistance to any government that Avas threatened by revolution. The foolish attempt of a few enthusiasts to attack the diet at Frankfort (April, 1833) gave a great impulse to the reaction. Russia now sought to exercise that influence in Germany which the treaty of Vienna had given her. In September, 1833, the Czar met the emperor of Austria an I the crown-prince o!' Prussia at Miinchengriitz in Bohemia. The eastern powers formed a natural league to resist the liberal tendencies of England and France. Tlie result of this meeting was the holding of a ministerial conference at Vienna under the presidency of Metternich. Here it was decided that the sovereign of each state in the Confederation should defend his rights against the encroachments of the chambers, that military force should be employed when necessary, that a judicial court should be created to decide all disputes between rulers and their subjects, and that the universities and the press should be carefully watched. By these means liberal tendencies were repressed, and the cultivated classes of Germany, excluded from politics, consoled themselves with an almost unique devotion to literature. § 28. The desire of the congress of Vienna to provide strong bulwarks against France had brought about a great increase in the territory of Switzerland. Geneva, Wallis (Valais), Tessin (Ticino), Neuenburg (Neufchatel), and the Grisons (tiraubiinden), had all been added to the confederation. But for this accession of strength the Swiss had to pay by tlic restoration in many 670 MODERN EUROPE. Chap. xxv. of the cantons of the aristocratic government that had been swept away by the French conquest. As time went on a strong democratic party was formed ia Switzerland, which aimed at the destruction of these revived cLiss privileges. Already, in April, 1830, the oligarchy in Tessin had been overthrown, and the news of the July Revolution gave a fresh impulse to the liberal movement. Zurich, the most powerful canton after Berne, took the lead in the work of reform. In November, 1830, a new coustitutron was introduced, by which the country districts were to elect two-thirds of the grand council, while the town only elected one-third. This example was followed by nearly all the other cantons, and even the powerful aristocracy of Berne had to rcsigti its privileges. In Basel an obstinate conflict took place between the citizens and the country residents, which was at last settled by the division of the canton into two, Stadt Basel and Laiidschaft Basel. In Neufchatel special difficulties arose because it was subject to the king of Prussia as well as a Swiss canton ; but the monarchical party ultimately succeeded in retaining the upper hand. The liberal cantons now endeavoured to complete their work by reforming the constitution of the confederation. In March, 1832, a league was formtd, known as the Siehener- Concordat, between Berne, Zurich, Lucerne, Solothum, St. Gallen, Thurgau, and Anrgau. Tbey under- took to support each other's liberties with arms, and to remain united until the constitution had been revised. To resi&t this a counter league, the t'arner Bund, was formed by the five conser- vative and Roman Catholic cantons, Uri, Schwyz, Unterwalden, Wallis, and Neufchatel, and tliey were sjjcedily joined by Stadt Basel. The conservative party was indiscreet enough to act on the aggressive, and the Schwyzers attacl^ed Landschaft Basel. The attack was repuh:ed, and the confederate assembly responded by dissolving the Sarner Bund (August, 1834) and by recognising the division of Basel into two cantons, against which the conservatives had protested. Thus the liberals gained a decisive victory, wliich they celebrated by founding the university of Zurich. § 29. Italy was declared by Metternich to be " of all European countries, the one which had the greatest tendency to revolution." The secret association of the Carbonari aimed at the comjjlete overthrow of political and social relations. The more moderate liberals would have been content to free the peninsula from the despotic influence of Austria and to establish constitutional checks upon the existing governments. The Revolution of 1830 made a natural impression in a country which had many evils to complain of and which had so lately been connected with France. The duke of Modena, Francis IV., sought to make use of the lil'eral move- A.D. 1830-1834. REACTION IN ITALY. 671 ment to extend his rule over northern Italy. Rut at the last moment he was terrified by threats from Viennn, turned against his fellow-conspirators, and imprisoned them (Feb. 3, 1831). The people, however, were so alienated by his treachery, that he fled with his prisoners to seek safety in Austrian territory. A provi- sional government was formed, and Modena was declared a free state. Meanwhile the election of a new pope, Gregory XVI., gave occasion for a rising in the papal states. Bologna took the lead in throwing off' its allegiance to Rome, and in a few weeks its example was followed by the whole of Romngna, Umbria, and the Marches. The two sons of Louis Bonaparte, the late king of Holland, hastened to join the insurgents, but the elder died at Forli (17 March), and thus an eventful career was opened to the younger brother, the future Napoleon III. Parma revolted against Maria Louisa, who followed the example of the duke of Modena and fled to Austria. The success of the movement, however, was very short-lived. Austrian troops marched to the assistance of the papacy, the rebellion was put down by force, and the exiled rulers were restored. Louis Philippe, on whom the insuroents had relied, had no synijathy with a movement in which members of the Bonaparte I'amily were engaged. But a temporary revival of the insurrection brought the Austrians back to Romagna, and a great outcry was raised in France against the king. To satisfy public opinion, Louis Philippe sent a French force to seize Ancona (Feb. 22, 1832), but it was a very harmless demonstration, and had been explniued beforehand to the papal government. In Naples and Sardinia no disturbances took plare. Ferdinand 11. succeeded his father, Francis I., en the Neapolitan throne in 1830, and satisfied the people by introducing a more moderate system of government. Charles Albert became king of Sardinia on the death of Charles Felix (27 Ajiril, 1831), and found himself in a difficult josition between Austria, which had good reason to mistrust him, and the liberal party, which he had betrayed. § 30. The onlj'' other coimtry in which the July Revolution produced a definite result was Portugal. In 1826 the death of John VI. had given rise to a dispute about the succession. His eldest son, Pedro I., was Emperor of Brazil, and excluded by the Brazilian constitution from succeeding in Portugal. He therefore transferred his rights to his daughter, Maria da Gloria, but she was opposed by her uncle Dom Miguel, who claimed as the nearest male heir. The arrival of English troops in Lisbon secured the accession of Donna Maria, who granted a constitution which had been drawn up by her father. But Pedro, in the hope of satisfying his ambitious brother, necotinted a compromise by which Dom 672 MODERN EUROPE. CHAr. xxv. Miguel became regent in 1828, aftei- taldng au oatli to observe tlie constitution. The En;_'lish troops were now recalled by Wellin<:;- ton, and the re.^ent seized the opportunity to break his engagement. He usurped the crown, annulled the constitution, imprisoned all opponents whom he could seize, an-l gave way to the most insane excesses of arbitrary powi r. Donna Maria, who was on her way from Brazil to her kingdom, only got as far as England, where she was received with royal honours. But the Tory ministry refused to s'ljiport her cause, nnd she soon returned to Brazil. In 1830 the news of the French Revolution gave rise to disturbances in Rio Janeiro, and early in the next year Pedro was compelkd to abdi- cate in favour of his son Pedro II. He now determined to espouse the cause of his daughter, saileil to Terceira, and landed in Oporto in 1832. The Whigs w'cre now in power in England, and nume- rous volunteers left tiiis country to support the constitutional cause in Portugal. For a ye;u- the usurper held his own against attack. But a naval victory v>-on by Napier, who commanded Pedro's fleet, led to the conquest of Lisbon in 1833, and Uonna Maria was crowned queen. Dom Miguel, however, still held out in the provinces, and Europe m intervention was called in. In 1834 tli(! western powers, France, England, Sj^ain and Portugal, concluded a Quadruple Alliance, which was Lord Palraerston's answer to the conference of Miinchcn^iatz. This was fatal to Miguel's cause, and he agreed by the treaty of Evoramente (May, 1834) to quit the peninsula. Later in the year Pedro I. died, and his daughter, now secure upon the throne, was marrieti to the duke of Leuchten- berg. As the bridegroom died within two months of the wedding, a second husband was found for her in Ferdinand of Coburg. V. The Reign ok Louis Philippe. § 31. The accession of Louis Philippe gave i^olitical .'■upremacy in France to the middle classes, who had not made the Revolution but had prevented it from going too far. The king himself loved to po.se as a simple citizen, his private life was tmtainted by profligacy or crime; his chief personal fault was avarice, and he hoped by abandoning the forms of the old court to disguise his real hankering after personal rule. He was surrounded by a group of able men who had studied the English constitution, and thought that its introduction would prove a panacea for all the evils of France. But the constitution which they reverenced was that of the 18th century. Gnizot, the most eminent of these doctrinaire statesmen, wished to play the part of a French Walpole. His sympathies were really rractionarj'' ; he would have "everything for the people. A.D. 1831. FRANCE UNDER LOUIS PHILIPPE. 673 Dothing by the pt'cple." The chief constitutional changes were the abolition of hereditary peerage (Sept. 1831) and the lowering of the electoral qualification from 300 to 200 francs of direct taxes (March, 1831). The grtat mass of Frenclimen remained excluded from political privileges. The eminent writer on philosophy, M. Cousin, when solicited for his vote, replied with scorn : " Monsieur, je suis professeur a Ja Facnlte des Lettris,je suis membre de VAcademie des Sciences Morales it Politiques, je suis membre de VAcademie FranQaise, je suis membre du Conseil Boydl de Vlnatruction Publique, je suis pair de France, j'ai ete m,inistre, je puis Je redevenir, mais je ne suis pas electtur.'' This restricted franchise irritated the French love of equality, the most permanent l^assion that had be<-n created by the great Eevolution, and it ensured the \iltiniate fall of the Orleanist monarchy. It led naturally, in France as in Emjland, to a system of management and coiruption. Men of undoubted personal probity, like M. Guizot, did not hesitate to stain t!ieir hands \vit!i the purchase of votes. 'J'he chief danger to the new monarchy was the discontent of (he excluded classes. The peasant proprietors, the most conservative element of the French population, were alienated from a government wliich refused to trust them, and though they were not likely to risk their property in a new Revolution, they would do nothing to avert it. But the industrial classes in the large towns had none of the orderly instincts and interests if ihe peasants. They were not slow to discover that the mere chiuige cf masters imiught them no advantages. The taxes w ere increased rather than hiwered. France was at this time parsing through the industrial revolution caused by the introduction of machineiy. A change which had caused so nnich crime aiid misery in England, was not. likely to pass without disorder in France. Louis Philippe's reign is the history of a long conflict between capital and labour, in which all the iiiterests of the governing classes were on the side of the firmer. Hence arose those socialist theories, which were formulated into systems by St. Simon and Fourier, but which were even more dangerous when they wcvv, entertained by ignorant enthusiasts. The rise of socialism to be a political force is one of tlie most notable facts of this period. To these internal difficulties was added the discontent caused by foreign politics. Louis Philippe was compelled to purchase the recognition of the European powers by sacrifici s which hurt the amour propre of Frenchmen who nmeinbered the glories of tlie Empire. He allowed the Englisli candidate to obtain the crown of Belgium, he otlered no serious opposition to Austrian interven- tion in Italy, and, worst of all, he lured the Poles to their (ate by holding out hopes of assistance which were never intended troglie, was de'^cated on the budget, and the opportunity was taken to leorganise it. Guizot and the doctri- ndires retired, and Thiers became ^^resident of the Council and minister of foreign affairs. Political parties iri France were at this time pretty definitely organised in four great divisions : the right, small in numbers, but headed by a famous orator, M. Berryer; the right centre, consisting of the doctrinaires under Gnijsot ; the left centre, of which Thiers Avas the mouthpiece ; and the extreme left, headed by Odilon Barrot. The three last parties Avero so evenly balanced that doniestic legislation AA'as almost impossible, and the attention of the government Avas AvhoUy concentrated upon foreign affairs. In thesj '\ hiers recognised no principle except the interests of France. A second attempt to assassinate the king called attention to Switzerland, Avherc the political relugees of all nations found a refuge from Avhich they could plot in safety against existing governments. Backed up by Metternich, Thiers demanded the expulsion of the refugees, and the threat of a blockade compelkd the Swiss to give Avay. This arbitrary measure gave great umbrage to the liberals, and to regain their confli'.ence Thiers proposed armed interA'cntion on behalf of the constit itional party in Spain. But this brought him into collision with the king, Avhose love of peace had become a j^ositive passion, and after an existence of barely six months his ministry came to an end (Sept., 1836). M. Mole now became premier, and the leaders of the doctrinaire party again came into office, though Avithout the due de Broglie. § 34. The death of Charles X. (6 Oct., 1836) gaA'e occasion for an act of clemency. The imprisoned ministers Avere set at liberty, though Polignac Avas banished from France for twenty A'cars. A fcAV Aveeks aftcrAvards Louis Napoleon made a futile attempt to A.D. 1834-18 10. MINISTERIAL CHANGES. 677 bring about a risiug among the troops at Strasburg. No punish- ment \v;is inflicted upon the piiucCj wlao was sliipped ofl' to America and soon returned to Switzerland. His su' onlinates were acquitted. Early in 1837 a proposal was made to fettle a fixed revenue for three of the king's children, the dukes of Orleans and Nemours and the queeu of the Belgians, This was quite in accordance with the usages of constitutional monarchy, but the king's avarice was so unjiopular that the chambers refused to accc] t the proposal. A new ministry was now formed (15 Aprd), of whicii Mole remained the president. The settlement on the duke of Orleans and the queen of the Belgians was car rit d through the chambers, but the proposal with regard to the duke of Nemours was dropped. Tha ministry, which had been intended as one of conciliation, found itself confronted in 1838 by the formidable opposition of all the disappointed aspirants to office. A coalition was formed between the left, the left centre, and the right centre, and though much disgust was caused by the unprincipled sncrifice of conviction, it was strong enough to overthrow the ministry in the elections of 1839. But quarrels broke out among the victors about the division of offices, and before they were settle! affairs were completely altered by the outbreak of a socialist risini'. This wa^ organised by a secret society called les Saisons, headed by Bernard, Bnrbes, and other professional agitators. The Hotel i e Ville was seized, and barricades weie erected in the streets. Military force soon put down the revolt, and the king seized the opportunity to form a ministry under ISoult f:om which the leaders of the coalition were excluded (12 May). But this nriauLemmt could hardly be lasting. In February, 1840, the chambers ugain n fused to grant a settlement for the duke of Nemours, and the ministry retired. After an interval of intrigue Thiers becauie premier for the second time (1 March), and Guizot was appointed ambassador to London. In order to give a striking jiroof of the alliance with En;^land and of the termination of internal quarrels, 'J liicrs determined on an act of homage to the great cmperoi', whose memory his own books had done so much to -exalt. It w-om the walls (30 April). ' But Oudinot received reinforcements, which enabled him to invest the city with 35,000 men, and, after resisting for a month, Eome was taken on July 3. Garibaldi, who had been the inspiring leader of the defence, escaj^ed with his devoted followers to the mountains. Oudinot put an end to the Roman Republic by establishing a govern- ment in the pope's name, but Pius IX. refused to trust himself to his foreign allies, and continued to reside at Gaeta. Venice was now completely isolated, but continued to make a heroic resistance until August 26, when it was compelled, partly by the bombardment A.D. 1848-1849. REACTION IN PRUSSIA. 701 and partly Ly famine, to capitulate. M;miu, the hero of the shurt- lived perioi of liberty, was allowed to retire into exile. Meanwhile the reaction in Naples and Sicily had been completed without foreign assistance. Ferdinand IF., after recalling his troops from the war in Lombardy, had employed them in reducing the Sicilians to obedience. Messina was t;iken by storm (7 Sept., 1848), and the cruelties practised, by the victors were so atrocious that Ferdinand received the nickname of King Bomba. The Neapolitan Parliament was continually prorogued, and was finally dissolved without ever having been allowed to meet. The Austrian victory of Novara encouraged the king to renew his attack upon Sicily. In April, 1849, Palermo was captured, and by the end of May the authority of the Neapolitan king was completely restored. § 17. The suppression of disorder at Vienna after the capture of the city by Wiudischgratz led to a similar reaction in Prusfia. A constituent assembly had been sitting in Perlin ever since Mny 22, 1848, in which the democratic party sought to carry through its aims with the support of the mob. In June the arsenal was s:icked, and the assembly, instead of condemning the disturbances, took advantage of them to abolish the constitution granted by the king and to issue a more democratic one of their own. In August and September the populace was guilty of fresh outrages, which the government was unable to check. But the news from Vienna emboldened the king, Frederick William IV., to take decisive mea- sures. Count Brandenburg, a natural son of Frederick William II., was authorised to form a ministry, of which Manteuffel, minister of the interior, was the guiding spirit (4 Nov.). Four days later the constituent assembly wr.s transferred from Berlin to the town of Brandenburg. When the domocrats refused to obey, a considerable body of troops under Wran7,el entered the capital and enforced com- pliance. Berlin was declared in a state of siege, all the inhabi- tants were disarmed, and the political clubs were dissolved. When the assembly resumed their meeting in Brandenburg (Nov. 27), the left protested against the recent action of the government, and quitted the hall in a body. On December 5 the king decreed the dissolut on of the assembly, and issued a new constitution which had been drawn up bv the ministers. This establii-he distinguish it from the Reichstag or 702 MODERN EUROPE. Chap. xxvi. Bundestag, had been summonel by the VorpnrJament, and was opened in the church of St. Paul on May 18, 1848. It contained at first 300 members, but their number was afterwards increased to 500. The Pavlianient failed to carry out its resohitions, but nevertheless it was a notable experiment, and a worthy exponent of the hopes and aspirations of the noblest minds of Germany. The great obstacle to its success was that it had nothing but moral force to rely upon ; that it trusted to the enthusiasm of the people to triumph over the jealous interests of the princes and the deeply- rooted tendencies to disunion. From tlie first the assembly was divided into tlirce fairly distinct parties. On the right the con- servatives, headed by von Iladowitz and Vincke, wished to nego- tiate an agreement between tlie Parliament and the independent princes and governments of the separate states. On the left the democrats, led by Eobert Blum of Leipzig, aimed at the establish- ment of a federal republic, and made up for their numerical weakness by stirring np the passions of the lower classes. 'J"he centre was the largest party, and compr;sed manj' of the most eminent men in Germany. Among its leaders were Gagern, Dahlmann, Gervinus, Arndt, Heseler, nnd .'acob Grimm. These men were the partisans of constitutional mon ircliy. They were imbued with the most ardent love of their country, but their want of practical experience in public business exposed them to the charge of being doctrinaire!'. The choice of the president, Gagern, gave evidence that the centre was likely to have the decisive voice. The first business was to establish an executive government to take the place of the effete and useless Bundestng. After a long discussion it was decided to ch'Mse a provi>ional administrator from among the younger mem- bers of the ruling familie-!. The choice fell upon the archduke John, who had shown popular sympathies, and who, as a Hajisbuig, was likely to be acceptable to the princes. The election was in- tended to be a temporary compromise. 'I'l e | arty of (lagern and Dahlmann was fully determined to entrust the headship cf a new constitutional empire to the King of Prussia, and the weakness of Austria at this time made such a measure more than usually feasible. But at thi- moment Frederick William IV. was extremel}' unpopular in Germany, and it was necessary to gain time in order that this feeling might die away. On July 11 the administrator made his formal entry into Frankfort, and the Bundestag resigned its functions into his hands. He proceeded to nominate a ministry which should be responsible for all acts of the executive. From the first the weakness of the central government was obvious to all eyes. The Parliament orlered that all German (roojis should talce A.u. 1848. THE GERMAN PARLIAMENT. 703 an oath of fealty to the administrator. But the princes were by no means inclined to sacrifice one iota of their military indef endence, and in the larger states the order was simply disregarded. It was manifest that the central government existed only by the tolerance of the states, and ttiat if they refused t > obey there was no force which could comi el their obedience. Before proceeding to draw up the new constitution, tlie Parlia- ment set itself to formulate " the fundamental riglits of the German people." This was a grotesque error of tactics. The discussion of first principles naturally led to an endless discussion, and during the delay the princes were recovering strength. The first impulse of the revolutionary movemeut might have been strong enough to force a federal constitution upon Germany, but the Parliament foolishly allowed this impulse to spend itself and a reaction to set in before they entered upon their real task. And the discussion of the fundamental rights was not carried on without frequent inter- ruptions, livery movement in Berlin or Vienna, every detail of foreign politics, the great question of the non-German nationalities in Poland, Bohemia, Hungary and Bohemia, all gave rise to lengthy debates in the Parliament, though it was unable to exercise a practical influence on any one of them. Among the matters that excited the keenest interest in Frankfort was the war in Schleswig- Holstein, from which the Prussian troops had been withdrawn. 'I'he Parliament warmly espoused the cause of the duchies and of "the honour of Germany." It (^ecreed the formation of a federal army and fleet in order to carry on the war, even without the co-operation of Prussia. But meanwhile Frederick William IV. had opeiK d negotiations with Denmark, Avhich led to the conclusion of a truce at Malmo (26 August). By this it was agreed that Schlcswig and Holstein should be subject to a common government of which half the members should be nominated by Prussia and half by Denmark ; that all acts of the provisional government should bo declared null, and that the tSchleswig troops .should be separated from those of Holstein. The Parliament denounced this truce as dishonourable, but was ultimately compelled to confirm it. This proof of weakness gave an opj ortunity for the democratic party to show its discontent with the action of the majority, and especially with the appointment of the administrator. Riots broke out at Frankfort, and two deputies, Lichnowsky and Auerswald, were brutally murdered (18 September). P-ut the Goveinment showed unexpected energy. The disorders were suppressed by the troops, and most of the democratic leaders quitted Frankfort. § 19. By the end of 1848 the Parliament had drawn up the " fundamental rights," and published them as a Christmas present 704 MODEKN EUROPE. Chap. x.wi. to the nation. They were based on the previiihug liberal theories, and incUidcd legal equality for all men without regard to class privileges, the abolition of all feudal dues and burdens on the l)eas:ints, the freedom of the press, religions equality, trial by jury, the abolition of capital punishment, &c. The lesser states accepted them, the greater states tuok no notice, and they were soon for- gotten. The assembly now turned to the great question of the constitution. By far the most important problem was the relation of Austria to a German federation. In the early part of the year Austria, then in the thick of her difficulties, had been disregarded, but matters had been completely altered in October by the reduc- tion of Vienna to obclieuce. The restoration of the Holy Roman Empire with a Hapsbuig head was impossible, because Prussia would never submit to it. Equally impossible in the eyes of the assembly was a return to the old organisation of the Bund, which had completely proved its inefficiency. In these circumstances the Parliament liad three alternatives to choose between. (1) Austria might be split up, and its German provinces might be united with the German federation. (2) The Austrian empire might be left as it stood, and be excluded from Germany altogether. (3) Even though this latter plan were carried out, some bond miaht be found to unite the Austrian empire with the German federation. This last was the plan adopted by Gagern and his immediate followers, who proposed to form two federations — a smaller, whicli should exclude, and a larger, whicli shoiUd include, Austria. I'ut this proposal alienated a number of sincere patriots, who could not endure the formation of a united Germany to which any Germans were refused admission. On this question parties were completely readjusted in the Parliament. On the one side stood the "Great Germans," wlio would not liear of the exclusion of Austria ; on the otlier the " Little Germans," who saw no chance of forming a permanent union of Germany except under the headship of Prussia, and who realised that the admission of Austria woull be fatal to their scheme. The " Great Germans" consisted not only of Aus- tiian deputies, but of those from Bavaria and most of the South German states, which were hostile to Prussia on religious and political grounds. They had also the support of the democr/its on the left, who did all in their power to frustrate the sclicme of establishing a German monarchy. Gagern was at this time appointed minist"r by the Archduke John, and his place as president was taken by Simson, a deputy from Konigsberg. Parties being so evenly divided on a question of vital importance, the work of framing the constitution proceeded slowly. It M'as decided tliat the executive government should have the conduct of A.D. 1849. THE GERMAN PARLIAMENT. 705 foreign relations, the supreme control of the army, and the right of deciding peace or war. The legislature was to consist of two houses : a federal chamber (Statcnham), based on the independence of the states; and a popular chamber (VoIksJtaus), based upon the unity of the people. The most obstinate discussions naturally arose about the form which the executive government should take. The extreme right proposed a simple return to the old Bundestag, the extreme left projiosed to establish an elective j^iesidency to which any adult German might aspire. Between these two schemes every conceivable variety of government was brought forward for discussion. Some wanted a "directory" of princes, with Austria or Prussia as alternate presidents ; others a triple executive, in which Bavaria should be associated with the two great powers. Austria demanded that there should be a directory of seven princes, with nine votes, Austria and Prussia having two votes each. Gradually the advantages of a single head were realised, but even then further difficulties arose. Should he be elective or hereditary ? should he bear the imperial or some other title? should the office pass in rotation among the great families ? The party of Gagern stood firm to their original programme, the appointment of a single hereditary emperor, and they carried the day. This pointed unmistakably to the election of the Prussian king, and the exclusion of Austria. The " Great German " party was so indignant at this that they alli.d themselves with ihe left to introduce democratic provisions into the constitution, in the hope of thuo ensuring its failure. In consequence of this alliance manhood suffrage was fixed for the popular chamber, and the veto of the emperor was made suspen- sive instead of absolute. 'J'he constitutional party realised that these articles threatened their scheme with shipwreck, but they could obtain no other terms. The constitution was carried as a whole in the second reading, and on April 3, 1849, a deputation appeared in Berlin to offer the hereditary empire to the king of Prussia. § 20. The offer was sufficiently tempting, but Frederick William IV., made up his mind at the last moment to refuse it, and it must be confessed that he had ample reason for doing so. The demo- cratic clauses which the left had tacked on to the constitution w^ere distasteful to a prince who had had to contend with the populace in his own capital, and the crown could not be accepted without the constitution. The Avhole work of the Parliament had originated with the revolution, and the king would receive no gift from such a source. His acce2:)tance would probably have involved him in a war with Austria, in which he would have to face the hostility of all the Koman Catholic states of southern Germany. The decree of the Parliament had only been carried by a very small majority, i 706 MODERN EUROPE. Chap. xxvi. and the prospect of coercing unwilling subjects was not attractive. Moreover, flattering as the proposal was, there were many Prussians who were hostile to it, and who feared that the "rise of Prussia into Germany," as it was termed, would involve the sinking of Prussian nationality and independence. And, finally, it is more than probable that the influence of the Czar, who rejnrdcd himself as the special protector of the Confederation of 1815, had not a little to do with Frederick William's decision. The refusal of Prussia gave a great advantage to the democratic party at Frank'ort, and this was increased by the withdrawal of the Austrian deputies (14 April). 'J'he administrator had at first determined to resign his oftice on the election of an emperor, but advice from Vienna decided him to retain it until a federation had been established which included Austria. The assembly was resolute in its adherence to the constitution, and appointed a committee of thirty to superintend the measures for carrying it out. Twenty-eight of the leaser states had already announced their adhesion, but the kings of Bavaria, Saxony, Hanover and Wurtem- berg held aloof. It was decided to force the hand of these princes by bringing pressure to bear upon them from their own subjects. But the kings met this by promptly dismissing their estates. In Prussia the lower chamber petitioned the king to accept the proposals from Frankfort, and was dissolved on April 27. But the Parliament refused to be daunted, and decreed on May 4 that all governments should be called upon to accept the constitution; that if the king of Prussia refused the headship of the empire it should be conferred provisionally uix)n the next most powerful prince ; that the first diet, elected in the manner provided for, should meet on August 22. To enforce these decrees the now dominant left determined to employ the revolutionary methods which had been so potent in the previous year. A riot in Dresden compelled the king to fly to Konigstein, and a provisional government was erected. But the troops, with Prussian assistance, speedily got the better of the mob, and' an attempted rising in Leipzig was also suppressed. More important were the revolutions in Baden and the Palatinate, but here also Prussia intervened with decisive effect. The Parliament was now completely discredited. The Prussian and Saxon deputies were withdrawn, and Gagern, finding himself in a hopeless minority, resigned office with his colleagues. The democrats, thus left to their own devices, passed futile protests against the action of Prussia, and took the revolutionary movement iinder their feeble protection. Thinking Frankfort insecure, they transferred their session to Stuttgart (6 June); but when they endeavoured to excite a movement among 'he mob, the government of Wurtem- A.D. 1849-1850. AUSTRIA. AND PRUSSIA. 707 berg closed the hall against them, and the first Germau Parliament came to an end on June 18, 1849. It had failed lamentably to carry through the work it had undertaken ; but it had played a conspicuous part in its earlier days, and it had given an impulse to German unity which was destined to take effect in later times. § 21. As Austria was at this time occupied with the wars in Hungary and Italy, the restoration of order in Germany fell to Prussia, which thus obtained a commanding position. Frederick William IV. had not refused the offer of the empire from any personal unwillingnfss or want of ambition ; on the contrary, he was eager to become the head of Germany, if he could do so with the consent of the other governments, instead of being forced upon them by a revolutionary Assembly. On May 17, 1849, he opened a conference of princes at Berlin, before which he laid his jilan of a confederation exclusive of Austria. Piuesia was to be president of a college of princes with six votes, and a federal parliament was to be formed of two chambers. Bavaria withdrew from the meeting, but Hanover and Saxony remained, and thus was formed the "league of the three kings" (Breikouigsbund). The .party of Gagern and Dahlmann held a meeting at Gotha (the Nachpaiia- ment) to ex] ress their approval of the Prussian plan. But Austria now succeeded in putiing down the (•.])[H)siiion in Italy and Hungary, and prepared to vindicate its position in Germany. Bavaria and Wurtemberg offered their mediation, and the Interim was arranged as a compromise between the two rival powers. This formed a commission, appointed by Austria and Prussia, into whose hands the administrator was to resign his functions, and v.'hich should act as a provisional government in Germany until May 1, 1850. The Prussian king met the emperor of Austria at TiJpUtz (7 Sept.), and accepted this agreement. But the rivalry of the two states continued ui.til a permanent .settle- ment could be arranged. The "league of the three kings" was broken up by the secession of Hanover and Saxony, but Prussia adhered to its plan of forming a " Union " apart from Austria. The issue of a new Prussian constitution (6 Feb. 1850) conciliated the liberal party in Germany, while Austria relied upon the arbitrary tendencies of the princes. On March 20 the second German Parliament met at Erfurt, but it had none of the prestige or independence of its predecessor at Frankfort. It was completely subservient to Prussian influence, and sat only to confirm the ))rojected " Union," which was now joined by Hesse-Cassel, Olden- burg, Baden, Weimar, and other lesser states. § 22. But Austria refused to fall Avithout a struggle from the leading position it had so long held in Germany, and could rely 708 MODERN EUROPE. Chap. xxvi. upon the unhesitaling support of the four kingdoms and of Russia, which now began to exercise a great influence in German affaii-s'. The ministry of Schwarzenberg took the bold step of summoning the old Bundestag to Frankfort, and the summons was obeyed bv all the states which had not joined tlie "Union." Geimany wa^s thus divided into two hostile camps, and only a sliaht impulse was needed to bring about a civil war. This iminilse was given by events in Uesse-Cassel, where the reactionary government of the minister Hassenpfiug provoked a rebellion. The elector fled and appealed to the Bundestag, wliich promptly armed in his defence. But Hesse-Cassel was a member of the " Union," and Prussia prepared troops to resist any external intervention. For the moment a conflict seemed inevitable. But in Prussia a stroncr party had arisen under the leadership of Gerlach, Retzow, and Bismarck-Schouhausen, which disapproved of all the recent acts of the government, and wished to prevent the absorption of Prussia into Germany. Its organ, the Kreuz Zeitung, advocated a complete rupture with the Revolution, and an alliance of Prussia with the absolute powers of Austria and Russia. The influence of this paity, and the intervention of Russia, prevented Frederick William IV. from embarkin; in a war, the issue of which was more than doubttul. A conference at Olmiitz ended in the conclusion of a con- vention (29 Nov.), by which Prussia gave up the « Union," with- drew its protection from the movement in Hesse, and ac^reed to join a conference at Dresden for the settlement of German affairs • Count Brandenburg, who was ill, succumbed to the bitter humilia-^ tion, and Manteuftel, who became head of the ministry allied himself closely witli the Kreuz party. The rebellion in Hesse was put down by the troops of the Bund, the authority of the elector was restored, and Hassenpfiug resumed the arbitrary rule which had provoked the outbreak. The conference of Dresden was opened under the presidency of Schwarzenberg on December 23. From the first it was evident that the mfluence of Russia would be decisive. The motives of the Czair's policy were very simple. He wished to maintain the rivalry of Austria and Prussia, and, by supporting the lesser states to prevent either of them from obtaining increased power. He demanded, therefore, the simple restoration of the old state of things before 1848. This was the net result of the conference, which was closed on May 15, 1850. On the same day a Prussian pieni 1 lotentiary joined the Bundestag at Frankfort. Thus the ^reat movement ended in complete failure. Francis Joseph revoked the Austrian constitution (1 Jan., 1852). Frederick William IV however, in spite of the influence of the Kreuz party, retained tlie A.D. 1850-1852. SCHLESWIG-HOLSTEIN. 709 coustitution of 1850, and thus Prussia stood ready to assume the headship of (Jiermany uuder more favourable circumstances. § 23. The intricate question of Schleswig-Holstein was still un- settled. In March, 1849, the Danish government declared the truce of Malmo (see p. 703) at an end and renewed tlie war. The German Dund sent 45,oOO troops to the assistance of the duchies, and the Daucs were defeatdi in several engagements. But a decisive Danish victory at Fredericia (6 July) compelled the acceptance of a truce by whicli Schleswig and Holstein were separated. The latter duchy, as a member of the Bund, was to remain under the rule of the administrator, but Schleswig was to receive a Danish government, and the German troops were to be withdrawn, A year later this arrangement was confirmed by a definitive treaty between Den- mark and Prussia (2 July, 1850). The duchies, however, refused to accept the treaty and continued the war on their own account. But they were defeated in one battle after another, and foreign intervention stepped in to put an end to the contest. At the conference of Olmiitz Austria and Prussia agreed to take joint measures to restore peace in Schleswig and Holsfein. Their troops marciied into the duchies and compelled the cessation of hostili- ties. Ultimately the treaty of London (8 May, 1852), signed by England, Paissia, Austria, France, Prussia, and Sweden, guaranteed the integrity of the Danish monarch}', the succession to which was promised to Christian of Gliicksburg and his male issue. The rights of the German Confederation in Holstein were left undisturbed, and the duke of Augustenburg, whose legal claim to the duchies was arbitrarily disregarded, was obliged to content himself with a pecuniary compensation. Frederick of Denmark granted his subjects a new constitution (Oct. 1855) and allowed Schleswig and Holstein to retain separate provincial estates. But he failed to conciliate the affection of his German subjects, and their discontent survived to be the source of future complications. III. The Secokd Hepublic and the Second I'Impike in France. § 24. After the suppression of the socialist rising of June, 1848, Cavaignac had carried on the government of France with almost perfect tranquillity. Tlie assembly proceeded with its w^ork of drawing up a constitution for the Republic. The legislative power was entrusted to a single chamber of 750 members chosen by manhood suffrage. All parties agreed to place the executive power in the hands of a President, the royalists because the office resembled a monarchy, the republicans in imitation of the constitution of America. The chief discussion arose on the question whether the 710 MODERN EUROPE. CiiAV. xxvi President should be cKosen by the assembly or by the nation, but ultimately it was decided that he should be elected by imivevsal suffrage for four years. The subordination of the President to the assembly was strongly asserted, but no means were suggested for enforcing it. It was a hazirdous experiment to create two powers both having an independent origin, without any provision to avert a (lead-lock between them. But ibr the moment future dangers wei-e forgotten and men's minds were absorbed in the approaching election, which was fixed for December 10. The rcDublican candidate was Cavaignac, who had given conclusive proofs of his honesty and of his ability to rule. But he had alienated the sicialists by his conduct in the June rising ; he was regarded with jealousy by man}- of his fellow-officers ; and his very devotion to the Republic told against him among those who cared less for democratic equality than for the protection of their property. His most foimidable rival was Louis Napoleon, who had been elected in September by five de- partments, 'i'his time no opposition was made to his return to France, and he took his seat as deputy for the department of the Seine. Little was known of him but the futile cons|>iracies of Strasburg and Boulogne, but his name was a cliarm to conjure with. Thiuiks to Thiers and other writers, the memory of the first Naiioleon had come to be almost worshipped in France. The peasants and soldiers believed that the rule of another Napoleon would secure their prosperity and their glory. The Orlcanists also supported him, in the belief that they could use him as their insti ument to effect the restoration of the July monarchy, but events pioved that their confidence in his incapacity was ill-founded. Among the other candidates were Ledru-Rollin, Ilaspail, the cham- pion of the advanced socialists, and Lamartine, whose popularity had declined as rapidly as it had arisen. From the first commencement of the voting, the result was a foregone conclusion. The recorded votes numbered nearly seven millions and a half. Of these Louis Napoleon received 5,434,226, and Cavaignac only 1, 41 3,107. Ledru-Eollin came next with 370,119, and the other candidates received hardly any support. On December 20 the President took the prescribed oath to observe the constitution, and entered upon his official residence in the palace of the Elysee. § 25. From the first Louis Napoleon made it his aim to abolish the republic ;md to revive the empire. In complete contrast to Louis Philippe, who had relied upon the middle class, he sought support from the peasants, the army, and the priests. The expedi- tion to Pome under Oudinot was intended as a bribe to the soldiers and the church. The constituent assembly, having completed its work, was dissolved, and a new legislative assembly met in Paris A.p. 1848-1851. THE FRENCH REPUBLIC. 711 on May 26, 1849. The elections gave evidence that the lepublicans had lost the confidence of the people. Neither Lamnrtine, Dupont de I'Eure, Garnier Pages, Flocon, nor Marie obtained seats. The opiiosition consisted of ahont 120 extrciv.o democrats nnder the lead of Lcdru-Rollin, and they revived the old revolutionary title of the " Mountain." The failure of Oudinoi's first attack on Rome gave occasion for a rising in Paris in June. But the troops under Changarnier speedily put down disorder, and the movement of reaction was stren*:;thened. Ledru-Rollin lied to London. Several of the republican journals were suppressfd, and a new law was in- troduc d to shackle the press. In October the President dismissed his ministtrs, who were too constitutional for his tastes, and filled their places with more obscure but more docile instruments. To a certain extent the President and the majority of the assembly pursued common objects. Both were hosiile to the republic, but while the latter wished to restore a constitutional monarchy, Louis Napoleon scarcely troubled to conce.al his despotic inclinations. As Ion: as they could work together, the progress of reaction was rapid. The parti de Tordre, headed by Thiers, Broglie, Mole, and Montalembert, determined to avert the dangers threa- tened by universal suffrage. After a stormy debate, in which Thiers excited the fury of the " Mountam" by speaking of " la vile mtdti- tude,'" they carried their proposal restricting the suffrage to citi- zens domiciled for three consecutive years in the same commune (May 30, 1850). To simplify press prosecutions, it was decreed that all articles should be signed by the wi'iters. A number of eminent professors were removed from the university on account of their republican opinions. As the period of his presidency was running out, and the constitution prohibited his re-election, it became necessary for Louis Napoleon to take active measures to secure his power. He was always discus-sing schemes with his associates, but could never make up his mind as to the exact moment for executing them. As his designs became more and more apparent, the assembly began to show distrust and hostility. In January, 1851, General Changarnier was dismissed from the command of the Paris garrison and the national guard, apparently because his regiments had not raised the cry of Vive VEmpereur ! at the recent reviews. The assembly declared its confidence in the general and its want ol confidence in the ministry. This compelled the retirement of the ministers, but their successors were equally docile to the president, and equally unacceptable to the legislature. Petitions, got up by Naixileou's agents, poured in from the provinces to demand a revision of the constitution, but the requisite majority of votes "i 712 MODERN EUROPE. Chap. xxvi. the assembly could not be obtained, and the project was dropped. Napoleon now determined to throw himself upon the support of the people. The assembly had made itself very unpopular by the law of May 30, 1850, which had reduced the number of electors by three millions. The ministers proposed the repeal of the law, but the majority refused to give up their measure. Thus the President posed as the champion of democratic liberties against an oligarchi- cal and reactionary assembly. At last Louis Napoleon considered that his time had come, and fixed December 2, the anniversary of Austerlitz, as the date for the long-meditated coup d'etat. § 2(). The necessary preparations had been carefully made by Napoleon's agents, M. de Morny, Generals St. Arnaud and Magnan, and M. de Maupa^, the prefect of police. On the night of the first, while sus[)icions were lulled by a grand party at the Elysee, the troops were distributed, and the necessary placards and proclama- tions were printed at the government press. The first blow was struck by the imprisonment of the most dangerous opponents. Generals Cavaiguac, Changarnier, Lamoiiciere, Bedeau, together with 'Jhiers, Victor Hugo, and Eugene Sue, were simultaneously seized in the middle of the night and dispersed to different prisons. In the morning proclamations appeared in all the streets announc- ing that the National Assembly was dissolved, that a new election was to take ]ilace on December 14, that univertal suffrage was restored, and that Paris and the department of the Seine were in a state of siege. A new ministry was announced, in which Morny was minister of the interior; St. Arnaud, of war; M. Eouher, of justice, and M. Fould, of finance. In an "appeal to the people" Louis Napoleon proposed that the executive head of the government should be chosen for ten years, and that a ( oimcil of State, a Senate, and a Legislative Assembly shouhl be created on the model of his uncle's constitution. of the ISth Brumaire. Meanwhile, about 250 dei)uties met in the Palais Bourbon, and were preparing a protest against the action of the president, when the hall was surrounded by troops, and they found themselves prisoners. By this act the opposition was deprived of any common centre of union. Isolated revolts took place on the next two days, and the usual barricades were erected, but the troops gained an easy victory, though not without considerable bloodshed. By the evening of the 4th the success of the coup d'etat was secured. The plebiscite was commenced on December 20, and resulted in an enormous majority in favour of the new constitution. The number of recorded votes was 7,439,216 to 646,757. The result of this vote was that Napoleon became President for ten years, and tl>e chief constitutional checks upon his power were removed. A.D. 1851-1852. THE SECOND EMPIRE. 713 Like all restored princes, Louis Napoleon was an imitator. On December 2 he had closely copied the 18th Brumaire ; his constitution, which was formally issued on Jiuiuary 15, returned to the system of the first Napoleon ; the uncle had been Consul, the nephew was President. To complete the external parallel, it was only necessary to get rid of the republican title by reviving the empire, and it was certain that this would not long be delayed. The gilt eagles were re- stored to the standards; Napoleon's name was substituted for that of the Republic in the public praj'ers ; the national guard was re- constituted ; the President took up his residence in the Tuileries. In the autumn Louis Napoleon made a grand tour through the provinces and was everywhere received with shouts of Vive VEmpereur I The same cry was raised by the troops on his return to the capital. The senate was directed to discuss the matter, and it was decided once more to have recourse to a, plebiscite. The proposal was that Louis Napoleon should be chosen hereditary emperor of the French, with the right of settling the succession among the members of his family. It was cariied without discussion by 7,82-i,129, to 253,145. So far universal suffrage had shown itself sufliciently fovourable to despotism. On December 2, 1852, the new Emperor was proclaimed as Napoleon III. § 27. The empire was accepted in Europe w ithout hostility, but without enthusiasm. The governments which had just recovered from the shock of 1848 welcomed it as a defeat of the revolution. The Czar, the pation of legitimacy, was as usual the last to acknow- ledge the new government of France. In France itself the coup d'etat had annihilated all opposition. The educated classes were hostile to despotism, but they were overawed by a system of espionage that mnde the utterance of heedless words a crime. A great revival of material prosperity followed the restoration of order, and the ardent pursuit of money-making proved an excellent salve for political discontent. The constitution of January, 1852, was renewed with a few modifications, which increased the power of the emperor, and further humiliated the corps legislatif. To fuse the two branches of the house of Bourbon, the Comte de Chambord (Henry V.) adopted the Comte de Paris; but the royalists continued to be harmless, and the people resented the treatment of the French crown as the property of a family. The government adopted the economical fallacy that unproductive expenditure is beneficial to tire labourers. Great part of Paris was pulled down to make room for more magnificent buildings. The Rue de Pdvoli was extended almost to the Faubourg St. Antoine, and thus was demolished the labyrinth of lanes which formerly surrounded the Hotel de Ville, and made it always liable to a surjjfise. The court was revived on 32 714 MODERN EUEOPE. Chap, xxvt the most niaopiificent scale, and the expenditure on pomp and festivities was enormously increased after the emperor's marriage. The first duty of the founder of a new dynasly was to marry. Napoleon began by looking round for a princess ; but he found the established dynasties so cool in response to his overtures that he determined to conciliate democratic prejudices by an alliance with a subject. His choice fell upon Donna Eugenia di Montijo, the Avidow of a Spanish geneial who had fought under Napoleon I., and the marriage was solemnised in January, 1853. The empress Eugenie became the model for fashionable ladies, and her example did much to encourage that lavish extravagance which distinguished and at last discredited the second empire. France was once more subject to the absolute rule of an indi- vidual, and the character of that individual was one of the' riddles of the age. Napoleon's personal courage was indisputable, but it was combined with invincible procrastination. No advice could turn him from his purpose, but no one could predict the moment when he would carry it out. He could not endure opposition, and he surrounded himself with clerks rather than with ministers. Men like Guizot and Thiers refused to serve him, and he could never have tolerated their superiority. His early training had been that of a conspirator, and a conspirator he remained when he had attained the throne. There is little doubt that in his youth he had been mixed up in the plots of secret societies, and the associa- tions then foniied never ceased to hamper him. He was always afraid that any treachery to his old allies would lead to his assassi- nation, and this fear had much to do with directing his policy towards Italy. He was a socialist in possession of absolute power, but he had to conciliate the established dynasties, which hated and dreaded socialism. Hence the apparent vacillation of his policy and the secrecy which always shrouded his designs. He was naturally indolent and averse to business ; he would trust no one to do his work for him, and thus his administration was always defective. His ability was considerable, but it was the ability of an imitator. He had none of the original genius of his great uncle, and none of his power of choosing the best instruments. Nothing but the excessive dread of a new revolution could have kept him in power so long. The domestic history of France is iilmost a blank in his reign. To divert men's minds from the degradation and corrvtption of his rule, he adopted a vigorous foreign policy and became the firebrand of Europe. The French had been so accus- tomed to excitement for the last few years that they could not live without it. Napoleon fully comprehended this, and bribed his sub- jects with magnificent fetes at home, and aggressive wars abroad. A.D. 1852-1854. NAPOLEON III. 715 It was generally expected at first that he would take the earliest opportunity to quarrel with England and to avenge the defeat of Waterloo. But an English war would have ruined the material prosperity of France, and a dispute about the Holy Places in Palestine offered the more congenial jirospect of a contest with the northern despot who had been so contemptuously tardy in acknow- ledging the empire. When the Crimean war was over, the emperor turned his attention to Italy. It was this determination to distract the attention of the Fiench that involved him in the war with Prussia which ultimately ruined his dynasty. The history of France under Napoleon III., as under Napoleon I., is the history of every country in Europe except France. 716 MODERN EUROPE. CHAPTER XXVII. THE UNION OF ITALY AND GERMAN V. § 1. The reaction in Italy ; Victoi* Emmanuel maintains the constitution ; reforms in Piedmont; ministry of Cavour; Sardinian troops in the Crimea; the Congress of Paris. § 2. Orsini's attentat; relations of France with England and Italy ; the interview at Plombi&res ; secret treaty with France. § 3. Austria provokes the war ; campaign of 1859; battles of Magenta and Solferino; overthrow of the rulers of Tuscany, Parnn, Modenn, and Bologna; peace of Villafranca; Napoleon III.'s motives. §4. Victor Emmanuel accepts Lombardy ; the central provinces ; their union with Sardinia ; cession of Savoy and Nice. § 5. Garibaldi in Sicily and Naples ; Victor Emmanuel at war with the papacy ; campaign of Castel Fidardo ; annexation of Umbria, the Marches, Naples and Sicily; the Italian Parliament; death of Cavour. § tj. Italy after Cavour's death ; Aspromonte ; the September convention with France; transference of the capital from Turin to Florence. § 7. Austria and Prussia i'rom 1852 to 1863. §8. The Schleswig- Holsteiu question; Denmark and the Bund; intervention of Austria ;ind Prussia; conquest of Schleswig; the London conference : the treaty of Vienna ; the convention of Gastein. §9. Hostile preparations; the Seven Weeks' war; preliminaries of Nikolsburg ; treaty of Prague; territorial acquisitions of Prussin. §10. The North German Confederation; treaties between Prussia and the south German states ; new constitvition for Austro-Hungary. §11. The war in Italy; battle of Custozza ; annexation of Venetia ; evacuation of Rome by the French ; defeat of Garibaldi at Mentana ; the French occupation of Rome is resumed. § 12. Attitude of Napo leon III. ; the Mexican expedition ; the ati'air of Luxemburg; hostility to Prussia. §13. Revolution in Spain; expulsion of Isabella; the Hohenzollern candidature ; French demands ; France declares war against Prussia. §14-. The campaign from Saarbriick to Sedan; Napoleon a prisoner; revolution in Paris; the Third Republic. §15. The siege of Paris ; war in the provinces ; armistice of Versailles ; the national assembly at Bordeaux ; the treaty of Frankfort ; France after the wsr. § 16. The German Empire. § 17. Annexation of Rome to Italy; second transfer of the capital; death of Victor Emmanuel. §18. Amadeus of Aosta elected king of Spain; his resignation; the Spanish Republic; accession of Alfonso XII. § 1. The triumph of the reaction had been more complete n\ Italy than in any other country. Even a moderate ruler like Leopold of Tuscany gave himself up to the current. Pius IX., who returned to Rome on April 14, 1850, abandoned all the reforms A.n. 1850-18.55. VICTOR EMMANUEL II. 717 of his earlier years, and refused to listen to the advice of France, although French troops still garrisoned the city and maintained his power. The worst ruler of all was Ferdinand 11. of Na])les and Sicily, whose cruelties exasperated his subjects and dis- gusted every right-thinking man in Europe. In every court the influence of Austria was exerted to rei:)ress all aspirations towards freedom or union. The only country in which constitutional libertic s were preserved was Piedmont. Victor Emmanuel had set himself from the first to achieve the object of his father and to free Italy from foreign rule. To do this he must inspire the Italians with confidence by making Piedmont the model of a constitutional monarchy. It was in vain that Padetsky oflered him the assistance of " forty thousand bayonets " to establit^h despotism. His attach- ment to the Statuto was due to policy rather than to principle, but the honesty with which he held to his plighted word stood out in conspicuous contrast to the conduct of other princes, and earned for him the glorious title of *' il re galantuomo." While the other Italian states were groaning under the abuses cf absolute rule, Piedmont entered upon the path of administrative reforms. The Siccardi laws, which were carried in 1850, abolished iheforo ecclesiastico, i e. the exclusive jurisdiction of the church in matters concerning the chuicli and in cases of heresy, sacrilege and blasphemy. This measure provoked the violent hostility cf the pojje, but Victor Emmanuel, although the son of Charles Albert and him- self endowed with a superstitious temperament, braved tlie storm with a courage which conclusively proved his devotion to the cause cf civil libert3\ It was at this juncture that a place in the ministry was given to count Camillo Cavour, who was destined to do more than any other man for the cause of Italy. The key- stone of Cavour's policj'^ was a conviction that the freedom of Italy could only be achieved with external assistance. He made it his object to obtain for Piedmont the respect and the friendship ot the European powers, and he sternly repressed the revolutionary projects of Mazzini and his associates, which alienated all upholders of orderly government. In 1852, Cavour became prime minister, and before long an opportunity offered itself for carrying out his tlesigns. When the Crimean war broke out, Sardinia offered its alliance to England and France. This step provoked the most active opposition. Its advantages were distant and doubtful, while it was easy to prove that Sardinia had no interests involveel in the struggle, and no motive for incurring the hostility of Russia. But the support of the king enabled Cavour to carry his point, the treaty of Turin was signed (Jan. 10, 1855), and a Sardinian detachment of 18,000 men was sent to the Crimea. No promise of 718 MODERN EUROrE. CiiAr. xxvii. ussiMliinco was mailo by tlic allicH, but a ^roat sU'p bad boon taken towanis oiilistiiij; tbc sympatbics of Kraiu'i' and Fiii^land in an eventual contest of Italy a>;i;ainHt Austria. Tlic Sardinian tro(>i)S, wbirli were commanded by La Marmora, did not play any j^roat |)art in tlio war. Tbcir only success was j^ainod in tbe compara- tively unimportant battle of the 'i'sclicrnaya. But tbere can bo no doubt tbat Sardinia had risen greatly in tbe i)ublic opinion both of Italy and of Europe. At the ('oni^reas of Paris Cavour a])]H'ared on an cipial footinj^ witii tiic iilcnipotontiarics of tlio preat powers, and adroitly seized the opportunity to represent the evils which Italy siiil'ered from foreif2;n ocou])ation. § 2. From this time Sardinia was ))ractically recojj;nis'jd liy all Italians as the reia'csmtative and leader of the national cause. A subscription was raised in the chief towns of the ]K'ninsula to assist in tile fortilieatiou of Alessandria. Austria was bitterly exasperated, and the Austrian minister was recalled from 'rurin. It was evident that the strugi:;le could not be long delayed. Sardinia could not hope to contend single-handed with Austria, and relied for assistance ujion the sympathies of Napoleon III. So far no tiuigiblo results liad been obtained Inmi tlir French alliiuice, and at this crisis an event occurre order to protect foreign rulors a<^aiiist tlie plotH of asKUHHiiiH, and to .satisfy public opinion in France. I>iit Victor I'lninianncl refused to alter the constittition at the dictation of a foreign ])Ower. The only conccKsion he would make was the passing of a law prohibiting tlie publication in Sardinia of articles which tended to provoke re- iiellion again-t friendly goverununts. In the end ihe act of Orsini rather helped than thwarted the aspirations of Italy. The motive for the plot was that Najwleon had broken hia solemn pledges to the Italian patriots. He could not disarm the assassin more effectually than by giving some signal proof that he was still devoted to the cause which he had adopted in his youth, in July he had an inter- view at Plombiires with Cavour at v/hich it was secretly arranged that France would suj)port Sardinia in case of a war witli Austria. This was followed by the conclusion of a secret trcaly, which con- firmed the arrangement of Plombieres, and agreed that Lombardy and Venetia should bo annexed to Sardinia to form a Kingdom of Northern Italy. In return for these concessions, Victor lOmmantu:! pledged himself to cede Savoy and Nice to France. § 3. The neutral jjowers did all they could to avert the ai)proachin;j; war, and i)rop(>8ed that the grievances of Italy should be submitted to a Congress. Cavour had to exert all his diplomatic abilities to prevent a compromise, and at the same time to disguise any api)arent desire for war. The assistance of France could not be looked for unless Austiia could Ijc represented as the aggressor. Fortunately, the governiiicnt at Vieima stepped in to assist its enemies. Austria refused to allow that Sardinia should be repre- sented at a Congress to settle the affairs of Italy, and finally sent an ultimatum to Turin demanding disarmament within three days under ])enalty of immediate war. This was exactly what Cavour was waiting for. lie refused the demand, and the Austrian army, 200,000 strong, at once crossed the Ticino (May 27) and occu])ied Novara and Vercelli. Had they marched straight upon Turin, they could have seized the city long before the arrival <;f aid from France. l»ut the Austrian comtnanders showed si.;nal incompetence through- out the campaign, and the opportunity was lost. Napoleon III. lost no time in fulfilling his oblig-itions to his ally, and assumed the command of the Frtiueh army in person. On May I'.i he hin. 1859-1860. CAVOUR. 721 refuse the cession of Lombardy, and to throw the whole responsibility of the measure upon Napoleon III. But the king was too prudent to take this advice, and Cavour resigned, his place being taken by Rattazzi. Victor Emmanuel accepted the treaty of Yillafianca " pour ce qui me concerne," and obtained a promise from the emperor that he would not tolerate any forcible restoration of the rulers of Tuscany, Parma, Modena, and the Legations. It was certain that the peojjle would not do it of their own accord, especially while they were assured of the sympathy and moral support of Piedmont. The Sardinian comuiissioners were recalled, but their place was taken by provisional governments. Parma and Modena were united into a single state under the name of Emilia. In complete disregard of the treaty of Villafrauca, which was confirmed by the conference of Zurich, representative assemblies were summoneil, and voted fur th'j annexation of their respective provinces to the Sardinian monarchy. Victor Emmanuel received their envoys graciously, wnd promised to do all in his power to obtain the approval of Europe for their wishes. It was suggested that a Euro[iean congress should meet to discuss the question. The pro- posal came to nothing, but it served to reconcile Victor Emmanuel and Cavoui. The latter was the only man who could be trusted to represent the Italian cause among the diplomatists of Europe. In January, 1860, Rattazzi resigned and Cavour was entrusted with the formation of a new ministry. Great exertions were made to induce the pope to listen to the demands of his subjects. But Pius IX. would not hear of any diminution of his temporal power, and it was evident that Victor Emmanuel must again risk a quarrel with the papacy. To conciliate the French enijieror, Cavour deter- mined that the wishes of the central pi'ovinces should bj exjiressid by a plebiscite. The result was a foregone conclusion, and in March, 18G0, Tuscany, Emilia, and Romagna were formally an- nexed to Sardinia. In the next month a parliament n)et in which the new provinces were represented, and the annexation was enthu- siastically confirmed. The deposed princes issued futile proiehts, and the pope resott d to his kst weapon of excommunication. Napoleon III discovered that it was easier to excite a storm than to allay it. In France the recent expedition was attacked as a quixotic enterprise in which French interests had been sacrificed to the aggrandisement of Sardinia. To satisfy his subjects, the emperor now demanded the cession of Savoy and Nice, which had hitherto been dropped because its condition, the annexation of Venetia with Lombar.ly, had not been fulfilled. It was hard fot Victor Emmanuel to give up the country which had been the cradle of his race, but political interests were imperative. By Cavour's 32* 722 MODERN EUROPE. Chap xxvii. advice he consented to the sacrifice on condition that the npproval should be obtained both of the Savoyards and of the Italian i)nrlia- ment. In the latter a violent debate took jjlace : Garibaldi had been born in is'^ice, and expressed bitter resentment at its annexation by a foreign ruler. But the majority of Italians cared little for Savoy, which really stood outside the peninsula, and had no sympathy with the national cause. The annexation was approved by 229 votes to 233. Thus the last step was taken in the long process by which the house of Savoy was transformed into a purely Italian dynasty. § 2. The monarchy of Victor Emmanuel now included the whole of Italy with the exception of three provinces, Venetia, the i-cmain- ing Papal States, and the Two Sicilies. In the latter kingdom the brutal Fevdhiand II. (Bomba) had been succeeded in 1859 by his son, Francis II. Overtures had been made to the new king from Turin, proposing the formation of a constitutional monarchy in southern Italy which should co-operate with Sardinia in sujiporting the national cause against the foreiuner. But Francis II. refused to alter the system of government bequeathed by his father, and clung obstinately to the Austrian alliance. Under these circum- stances a contest between the north and south was inevitable. But Victor Emmanuel could not venture on another war for his own aggrandisement without alienating Euroj^e and risking a quarrel with France. A solution of the difficulty \\as offered by an in- dependent adventurer, whrise zeal for the cause of Italy was not affected by any regard for the scruples of kings and princes. Garibaldi, indignant at the unpatriotic saciitice of Nice, was eager to find a new field of action, and determined to offer himself as a champion to the oppressed subjects of the house of Bourbon. Collect- ing a " thousand " volunteers at Genoa, he sailed to Sicily and landed near Marsala (May 14, ISfiO). Witlnn two months the whole island had been secured by the reduction of Palermo (June 6) and Messina (June 25). Garilwldi became an almost mythical hero, and his fame began to overshadow that of Victor Emmanuel and Cavour. Francis II. now hastened to announce his intention of granting a constitution and allying himself with Sardinia, But it was too late to win the confidence of a people that had so often suffered from the perfidy of their rulers. Garibaldi crossed over to the mainland, met with absolutelj'' no resistance, and entered Naples in triumph (Sept. 7). Francis II. retired with 20,000 troops to Gaeta, while another ]iart of his army occupied Capua. Meanwhile Pius IX. had commenced a crusade for the recovery of the Legations, and entrusted the command of his army to the French general Lamoricifere. The government of Turin demanded the disarmament of this force, and on the pope's refusal an army A.D. 1860-1861. GARIBALDI IN NAPLES. 723 under Cialdini entered Umbiia. At Castel Fidardo the papal army a disorganised rabble ofdiflerent nationalities, was utterly routed (Sept. 14). Lamoriciere had to surrender in Ancona and was sent back to France. Austria, Russia, Prussia and France, expressed their disapproval of the invasion of papal territory l^y recalling their ambassadois from Turin. But Victor Emmanuel, having made up his mind to brave the perils of excommunication, was not much impressed with this diplomatic protest. He fullowcd his army to Ancona and proceeiled thence into Naples. An attack upon Rome or the surrounding Patrimony of St. Peter would have brought the Sardinians into collision with the French garrison, and would certainly have roused the hostility of Napoleon III. The rapid success of Garibaldi involved an unexpected danger for Sardinia. He had not been in any formal connection with the court of Turin, and had in fact conquered Naples against its will. Instead of annexing his conquest to Victor Emmanuel's kingdom, he assimied the title of Dictator, and went so far as to demand the dismissal of Cavour. Mazziui urged him to form a Republic of Naples, and such an act must have retarded, if it did not prevent, the union of Italy. But Cavour acted with politic decision. Re]>reseuting to the French Emperor that his action was necessary to thwart the revolutionary party, he assembled the parliament and obtained from it a decree authorising the annexation of the conquered, papal provinces and the Two Sicilies. Garibaldi found it necessary to play a more humble part than had been suggested to him. He was still engaged in besieging Capua, when the arrival of the Sardinian army compelled the capitulation of the fortress. He laid down his temporary dictatorship, acknowledged the authority of Victor Emmanuel, and retired covered with glory to his island home at Caprera. The siege of Gaeta was now commenced in form by Cialdini. For some time the presence of the French fleet prevented any attack by sea, but at last, on February 16, 1861, Francis II. had to surrender, and sought refuge in Rome. A real Italian kingdom had now been formed by the addition of Umbria, the Marches and the Two Sicilies. Nearly 23,000,(^00 subjects acknowledged the rule of Victor Emmanuel. There were difiiculties and dangers to be confronted in the future. National unity could not be created all at once. The population of the south had had no training to fit them for the enjoyment of constitutional liberties, and some time must elapse before Naples could stand on the same political level as Piedmont or Tuscany. The Austrians still held Venetia, and would seize the first oppor- tunity to recover their lost supremacy, Rome, with its papal government and its French garrison, was not yet Italian, an(] 724 MODERN EUROPE. Chap, xxvii. provincial jccalousies must continue as long as any but the Eternal City was regarded as the capital. I5ut all these considerations were forgotten on February, 18, 1861, when the first Italian parliament, containing representatives from all the provinces except Vene- tia and the Patrimony, met in ihe Palazzo ("arigmmo at Turin. Vociferous cheers greeted the arrival of "Victor Kmmanuel 11., by the grace of God and the will of the nation King of Italy." This ceremony was followed within a few weeks by the death of the man who had contributed more than any other to bring about this grand result. Cavour must always rank as one of the ablest diplomatists of the nineteenth century, but he was more than a diplomatist, he was a statesman. His keen perception that Italy could not be set free without foreign assistance ; the adroit use which he made of Najioleon III. ; the way in which he evaded the tieaty of Villafranca ; and, above all, the masterly manner in which he ousted Garibaldi from Naples, were all diplomatic triumphs cif the highest order. But his internal reforms ; his measures for the advancement of trade and education ; his adherence to liberal principles in the face of a revolutionary party : h s appreciation of the difficulties of uniting southern with northern Italy, are no less conclusive proofs of his constructive statesmanship. It was hard for him to die before his work was completed by the acquisition of Venice and Kome, but he may be credited with having anticipated the way in which this completion was to be brought about. He foresaw the rise of Prussia, and sought to enlist the symjathies of that power with the Italian cause. He was anxious to settle the Roman question peaceably kg as to avoid offending the lioman Catholic powers. The temporal power had undoubted advantages, but at the same time it imposed serious checks uioon the action of the church. Cavour offered the removal of these checks in exchange for the sacrifice of temporal sovereignty. His favourite expression, ^^ Libera Chiesa in Lihero Stato''^ (a free Church in a free State), has been rightly chosen as the inscription on his tomb. § 6. Cavour left no minister to take his place, and the con- tinuance of his policy fell to Victor Emmanuel himself. Carefully abstaining from opening the question either of Rome or Venice, he sought to utilise the interval of peace to break down the barriers between the diff'erent provinces of Italy, and to extend to all alike the benefits of material prosperitj'. But his subject.s could not imitate the prudence and statesmansliip of their ruler. Garibaldi believed that his volunteers could drive the French from Rome as easily as they had overthrown the Bourbons in Naples and Sicily, and that the government would again stand quietly by while it I A.D. 1861-1864. ASPROMONTE. 725 was done. He raised his standard at Reggio and announced his intention of marching upon Rome. But it was imi5ossil)le for Victor Emmanuel to allow a war to be carried on from his own territories against a friendly power. At Aspromonte Garibaldi found hiniself confronted by the Italian army under Cinldini, and after a short struggle his troops were routed and himnelf a prisoner, (August 29, 1862). The king could not have acted otherwise, but a storm of indignation greeted this apparent ingratitude towards the hero who had given him a crown. But Victor lunmanuel was undismayed, and continued negotiations with France for the evacu- ation of Rome. In September, 1864, a convention was at last concluded with Napoleon III., who agreed to a gradual withdrawal of the French garrison, on condition that the Italian government should undertake the defence of the Papal States against all ejiterna] attack. The convention was bitterly attacked at the time as being a renunciation of Rome as the cajiital of Italy. In reality it was a virtual cession of Rome to Italy on condition that a sufficient interval should elapse to show that its annexation was U'it the result of the departure of the French. As a further guarantee of this, Napoleon demanded that the capital should be transferred from Turin to some other city. For this purpose Florence was chosen, and the court was removed to its new residence in 1865. The history of the further advance of Italian unity is bound up with affairs in Germany, to which attention must now be directed. § 7. A confused and depressing period of German history followed the failure of the movement towards union which had been inau- gurated by the Frankfort Parliament. Austria had humiliated Prussia at Olmiitz, and had gaint d a conspicuous victory in the restoration of the Bundestag. Hut the two great states con- tinued their -rivalry, and Germany was divided into parties adhering' to one or the other. The National Verein adopted t he views of the " Little German " party at Frankfort, advocated the exclusion of Austria from Germany, and demanded the establish- ment of the proposed constitutirove more effective instru- ments in the settlement of German difficulties than the speeches and votes which had failed so lamentably in 1849. He was en- couraged in his aggressive attitude by the domestic troubles of Austria. Hungary and Venetia were on the verge of revolt, and all the non-Grernian provinces were discontented. To conciliate them the government suspended the constitution of 1861 and restored the old system of provincial diets. But this measure alienated the German population of Austria proper, and failed to satisfy the Slavs, Magyars, and Italians. Under these circumstances it was difficult for Austria to oppose a resolute opposition to the designs of Prussia. The lesser German states tried in vain to obtain a voice in the final settlement of the duchies. Some supported the duke of Augustcnbnrg, oth.ers proposed that the choice of a ruler should be submitted to the free choice of tlie inhabitants. Bismarck received all these suggestions with contemi)tuous silence, and con- tinued to treat the matter as a private affair of the two great powers. At Gastein a convention was made (August 14, 1865), by which Austria luidertook to administer Holstein, and Prussia Sclileswig, while the small duchy of Lauenburg was sold to Prussia for 2,500,000 Danish thalers. The port of Kiel was occupied by Prussia, which at once commenced the erection of fortifications. The convention of Gastein was Bismarck's revenge for the Inmiilia- tion of Prussia at Olmiitz. But it was evident that the arrangement could be only temporary, and that the relations of the two powers in the duchies and in Germany could only be settled by war. § 9. The war wds not long delayed. Austria was already convinced that its recent policy had been a great blunder, and sought to retrace its steps. Ecchberg had been dismissed j'rom the ministry, and his successors set themselves to conciliate the Bund and to support the claims of the duke of Augustenburg. While Man- teuff'el, the governor of Schleswig, rigorously forbade every ex- pression of popular opinion, public meetings in favour of duke Frederick were openly held in Holstein under the very eyes of the Austrian lepresentative, Gablenz. Bismarck wrote to Vienna in January, 1866, to comiilain of the encouragement of "demagogic anarchy " in Holstein. In April he concluded an offensive and defensive alliance with Victor Emmanuel. In a circular dispatch A.D. 1865-1866. SEVEN WEEKS' WAR. 729 he announced that Prussia was arming, not only for its immediate security, but also to obtain substantial guarantees for the future. As these guarantees were not afforded by the existing constitution of tlie Bund, he declared that that constitution must be amended, and demanded that its revision should be entrusted to a German parliament elected by universal suffrage. This was a startling proposal from a minister who prided himself upon being the champion of order against revolution, and who had shown resolute hostility to popular liberties at home. In Austria, the military party once moi'e gained the upper hand, and was encouraged by tlie support of the middle German states, and the unpo[)ulanty of Bismarck's ministry in Berlin, to make energetic jireparations for war. Napoleon III. negotiated with both parties, and sought to utilise the crisis to gain an increase of French territories in the direction of the Khine. But events marched too fast for the pro- crastinating diplomacy of the French Emperor. On June 1, Austria announced that the question of Schleswig-Holstein should be sub- mitted to the Bundestag, and that a meeting of the estates of Holstein should be summoned to declare the wishes of that pro- vince. Ten days latter a formal accusation was brouglit against Prussia of violating the convention of Gastein, and the mobilisation of the troops of the i?«(/.(Z was demanded. Bismarck resjionded by bringing forward his proposal for a new constitution ol the Bund, which was to be divided into a northern federation under Prussia and a southern under Bavaria, while Austria was to be excluded altogether. Manteulfel was ordered to occupy Holstein if the estates met, and he obeyed the order on June 8. The Austrian troops were too weak to resist, at.d the duchy was annexed to Schlesv/ig under Prussian rule. On June 1-i the Bundestag, by nine votes to six, accepted tlie Austrian demand for the mobilisation of the troops. The Prussian representative at once declared that this resolution was a breach of the constitution of 1815, pronounced the dissolution of the Bund, and quitted the assembly. War was declared against Saxony, Hanover and Hesse-Cassel, which had supported Austria. The genenil expectation in Europe was that the war, which broke out on June 15, would be a long and desperate struggle, in which the superior resources of Austria would secure an ultimate victory. But these anticipations were completely falsified by the event. The Prussian troops were better organised than any others in Europe, and they were a.rmed with the needle-gun, which enabled them to fire four or five times as fast as their opponents. On the other hand, Austria was in a hopeless financial position, its armies were composed of various nationalities, it had to send more than 150,000 730 MODERN EUROPE. Chap, xxvii. men to defend Venetia against the Italians, and it had no general to be compared with the Prussian commauder-iii-chief, Von Molti^e. In every engagement the Prussians gained conspicuous successes. Hesse-Cassel and Saxony were occupied witliout opposition. The Hanoverian army, after beinii defeated at Langensalza, was com- pelled to capitulate (June 29). It was in Bohemia that the main armies of Austria and Prussia came into collision. After a series of smaller engagements the great battle was fought on July 3 at Sadovva (or Kouiggriitzj, where the Austrians were completely defeated. On July 26 an armistice was concluded at Nikolsburg, by which Austria agreed to withdraw from the Bund, to renounce all claims in Schleswig and Holstein, to recognise the new con- stitution which Prussia w^as to arrange for Germany, and to cede Venetia to Italy. On August 23 the preliminaries of Nikolsburg were confirmed by the peace of Prague, and Prussia undertook to restore the kingdom of Saxony, and to transfer northern Schleswig to Denmark if the inhabitants expressed a wish for such a transfer. The latter provision was wholly evaded, and though the former was fulfilled, it was on such hard conditions that Saxony became little more than a .vassal state of Prussia. The two other provinces which had been occupied, Hanover and Hesse-Cassel, together with Schleswig-Holstein, Nassau, and Frankfort, were to remain in the possession of Prussia. § 10. Prussia now set to work to draw up the plan of a North German ConfederatioH, to include all states to the north of the Main. Saxony, the only powerful state, was unable in existing circumstances to make any opposition. The scheme was first ela- borated in a conference of plenipotentiaries of the various govern- ments, and was then submitted to an assembly chosen by universal suffrage which sat in Berlin from Feb. 24 to April 17, 1867. The executive government was entrusted to the Prussian king as here- ditary President and General of the Confederation, He was to be assisted by a Federal Council (Bundesraih), which was to be presided over by a chancellor ajipointed by Prussia. Legislation was to be in the hands of a Beichstag, the deputies to which were to be chosen by direct suffrage. Contributions to the common mili- tary expenditure were to be regulated by the number of soldiers which each state supplied for the federal army. Military service was organised on the Prussian system, and was made compulsory on every citizen over seventeen years of age. Bismarck was appointed to be the first Chancellor of the Confederation. With the chief states of southern Germany, Prussia was connected by the Zollverdn, and special treaties were concluded with Bavaria, Wur- temberg and Baden, by which their territories were guaranteed, A.D. 1866-1867. ITALY ACQUIRES VENICE. 781 and their armies were ]iliced at the dis]iOsal of Prussia iu case of war. Thus the whole of Germany, wilh the exception oi' Austria, became iiractically subject to Prussian sovereigntj^ Austria had been taught by the disasters of tlie war to realise how fatal to the empire was the discontent and disunion of the subject populations. Venetia was resigned almost with cheerful- ness, and a serious effort was made to jxacily Hungary. The work of conciliation was carried out by Count Beust, who had recently been minister in Saxony, but had been compelled to quit that kingdom by the enmity of Prussia. The government found it necessary to restore the old system of dualism. Hungary received a ministry and a diet of its own, while another diet and ministry were created for the provinces west of the Leitha. Joint delega- tions were to be appointed by the two diets for the consideration of imperial business, and there were to be three common ministers, for finance, war, and foreign affairs. This constitution, with improve- ments ill detail, has been preserved to the present day. § 11. In Italy the Seven Weeks' War had i^rodiiced. important results. Be!ore the outbreak of hostilities Austria had attempted to buy off Italian hostility by offering the cession of Venetia, but Victor I'hnmanuel had preferred to adhere to his treaty with Prussia. As soon as the war began in Germany, the Italian lorcis advanced towards the Quadiilateral. They were divided into two armies, one of which, under Cialdini, was to cross the Po at Ferrara, and to cut the line of communication between Venice and Verona, while the other, imder the king and La Marmora, was to invest the fortresses. The plan of the campaign was based on the belief that the Aiistrians would stand on the defensive, and all calculations were upset when the archduke Albert quitted his position and attacked the Italians. At Custozza an obstina'e battle was fought (June 24), and after twelve hours' fighting the Italian army was forced to retire to the Mincio. In July the Italian fleet was almost destroyed by the Austrians in the Adriatic near the island cif Lissa. Before an opportunity was offered of retrieving tliese moitit'ying disasters, the news came that the German war had been terminated at Nikolsburg, and that Venetia was offered for the acceptance of Italy. It was a great blow to Italian pride to have to leceive the_ .coveted province at the hands of an ally instead of winning it by the prowess of the national arms. But Victor Emmanuel realised that it was not the time for excessive punctiliousness, and accepted the cession of Venetia by the treaty of Vienna (Oct. 3). The usual pUhiscite was almost unanimous in favour of annexation, and in November the king was received with enthusiasm in Venice. Aus- tria now possessed no territory that could be called Italian except 732 MODERN EUROPE. CiiAi'. xxvi;. Trieste and the small district of the Trentino. It was jii.st at this time that the evacuation of Rome by the French was completed in accordance with the terms of the September Convention. The great work of freeing Italy from the foreigners seemed for the moment to be accomplished. But one grievance still remained, the independent rule of the pope in Home and the Patrimony, and tliis was protected by the agreement with France. The ministry of llattazzi was foolish enousih to thii;k thnt Rome could be obtained ia the same way as Cavour had obtained the Two Sicilie-;. Gari- baldi was secretly encouraged to raise a new force of volunteers on the papal frontier. The result of this was that Napoleon III. at once despatched a new body of French troops to defend the city which had just been evacuated. At Mentana (Nov. 3, 1867) Garibaldi's raw levies were utterly routed by the French, and the occupation of Rome was resumed for an indefinite period. But the sympathies of Italy we.e for the misguided and defeated patriots, and the victory of the French chasseputs at Mentana destroyed all sentiments of gratitude for the services which France had previously rendered to the cause of Italian independence. § 12. In no country was the result of the Austro-Prussian war such an unwelcome surprise as in France. Napoleon III. was humiliated at this time by events in Mexico. In 18G1, France, England and Spain had agreed to ssnd a joint expedition to demand satisfaction for injuries inflicted on their subjects by Juarez, the head of the Mexican Republic. The two latter powers withdrew their forces when the object of the treaty had been attained. But the French emperor conceived the chimerical project of forming a o-rand empire of the Latin race in Mexico, which should counter- balance the power of the United States. He ordered his troops to conquer Mexico, which was achieved in 1863, and he offered the sovereignty to the Austrian archduke Maximilian, who accepted it in 1864. But Maximilian quarrelled with the French commander, Bazaine; the Uniied States threatened to make war on the new empire ; and Napoleon found the expense of the occupation a serious embarrassment. In I'-GG the French troops were withdrawn, and the result was thaf. the archduke was shot by Mexican rebels in the next year. While this mortification was still fresh, Napoleon discovered that his policy in Germany had been a complete failure. He had determined to utilise the quarrel of the two powers to' obtain territorial acquisitions for France, and if the war had been a long one he might have succeeded. But the rapid success of Prussia foiled all his plans. Germany had received a strong organisation under the headship of a military state, and France had little pro- spect of obtaining any advantages to counterbalance the increased A.D. 1867-1868. ISABELLA OP SPAIN. 733 power of its formidable neighbour. The emperor opened negotia- tions with the king of Holland for the purchase of Luxemburg, which by the treaty of Vienna was a member of the German Bund, but which had become independent by the dissolution of that body. Prussia, however, stepped in to prevent the conclusion of the treaty, and a diplomatic conference at London arranged that Luxemburg shoidd remain subject to the Dutch king, but that the fortifications should be demolished and its neutrality guaranteed. Napoleon III. now endeavoured to form a close alliance with Austria, and in Auizust, 1867, he paid a formal visit to the emperor Francis Joseph at Salzburg. The visit was nominally one of condolence on the fate of the archduke Maximilian, but contemporary opinion persisted in attributing to it a political importance which it may not have pos- sessed. At all events no important results followed the interview, but from this time it was certain that France would seize the first opportunity to measure its strength against the northern state which had made such a sudden stride towards the leadership in Europe, 'i'his opportunity soon jDresented itself in the affairs of Spain. § 13. It would be tedious to narrate iu detail the domestic his- tory of Spain under Isabella of Bourbon. The queen sought to cloak the dissoluteness of her private life by a superstitious devotion to religion and the church, and her personal sympathies were on the side of the clerical and reactionary party. But occasionally the progresistas and moderados forced themselves into office, though their jealous rivalry prevented them from maintaining the power to which their numbers entitled them. At last, in 1866, Isabella was induced to take energetic measures against the opposition. Narvaez was appointed chief minister, and the most prominent liberals, O'Donnell, Serrano, and Prim, sought safety in exile. The Cortes was dissolved, and many of the deputies, including the president, Rosas, w<-re transported to the Canary Islands. A royaliot reign of terror was established in Spain, and was continued after the death of Narvaez (April, 1868) by his successor, Gonzalez Bravo. But the Spaniards were completely alienated from Bourbon rule. Tliey resented the scandals of the court and the despotism of the contemptible camarilla of priests and courtiers who surrounded the queen. The various sections of the liberal party were driven into union by their common danger. In September, 1868, Prim and Serrano returned to Spain, raised the standard of revolt, and offered the people the bribe of universal sufirage. The revolution was promptly effected, and Isabella fled to France. The leaders of the movement were not republicans, and they at once looked round for a prince to fill the vacant throne. There were three Bourbon can- didates, Alfonso, Isabella's son ; the duke of Montpcnsier, husband 731 MODERN EUEOPE. Chap, xxvii. of the queen's sister; and Don Carlos, the representative of the legal claims of the male line. But no one of them was acceptable to the people or to their leaders, and it was necessary to seek a foreign ruler. Serrano was appointed regent during the interregnum, and Prim undertook the office of minister of war. The Cortes drew up a new constitution, by which a hereditary king was to rule in conjunction with a senate and a popular chamber. The " Iberian " party wished to unite the whole peninsula by the election of the king of Portugal, but he refused to entertain the proposal. At last it was decided to offer the crown to Leopold of Hohenzollern- Sigmaringen, belonging to a distant branch of the roj^al family of Prussia. The prince expressed his personal willingness to accept the offer, but, as a Prussian subject, he demanded and obtained the ap[)roval of William I. The prince of HohenzoUern was connected with the Bonaparte family, as his father had married Antoinette Murat, and it was hoped that his candidature would therefore be acceptable to the French emperor. But Napoleon III. represented the whole affair as an intrigue of Bismarck to extend the authority of Prussia in Europe. To satisfy him, tlie prince withdrew his acceptance of the Spanish crown (July 12). But Napoleon and the Ollivier ministry were convinced that a war was the only means of reviving the waning attachment of the jjeople to the empire, A 'plebiscite in 1869 had ajiproved a new constitution, but the increased number of negative votes had been very significant. They were encouraged by the belief that the states of southern Germany were jealous of Prussian ascendancy, and would welcome the prospect of recovering their independence. The French envoy, Benedetti, was instructed to demand a promise from the Prussian king that, if Spain again pressed the HohenzoUern candidature, he would interpose his authority to prohibit it. William I. courteously but firmly refused to give any such pledge. On July 19, France declared war against Prussia, and the streets of Paris resounded with cries of d Berlin I For the moment the empire seemed to be stronger and more popular than at any time since its establishment. § 14. All the hopes that had been based upon German disunion were speedily disappointed. The North German Confederation placed the whole of its forces at the disposal of Prussia, and voted 120 million thalers for the expenses of the war : the southern states hastened to fulfil the obligations imposed by the treaties of 1867. More than 440,000 men were placed in the field, under the nominal command of the king, but the real direction of Von Moltke. The Crown Prince, prince Frederick Charles, and Steinmetz were the chief leaders of divisions. The command of the French army was A.D. 1869-1870. FRANCO-GERMAN WAR. 735 assumed by Napoleon in person, his chief marshals being Leboeuf, Bazaine, MacMahon, and Canrobert. The regency in Paris was entrusted to the Empress Eugenie. The first action was fought at t^aarbriick (Aug. 3), where the young Prince Imperial underwent his " baptism of fire." From this moment events marched with a rapidity that astounded Europe. In every engagement the Ger- mans showed an immense superiority iu everything but personal bravery. The French fought with conspicuous courage, but they had to contend against .-superior arms and superior geneialship. They were the first iu the field, and ought to have taken the aggressive. Their delay allowed the Germans to enter Alsace, and to carry on the war on French soil. MacMahon was defeated at Weissemburg (Aug. 3), and again at Worth (Aug. 6). General Frossard was driven from the heights of Spicheren by the army of Frederick Charles and Steinmetz (Aug. 6). The main force of the French was now concentrated near Metz under Bazaine, while MacMahon, who had been wounded at Worth, retreated to Chalons. At Gravellotte a bloody and decisive victory was gained by the Germans (Aug. 18), and Eazaine shut himself up in Metz. Frederick Charles was entrusted with the blockade of the fortress, while the rest of the German army under the Crown Prince advanced upon Paris. MacMahon was now ordered by the emperor to march from Chalons to relieve Metz. At Sedan the French were completely defeated (Sept. 1), and on the next day the whole armj^ capitulated. Napoleon himself became a prisoner and was sent to Wilhelmshohe near Cassel. The news of these crushing disasters overthrew the French Empire. The Empress Eugenie fled to England, a " government of national defence " was formed by the deputies of Paris, and the Eepublic was formally proclaimed (Sept. 4), A ministry was ap- pointed, of which the leading spirits were Jules Favre, minister of foreign affairs, and Gambetta, minister of the interior. The Senate was abolished, and the Corj^s Leyislatif was dissolved. The defence of the capital was left in the hands of general Trochu, who had been appointed by the regent before her flight. M. Thiers, who had no republican sympathies, and who had refused a place in the provisional government, undertook an informal embassy to the European sovereigns to request their mediation on behalf of France. § 15. Meanwhile the advance of the Germans continued. On September 20 Paris was invested ; on the 28th Strasburg surren- dered ; and, finally, on October 28 Bazaine capitulated at Metz, and 150,000 French troops, including 3 marshals, 50 generals, and nearly 6000 officers, became prisoners of war. Gambetta, who had 736 MODEEN EUROPE. Chap, xxvii. escaped from Paris ia a balloon, organised the ''army of the Loire," which carried on a desperate but hoj eless resistance to the invaders. Paris held out with obstinate courage, though the inhabitants were compelled to feed on vermin to escape starvation. To add to the general distress, the communists organised an cmeute under Flourens, Blanqui, etc., which almost succeeded in overthrowing the government, but was ultimately put down by the national guard. In the provinces the Germans carried all before them in a number of local engagements. Gaiibaldi offered his services and came as far as Besancon, but it was too late to eftect anything. Gambetta's army of the Loiie was practically destroyed. The only place besides the capital which held out was the fortiess of Belfortin Alsace. At last, the condition of Paris made it im- perative to come to terms, and the ] reliminaries of a peace were arranged by Bismarck and Jules Favre at Versailles. An armistice was concluded for three weeks, and all military operations were to cease except those in the Jura and the siege of Belfort ; a national assembly was to meet at Bordeaux to settle the terms of peace. The forts of Paris were to be placed in the hands of the Germans, but they were to be excluded from the city; the garrison was to surrender as prisoners of war, except 12,C00 men who were left to maintain order ; the blockade was to continue, but measures were arranged for supplying food to the citizens. The capitulation raised a feeling of bitter indignation in the provinces, and Gam- betta announced his determination (o continue the war in defiance of the armistice. But Jules Simon was despatched to Bordeaux to ]irohibit this useless quixotism, and Gambetta in disgust resigned ills pilace in the ministry. The assembly met at Bordeaux on February 12, and elected M. Thiers as " head of the executive government of the French Pepnblic." The veteran politician, whose services to his country in the moment of disaster have out- weighed any errors of his previous career, at once midertook the difficidt task of securing the best possible terms from Bismarck. The preliminaries were signed on February 26. France ceded the whole of Alsace except Belfort (which had surrendered on Feb. 16) and the greater part of Lorraine, including the fortresses of Metz and Thionville. The indemnity was fixed at five milliards of francs, to be paid witliin three years. The German army of occupation was to be withdrawn gradually as each instalment of the in- demnity was paid, and while it remained was to be supported at the expense of France. The national assembly accepted the terms by 546 votes to 107, and the final treaty of Frankfort was signed on May 10, 1871. The Third French Republic was established at a period of national A.v. 1871-1878. THE GERMAN EMPIEE. 737 humiliation imiTaralleled since the 15th century, but it has achieved greater ]iermanence than either of its predecessors. Napoleon III. took up his residence at Chiselhurst, wliere lie died in January, 1873 The death of his unfortunate son the I'rince Imperial, in South Africa (June 1, 1879) seems to have rendered hopeless any project of anolher Ronapartist restoration. The royalist party has also suffered from the discord between the e'der Bourbons and the house of Orleans. To these causes, and to the popular desire for rest, the Republic has imdoubtedly owed much of its strength. The first President, M. Thiers, held office until May 24, 1873, when a liostile vote of the assembly led to his resignation, and he was replaced by Marshal MacMahon. In 1875 a new republican constitution was drawn up which created two chambers, an elective Senate and a Chamber of Deputies. As the President showed an inclination to a reactionary policy, the republicans formed a sti'ong opjiosi- tion. In 1878 MacMahon resigned, and M. Jules Grevy, who had won general respect in a long political cai'eer, was chosen as his successor. § 16. In Germany the result of the war was to give a great im- pulse towards the establishment of unity under Prussian headship. The work which the Parliament of Frank lort had failed to carry out in the revolutionary period was easily accomplished at a time when Germans were fighting side by siile for a common Fatherland. Bis- marck was enabled to sweep away the unnatural lineof the Main, ami to extend the Confederation of 1867 over the four states of southern Germany. The terms of union were settled in separate negotiations with the governments of Bavaria, Wurtemberg, Baden, and Grand- ducal Hesse. They were then submitted for formal appi'oval to the estates of each province and to the diet of the North German Con- federation. On January 18, 1871, the veteran King of Prussia was formally proclaimed German Emperor in the great Hall of Mirrors at Versailles. Bismarck, the Cavour of Germany, Avas appointed Imperial Chancellor It is idle to prophecy as to the probable dinva- tion of this attempt to revive in Germany a national unity that had perished six centuries ago. The German Empire ha.s been acknow- ledged since 1871 to be the first military ]^x)wer in Europe, and the national pride in this position has made the people overlook many domestic inconveniences and even humiliations. Bismarck has been able to maintain the ascendancy of Prussia in spite of serious quar- rels with the Roman Catholic clergy, and in sjiite of the threatening attitude of social democracy. § 17. The first reverses at Weissemburg and Worth had been followed by the hasty recall of the French troops from Rome, and the city was offered to the Italian government as the price of armed 33 738 MODERN EUEOPE. Chap. xxvu. assistanco to France, But Victor Emmanuel had already declared the ntaitrality of Italy ; it would have been imprudent to join what was evidently a losing cause, and the link between Italy and France had been broken at Mentana. On September 11, ten days after the capitulation of Seiian, Itahan troops crossed the frontier of the Papal States. Pius IX. had held an oecumenical council in tbe previous year to decree the dogma of papal infallibility, and had thus decided a dispute that had remained unsolved since the famous assemblies of Constance and Basel. Such a man was not likely to resi.;n his temporal power of his own accord. All suggestions of a peaceful compromise were met with the invariable answer of non possumus. On September 18 the bombardment of liome commenced, and two days later the city was occupied. A plebiscite declared for annexa- tion to the Italian kingdom by an overwhelming majority, and in the next year the capital was transferred from Florence to the Eternal City. No protest was made against this natural completion of the Italian state. Victor Emmanuel carried out the policy of Cavour, left the Pope ia undisturbed i^ossession of the Vatican, and ostentatiously proclaimed the complete independence of his eccle- siastical authority. It was a great blow to the king to be involved in hostile relations to the head of his church, but he was consoled by the thought that he had obtained tbe object of his life. He had ^till much work to do in welding together the discordant parts of his kingdom, and increasing its material prosperity. His prosperous reign was ended by a sudden death on January 9, lb78, when the crown passed to his eldest son, Humbert I. § 18. It ijroved a very difficult task to fill up the vacancy in the &|)anish throne, which had been productive of such vast results. After the collapse of the Hohenzollern candidature, the crown was offered to Victor Emmanuers second son, Amadeus of Aosta (born in 1845). The offer was accepted, and the young prince did his best to perform the duties which he had undertaken. But Spain was wholly unfit for a constitutional monarchy. Wearied out and dis- gusted by the incessant factions and intrigues, Amadeus resigned his crown in 1873. A provisional republic was now formed, of which Castelar was the guiding spirit. But Don Carlos raised his standard once more in the Basque provinces, while the democrats of the south revolted against any central authority, and demanded the establish- ment of a republican federation. At last the restoration of order was undertaken by the army. The Cortes were dissolved hy a coup (Vetat, Castelar indignantly threw up his office, and a military re- public was established. This insured the unity of the state, and the anarchy of the federalists was sup])resscd. But it was obvious that peace could not be finally restored except by the restoration of the A.D. 1870-1876. SPAIN. 739 monarchy, and the only possible candidate was the young Alfonso, the son of the exiled Isabella. In December, 1874, he was proclaimed king as Alfonso XII. The first business of the new monarch was to terminate the Carlist war, and this was successfully accom- plished in 1876. From this time the restored monaroliy has main- tained itself in Spain, and has satisfied the people, though without exciting any enthusiastic devotion. 740 MODEKN EUKOPE. CHAPTER XXYIII. THE EASTERx\ QUESTION. 1830-1878. § 1. Russian influence in eastern Eu.ope; conquest of Syria by Meheme* t t'l 7U'' ^flr ^'''^^^'- § 2. Renewal of vL .yJinSyZ] death of Manmoudll ; treaty of London ; Mehemet All forced to aLp the treaty ; convention of tiie Straits; twelve years of peace 8 3 Quarrel about the Holy Places; Nicolas' proposes" a parti io^n Russian breTnf P-'"'" •^'^'^ P--t« ; °-"P--^tion of the Principalities ; oTt- bieak of Russo-Iurk.sh war. § 4. France and England join Turkey • the Russ.ans evacuate the Principalities ; war in the Crimea; sie^^e ^o f Sebastopo ; § 5 Death of Nicolas; failure of negotiation ; faU of Sh l-n ' ?^7>y°^^>^- §6. Emancipation of the Russi;n serfs; Pol. h insurrection; its suppression. §7. The kingdom of Gree.->e under Otho I. -revolution of 1843; Greece during the Crimean svlv- revolution of 1862 ; expulsion of the Bavarian dynasty ; accession of George I.; England cedes the Ionian Islands. § S.^Tur/e; J^om is"."- 18/5 Cretan insurrection. § 9. Rising in Herzegovina and Bosnia • the Andi^ssy Note; the Berlin Memorandum; deposition of Abdul Aziz and Amurath V. ; Servia and Montenegro declaii war ; attitude of Kussia; conference of Constantinople. § 10. Russo-Turkish war- siege of Plevna; passage of the Balkans ; occupation of Adrianop ^ preliminaries of San Stefano. § 11. Opposition of Encrland - risk of Wii,?^"""^ ^f ^^^1- ' ---" «f Cyilus to Englandl "peace with § 1. The vigorous conduct of the Turkish war in 1829, the estab- lishment of an indei^endent kingdom of Greece under Otho' I and tne suppression of the Poh-sh insurrection of 1830, combined to give Russia a commanding position in eastern Europe. Nicolas had failed to have his own way in Belgium, but Belgium was a distant country, and Russian interests were not directly involved In the East Russia had acted, while the other powers had debated' Jl^ngland, it is true, had struck a vigorous blow at Navarino but had subsequently disowned the victorv as "an untoward event" Ihe growing ascendancy of Russia was accompanied by the rise of a wholly new policy in Europe with regard to the "Eastern Ques- tion. Ihe old feeling that the Turk was the common enemy of Christendom, tliat every victory over the crescent, no matter what A.D. 1830-1839. MEHEMET ALL 741 power it was gained by, was a subject for general triumph, com- pletely disappeared. On the contrary, the Turkish power was to be maintained, because Russia was dreaded. To satisfy public opinion the Porte was to reform its administration, or at least to promise reform, but whether reformed or not, the power of the infidel in Europe was to be preserved from dissolution, 'ilie joowers overlooked the fact that they really played into the hands of Russia, by making that state the champion of the Christian provinces of Turkey. The new jMlicy was no sudden creation, but its genesis may be clearly traced in the twenty years which followed 1830. The first disturbance in the east after the treaty of Adrianople was caused by the ambition of Mehemet All of Egypt. Mehemet had received the island of Candia as the reward for the assistance he had given to the Porte in Greece, but he endeavoured to take advantage of Turkish weakness to make further acquisitions. In 1831 he picked a quarrel with the Pasha of Acre, and seized the opportunity to conquer Syria. Mahmoud IL sent a large army against the Egyptian adventurer, but the Turks were completely di. featod at Konieh, the ancient Iconium (Dec. 21, 1832). Con- stantinople itself was now threatened, and the Sultan applied for aid to the European powers. 'J'he Czar at once responded to this appeal, but England and France refused to sanction Russian inter- vention and threatened to support the Egyptians. Mahmoud was compelled to sign the treaty of Kutaieh, which confirmed Mehemet Ali in the jjossession of Candia and ceded Syria to him as a fief of the Porte. Disgusted with the attitude of the western powers, the Sultan concluded the treaty of Unkiar Skelessi with the Czar (July 8, 1833), and in a secret article agreed to close the Dardanelles to all but Russian vessels. § 2, In 1839 Mahmoud II. made an attempt to recover Syria, but his army was routed at Nisib, a village on the Euphrates, by Ibi'ahim, Mehemet's son (June 24). Four daj^s later the aged Sul- tan died, leaving his empire to his son, Abdul Medjid, a feeble and dissolute youth of seventeen. Mehemet Ali now conceived the bold idea of supplanting the house of Othman on the throne. The Turkish fleet was carried to Alexandria and placed at his disposal by the admiral, Achmet Fevzy. But Russia was not jwepared to see an able and vigorous ruler at the head of the Ottoman empire, and England had been alienated by Mehemet All's rule in Egypt. For once the two powers pursued a common policy in the east. France, on the other hand, remembering the part which it had once played under Napoleon, was eager to establish a protectorate over Egypt, and becime the ardent champion of Mehemet. European diplomacy undertook to settle the question, and a conference met in 742 MODERN EUROPE. Chap, xxvin. London. To the intense disgust of France, a treaty was arranged by England, Russia, Austria, and Prussia (July 15, 1840), by which the integrity of Turkey was guaranteed and Syria and Candia were to be restored. Mehemet Ali refu.sed to accept these terms, and force had to be emploj^ed. English and Austrian trooj^s defeated Ibrahim in Syria, while the English fleet bombarded Beyrout and Acre. Finding resistance to the European powers imijossible, Mehemet Ali accepted the treaty of London (Nov. 27), on condition that the Pashalic of Egypt should bt; confirmed to himself and his direct decend.mts, the Porte receiving one fourth of the revenues as tribute. Russia had to sacrifice the secret article of Unkiar Skelessi as the price of English support. By a convention of July 13, 1841, the tive great powers — France was this time included — recognised the absolute right of the Sultan to control the navigation of the Dardanelles and the Bosp'iorus, and the passage of foreign ships of war was prohibited. This was a de'eat for Nicolas, but he was consoled by tlie humiliation inflicted on the government of Louis I'hilippe, which he cordially detested as the outgrowth of revolution. For the next twelve years the cast enjoyed a period of compara- tive tranquillity. Mehemet Ali abdicnted in 1844, and the govern- ment of Egypt passed to his son Ibrahim. Abdul Medjid, under the influence of Redschid Pasha and Sir Stratford Canning (Lord Stratford de Redclift'e), attempted to reform the administration of Turkey on the European model. But all his schemes were frustrated by the weakness of the Sultan and the inveterate habits of his oflicials, and the old misrule continued. Russia was undisturbed by the revolution of 184-*. While thrones and dynasties were falling on every side, Nicolas assumed the congenial role of the champion of order and legitimacy. He helped Austria to trample on the liberties of Hungary, and to defeat the scheme of a new union in Germany. He interfered to prevent the dismemberment of the Danish monarchy. When the revolutionary movement spread to Moldavia and Wallachia, 40,000 Russian soldiers occupied the Principalities, and were not withdrawn until 1850. The Czar seemed to have good grounds for believing that he could impose his will upon Europe, but the time approached when he was to be rudely undeceived. § 3. In 1852 an old dispute about the custody of the Holy Places in Jerusalem was revived. Napoleon, then President of the French Republic, put himself forward as the champion of the Latin Christians, and obtained for them from the Porte the right of free entry to the Sepulchre, which had been contested by the Greek monks. Nicolas, as the head of the Greek church, considered himself aggrieved by this decision. The weakness of Turkey A.D. 1840-1854. THE CRIMEAN WAR. 743 seemed to offer a convenient opportunity for carrying out those aggressive designs which the Czar had never ceased to cherish even when he joined England in supporting the Porte against Mchemet Ah. The opposition of England might be bought off. In January, 1853, Nicolas disclosed his plans in two important interviews with -Sir Hamilton Seymour, the English ambassador. Without cir- cumlocution, he suggested that the two powers should divide between them the territories of the " sick man." The Danubian Principalities, Servia, and Bulgaria were to be formed into inde- pendent states under Russian protection ; England might annex Egypt, so important for the route to India, and also Candia. " If England and myself can come to an understanding about this affair, I shall care very little what the others (i.e. France, Austria, and Prussia) may think or do." England decHned the proposal, and excited the Czar's indignation by publishing Seymour's despatches. In March, Prince Menschikoff appeared in Constantinople, and arrogantly demanded from the Porte the recognition of a Russian protectorate over all Turkish subjects belonging to the Greek church. Abdul Medjid replied by offering to secure the rights of the Greek Christians by charter, but refused to do so by treaty. Menschikoff withdrew after presenting an tdtimatum, and the Russian army under Gortschakoff crossed the Pruth (July 3, 1853), to occupy Moldavia and Wallachia as a guarantee for the fulfilmcrit of Russian demanus. The Porte treated this as an act of hostility, and declared war against Russia (Oct. 1). Omar Pasha, a Servian renegade in the Turkish service, won a conspicuous victory at Oltenitza (Nov. 4). Napoleon III. seized the opportunity to secure his recently established empire by embarking in a great war and by obtaining the countenance and support of England. The two western powers concluded a treaty with the Porte (Nov. 27), and promised their assistance if Russia would not accept peace on moderate terms. The destruction of the Turkish fleet at Sinope by Admiral Nakhimof destroyed the last chance of terminating the contest by diplomacy. The French and English fleets entered the Black Sea, and the Russian admiral had to retire to Sebastojwl. § 4. In 1854 France and England declared war against Russia. Austria and Prussia remained neutral, but agreed to oppose the Russians if they attacked Austria or crossed the Balkans. The Czar found himself completely isolated in Europe, the result in great measure of the haughty attitude which he had assumed in recent years. By sea the allies had an overwhelming superiority, but it proved of little use to them. In the Black Sea they blockaded Odessa, but in the Baltic they found Cronstadt too strong to be attacked, and had to content themselves with the capture of 744 MODEKN EUROPE. Chap, xxviit. Bomarsund. It was obvious that Eussia could only be seriously attacked by land. In April the Russians, under the veteran Paskiewitsch, had laid siege to Silistria, but all attempts to storm the fortress were foiled. In .Fuly the siege was raised, the Prin- cipalities were evacuated, and Austria undertook their occupation by a convention with the Porte. Meanwhile the French and Eng- . lish armies, umler St. Arnaiid and Lord Rnglan, had landed atGalli- poli and proceeded to Varna. Finding the war in the Principalities settled without their intervention, the allies determined to trans- fer the scene of hostilities to the Crimea and to attack Sebastopol. They landed without opposition at Eupatoria (Sept. 14), and the battle of the Alma (Sept. 20) opened the wny to the great fortress. A vigorous pursuit of the Russians might have taken Sebastopol at once, but the delay enabled Menschikoft" to make elaborate prepa- rations for defence. The siege lasted for mure than twelve months and absorbed the interested attention of I'AU'ope. The allies suffered terribly from the severity of the climate and from the defective organisation of the commissariat. At the same time they had to resist the constant eflbrts of the Russian field army to interrupt the siege operations. At Balaclava (Oct. 25), and Inker- mann (Nov. 5), the Russian attack was only repulsed after hard fighting and serious loss on both sides. In January, 185 1, the allied forces were strengthened by the arrival of 18,000 Sardinian troops under La Marmora. § 5. The disasters of 1854 were a bitter humiliation to Nicolas, and probably hastened his death, which occurred on March 3, 1855. His successor, Alexander IT., was more pacifically disposed, and it was hoped that his accession might lead to the conclusion of peace. But the military honour of the allies could only be satisfied by the capture of Sebastoj^ol, and hostilities were soon renewed. The English fleet rendered consj^icuous service by destroying the Russian base of sujiplies, but the garrison, which was now commanded by Gortschakoff, held out with unflinching courage. A grand assault, in which the English attacked the Redan and the French the Malakoft, was repulsed with great loss (June 18). The French were now commanded by Pelissier, who had superseded Canrobert, the successor of St. Arnaud. On the death of Lord Raglan (June 28), General Simpson undertook the command of the English army. Although the two armies supported each other with credit- able loyalty, there can be no doubt that the dual command was a great obtacle to the success of the besiegers. On August 16, a Russian attack was repulsed with great loss on the Tschernaya, a battle in which the Sardinian contingent distinguished itself. The allies had at last succeeded in bringing a superior force of artillery A.D. 1854-1859. TREATY OF PARIS. 745 to bear upon the fortress, and on the 17th the final bomhavdment was commenced. For twentj'-three daj^s the batteries kept up an ahnost incessant fire, which inflicted terrible damage. On Sept. 8 a general assault was ordered. The French stormed the Malakoff. but the English, after carrying the Eedan, were compelled to retreat for Avant of support. The Russian position, however, was no longer tenable, and on the lOtli Gortschakoff evacuated Sebastopol and retired to the north side of the harbour. The success of the allies was by no means complete, the Russians still occupied a very strong position, and the war might have been indefinitely jirolonged if the people bad not begun to murmur at the lu'avy burdens imposed upon them. The fall of the Asiatic fortress of Kars (Nov. 28, 1855) was a salve to the military vanity of Russia, Austria undertook to mediate, the bases of a pacification were agreed upon in January, 1856, and an armistice was concluded. A conference met at Pari--, where the final treaty was signed on March 30. The Russian protectorate over the Danubian Principalities was abolished ; the free navigation of the Danube was to be secured by the appoint- ment of an international commission ; the Black Sea was neutralised, and all ships of war, including those of 'I'urkey and Russia, were to be excluded, except a small number of light vessels to jirotect the coasts ; the Sultan undertook to confirm the privileges of his Christian subjects, but the powers agreed not to use this as a pretext for interfering with his domestic administration ; the con- vention of 1841 about the Straits was confirmed ; anel the Porte was to be aelmitted to all the advantages of ] ublic law and the European concert. Russia agreed to restore Kars anel to retire from the Danube by ceding a strip of I'essarabia to I'oumania; while the allies were to evacuate Sebastopol and all other concjuests in the Crimea. These terms were accept( d by six powers, viz. France, Austria, Great Britain, Prussia, Russia, and Sardinia. A fortnight later France, Austria, and Great Britain concluded a separate agreement to guarantee the iudeiicndeiice anel integrity of the Turkish empire. In 1858 the signatories of the treaty of Paris arrangeei a convention to settle the relations of Moldavia and Wal- lachia. They were to be ruled by separate jjrinces, who were to be chosen by the assembly of each principality, and they were to pay a tribute to the Porte. But the two principalities elected the same prince, Alexander Cusa, and in 1859 the convention was modified to allow them to become one state under the name of Roumauia. In 1866 Prince Alexander was deposed, and Rouraania fell under the rule of Prince Charles of Hohenzollern-Si;.imariugen, a member of the royal family of Prussia. § 6. The Crimeau war had exhausted the resources of Russia and 33* 746 MODERN EUROPE. • Chai-. xxviii. had given rise to great discontent in that country. To satisfy his subjects Alexander II. adopted a liberal policy, and introduced a number of reforms, of which the greatest was the emancipation of the serfs. The peasants on the crown domains, some 20,000,000 in number, received personal freedom by a series of edicts in 1858. More difficulty was expt^rienced in dealing with the serfs of private owners, but, after long negotiations with tlie territorial lords, the great edict was issued on March 3, 1861. All peasants attached to the soil became free cultivators, with the permanent occupation of part of their land, the rest being left to the lord. The permanent occupation might be exchanged for absolute owners! a;) by a money payment, and the government organised a system of loans to enable the peasants to free themselves at once by becoming debtors to the state. There were political as well as humane motives for the measure, which extended the Czar's authority at the expense of the nobles. The change was by no means welcomed with unanimous approval. The upper classes resented the advance of despotism and demanded the concession of constitutional jirivileiies, Avliile the peasants thought less of the future gain than of the immediate loss of i^art of the land which they and their ancestors had cultivated for centuries. But, on the whole, the reform wa'^ both just and necessary, and involved more important social changes than any measure since the first French Revolution. The liberal policy of the new Czar seems to have excited great hopes among the Poles, and their disappointment gave rise to a formidable insurrection in 1863. For two years a desperate guerilla warfare was carried on against the Russian troops, but in the end order and discipline carried the day against ill- organised heroism. Prussia, which had never sympathised with the Poles, made an alliance with the Czar. England, Austria, and France sought to mediate on behalf of the unfortunate nation, and to secure for Poland some of the liberties that had been promised in 1815. But they did not attempt to go beyond paper remonstrances, which Russia treated with contempt. The rebellion Avas put down with a hideous barbarity that was disgraceful to a state which had just professed such solicitude for its own peasants. It was deter- mined to obliterate the last remnants of Polish nationality. The country was divided into ten provinces ; the Russian language was introduced in the schools, and in all public acts ; the imiversity of Warsaw was Russianised ; the Roman Catholic religion became a luxury which only the rich could afford ; and to punish the nobles for their sympathy with the insurrection, their lands were arbi- trarily handed over to the peasants As the alliance between England and France was an effective barrier tn aggression at the expense of A.D. 1837-1864. GREECE. 747 Turkey, Russia now devoted itself to the easier task of making conquests in Asia. Alexander II. did not attempt to play such a prominent part in European politics- as his father had done. He oflered no opposition to the establishment of the North German Confederation and the German Empire, but he took advantage of the Franco-German war to obtain the erasure of the article in the treaty of Paris which limited the maritime forces of l^ussia in the Black Sea. § 7. The kingdom of Greece had never thriven as its ardent admirers had expected. This was due jmrtly to the defects of the (rreeks themselves, partly to the errors of king Otho and his Bavarian adviseis, but mainly to the attitude of the great powers. Neither Russia nor England really wished Greece to become a powerful state. Russia dreaded a possible rival in the headship of the Greek church, and England feared for her commercial sui)remacy in the Levant. Hence the defective frontier which was given to the new kingdom, and the constant snubs that it received from the Eurojieau states. Otho, who was only seventeen years old when the crown was given to him, assumed the personal control of the government in 1837. Possessed of no abihty, ex- perience, or energy, but eager to exercise an absolute authority lor which he was untitted, he alienated his subjects before they had acquired the habits of loyalty. A revolution in 1843 compelled him to dismiss his Bavarian followers and to grant a constitution. •When the Crimean war broke out, the Greeks eagerly seized the opportunity to attempt the annexation of Tliessaly and Epirus. 'J'he king offered no opposition to the national movement, which was probably prom|ited by Russian influence. Regardless that by a breach of the treaties the support of England and France would be forfeited, the government oj^enly took part in the war, which had already been coAimenced by an insurrection in the two provinces. The Turks had no diffii-ulty in repulsing the invaders, whose rapacity and disorder did much to conciliate the inhabitants to Turkish rule. In May, 1854, English and French troops landed at the Piraeus and compelled the king to abandon the Russian alliance. From this time the Bavarian monarchy forfeited all hold uj^on the respect or affection of Greece. The Italian war of 1859 evoked the warmest sympathy among the Greeks, while Otho and his court did not disguise their attachment to Austria. To put down the growing opposition, the king endeavoured to tamper with the constitution. Newspapers were suppressed, intimidation and cor- ruption were employed to influence the elections, and the senate was packed with royal nominees. In 1862 a rebellion broke out while the king and queen were on a tour through the country. On 748 MODERN EUEOPE. Chap, xxviu. returning to Athens, they found the city closed against them, and quitted Greece under the protection of tlie English flag. Otho, who never abandoned his pretensions to the throne, died at Eambcrg in 1867. Meanwhile a provisional government was established, and a national assembly was summoned to elect a new king and to frame anew constitution. The assembly lefused to take the responsibility of the election, and entrusted it to a national vote. By an over- whelming majority the crown was offered to the English prince Alfred (the duke of Edinburgh). But the great powers hail agreed that no member of the ruling families of France, Eussia, or Great Britain should asi end the throne of Greece, and the election was annulled. Engl.md now undertook to find a constitutionai king, but discovered that the vacant throne was not an object of ambition to European princes. At last prince AVilliam George of Denmaik, the second son of Christian IX. and tlic brother of the princess of Wales, was selected, and was acknowledged by the Greeks as George I. In order to conciliate the Greeks to their new sovereign, England lesigned the Ionian Islands to Greece in 1864, § 8. In Turkey, Abdul Medjid died in 18G1, and was succeeded by Abdul Aziz. The promises which the Siiltan had made in the treaty of Paris shared the fate of most Turkish promises. The fact was that the despotism of the Sultan no longer existed except in name. Turkey was practically ruled by an ofticiiil obligarchy, and the personal will of the nominal ruler counted for very little when it clashed with the interest? of the dominant class. A series of revolts in the Christian provinces attested the continuance of Turkish oppression and of the lii-content which it could hardly fail to provoke. '1 he most important of these revolts before 1875 was that of Crete (1866-1868), which was almost openly countenanced by the Greek government. Diplomatic relations between Constan- tinople and Athens were broken off, and war woulH j^robably have ensued if the European powers had Tiot stepped in to compel Greece to observe a strict neutrality. The insurrection was put down in 1868, mainly by the exertions of Hobart Pasha, an English naval officer who had entered the Turkish service, and Crete, with some nominal concessions, returned to its former servitude. § 9. In 1875 an insurrection in Herzegovina and Bosnia raised a storm in the whole of I'urkey, and made the eastern question for three years the centre of European politics. Volunteers from Montenegro and Servia came to the assistance of the insurgents. Austria, with its large Slav population, was at first inclined to sympathise with the movement, and took the lead in procuring diplomatic intervention on its behalf. Count Andrassy, the foreign minister of Austro-Hungary, drew up a note in December in which AoD. 1861-1876. RISINGS IN TURKEY. 749 he enumerated the concessions which the Porte ought to make to its Christian subjects. The "Audrassy Note" was accejjted by- Russia, Austria, France, Italy, and after some hesitation by Enghand, and it was presented to the Porte by Covuit Zichy on January 31, 1876. The Turkish ministry undertool; to make the proposed reforms, but the iiisnrgents refused to accejit them unless the European powers ofl'ereil a practical guarantee for their execution. The note thus failed of its purpose, and the zeal of Austria perceptibly cooled as the Hungarians, who had never forgotten the conduct of Russia in 1849, showed unmistakeable hostility to the cause of the Slavs. A more energetic document, the "Berlin Memorandum," was now drawn u], and threatened aciive coercion unless the concessions were made within two months. But England, where Lord Bcaconsfield's ministry was returning to the attitude of the Crimean war, refused to acceiit the Memorandum, which thus became futile. Meanwhile matters in the east were daily btcoming more serious. Bulgaria joined the insurrection, but the Bulgarians were not a warlike race, and their rising was suppressed by Turkish irregular trooi>s with a v. an ton barbarity that raised a storm of indignation in Europe and especially in England. In Constnntinople Abdul Aziz was deposed un May 30, and was murdered a few days later. His succes.'-or, Amurath V., was a hopeless idiot, and was deposed on August 31, in favour of his brother Abdul Hamid II. Servia and Montenegro had already declared war against the Porte (July 1 and 2). Agaiiist the hardy mountaineers of Montenegro the Turks failed to gain any successes, but the Servians were completely defeated at Alexinatz (October 31). An armistice was now concluded to give a new opening for the efforts of diplomacy. It was impossible for the son of Nicolas to look quietly on while the Slavs of Servia, Bosnia, and Herzegovina were crushed by Turkey. Alexander II. was compelled by the excited feeling of the Russian people to return to his father's policy which had been so long deserted. The alliance of the three emjJerors seemed lo secure him against opposition from Germany and Austria, in spite of the Hungarian agitation in the latter country. France and Italy were eager for a Russian alliance, the one to get its revenge upon Germany, the other in the hope of annexing the Treutino. The English ministry was hostile to Russia, but the agitation about the " Bulgarian atrocities " diuing the parliamentary recess had made a j;reat impression on public opinion, and a reaction in favour of the Liberals would secure the Czar in that quarter. In October Alexander threatened the Porte with immediate war unless a truce of two months were concluded. Hostilities now ceased, and a conference of ministers, at which England was represented by 750 MODERN EUROPE. Chap, xxviii. Lord Salisbury, met at Constantinople (Dtc. 23, 187(i). Midhat Pasha, the leader of the reforming party, had been in power since the deposition of Abdul Aziz, and it was hoped that he would meet the wishes of the powers half-way. The conference drew up a number of reforms, and demanded that the powers should supervise their execution, and should have a voice in the appointment of provincial governors. The Porte refused to make such a sacrifice of its independence, and the conftrcnce broke up (Jan. 20, 1877). Midlat Pasha was driven from office and banished. § 10. In face of the obstinacy of the Turkish government, Russia had no difticidty in obtaining assurances of neutrality fri)m the other powers, :ind at once prepared lor war. In April, Alexandi r II. joined his army in person, and issued a manifesto announcing his intention to obtain " such securities for his fellow-Christians on Turkish soil as were absolutely necessary for their future welfare." A convention with Roumania secured the Russians free passage through that province. Prince Charles seized the opportunity to declare his independence of Turkish suzerainty (May 22), and joined the Czar at the head of a Roumanian army. Without meeting with serious opposition, the Russians crossed the Danube at two points, near Galacz and at Sistowa (June 21-28), and the general ex| ectation prevailed that the campaign would be brought to a speedy conclusion. But the Turkish soldiers showed that they had not lost the military prowess which had once made them the terror of Europe. Osman Pasha repulsed two attacks of vastly superior forces upon the fortress of Plevna (July 30 and Sept. 11). The siege was now turned into a blockade, but it was not till November 10 that the heroic garrison was starved into surrender, after a desperate attempt to cut their way through the b' sieging forces. In Asia, the fortress of Kars was taken on Nov. 18. Servia and Montenegro had followed the example of Roumania in declarin.c their independence. The Russians were masters of Bul- garia, and prepared to follow up their success by crossing the Balkans. A force of 30,000 men blocked the SchijDka Pass, but the Russians found another passage, took the Turks in the rear, and compelled them to capitulate ( Jan. 10, 1878). A few days later General Gourko defeated Suleiman Pasha in Roume'ia. 'J'he Russian vanguard, under the Czar's brother Nicolas, entered Adrianople with- out opposition on January 19. The advance of the Russians to the neighbourhood of Constantino- ple alarmed the Engli;ih ministers, and Admiral Hornby was ordered to take the English fleet to the Dardanelles. But it was too late to exert much influence on the course of events. A truce had been con- cluded at Adrianople on January 31, and the preliminary treaty of A.I). 187G-1878. TREATY OF BERLIN. 751 Sau Stefano was accepted by Turkey on March 3. llouniania, Servia, and Montenegro were to be recognised as independent and to receive an increase of territory. Bulgaria, with boundaries reaching from the Black Sea to the ^Egenn, was to be formed into an autonomous but tributary state. Turkey was to pay an indemnity of 14 million roubles, but 10 millions were to be compounded for by cessions in Asia, which included Batoum, Erzeroum, and Kars. Russia was to recover the strip of Bessarabia that had been ceded by the treaty of Paris, and Eoiimania was to be compensated with the Dobrudscha. § 11. The treaty of !r-'an Stefano was regarded with grave mis- givings by England, and the government demanded that it should be submitted to a European Congress. Russia consented to this as regards those articles which concerned the general interests of Europe, but refused to allow the discussion of the w hole treaty. On this point negotiations came to a standstill, and both countries pre- pared seriously for war. But tlie exertions of Count Schouwaloff, the Russian ambassador in London, at last succeeded in effecting a compromise. A written agreement was drawn up as to the main points which were to be submitted to the Congress, which met at Berlin on June 13 under the presidency of Piince Bismarck. Austria was represented by Andrassy, Russia by Gortschakoff and Schouwaloff, and England by Lords Beaconsfield and Salisbury. Tlie preliminary agreement helped to smooth matters, and the treaty of Berlin was signed on July 13. Its chief result was to soften down those articles of the treaty of San Stefano which bore most hardly on the Porte. The independence of Roumania, Servia and Monte- negro was confirmed, but the proposed increase of their teiritories was diminished. '1 he exchange of the Dobrudscha for the strip oi Pessaral ia was confiimed, to the great disgust of Roumania, which had rendered loyal service to Russia in the war. The huge province of " Bulgaria " which the treaty of San Stefano proposed to create, was divided into two parts. Bulgaria proper was to form an autonomous but tributary state, under a prince to be elected by a national assembly and approved by the pow'ers. Eastern Boumelia, on the other hand, was to remain subject to Turkey, with a certain amount of administra- tive autonomy, and was to be ruled by a Christian governor, nomi- nated every five years by the Sultan and confirmed by the jiowers. Bosnia and Herzegovina, which had been left untouched by the treaty of San Stefano out of regard ft>r Austria, were now handed over to Austrian occupation until they could receive a reformed administra- tion under the guarantee of the powers. The free navigation of the Danube was confirmed, and the fortresses on its banks were to be razed, the existing arrangements about the Dardanelles and the Bosphorus were left unaltered. In Asia Russia resigned Erzeroum, but kept 752 MODERN EUROPE. Chap, xxvm Batoum and Ears. The Porte undertook to introduce re'-orms under the superintendence of the powers, and to grant co.n.lete pohtical equality to all its subjects, without any re-ard to theT religion, but no support was given to Eussia's claim of a special pro- tectorate over the Greek Christians. All other articles of the San btefano treaty, including that of the indemnity, were left to be settled m a new agreement between Pussia and Turkey The question of Greece was brought before the con-ress, but no very definite conclusion was come to. The powers ^-ecommended the Porte to grant Greece a >ecti6ed frontier, and reserved their liaht of future mediation on the subject. A convention was now made public which hari been concluded between England and Turkey on June 4, ten days before the meeting of the Congress. In order to reconcile the Porte to the cession of Batoum and Ears, En-land undertook to guarantee the remaining possessions of Turkey in Asia. The Sultan, on his part, undertook to introduce such reforms as should be agreed upon, and handed over the island of Cyprus to be occupied and administered by England. Lord Beaconsfitld returned to England with the proud assertion that he had l)rou-ht baclc " peace with honour." History has yet to show whether this boast was justified, and whether the treaty of Berlin provided more than a temiwrary settlement of the Eastern Question.^ ' Since this was written, events have occurred in Eastern Rounielia which seem hkely to annul one very important article of the treaty, the subdivision of Bulgaria. •" INDEX. Abd-el-Kader. A. Abd-el-Kader, 678. AbduIAziz,748. Deposed, 749. Abdul Hamid 1., b.ultaTi, 44S, 463. II.. 749. Abdul Medjid, 741, 742, 743 Death of, 748. Abo, treaty of, 389. Aboukir, battle of, 567. Academy, the French, found- ed by liicbelieu, 159. Achmet I., Turkish sultan, 201. II., 213. Ackermann, convention of, 655. Acquaviva, general of the Jesuits, 181. Adolf Frederick, of Swedtn, .389. Marries sifter of Frederick the Great, 390. Adrian VI., pope, 47. Adrianople, treaty of, 657. ■ /Eneas Sylvius, 9 (see Pius If.). Affre, Monseigneur, 684. Death of, 686. Agnadello, battle of, 41. Aigues-Morte.*, interview at, 75. Aix-la-Chapelle, treaty of (166H), 179,221. Do. (1748), 384, 385. Congress of (1818), 640. Alais, treaty of, 155. Alberoni, cardinal, 297, 290, 300. Fall of, 301. Albert, the archduke, 731. Albert of Brandenburg, forms duchy of Prussia, 63, 323. - — of BrandenburpT, allied with Maurice of Saxiny, ■•-6. Assists Charles V. at Metz, 87. Attacked by Maurice, 88. Retires to France, 89. Albert III., of Bavaria, 131. Albizzi, Rinaldo, 10. Albornoz, cardinal, 9. Albret, house of, in Navarre, 26. Albuera, battle of, 614. Alcacer, battle cf, 104. Alexander Vf., pope, 10, 31. Treaty with Charles VIII., 35. Alliance with Louis XII., 38. Nepotism of, ib. Death, 40. VII., 219. Alexander ]., of Russia, .'i77. 586. Joins cnalition against Napoleon, 586. Defeated at Austerlitz, 590. •Con- cludes treaty of Tilsit with Napoleon, 598. Interview lit Erfurt, 606. Alienated from France, 612, 615. Allied with Prussia, 619. Attitude towards France, 627, 633. Forms the Holy Alliance, 638. Attitude towards Greece, 650. Death of, 648, 653. IL, of Russia, 744. Emancipat' s the .serfs, 740. Suppres^es the Polish re- volt, 746. Involved in war with Turkey, 74 9, 750. Ale.xandria, capitulation of, 578. Alexinatz, battle of, 749. Alexis, Czar of Ru.^sia, 193. son of Peter the Great, 385. Alessandria, convention of, 575. Alfonso I. of Naples and V. of Aragon. 8. 11., of Naples, acces f ion of, 35. Abdication, 36. Alfonso XII., if Spain, 733, 739. Algiers, pirate state of, 73. Attacked by Charles V., T7. Ali Pasha, of Jannina, 649 650, 651. Alkmaiir, seige of, 110. Alma, battle of the, 741. Almanza, battle of, 255. AHmark, truce of, 190. Altranstadt, Charles XII. at, 2.i5, 274, 275. Treaty of, 275. Alva, the duke of, com- mands in lutly against Paul IV., 91. Sent to the Netherlands, 108. Cruelty of his rule, ib. He puts down opposition, 109 His financial schemes, ib. His recall, 110. Amadeus, of Spain, 738. Amboise, conspiracy of, 116. Peace of, 118. Amboise, George of, minister of Louis XIL, 3h. American colonies, revolt of, 481. Independence of. Arenberg. Amiens, treaty of, 578, Amurath III., Turkish sul- tan, 201. IV., 202. v., 749. Anabaptists in MUnster, SI Ancona, French occupation of, 671. Andiassy, count, 748, 751. Andru>sov, truce of.l98, 204 Anhalt-Dessau, Leopold of 280, 328, 343, 365, 373. , Leopold of (the younger), 343. Angouleme, the duke of 640, 647. Anjon, Francis, duke of, in the Netherlands, 112, 123 Propored as husband for Elizabeth if England, 120 123. Death of, 123. Anne of Austria, married to Louis XIII., 152. Con- cerned in plot against Richelieu, 154. Regency of, 161. Relations with Maziirin, ib. Conduct in the Fronde, 164. Anne of Beaujeu, regent in France, 25. Anne of Brittany, marries Charles VIII., 25. Mar- ries Louis XIL, 38. Anne, regent of Holland, 399. Anne of Mecklenburg, regent in Russia, 387. E.\iled,388. Anne, of Russia, 287. Sup- ports Augustus ill., 316. War with Turkey, 320. Domestic governraeiit, 3^6. Death of, 386. Aimese, Gennaro, 178. 179. Ai tonelli, cardinal, 693. Antonio, prior of Crato, claims crown of Portugal, 104, 105. Antony of Bourbon, 115. Gained over by the Catho- lic parly, 117. Killed at Rouen, 118. Apasi, prince of Transyl- vania, 203, 204, 207, 212. Apraxin, Russian general, 407, 413, 415. Aragon, liberties of, sup- pressed, 103. Aranjuez, treaty of, 395. Areola, battle of, 558. Arcos, the duke of, 177. ArenI) rg, Austrian general, 361, 365, 368. 754 Arras. Arras, treaty of (1<135), 22. Treaty of (1482), 24. Artois, ceded to Louis XI., 24. Restored by Charles VIIL, 25. Annexed to France by treaty of the Pyrenees, 171. Artois, count of, 491, 492, 493. Flight of, ^98. At- tempts to form coalition against France, 517, 518. Plots of, 552, 584. Re- turns to Paris, 627. Atti- tude under Louis XVIil., 639, 640. Sucieeds to the crown, 658 (see Charles X.). Asporn, battle of, 608. Aspromonte, battle of, 725. Assiimats, the, 509, 552, 554. Auersiadt, battle of, 594. Aui^ereau, general, 561. Au^sburt-', confession of, 63. Religious peace of, 89, 130. League of, 237. Augustenburg, duke of, 691. Augustenburg, Frederick of, 726, 728.- Augustus II. (the Strong), of Sa.\ony and Poland, 19-<, 270, 272. Deposed in Po- land, 273, 274. Recovers the crown, 277. Death of, 315. Ill , of Sa.xony, obtains Polish crown, 316, 333. Claim to Austrian succes- sion, 310. .Joins league against Maria Theresa, 345. Concludes treaty with Austria, 351. Re- news the Austria^ alli- ance, 368, 371. Attacked by Prussians, 373. Con- cludes treaty of Dresden, 374. Driven from Sax- ony, 406. Recovers his territories by peace of Hubertsburg, 428. Death of, 442. Augustus AVilliam, brother of Frederick the Great, 411, 459 Austerlitz, battle of, 5?9. Avignon, papal residence in, 2, 9. Seized by Louis XIV., 219. Restored to the papacy, 244. An- nexed to France, 516, 627. Azof, acquired by Russia, 214. Restored to Turkey, 279. Recovered by Russia, 322. Babffiuf, conspiracy of, 554. Badajuz, taken by Welling- ton, 614 Baden, treaty of, 261 Grand duchy of, 591. INDEX. Bagnolo, treaty of, 14. Ballly, 493. Mayor of Paris, 498, 499, 514. Resigns his ofHce, 520. Death of, 545. Bajazct 11., 31. balaclava, battle of, 744. Baltadschi, Mehcmet, 278, 279. Baner, Swedish general, 146, 148, 149. Bar, confederatiiin of, 445. Barbarossa, commander of Turkish fleet, 73, 199. Ravages coast of Naples, 75. Barbesieux, 241. D3ath of, 249. Barcelona, treaty of, 25. Treaty of, between Charles V. and Clement VIZ., 51. Barclay do Tolly, 017, 621. Barenklau, 349. Barfere, 53G, 541, 542, 547, 549, 550. Barlaymont, 16, 118. Barnave, 5i 2, 511, 515, 528. Ban-as, 549, 553, 561, 568. Bart, Jean, 241. Bartenstein, John Christo- pher, 320. Bartenstein, treaty of, 597. Barthelemy, 560, 561. Basel, treaty ol, 551. Dis- putes in, 670. Rastille, taking of the, 497. Batavian Republic, 581, 587. Baihori, Stephen, elected king of Poland, 186. War with Rus,-ia, 187. Bautzen, battle of, 621. Bavaiia becomes an elector- ate, 138, 150. Kingdom of, .591. Bavarian Succession, 451. Biiylen, capitulation of, 603. Bayoime, conference of, 118. Bazaine, Marshal, 732, 735. Beaconsfleid, Lord, 749, 751, 752. Beaufort, the duke of, 161, 165. 168. Benujeu, j\nno of, regent in Franco, 25. Bed of Ju.-tice, 162. Beggars, the, oiigin of the name, 108. Belgium, conquered by French, 534. United to Holland, 631. Indepen- dence of, 661-667. Belgrad, relief of, 19. Taken by the Turks, 199. Cap- tured by imperial troops, 212. Recovered by the Turks, 213. B.ittle of, 316. Ceded to Austria, ih. Recovered by the Tin-ks, 321, 322. Bc'lleisle, marshal, 314, 3J5, Bomba. 348, 353, 357, 380, 383, 409, 418. Bender, Charles XII. at, 277, 278, 305. Benedetti, 734. Benedict XIV., pope, 435. Bennigsin, Russian com- mander, 596. Beresford, 614, 642, 643. Beresina, passage of the, 618. Bergerac, Edict of, 122. Berlin, treaty of (1742), 351. Congress of, 751. Treaty of (1878), 751. Berlin decree, the, 595. B e r n a d o 1 1 e, 568. 590. Adopted as heir to Charles XIII. of Sweden, 599, 616. Conduct in the war of liberation, 621, 622, 623. Obtains tlie cession of Norway to Sweden, 624. Bernhard of Saxe-Weira:ir, 143, 146. Defeatel at Nordlingen, ~ 147. Con- quers Els iss, 149. Death, ib. Bernis, Abbe de, 401, 409, 420. Berry, the duchess of, 641, 662. Adventures under Louis Philippe, 674, t75. Brny, the duke of, 264. , the duke of, assassi- nated, 640. Berryer, 676. Berthier, 499. Berwick, the duke of, 255, 301, 318. Bestoujef, Russian chan- cellor, 389, 405, 407. Fall of, 415. Bethlen Gabor, prince of Transylvania, 135, 137, 139, 140. Beust, count, 731. Beza, Theodore, 72. Bicocca, battle of, 47. Billaud-Varennes, 542, 546, 547, 548, 549, 550. Bircn, duke of Courland, 386, 441. Bismarck, 708. Prussian minister, 727, 728, 729. Chancellor of the North G e r m a n Confederation, 730. Imperial Chancellor, 737. Presides at the Con- gress of Berlin, 751. Blanc, Louis, 682, 684, 685, 686. Blanqui. 682, 685, 686. Blenheim, battle of, 253. Bliicher, Mai>hal, 594, 622, 623, 624, 632, 633. Blum, Robert, 702. Bolingbroke, viscount, 259, 260. Bomba, king (see Ferdinand II. of the Two Sicilies). Bona. Bona of Savoy, married to Galeazzo Siorza, Y. Re- gent in Milan, 8. Bonaparte, Jerome, 585, 592. King of Westpliulia, 59S. Fligiit of, 624. Bonaparte, Loulis, 585. M nie kingof Holland, 592. Re- sign-:, 611. Bonaparte, l.iicien, 56?, 585 Bonaparte, Joseph, 564, 585. Kingof Naples 592. King of Spain, 6o;i, 612, 613, 61-1 . Kxpelkd, 625. Bonaparte, Napoleon, 543, 553. Italian campaign (1796), 555-558. InvadfS Austria, 559. Threaten Venice, lb. Attitude on tlie 18th Fruclidor, 561. Con eludes treaty of Campo Formio, 562. Egyptian ex- peditiim. 563, 567. Heturn to France, 567, 568. Coup d'ttut of 18th Brum.'iire, 568. Becomes First Con- sul, 570. Marengo cini- paign, 574, 575. Concludes treaties of Luneville, 57 ij. and Amiens, 578. Consul lor life, 581. Renews the war with England, 583. Mnrders the duke (d Enghien, 585. Becom-s Emperor of the French, 585 (fee Napoleon I.). Bonnivet, commands the French in Lombardy, 48. Borgia, Rodrigo, lu (see Alexander VI.). Borgia, Ca'sar, 36. Conqu- rs Roinagna, 40. Death, ih. Boria, Catharine, manies Luther, 62. Borodino, battle of, 617. Borronieo, Carlo, archbi>hop of Milan, 98, 99. Botta, the marquis, 378, 3S0, 389. Boufflers, marshal, 2.0. 243, 251, 257. Bouille, 513, 514. Boulogne, taken by English, 78. Restored to France, j6. B.mrbon, cardinal of, 124. Proclaimed king, 125. Death, ib. Bourbon, the constable of, 48. Deserts Francis I., ib. Killed at the siege of Rome, 50. Bourbon, the duke of, 294. Minister of Louis XV., 302, 303. Riiurmont. general, 659. Boyne, battle of the, 240. Braddock, general, 397. Biaganza, Catharine of, married to Charles IL of England, 179. INDEX. Braganza, house of, claims Portugal. 104. Obfiiinsthe crown, \ 77, 220. Expelled by Napoleon, 608. Brandenburg, count, 701. Death of, 708. Bravo, Gonzalez, 733. Brazil, empire of, 643. Breda, peace of, 219. Brederode, 108. Breiteiifeld, battle of 144. Breslau, treaty of, 345. Pre- liminaries of (1742), 351. Breton Club, the, 50 i. Be- comes the Jacobin Club, 506. Bri(,'onnet, Guillaume, 34. Brienne, Lomenie d'-, 480, 489. Brihiiega, battle of. 259. Brill, seized by the " s>ea beggars." 110. Brissot, 520, 522, 531, 541. Broglie, the duke of, 418, 423, 421. 426, 495. , duke of, 674, 711. , marshal, 349, 352, 357. Bromsebro, treaty o', 185. Second treaty of'(1643),191. Bro.ii-sel, arrest of, 164. Re- leased, ib. Made Piovost of the Merchants, 168. IJrowne, Austrian genen 1, 378, .'i80, 405, 406. Death of, 411. Brubl, count, 368. Brnmaire, coup d'etat of the 18th, 568. Brunswick, the duke of, 5X7, 594. Bucharest, treaty of, 616. Huckingham, duke of, 155. Bucquoi, Austrian comman- d-r in Bohemia, 136. Buiiziak, treaty of, 204. Bulgaria, 749. Subdivided by treaty of Berlin, 751 Billow, 623, 624. Burgundy, duchy of, 22. Annexed by France, 2 1 . Burgundy, county ot, 24 (see Franche-Comte). Burgundy, the duke of, 256. Death of, 264. Burgundy, house of, 22. Burrard, Sir Harry, 603. Bnsaco, battle of, 613. Bute, lord, 425, 426. Buzot, 502, 545. Byng, admiral, 300, 399, 400. Byron, lord, 652. c. Cabrera, 679. Cadoudal, Georges, 584. Cajetan, cardinal, 55. Calabria, Alfonso of, 9. In Siena, 14 (see Alfonso II. of Naples). 755 Castelar. Calabria, John o!', claims Naples, 8. Goes to Cata- lonia, 26. Death, ib. Calais, recovered by France, 91. Calderon, 176. Calendar, the Republican, 545. Abolished, 592. Calixlus III., pope, 9. Calmar, union ot, 66. Caloivne, 487, 488. Calvin, John, 70. Exiled from Geneva, 71. Return, ib. Character of teaching of, ib. Death, 72. Calvinists, excluded from treaty of Augsburg, 89. Cambaceres, 570, 585, 620, 631. Cambray, league of, 41. Treaty of (1529), 51. Con- gress of, 307. Campeggio, cardinal, 60. Campenlown, battle of, 563. Campo Formio,treaty of,562 Canada, ceded to l-.nglaml, 428. Candia, war of, 180, 202,204. Canning, 597, 647, 6)8. At- titude towards Greece, 6.')2, 654,655. Dealh of, 655. Cape (;f Good Hope, ceded to England, 627. Capi.strano, 19. Capo d'lstria, count, 650. President in Greece, 656. Death of, 657. Cappel, treaties of, 65. Capponi, Piero, 35. Caraffa, cardinal, 94, 96 (see I'aulIV.). Carbonari, tlie, 644, 670, 718. Carlos, Don, son of Philip 11., 104. Carlos, Don, son of Philip V. of Spain, 299. Receives Parma and Piacenza, 315. Kxchanges the duchies for Naples and Sicily, 319. Forced to be neutral in Austrian Succession War, 356. Becomes King of Spain. 423 (see Charles lU. of Spain). Carlos, Don, brother of Fer- dinand VII., 679. Carlos, Don, the younger, 733, 738. Carlowitz, treaty of, 180, 214. Carlsbad, edicts of, 638, 669. Carlstadt, 58. Teaching to the peasants, 60. Carnot, 542, 544, 551. Be- comes a director, 553, 560. Attacked on 18th Fruc- tidor, 561. Carrier, 547, 548, 550. Carteret, 350. Cassel, battle of, 228. Castelar, 738. 756 Castel. Castel Fidardo, baltle of, 723. Casteliiaudari, battle of, l.")?. Castlercagb, 628, U37. Death of, 647. Castro, war of, 182. Catalonia, revolt of (1640), 177. Cateau-Cambresis, treaty of, 92. Catharine of Aragon, 28. Divorced by Henry VIII., 74. C.iiharine I., \\ife of Peter the Groat, 279, 285. lie- comes Czarina, 286, 312. II , of Russia, 390, 427, 439. Altitude towards I'oland, -141, 442. Secures tlie Polish crown for Sta- nislaus Poniatowski, 443. Arranges the Partition, 448. War with Turkey, 446. Concludes treaty of Kainardji, 449. Alliance with .Joseph II. ,456, 461. Second Turkish war, 461. C'includes peace at Jassy, 466. Suppresses the Polish constitution, 468. Ar- ranges Second Partition, 469. Makes final parti- tion, 471. Forms the Armed Neutrality, 483. Death of, 472, 561. Calinat, 240, 242, 250, 251. Cavaignac, general, 686, 7' 9. Cmdidate for the Pr<.si- dency, 710. Cavalier, 251, 255. Cavour, Camillo, 717, 7is. Interview with Napoleon III., 719. Resigns office, 721. Again minister, ih. Quarrel with Garibaldi, 722. Secures the two Sicilies, 723. Death of, 724. Cay la, madamo du, 641. Cazales, 501. Cerignola, battle of, 39. Cerisoles, battle of, 78. Cervantas, 176. Cevennes, r.sing in the, 251. Chaise, Pere la, 233. Chambord, count nf, 713. Chamillarf, 249, 256. Changarnier, general, 711, 712. Charles, archduke of Aus- tria, 245. Proclaimed as Charles )II. of Spain, 254. Driven from Castile, 255, 259. Becomes emperor, 259 (see Charles VI.). , the archduke, 557, 559, 565, 573, 589, 607, 608. Defsated at Wasram, 609. Charles, duke of Berry, 22. Becomes duke of Guienne, 23. Death, ib. , the Bold, duke of Bur- INDEX. gundy, 22. His schemes, 23. War with the Swiss and death, 24. Charles V., emperor, elcct'on of, 46. Rivalry with Francis I., ih. Foinis alliance with Henry VIII. and Leo X., 47. Extorts treaty of Madrid from Franiis, 49. Concludes treaties of Cambray and Barcelona, 51. Altitude towards religion, 57. At the diet of Augsburg (1529), 63. War with the Turks, 64. IntiTvention in Algiers, 73. Invades France, 75. Suppre>ses Castilian Cortes, 76. Puts down a revolt in Ghent, i6. Disastrous expedition to Algiers, 77. Concludes treaty of Crespy, 78. Pre- pares to attack the German Protestants, 82. Makes war on the Leagua of S.'hmalkaldf^, 83. Quarrels with Paul III., 81. Issu's the Interim, 85. Attacked by Maurice of Saxony, 86. Besieges Metz, 87. Abli- cates, 90. Death at San Juste, ib. VI., emperor, 259. Concludes treaty of Ri- Btadt, 261. Joins the Quad- ruple Alliance, 299. !■ x- changes Sardinia for Sicily, 301, 305. IWgn of, 3114- 322. A^sists Venice ajrainst the Turks, 305. Concliid s treaty of Passarowitz, 3U6. Issues the Pragmatic Sanc- tion, 308. Founds the Ostend Company, 3t9. Conduct in toe i'olish .-uc- cession, 317. Kxch.mges Naples and Sicily for Par- mi, 319. Death of, 322 Charles VII., emperor, 349. Driven from Bavai ia, ih. ^ Recovers Bavaria, 352. > Again expelled, 357. Joins I Union of Frankfort, 362. Again restored, 366. Dautli of, 367. Charles I., of England, marries Henrietta Jlaria, 138. Fail! to suppori Christian IV., 140. II., of England, marries Catharine of Braganza, 179. Sells Dunkirk to Fiance, 2i9. Concludes treatv of Dover, 222. Charles VII., of France, 22. VIII., of France, ac- cession of, 25. Expedi- tion to Naples, 34. Suc- cess, 36. Death, 38. Charles. Charles IX., of France, 117, 120. Conduct in the mas- sacre of St. Bartholomew, 121. Death, 122. X., of France, 655. Reign of, 658-662. Death of, 676 (see Arlois, count of). Charles III., of Lorraine. 156. R'storeii to his duchy, 171. Expelltd again, 222. Deaih of, 227. 1 v., o f Ijorraine, general in the imperial service, 208, 2j9, 210, 211,227.228, 229, 24u. Death of, 213. of L'lrraine, broiher-in- law of Maria Theresa, 319. Defeated at Chotusitz, 350. Commands on the Rhine, 3.')8, 359. Invades Alsace, 361. Retreats from the Rhine, 365. Campaign in Bohemia, ib. Defeated at Hohenfriedberg, 370, and at, Soor, 372. Defeated at Raucoux, 380. Charles of Maine, 33. Chailes III., of Savoy, 6n Kxpi'Ued by the French, 74 .' Fails to regain Lis duchy by treaty of Crespy, 78. Charles I., of Spain, acces- sion, 28 (see Charles V., emp' ror). II., of Spain, 179, 220, 244. Will of, 246, 247. D.atli of, 247. III., of Spain, 423. Re- news Family Compact with France, 426. Govern- ment of, 434. Banishes the Jesuits, 436. Jieathof, 437. Joins France against England, 4S2. Charles IV. of Spain, 538,576, 601. Abdication of, 602. Charles of Styria, 13=;. Charles IX., of Sweden, 129, 185, 188, 189. X., of Sweden, 192. War \\ith Poland, 193, 194. Death of, 195. . XL, of Sweden, 196, 270. War with Denmark and Pomerania, 197. Es- tablishes absolutism, ib. Death of, 198. XIL.of S.veden, 198,255, 271. War with Denmark, 272. AVar with Russia, 272, 276, 277. War with Poland, 272-275. Camp at AUranstadt, 274. Re- sidence at Bender, 278, 279. Return to Sweden, 280. Death of, 282. Xni., of Sweden, 599. Charles of Viana, son oi John II. of Aragon, 26. Charles. Charlos Albert, of Bavaria, claims Austria, 339, 340. Allicil witli France against jvlaria Tlieresa, 345, 348. Klectcd emperor, 349 (see Ctiarles VII., empcriir). Charles Albert, of Sardinia, 644, 646. Succeeds to the throne, 671. Rule of, 691, «92, 693. First war with ■i ustria, 693, 694. Second war, 699. Abdication of, 700. Charles Emanuel I., of Savoy, ls3. Acquires Saluzzo, i6. H., of Savoy, 184. 111., of Sivoy, 317, 318. Obtains Novara and Tor- tona, 319. Attitude in Austrian succession, 34'l, 355, 356. Concludes the treaty of Worms, 359. Conduct in the war, 375, 378, 380. Negotiates with France, 376, 377. Accepts treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle, 385. IV"., of Sardinia, 565. Charles Felix, of Sardinia, 614,616. Death of, G71. C.:arles Lewis, Fon of Fred- erick v., recovers Palatine electorate, 150. Charles Louis, of Lucca, 630, 692. Charles Theodore, Elector Pa- latine, 451. Obtains clecto INDEX, Christian 1 1.. of Denmark, 66. Driven Iromthe throne, 67, 185. III., of Denmark, 67. 185. Allied with France,77. IV., of Denmark, inter- vention in Germany, 139. 1 ofeated at Luttef, 140. Retires from the war, 141. Domestic government,185. First war with Swednn, 188, 189. Sjco..d war witli Sweden, 191. v., of Denmark, 197,198. VI., of Denmark, 390. VIII., of Denmark, 690. Death of, 691. IX., of Denmark, 726, 727. Chrisiian I., of Sa.vony, 131. Christina, regent In Spain, 679, 680. Christina of Sweden, acces- sion of, 146, 191. Abdica- tion of, 192. Chrz^mowski, general, 6i9. Cialdini, General, 723, 731. Cibo, Franceschetto, 10. Cinq-Mars, conspiracy of, 158. Cintra, convention ( f, 603. Circles, German, 21. Cisalpine Reiiublic, 558, 562, 566, 581. Cispadane Republic, 558. Ciuiia 1 R drigo, stormed by AVellinglon, 614. rale of Bavaria, i(). Treily Clement Vil., pope. with Joseph II., 457. Charter, the French, 628. Chasse, general, 666. Chateauroux, duchess of, 360. Chatelineau, 539, 543. Chatham, lord, 610. Cliatillon, family of, 116. Chatillon, congress of, 626. Cliaumette, 538, 546. Chaumont, treaty of, 626. Chauvelin, 638. Chcr:isco, treaty of. 143, 183. Chevreuso, madamo do, 161. Ciiiari, battle of, 250. Chilli Piisha, 306. Chlopicki, 667, 668. Choiseul, duke of, 420, 422, 426. Goveritment of, 433. Hostility to the Jesuits, 436. Attitude in Polish question, 442, 445. Fall of, 433, 448. Cholusitz, battle of, 350. Chonrchid Pasha, 651. Christian of Auhalt, minis- ter in the Palatinate, 133. Forms the Protestant Union, 134. Induces Fred- crick V. to accept Bohe- mian crown, 137. Christian of Brunswick, 137, 139. Death of, 140. Quarrels with Charles V., I 49. Imprisotied by im- perial for.es, 50. Makes peace with Charles, 51. Death, 74. ^— VIIL, pope, 127. IX., pope, 181, 234. Annexes Ferrara, 181. • XL, pope, 262, 301, 302. XIII., pope, 435, 436, 437. -XIV., pope, 437. Sup- presses the Jesuits, ib. Clement Augustus, arch- bishop ofCologne,238,214, 248, 251, 343. Clement, Jacques, assassi- nates Henry III., 125. Clermont, 415, 418. Clermont-Tomierre, 492, 498. 502. Clave and Jiilich, disputed succession to, 134, 324. Clichy, club of, 560. Clissow, battle of, 273. Clive, Robert, 397, 418. ClosterSeven, convention of, 412, 413. Cobenzl, Austrian minister, 576. Coliurg. the prince of, 544, 550, 551. Cord ay. Cochrane, lord, 643, 653. Code Mapolion, 580. Cognac, league of, 50. Cuhorn, 242, 243. Cuigni, 359, 361, 362, 365. Colbert, 216, 217, 222. Death of, 230. Culigny, admiral de, 116. Dcfetids St. yuentiu, 91. Assumes command of the Huguenots, 118. Defeated at Moncontour, 120. Ob- tains itifluence at court, ib. Assassinated, 121. Collot d'Herbois, 530, 542, 546, 547, 549, 550. Commines, Philippe de, em- bassy to Florence, 12. Embassy to Venice, 38. I Commerce, inHuence upon European politics, 310. I Common Penny, 20. t'oHi?«j(«e, of Paris, 526, 546, I 548. I Communes, rising of the, In Spain, 29. Compromise, the, 108. I Concini, favourite of Mary de Medici, 152. Death of, 153. Concordat (of 1516) between Leo X. and Francis I., 43. Do. (of 1802), 580. Do. (of 1813), 620. Conde, Louis, prince of, 116. Taken prisoner at Dreux, lis. Besieges Paris, 119. Killed at Jarnac, 120. Conde, the Great, 149. Con- duct during the Fronde, 165-169. Enters service of Spain, 169, 170. Re- stored to his property, 17]. Campaigns of, 220,225,227. Condorcet, 520. Confederation, the German, of 1815, 63n. Attcmpis to reform if, 689-707. Re- storation of, 708. Confederation, North Ger- man, 730. Coiiflans, treaty of, 22. Constant, Benjamin, 572, 640. Constantine, brother of Alex- ander L, 6.'')3. Conduct in Poland, 667. Death of, 668. Constantinople, fall of, 2, 29. Treaty of, 14. Constituent Assembly, 501- 516. Conlariiii, cardinal, 82, 93. Conti, tlie prince of, candi- date for Polish throne, 198. Convention, the, 529. Copenhagen, treaty of, 195. Bombarded by Nelson, 577. Second bombardmetit (1H07), .199. Corday, Charlotte, 541. 758 C -rdeliers. Cordeliers, the diil) of, 546. Corfu, ceded t.i \'eiiice, 306. Cornaro, Catharine d i, 14. Corneille, 160. Corsica, sold to France, 433. Corunna, battle of, 6n7. Council of Blood, established by Alva, 108. Council of Regeiicy, in (ier- ruaiiy, 20. Eevived, 46. Courland, duchy of, 1«7. Annexed to Russi i, 472. Couthon, 520, 542, 546, 547, 548, 549. Coiitras, battle of, 124. Crefeld, batlle of, 418. Crell, cUancillor of Saxony, 13!. Crequi, marshal, 227, 228, 229. Crespy, tn-iity of, 78. Cri'te, loiifiuered by the Turks, 180. Ciime.i, ceded to Russia, 456. Crimean war, 743-745 Cromwell, allied with France, 170. Dpath of, 171. Re- lations with the north, 193. CuUodeii, battle of, 379. Cumberland, the duke of, 369, 382,384, 412. Cumurgi, Ali, 305. Custine, 527, 534, 545. Custozza, battle of (1848), 664. liattle of (186G), 731. Cyprus, annexed to Venice, 14. Conquered by tlie Turks, 201. Cedfd to England, 752. Czartoriski, Adum, 667, 668. D. Dildm.mn, 702,707. D'Aiguillon, 433, 477. J)amieu3, 409. Danton, 515, 525, 526. Or- ganises the September massacres, 527. Conduct in the Convention, 531 , 532, 539. In Belgium, 535. Attitude durint; theTerror, 545, 546. Deatli of, 547. Panzig, made a free state, 598. D'Argenson, 357. Italian scheme of, 376. Dis- missal of, 381. Darmes. 678. Daun, Marshal, 411, 417, 422, 421. D-ivoust, 608, 633. Decazes, minister of Lotiis XVIII., 639, G40, 641. De Launay, 497. Delessart, 519, 523. Demetrius, the False, 189. The second False, ib. Denain, battle of, 260. Dennewitz, battle of, 623. INDEX. Departments, creation of Frencli, 507. De Ilet/., car.iinal, 164, 166, 167, 168. Desaleurs, 278. Descartes, 109, 191. I'esmarets, 256. Dismoulins, Camille, 496, 501,530,546. Death 01,547. D-.ttirigen, battle of, 358. Devolution, law of, 220. iJiebitsch, Russian general, 656. In Poland, 668. Diet, the German, 15. iJirectory, the, instituted. 552. Composition of, 553. Fall of, 668. Djom, brother of Bajazet II., 31. Handed over to Charles Vlll., 35. Death, 38. Djezzar Paslia, 567. Dolgorouki, Iwan, 286. Donauwiirth, annexed to Bavaria, 133. Doria, Andrea, 61. Doroschenko, 2ii4. Hover, treaty of, 222. Dragatscban, battle of, 650. Dre-sden, treaty of, 374. Battle of, 923. Dubarry, madame, 433. Death of, 545. Dubois, the abbe, 295, 298, 300. Becomes a cardinal, 301. Death of, 302. Dumouriez, 520. Becomes a mini-ter, 523. Resigns, 521. Repulses the Prus- sians, 528. Conquers Bel- gium, 534. D^'lcited at Neerwinden, 539. Faihire of his plan and flight, 539, 640. Duncan, admiral, 563. Dunkirk, acquired by Eng- land, 170. Sold to France, 219. Dupes, d.iy of, 156. Diipleix, .397. Diipont de I'Eure, 674, 684, 711. Huquesnc, 227. , Fort, 397. Cjpturedby the English, 419. E. Eok, controversy of, with Luther, 55. Eggeiiberg, minister of Fer- dinand II , 141. Egmont, count, 91. Heads the nobles in the Nether- lands, 106. His embassy to Madrid, 107. Imprisoned by Alva, 11'8. Executed, 109. Egypt, conquered by the Turks, 31. Bonaparte's expedition to, 563. Made Family. hereditary for Mehemet Ali, 742. Elector.?, the seven, H. Elizabeth, of IIuKland, 92. Supports the Huguenols, 118. Proposals of a French marriage for, 120. ot Parma, wife of Philip V. of Spain, 296, 310, 311, 336, 340. Concludes treaty of Seville. 314. Joins League of Turin, 317, 318. Amiiition of, 354. Loses power on death of her liusband, 378. Elizabeth, of Russia, 388. Hostility to Frederick the Great, 390, 403, 415. Allied with Austria against Prus- sia, 407. Death of, 427. Elliott, general, 486. Elsass, ceded to Charles the Bold, 23. Conquered by Bernhard of Saxe-Weiniar, 148. Ceded to France, 149, 150 (see Alsace). Emanuel Philibert, of Savoy, wins battle of St. Quei.tin, 91. Recovers his father's duchy, 92. His govern- ment, 183. Emilia, province of, 721. Empire, Holy Roman, de- cline of, 2. Loss of power in Italy, 7. Connexion with German monarchy, 15. End of, 592. Enghien, duke of, murdered, 584. Enzh( im, battle of, 226. Erfurt, interview at, 606. Eric, of Sweden, 185. Ernest Augustus, of Han- over, 688. Grants con- stitution, 690. Escorial, the, built by Philip IL, 101. Espartero, 679, 680. Espinosa, battle of, 606. Kstatuto Ecal, 679. Etaplcs, treaty of, 25. Eugene Beauharnais, 585. Viceroy of Italy, 587. Fidelity to Napoleon, 618. Defeated at Mcickern, 621. Receives principality of Eichstadt, 626. Eugene, prince, of Savoy, 210, 214, 243, 249, 250, 252, 253, 257, 261, 305, 300,309, 310, 318. Death of, 320. Eugenie, the empress, 711. Flight from France, 735. Evoramente, treaty of, 672. Eylau, battle of, 596. F. Family Compact (1733), 336. Do. (1761), 426. Farel. Farel, Guillaiimc, "0. Farncse, Alexander, 104. Ooniinaniis in tlie Nc- thei lands, 111. Hcduces southern provincts, 112. Intervention in France, 125. Death, ib. Farnese, Ottavio, marries Charles V.'s daughter Mar- garet, 76. Obtains Parma and Piacenza, 91. Farnese, I'ieroLulgi, receives Parma and Piacenza from Paul III., 84. Murdered, ib. Favre, Jules, 735, 736. Fehrbellin, battle of, 197, 325. Fdneloii, 256, 264. Feodor, of Russia, 199. •Ferdinand (the C.itholic), of A rag on, 26. Mariies Uahella of Castile, 27. Family policy, 28. An- nexes Naples,ib. Deiih,t6. Ft-rdinaiid 1., emperor of Austria, 688. Attitude to- wards the revolutionary movement, 689, 696, 697. Abdication of, 697. Ferdinand of Brnns\vick,414 . Victories of, 415, 418, 422, 426. Ferdinand I., emperor, ac- quires Bohemia and Hun- gary, 52. Concludes treaty of I'assau, 86. Concludes peaceof Augsburg, 89. Be C'imes emperor by Charles V.'s abdication, 91. Re- ligious policy, 130. • II., emperor, 137. Drives FredTick V. from Bohemia, 137. Suppnsses Protestantism in his terri- tories, 138. Issues Edict of Restitution, 142. Dis- misses Wallenstein, 143. Recalls Wallenstein, 144. Introduces the Jesuits into Hungary, 205. Death of, ItH. III., emperor, w ins vic- tory at Nordlingen, 147. Succeeds his father, 149. Concludes treaty of West- p h a 1 i a, 1 50. Supports Poland against Sweden, 194. Persecutes Protes- tants in Hungary, 205. Ferdinand I., of Naples, 8. His cruel rule, 9, 33. Death, 35. . IE., of Maples, 36. Re- covers Naples, 37. Death, ib. IV., of Naples, 434,565, 566. Restored in Naples, 6.32 (see Ferdinand I. of the Two Sicilies). INDEX. Ferdinand Vr., ofSpaii', 378, 395, Death of, 423. VII., '.f Spain, 601. Imprisoned by Napoli'on, 602. Released, 625. Re- stored, 641. Revolt against, 642. Recovers authority, 647. Abolishes tlie Salic law in Spain, 679. Death of, ib. Ferdinand, of Styria, 135. Acknowledged as heir to Matthias, 136. Elected emperor, 137 (see Fer- dinand II., emp ror). Ferdinand I., of the Two Sicilies, 639, 644. Accepts constitution, 645. Re- covers absolute power (see Ferdinand IV., of Naples). II., of the Two Sicilies (Bomba), 671, 691, 694. Cruellies in Sicily, 701, 717. Death <'f, 722. Ferdinand III., of Tuscany, 556, 565, 630, 643. Fermor, Russian general, 415. Defeated at Zorn- dorf, 417. Ferrari, war of (1482), 4, 14. Annexed to papal states, 181. Ferrieres, 514 Feuillants, the, 515, 519. Fieschi, 676. Finland, conquered by Russia, 279. Flesselles, 497. Fleurus, battle of, 240. Battle of, 551. Fleury, cardinal, 302. Be- comes chief minister, 303. Attitude in Polish suc- cession question, 316, 317. Secures Lorraine for France, 319. Attitude in Austrian succession, 341, 344. Or)poses Maria Theresa, 345. Death of, 356. Flodden, battle of, 42. Florence, the capital of Italy, 725. Florida, sold to the United States, 642. Foix, Gaston de, 41. Killed at Ravenna, 42. Fontainebleau, treaty of, 360. Tretityof(1785),457. Treaty of (1807), 600. Fontenoy, battle of, 309. Fomovo, battle of, 37. Foscari, Francesco, 13. Fouche. 568, 631, 633. Foulon, 496, 499. Fouque, general, 424. Fouquet, 216. Fox, Charles James, death of, 593. 759 Frederick. Foy, general, 638. Franche-Comte, ceded tn Louis XL, 24, Restored by Charli-s VIII., 25. Conquered by French, 220. Restored to Spain, 221. Second conquest of. 225. Ceded to F'rance at Nim- wegen, 229. Francesco d'Fsle, duke of Modena, 351, 355. 385. Francis of Anjou-Alei]5on, 122, 123. Francis IL, of Brittany, en- gaged in war of Public Weal, 22. Death, 25. Francis I., emperor, 372,392, 406. Death of, 436. II., emperor, 468, 522, 524. Assumes title of emperor of Austria. 586. Abandons the old imperial title, 592 (see Francis L, emperor of Austria). Francis I., emperor of Austiia, 592, 637. Death of, 688. Francis L, king of France, 43. Conquers Milan, ib. Concludes Concordat with }jQO X., ib. Candidature for the empire, 45. Rivalry with Charles V., 46. Taken prisoner at Pavio, 49. Concludes treaty of Madrid, ib. Forms league against Charles, 50. Concludes treaty of Cam bray, 51. Renews the war, 74. Death, 78. Francis II., of France, 116. Francis IV., of Modena, 630, 644, 670, t7l. v., of Modena, 692, 693, 720. Francis I., of the Two Sicilies, 645. Death of, ■ 671. II., of the Two Sicilies, 722. Expelled, 723. Francis Joseph, of Austria, 697, 698, 708. Issues con- stitution of 1861, 7j6. Commands in Italv, 720. Francis Stephen, of Lori ain ^, 313. Marries Maria Theresa, 319, 338. Ex- changes Lorraine for Tus- cany, 319. Candidature for the empire, 343. Elected emperor, 372 (see Francis I., emperor). Frankfort, union of, 361. Annexed to Prussia, 730. Treaty of, 736. Frauenstadt, battle of, 274. Frederick I., of Denmark, 67, 185. IL, of Denmark, 185. 7C0 Frederick. Frederick III., of Denmark, 194, I'JS. Kstiiblisbcs ab- Bolutis.i', 196. IV., of r>eninark, 270, 271. 272, 278, 283. VI., of Denmark, 624. Vir , of Denmark, 691, 7()9. Death of, 726. Fr>derick III., emperor, 15. Goes to Rome, 17. Inter- view witli (Charles the Bold, 23. Guardian of La- dislaus Postumus, 18. Ac- quires Austria, 19. War with Hungary, 20. Death, ib. Frederick III., lOlector P.i- laline, 131. IV., Kiector I'alaline, 131. v., Klccior PiiUitine, 131. Marrie.s Klizabeth of Eiigl.and, ib. Accep's the crown of Boh mi n, 137. Driven from Bohemi i, ib. Deprived of liis eiectorat , 138. Joi sGustaviis .Vuol- phus, 144. Frederick of Naple.s, 37. Kxpelled Irom his ki. g- dom, 39. Frederick I., of Piussia. 327. II. (the Great), of Prussia, quarrel with Ids father, 331, 332. Acces- sion of, 334, 337. invades Silesia, 312. Alliance with France, 345. Con- cludes convention of Klein Sclinellendorf, 347. liieiks the convention, 348. Mo- ravian campaign, 348-350. Makes peace with Maria Th'Tesa, 351. Forms Uidon of Frankfort, 362. Fresh r'lliance with France, 363. Invade.s Bohemia, 363, 364. I!epul-ed by Traun, 365. Repils .ittack on Silesia,' 37u. Invades Saxony, 373. Concludes the treaty of Dresden, 374. Alliance with England, 399. In- vades Sixony, 404-406. Itivadi-s liohemia, 411. I 'efeated at Ksolin, ib. \ictories at Rossbacb, 413, Lcuthen, 414, and Zorn- dorf, 417. Defeated at H' chkirch, 417, and ICunersdorf, 421. Victory at I'orgau, 424. Concludes prace of Hubertsburg, 429. Domestic government. ■( 38. Attitude in tlie Polish question, 410, 443. In- terviews with Joseph II., 447. Arranges partition, 448. Opjiosts Joseph II. in Bavarian succession. INDEX. 451, 452. Forms the FUrstenbund, 457, 458. Joins the Armed Neu- trality, 483. Death of, 458. I Frederick, elector of Saxony, 4 6. Founds itiiiversity of Wittenberg, 54. Supports ' Luther, 57. Death, 61. Frederick, of Sweden, 389. Fred Tick Augustus, of ; S.ixony, 595, 621, 624. j I Recovers part of Saxony, 629. 1 Fredeilck William, of j Brandenburg (the Great Elector), 149, 192, 193, 222. ' j Frei s Pi ussia Irom Polish suzerainty, 194, 195, 324. I War with Sw.din, 197, ' 22G, 229, 325. At war with lx)UisXIV., 223, 24e, 324. Claims in Silesia, 325. Domestic govern- ment, 326. Frederick William I., of Prussia, 327. War with j Sweden, 280, 283, 329. ! Joins league of Hanover. I 3 2. Concludes treaty of Wusterhausen, 312, 330. Relations with the emperor, 322, 330,333,334. Domestic government, 328. (. laims to Jiilich and B Tg, 330. (.^uarrel «ith bis son, 332. II.,of J'russia, 459, 400, •((54,465. Concludes tieaty of Reiciienbach,4 66. Atti- tude lowards Poland, 467.1 Col icl tides .'second Partition, 409. Accepts Third Par- tition, 472. Attitude to- wards France, 517, 518. Co'icludes treaty of Basel, ' 551. Death of, 584. I Ill , of Prussia, 584, ! 586. Joins league against I j France, 590. Makes peace,! 591. Renews the war, 593. Accepts treaty of Tilsit, 598. Grants passage to French, 615. Forced into the war of liberation, 619. Joins the Holy Alliance, 636. Refuses constitution to Prussia, 637 . Death of, 688. IV., of Prussia, 688. Attitude towards revo- lution, 689, 701. Inter- vention in Holstein, 691, 703. Refuses the offer of the empire, 705. Policy in Germany, 707, 70S. Death of, 725. Freiljurg, battle of, 149. Friedewalde, treatv of, 86. Friedland, battle of, 597. George. Friedlingen, battle of, 251. Friedrichshall, Charles XII.'s death at, 282. Friesland, Kast, ceded to Hanover, 629. Fronde, the, 164-169. Fructidor, coup d'etat of the 18th, 561. ] Frundsberg, George, 50. ! Fuentes d'Onoro, battle of, I 614. j Filrstenberg, William of 238. 1 FUrstenbund, the, 458. Fussen, treaty of, 368. G Gadebuscb, battle of, 280. Gagern, president of the Germiin Parliament, 702, • 704, 705, 707. Gages, Spanish general, 356, 359, 37.5, 376, 378. ' Gambetta, 735, 736. Garibaldi, 695. Defends j Rome, 700. opposes the cession of Nice, 722. In Sicily and Naples, 722, 723. Defeated at Aspro- monte, 725. Defeated by the French at Mentana, 732. In France, 736. Garigliano, the, 36. Battle of, 39. Garnier- Pages, 682, 68 1. Ga.stein, convention o', 728. Gaston of Orleans, brother of Louis XIII. (at tir^t of Anjou), 154, 155. (Quar- rels with Richelieu, 156. Claim to the regency, 161. Hostility to Mazarin, 166. Death of, 109. Gemblours, battle of. 111. Geneva, Reformation in, 69. United to France, 56". Annexed to Switzerland, 6i0. Genoa, c^ded to Sardinia, 628. George, margrave of Bran- denburg, becomes a Pro- testant, 63. George 1 , ( f Hanover and England, 280, 283, 298. II., of England and Hanover, 341, 345. Se- cures the neutrality of Hanover, 346. Wins liattle of Dettingen, 358. Concludes convention of Hanover with Piussia, 371. Relations with Austria after the war, 395. Allied with Prussia, 399, 409,415. Death of, 425. IIL, of England, 573, 583. George I., of Greece, 748 George. George, duke of Saxony, 62. Opposition to I'roiestant- ism, 63. Death, 81. George William of Brand n- burg, 143. Gerard, Balthasar, assassi- nates William the Silent, 112. Gerard, marshal, 666. Gertruydenburg, congi". ss at, 258. Ghent, revolt of, against Charles V., 76. I'aeifica- tion of. 111. Gibraltar, seized by the En- glish, 254. Ceded at Utrecht, 260. Siege ol, 313, 314. Second siege of, 483, 486. Girondists, the, 520, 531. Fall of, 541, 545. Gneisenau, 605, 616, 632. Goito, battle of, 694. Godoy, Spanisli minister, 538, 576, 600, 001. Godunof. Boris, 189. Gondi, Paul dc, 164 (ice De Ketz). Gonsalvo de Cordova, 28. Victories over the French in Naples, 39. Oorgey, Hungarian leader, 697, 698, 699. Gortschakoff, 7-t3, 745, 751. Gourko, general, 750. Giirz, count, 280. J n service of Charles XII., 281, 282. E.\ecut.ed, 283, 300. Granada, conquest of, 27. Treaty of, 39. Grand Alliance, the, 2)8, 249. Granson, battle cf, 24. Granvella, cardinal, 104. Ilecalled from the Nether- lands, 105. Oravelines, liattle of, 91. Gravellotte, battle of, 735. Gregory XIII., pope, 99. XV.. 182. XVI., 671,691. Death of, 692. Greece, kingdom of, 657. Gr^vy, Jules, 737. Grodno, diet of, 470. Gross Beeren, battle of, 623. Gross Giirschen, battl; of, 621. Gross Hennersdorf, battle o", 373. Grouchy, marshal, 632. Grumbkow, 331, 332. Guerrazzi, 695. Guinegate, battle of (1482), 24. Battle of (1512), 42. Guise, Charles, duke ot, 126. Guise, Claude of, 115. Guise, Francis of, 115. Com- mander in i\Ietz, 87. Op- posed to Alva In lUily, 34 INDEX. 91. Captures Cjlais, ih. Assasshiated, 118. Guise, Henry, duke of, 121. Forms the C Jtholic Leii gue, 123. Assassinated, 121. Guise, the duke of, in Naples, 176. Guise, Mary of, married to James V. of Scothmd, 77. Guizot, C59, 672. 674, 676. Embassy to Londim, 677. Ministry of, 678, 680. Rfsignation of, 683. Gustavus Vasa, 67. Be- comes king of Suidcn, 68. Introduces the Re- furmatinn, 69. Adolphus, of Sweilen, interests invi.ived in Thirty Yeais' War, 139. Sends aid to Stralsiinil, 141. Lands in Get many, 143. Obtains alliance uf Brandenburg and Snxony, lb. Defeats Tilly, 144. Marches into soulherii Germany, ib. lteduce^ Bavaria, ib. Kilhd at Liitzen. 145, 191. Acces- sion. 188. Kelations with Russia, 190. War with Poland, ib. ■ HI., of SweJen, JOi, 517, 523. Gustavus IV., of Swrd^ n, 587. Deposed, 599. Gyllenborg, 282. Hague, treaty of the (1788), 461. Do. (1794), 550. Halle, university of, 325. Hanover, league of, 312, aso. Convention of, 371. King- dom of, 630. Anne.\td ti Prussia, 730. Hapsburg, house of, ac- quires Auftda. 16. Ol) tains I ructically heredi- tary possssion of the empire, 15. Acquires the Netiieil;inds,20. Acquh-es Hitngaiy ami noh tlie three bishoprics, 87. Persecutes Protcstantisnj, 115. Death, ib. III., of Franco, 122, 124. Assassinated, 125. IV., of France, be- comes head of the house of Bourbon, 118. Heir to the throne, 123. Wins battle of Coutras, 124. Obtains the crown, 125. Defeats the League, ib. Becomes H Roman Catholic, 126. Issues edict of Nantes, ib. His government, 127. AUiarce with German Protestants, 134. Assas- sinated. 128, 134. Henry VIII., of England, allied with Cbailes V., 47. Joins France, 50. Jealous of French influence in Scotland, 77. Captures Boulogne, 78. Henry of Navarre, 120, 123 (.«ec Henry IV. ot France). Hemy of Portugal, 104. Henry of Prussia, brother ot Frederick the Great, 415, 421, 427, 442,447. Henry, duke of Saxony, in- troducra I'rotestantism, 81. Herzegovina, conquered by tbe Turks, 31. Revolt of, 748. Hertzberg, Prussian min- ister, 46i>, 461. Policy of, 462, 464, 466. Hesse-Cassel, electorate of, 582. Annexed to Prussia, 730. 762 Hildburghausen. HiliiburRliausen, prince of, 412, 413. Hobart I'asba, 748. Hoche, Lazare, 544,554, 559. Death of, 562. Hoclikirch, battle of, 41T. Ib.chstett, battle of, 575. Hofer, Andrew, 608. iJeatli of, 611. Hohenfiiedberg, battle of, 370. Holienlinden, battle of, 576. Ilohenlohe, Prince, 594. Holienzolleni, house of, ac- quires Brandenburg, 16. Hi)henzollern - Sigm rhigen, Ijcopold of, 734. ■ -, Charles of, 745. Holdernebou, 643. Quarrel with Dom Miguel, 647, 648. Death, 671. John, elector of Saxony, 61. Signs Protest of Spcier, 63. Death, 6t. John IIL, of Sweden, 129, 185. John Casimir, of Poland, 193, 194. Abdicates, 198. John Frederick, elector of Saxony, 64. Captured at Muhlberg, 84. Deprived of his electorate, ib. Re- leased, 86. Fails to re- cover electorate, 88. John George, of Saxony, 131. Obtains Lausitz, 137. Allied with Sweden, 144, 145. Signs treaty of Prague, 148. John Sigismund, of Bran- denburg, 134, 324. Joseph I., emperor, 253, 259, 276. IL, emperor, 438. Interviews with Frederick the Great, 447, 450. Policy of, 449, 450. Claim to Bavarian succession, 451. Forced to accept treaty of Teschen, 452. Reforms of, 453-455. Alliance with Catharine IL, 456, 461. Scheme "to exchange the Netherlands for Bavaria, 457. Foiled by Frederick 11., 458. Turkish war, 463. Death of, 464. Joseph I., of Portugal, 435, 436. Joseph, Father, Richelieu's right-l^aml man, 143. Joseph Ferdinand, electoral prince of Bavaria, 245, 246. Josephine Beauharnais, married to Bonaparte, 555. ,585. Divorced, 612. Death of, 626. Joubert, 559, 566, 567. Jourdan, 544, 551, 555, 557, 565, 625. .Juarez, 732. Julich. iilich and Cleve, disputed succession to, 134, 324. Julius II., pope, 40. Forms league of Cambray and Holy League, 41. Death, 42. III., 86. Calls second meeting of Council ot Trent, 87, 96. Death, 88. Junot, inar.-hal, 6Ui). Justice, bed of, 162. K. Kadan, peace of, 81. Kaghul, liattlo of, 446. Kainarilji, treaty of, 449, 450, 456. Kaliscb, treaty of, 619. Kantemir, 27s. Kardis, treaty of, 195, 198. Katte, lieutenant von. 332. Katzbach, battle of, 623. Kaunitz,383. Policy of, 393, 400, 408, 410, 438. Em- bassy to Versailles, 394. Chief minister of Austria, 395. Interview with Fred- crick II., 447. Position under Joseph II., 454. Arranges alliance with Kussia, 456. Kellermann, 527, 534. Kemenyi, John, prince of Transylvania, 203 Kesselsdorf, battle of, 373. K ttler, Gothard, iounds duchy of Courland, 187. Khevenhiiller, Austrian ge- neral, 349, 352, 357. Khoczim, battle of, 204. Kiel, treaty of, 624. Kiuprili, Mohammid, 202. , Achmet, 203, 2U4, 207. , Mustafa, 212, 213. Kleber, 567, 578. Klein Schnellendorf, con- vention of, 347. Knights, German, 16. A\'ar of, 59. Kolberg, siege of, 424. Kolin, battle of, 411. Kolokotroni, 650, 651, 052. Kolowrat, Austrian minister, 695. Konieh, battle of, 741. Kciniggratz, battle of, 730. Konig.sberg, treaty of, 193. KiJnigsegg, Austrian ge- neral, 321. Kosciusko, 47n, 471, 472. Kossuth, 6 5. 097, 098. Es- capes to Tuikey, 6r9. Kotzebue, assassination of, 638. Kray, Austrian general, 574, 575. Krudener, baroness, 636. Kunersdorf, baltle of, 421. Kutaieh, treaty of, 741. INDEX. Kutschuk Kainardji, tre.ity of, 449, 450, 456. Kutusow, Russian general, 617,618, fil9. L. Labiau, treaty of, 194. La Chetardie, 387. Ladisl.ius VI., ol Poland and Hungary, ] s. Vil., of Poland, 189, 190. Ladisluis Po tumus, 18. D^ath, 19. La Favorita, battle of, 558. Lafayette, 481. 492. Com- mander of National Gu.ird, 498, 499, 504, 505, 506, 514, 515. Kesigns com- mand, 520. In command of the army, 522, 523. 524. Treachery of, 527. Share in the Revolution of 1830, 659-661. Dismissed by Louis Philippe, 674. Laffite, 661, 674. La Hogup, battle of, 241. Lainez, general of the Jes- uits, 94. 95. At the Coun- cil of Trent, 98. Lally-Tollendal, 492, 502. Limarck, count of, 512, 513. I.a Marmora, generjl, 71'?, 731. L;imartine, 682, 6Sl, 685. Candidate for ihi Presi- dencj-, 710. L;imberg, count, assassin- ated, 697. Lamoriciere, general, 712. In papal service, 722, 723. Landskrona, battle of, 197. Lanjuinais, 537, 5n. Langensalza, battle of, 730. La Reveillere-Lepaux, 553. 560. La Rochelle, headquarters of the Huguenots, 120, 121. Besieged by Riche- lieu, 134, 155. L;iscy, general, 386, 387, 463. Laudon, Austrian general, 410, 421, 422, 424, 425, 46J. Lauenburg, ceded to Den- mark, 629. Ceded to Prussia, 728. LaunVld, battle of, 382. I.,aus,inne, treaty of, 183. Lautiec, commands the I''rench in Lombardy, 47. Takes Genoa, 50. Besieges Naples, 51. Death, ib. La Vi.lette, 436. La Vindee, ri>ing in, 539, 541, 543. Law, Joh'i, 292. His finan- cial schemes, 293, 294. Failure, 295. 763 Letourneur. Laybach, congress of, 645, 650. League, the Catholic, formed in France, 123. Submits to Henry IV., 126. Lebrun, 570, 585. Leczinska, Marie, married to Louis XV., 302, 311, 316. Death of, 433. Leczinski, Stanislaus, made king of Poland, 274, 275. Driven from Poland, 277, 283. Electedkingiii 1733, 316. Driven again from Poland, ib. Receives Lor- raine, 319. Death of, 433. Ledru-Rollin, 682, 685. Candidate for the Presi- dency, 710. E.\ile of, 711. L(gi^lative Assembly, the, 519-529. Lehwald, m.irshal, 412, 413. Leipzig, battle of (1813), 624. Lemburg, battle of, 205. Leo X., pope, 42. Concludes concordat with Francis I., 43. Allies himself with Charles V., 47. E.xcom- municates Luther, 56. l.'eath, 47. Leo Xil., 643. Leoben, preliminaries ol, 559. Leopold I., emperor, elec- tion of, 170. First war with the Turks, 203, 294. Persecutes Hungarian Protestants, 206. Flies to Linz, 208. Annexes Transylvat ia, 213. Con- cludes treaty oft 'arlowitz, 214. Claim to the Spani,-h succession, 245. Death of, 253. XL, emperor, 464, 465. Concludes treaty of Reich- enbach, 466. Attitude to- wards Poland, 467. Atti- tude towards France, 518, 519, 522. Death of, 468, 522. Leopold, of Lorraine, re- stored to his duchy at Ryswick, 244. Leopold of Saxe-Cuburp, reiuses the crown of Greece, 657. King of the Belgians, 666. Leopold II , of Tuscany, 691, 692. Quits Tuscany, 695. Returns to Florence, 700. Flight of, 720. Lepanto, battle of, 99, 201. Lerma, the duke of, mip'^^'er in Spain, 174. F-'Hof, 176. Le Tellier, 216, 217. , Pere, 261, 262, 291. Letourneur, 553, 56t). 764 Leuthen. Leuthen, battle of, 414. Lewis uf Baden, general in the imperial service, 210, 212, 213. 251, 252, 253. Lewis I., of Bavaria, 690. Lewis, king of Hungary and Bohemia, killed at Mo- hacz, 52, 199. Le s is Ferdinand of Prussia, 593, 594. Levenhaupt, Swedish gene- ral, 274, 276, 277. Leyden, siege of, 110. Uni- versity of, ib. Leyden, Jolin of, 81. Leyva, Antonio dt, 43. De- fe.its the French, 51. L'Hupital, Michel, 116, 117. Supported by Catharine de Medici, 119. Dismissal of, 120. Liege, risings in, 23. Liegiiitz, the duchy of, 325. Battle of, 424. Ligny, battle of, 632. Limerick,pacificationof,241. Lisbon, treaty of, 179, ISO. Lisle, Rouget de, 525. LithuaLia, united to Poland, 185. Loano, battle of, 555. Lobau, island of, 608. Lobkowitz, minister of Leopold r., 206. Lobkowitz, Austrian gene- ral, 350, 352, 360, 367, 375. Lobositz, battle of, 406. Lodi, treaty of, 7. Battle of, 556. Lola Montez, 690. Lonato, battle of, 557. London, treaty of (1827), 655. Do. (1840), 078, 742. Longjumeau, treaty of, 119. Longiieville, duchess of, sif-ter of the Great Conde, 1C5, 166. Lope de Vega, 176. Lorges, marshal de, 240. Lorraine conqucrtd by Charles the Bold, 23. Pe- covered by Peae IL, 24. Restored to Ciuirle? III., 171. Seized by France, 222. Restored to Leopold by treaty of Ryswick, 244. Ceded to St.inislaus Leczinski, 319. Reverts to France, 433. Lorraine, cardinal of, at the council of Trent, 97. Minister in France, 115. Louis XL, of France, 22. Relations with Charles the Bold, 23-4. Death, 24. ^— XIL, of France, .38. CoTiqucrs Milan, 39. Divides Kaples with INDEX. Spain, ib. Alliance with the Burgias, ib. Attacks Venice, 41. Driven from Italy, 42. Third marriage and (leatli, ib. Louis XIII., of France, 152. Assumes the government, 153. Relations with Richelieu, 156, 158. Death of, 161. XIV., of France, de- cla'ed ot age, 167. Ap- pears at battle of Stenay, 170. Marries Matli Theresa, 171. Reiga of, 215-266. XV., of France, ac- cession of, 288. Comes of age, 302. Undertakes military command, 361. Illness at Metz, 362. Government of, 394. Colonial quarrel with England, 397. Allied with Austria, 402, 409, 410. Debauchery uf, 433. Death o'', 434. XVI., 476, 452. Sup- ports Turgot, 479. Sum- mits States General, 489. Relations with National Assembly, 493, 494, 495, 498. Goes to Paris, 506. Compact with Mirabeau, 512. Attempted flight of, 514. Accepts the consti- tution, 516, 519. Rela- tions with Legislative Assembly, 521, 522. Ini- pri'oned in the Tempi", 526. Trial of, 536. Exe- cuted, 537. XVII. , 551. — - XVIII., of France, 627. Issues Charter, 628. Se- cond restoration of, 633. Reign of, 638-641. Death of, 657 (see Provence, count of). Louis, duke of Orleans, hos- tility to Anne of Beaujcu, 25. Claim to Mil.m, 36. Occupies Nov.ira, 37. Surrenders Novara, 38 (sc. Louis XIL). Louis Philippe, 539. Re- covers the Orleans \ ro- periy, 658. Obtains th crown, 661, 662. Reigu of, 672-680. Flight to England, 684. Louisa, queen of Prussia, 593. Louise of Savoy, claims duchy of Bouibon, 48. Regent in France, 49. Negotiates treaty of Cam- bniy, 51. Louisiana, sold to the United States, 583. Maintenon. Louvel, 640. Louvois, 218, 222, 227, 230. The drayonnadcs of, 235. Induces Louis XIV. to attack Germany, 239. Death o^ 241. Lowendahl, 381, 382, 388. Loyola, Ignatius, wounded at Pampc'luna, 47. Founds Order of the Jesuits, 94. Canonised, 182. Liibr'ck, treaty o", 141, 190. LuccheS3-Palli, count, 675. Lucchesini, 595. Luckner, 523, 527. Luther, Martin, birth and education, 54. Opposes sale of indulgences, 55. Burns the ])apal bull, 57. Before the diet of Worms, ib. Opt OSes the prophets of Zwickau, 58. Attituds towards peasants' revolt, 61. Marries a nun, 62. Death, 83. Lutter, battle of, 140. Lund, battle of, 197. Treaty of, ib. Lundville, treaty of, 576. LUtzen, battle of, 145. Luxemburg, given to ths king of the Netherlands, 631. Luxemburg, French general, 223, 224, 227, 240. Death of, 242. Lujnies, favourite of Louis XIII., 153. Lyonne, 216, 217. Death of, 222. M. Maanen, Van, 664. Maciejowice, battle of, 471. Mack, general, 5:'.9, 565. Capitulates at Ulm, 589. MacMahon, marshal, 720, 735. President of ths French Republic, 737. Mademoiselle, daughter of Gaston of Orleans, 168. Madiid, treaty of, 49. Be- comes the cjpital of Spain, 101. Maesti icht, siege of, 384. JMagdeburg, besieged by Maurice of S.ixony, 86. Besieged by Tilly, 143. Ceded to Brandenburg, 150. Magenta, battle of, 720. Maguams battb of, 565. Maine, the duke of, 263, 205, 290, 301. Mahmoud II. , 649. Destroys the Janissaries, 654. Quarrels with Mehemct Ali, 741. Death of, ib. Maintenon, madame de, 230. Married to Louis XIV., I Majesty. 231. Influence of, 235, 202, 290. Death Ot, 205. Majesty, Letter of, in Bo- hemia, 135, 136. Malagrida, Father, 436. Maleslierb.s, 477, 47n, 536. Jlalmesbury, lord, 550. Malmii, truce oi, 703, 709. Malplaquet, battle of, 258. Malta, the knigh's of, 199, 200. Captured by Bona- parte, 563. Eestond to Knifihts of St. John, 578. JIamelukes, 31. Manin, Daniele, 693, 701. Mansfold, Ernest count of, 136, 137, 139. Defeated by Wallenstein, 140. ManteulTel, 701, 708, 728, 729. Mantua, succession question in, 142, 156, 170, 183. Marat, 527, 530, 532, 538, 540. Murdered, 541. Marengo, battle of, 575. Margaret, daughter of Maxi- milian I., betrothed to Charles VIII., 24. Repu- diated, 25. Married to John, Infant of Spain, 28. Negotiates treaty of Cam- bray, 51. lVIar.;aret, natural daughter of Charles V., niarri^^s Alessandro do Medici, 51. Marries Oltavio Farnese, 76. Regent in the Ne- therlands ior Philip II., 1 06. Superseded by Alva, 108. Maria Anna of Austria, widow of Philip IV., re- gent in Spain, 179, 180. Maria Anna of Neiiburg, wife of Charles II. of Spain, 245. Slaria da Gloria, 671. Queen of Portugal, 072. Maria Louisa, married to Napoleon I., 6 1 2. Receives the duchy of Parma, 630. Kxpellcdand restored, 671. Death of, 692. Maria Theresa, dauglitcr of Philip IV. of Spain, mar- ried to Louis XIV., 171. Maria Theres.i, of Austria, 308. Accession of, 339. League against, 345. In IIungary,346. Cedes Silesia to Frederick II., 351. Per- sistent hostility to France, 352. Po-ition in 1743, 357. Concludes treaty of Worms with Sardinia, 359. Forced to make treaty of Dresden, 375. Accepts peace of Aix-la-Chapelle, 385. Policy during the peace, 393-39«. Alliance INDEX. with France, 402, and w iih Russia, 403, 407. Con- cludes peace of Huberts- biirg, 429. Subsequent rule, 438, 442, 448, 449, 451. Death of, 452. Marie Antoinette, 476, 487, 505, 513, 524. Death of, 455. Marienburg, treaty of, 193. Marignano, batile of, 43. Marillac, marshal, 156. Exe- cuted, 157. Marlborough, the duke of, 249, 251, 252. Victories at Blenhfim and Ra- millies, 253. Victories at Oudenarde and IMalpla- quet, 257. Dismissal of, 259. Marmont, marshal, 507. Commands in the Penin- sula, 614. Surrenders Paris to the allies, 020. Conduct in 1830, 660. Marsaglia, battle of, 242. Marseillaise, the, 5.25. Marsin, 252, 254. Marligiiac, minister oT Charles X., 658, 659. Martinet, 218. ManinezdelaEosa, 642,079. Martyr, Peter, 93, 96. Mary of England, 90, 91. Mary of Hungary, sister of Charles V., regent in the Netherlands, 75, 76. Mary Stuart, wile of Francis 11., 116. Mary Tudor, sister of Henry VIIL, married to Louis XIL, 42. Masaniello, revolt of, in Naples, 177. De.ith of, 17s. Massa, the prince of, 178. MaSsena, marshal, 559, 504, 565, 56«, 574*. Commalii's in the Peninsular war, 613, 614. Matthias, archduke of Aus- tria, in the Netherlands, 111. Obtains from Rudolf II. administration ot Haps- buig leiritoiies, 135. Elected emperor, ii(. Diffi- culties in Bohemia. Death 137. Matthias Cance, 36. Joins Leacue of Cambray and Holy League, 41. Invades France, 42. Maximilian IT., emperor, 130, 131. Maximilian, Jos?ph, of Bava- ria, 367. Concludes treaty of Fiissen, 368. Death of, 45 1 . Maximilian Joseph, king of Bavaria, 624. M.iyenne, the duke of, 123. licail of the league, 125. Submits to Henry IV., 126. IMazarin, cardinal, 149. Succeeds Richelieu, 160. Relations with Anne of Austria, 101. Conduct during the Fronde, 104- 169. Concludes treaty of the Pyrenees, 171. Death of, 172. Mazeppa, 276, 277. Mazzini, 692, 095. Meaux, conspiracy of, 119. Medici, Alessandro de, mar- ries Charles V.'s daughter Margaret, 51. Assassina- ted, 76. r, Catharine de, marries Henry of Orleans, 74. Character of, 115. Be- comes regent of France, 117. Religions attitude of, 119, 120. Her sh.are in the massacre of St. Bar- tholomew, 121. Death of, 124. , Cosimo do (pater palrix), 10. 766 Medici. Medici, Cosimo de, tlie first grand-duke of Tuscany, 76, 91. , Francis de, grand dulie of Tuscany, 127. , Gaston de, grand duke of Tuscany, 180. , Giovanni de, 12, 42 (see Leo X.). , Giuliano de, 11, 13. , Giiilio de, 13, 47 (see Clement VII.). , Lorenzino de, 76. , Lorenzo I. d? (tlie Magnificent), 11, 12. De- fends Ferrara, 14. , Lorenzo II. de, 43. , Mary de, married to Henry IV. of France, 127. Regency of, 152, 153. Quarrels with Richelieu, 156. E.xile of, 156, 158. , Piero 1. de, 11. , Piero II. de, 12, 13, 34. Driven from Florence, 35. Death of, 39. Mehemet Ali, Pasha of Egypt, 649. Aids the Turks in Greece, 653. Ob- tains Syria, 677, 741. Forced to rei-ign Syria, 678, 742. Aljdicates,"742. Melancthon, 56. Draws up Confession of Augsburg, 63. At diet of Rati>bon, 82. Melas, Austrian general, 574, 575. Mendoza, Spanish envoy in France, 125. Menou, general, 552, 578. MtnschikofF, favourite of Peter the Great, 275, 285, 286. Menscbikotf, 743, 744. Mentana, battle of, 732. Menzel, 404. Methuen treaty, 252. Metternicli, 609, 622. At the congress of Vienna, 628, 629. His opposition to reform, 637, 645, 651, 669, 688. Fall of, 689. Mctz, seized by French, 87. Besieged by Charles V., 87. Mexico, French expedition to, 732. Midhat Pasha, 750. Mignet, 537, 660. Miguel, Dom, 647, 648. Usurps the throne of Por- tugal. 672. Milan, under the Sforzas. 7. Conquered by Louis XII., 39. Given by Swiss to Maximilian Sforza, 42. Conquered by Francis I., 43. Given to Fraiic<'.>-co Sforza, 47. Annexed by INDEX. Charles V., 74. Passes to Philip II., 90. Miltitz, Carl von, 55. Miuden, battle of, 422 Minorca, restored to Spain, 486. — — , ceded to England, 260. Conquered by Freiich, 400. Restored to England, 425. Mirabeau, 492, 494. Charac- ter and ahns of, 502, 503. Conduct in the assembly, 504, 506, 509, 511. Re- lations with the court, 512. Death of, 513. Mississippi Company, the, 293, 294, 295. Missolonghi, siege of, 652, 653. Mockern, battle of, 621. Mocenigo, doge of Venice, 202. Mohammed If., repulsed from Belgrad, 19. Cap- tures Constantinople, 29. Further conquests in Europe, 30. Death, 31. III., 201. Mohammed IV., 202. De- piised, 211. aiuhacz, battle of, 52, 199. Second battle of, 211. MohilefF, interview of Joseph II. and Catharine II. at, 4 56. Mule, M., 674, 676, 677, 683, 711. Moleville, Bertrand de, 519. Molina, teaches doctrines of free-will, 181. MoUendorf, Prussian general, 550,551. MoUwitz, battle of, 343. Moltke, von, 730, 734. Moncoiitour, battle of, 120. Mons, cjptured by Lewis of Nassau, 110. Montalembert, 711. Montcalm, 425. Montecuculi, Austrian gene- ral, 203, 2'.i3, 224,226,227. Montemar, Spanish general, 355, 356. Montespan, Madame de, 230. Montesquieu, 431. Mont I'bery, battle of, 22. Montmorency, constable of, repulses Charles V. from Provence, 75. Degiaded from office, 76. Conquers the three bishoprics, 87. Defeated at St. Quentin, 91. Religious attitude, 116. Taken prisoner at Dreux, 118. Killed at St. Denis, 119. Montpcllier, treaty of, 153, 154. Montpensier, duke of, son of Louis Philippe, 680, 733. Napoleon. Monzon, treaty of, 139, 154. Mooker Heath, battle of, 110. Moore, Sir John, 607. Morat, battle of, 24. Moreau, 550, 557, 559, 562, 566, 573, 574, 575. Victory at Hoheiilinden, 576. Re- lations with Bonaparte, 580,581,584. Exiled, 585, Death of, 623. Moriscoes, expulsion of, from Spain, 175. Morny, 712. Morone, cardinal, 97. Morosini, Venetian com- mander, 180, 204, 210. Mortemart, duke of, 661. Mounier, 4 93, 502. Mountain, the, 531. Muhlberg, battle of, 84. Miinchengratz, conference at, 669, 672. Munnich, marshal, 320, 341, 387, 388. Miinster, the anabaptists in, 81. Miinzer, Thomas, 60. Murat, Joachim, 567, 589. Receives duchy of Berg, 592. Receives Naples, 613. Joins Napoleon on bis return from Elba, 631. Expelled from Naples, 6 i2. Death of, 633. Murillo, 176. Mustafa II., Turkish sultan. 213. III., sultan, 446, 4)9. IV., 649. Mustapha, Kara, grand vizier, 207. Besieges Vienna, 208, 209. N. Nakhimof, admiral, 713. Nancy, siege of, 24. Nantes, edict of, 126. Re- voked by Louis XIV., 236. Naples, claims to ciown of, .33. Napoleon, I. (■« Bunaparte, Napoleon), becomes king of Italy, 587. Plans in- vasion of England, 588. Marches into Germany, 589. Crushes the hostile coalition at Austerlitz, 590. Forces treaty of Pressburg upon Austria, 591. Provides crowns for his brothers, 592. Or- ganises confederation of the Rhhie, ib. Defeats Prussians at .Jena, 594. Issues Berlin decrees, 595. Defeats I he KussiansatEy- lau, 596; and at Friedland. 597. Concbides tr^a v if Napoleon, Tilsit, 598. Attacks Portu- gal, 600. Attacte Spain, 601. Interview with Alex- ander I. at Erfurt, 6U6. Campaign in Spain, 6u7. Defeats the Austrians at Aspern, 60S; and Wagram, 609. Concludes treaty of Vienna, 610. Confiscates the Papal States, 611. Annexes Holland and coast of North Germany, 611. Marries the arch- duchess Maria Louisa, 6 1 2. Invades Russia, 616. Re- treat from Moscow, 617. Campaigns in Germany, 621, 623. Defeated at Leipzig, 624. Abdicates, 626. Lands in £lL.a, 627. Returns to Krance, 631. Defeated at Waterloo, 632. Sent to St. Helena, 633. Death of, 633, 641. Napoleon, Louis, 624, 671. At Strasburg, 677. At Boulogne, 678. Elected to the French chamber, 6-<6. Returns to France, 710. President of the Republic, 710, 711. Coup d'etat, 712. Restores the empire, 713 (s€e Napoleon III ). III.. 713. Character of, 714. Embarks in the Crimean War, 743. Alliance with Sardinia, 718, 719. Campaign in Italy, 719. Concludes peace of Villafranca, 720. Obtains Savoy and Ni'i-, 721. Convention about the occupation of Rome,' 725. Relations w ith Austria and Prussia, 729.; Resumes the occupatioii of Rome, 732. Mexican expedition, 733. Picks a quarrel with Prussia, 734. Surrenders at Sedan, 735. Death of, 737. Narvaez, 680, 733. Narwa, battle of, 272. Nassau, annexed to Prussia, ' 730. i , Lewis of, 108. Makes war on Alva, 109. Killed at Mooker Heath, 110. j Nav.arino, battle of, 655. Navarre, annexed by , Ferdinand the Catholic, 42. NfCker, 478, 480, 481, 484.' Resignation of, 485. Re- call of, 489, 491. Conduct as minister, 491,493. Dis- missal of, 496. Again re- called, 498. Weakness of, j 502. 504, 509. Resigns and leaves France, 513. | INDEX. Neerwinden, battle of. 242. iiattle ot, 539. Neipperg, Austrian general, 321, 339, 343, 347, 318. Nelson, admiral. 563, 565, 566,577. Killed at Trafal- gar, 5S9. Nemours duke of, son of Louis Phi ipp". 677, 678. Nesselrude. 628. Netherlands, the, under Philip II., 104. The Au>trian, 309. Kingdom of the, 631. Neuss, siege of. 23, Neutrality, the Armed, 483, Itevived. 576. Ney, mar.>hal, 618, 623. Nice, truce ot, 75, Attiicked by Turks, 77. Annexed by French Republic, 533. < eded to Napoleon III., 722. Nicolas v., pope, 9. Nicolas, of Russia, 653. Policy of, 654. Attituile towards lielgium, 605, 666. Suppresses Polish revolt, 668. A'isist-. Austria against Huuiiary, 699. Relations to Germany, 706, 7U8. Involved in the Crimean War, 743. Death of, 744. Nit-derscbonfild, convention of, 357. jN'ikolsburg, treaty of, 730. Nile, b.tile of the. 563. Nimwegen. treaty of, 229. Nivirnois, duke of, 402. Noailies, cardinal, 291. , the duke ( f , 292, 294. , marshal, 356, 358, 362, 365. Nodlingen, battle of, 147. Secoml ba tie ol, 149. North, lord, 482, 483, 486. Norway, annexed to Sweden, 621. Notables, assembly of, 488. Novara, battle of, 699. Novi, battle of, 566. Noyon, treaty of, 44. Nuremberg, peace of (1532), 64. Nymphenbuiy, treaty of, 345. Nystiidt, treaty of, 284. Ochino, Bernardino, 93, 96. Odillon-Barrot. 676, 682, 683. Ody.-s^-us, 650. Ola-cli, battle of, 213. Gliva, treaty of, 195, Olivarez, Spanish minister, 176. Olniiitz, convention of, 708, 709. 767 Parkani. Oltenitza, battle of, 743. llmar Pasha, 743. Oiange, Philibert, prince of, 50. Besieged in Naples, 51. , William of (the Silent), 106. Becomes a Calvinist, lt'9. Acknowledged as stadtholder by northern provinces, 110. O ncludi s Pacification of eo X., 47. Given by Paul V. to the Farnesi, 84. Given to Maria Louisa, G30. Partition, treaties of, 246. Partitions of Poland, 44S, 469, 471. Pascal, B!iii>e, 233, 234. Paskiewitsch, 656, 742. Tuts down Polish revolt, 668. In Hungary, 699. Passarowiiz, treaty of, 130, 306. Patino, Don Joseph, 313. Patkul, 270, 273, 275. Paul II., pope, lu. — — III., 74. Quarrels with Charles V., 84. Estab- lishes the Inquisition in Rome, 95. Death of, 86. IV., 99. Allied with France against Spain, 91. Makes peace, ib. Is.suhs the first Index, 96. His nepotism, ib. v., 181. Quarrels with Venice, ib. Paul I., of Russia, 564, 573, 575. Revives the Armed Neutrality, 577. A sassi- nated, ib. Paulette, the, 127, 162, 163. Pavia, battle of, 49. Pazzi, conspinuy of the, 11. Peasants' revolt in 'Germany, 60. Pedro I., emperor of Brazil, 643, 671. Death of, 672. - — II., of Brazil, 672. Pepe, general, 644, 645, 694. Perez, Antonio, 103. Perier, Casimir, 660, 661, 674. Perronne, treaty of, 23. Pescara, general of Charles v., 48. Victory at Pavia, 49. Peter the Great, of Russia, 199. Conquers Azof, 214, 269. His character and domestic government, 268, 269, 284, 285. His war with Sweden, 272, 277, 284. Campaign of the Pruth, 279. Death of, 286. II., 285,286. III., 427. (OfHIstein, 407, 413, 415.) Peterborou;;]), earl of, 254. Peterwardein, battle of, 305. INDEX. Pcliiin, 502, 515. Mayor ot Paris. 521), 524, 525. Death of, 545. Philip, thearchduke, marries Joanna of Castile, 28. Doath, ib. Philip, landgrave of Hesse, 62. Signs Prote.st of Speier, 63. Imprisoned I y Charles V., 84. Re- leased, 86. Philip, of Orleans, 263, 264. Commands in Italy, 254. Character, 289. Regent in France, 290-302. Death of, 302. I'ldlip II., of Spain, married to Mary Tudor, 90. Ob- tains ihe crown by his lai iter's abdication, ib. Marries Elizabeth (4 France, 92. His poli(y and char.icter, 102. Soji- presses the liberties of Aragon, 103. Relations with his son, Don Curios, 104. Atmexes Portugal, 105. Oppresses the Net iier- land , 106. Sends Alva tliiilier, 108. Jealous of O^m John of Austria, 111. Intervention in France, 123, 126. Death, 113. I'liilip HI., 174. Expels the Moriscoes, 175. Death of, 176. IV., 176. Death of, 179, 220. v., of Spain, 247, 254, 255,[259. Renounces claim upon France, 260, 289. Married to Elizabeth of Parma, 296. Under the influence of Alb:_'roni, 297. Abdicates, 310. liesuraes the crown, 311. Death of, 378. Philip, Don, son of Philip V. of Spain, 318, 360, 366, 375, 379. Receives Parma, 385. Death of, 437. Piacenza, battle of, 378. Pichegru, 544, 551, 555, 560, 561, 584. Death of, 584. Pilniiz, conference of, 518. Piper, count, 271, 276. Pirna, capitulation of, 406 I'is.a. fred by Charles VUI., 37. Siege of, 37, 43 Coun- cil of, 41. Pitt, William (Lord Chat- ham), 408, 413, 425. Re- signation of, 426. Last speech of, 482. , William, 538, 577, 585. Death of, 590. Pius II , pope, 9. Dies at Ancona, 10. III.. 40. IV., 97. Summons Prague. third session of Council oi Trent, ih. Pius v., 99, 201. VI, 564. Vll., 585. Iniprisonfd by N,sed, 524. l^e- stored,526. Resigns office, 538. Death of, 545. Roniagna. conquered by Ca^^ar Boigia, 63. Provence, count of, 512, 514, j 522, 627 (see Louis , XVIII ). I I'russia, duchy of, formed, , 63, 323. Freed from Po- ' lish suzerainty, 195, 324. his duchy from Charles the | Czar, 190. Bold, 25. Claim to Naples, i Romanzow, 446, 457. Rome, sacli of, 50. Becomes Repnin, 444. Requesens, Don Luis de, 110. Reservation, tliK Ecclesias- tical, 89, 130. Pruth, treaty of the, 279, Restitution, edict of, 142 305. Public Safety, Committee of, 540. Undertakes the go- vernment of trance, 542, 543. Public Weal, league of, 22. Pultawa, baule of, 277. Puysieux, maiquis de, 381, 394. Pyrenees, treaty of the, 171 , 171'. Q- Quadrilateral, the, 693. Quadruple Alliance (1717), 300. Do. (1834), 672. Quasdanowich, Austrian general, 557. Quebec, foundation of, 128. I'aken by the Knglish, 423. ' Qufsnai, 432, 478. | Quiroga, 642. j I Radetzky, marshal, 691, 693- I Victory at Custozza, 694- 1 Victory at Novara, 699. j Radom, confederation of, ^ 444. Instrument of, ib. I Radziejowski, cardinal, 273, ] 274. I Radziwill, 442,444. i Raglan, lord, 744. I Ragocsky, Francis, -'06, 207 the capital of Italy, 738. Romorantin, edict ot, 116. Rossbach, battle of, 413. Ros»i, count, GM5. Rostopchin, louui, 617. Rouher, 712. Roumania, 745. 750, 751. Roumtlia, t'astern, 751. Rousseau, 432 Roussillon, ceded to Louia XI., 24. Restored by Charles VIII., 25. Unally annexed to France, 171. Rovere, Francesco della, duke of Urbiiio, 42. Rovere, Gluliano della, 10 (see Julius il.). Royer-CoUard, 659. Riidiger, Russian general, I 666, 699. (nters Rudolf il., emperor, 132. Family relations, 135. Death, ib. Kueil, treaty of, 165. Ruric, house of, obtaii s supremacy in llussia, 186. Extinction of male line of, 189. Russell, Lord John, 727. Rethel, battle ol, 166, Reunion, chambers of, 231. Rewbell, 553, 560. Rhenschild, Sv\ edi>h general, 274, 277. Rhine, league of the, 171, I Confederation of the, 592 623. ' Rhodes, captured by the I Turks, 199 Rhodes, knights of, 30, 31, I 199. Riario, Girolanio, 10. His I share in the Pazzi conspi- I racy, 11. I Richelieu, cardinal, the mitiislry, 154. Intei- vention in Italy, 138. Besieges La Roche lie, 139, 155. Conduct in Mantuan succession, 142, 156, 176. Opposition to, 154, 155, 156, 157. Relations with Sweden, 142, 146, 148. Administration of, 155. 1 lluvigny, 255. Triumphs over his ene- ; Rnj'jter, 227. mies, 158. Deatli of, 149, ' RysWick, treaty of, 184, 159. Domestic policy oJ, • 214, 243. iU. Foreign policy of, 16ii. , duke of, 356, 399, 412 o , duke of, minister of *" * Louis XVUl., 639, 64 ., 641. Riego, 642. Rights of man, in France, 503. In Germany, 703. 227. -, George, of Transylva- Ripperda, 311, 312. Fall of. nia, 194, 203 Ramillies, battle of, 253. lia>pail, 685. Candidate for the Presidency, 710. Rastadt, treaty of, 261. Con- gress of, 563, 564, 565. Ratisbon, diet of, 82. Rattazzi, 721, 732. Raucoux, battle of, 380. ]lavaillac,assassinates Henry IV., 128. Ravenna, battle of, 42. Rawka, battle of, 471. lieehberg, Austrian minis- ter, 727. Dismissed, 728. Redschid Pasha, 656, 742. Reichenbach, treaties nf (1790), 466, 518; (1313) 622. 34* i 313. Rivoli, battle of, 55S. Robespierre, 502, 5l5, 526, 530. Conduct in the Coii- \eiition, 532, 535. Enters the Committee of Public Safety, 542. Suppresses the Hebertists and Dan- tonists, 546, 547. Opposi- tion to, 548. Death of, 54M. Robinson, Sir Thomas, 345, 346. Ro ruy, battle of 149. Roiiney, admiral, 486. Roeskilde, treaty of, 193. Rohan, cardinal de, 487, Ri)lai,d, Madame, 52'i, 539. Deatli of, 545. , M, 520. Ministry of. Saalfdd, battle of, 594. Saarbriick, battle of, Battle of, 735. Sackville, Lord George, 422. Sadolet, cardinal. 71, 93. Sadowa, battle of, 730. S.damanca, battle of, 614 Sales, St. Francis de, 98. Salisbury, lord, 750, 751. Saluces, marquis of, 75. Salviati, Francesco, arch- bishop of Pisii, 11. Sail Juste, Charles V.'f re- tirement at, 90. San Severino, Robert of, 14. , Galeazzo da, 34. San Sti-fano, treaty of, 750. S.iiiterre, 526, 5i0. Saratoga, capitulation of, 481. Sarner Ihmd, the, 670. Sarpi, Fra Paolo, 181. Savonarola, 4 3. Savoy, occupied by the French, 74. Retained in spite of treaty of Crespy, 770 Saxe. 78. Restored to Emanuel Philibert, 92. Under Charles Emanuel T., 183. Becomes more and nmre Italian, 183, 184. An- nexed by French Kepublic, 533. Ceded to Napoleon III., 722. Saxe, marshal. 361, 366. Victory at Foiitenoy, 36^. Further successes, 379, 380, 382, 384. Scanderbeg, resists the Turks in Albania, 30. Death, 31. Scharnliorst, 604, 616, 619. Scheldt, the, closed l.y treaty of \Vestph;dia, 309. Open- ed by the French, 534. Scherer, general, 555, 565. i^cnill, colonel, 608. Schles-n jg-Holstein, question of, 690, C91, 703, 709. Revived, 726, 727. An- nexed to Prussia, 730. Schmalkalde, league of, 63. Refuses aid to France, 77. Attacked by Charks V. 83. Schonbrunn, treaty of, 5^0 Scbouwaloff, count, 751. Schulenburg, count, 305. Schuwalow, treaty, 423. Schwarzenbeig, Felix, 697, 708. . , prince, 622, r25. Schwerin, marshal, 342, 343, 364. Death of, 411. Sebastian, ot Portugal, 104. Sebastojol, siege of, 741. Seckendorf, Austrian gene- ral, 321, 330, 339. In tbe service of Bavaria, 361, 305, 366, 367. Sedan, battle of, 735. Seguier, 216. Seignelay, 239, 241 . Selim 1., 31. Conquers Egypt, ib. ■ II. (the Sot), 201. HI., 463, 649. Seminara, battle of, 39. Seuef, battle of, 225. Senlis, treaty of, 25. September, ma.=sacres of, 628 Serrano, marshal, 733, 734. Servetus, execution of, 72. Seven Years' War, religious aspi'ct of. 410. Seville, treaty of, 314. Seymour, Sir Hamilton, 743. Sforza, Ascanii), 10. — — , Frantesco, duke of Milan, 7. , Francesco II., duke of Milan, 47. Hostility to Charles V., 49. Joins league against the em- peror. 50. Death, 74. INDEX. Sforza, Galeazzo Maria, 7. • , Gian Galeazzo, 7. Marries Isabella of Naples, 34. Death, ib. , Lodovico, becomes regent of Milan, 8. Allied wiU) Fmnce, 34. Sup- plants his nephew, ib. Joins league against Charles VIII., 36. Ex- pelled from Milan, and death, 39. , Maximilian, dulie of Milan, 42. Abdicates, 43. Shouisky, Vassily, 189. Sickingen, Franz von, 59. Siebener - Concordat, the, 670. Siena, annexed to Florence, 76, 91. Sieyes, the abbe, 492, 502, 506, 553. Becomes a Di- rector, 567. Constitution of, 569. Refuses office of consul, 570. Sigismund III., of Pidand, 129, 139. looses crown of Sweden, 185. llestores Roman Catholicism in I'oland, 186, 188. War with Sweden, 190. Siscismund of Tyrol, 23. Sigi-mund Augustus, of Po- land, 185, 186. Silesia, Frus,-.ian claims to, 325, 342. Ceded to Prussia, 351, 374. Silk manufacture, introduced into France, 128. Simon, Jules, 736 simonetta, Franctscu, 7. 8. Simson, president of the German Parliament, 704. Sinzheim, battle of, 225. Sistowa, treaty of, 466, 518. Sixtus IV., 10. Share in the Pazzl conspiracy, 11. At war with Florence, 12. Attack on Ferrara, 14. Institutes inquisition in Spain, 27. Death, 14. v., 99. Financial ad- ministration, ib. Chi- merical schemes of, 100. Smith, Sir Syrfney, 567, 578. Sobieski, James, 273. , John, king of Poland, 198, 204, 205, 207. Re- lieves Vienna, 209. Soderini, Piero, gonfalonier of Florence for life, 43. Soissiai.-, congre.'s of, 314. Sokolli, grand vizier, 201. Solferino, battle of, 720. Solyman I.(tbe Magiuficent), 32, 199. Allied with France, 74, 75, 77. Death of, 200. IL, 211. Soor, battle of. 372. Storch. Sonderbund, war of the, 687. Sophia, sister of Peter the Great, 268, 269. Soubise, 412, 413, 418, 426. Soult, marshal, 607, 609, 613, 614, 625, 626. Minis- ter of Louis Philippe, 674. 675, 078. S.,utiiwoId Bay, battle of, 222. Spain, decline of, 174. Spanish Fury, in Aiitwerji, 111. Spanish marriages, the, 680. Sjianish Succession, war of, 244-261. Speier, diet of (1526), 62. Do. (1529), 63. I'rotesi of, ib. Spinola. Spanish general, 137, 176. St. Andre, marshal, 117. Killed at Dreux, 118. St. Arnaud, t:eneral, 712, 744. St. Bartholomew, nias-acre of, 121. St. Cyian, the :.bbot of, 233 St. Germain, treaty of, 120. St. Germain-en-Laye, treaty of, 197. .St. Got hard, battle of, 203, 219. St. Helena, Napoleon I. at, 633, 641. Si. Just, 535, 542, 544, 546- 549. St. Petersburg, foundation of, 276, 277. Treaty of (1755), 398. 403. Conven- tion of (1757), 407. St. Quentin, battle of, 91. St. Simon, the duke of, 291. Stadion, count, 606, 6(l7, 6c9 Stiiel, Madame de, 572. StalTarda, b.ittle o', 240. Stabremberg, count, Aus- t r i a n ambassadi^r to France, 4 00. , Guido, 258, 259. , Ginidaker, 208. S air, I ord, 358. Siangebro, battle of, 188. Stati s-General, at Tours. 25. At Orleans, 117. At Blois, 122, 124. At Paris, 153. At Paris (1789), 489, 491. Assume name of National Assembly. 492. Stein, Baron vom, 458, 595. Reforms of, 604, 605. Dis- missal, OOi Conduct iiuring th? war oi libera- tion. 619. 623. Steinkirk. battle of, 242. Stenay, battle of, 170. Stettin, treaty of, 185. .'■-tockach, battle of, 565. Stockholm, massacre of, 67. Storch, Glaus, S8. INDEX. Stralsund. Stralsund, siege of, 141. Strasburg. ceded to France, 244. Restored to Germany, 736. Strauss, Dr., 687. St\ rum, count, 252. Suffien, the Bailli de, 4S4. Suleiman I'aslia, 750. Sully, duke of, 127. Suwai-ow, 462, 471, 565-568. Suzzara, battle of, 250. Swabim Le:igue, 18. Switzerland, rise of leagup, 3. Relorn.atiun in, 64. Separ.tfd from the Em- pire, 150. Turned Into Helvetic Republic, 581. Acquisitions at the peace, 630, 669. Disturbances in, 670. Religious quarrels in, 687. Receives a new constitution (1848), ib. Szalankemen, battle of, 213 Talavera, b.attle of, 610. 'I'allard, marshal, 252, 253. Talleyrand, 591, 592, 627. At the congress of Vienna, 629. Minister ot Louis XVIII., 633. Dismissed, 639. Advice to Louis Philippe, 661. Kmbas.sy to London, 665. Tanucci, 434. Targowicz, confederation of, 468. Tauroggen, convention of, 619. Temesvar, ceded to Austria, 306. Ten, council of, in Venice, 13. Tencin, cardinal, 356. Terrai, abbe, 433, 477. Terror, reign of, 545. leschen, treaty of, 452, 483. Tetzel, sells indulgences 55. Teutonic knights, 18. 'i'heatines, order of, 94. Thermidorian reaction, 550. Theot, Catharine, 548. Thiers, 660, 675. First ministry of, 676. Second ministry of, 677, 678. Conduct in 1848, 6-3. Under Napi.leon, 711, 712. Conduct in 1870, 735, 7.<6. President of the French Republic, 737. rhi«nville. Merlin de, 520. rhugut, Austrian minister, 469, 471, 551, 554, 564, 565. Fall of, 576. Thurn, count, 136. Ticino, the, boundary be- tween Lombardy & Pied- mont, 628. Tilly, victory at the White Defeats the Lutter, 140. ■\Vallenstein's Sacks Magde- 1 Defeated at , I Hill, 137. I Danes at Obtains I army, 143. burg, lb. Breitenfeld, 144. Tilsit, treaty of, 597, 598. Tirlemont, battle of, 666. TOktili, Emerich, 207, 208, 210-213. Death of, 214. Tolentino, treaty of, 558. Battle of, 632. TuUy, Barclay dP, 617, 621. Topi itz, treaty of, 623. Torcy, 257, 260. Torgau, battle of. 424. Torres Vedras, lines of, 613. Tor.- tenson, Swedish general, 146, 148, 149. Attacks Denmark, 191. Toulouse, battle of, 626. , count of, 26 *, 265, 29C. Tourville, admiral, 240, 24 1. Trafalgar, battle of, 589. Traun, marshal, 355, 359, 360, 365, 370, 371. Travendahl, treaty of, 272 Trebbia, battle of the, 566. Tr-nt, council of, 84, 87. Three sessions of, 96-98. Triple Alliance (1668), 220. Do. (1717), 298. Trivulcio, French governor in Milan, 39. Trochu, general, 735. Troppau, congress of, 645. 'I ruchsefs, Gebhard, 133. T.-chernaya, battle cf the. 718, 744. Tiidela, battle of, 606. Tugendbund, the, 605. Tunis, Charles V.'s inter- vention in, 73. ^ Turenne, 149, 150. Con- duci during the Fronde, 165-169. Opposed to Conde, 170. Campaigns of, 220, 222, 224-226. Turgot, 477. Reforms of, 478,479. Fall of, 480. Turin, battle of, 254. League of, 317. Tycho Brahe, !85. Tyrol, rising in, 607, 609. Suppressed, 611. U. Ulm, capilulatiun of, 589. Ulrica Eleanor, sister of Charles XII., 280. Obtains Swedish crown, 282. Death of, 389. Ulrich of Wurtemberg, ex- pelled, 80. Restored by League of SchmaltkaKle, 81. Unigenitus, th" bull. 262, 301, 303. Union of Engl.aul and .Scot- 771 Victor. land, 256." Of England and Ireland, 277. Unkiar Skelessl, treaty of. 741. Urban VIII., pope, 182. Allied with France, ib. Annexes Urbino, ib. Urbino, conquered by Ca>sar Borgia, 40. Acquired by delta Rovere ftiniily, 42. Annexed to papal states, 182. Utrecht, union of, 112. Treaty ot, 260, 336. Uzedd, the duke of, 176. Vaila, battle of, 41. Valcourt, battle of, 240. Valdez, Juan, 93. Valliere. Louise de la, 230. Valmy, cannonade of, 528. Valtelline, the, 138, 139, 154, 176. Vas.'y, massacre of. 118. Vasvar, truce of, 204, 206. Vauban, 224, 227, 256. Vaucelles, truce of, 90, 91. Velasquez, 176. Vendome, the duke of, 243, 250, 252, 255, 257. in Spain, 259. Venice, ceded to Austria, 562. Restored by treaty of Prc'ssburg, 591. Given back to Austria, 628, 630. Recovers its inde- pendence, 693. Taken by the Aiistrians, 700. Ceded to Italy, 731. \'ercclli, treaty of, 38. Vergennes, 477, 483, 485. Death of, 488. Vergier, Jean du, 233. Vergniaud, 520, 526, 531, 537, 541. Death ot, 545. Verona, congress of, 646, 651. Vers, Etienne de, 34. Versailles, palace of, 230. Treaty of, 402. Second treaty of, 409. Treaty of (1783), 486. Vervins, treaty of, 126, 181. Victor Amadeus I., of Savoy, 183, 184. II., of Savoy. 184. Relations with Frnce, 184, 248, 249. Joins league against Louia .XIV., 184, 240. Obtains Pinerolo and Cisale, 184, 243. Obtains Sicily, 184, 26 1 . Exchanges Sicily for Sardinia, 184, 301. Ill, of Sardinia 516, 533, 555. Victor Kmmannoi I., of 772 Victor. S Tdinia, 630, 644. Ab- dicates, 046. Victor Emmanuel II., of Sar- dinia, Too. Maintains the constitution, 717. War with Austria,7]9. Ace pts treaty of Villafranci, 721. Assumes title of Kin'i of Italy, 724. Tran-fers court to Florence, 725. Alliance wiih Prussia. 72-f, 731. Obtains Ve- netia, 731. Enters Rum?, 738. Death of, ib. Vienna, siege of (1529), 199. Second siege of, 208-9. Treaty of (1725), 311. Second treaty of (1731), 315, Third treaty of (1735), ^319, Treaty of (1809), 610. 'Congress of, 628-631. Villafranca, treaty of, 720. Villar.-!, marshal. 25), 252. 257, 258, 260, 261. Death of, 318. Villa Viciosa, battle of, 179, 220. Second battle of, 259. Villele, French minister, 641. Dismissal of,- 658. Villeneuve, admiral, 5s8. Villeroy, marshal, 2J3, 250, 253, 290. Vime'ra, battle of, 603. Vittoria, batile of, 625. Voltaire, 431, 434. w Wade, general, 36 , 365. Wagram, battle of, 609. Wsilcheren, exped.tions to, 610. Waldstein, Albert vcjn, 139 (see AVallensteiii). Walewski, 718. Wallachia, conquered bv ihe Turks, 30. United to Moldavia, 745. Wallenstein, 139. Defats Mansfield, 140. Defeat, the Danes, 140, 141. Dis- missed from his command, 143. Conduct during his reiirement, 144. Resumes his command, 145. Deleat- ed at Liltzen, ib. His schemes, 146. Assassina- tion of, 147. Wallis, Austrian general, 321 339. Walpole, Sir Robert, 336, 337, 345. Wandewash, battle of, 419. INDEX. I Warsaw, grand duchy of, 598, 610. Ceded to Russia, 629. i Wartburg. Luther im- I prisoned in, 57. Bleeting I (jf German students at, [ 638. I Washington, George, 397. Watnrloo, battle of, 632. ' Waitigiiies battle of, 544. Wehlau, treaty of, 194. I Wei-^emburg, battle of, 735. AVellington, tlie duke of (Sir Arthur Wellesley), 6il3, 609,610,613,614,625. At Wattrloo, 632. Emba^.sy t'> Ru-sii, 651. Premi r in England, 659, 663, 672. Werela, treaty of, 463. Westeras, diet of, 69. Wistminster, convention of, 399, 402, 403. Westphalia, treaty of, 150, 161, 191. Westphalia, kingdom of, 595. Given to Jerome Bona- parte, 598. Broken up, 624. Wettin, house of, acquires Saxo?iy, 16. AVhitworth, lord, 583. Wied, Hermann von der, arihbishop tjf Cologne, 82. William of Orange (Willi .m III.), 223.225,227. Mariies Mary of England, 228. Forms League ot Augsburg against LouL-i XIV.. 237. Obtain8Kngli4KTOwn.2.39. Concludes tlie partition treaties. 246. Forms the Grand Alliance, 247. Death of, 248. I William IV., of England, ' 688. ; William IV., of Holland, 382. Death ..f, 399. V. of Hoi and, 460, 461, 483. William I., of the Nether- lands, 624, 663. Conduct during the Belgian revolt, 664, 665, 666. Acknow- ledges the independence of Belgium, 667. William I. of Prussia. 725. Involved in [•"rench war, 734. Becomes German Empenr, 737. Wimpfen, 543. Wiiidischgratz, 696, 697, 698. Wisnowiecky, Michael, king of Poland, 198, 204. Zwingli. Witt, John de, 219, 221 Murdered, 223. Wittelsbach, House, in the Palatinate and Bavaria. 16. Wittenberg, university of,54. Wittgenstein, Russian ge- neral, 620, 621, 656. Wittstoek, battle of. 148. Wohlau. battle of 274. Wolfe, general. 419, 423. Wolfgang William, of Neu- burg, 134. Wolsey, cardinal. 47. Alien- ated from Charles V., 49. Worms, diet of (1495), 20; (i;-.21), 57. Treatyof(i743), 359. Worth, attle of. 735. Wrangel, Swedish gener.l, 149. Wiirm-er, Austrian general, 544, 555, 557. Wurtemberg. becmes a duchy, 16 ; an electorate, 582 ; a kingdom, 591. Wilsterhausen, treaty of, 312, 330. Xanten, truce of, 134. Xavier, Francis, 94. Canon- ised, 182. Ximenes, cardinal, 28. Re- j gent lor Charles I., 29. I Y. ■ York, the duke of, 544, 550, 551, 566. I York, general, 619. I Yorktown, capitulation of, I 486. ' i'. i^apiilva, John, claims crown ' of H..I gaiy, 52. 199. Zaporogu s, the, 204. Zenta, battle nf, 214. Znaim, armistice of, 609. XoUvcu'in, the, 669, 726. Zornddr', battle of, 417. Zumalacarregui, 679. Zurawiia, treaty of, 205. Zurich, battle of, 568. Con- fereiice al, 720, 721. Zusmarshau.sen, battle of, 150. Zweibrilcken, Charles of, 451, 458. Zwingli, Ulrich, birth and education of, 64. Reform- ing activity, 65. Death, ib. VALUABLE AND INTERESTING WORKS FOR PUBLIC & PlllYATK LIBRARIES, f UBUSHED BY IIARPEU & BROTHERS, Nkw York. 5^~ For a full List of Books suitable for Libraries published by Haepkb & Bbotii- BBS, see Hakpkr'b Catalogue, which may be had gratuitously on application to the publishers personally, or by letter enclosing Ten Cents m postage stamps. fW IlAnpr.n & Brotueus will send their publications by mail, postage prepaid, on receipt of the price. 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