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 CONCESSIONS AND COMPROMISES. 
 
 1 
 
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 Printers, Philad. 
 

CONCESSIONS AND COMPROMISES. 
 
 It may be. too late — madness seems to rule the hour — 
 and, before the following pages can be presented to my fel- 
 low countrymen, some fatal and irrevocable act may be 
 done, or w^ord spoken, which may plunge us into revolution, 
 and all its fearful consequences. But if reason may yet be 
 heard — if there are still, as I really believe, many even in 
 the cotton States who would willingly try our Government 
 a little longer for the good it has done to all, for the honor 
 it has gained, for the example it has set, for the memory 
 of our ancestors who formed it so wisely and so hopefully, 
 after a long struggle in which they shed their blood to- 
 gether — then I would offer, with deference to the counsels 
 of such statesmen as still prefer National to State patriot- 
 ism, the following suggestions, which I do without further 
 preamble. 
 
 Let all State laws, obstructing the action of the fugitive 
 slave law, be at once repealed, and suitable penalties in- 
 flicted on all who interfere with it, with or without form of 
 State law. 
 
 In case of rescue, let the county where it occurred be 
 bound to pay the loss. This is an adaptation and a just 
 one of the old principle of our Saxon common law in case 
 of loss by riot. 
 
 In return for these concessions, let the Fugitive Slave 
 Law be modified in the following particulars : 
 
 Let it be enacted, that no man shall be deprived of his 
 
liberty but by the verdict of a jury, if claimed by him ; but 
 let that trial be held in the State and County from which the 
 fugitive is said to have escaped, and let the claimant be bound 
 before the ISTorthern Commissioner in heavy bonds, say for 
 $2000, given by himself and two substantial citizens of the 
 Northern State, that he shall be returned free of expense 
 in case the Southern jury cannot find an mianimous ver- 
 dict, and also to pay such counsel as the negro may have 
 engaged. 
 
 It being understood, that this privilege of trial by jury 
 shall only be accorded in case of formal demand by the 
 fugitive or his friends, after the hearing and adjudging of 
 his case by the United States Commissioner. 
 
 No one can deny that this is the form of the law which 
 would best secure the rights both of the master and the 
 negro claimed as a fugitive. 
 
 The latter would first have the chance of release b}' the 
 United States Commissioner, wdio must be satisfied of the 
 evidence for his slavery before giving him up ; then if he 
 demanded it, before the jury ; and it is quite certain, there 
 never would be a jury unanimously condemning a free 
 man to slavery in the very neighborhood where he is said 
 to have lived, and where no one would dare to perjure 
 himself to establish the claim. It is also notorious that in 
 cases of kidnapping, Southern juries have always been fa- 
 vorable to the negro. Besides, they do not want among 
 them men who have been born and bred freemen in the 
 Northern States. 
 
 When the right of jury trial is claimed, — which, I may 
 remind my Southern friends, a real slave would never do — 
 I would have the Commissioner hand over the black man, 
 not to the claimant, but to the public authorities of the 
 Southern States, w4io would deliver him to his master, only 
 after the further establishment of his claim by a Southern 
 jury ; before which, the negro could be defended by coun- 
 sel, secured and sent by his Northern friends, who, by my 
 
plan, would not be called on to pay these expenses, except 
 when the claim for freedom was unfounded. 
 
 In this way — while the black man would have a double 
 chance — the Commissioner would be relieved from the 
 awful responsibility of consigning a fellow-creature to 
 hopeless slavery, and knowing he would have a fair 
 trial by jury, would only require the amount of evidence 
 necessary to decide ordinary cases of law. 
 
 The present clause in the law, giving him a double fee 
 in case of finding for the master, should be repealed, as 
 odious in all respects. 
 
 The above changes in the law would, I think, secure 
 perfectly the rights of both parties, and, if I am not mis- 
 taken, would be entirely satisfactory to the Southern States. 
 The opposition would come from another quarter. 
 
 One other change is required, if not by justice, at least 
 by humanity, — I think by both. 
 
 There should be a clause of limitation. Unless the slave 
 were claimed within five jeava of his escape, and every 
 reasonable effort made by his master to secure him, his (the 
 master's) rights should be forfeited ; it being understood 
 that this exemption from arrest as a fugitive shall only 
 inure to the benefit of those who have spent the whole 
 period in the United States, and within reach of legal pro- 
 cess under the act. Those who go to Canada, to be safe, 
 must stay there. 
 
 It can hardly be borne in the l^orthern States that a man 
 who has lived and worked among us, has established cha- 
 racter, and formed connections of friendship, perhaps of 
 marriage, should be dragged away, not to his old home and 
 relatives, but to be sold (as is generally the case) alone to 
 a sugar planter in Louisiana. The master should be bound 
 to use more than ordinary diligence in the pursuit of his 
 negro, or the latter should be protected from him. 
 
 This also would remove all difficulty about identifying 
 the slave — for, when brought before a Southern court and 
 
juiy, after so short an absence, he could hardly be sworn 
 to as a slave if reall}^ a native of a JSTorthern State. 
 
 It would be an act of comity and kindness to our sister 
 States, depending on slavery for domestic service, to permit 
 transient visitors to bring their servants with them for a 
 limited time, as was allowed in Pennsylvania up to the 
 year 1847 without inconvenience or scandal. Much social 
 and pecuniary advantage would result ; and many a South- 
 ern family would tarry w4th us, — now kept awa}- by what 
 they consider a harsh and uncourteous interference with 
 their family concerns. It is hard that an invalid, travel- 
 ling for health, or a mother accompanied by her children, 
 should have their faithful attendants and nurses lured away 
 by the deceitful promises of persons whose only action is 
 to hurry aw^ay the ignorant domestics from their best and 
 most attached friends to an ungenial climate, where they 
 too often leave them to shift for themselves and die in 
 misery. Philanthropy does not, it seems in these cases, 
 extend further than to separate these helpless creatures 
 from their homes and masters, in wdiose families they were 
 born and would always be cared for. Freedom forsooth, is 
 better than food and clothing, and kind nursing in sick- 
 ness and age. 
 
 This, however, must be left to the legislators of our 
 several States, to whose more enlightened humanity Iwould 
 earnestly appeal. 
 
 The next matter of offence to Southern feeling, is the 
 claim of citizenship for the black race, because certain of 
 the Northern States have thought proper to admit it to 
 electorial privileges. If this point w^ere yielded, it would 
 follow as a consequence, under the fourth Article of the 
 Constitution, that a ISTegro being citizen of one State, is 
 entitled to all the privileges of a citizen in another State. 
 
 The Supreme Court of the United States has decided, 
 that the black man is not capable of citizenship. The 
 Supreme Court of Pennsylvania made the same decision 
 previous to the adoption of our present Constitution, which 
 
expressly excludes the black man from the polls. I be- 
 lieve the same is held in several other (so-called) Free 
 States. At all events, he is in most of these deprived of 
 the privilege of voting; in others, subjected to a property 
 qualification, not imposed upon white men ; and in only a 
 few he is made equal with the superior race in his electo- 
 ral position. Now, there can be no objection to any State 
 admitting him to all the privileges it can confer within her 
 borders. He may vote for and fill all her offices; but, if 
 we are to continue united with the Southern States, he sJiould 
 have no right to 'participate in their government — have no 
 power to take part in an election for Congress, still less 
 for the Presidential office. 
 
 In case of a nearly equal division of parties, he ma}', and 
 perhaps has in some instances decided the election of a 
 member of Congress. In the late Presidential election it 
 was asserted, though falsely, that his vote had carried the 
 electoral ticket in Ohio ; and this might indeed have been 
 true if the difference of the votes in number had been hun- 
 dreds instead of thousands. It will require no argument 
 to show that the 'possibility of such a contingency should be 
 prevented by a constitutional provision. It should not be 
 possible for an American President to owe his election to 
 Negro votes. 
 
 I believe this will be agreed to by nine out of ten of my 
 fellow-countrymen. "We are here with an inferior race, not 
 fit to share in the management of our institutions — whom 
 we will protect in their place — but that place is not one of 
 equality with us either socially or politically. I am glad to 
 find these are the sentiments of our President elect, pro- 
 nounced with the bold and honest frankness which charac- 
 terizes all his declarations. It would be, I am sure, the 
 will of a large majority even of the Northern States if put 
 to the vote, and an amendment to the Constitution to that 
 efiect would certainly be carried in the Free States. This 
 matter should be settled at once, and forever. 
 
6 
 
 The next point to which I would advert is the power of 
 a, Northern President, if infected with fanaticism, to en- 
 courage Aholitionism at the South, hy giving his appoint- 
 ments to men who w^ould farther, or, at least, not impede 
 the incendiary attempts of the Abolitionists. 
 
 E"ow, the only offices which he can give are those of the 
 Courts, the Customs, and the Post-Office. The two former 
 departments could hardly be obnoxious to this suspicion ; 
 their position and small numbers would prevent the idea 
 of danger ; but the postmasters, placed in every village, 
 might be truly mischievous by their own effiDrts, or, at all 
 events, by aiding the circulation of incendiary documents. 
 
 The remedy is easy. Take the appointing power from 
 the Postmaster-General, and make each local officer eligible 
 by the people of the county or town. Let them be re- 
 movable b}^ the Postmaster-General for misconduct on a 
 report to the United States Senate, to which body should 
 be reserved the right of overruling his action ; but in all 
 cases the place should be tilled by popular election. And 
 it appears to me that this change in the manner of appoint- 
 ment to the local post-offices is altogether desirable in 
 itself, as diminishing the patronage of the President and 
 all its corrupting influences. Surely there are no offices in 
 the whole country the qualifications for which a people are 
 such fit judges of. Many who vote for a legislator or a 
 judge are hardly competent to weigh their capacity for the 
 offices they place them in ; but a postmaster lias neither 
 legislative nor judicial functions. The simplest education, 
 honesty, and good conduct, are all his requirements. All 
 can observe him in his vocation. If active, accurate, and 
 polite, his political opinions are of no importance to his 
 neighbors, wdio often, too often, have to regret the appoint- 
 ment of a violent faction leader, neither sober, nor honest, 
 nor respectable in any relation, — only a faithful servant of 
 his party. The country would gain from the change, what- 
 ever its motive. 
 
 It might also, in some manner, be devised that the mar- 
 
slials and clerks of the Uuitecl States Courts, sliould look 
 for tlieir appointments somewhere else than to the Presi- 
 dent. And the more his patronage is restricted, the higher 
 will be the motives with which the Presidential nomina- 
 tions and elections will be eifected. But I am wandering 
 from my subject. 
 
 The next point is the protective tariff. 
 
 The justice of Southern complaints, on this subject, I 
 shall not discuss. I shall simply take it for granted, that 
 our Government will continue, as it has done, to raise the 
 greater part of its revenues from this source ; and, secondly, 
 that the existence of extensive manufactures, in any coun- 
 try, is necessary to its greatness, wealth, progress, and 
 independence ; and that the market, at home, for the pro- 
 ducts of agriculture, should be a sure reliance for the latter 
 interest. Thirdly, that for this purpose, some protection 
 and encouragement, may wisely and justly (incidentally to 
 revenue), be given to most kinds of manufacturing indus- 
 try, but it may and should be limited^ and here is the con- 
 cession I have to suggest — the limit. This might, perhaps, 
 be fixed at 20 per cent, on the true value, in this country, 
 specified according to a system of just appraisement. This 
 would be the extent, in any case ; in many, much more than 
 any manufacturing interest ought to demand. If this, and 
 the cost of importation do not sustain it, it is a proof that 
 industry has been misapplied in it. It may be taken as an 
 axiom, that no manufacture should be fostered to such an 
 extent, as to force the use of an inferior article, or make 
 the cost of the good one an appreciable tax on its daily 
 use. 
 
 I have almost nothing to say on the Territorial question, 
 about W'hich everything possible has been written on both 
 sides. 
 
 Pride and passion are both enlisted in the question, and 
 by far the wisest course, at present, would be to let it rest 
 for a calmer moment, especially as there is no one terri- 
 tory at present, a subject of dispute. Put, for myself, I 
 
would be willing to concede almost anything for union 
 and peace : for when a higher principle is concerned — when 
 the dearest interests of our country are at stake — when our 
 public and private weal arc in immediate danger — we 
 should be willing to abandon our own construction of our 
 legal rights, especially if, as in the present instance, we 
 lose nothing. 
 
 I take it for granted that there would be no difficulty in 
 giving every guarantee about the slave trade between the 
 States, and the non-emancipation in the District of Colum- 
 bia, till Maryland had emancipated her slaves, and a majo- 
 rity of the taxable inhabitants of the District had expressed 
 a willingness for it. Such are, I understand, the opinions 
 of our President elect, and if I can judge of his character 
 and sentiments from his public speeches, I believe he would 
 be inclined to sanction most if not all the suggestions I 
 have made. 
 
 I cannot find that Mr. Lincoln on the questions which 
 divide the country goes in any respect beyond Mr. Clay's 
 opinions, and although he did not receive my vote, I am 
 in«lined to believe he will, if permitted to govern our whole 
 country, gain for himself at the South the same respect and 
 confidence accorded to Millard Fillmore. 
 
 But, it may be said — let him be ever so conservative, 
 patriotic, honest, bold in execution of the laws, and in de- 
 fence of the rights of the South as guaranteed by the Con- 
 stitution — who is to save us from a successor elected by a 
 still stronger sectional part}- ? In four or eight yearS 
 hence, the great Middle and Western States will carry 
 everything with them. How is this to be prevented ? I 
 answer hy dividing them. There must always be two par- 
 ties at the I^orth of nearly equal numbers ; the smaller, 
 probably the most conservative, glad to ally itself to the 
 States of the South, which, from unison of interests and 
 feelings will never be divided in the same way. But, it 
 will be asked, what will be the weight of this minority in 
 the Presidential election ? What was the influence of the 
 
Democratic and Union Parties in the last election ? Majori- 
 ties or pluralities of the enemies of the South may carry 
 these great States with their entire electoral ticket. I reply, 
 there is a way to prevent this. Difficult to carry, perhaps, 
 .against the opposition of the oligarchy of demagogues who 
 govern us, hut veiy possible and easy, if patriotism and 
 not party success, were the ruling motive of our legislators. 
 Change the mode of choosing Presidential electors. 
 Destroy the general ticket. Choose each elector in his 
 own Congressional district ; and let the two Senatorial 
 electors he chosen either by the Legislature or b}^ a ma- 
 jority of the Electoral College, as previously elected in dis- 
 tricts. In this wa}^ a double good would be attained, the 
 State electoral votes divided, and minorities represented. 
 The South would always have some Northern votes for 
 its candidate in every great ISTorthern State. Perhaps, 
 the North n:iight also have a few for their favorite in the 
 Southern States. The sectional division would be surely 
 broken, our Presidential canvass deprived of many of its 
 evils, both in its excitement and its corruption. The influ- 
 ence and w^eight of the great States would be weakened. 
 So much the better. The President has nothing to do 
 with the States. He is not their representative, and should 
 owe nothing to local caucuses, — have no bargains to make 
 with State politicians. He should be the representative 
 and creation of all the people of the whole country ; and I 
 truly believe the change I propose would tend to make 
 him so. 
 
 The above has been written in great haste and without 
 consultation. Reflection and the advice of friends might 
 make it better, in several particulars. But never before 
 was delay so dangerous. There is no such thing as mas- 
 terly/ inactivity/ now. All that is dear to us is in peril. 
 "We must speak and act at once, or we are lost. 
 
 The writer of the above, no wise versed in public 
 aflairs, with no acquaintance among public men, unused 
 
10 
 
 to address by word or pen his countrymen, feels impelled 
 to lay before tliem the result of his anxious meditation on 
 the best remedies for the present dangers. He begs a can- 
 did consideration of his propositions. If not acceptable, 
 they may, perhaps, suggest others more available. If not 
 practical or practicable, others with a better chance of 
 success. 
 
 The means and manner of carrying them out, would re- 
 quire time and much consideration to mature, but if favored 
 Avith the approbation of my countrymen, there could be no 
 difficulty. Some of the changes suggested, might require 
 a constitutional amendment ; others only an act of Con- 
 gress or of our legislatures. If there be a will, the wa}' 
 will not be long to seek for. 
 
 It is unnecessary to add another word, but I cannot con- 
 clude without the utterance of a fervent prayer, — that this 
 offering of earnest patriotism may be received in the 
 same spirit in the different quarters of our Union ; and 
 that God may bless my humble effort, and give it some 
 efficacy in helping to arrest the downward course by 
 which our country seems rushing to DISUJSTIOK — WAR — 
 ANARCHY. 
 
 P. S. — Since the above was in type, another topic has 
 suggested itself, viz., the Supreme Court. 
 
 Apprehensions have been expressed that, in consequence 
 of the great growth of population in the jSTorthern States, 
 if hereafter the members of the Court should be appointed 
 in equitable proportion, the preponderance of ISTorthern 
 men on the Bench w^ould be so great as to render impos- 
 sible a fair and unbiassed decision affecting the interests of 
 
11 
 
 the South and her peculiar institution. This fear would 
 not be just if the judges appointed were honorable men 
 and sound lawyers ; but as the nominations might be made 
 from among part}' men, fresh from contests and discus- 
 sions, which, even with honest men, too often impair the 
 judgment, I would suggest, as future provisions. 
 
 First. That the judges should always be taken from the 
 circuits they will occupy ; so that the South would always 
 have their own men in the inferior courts, as well as their 
 proportion in the superior ; and 
 
 Secondly. In all cases where the question of slavery is 
 implicated even remotely, that the Supreme Court should 
 be formed of an equal number of judges from either side 
 of the slavery line, — the reduction being effected by the 
 retirement, for that case only, from the bench of one or 
 more of the last appointed judges for the Northern cir- 
 cuits. 
 
 Whatever may be thought of this proposition, I believe 
 it to be recommended by every consideration of equity. 
 
 I cannot think it possible that the senior judges in such 
 cases could decide on any other principles than those of 
 the Constitution and the laws, and their decision to be 
 final must have the concurrence of members of the court 
 from both sections ; but should there be an equal division, 
 on a question which did not admit of postponement, then 
 there might be added to the court another judge for the 
 new trial of this case, selected by the Senate of the United 
 States by a vote of more than two-thirds, from among the 
 most eminent jurists of the country not holding Federal 
 offices. 
 
 Other guarantees might be suggested by those who have 
 given to our Constitution and its workings more study 
 than I have done ; but it is clear that some such modifica- 
 tions as I propose might be made in every particular com- 
 plained of, without change of principle or any disturbing 
 influence in our present system of government. 
 
12 
 
 We are ready to concede much, almost everything for 
 Union and Peace. We are not warhke, and prefer onr 
 farms and workshops to the pomp and circumstance of 
 war. AVe have no Cavaliers among our ancestors : those 
 gallant gentlemen who always wore swords, and were apt 
 to use them too readily ; but some of us, even in the Mid- 
 dle States, are descended from the soldiers of Marston Moor 
 and Worcester. We do not yield from cowardice. 
 
 Of all things we deprecate Civil War. 
 
 Oh ! if my weak voice could be lieard amid the shouts of 
 public meetings, the din of arms, and the horrid sound of 
 that accursed music, wdiich led the Ruffians of France to 
 the murder of priests and women, and which I hoped would 
 never be greeted with applause by my countrymen. I would 
 beseech them to stop ; and, if only for a moment, reflect 
 what tliey are doing — where they are going — what they 
 have to gain — what they are throwing away ! 
 
 At present, they boast of such a union of the whole 
 South as never existed in the entire Confederacy. How 
 long will that union last ? Is there such identity of inte- 
 rest between the seaboard planters and those of the Mis- 
 sissippi Valley? Would South Carolina be ahvays the 
 admitted leader. She, except Florida, the smallest and 
 weakest of all the Southern States ? Would her views of 
 government be adopted ? On the contrary ; may we not 
 expect a divergence of opinions in the Convention of South- 
 ern States, far greater than that which existed in 1787. 
 
 The Government must be strong ; poioer must be lodged 
 somewhere ; n perfect Union, not a weak Confederacy, must 
 be formed. But, let this difficulty be surmounted, would 
 not the questions of trade, currency, and foreign policy, 
 excite terrible divisions? The revenue — where would it 
 come from ? Would direct taxation be borne under a sys- 
 tem of universal suffi-age, unless far more unequally appor- 
 tioned than any possible tariff? 
 
 Then the question of the slave trade and foreign alliance, 
 
13 
 
 especially should the protection of a foreign power he 
 necessar}' to defend the commerce of the South ? And if 
 the trade of the country were thrown chiefly into European 
 channels, would the commercial regulations of France and 
 England consult Southern interests or their own? I will 
 only refer to the necessity of a large and permanent mili- 
 tary array, the most w^asteful of all expenses ; and, while 
 I turn Avith horror from the thought of a contest with the 
 North, would only remind them of the most embarrassing 
 I'esults to themselves of a war between the two great naval 
 powers of Europe. 
 
 On the other hand, what has been the condition and 
 position of the Southern States as partners in this Confede- 
 racy ? The planting interests have flourished as they never 
 did before under any government ; the slaves have in- 
 creased in number and value beyond parallel. The South- 
 ern States have imposed their policy on the Government 
 almost without intermission ; have elected nearly all our 
 Presidents ; and would have succeeded in the last election 
 but for a division of party, wdiich they alone are answer- 
 able for. 
 
 They carried the country into two wars, both opposed by 
 the North, and have appropriated to their exclusive use the 
 most valuable part of all the territories acquired beyond 
 our original borders, except the Pacific coast. The loss of 
 property by the flight of slaves has not been very great, and 
 might be much diminished. The concessions proposed 
 above, would protect all the interests connected with 
 slavery. "What remains to be complained of? The ravings 
 of infidels and fanatics — the declamatory abuse of preachers 
 a»d lecturers — whose livelihood depend on fostering popu- 
 lar excitement. Enthusiasm requires fuel, or it must ex- 
 haust itself; and that fuel has been unfortunately furnished 
 by many acts of violence on the part of the South ; some 
 of which were natural, others admit of no excuse. But, I 
 think, I may assert, with truth, that there w^as a time when 
 
14 
 
 the Abolition Party, after the Compromise of 1850 was ra- 
 pidly declining — and should we pass the present painful 
 crisis, I verily believe, that the lesson it will teach, and the 
 concessions and guarantees it will obtain for Southern in- 
 terests — will secure us for many years, Union, Friendship, 
 and unbounded prosperity. 
 
 Philadelphia, December 8, 1860. 
 
POSTSCRIPT 
 
 CONCESSIONS AND COMPROMISES. 
 
 Since tlie partial circulation of this pamphlet, a Southern 
 gentleman, a Georgian, said to me, " AYe like your pamph- 
 let very much ; we approve of your suggestions, and would 
 accept your propositions for the amendment of the Consti- 
 tution and laws, as answering nearly all our demands ; 
 but would your fellow-citizens of the jSTorth support you ? 
 Would they not, on the contrary, reject many of your sug- 
 gestions ; and, however just and reasonable they may be, 
 would it not take long to convince them of it? "Would 
 not your legislatures, as now constituted, oppose them ? 
 Would the present Congress accept them ; or the next, 
 deprived of the members of several seceding States ? 
 Above all, would not your politicians and party-managers 
 battle with all their might against those parts of your plan 
 which would take so much out of their hands and destroy 
 the machinery of their power in the General Government ?" 
 I reply to this, that " I have no doubt the public mind, in 
 Pennsylvania, which, on national questions, has almost al- 
 ways been sound, would soon show itself as conservative 
 as of old ; and that the other States would only require a 
 little more time for the same result; that the politicians 
 would be baffled by their sense of justice and its coincidence 
 with their own interest, which, in the end, always prevail 
 in communities like ours." 
 
11 
 
 But my friend rejoins, "Are we to enter into the dis- 
 cussion of our claims at AYashington and before your State 
 Leo-islatures, with the certainty of increased warmth and 
 bitterness, and the possibility of failing at last ? In the 
 mean time, while we are making a ruinous parade of 
 force — shall we be suspected of a willingness to concede 
 our honest demands ? of a fear to execute our threats ? be 
 told our real passion is Gas ? our deep laid plans only con- 
 trivances for political effect ? I answer— "i\rO /—Take ad- 
 vantage of your present position and demand, with no 
 more delay than a reasonable allowance for difficulties, a 
 prompt compliance. Insist upon such alterations of the 
 Constitution, and in the laws both of General and State 
 Governments, as will secure all your rights in the Union ; 
 but do it with moderation, with some regard to what we 
 call our principles and you our prejudices; and ask no 
 more than is essential to the permanent security of your 
 property." 
 
 Presuming that my propositions cover the whole ground, 
 and that the amendments suggested would be sufficient for 
 what we aim at, I would make the following schedule of 
 demands : 
 
 First. That all the offensive and insulting legislation of 
 the North, be at once repealed. 
 
 Second. That the negro be declared, by an amendment to 
 the Constitution, incapable of citizenship, or 
 of participating in any election for national 
 officers. 
 
 TJiird. That the General Government be deprived of the 
 power of appointing to local offices, in the 
 Southern States, men inimical to their institu- 
 tions and rights. 
 
 Fourth. That the Supreme Court be so regulated, that the 
 South might always have an equality, when 
 questions involving their rights, were before it. 
 
 Fifth. That proper and perfect guarantees be given for 
 
Ill 
 
 the protection of Slavery, in the District of 
 Columbia, till Marj'land gives freedom, and the 
 taxables of the District demand emancipation. 
 
 Sixth. That similar guarantees be given, that the trans- 
 mission of negroes between the Southern States, 
 shall never be interfered with. 
 
 Seventh. That the tariff" of duties have a constitutional 
 limit of not more than 20 per cent., so that 
 it may never prove an undue favor to one sec- 
 tion, or an oppression to another. 
 
 Eighth. That such modifications be made in the mode of 
 choosing Presidential Electors as may give a 
 just and due representation to minorities in 
 the Electoral Colleges, and secure the country 
 forever hereafter from a purely sectional elec- 
 tion of President. 
 
 The territorial question I would leave for the present in 
 abeyance : the South would gain nothing now, practically, 
 by a formal recognition of her disputed rights. She has 
 these indeed nominally, and the Supreme Court has con- 
 firmed them in a decision, to which very many are disposed 
 to bow who do not approve of it. "When hereafter a ques- 
 tion may arise as to further acquisitions at the South, those 
 who demand it may depend upon the support of their 
 friends forming the minority at the North, and still more 
 surely on that spirit of acquisitiveness so general among 
 nations as among men, which would be very apt to prevail 
 even in New England, if it could be shown that their com- 
 merce and manufactures would greatly gain by it. 
 
 Let the Southern Legislatures and Conventions calmly, 
 temperately, without taunt or menace, present these claims 
 to the people of the North, and if confined to the points I 
 have made, I would almost lay my life on their success. 
 Let them demand firmly what is right and just, and it will 
 be accorded. The ground of dispute being thus guarded 
 
IV 
 
 ou all Bides from attack, the crusade against slavery will 
 
 end. 
 
 The political pliilanthropists of New England must seek 
 some new field for their labors, and our country may again 
 possess the inestimable blessings of Union and Peace. 
 
^^^^ 
 
 ^^^^^o" C0NC3BESS 
 
 iiiiii 
 
 011895 769 6 
 
 1^ S*r'Hx.^S^!<^^^. 
 
 
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