A Private Document. 
 
 6>'i 
 
 LETTERS 
 
 ON THK RELATION OF THK 
 
 WHITE AND AFRICAN PiAGES 
 
 IN THE UNITED STATES, 
 
 SHOWING THE NECESSITY OF THE 
 
 COLOmZATIOi^ OF THE LATTER. 
 
 ADDRESSED TO THE EEPRESENTATIYE MEN OF THE NATION. 
 
 n I Ic h e-.i , u 3-nTe S 
 
 SPRINGFIELD : 
 
 STEAM PRESS OF BAILHACHE & BAKER. 
 
 1860. 
 
.x** 
 
 ^v 
 
To the Honorable Jlessrs. 
 
 Lincol:n^, Douglas, Bell and Beeckineidge, 
 
 Gentlemen: 
 
 We respectfully ask your consideration of the matter and 
 measure named in the following letters and papers. 
 
 You are l)y choice the rejyresentative men of the several sec- 
 tions of our common country, and one or the other of you will 
 have been chosen as the future magistrate of the nation, before 
 these letters can be published, as they are not intended for 
 general circulation or party purposes, hut fo7' private use, pla- 
 ced at your service as an aid to reflection on the most dange- 
 rous and troublesome question of our time ; and for the purpose 
 of renewing the prayer and request made through twelve years 
 last past, and placed before three successive administrations; 
 hoping that circumstances will justify the incoming adminis- 
 tration to look the question disturbing the peace of the country 
 calml}^ in the face, and that steps will be taken to dispose of it 
 before it becomes of unmanageable magnitude. 
 
 We claim no originality for the measures proposed, they 
 have been the subjects of reflection and partial action with 
 American statesmen from the foundation of the Republic ; we 
 have only attempted to take up their plans and reflections and 
 embody them in the form of petition. With the exceptions of 
 the extracts from the colonization report to the Legislature of 
 Indiana in 1852, entitled '■''t/ie separation of the races just and 
 2K>litic^'' these letters have not been published before — we re- 
 frain from adding new matter to them, as we have no desire 
 to mingle wnth the conflicting elements of the present canvass, 
 our fears and conjectures already expressed having been more 
 than verified thus far, God grant that our views of the future 
 of this country may prove incorrect, and never receive a ful- 
 fllhnent; in those fears and forebodings we are not alone — in 
 evidence of which we may quote the writings and speeches 
 of most of our modern statesmen — nor have others been want- 
 ing in remedies for the evil — the most plausible and possibly 
 the most practicable of which has been pointed out by Hon. 
 r. P. Blair, of Mo., in his address on "colonization and com- 
 merce" — but seeing the moral and civil wants of Africa, and 
 the resources we control for her relief, we fondly cling to Afri- 
 can colonization, as being more w^orthy of a great people ac- 
 
 / 
 
tiiated by other and higher motives than that of commerce 
 alone, and althongh in doing this we may be placed in the 
 ranks of tlie enthusiast ; yet the history of American coloniza- 
 tion keeps the advocate of African colonization in countenance, 
 and breaks the force of the charge. 
 
 Although but one of you can be placed at this time in the 
 seat of our chief magistrate, yet you all occupy a controlling 
 place in the councils of the nation, and can shape and mould 
 public opinion by your position and state papers, so as to se- 
 cure reasonable and proper action on the questions thus brought 
 to your notice. 
 
 With respect, &c., yours, 
 
 J. MITCHELL, 
 Sec. Indiana State Board of Colonization. 
 
 Oct. 1st, 1860. 
 
I. 
 
 Ills Excellency, James Buchanan, 
 
 President of the United States. 
 
 Sir: — Permit the undersigned to present the claims of 
 the enterprise of colonization as advocated and carried forward 
 by the numerous African colonization societies in the United 
 States, and ask for it your favorable reo-ard as a ])roper and 
 politic measure for the suppression of the African Slave Trade. 
 
 I state but a truism when I say, that under the directino; 
 hand of the Great Euler, our race, the Anglo Saxon race, has 
 become the most successful colonizer of the present age. Du- 
 ring the last three hundred years other races have attempted 
 this work but to fail; other races have desired the ability to 
 extend and expand, but that power has been denied them; 
 and as one who has solved all those things, by a religious key, 
 we assign as a principle reason of our success ; the fact, that 
 our colonization is eminently a christian colonization — i3eing 
 the medium and channel through which civil institutions are 
 extended over the globe, whose moral quality is derived from 
 the law of Grod, thus furnishing a shelter to those religious or- 
 ganizations — the churches, with which the elevation of the 
 human family is so intimately connected. 
 
 This alone must ever give the Anglo Saxon, and Anglo 
 American colonization, the preponderance of Di^dne favor, as 
 against the colonization scheme or permanent expansion of less 
 worthy nations- 
 
 The colonization of our free colored people in Africa, differs' 
 little from the spread of our OMm race over this and other 
 lands, except that the motive power of the African system 
 does not spring from the black man, but from the enterprise 
 of the white, imparted to the man of color as a part of our pe- 
 culiar civilization, and not only imparted to them but irresist- 
 ably pressing them from without to action and enterprise. 
 
 In thus reviewing the gronnd, we take it for granted that it 
 enters into the order and economy of Providence, to make 
 this country a reservoir from which shall be drawn the supply 
 of christian civilization wherewith to renovate Africa. And 
 
6 
 
 that in this way the dangerous and perplexing problem that 
 now distracts this nation will be partly solved. 
 
 In the solnti<_»n of all such national problems, statesmen are 
 the agents of Providence; and whether advised or unadvised 
 they work out the will of Heaven. We hold that statemen 
 and rulers are the servants of God, who prosper whilst they 
 follow the indications of His will, but fail when they attempt 
 to run counter thereto. 
 
 And on the ground we have already taken — we hold that 
 there is not a nation under Heaven, whose statesmen are uK^re 
 the subject of the Divine regard than our own, except it be 
 the elder stock of our race in the British empire — not because 
 of abstract merit in that class of men, but because of their po- 
 sition and relation to the human family; and this regard is 
 doubtless measured by the magnitude of the offices our states- 
 men mi. 
 
 It is needless, Sir, for me to dwell on this grave truth, it is 
 known to you — therefore with prof mmd 7'espect we regard you 
 as the "sword bearer" of a great, and I trust christian people ; 
 acting under the sanction of high Heaven, and responsible to 
 our common Judge, and undoul)tedly as the chief ruler of this 
 great nation, the subject of much Divine regard. 
 
 '"Hear then the prayer not of one man, but of hundreds of 
 thousands of your fellow citizens, if not of millions, who plead 
 for the negro race — we ask not the emancipation of the slave, 
 for that is beyond your power, aiid not our rigid to ash. But 
 we ask that the free born negro, and emancipated slave may 
 be aided in removing from the United States, by the establish- 
 ment of reliable means of transportation to Africa, and not 
 only that they may be aided in emigration, but that emigi-a- 
 tion may he stiynalated^ by making the Republic of Liberia, 
 more attractive by the bestowal of national favor ; in the for- 
 mation of a liberal commercial treaty, and the direct or indi- 
 rect appropriation of funds for the improvement of that coun- 
 try — -that the young nation may be forced up to an attractive 
 position, and the growing affluence of her citizens may pro- 
 duce a spirit of emigration amongst our free blacks. 
 
 To this policy I apprehend objections will be started by 
 strict constructionists; but if you desire to render this great 
 service to the human family, all such objections may be avoid- 
 ed, by a slight change in the existing policy for the suppres- 
 sion of the "AfricanSlave Trade," a matter to which the na- 
 tion is now committed, as a worthy and important measure of 
 national policy. We would therefore respectfully suggest that 
 our African squadi'on, be so enlarged as to include a number 
 of small armed steamers, to ])ly between this country and 
 West Africa ; to be placed partially under the control of the 
 
IS'ew York, Maryland and Louisiana colonization societies ; 
 by which you will create three great conservative interests, at 
 three distant and important points in the nation, around which 
 the conservative men of those localities can gather — and in the 
 fostering of which, national yet benevolent interests, they will 
 find scope for the exercise of that true benevolence which is 
 one of the most ennobling qualities of our race; nor would 
 such oi'ganizations be without their inlluence in the season of 
 political storms — being one in interest, one in aim, they would 
 constitute a link to bind a dissolving confederacy, the social 
 and religious bonds of which are melting away before the sec- 
 tional spirit of the age — undervalue not such bonds, and par- 
 don the expression, when I say, that it is true policy, to bring 
 into being as many of such as statesmen can. 
 
 In addition to the salutary influence this national movement 
 will have on the parties of the country you will grant a boon 
 to the disturbed sensibilities of the northern churches, schools 
 and benevolent societies of every name — from which as moral 
 centers of great poioer^ floods of agitating influence, often revo- 
 lutionary in character, have been cast upon the country for 
 some years past — which if not stayed by prudent measures, 
 must and will precipitate our national dissolution. 
 
 In addition to the oil thus poured on the troubled waters, 
 the government will have a proper plea for the increase of 
 that important and noble arm of the national defence — the 
 JSTavy, which so far as number of guns afloat is concerned, but 
 poorly contrasts with the numerous and powerful batteries at 
 the disj)osal of other nations — surely there will be more merit 
 in such a plea for liberal appropriations to naval extension and 
 support, than in the plea whereby the English ministry per- 
 suade the Commons to maintain a useless but powerful fleet 
 on the " West African Station "—and is it not evident to you, 
 and your constitutional advisors, that inland States like this, 
 and lands-men generally, require such evidence of utility and 
 practical worth, to place them in strong sympathy with the 
 Naval Department in times of peace, it cannot be unknown to 
 you that there is less sympathy with the Naval Department 
 than there should be, because we seldom feel or see its work. 
 
 But, Sir, there are objections which we fear more than those 
 of the strict constructionist — and these are the objections of 
 the extremists on either hand — the Abolitionist objects to 
 colonization and Liberia, and the colonization scheme ; there 
 fore he is against any and all measures that would turn the 
 attention of the nation into this safe channel — he demands 
 the unconditional emancij)ation of the slaves, he orders the 
 freed man to force his vmy into the society of the whites^ and 
 
stands j^ledged to aid in Africanising this who^e conntry, by 
 corrupting the blood of the white race — such, thank God, are 
 not a powerful party at the north. We therefore hope you 
 will not be inlinenced by them. 
 
 But there is more to be feared from the extremists of the 
 south, as in this day we fear they are more numerous than 
 the araalgamationists of the north, and although not intend- 
 ing to aid that contemptible faction by the enunciation of ex- 
 treme pro-slavery views, yet they do so most eiiectually by 
 driving thousands and tens of thousands of our conservative 
 and best men into the ranks of those radicals. I would that 
 I could reach the ear of one of those southern magnates, I 
 would say with a burthened heart because of the dangers 
 clearly seen on all hands— the time for prudent statesmanship 
 has come ; the storm is raging and bearing down on the fabric 
 of the confederacy, and nothing but prudent policy will save 
 from wreck. But what, he may ask, is prudent policy in such 
 a case ? May I not point to England and her statesmen as an 
 example — when in England the popular element rages and in 
 its fury rolls its powerful waves against the constitution and 
 the throne, demanding " reform,'''' and shaking the country to 
 its foundations, what then is the policy of British statesmen ? 
 Do they stiU'en up like the proud oak and stand unyielding 
 until broken, or torn up by the roots ? No sir ! such is not the 
 policy of England's minister ; whatever else they may be 
 guilty of they are not imprudent in such a storm — they bend 
 like the willow, they give before the blast — not much do they 
 give, it is true, but nevertheless they give to the popular de- 
 mands, an inch at a time ; but their wisdom is in giving a little 
 and thus avoiding, from period to period, the danger to the 
 throne or ruling class. 
 
 I would to God that such was the course of the rulers of this 
 land, who are mostly the statesmen of the south ; they have 
 always been our rulers either directly or indirectly, and they 
 will be the riders until the nation is rent by revolution, for 
 give they will not, no, not an inch ; we fear their motto has 
 become : " Perpetuate the institution of American slavery," 
 to perpetuate it must be expanded, and the balance of the 
 slave and free States maintained through all future time. On 
 the other hand the northern conscience rises in revolt against 
 this propagandism and design to Africanize the nation, as- 
 sumes unqualified opposition and refuses to be a party to the 
 scheme whilst by its powerful workings it moves society with 
 earthquake throes, and each convulsion is but a faint shadow 
 of the violence of its successor. 
 
9 
 
 May God help the conservative men of the free States, for 
 we are at our wits end, we know not what to do ; when we 
 come to our riders, the statesmen of the Sonth, and tell them 
 they mnst grant us material on which to build an argument 
 wherewith to beat back the revolutionary storm, they heed us 
 no more than though we were their enemies, and as though 
 desirous of disunion in fact as well as in feeling, bid defiance 
 to the northern storm which shakes the nation to its very base. 
 
 Sir ! I disclaim all intention to be disrespectful when I say 
 we should have a stroke of national policy on the colonization 
 question and less of t/ie danger cms effort to Africanize this con- 
 tinent, for if things move forward as they have for years past 
 the next quadrennial election for President will find every 
 State free from the institution of slavery arrayed against those 
 encumbered therewith, on the simple issue of free States 
 versus slave states, and the North acting in an unbroken body 
 against the South, If Southern gentlemen will not aid us by 
 giving us proper material wherewith to meet the issues of the 
 day, why be it so, we w^ill calmly do our duty and commit the 
 result to Providence. But we frankly tell such gentlemen 
 that the day for compromise will soon be past — disunion is al- 
 ready at work and rapidly culminating — the body politic is 
 like a consumptive patient, the disease of disunion will soon 
 take a radical hold, and then the most that the friends of the 
 Union can dc> is to protract and prolong its sickl}^ existence ; be 
 this the aim of every patriot ; but does not a wiser patriotism 
 prompt us to remove, as far as we can, the causes of decline, 
 which is unquestionably such a large mass of fellow beings of 
 African origin, upon which a constant and effectual drain 
 should be established, so as to draw them oft' and place them 
 in some otlier country, where they may have a separate and 
 independent subsistence. In absence of a better locality should 
 we not select the West Coast of Africa, where they are so 
 much required to aid in the suppression of the slave trade, by 
 the establishment of settlements and posts of civilization. A 
 few millions judiciously expended in the formation of such 
 settlements would be an eternal hlessinrj to nations, for the effect 
 would pass into eternity, and the administration which dares to 
 take such a step will rear for itself a monument more durable 
 than brass, and in addition give to this distracted country a 
 national party with national measures, to the standard of 
 which the good can rally in the dark and stormy day. 
 
 But, sir, I must frankly say that a party, if such should ever 
 
 arise that has no aim, no end to serve but the cause of human 
 
 bondage, cannot rally to their standard the conservative or the 
 
 good men of any section of the land. Here then is a measure 
 
 —9 
 
10 
 
 wliich, if adopted, will form the foundation of a system of policy 
 on the negro question that will stand the severest ordeal of party 
 conliict. 
 
 We feel thankful to Providence that our nation is conmiitted 
 to the suppression of the African slave trade, because it fur- 
 nishes a pretext for more liberal measures, aud as European 
 nations are to some extent attempting a revival of that tralhc 
 by means of doubtful utility. Policy and humanity both con- 
 cur in prompting this nation to give the world an American 
 system for the iinal suppression of the trade by the establish- 
 ment of extensive colonies, hoping that in time the language, 
 institutions and religion of our country will extend from the 
 Cape of Good Hope to the ancient seat of umpire, the Bar- 
 bary States. 
 
 IS^or will French colonization present a successful barrier at 
 that point, for it answers not the end of Providence, and it 
 must, as it has often done, give place to that we advocate in 
 this paper — that is a Christian colonization — bearing onw^ard 
 and mingling with its flood the principles and fundamental 
 truths, social, civil and religious, peculiar to the civilization of 
 the Anglo Saxon race, which under God has been made the 
 great instructor of the negro, and as we believe for wise and 
 beneficent purposes. 
 
 I will close this memorial by submitting a copy of one of 
 the Acts of our State Legislature in regard to the measure for 
 wdiich we ask, and permit me to say that the policy of our 
 State remains unchanged on this subject ; nothing would be 
 more acceptable to the people than the measm-e herein pro- 
 posed. 
 
 "^1 Joint liesolution on the subject of tlie Slave Trade, and 
 for jyurposes of Colonization. Approved March 4, 1852." 
 
 "Whereas, considerations of philanthropy and patriotism alike demand an earnest 
 elfort to suppress the African Slave Trade, so long a repniach to the Christian 
 world, and a base outrage upon an unfortunate race of our fellow-men: And, 
 whereas, the praiseworthy efforts heretofore employed for that purpose have proved 
 ineffectual: therefore, 
 
 Jiesolved by the General Assemhly of the State of Indiana, That it is the judgment 
 of said General Assembly that some other and more efficient policy should be adopted 
 on that subject. 
 
 Jiesolved, farther. That it is the judgment of said General Assembly that it is the 
 duty of the Government of the United States of America, as the leading nation of 
 thewurld, in advancing and maintaining the cause of civil and religious liberty, 
 and ameliorating the unfortunate condition of mankind everywhere, by all proper 
 and lawful means to use the necessary powers to crush effectually this revolting 
 piracy. 
 
 lienolved, farther, That reason dictates, and experience has shown, that this crime 
 against our race, and the just laws of God, can be more certainly put down than by 
 any plan heretofore tried, by the planting and rearing to maturity and power, colonial 
 states upon the African coast, with republican forms of government, from the free 
 black population of the United States; and that it is the duty of the Congress of 
 the United States, and of the Legislatures of each of the states of this Union, to 
 
11 
 
 enact such laws in liarmony with each other, as would promote a general system of 
 colonization, n<.t only for the purpose of suppressing the African blave Trade, but 
 also to separate, as fJr as possible, the white and black race upon this contment-by 
 sendino- off, where they might consent to it, all colored persons in the United fc.tates, 
 except^those who may be held to service, to such colonial states, without cost, and 
 providino- for their comfort there for a reasonable period afterwards; thus making 
 some compensation to an injured race for the wrongs and oppressions of ages, and 
 relieviu<r ourselves from a population which, although amongst, can never be ot us, 
 in social or political rights; and for that cause are at all times liable to become a 
 source of public charge, and of public annoyance in each state where they may 
 reside, and of causing irritation and bad neighborhood in the feelings of the states 
 
 themselves. , n r) 
 
 Ee»olved, further, That our Senators in Congress be instructed, and our Kcpresen- 
 tatives requested, to use their efforts to procure the passage of laws by the Congress 
 of the United States, and that all the sister states of this Union be likewise earnestly 
 requested to co-operate, by similar laws, for the promotion of the foregoing objects. 
 Eesol'-ea, further, That the Governor forward a copy of these resolutions to each 
 of our Senators and Representatives in Congress, to the Governors of all the states 
 in the Union, and to the heads of the leading Colonization Societies in the Unitetl 
 States- and that he be requested to open a correspondence with such societies, and 
 other persons, within his discretion, who may be devoted to the objects aforesaid, 
 with a view to elicit information generally, upon the subject, and especially to obtain 
 plans best calculated to promote the objects above contemplated. And that ho be 
 further requested to lay such information before the General Assembly of this state, 
 at its next annual meeting, with such recommendations touching them and the cause 
 of colonization, as to him shall seem advisable." 
 
 I remain, with respect, yours, &c.. 
 
 JAMES MITCHELL, 
 Secretary Indiana State Board of Colonization. 
 Jeffersosville, Indiana, September 24, lSu7. 
 
 Department of State, AVashinoton, ^ | 
 December 28, 1857. J 
 To James 3fitchell, Jeffersonville, Indiana : 
 
 Sir __ Your note of the 2-l:th instant has been received, and the memorial which 
 accompanied it has been laid before the President. Tii.rra n a ea 
 
 I am your obedient servant, LE.VV ib OAbb. 
 
 AVashingtox, January 13, 1858. 
 
 My Dear Sir— It is some days since I received your communication of the 24th 
 ultimo, presenting the views of the Colonization Society of Indiana, on important 
 subjects. I have read it over with great care and refered it to the Navy Department, 
 where it will remain on tile. For the present, I forbear to express an opinion on the 
 topics which it discusses. 
 
 With sentiments of respect, I remain truly yours, ^^^^^^ BUCHANAN. 
 
 James Mitchell. 
 
 Note —History will record it to the honor of President Buchanan, that he has 
 made an earnest and intelligent effort to suppress the Slave Trade and aid the 
 American settlement on the West coast of Africa; as his messages to Congress in the 
 year 1858, 185U, and May 19, 1860, will abundantly prove. And the eyes of millions 
 have been fixed with intense interest on those brave, bold men, who, under his com- 
 mand have plnoed "the wooden walls" of the nation between the pirate and his 
 prey— and to their own great personal discomfort in being brought in close contact 
 with masses of savages in the holds of slavers, they h.ive preserved the honor of the 
 nation, and partially arrested that stream of undesirable population which is so 
 rapidly Africanizing the Western Hemisphere. 
 
Tl 
 
 THE SEPARATION OF THE RACES JUST AXD ruLlIiC. 
 
 Keeping in the order of receding dates, we will reproduce 
 a few extracts from the Indiana colonization reports of 1852 — 
 we quote them unchanged for we fear there has heen an unfa- 
 vorable reaction^ adverse to the negro, since they were first 2)ublish- 
 ed. They were intended to justify and illustrate the line of 
 policy which in 1851, actuated the Constitutional Convention 
 of Indiana, in working into the fundamental laws of that State, 
 the doctrines of the separation of the races ; and making pro- 
 vision therefore so far as our State could act in the case. 
 
 The separationists of our State do not consider themselves 
 in any way responsible for the severe measures adopted 
 by that body — intended to exclude negroes not then residents 
 of the State — having maintained all through the preceding 
 canvass of 1819-50 that the negro emigrant to Indiana, should 
 be regarded as any other alie7i or stranger and treated with no 
 more severity while entitled to equal protection — denying 
 him however, the right to take title to land within the State 
 — presuming that this would be sulHcient protection, against 
 anything like a permanent lodgement of such a population 
 within our borders. 
 
 "We will introduce this argument by stating a few points 
 as the foundation of our reasoning on this subject. 
 
 "All men are created equal." A separte and independent 
 subsistence for the great lamilies or races of men, is clearly 
 marked out by the Divine ruler. 
 
 Society is an ordinance of Heaven, having for its object the 
 happiness, prosperity and peace of its members. 
 
 Governments are designed to guard the peace, prosperity 
 and happiness of society, and to remove all political evils. 
 
 A homogeneous population is necessary to the existence of 
 a sound republic. 
 
13 
 
 Slaves and peasants, deprived of the right of citizenship, and 
 suliering social degradation, are incompatible with the genius 
 of republicanism. 
 
 The United States of North America should be a jiure re- 
 public. 
 
 A family, and that collection of families which constitutes a 
 republic, have the right beyond all organic law to say who 
 shall, or who shall not be received into their bosom and made 
 members of their society. 
 
 The American people, in the exercise of this right, admitted 
 the white race and rejected the black. 
 
 There is no salvation for another race that comes in conflict 
 with the Anglo Saxon race, but in fusion with it. All others 
 that conflict with it will be borne down by it. 
 
 The colored population of this country cannot be other than 
 a class of peasants, if excluded from white society. 
 
 Where men are truly religious and moral, the white and 
 black races of the United States do not mix — so the influence 
 of religion will never eflect a fusion, or destroy the right of 
 choice in the parties. 
 
 No two races, kept distinct by the refusal of the stronger 
 race to fuse with the weaker, can dwell together in the same 
 country on terms of social equality. 
 
 A heterogeneous population, that will not amalgamate, soon- 
 er or later becomes a turbulent, restless and revolutionary pop- 
 ulation. 
 
 The separation of the races, and the erection of the colored 
 race into an indej^endent and separate commonwealth are the 
 true and only remedies for the disabilites of the colored race. 
 
 Unfortunately for the United States, we have the elements 
 of much national disturbance and social immorality among us, 
 in the form of two incompatible races, whose interests must 
 forever clash so long as they remain distinct races, and there 
 is no likelihood that their present relation will change, or that 
 they will become blended into one people. 
 
 However, the great mass of the colored race in this land 
 are held as slaves, and with this relation of master and slave, 
 the inhabitants of free states are pledged not to interfere — and 
 we should sacredly observe our pledges ; but whilst man thus 
 sacredly keeps his promises to his fellow man, Avhat may not 
 Providence do with this institution. In the coming age of 
 revolutions that must sweep over our globe with terrific" and 
 renovating power, it will be impossible for our country to 
 escape the lightning's flash and thunder's stroke, with such a 
 colossal attraction and conductor as the institution of American 
 slavery in our midst, which rears its head amongst the gather- 
 
u 
 
 ing clouds that portend the coming storm. Oh, no ! slavery 
 wiJl be modilied by a series of providences before many years, 
 and it is likely that tens of thousands will be emancipated; 
 and in the course of a few ages all will be set free. But this 
 act of emanci])atiun, when consummated, will leave that large 
 mass of our fellow beings in a state of serfdom or social slavery. 
 For white society will refuse to receive them into its bosom — 
 or, in other words, the white race will not amalgamate with 
 the blacks. Therefore, the stronger must be the rulers still, 
 and the weaker the servile ones. 
 
 A heterogeneous population, that will not amalgamate, 
 sooner or later becomes a turbulent population, and civil war 
 and bloodshed follow as a nuitter of course. This has been 
 the past history of those nations which are cursed with a dif- 
 ference of race, and what has been true of other countries will 
 be true of the United States, unless we apply a remedy to the 
 evil that afflicts us. 
 
 With the opponents of the remedy of separation, we agree 
 that "all men are created equal;" but we cannot believe that it 
 follows, as a consequence, that all men should inhabit the 
 same state or territory, or dwell in the same city. But, on 
 the contrary, we believe it to be in keeping with sound policy 
 and the morality of a peaceful religion which we profess as a 
 nation, to apply the remedy of separation to conflicting fami- 
 lies or races of men, whose interests are constantly clashing, 
 and who cannot be reduced to a state of social equality. Such 
 we believe to be the slate of the white and colored races of 
 the United States. 
 
 /Separation is a compromise for the sake of peace ^ to avoid 
 the divisions of society into political factions, of which color 
 would be the line ; to enable the colored man to enjoy unin- 
 terruptedly all the rights of a freeman and exercise the fran- 
 chise of such a freeman. Is not such a compromise right, if 
 it can be effected % Is it not justified by the spirit of Christi- 
 anity '\ We think it right and just, and give as an illustration 
 of this compromise the case of Abraham and Lot, who were 
 the controlers of large households, and became the fathers of 
 nations. On one occasion, their families — or rather their 
 retainers and servants— quarreled about the right to the soil 
 or domain ; and these two good men found it necessary to 
 settle this quarrel by a compromise, and the result was they 
 se]3arated their families and became the occupants of distant 
 and different lands. 
 
 Nor will it do to put off the application of this remedy too 
 long, for already the spirit of strife, from this very question of 
 a difference of race, has commenced his cruel work of disor- 
 
15 
 
 ganization. Like a deinori of great malignity he lias entered 
 the ecclesiastical and civil councils of the land, and sowed the 
 seeds of strife there, and that seed is rapidly ripening, and has 
 produced strife and disunion in many cases. Keligious men 
 who were bound by the strongest lands have been rent asunder 
 and arrayed against each other in a hostile attitude, and are 
 now at war with such weapons as they dare to use. Whilst 
 the statesmen of the land, and the great i^olitical bodies, are 
 now surveying the field of future conflict ; calculating their 
 strength, choosing their positions and preparing for a war of 
 more than words — and although a friend to the "compromise," 
 yet we fear that the elements of trouble are not removed ; 
 nay, we know they are not removed — for as yet no practical 
 remedy has been applied to slavery the great root of the evil. 
 
 Kor will it do to say that the mere abolition of slavery will 
 remove the evil — indeed it leaves the evil complained of un- 
 touched ; for two distinct races will remain in the land to 
 curse the country with their strife for social pre-eminence ; 
 and just in proportion as the light which has been withheld 
 too long from the colored population is poured in upon them, 
 in the same proportion will their demand for social equality 
 become bold and threatening, until, considering forbearance 
 no longer a virtue, they will make their demand at the point 
 of the sword. Soldiers may laugh at such a prospect, and 
 glory in such sport as crushing the colored armies might 
 altbrd; but men of peace love not such things and deprecate 
 such times, although afar of/. 
 
 There are but two remedies for the evil : a fusion of the 
 raccs^ or a total separation. The application of the first rem- 
 edy always depends on the choice of the stronger race : and 
 the exercise of the choice tor or against involves no moral 
 quality ; so that a refusal on the part of the white race to 
 blend with the black cannot be considered a sm. And so long 
 as the right of choice remains to man and is untouched by law 
 — human or divine — so long white men, who are honorahle 
 and virtnous and fear God and regard his law, Avill choose 
 white company to the rejection of black. Nor is this criminal 
 in them. Nor can you compel the American people to act 
 otherwise unless you can show a clear law that will coerce to 
 fusion. 
 
 Hence tliose who are resting their hopes on the future inilu- 
 ence of the gospel, are cherishing a false hope; for the inflnence 
 of the gospel is to make morals pure : and whenever niorals 
 are pure^ then the races never fuse, but the line between them 
 js well defined — the white man being a dignified and upright 
 superior^ and the colored man being a moral and respectable 
 
16 
 
 inferior. Nor can the colored race escape from this inferiority 
 in society ; nor can those of us who would save him from it 
 do so as long as he remains in contact with white men. The 
 poor colored man is like the sickly tree that stands in the 
 grove : he is overshadowed by a stronger race that shoots up 
 to the heavens and spi-eads its branches to the light — casting 
 a destructive shade on all below. A transplantation is the 
 only salvation in either case. 
 
 The enthusiast may preach a different doctrine, and tell us 
 that he makes no diil'erence on account of color : he tells us 
 that which is false ! His actions and the company he keeps 
 conti'adict his words ; the companions of his children and 
 associations of his domestic circle are standing Avitnesses 
 against him. Compel him to choose between two young men 
 of equal moral Avorth, equal talents and equality of wealth, 
 but dilfering in color — one being white and the other black- 
 compel him to choose one of the two for a kinsman, and his 
 choice will tall on the white man ; and because of color even 
 he will make a difference. 
 
 So, unless we choose^ the colored man cannot become our 
 social equal. But the American people do not choose to make 
 him a social equal, and there is no law that can compel them 
 to do this. The consequence is the poor colored man must 
 stand far below par, because of his color ; and from this disa- 
 bility he can never escape. He carries it with him wherever 
 he goes^ and colored men are compelled to take a secondary 
 place in society and remain in a lower grade ; which classiti- 
 cation of citizens in grades is incompatible with the genius of 
 this republic and will sap the foundation of democracy. 
 
 This being the unpleasant state of things in the United 
 States, a peaceful separation of the races should be devised 
 and carried out as soon as possible, lor the good of both ; and 
 upon this separation an independent commonwealth of colored 
 people should be formed in which the colored i-ace might be 
 free from our dictation and control. 
 
 Many of the most intelligent and independent colored men 
 of the northern States are now convinced that a peaceful sepa- 
 ration of the races is the most religious way of disposing of 
 this vexed question. Hence we find them advocating conti- 
 nental colonization, or the erection of an independent common- 
 wealth of colored men on this continent. Others of them who 
 are not religious, are actuated by another passion : that of a 
 desire to rule ; hence they wish to escape from the society of 
 white men, where they must be subordinate, that they nuiy 
 become leaders themselves. And none but the willful and 
 
IT 
 
 wicked stubbornly contend for the right of fusing with the 
 white race, thus securing social equality in this land. 
 
 Kow that the colored people are beginning to move in 
 this work, it is the duty of the white race to help them to a 
 separate home. We owe this to them and we owe it to our 
 peace in the future. 
 
 It is clear to the calm observer that the colored race of 
 North America have been in a state of pupilage amongst us, 
 — our great crime is not the work of holding the colored 
 man in bonds as an apprentice or a scholar, but we have held 
 him as a slave, and vnthheld the instruction which he should 
 have received. This has been the crime of the South. 
 
 However, the effect of the connection which the colored 
 man has had with the white race has been to school him, and 
 bring him forward to a state of intellectual maturity. And, 
 now that the days of his majority have arrived, — as a 
 young man who has come of age is provided with a home by 
 his guardian — so the colored race, which now shows many 
 eigns of ability to take care of itself, should be provided with 
 a suitable home by the older guardian race. Nor should the 
 colored race think the work of removal from the old home- 
 stead of the white race a hard thing ; for it is nothing more 
 than justice and righteousness require. 
 
 We have no sympathy for that class that can curse the 
 colored man in their hearts, and then, for political purposes, 
 cry down the inhumanity of the Separationists ; and we have 
 very little with those suiDerficial philanthropists who would 
 retain the colored man in this land that he may be used as a 
 servant. We would give him all the rights of man, but this 
 the Abolitionists will not— cannot do : in evidence of which 
 read the following extract from " Jay's Inquiry : " 
 
 " One of the designs falsely imputed to them (the Abolitionists) is that of bring- 
 ing about an amalgamation of colors by intermarriages. In vain have they again 
 and again denied any such design ; in vain have their writings been searched for 
 any recommendation of such amalgamation. No Abolitionist is known to have 
 married a negro, or to have given his child to a negro ; yet has the charge of amal- 
 gamation been repeated and re-repeated, until many no doubt honestly believe it. 
 
 " No one, in the possession of his reasoning faculties, can believe it to be the duty 
 of white men to select black wives ; and the Abolitionists have given every proof 
 the nature of the case will admit that they countenance no such absurdity. It has 
 been found expedient to accuse them of aiming at socki? equality. He must be deeply 
 imbued with fanaticism — or rather insanity — who contends that because a man has 
 a dark skin, he is therefore entitled to a reception in our families and a place at our 
 tables. We all know white men whose characters and habits render them repulsive 
 to us, and whom no consideration would induce us to admit into our social circles ; 
 and can it be believed that Abolitionists are willing to extend to the negroes, merely 
 on account of their color, courtesies and indulgencies which in innumerabloinstances 
 they withhold, and properly withhold, from their white fellow-citizens." 
 
 B ere is the prejudice well stated and well defended by a 
 champion of the abolition cause — to meet and obviate which 
 —3 
 
18 
 
 the separation of the races was devised by the colonization 
 society. 
 
 The free man of color can never be a man so long as he 
 remains amongst white men, they will permit him to be a 
 servant or vassal, hut no more. Abont this kind of philan- 
 thropy there is a spice of selfishness that reminds ns of some 
 fine plantations in onr State, owned by very henevolent inen^ 
 but cultivated by half starved free negroes. 
 
 But before we dismiss this point we will say a word to the 
 man of color into whose hands this may fall: sir, yon cannot 
 change the state of things that now exists, withont a revolu- 
 tion, you will therefore act unwisely to rear nj) a family in 
 Indiana to be menials, when you can secure for them the lot 
 and rights of freemen by removal. But if designs of nlterior 
 i-evokition prompt you to remain in this State, with such de- 
 signs good men can have no sympathy. Your duty is to meet 
 tins difficulty in the spirit of peaceful compromise, and de- 
 mand a removal which our wise and benevolent statesmen will 
 grant, not in an unkind spirit, but in the spirit that actuated 
 the ancient patriarchs Abraham and Lot. 
 
 It is time the free people of color were constituted an inde- 
 pendent commonwealth, for they have advanced so far in the 
 work of improvement that they are fully able to conckict the 
 State machinery of a nation. 
 
 If it were possible to erect a respectable and truly indepen- 
 dent commonwealth of colored men on this continent, we 
 should do so without delay. But we fear the thing is imprac- 
 ticable at this time, and we fear that the future will not be 
 more favorable, because the grasping disposition of the Anglo 
 Saxon race claims the whole North American continent as 
 the field of its future enterprise and expansion. Nor will the 
 jealous and haughty South tolerate the erection of a common- 
 wealth of colored men on American soil. It is with sorrow 
 that we express our conviction that there is no rest for the 
 colored man on this wide continent. The Mexican and Indian 
 are more warlike than he, and yet they have not been able 
 to maintain their independence, or to preserve their lands 
 from violation ; it would require a standing army of many 
 thousand men to protect the Ijorder of a colored nation. And 
 again, it would ever be a sickly plant in the shade of our gi- 
 gantic Anglo-Saxon Republic. It is doubtful whether it cculd 
 maintain its independence as a sovereign nation. In short, 
 it must forever be a contemptible thing in contrast with the 
 United States. 
 
 Again, the fact that Divine Providence needs the colored 
 people of this land elsewhere, and requires not a colored na- 
 
19 
 
 tion on this continent tor the purpose of carryino- ont His 
 plans, is evidence snthcient that a colored commonwealth will 
 not succeed in this land. 
 
 For, although statesmen may plan, and fanatics may rave, 
 yet God reigns and will rule and overrule all things to this end 
 — the conversion of the world to the religion of Christ, and 
 the overthrow of kings, thrones, and nobles, to the establish- 
 ment of a pure christian republicanism, in which men shall be 
 governed by principles and not by power, in which they shall 
 acknowledge no king but God, and no creed but His law. 
 
 So far as the renovation of this country is concerned, tlie 
 Aufflo-Saxon race can effect the work without the aid of other 
 races. 
 
 But it can not be so with Africa, it is forbidden ground 
 to our race, else its wealth would have attracted us long ago, 
 Africa has long been noted for its Avealth ; its mountains 
 abound with gold, and its productions are of the most valuable 
 character. But God has reserved that land for the colored 
 man, — the linger of Providence points to its shores as the 
 future home of our American colored men. 
 
 God requires our schooled, converted, and enlightened col- 
 ored men, that thej may scatter the leaven of Christianity and 
 republicanism amongst a population of over one hundred 
 million souls ; already has the work been begun, a few thou- 
 sand noble-souled and independent colored men have taken 
 their lives in their hands and gone forth on their mission, — 
 under the fostering care of their Divine Guide, they have been 
 instrumental in planting the foundation of a christian common- 
 wealth on the continent of Africa, which now looms up from 
 the dark horizon of that benighted land as a bright star of 
 promise to the sons of Africa, — which is destined to be 
 their guide through all their future struggles and stormy con- 
 flicts. 
 
 And such will be the attractive power of the young republic 
 of Liberia, that in a few years its enemies will not be able to 
 turn the growing stream of emigration away from it — but it 
 will swell and spread until it has embraced the whole colored 
 population of our land within its influence. 
 
 An African commonwealth is no longer a theory, it is a 
 fact. There stands Liberia ! the glory of her friends, and the 
 rebuke of all her slanderers. 
 
 We must admire the wisdom of that Providence which 
 spread a cloud over African coloriization, and enshrouded the 
 young colony in doubt for a few years. But now, that God 
 has taken away the veil, we can see tho reason of this strange 
 providence. For we discover that the handful of pioneers 
 
20 
 
 stationed on the coast of Africa were learning liow to act and 
 govern. God was teaching them the difhcult lesson of self- 
 dependence and self-government. And looking back over 
 their history, we can see each successive step in this noble 
 work, until they stand forth before the world graduated repub- 
 licans, who have acquired such self-confidence that they can 
 now receive thousands of raw emigrants, and guide them 
 safely in the same diflicult work of self dependence, and self- 
 government. The foundation of their nation being settled, and 
 their institutions being planted, they are ready to co-operate 
 with the friends of the African in this land in the great work 
 of separating the races. 
 
 The work of transporting the colored people of this land to 
 a distant home can be eliected, provided both races are agreed 
 on the subject. And the western coast of Africa is the most 
 convenient point that can be reached. A few lines of trans- 
 ports plying regularly between the above point and this coun- 
 try would make the removal easy and pleasant — much more 
 pleasant and agreeable than a trip to California, and not at- 
 tended with as much l(ibo}\ danger or expense. The sum of 
 $60 will carry a man from this land to Liberia, and furnish him 
 with six months' provisions. The above sum will hardly buy 
 the California mover a good horse. As to the labor and dan- 
 ger of the two trips, the balance is largely in favor of Liberia, 
 for the constitution will sulTer more wear and tear by two-fold 
 in a Californian expedition than it will in a Liberian expedition, 
 and it cannot be doubted that twice as many die in going to 
 California as die amongst the Liberian emigrants. 
 
 Much has been said about the impossibility of carrying off 
 all the colored people of our land. We would to God that the 
 day of their exodus had come, it would then be seen whether 
 the American people have energy to effect the work. We 
 know they can do it if they will; and that man pays but a 
 poor compliment to the character of his race that doubts its 
 ability on this point. The colored people of this land are not 
 four millions in numbers, and yet four millions, if free and at 
 the disposal of the friends of colonization, could be transported 
 to Liberia for a sum equal to that paid out for the Mexican 
 war, which we suppose to be one hundred million dollars, and 
 yet this sum has been paid, or nearly so, without our being 
 sensibly the poorer, few men being able to tell when, where, 
 or how they paid their part of that bill ; if we are not mis- 
 taken, the American people are ready to vote any sum to 
 eifect a peaceful separation of the races, and wilj rejoice in the 
 opportunity. 
 
21 
 
 If the people will demand of the general government that 
 the Atlantic be bridged with a few lines of transports, tens of 
 thousands of free colored men will ponr across to their new 
 home. And the Slave States, ashamed of their folly and op- 
 pression, will surrender their slaves into the hands of govern- 
 ment agents, who shall set them free on the coast of Africa, 
 thus for a few millions of dollars, this land may be saved 
 from the scourge of civil war, and millions of our fellow men 
 restored to all the rights of men. AYe trust that God will 
 move upon our statesmen to consider this momentous subject, 
 and upon the free colored people of our land to inquire what 
 is their duty in this case ! 
 
 In the meantime, whilst waiting for the national exodus of 
 the sons of Africa, a separation of interests and institutions 
 tends most to the 2)eace arid morality of the races. Of this, 
 the more intelligent colored persons are convinced ; hence, we 
 find them advocating separate schools, separate churches, se23a- 
 rate neighborhoods, and, in short, separate society ; and, 
 although they seem blind to the manifest tendency of this 
 movement, yet it is carrying them on with irresistible power 
 to the sure destiny of the reasonable and conservative portion 
 of the colored race, which we fondly hope and believe will be 
 a separate national existence — which we hope will save them 
 from the horrors of the lot that awaits those of the race who 
 are bent on revolution. 
 
 Having premised those pcdnts, we will notice in a respectful 
 manner, some of the objections urged against the doctrine of 
 separation ; the most comprehensive list of objections that 
 we have ever seen, was published in one of our journals dur- 
 ing the session of the late Constitutional Convention, by an 
 anonymous writer. As we have a great respect for the 
 " Higher Law " and its Giver, we will give the objections 
 of that school a candid hearing, and therefore quote the ob- 
 jections in full. It is immaterial to us who the author of these 
 objections is : they are the cavilings of our opponents, and 
 they turnish a hold by which to grapple with them. 
 
 " 1 . The Earth, the whole Earth, is God's footstool. 
 
 " 2. It was created to be inhabited by all his creatures — to 
 sustain them, while in life, upon its bosom — to receive them, 
 in death, beneath its surface. 
 
 " 3. Surrounding this globe is atmosphere, created for the 
 purposes of life, and necessary to its continuance. 
 
 "4. The inhabitants of eacli particular section of the Earth 
 are but God's stewards. They occupy only at his sutferance 
 — they breathe the air necessary for their life only at His will. 
 
22 
 
 " 5 Each nation has its particular customs and laws. So 
 far as they do not conflict with His " Hif^h Law," they have 
 the right to prescribe rules and regulations for the government 
 of those who seek residence amongst them. 
 
 " 6. They may provide that certain classes shall not enjoy 
 the rights of citizenship — that they shall not have the benetit 
 of Poor Laws — that they shall be taxed, &c. 
 
 " T. But they have no bight, h]/ Diviue laiu, to prohibit any 
 Human being, whom God has seen fit to create of a different 
 color, from barely living upon that portion of the Earth which 
 they have themselves, or breatJdng of that atmosphere which 
 happens to hang over their nation or State, a sufficient quan- 
 tity for his existence. 
 
 " 8. They could have no such right, except by express Di- 
 vine Command — for the Earth is (not man's but) the Lord's 
 and the fulness thereof. All human beings whom He sees fit 
 in His wisdom to create. He intends, whatever man may 
 think, shall breathe and live upon that Earth. 
 
 " 9 Most undeniably would they have no such right, judged 
 by the law of Humanity alone, until at least a congenial por- 
 tion of the Earth was set apart for them, and every means and 
 expense fnlly provided for their transportation tliereto. 
 
 "10. Even then it would be doubtful, whether eitliei" by the 
 Higher or Lower Law, any nation would be justified in forci- 
 bly driving to it from their midst, human beings who had pre- 
 viously, with equal force, been dragged within its bounds." 
 
 With the first five of those propositions, we cordially agree, 
 although we consider some of them rather atmosjyJieric. 
 
 The sixth proposition is a peculiar one, being quite accom- 
 modating in its structure, for there is an et cetera at the end of 
 it, on which, we suppose, the objector designed hanging as 
 many negro disabilities as may he considered politic. He 
 maintains that States, in their transition or organizing process, 
 " may provide that certain classes shall not enjoy the right of 
 citizenship, — that they shall not have the benetit of poor laws, 
 — that they shall be taxed," etc. Which et cetera means all 
 the other disabilities of the black code, which States may please 
 to fix on the poor colored man. Yes, to this proposition and 
 all that it drags after it, we are compelled to agree, with a 
 pang of sorrow ; and the next impulse is to inquire for a 
 remedy. And we find that in amalgamation or separation. — 
 An election of one or the other should be made at once by 
 every State in the Union, and a vigorous system of State pol- 
 icy, in harmony with that election, adopted and set in motion. 
 
 If the policy of separation as a remedy for tlie evils that 
 arise from the existence of two conflicting i-aces, be rejected, 
 
23 
 
 and amalgamation or its equivalent, inaction, be adopted, we 
 have no more to say, except to express the hope that the dis- 
 abilities of the black code will be removed. For we must 
 confess that our quarrel as separationists is not with the man 
 of color, but with those very disabilities found in the sixth 
 proposition of the objector. Yes, it is for those we desire a 
 remedy; and if the objectors can furnish us a better plan lor 
 their removal,— for in this practical age, the plan is what we 
 want, something practical and substantial,— if a better plan 
 than separation's furnished, we will rejoice in the discovery, 
 and render all the aid we can to carry it out. ^ 
 
 But if such a practical plan cannot be found and furnished, 
 we feel disposed to advocate the redemption of the colored 
 man from those oppressive disabilities, by a removal of the 
 subject beyond their reach. And if removal is considered the 
 most practical plan, then we hope that our statesmen will not 
 dodo-e this question, but come up to it,— meet it, and give us 
 a vio-orous system of State policy that will facilitate the work 
 of removal, so that all vAo desire to emigrate to Liberia, may 
 be transferred there without the loss of a dollar. 
 
 The seventh proposition in the above hst, is designed to be 
 the strong point in the list of objections. It runs thus : "But 
 they have no right, hy Divine Law, to prohibit any human be- 
 in o-, whom God has seen ht to create of a dilferent color, from 
 barely living upon that portion of the earth which they have 
 themselves, or breathing of that atmosphere which happens to 
 hang over their nation or State, a sufficient quantity for his 
 
 existence." 
 
 About the atmospheric part of this proposition, we have 
 nothing to say. But we suppose that that portion which per- 
 tains to the earth, means— if it means anything at all— that 
 one man has as good a right, derived from Divme law, to live 
 on anv inhabited lot of ground as the legal incumbent or 
 owner," and by a parity of reasoning, that any one race ot 
 men has as good a right to the territory of another distinct 
 and dissimilar race as the possessors have. 
 
 Now with this we cannot agree, for if this doctrine was ad- 
 mitted, it would unsettle the very foundations of society,_and 
 overturn all the recognized institutions and sound laws ol our 
 nation, and introduce an agrarianism that would pour con- 
 tempt on the red repubHcanism of France. Nor is this doc- 
 trine in harmony with the Divine economy of which the ob- 
 jector speaks, which seems to be disclosed in the following 
 language of Scripture: "God hath made of one blood all na- 
 tions of men, to dwell on all the face of the earth, and hath 
 determined the times afore appointed ; and the hounds of their 
 
24 
 
 habitation." "The Most High divided the nations, their in- 
 heritance, when He separated the sons of Adam, lie set the 
 hounds of the people.'''' Here is a separate and independent 
 subsistence, marlced out for the great famihes of men; and 
 God requires us to respect this economy, any departure 
 from it on our part, will be to the injury of both ourselves 
 and others. And each State, or nation, has a right to repel 
 any departure from it by other nations or families, who would 
 force themselves upon an incompatible community, that wished 
 not their presence or alliance. 
 
 From the above economy, we infer that society is an ordi- 
 nance of Heaven, having for its object the peace, prosperity 
 and happiness of its members. Various were the lines of 
 division that God laid down ; but the chief were race and 
 language. Each of those sub-divisions of the human family 
 derived a right from the Giver of the "Higher Law," to form 
 a government for its protection, and the removal of all politi- 
 cal and social evils. This original right remains to States and 
 nations, and is the very foundation of republicanism. They 
 likewise received the right to choose the form of that gov- 
 ernment, and to amend it when such an amendment became 
 necessary. And further, society, which implies the State, 
 like the family, being an ordinance of Heaven, has the right 
 to prescribe the character of those who shall be amalgamated 
 with it; this right each sovereign State in this confederacy 
 has, and retains, beyond all State or Federal Constitutions, or 
 organic laws whatever, — and to express this in one word, it is 
 the right of choice. 
 
 But objectors too often forget that society in its organized 
 capacity as a State, has reserved rights, that it may assume or 
 lay down at pleasure, and that such rights are recognized in 
 the law of God. I^ow in the light of those recognized rights, 
 we must disagree with the doctrine of the seventh proposition 
 which legalizes intrusion, &c. &c., for God requires us to ob- 
 serve the rights of organized society, (States) and it is the 
 province of magistrates and statesmen to see that those rights 
 are respected, '■for they are God''s ministers attending continu- 
 ally upon this very thing.'''' 
 
 The doctrine of the above proposition forbids the repulsion 
 of an invading army. 
 
 It forbids the removal of a hostile force, that has taken pos- 
 session of a part of your country. 
 
 It forbids the exclusion of the emmisaries of a hostile peo- 
 ple, who desire a lodgement in the country for purposes of 
 revolution. 
 
25 
 
 It divests statesmen and magistrates of tliose pecnliar, 
 special and sometimes severe powers, which God has vested 
 in those who watch over society ; by the exercise of which in 
 given cases one man may condemn another to death ; or wliich 
 empowers onr chief magistrate, who is naught but a fehow 
 man, to order thousands of his fellow citizens into the field ot 
 battle, and there require them to sacrifice their lives for the 
 good of their people. 
 
 And as to the statesman, who is the j^olitical 2)hysician or 
 if need be the surgeon, whose duty it is to keep the body 
 politic in a healthy state. The doctrine of the objector as 
 stated above, ties him hand and foot, and forbids him to guard 
 his country and people from revolution notwithstanding all 
 the elements of revolution may be clearly developed. 
 
 And again, it forbids the enactment of laws, or the execu- 
 tion of such laws when enacted, as will dislodge an intruder, 
 who has taken possession of another's property on the ground 
 of having an equal rigJit with the owner, to the soil of his 
 farm or the air in his room. 
 
 And lastly, this doctrine not only legalizes intrusion, but it 
 is at variance with the doctrines of j^eace and compromise 
 which are so abundant in the Bible. As separationists we 
 claim for the colored man all the rights of man, but this, white 
 society refuse to give — what then shall be done in this case ? 
 Shall we spirit on the man of color to ]-evolution, strife and 
 sedition, and shall this strife be kept up as long as the State 
 stands, or one man is darker than another ? Is this required 
 at the hand of those who would be philanthropic — is this re- 
 quired by that law that teaches a peaceful compromise of all 
 difterences ? The separationist thinks not ; and acts on his 
 convictions. Hence if the colored man cannot secure his 
 rights in this land Avithout a revolution, we would avoid that 
 revolution by calling him oft' from the field of strife, and 
 invite him to assume a peaceful, respectable, and indepen- 
 dent relation to other nations. 
 
 The eighth j)i'oposition arises from and is based on the 
 seventh, but as its foundation is untenable, so the eighth is 
 unsound. 
 
 With the ninth we agree — conscious that the heart of the 
 separationist beats as warmly toward the colored man, as does 
 that of the abolitionist, and we ardently hope that our states- 
 men will provide a home for the colored man, either on this 
 continent or in Africa, where he can be a free man. 
 
 As to the tenth, the writer considers it a doubtful point, so 
 we will not trouble ourselves about his doubts, as we desire to 
 
 —4 
 
26 
 
 deal in clear terms, considering that it is only an inference 
 from the seventh, which has been answered. 
 
 We are now prepared to maintain, that it is the duty of 
 governments to apply to all existing political or social evils, 
 such remedies as are best adapted to remove them ; and to 
 prevent such national or social cahmiities as they may foresee ; 
 and it is the duty of statesmen and magistrates to see that 
 those remedies and preventatives are used — for they are God's 
 ministers attending continually upon this very thing. In the 
 exercise of these their rights^ they may repel an invading 
 army, remove a hostile force, enforce the observance of law, 
 punish the disobedient, and in short, use and exercise consti- 
 tutionally, all those severe, yet wholesome powers which God 
 has vested in the sioordhearers of society, and who are account- 
 able for their conduct to the Great Iviug in the first place, 
 whose "Higher Law" readies tJiem^ and binds them to the dis- 
 charge of tlie duties of their office. And they are accounta- 
 ble in the second place, to the constitutional powers which 
 appointed them, whose well being and peace they are bound 
 to seek, irrespective of the opinions of individual members of 
 society, whose limited sphere of observation may prevent 
 them from fully comprehending the wisdom or rectitude of a 
 given course of policy, designed to carry with it a national 
 benefit, the efi'ect of which may not be so clearly seen now, 
 as in future ages, but which onust result with mathematical 
 certainty, in the salvation of two races from great evils, and 
 the moral regeneration of two continents. For notwithstand- 
 ing our self-complacency, our republicanism must be vitiated 
 as long as slavery exists amongst us, and just so long will the 
 moral precepts of the Divine Law be disregarded. 
 
III. 
 
 IxDiAifAFOLis, July 12, 1849. 
 
 To Hon. J. M. Clayton, 
 
 Secretary of State: 
 Deak Sik:— Forgive the writer for calling your attention 
 to what maybe considered by yon a stale sul^ect— that _ot 
 colonization. But I come as a suppliant and I hope you will 
 mxQ me a hearina;. , -, - . i 
 
 Will you be so good as to read ; and then hand the enclosed 
 memorial to our beloved President-forgive all that you may 
 consider blunt, or not according to court etiquette, and then 
 become our apologist to him. , ■, • ^i 
 
 We have assumed the character of a pleader m the name 
 of others and have asked those things which we know trom 
 much intercourse with the people of Indiana would be very 
 acceptable to all parties. 
 
 Yours, respectfully, ^^^-^-r 
 
 ' ^ JAMES MITCHELL 
 
 To His Excellency, Z. Taylok, 
 
 President of the United States: 
 HoNOKED and Deak Sir:— Permit the writer to address 
 you in the name of nine-tenths of the citizens ot oiir State, 
 Vho being ''separationists'' on the question of the At n can race 
 think it iVnpracticable if not wrong to attempt a fusion ot the 
 black and white races of our land. But whilst we thus dis- 
 card the plan of amalgamation as a means ot elevating the 
 colored men of our country from their degradation, we advo- 
 cate the only alternative that is left the philanthropist— that ot 
 a total separation of the races. And the prayer ot your me- 
 moriahst is that the Executive would favorably consider this 
 plan for elevating our colored citizens and make it one ot the 
 measures of your opening administration, by recommending 
 Cono-ress to devise the ways and means to transport ah the 
 freel^eople of color who are wiUing to emigrate totheltepub- 
 lic of Liberia, which now offers to them an attractive and 
 
28 
 
 secure home where they may be truly independent, and not 
 only so, but be the instruments of planting an enlightened 
 republicanism and renovating Christianity on the continent of 
 Africa. And we reipiire not only the removal of willing emi- 
 grants, but we ask that all slaves hereafter set free, be remov- 
 ed at once to Liberia, or some other settlement on the African 
 coast, for we are unwilling to receive them into the North, 
 where they must become the social slaves of our race, which 
 is one part of the evil we wish to remedy. 
 
 The above measure is wliat the country wants — nothing 
 short of this will meet the necessities of the case. The nation 
 is ripe for such a movement — and millions Xorth and South 
 will gladly vote any sum to effect this work. And such a 
 work will cov^er the administration that eitects it with well 
 merited glory — a glory even superior to that which already 
 encircles the incumbent of the great chair. For free republics 
 and flourishing churches on what is now a dark continent will 
 speak forth the praises of their founder or patron in subse- 
 quent ages; and such a founder will be remembered by the 
 civilized world with admiration. Europe must wonder at this 
 peaceful but gigantic system of propagating republicanism. 
 Africa will hail it as the dawn of her regeneration, and all 
 parties in this land must rejoice at our deliverance from the 
 danger that always attends the commingling of races that are 
 incompatible and will not fuse. The incipient steps of such a 
 work are worthy your administration. And we 2)ray that 
 Heaven may give the system favor in your eyes. 
 
 It cannot be hid from you that the most potent objection of 
 the opponents of colonization is their gratuitous assertion that 
 the General Government will never take hold of the work of 
 colonization. Aud this assertion which we trust shall be 
 proved false by your action ; has chilled the ardor of our 
 friends and thinned our ranks, causing the loss of thousands 
 of our best men, who have gone over to the ultra abolition 
 faction. And tens of thousands of the most benevolent men 
 in the N^orth and Northwest, who act with us now — and feel 
 as we do on the subject of a separation of the races, are be- 
 coming doubtful of the final success of our scheme, because 
 of the neglect of the General Government. This conviction 
 if not soon refuted by your action, will disband the coloniza- 
 tionists of the North and then we will not answer for the 
 overthrow of this conservative body. 
 
 It is a difficult thing for us to show you the true state of 
 feeling in the North and Northwest. To understand it you 
 should live amongst us unknown — then you could disco- 
 ver that the great question M'ith us is the elevation of the 
 
29 
 
 colored man. God seems to have laid this burden upon our 
 souls, — we cannot roll it olt' if we would ; go where we 
 will it meets us. It is convulsing our church organizations 
 with earthquake power. All other questions of civil pol- 
 icy sink into insigniLcance before it. And now with burdened 
 souls we look toward you as a man of humane and conserva- 
 tive spirit who will regard not only the feelings of the extreme 
 sections of our Union, but likewise the wants and wishes of 
 the central States. In the name of the degraded colored 
 man, and in behalf of a community rent and torn ; and reel- 
 ing under the mad excitement of party strife, we ask you to 
 take the measure of the separation of the races into consider- 
 ation. 
 
 All we ask at this time is the acknowledgement of the 
 independence of Liberia, the recognition of her minister, (a 
 white gentleman who it was understood should reside in this 
 country,) and the formation of a liberal treaty of commerce 
 wnth her, together with a permanent line or lines of trans- 
 ports to be supported by the General Government. 
 
 Such lines would reduce the expenditure of the Coloni- 
 zation Society one-half per emigrant sent out, — thus she 
 would be enabled to extend her operations — and they would 
 establish a regular trade between this land and Africa, and 
 thereby the designs of England to make Liberia her factor, 
 and secure the trade of that opening country would be frus- 
 trated, and we would become the merchants of Africa. 
 
 The necessity of permanent and ample arrangements for 
 transporting colored people to Liberia is apparent when we 
 look around us and see the great number of colored people 
 who desire a passage to that land. In all sections of the 
 country the freed men are waking from tlieir sullen sleep, and 
 casting aside their objections to Liberia, they long to take 
 shelter beneath her flag — but the funds of <_»ur society are 
 inadequate to the demand. And the dilflculty of procuring 
 adequate funds is increased by the universal conviction that 
 the American Colonization Society has performedits mission^ in 
 demonstrating the practicability and utility of colonization 
 and that the time has come for a great ■- national movement in 
 this work, of which conviction this memorial is but a faint 
 expression. 
 
 That colonization should be made a measure of national 
 policy is evident from the following startling fact: — The past 
 history of the w^orld does not show an instance, where two 
 distinct races kept distinct by the refusal of one to fuse with 
 the other, because of some diiference in origin, religion or 
 color, have occujned the same country on terms of 2)€ace and 
 
30 
 
 equality. The consequence of such a comminghng has always 
 been civil war, internal strife and the oppression of the weaker 
 race, to the moral injury of the oppressor. We will call your 
 attention to a few well known cases, illustrative of this fact. 
 
 The case of the English people during the reign of the 
 Norman dynasty, wdiilst the Norman refused to mix with the 
 Saxon. The history of England during that time was one of 
 oppression and bloody strife ; and this unhappy state of aifairs 
 was not removed until the Norman consented to fuse with the 
 Saxon and the people of England thus became homogeneous. 
 Unfortunate Ireland is likewise an appropriate illustration 
 of the above fact. In Ireland there are two distinct races — 
 the aborigines or Milesian race and the Saxon race. In the 
 reign of Henry the Second, the Saxon made a lodgment on 
 that island and continued to encroach until they spread their 
 rule over the whole land— since the conquest the Milesian 
 and Saxon live together in the same country but never fuse, 
 this difference of race amongst the inhabitants of Ireland 
 is nearly as great as that which exists between the white and 
 colored races of this land ; for as a general rule they never 
 mix — to do so would be to lose caste in their respective fami- 
 lies ; the Milesian hates the Saxon, and the latter looks with 
 contempt upon the former. The consequence of this state of 
 things is known to you. The above difference of race is the 
 source of Ireland's wrongs and sorrows, and will be the pro- 
 lific source of evil until that people are blended into one race 
 by amalgamation, or ono of the contending races is colonized. 
 A third illustration is found in the present war of the races 
 of Central Ameriga. In short, the history of other lands 
 which have been cursed with a strife of races, shall be our 
 history, so soon as the colored race that we are cherishing 
 with so ranch care for the sake of profit shall have been 
 warmed into life — when the serpent shall have obtained ener- 
 gy — then it will throw its coils around its master and^spour its 
 long cherished and deadly venom into many a vein. 
 
 In this natural effort of the colored race to procure the 
 rights of men, they would find many sympathizers in the 
 civilized world, and not a few in the northerii States — who, 
 though they might not aid the rebel, yet they would not 
 oppose the man who strikes for liherty. In short, we fear we 
 have the elements of revolution amongst us, and it is the part 
 of wisdom to remove them. Nor should we confide too much 
 in our own power to quell an insurrection, for if a general 
 rising of the free and bond negroes should take place, it would 
 cost the people of the United' States much blood ; and more 
 money would be expended in quelling it than would be re- 
 
31 
 
 quired to transi^ort to Africa, all the free people of color in 
 the United States, together with all who shall be made free 
 for twenty years to come. Nay, the expense of one such 
 war as the last Mexican war, would cover the transportation 
 of over four millions of colored people to Liberia, at the rate 
 of 825 00 per emig-rant, which is a larger sum than Euro- 
 peans expend in coming to this country. 
 _ But to return — we deprecate civil war and acts of oppres- 
 sion, and we fear more the moral evil that such things would 
 inflict on posterity, than we fear a draw- on our purses for col- 
 onization purposes. So we ask you to save us from the above 
 evils, by a proper remedy, which, you discover, maybe of two 
 'kmds--the fusion of the races, or a total separation. The first 
 we think impracticable, therefore we advocate the second. 
 
 And while we thus beg you to take hold of colonization 
 with a firm grasp, and press the energies and resources of the 
 wdiole American people into the enterprise, we disclaim all 
 designs of embarassing your administration by what some 
 might call unconstitutional policy; for surely the Constitution 
 authorizes our rulers to seek the w^ell being of the whole 
 people, and few measures would produce more present and 
 prospective benefit to us, the negro, and we might add, Atrica, 
 than a national system of colonization, by which w^e could 
 rescue thousands, nay millions, of our degraded fellow-citizens 
 from dishonor, and save them and ourselves from soul des- 
 troying hatred, and pour out the leaven of an enlightened and 
 christian race on the corrupt continent of Africa, and thus 
 otfer an atonement for the sin of oppression. 
 
 But colonization may be adopted by the General Govern- 
 menton other and undisputed grounds, as a measure for sup- 
 pressing the African slave-trade ; and this ground is confess- 
 edly constitutional; to which the most strict constructionist 
 cannot object, nor can we think that you wdll construe the 
 constitution so as to see in it an instrument potent only for 
 mischief and incapable of application to purposes of mercy. 
 May God deliver you from such fearful views of that invalu- 
 able document, and may it prove in your hands an instrument 
 of mercy. 
 
 And now let us call your attention to the fact that Liberia 
 in these the days of her infancy has been the means of sui3- 
 pressing tlie slave-trade on over five hundred miles of sea- 
 coast. _ The erection of this Eepublic has cost our society but 
 one million dollars, which sum would not support your arma- 
 ment on the coast of Africa three years. Yet the combined 
 squadrons of America, England and France, have not been 
 able so much as to check the growth of the slave-trade, for 
 
32 
 
 over 80,000 Africans are anmially torn from the land of their 
 fathers and sold into perpetual bondage. 
 
 Now in conclusion, Honored and Dear Sir, Ave beseech 
 you to grant our cause a favorable consideration and allude to 
 it in your first message. Such an allusion would give tlie 
 rising and turbulent feeling of the nation on the question of 
 negro degradation a safe and definite direction. It would give 
 new life to the friends of separation. It would rebuke the 
 ultra men North and South. It would call into being a great 
 conservative party, with whom such a measure would be truly 
 popular, and it would cheer the young Republic on the coast 
 of Africa, that promises ere long to overshadow all other states 
 and provinces of that land. 
 
 Yours, with respect, 
 
 JAMES MITCHELL, 
 Agent A. C. Society. 
 
 Indianapolis, July 10, 1849. 
 
 Note. — It will be remembered that General Taylor called the attention of Con- 
 gress to the subject of the African slave-trade, and during his brief administration 
 "Steps were taken to establish a line of steamers for emigration purposes, between 
 this country and Africa; in favor of which measure there was great uniformity of 
 opinion throughout the nation, as the numerous petitions and memorials which 
 were poured in upon Congress and the administration abung^antly show. Of the 
 latter you will find several volumes in the State Department. And we will venture 
 the declaration that if the nation at this date was permitted to declare by vote its 
 sentiment on this question, it would go by an unexpected majority for a removal of 
 the colored race to a separate country. For it is becoming more evident that the 
 question will soon be "a separation of the racen, or a separation of the States. It is 
 an unpleasant problem to solve, but it is the duty and business of statesmen to do 
 it; and if they will not solve it in time, time will solve it to the prejudice of this 
 BOW peaceful and happy country. Expense should not be calculated in this connec- 
 tion, for, in the support of political conflicts over it, and civil wars arising from it 
 more treasure may be wasted, (to say nothing of the moral mischief,; than would bo 
 necessary to buy up every negro in the nation and remove him to a separate State, 
 within, say one hundred years from this time : for time should enter largely into such 
 a movement as it does into the composition of all great national enterprises ; but 
 there should be a beginning and the sooner a national plan is devised the sooner 
 the nation will have peace.