E458 
 
 LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 
 
 0000173^^436 
 

 
 
 
 
 

 
 <^^ 
 
 
 
 v^ *l^Zj 
 
 
 .<^ 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 '>/>%• 
 
 
 
 'oK 
 
 
 ^v _ _ -o^ --.TfT'- ^o' -*^^ -.ir,-*- ,/* 'T' 
 
 '^tf' 
 
 
(f0tt9te)Si5it0ttaI ^fQi^ktiott. 
 
 SPEECH oA . 
 
 V 
 
 HON. ISAAC K-AENOLD, 
 
 July 14, 1864. 
 
 The reception of Hon. Isaac N. Arnold at Metropolitan Hall, last night, was 
 an imposing one. The Hall was largely filled, and the utmost enthusiasm pre- 
 vailed. 
 
 The meeting was organized by the choice of the following officers: 
 
 President — Colonel C. G. Hammond. 
 
 Vice p/-c-t;(;ra^— Samuel Hoard, P. W. Gates, J. A. Tvrrell, Geo. C. Bates, E. 
 A. Storrs, Elliott Anthonv, J. V. Farwell, 0. Bentlev, L. C. P. Freer, Hon. E. 
 S. Williams, Hon. J. S. Rumsey, T. W. Baxter, T. M. Averj, A. Wright, Hon. 
 Tan H. Higgins, James Long, M. W. Leavitt, Robert Clark, Dr. Paoli, E. C. Lar- 
 ned, J. Y. Scammon, G. Leverenz, P. Daggy^ George Fleischmann, Col. J. M. 
 Loomis, S. B. Perry, Goorgo Smith, George Vif. Gage, F. Hartman, Francis Pas 
 de Loup, J. G. Gindele, F. Frillman, Frederick Letz, John Raber, George Mueller, 
 Dr. J. P. Lynn, John Sears, Auijustus Herr, C. N. Holden, Merrill Ladd, John F. 
 Beattie, W. H. Reynolds, Hon. F. A. Hoffman, Eli Bates, Edmund Juessen, Iver 
 Lawson, Piiilip Steinmueller, H niry Erb, W. W. AUport, W. E. Doggett. 
 
 Secretaries — A. Shuman, L. H. Davis, S. C. Blake. 
 
 REMARKS BY THE CHAIRMAN. 
 
 On taking the chair, Col. Hammond sai(J : 
 
 Ladies and Gextleme.v: Tlae large audience which has gathered here, not- 
 -n-hhstanding it is only two days since a large public meeting was held here, 
 evinces not only the depth and earnestness of your interest in the great cause 
 for which we are contending, but that you have also a special interest in the 
 main purpose for which this meeting has been called. 
 
 It is appropriate and proper that c ur Representative in Congress from this 
 District, after his long and arduous service, should be called upon to meet his 
 constituents and give them a report of his labors as their Representative, and 
 his views on the great questions before the nation. The people should ever 
 watch their public servants with the closest scrutiny, and while quick to de- 
 nounce tlieir misdeeds or shortcomings, should be as prompt and ready to give a 
 hearty approval of honest, able and faithful service. Next to the consciousness 
 of having done his duty, and his whole duty, the faithful Representative is 
 happy in the approval of his constituents ; and he cannot but rejoice to be called 
 npon to meet them and render an account of his stewardship. 
 
 It is in this view that the meeting has been called. You will also be addressed 
 by other em nent speakers on the questions of the day. 
 
 I rejoice that so large an assemblage is gathered here to welcome Mr. Arnold 
 ■on his return. I am glad to bear testimony to his able and faithful public ser- 
 vices for the last three years. 
 
 In times of extraordinary difficulty and temptation in public life, he has been 
 tried and has not been found wanting. Unsullied integrity and unselfish devo- 
 tion to the public interests in a Congress like the last, are qualities which the 
 people know how to appreciate and honor. 
 
Mr. Arnold has devoted all his time and talents to the public service, rever 
 failing to vote, and to vote ririht. He has made his pLace no sinecure, but one of 
 self-denying labor for his constituents and tlie country. 
 
 While his efforts in the special interests of his District have been faithful and 
 persevering, he has not ceased to remember that he was the representative of 
 the natio7i, but has, by his course in Congress, and his public speeches, acquired 
 a commanding influence and reputation before the whole country. 
 
 He has given the most hearty and efficient support to the President and Ad- 
 ministration, and'enjoys, beyond a doubt, their confidence and regard. He has 
 labored with untiring zeal and ability to supply the means, the men, and the 
 measures for the suojugation of this rebellion, and he has been among the fore- 
 most in recognizing slavery as its real cause, and in originating and furthering 
 every eifort, legislative or executive, for overthrowing that accursed institution 
 and utterly extirpating it from the land. 
 
 In such troublesome times, men who have been tried, true men, should be 
 kept at their posts, and we owe it to ourselves to ;iive the country the benefit of 
 their experience in conducting it through the perils of reconstruction yet to be 
 encountered. 
 
 We may well learn a lesson from slavery in Uie past, which never dismissed a 
 public servant, a true representative " to the manor born," but claimed his ser- 
 vices for a decade, or for life. Slavery deserted and cast off only " Northern 
 Doughfaces." 
 
 But I must not detain you further. I shall better fulfill my duty on this Qcca- 
 sion by leaving the issues before the nation, as well as the present aspect of pub- 
 lic affairs, to the discussion of one fresh from the seat of Government. I will 
 therefore introduce to you Hon. Isaac N. Arnold. 
 
 1 MR. ARNOLD'S SPEECH. 
 
 The times are too grave 'for speecli-mnking. I am not here for 
 that purpose, but to give you a plain statement of the legislation 
 , of Congress, and the present condition of our aifairs. Yesterday, 
 when Ave were all feeling such deep anxiety for the Capital, I 
 sent to the President this dispatch : 
 " To the President of the United States : 
 
 The North-West earnestly requests that half a million more men 
 may be called to the field. Illinois is ready to furnish her quota 
 without delay. ' Isaac N. Arnold." 
 
 I am quite sure that in this dispatch I gave expression to the 
 intense feeling of the loyal masses of our State. 
 
 I appear before you to-night, my friends and fellow citizens, to 
 give you an account of my acts as your Representative in the 
 Congress of the United States. The occasion will compel me to 
 be egotistical. During the three eventful years of the past, with 
 all their varied history, our victories and defeats, our bright and 
 our gloomy days ; years than which there are none more import- 
 ant in all the generations of the past, I have had the honor to 
 represent this patriotic, loyal, liberal, generous, great-hearted 
 district of the North-West; a people with more of energy and 
 determination of character ; with more of pluck and persistence, 
 more of that American goaheadativeness, than the same number 
 of men elsewhere on the globe. This has been a proud and 
 responsible position, and you all have a right to know how I ha-s-e 
 discharged my duty. I am here to-night to tell you ; and if in the 
 course of my remarks any constituent desires any additional 
 information, or wishes to inquire of any fact or vote, I shall be 
 glad to bo interrogated, and happy to reply. I thank God, 
 
fellow citizens, tbat in looking Lack overthe varied scenes of these 
 three years, there is no public act of mine of which I am ashamed ; 
 nothing for which I do not challenge the most searching scrutiny. 
 Doubtfess time has developed many mistakes, many errors ; but 
 all my official conduct has been the result of an honest purpose, 
 a sincere and earnest desire faitlifuUy to discharge my duty. On 
 all the difficult and novel questions upon which, as your repre- 
 sentative, I have been called to act, I claim, not infallibility; 
 but I claim to have been inspired by an earnest desire to do all in 
 my power to aid in crushing this most causeless and infamous 
 rebellion, to maintain the liberties of my country, to restore the 
 Union, with the cause of all our difficulties (slavery) utterly 
 exterminated — to secure an early and lasting peace, by removing 
 the cause of the war, and by the most vigorous application of 
 force to crush the rebel mihtary power. Such have been my 
 aims. My course in the thirty-seventh Congress has heretofore 
 been fully explained to you, I have had the proud satisfaction 
 of receiving your continued confidence and support manifested 
 hy a unanimous re-nomination and triumphant re-election two 
 years ago. 
 
 Very early after the rebellion I came to the conclusion, that as 
 this war was waged by the rebels, for slavery and against liberty, 
 the most effectual and speedy means of securing permanent peace 
 was to exterminate slavery. Hence, from the beginning, I have 
 advocated and voted for those measures, called very properly 
 radical, as going to the very root of our national disease. 
 
 On the 16th of July, 1861, 1 expressed in Congress my opinion 
 of this contest, an opinion which time has abundantly verified 
 "as a contest between government and anarchy — between law 
 and lawlessness — between liberty and slavery — between civiliza- 
 tion and barbarism." 
 
 My duties as your representative, as 1 conceived them, may be 
 principally embraced in two divisions : 
 
 First, to aid, by every means in my power, in sustaining the 
 Government, and in crushing the rebellion and its cause. 
 
 Secondly, in promoting and developing the interests of the 
 great North-West and of my own District. 
 
 I will speak of my acts, as thus classified, briefly, and yet 
 somewhat in detail. 
 
 First. What has been done to sustain the Government in 
 crushing the rebellion, and extirpating its cause — slavery. 
 
 The special session of the thirty-seventh Congress convened 
 on the 4th of July, 1861. Its duty consisted in conferring upon 
 the Executive the power of crushing the rebellion. Congress 
 TOted all the men and money, and more than were asked for by 
 the President, It placed the resources of the country at the 
 <iisposal of the Government. Congress, during all the time, and 
 as often as called for since the rebellion broke out, has voted all 
 the men and all the money asked for. No grant of power which 
 'the Legislative Department could confer, has ever been withheld 
 from the Executive. Every request for more men and more 
 
money has been promptly voted. In this connection it is due to 
 the truth of history to say, that in regard to the mode of raising 
 troops, and the number to be raised, and es])eciany in regard to 
 the financial_ policy to be pursued, Congress has followed Cabinet 
 and Executive suggestions and recommendations, rather than 
 itself originated measures. 
 
 Members of Congress have felt great confidence in the ability 
 of the late Secretary of the Treasury; and those who have 
 doubted and hesitated in regard to his measures, have felt that 
 while he had the tremendous responsibility of meeting the unpar- 
 alleled expenditures of the Government, and that while that 
 responsibility rested on him, it was but just for him when he 
 expressed a desire for particular legislation, and expressed confi- 
 dence that with such legislation he could carry us safely through, 
 but had doubts of success without it, Congress should acquiesce 
 and yield its opinions to his ; and Mr. Chase is responsible for 
 the financial measures, and entitled to the credit of the financial 
 euccess, of the Administration down to the period of his resigna- 
 tion. 
 
 SLAVERY. 
 
 From the beginning of the rebellion, the subject of slavery, 
 and the treatment of the negroes, and the disposition of rebel 
 property, have been the subjects of constant thought and consid- 
 eration among those who sustained the Administration, and were 
 to some extent responsible for its success. My own views are 
 indicated in the title or subject of two speeches which I made in 
 the thirty-seventh Congress. The first, delivered on the 17th of 
 February, 1862, was upon 
 
 SLAVERY THE CAUSE OF THE WAR AND ALL ITS EVILS. 
 
 In that speech, while appealing to Kentucky to dei3rive the 
 rebels of the strength derived from their slaves, I was interrupted 
 by Mr. Wickliff"e, who said, " I recommend to the gentleman the 
 advice given in Mrs. Gaston's Cooking Book, about cooking a 
 rabbit. She says, "the first thing is to catch your rabbit." 
 "How," said he, "are you going to get the negroes until you 
 conquer the rebels?"* I replied — for the news of the great 
 victory of Grant at Donelson had just thrilled our hearts with 
 joy — The intelligence of the triumph of our arms at Donelson is 
 a reply to the gentleman from Kentucky. The rabbit, or rather 
 the snake, is caught. Let us extract its fangs — let us kill, not 
 scotch it. 
 
 On the 22nd of May, 1862, I delivered another speech, the 
 subject of which was, " Confiscate the Property and Free the 
 Slaves of jRehels.'''' I had before that time introduced a bill to 
 confiscate the property and free the slaves of rebels, some of the 
 provisions of which were embodied in the law passed on that 
 subject. My bill was too stringent and too radical for that day, 
 although public sentiment has been, by the stern teachings of 
 this war, long since educated up to it. 
 
FREEDOM OE THE NATIONAL CAPITAL. 
 
 ©uring the thirty-seventh Congress I had the honor to vote to 
 establish freedom at the National Capital. The city of Wash- 
 ington shall never more he desecrated by a slave. Since then 
 the dome of the magnificent structure in which the people's 
 representatives meet, lias been appropriately crowned by the 
 statue of Liberty, never, as I trust, to be again stricken down ; 
 but to stand there forever as a true emblem of the great principle 
 embodied in our national policy. 
 
 PROHIBITION OP SLAVERY IN THE TERRITORIES. 
 
 In the winter of 1862 I introduced a bill, now, as amended, 
 the law of the land, which secures freedom to all persons through- 
 out all the Territories of the United States. In this connection 
 I wish to say, that I regarded these measures as the beginning of 
 the great work of freeing our country, our whole country, from 
 the curse of slavery. Having secured freedom for all the Terri- 
 tories, and for the National Capital, I have most earnestly desired 
 to see the cursed institution of slavery ended throughout the 
 nation, and liberty become everywhere the law of the Republic. 
 
 EMANCIPATION PROCLAMATION. 
 
 I have never ceased to regret, that when the President, in 1862, 
 issued his Proclamation of Emancipation — that glorious edict, 
 which has stamped forever upon the broAV of Abraham Lincoln 
 the name of the "Emancipator of his Country," — that paper 
 which shows him to be the true "Apostle of Liberty;" that 
 deed which will live when battle-fields and military heroes are 
 forgotten — I have never ceased to regi*et that he did not make a 
 clean sweep of slavery, and abolish it everywhere throughout the 
 Union. 
 
 Possibly he was wiser than any of us — I know he did what 
 ho believed to be best. 
 
 The work remains to be consummated ; the death of slavery 
 will regenerate the Republic. I would exterminate every slave- 
 holder in the land by the destruction of slavery. 
 
 In the thirty-eighth Congress I have labored, with others abler 
 far, to complete the great work of abolition. 
 
 NEGRO SOLDIERS. 
 
 I have advocated every measure which had for its object the 
 transfer of the negroes laboring for' rebels, into the soldiers of 
 liberty, fighting for their own freedom and our National Union. 
 I w^ould protect, at any cost, every man, black or white, who 
 wears tlie national blue and fights for the old flag. A hlack 
 2)atriot is better than a lohite traitor. 
 
 CONGRESSIONAL SANCTION TO THE EMANCIPATION PROCLAMATION. 
 
 On the IStli of January, 1864, I introduced the following bill^ 
 which has been embodied substantially in another which passed 
 
 ConciTess : 
 
6 
 
 "Be it enacted, etc., That in all the States and parts of States 
 designated in said Proclamtitiou as in rebellion, the re-enslaviwg, 
 or holding or attempting to hold in slavery any person who shall 
 have been declared free by said Proclamation, or any of their 
 descendants, otherwise than in the punishment of crime, whereof 
 the accused shall have beeii duly convicted, is and shall be forever 
 prohibited, any law of any State to the contrary notwithstanding." 
 
 On the 15th of February, 1864, I offered the following resolu- 
 tion : 
 
 '■'■Resolved, That the Constitution shouid be so amended as to 
 abolish slavery in the United States, wherever it now exists, and 
 to prohibit its existence in every part thereof, forever." T 
 
 The resolution was adopted by ayes 78, noes 62. 
 
 This is the first vote ever adopted by the House of Re})resent- 
 atives in favor of the entire abolition of slavery. 
 
 On the 14th of March last, impatient of the delay of the con- 
 stitutional amendment, and firmly believing that Congress has the 
 constitutional power, as a military necessity, and to secure the 
 peace and security of the nation, to abolish slavery, I introduced 
 " a bill to secure jyermanent peace by rernoving the cause of the 
 war.^'' This bill abolishes slavery throughout the United States. 
 I have had the pleasure, at this last session of Congress, to vote 
 for the repeal of the infamous fugitive slave law, and to vote to 
 introduce into the organic law the ordinance of freedom. 
 
 Such is my record on the slavery question. 
 
 The extermination of slavery has been and will be, so long as 
 i remain in public life, and while the cursed institution exists, my 
 steadfast policy. I will use against it every weapon which my 
 hand can seize. I am in favor of destroying it by proclamation 
 0,f epiaucipation. I would abolish it by Act of Congress, in the 
 Territories, at the National Capital, everywhere. I would turn 
 against: it the sword of the soldier, as well as tho laws of confis- 
 cation ; I would bring the black fi-eedraen to fight against it. I 
 would by all and every means hasten to extirpate this curse of 
 the land, this disgrace of the Union, this shajue of the nation ; 
 and I would crown all, by so changing the Constitution as to 
 make liberty the law, the organic law, of the republic. 
 
 JUSTICE TO THE NORTH-WEST. 
 
 On entering Congress Idetei-mined as far as I was able to accom- 
 plish it, to obtain from the National Government justice to the 
 North-West. In endeavoring to rise to the full comprehension of 
 the duties of your representative, I saw a long line of frontier ex- 
 tending thousands of miles ■ — stretching through waters bearing on 
 their surface the copimercial fleets of an empire, and all left utterly 
 defenseless. I saw harbors from which went to and fro a com- 
 merce equalling the entire foreign commerce of our country, that 
 commerce neglected and uncarcd for, our harbors filling up, de- 
 aaying and utterly without attention from a Government which 
 ought to be paternal and fostering. I saw the great food-pro- 
 ducing region of our country languishing because it had out- 
 
grown its avenues to market. On examining the legislation of 
 tiie National Government, I Ibund that, while that Government 
 had been under the control of the slave power, it had lavished its 
 revenues on the South and on the Atlantic, to the neglect of the 
 Northern frontier and North-West. I found that of the one hun- 
 dred and twelve millions (in round numbers) which had lieen 
 expended up to 1860 for forts, arsenals and defenses, improve- 
 ments of harbors, etc., while Vii'ginia has received twelve mil- 
 lions, Floi'ida ten millions, Louisiana nine millions, Illinois, 
 the fourth State in the Union, had received less than one million. 
 I resolved to try to correct this, and obtain justice for the North- 
 West. The first imitiediate necessity was to make a new mouth 
 of the Mississippi into Lake Michigan. This was to be done by 
 cutthig through the short portage between Lake Michigan and 
 the Illinois. In furtht'rance of this object a select committee 
 was raised by the thirty-seventh Congress, of which I had the 
 honor to be chairman to report on the needs of the North-west. 
 That committee submitted a carefully prepared report, showing 
 the growth and importance of the West, and its neglected con- 
 dition, and its present needs, and concluded by recommending 
 the Ship Canal from Lake Michigan' to the Illinois, and the im- 
 provement of the harbors of the Lakes, a naval depot on the 
 upper lakes, and shore defenses. The conclusions of this report 
 were indorsed by the Military Committee of the House, and the 
 Committee on Roads and Canals, and the great measure of the 
 Ship Canal failed only for the want of two votes. 
 
 Not willing to give it up, I drew up a call for a National Canal 
 Convention at Chicago, procured for it the signatures of ninety- 
 eight Senators and members of the House, and a great National 
 Convention was held, presided over by the Vice-President of the 
 United States, and our great measure was fully indorsed. We 
 brought it again before Congress, and it has been again post- 
 poned. Possibly it may be postponed until the Avar is over and 
 the people again turn attention to the arts of peace and to the 
 development of our great country. The way is prepared — the 
 l)ublic mind has been called to the subject, ami the public verdict 
 has been rendered, that this work is a great commercial, mili- 
 tary and political necessity, and only awaits a breathing time of 
 the nation from the terrible struggles of this war to be practically 
 realized. 
 
 Its friends should not regard these efforts as failures, nor their 
 labors as useless. We have at least prejDared the way,' we 
 have removed the obstacles, made the argument, and secured the 
 verdict of popular and Congressional approval, and only await an 
 end of this terrific struggle to carry into execution this magnifi- 
 cent enterprise. The President, in his last annual message to 
 Congress, communicating the proceedings of the Canal Conven- 
 tion, truthfully said that the interest in this enlarged canal would 
 ere long force its own way, and that the enlargement was a mere 
 question of time. 
 'I may add, that we secured at the thirty-seventh Congress, to 
 
the Nortbern frontier, al^out one million and a half of dollars for 
 its frontier defenses; and at the late session of the thirty-eighth 
 Congress we obtained |250,000 to repair our lake harbors. A 
 few days before leaving Washington, in company with several of 
 my associates, we visited the Secretary of War and tiie Secretary 
 of the Treasury, and were assured that the aj)propriation should 
 be immediately expended. 
 
 PACIFIC RAILROAD. 
 
 I have always regarded the Pacific Railroad, while in the 
 broadest sense national, as especially important to the North- 
 West and this city of Chicago. Being upon the select committee 
 which had it in charge, I was in a jjosition to see that the original 
 bill was so framed as to secure the interest of the North-West. I 
 trust it is about to be vigorously pushed forward to completion. 
 
 HOMESTEAD AND EMIGRATION LAWS. 
 
 The homestead law and bills to promote emigration have 
 always been peculiarly important to the North-West, and such 
 laws have been enacted on these subjects as will result in the im- 
 provement and rapid development of the Valley of the Missis- 
 sippi. In connection with others, I have had the pleasure of 
 aiding in the passage of such homestead laws as will secure our 
 broad territories to free labor. A home is now by law freely 
 oifered to all who will come and occupy the land. At the session 
 just closed, we passed a bill applying the homestead principle to 
 confiscated estates, and securing to our brave soldiers of every 
 race and color, homes from the great plantations of the rebel 
 leaders. The policy is to divide the great plantations into small 
 farms, and thus secure a loyal people and free labor upon soil 
 hitherto cursed with slavery and traitors. 
 
 THE RECIPROCITY TREATY. 
 
 There was at the last session a very strong disposition to ter- 
 minate the Reciprocity Treaty. The defects of the treaty, the 
 unfair legislation of Canada, and above all, the conduct of the 
 British Government during the rebellion, had created a feeling 
 towards that nation which could scarcely be restrained. My own 
 judgment, in accord with the resolutions of our Board of Trade, 
 was for a modification of the treaty, and not in its entire abroga- 
 tion, and such was finally the judgment and the action of Con- 
 gress. The subject of our relations with the ]>ritish provin- 
 ces extending across the entire continent, important and compli- 
 cated as they are, and constantly increasing in magnitude, require 
 the most careful study and the wisest statesmanship, properly to 
 adjust. ' The treaty needs clianges, but I doubt not but that 
 upon principles of true reciprocity, it can be made of immense 
 value and advantage to both nations. The North-West requires 
 all the avenues, both natural and artificial, to market. The Mis- 
 sissippi, the Hudson, the New York canals and railways — the 
 the Canadian canals and railways, and the St. Lawrence, all are 
 needed — the West, with her productive soil, will tax all to their 
 utmost capacity. 
 
CITIZENSHIP TO ALT, WHO FIGHT FOK THE OI-D FLAG, 
 
 I have ever believed tliat all, wherever horn, who fight for 
 liberty and our country, should be recognized as brotliers and be 
 en tilled to recognition as citizens. Hence, I introduced a bill 
 early after the rebellion broke out, and now the law of the land, 
 which authoi-izes the early naturalization of all who should 
 serve and be honorably discharged from the army. 
 
 THE FUTURE NATIONALITY OF AMERICA. 
 
 There is to grow out of this war the grandest nationality of all 
 the ages. The centre of this great nation stretching across a 
 continent, is to be in the valley of the Mississippi. It is here that 
 the broadest and truest national feeling exists. The bane of our 
 country, the mother of secession and rebellion, has been the 
 extreme State-right doctrines of Calhoun. We have been Vir 
 ginians, New Yorkers, and New Englanders, and not enough 
 Atnericans. These local and sectional divisions and prejudices 
 are to be washed out in the blood poured out for our one com- 
 mon country and one flag ; our one grand continental Republic ; 
 and it is not the blood of Americans only, which is to cement the 
 foundation of this Republic of the future. All nationalties, the 
 native American, the German, the Irish and the Scandinaviaii, 
 lovers of liberty from every clime, fighting together, side by side 
 for a common cause, pouring out their blood under the same flag 
 for liberty, will all unite in establishing one great nfetion, with a 
 government founded in justice and securing the rights of all. 
 This is, indeed, a great aim to fight for, and it is a glorious cause 
 to die for. 
 
 MEN AND MONEY FOR THE WAR. 
 
 Connected with the eflTorts to restore the Union by crushing 
 the military power of the rebels, have been the great political and 
 financial questions of furnishing the men and money to carry on 
 the war. This war is unparalleled in the history of the civilized 
 world, for its magnitude and its intensity. It is a struggle 
 between liberty and slavery for a continent. It has made im- 
 mense drafts upon the people for men, and upon our resources to 
 furnish the money. Its final result is dependent on the persis- 
 tence, pluck and determination of the people. Will they sub- 
 rait to be taxed in men and money to the extent necessary to 
 secure success? If they will, the result is as certain as a mathe- 
 matical problem. We have the means adequate to secure 
 success. The people, and especially the loyal people of this Dis- 
 trict, have never hesitated or faltered or doubted. I have always 
 felt that I truly represented you while voting all the men and all 
 the money asked by the Executive. In raising the moneys, as I 
 have before stated, we have necessarily followed the suggestions, 
 to a very great extent, of the late distinguished Secretary of the 
 Treasury. The system of taxation and finance devised and 
 recommended by him, has, to a very great extent, been adopted. 
 
10 
 
 There are two or three points on this subject to which I wish 
 to call your attention. 
 
 DIRECT TAXATION. 
 
 The constitution provides that direct taxation in the States 
 shall be in proportion to the census, and not in propoi'tion to the 
 valuation of property. Hence its injustice and inequality. It 
 would be unjust to tax a family of father, mother and twelve 
 children, and no pro[)erty, but dependent on their daily earnings, 
 as much as a family of husband and wife, and no children, with 
 an income of one hundred thousand per annum. Illinois and the 
 Western States have the twelve cliildren, and New England and 
 the Eastern States have the income and the capital. On the 
 threshold of this question of taxation, in July, 1861, I made a 
 speech attempting to illustrate the inequality. A table of popu- 
 lation and valuation of States was prepared for me by Judge 
 Bell, by which it appeared that the rate of taxation in some of 
 the Western States under this system would be as high as four 
 and live and even six mills on the dollar, While in New England 
 it averaged only from two mills to three mills on the dollar. An 
 exposition of this inequality led to an abandonment at that time 
 of direct taxation. Several attempts have been made to renew 
 it but without success. 
 
 TAXING BANK CIKCULATION. 
 
 In March, 1862, Congress having authorized the issuing of 
 Treasury notes, it was obvious that to prevent inflation of prices 
 iiud expansion of currency, it was desirable to tax with a view of 
 repressing bank circulation. The object of this was three-fold — 
 to raise revenue, to suppress to some extent bank circulation, and 
 to give room for the circulation of greenbacks. I pi'oposed at 
 that time to tax bank circulation one per cent, upon their issues. 
 The proposition foiled. The bankers were too strong. On the 
 18th day of April last, firmly convinced that the credit of the 
 Government could not be sustained without raising more money 
 by taxation ; to do this and to keep down the price of gold ; and 
 satisfied that the bank circulation should be greatly diminished, 
 and that our currency should be greenback as far as practicable, 
 I offered for adoption the following resolutions : 
 
 " Resolved, That in the present condition of the country, and its finances, it 
 is the imperative duty of Congress to raise the taxes so as largely to increase 
 the revenue of the Government. For that purpose a much higher rate of duty 
 should be imposed on all luxuries imported from abroad, and a higher rate of 
 taxation should be imposed upon all luxuries produced in the United States. 
 
 " Resolved, That tlie expansion of the bank circulation of the country, pro- 
 ducing general and ruinous speculation, should be repressed by taxing the 
 issues of the State banks." 
 
 These resolutions were adopted. 
 
 Could the legislation suggested m this resolution have received 
 the sanction of Congress, it would have preserved our credit, 
 reduced the i)rice of gold, diminished bank circulation, and less- 
 ened the burthen of taxation. 
 
11 
 
 THE DRAFT AND COMMUTATION CLAUSK. 
 
 At the beginning of the last session of Congress, many of us 
 in Congress became fully satisfied that tlie enrollment law, as it 
 then stood, would prove a failure. Ap[)reeiating the importance 
 of replenishing our armies, I become satisfied that necessity 
 would compel us to resort to an absolute draft, or other more 
 stringent means of raising men. Hence, very early in the session, 
 I introduced a bill to repeal the commutation clause. It was a 
 severe measure, and the country was not, or Congress was not, 
 prepared to adopt it. Time passed on, and the temporary expe- 
 dient of raising one hundred day^ men was restored to. But, 
 finally, the President and Secretary of War sent an urgent com- 
 mnuicatiou to Congress, strongly expressing their conviction of 
 the necessity of such repeal, and Congress finally yielded, and 
 adopted it. 
 
 There were other provisions, such as classification and bounties, 
 which in my judgment, should have been adopted; but we were 
 compelled to vote for the bill as it passed, or leave the Govern- 
 ment without means of filling up the ranks. 
 
 Had the bill passed in December instead of this bill in July, 
 200,000 men might have reinforced Grant and Sherman, Rich- 
 mond might have been taken, Lee's army have been destroyed, 
 and the rebellion substantially crushed. An ofiicer high in the War 
 Department expressed to me his conviction that the failure to 
 pass that bill in December had prolonged the war for one year. 
 
 THE PRESIDENCY EENOMINATION OP ME. LINCOLN. 
 
 Knowing Mr. Lincoln personally, knowing his perfect integri- 
 ty, his unselfish and single-minded devotion to his country, his 
 loyalty to liberty and law, I came early to the conclusion that the 
 best interests of our country required his renomination and re- 
 election. My views on this subject were avowed before leav- 
 ing home for Washington lastJSovember. On my arrival at the 
 capital I found a combination of members of Congress and other 
 intiuenccs opposed to him, such as woivld have overwhelmed any 
 man less popular with the people than Mr. Lincoln. But the 
 people knew and trusted him, loved and honored him, and the 
 most powerful opposition of men, money and the press, embody- 
 ing great ability and distinguished names, produced not a ripple 
 against the wave of popular feeling, which carried his nomina- 
 tion by popular acclamation, against all the opposition which 
 could be arrayed against him. 
 
 I know there were some honest radical men who opposed him 
 because they misunderstood his devotion to freedom. I sought 
 by speeches in Congress, and otherwise, to make the radicals of 
 the country know the President as he really is : the A2)0stle of 
 Freedom., having but one great object to accomplish, the restora- 
 tion of the National Union, based on Liberty. I had faitli in 
 such reconstruction. I have faith in the vital principle of liber- 
 ty. I have faith in the architect God has provided. I have 
 
 ^ 
 
k 
 
 fiiitli that God will brinor our country through this bloody ordeal 
 to peace and National Union. 
 
 SUSPENSIOJiT OF THE CHICAGO TIMES. 
 
 Here I may perhaps be pardoned for noticinj^ briefly a subject 
 which has caused great feeling and excitement here, and in re- 
 gard to which 1 have been assailed, misrepresented and misun- 
 derstood. I refer to the order of Gen. Bnrnside suppressing the 
 Chicago Times. 
 
 Tlie thorn in the flesh which the loyal people of Chicago have 
 had to bear during the last three years, has been the existence in 
 our midst of a lying, traitorous sheet called the Times. It has 
 outraged every patriotic feeling, and every loyal sentiment. Its 
 business has been to assail every patriot, every gallant soldier 
 fighting for the country, and to give aid and encouragement to 
 traitors. So inf;\mous has it become tliat it has been excluded, as I 
 am told, from your Board of Trade, your Sanitary Commission, and 
 from most places where truth, loyalty, and patriotism congregate. 
 I believe I have had the honor to be the best abused of all whom 
 it has assailed. So far, well. I have to thank its editors for one 
 thing. It has never damned me by one word of approval or faint 
 praise. 
 
 General Burnside, in the honest indignation of his manly 
 heart, issued an order for its sup}u-ession. That order was re- 
 voked by the President. The President was petitioned by prom- 
 inent and good citizens of Chicago to revoke the order. I was 
 requested to join in such a petition. I refused. I was asked to 
 transmit their message to the President. This I did, as I do for 
 all petitions from a respectable source ; and asked for it his prompt 
 and careful consideration. Exactly what I did will appear from 
 the following copy of a note addressed to me from the President 
 on this subject : 
 
 Executive Mansion, 
 Washington, May 27, 1864, 
 Hon. Isaac N. Arnold : 
 
 My Deae Sir : 1 hear you are assailed for your action in re- 
 gard to General Burnside's order suppressing the Chicago Tbnes. 
 AH you did was to send me two dispatches. In the first you joint- 
 ly with Senator Trumbull, voi'y properly asked my serious and 
 prompt consideration, for a petition of some of your constituents, 
 praying for a revocation of the order. In the second you said 
 you did 7iot in the first dispatch intend to express an opinion 
 that the order should be abi'ogated. This is absolutely all that 
 ever came to me from you on the subject. I am far from certain 
 to-day that tlie revocation was not right, and I am very sure the 
 small part you took in it is no proper ground to disparage your 
 judgment, much less to impugn your motives. 
 
 Your devotion to the Union and the Adminstration cannot be 
 questioned by any sincere man. 
 
 Yours truly, 
 
 Abraham Lincoln. 
 
 .[ 
 
13 
 
 This, my friends, is all there is of this matter. I give you the 
 facts, and leave you to draw conclusions. While I am not re- 
 sponsible for the act of the ProsideIl^, in revoking Bnrnside's 
 order, I shrink from no responsibility connected with this affair, 
 which properly belongs to me. I apj-rove the act of the Presi- 
 dent. I think he did right. I think, infamous as the Times was 
 and is, it had better be left to be punished by the civil law and 
 the universal contempt and abhorrence of all truthful, honest and 
 loyal men, rather than to establish the precedent of suppressing 
 it by military force. Let me not be misunderstood. I do not 
 doubt the power of the President, if the public safety requires 
 it to declare martial law here, and, if the public safety requires 
 it, to suppress the Times. I concur with the President in believ- 
 ing that the public safety did not requires its suppression by mili- 
 tary force in June, 1863. Whether the public safety may re- 
 quire it hereafter, will depend on the course of that paper and 
 the conduct of the Knights of the Golden Circle, and other trai- 
 torous parties, by which it is controlled, and of which it is the 
 organ. I will add one word further: Time has indicated the 
 wisdom of the President's action. How many an honest Dem- 
 ocrat has the traitorous course of the Times driven to our ranks ? 
 It did not succeed in provoking a diversion in favor of the rebels, 
 in Illinois. 
 
 WHAT HAS BEEN ACCOMPLISHED, AND WHAT OF THE FUTURE? 
 
 In looking back over these three eventful years, in which I 
 have had the honor to represent you, the thoughtful mind inquires, 
 what has been accomplished^ what have we gained, and tohat of 
 the fuhire, and when may toe hope for peace? 
 
 These years are full of thronging, memories of exultation over 
 victories, and sadness over repulses and defeats. From the 
 spring of i861, when the young hero and martyr, Ellsworth, 
 marched his Zouaves through Pennsylvania avenue, and was 
 welcomed by the President, down to the present, what a drama! 
 It is like some great tragedy, into which have been crowded the 
 events of centuries. How often have I seen the young men of 
 the country, from the lumbermen of Maine to the prairie boys of 
 Illinois, and the West, with generous patriotism, crowding to the 
 capital, to defend the old flag. I have seen the armies of the 
 Union gather, again and again, around the city of Washington; 
 thronging, from valley and mountain, from farms and workshops, 
 from office and college, from everywhere, to pour out their blood 
 and oft'er up their lives to save the life of the nation. How often 
 have I heard their inspiring music, and gazed with pride on their 
 burnished arms and their brilliant banners, as they have filed past 
 the White House. The President, blessing them and commend- 
 ing them to the God of battles, has sent them forth with hope 
 and with prayers for their victorious return. How often, amidst 
 disaster and defeat in the East, have our hearts been cheered by 
 news of Western victories — Donelson, Fort Henry, Vicksburg, 
 Murfreesboro and Lookout Mountain, have cheered our hearts, 
 
14 
 
 when tilings looked davk on the Potomac and in Virginia. 
 Through more than three years of varied disaster and success, 
 our gallant boys have borne the banner of the Union and liberty, 
 but through all there has been steady, persistent advance toward 
 final and complete success. Through all this terrific slaughter, 
 through all the fearful sacrifice of wounded and dead, reminding 
 us of all the sacrifices our country has made to save its existence 
 and integrity, we have steadily advanced toward final triumph. 
 Illinois and the North- West mourn, in all their homes, for the 
 dead of those glorious regiments whose valor and patient, per- 
 sistent lieroism opened the 3Iississippi, so that, from its source to 
 the gulf, it refl.ects no flag but the old Stars and Stripes. Their 
 old, tattered, precious battle-flags — blood-stained and bullet-torn 
 — but never surrendered — are mementoes of bloody campaigns, 
 and also of absolute triumph in the great Valley of the West. 
 The hero of the Mississippi now leads our army to Richmond. 
 The glory of the hero of Vicksburg will pale before the renown 
 of the conqueror of Lee. More, than half the territory once in 
 rebellion has been reclaimed. Missouri, Kentucky, West Virginia 
 and Maryland are saved, Arkansas, Tennessee and Louisiana are 
 now knocking for re-admission at the doors of the Union, purged 
 of the sin of slavery. The rebel despotism has exhausted its 
 resources of men and material; its last great array has been 
 raised, and now confronts the Union forces with the fury of 
 desperation. The rebel leaders, fighting with the doom- of traitors 
 before their eyes, have staked all upon this campaign ; and that 
 rebel army has lost sixty thousand men, since Grant crossed the 
 Rapidan. 
 
 How is it with us? Our resources are comparatively undimin- 
 ished. The wealth of the loyal North is not perceptibly wasted. 
 The fighting men and material are , yet to be counted by the 
 million. Besides this, the free policy of the Administration has 
 turned the four million of negroes from the rebel to the loyal side. 
 
 ThtiTfi is but one question in regard to our absolute triumph. 
 Do the people and their rulers possess the virtue, self-denial, and 
 determination adequate to use all these vast and unexpended 
 means, and use them wisely, eft'ectively, economically and suc- 
 cessfully ? I have faith in the pluck and persistence of the 
 American people, and believe that the means they possess will 
 be used — will be wisely, efiectively, economically used, and with 
 such use, success is as certain as that God reigns. The Almighty 
 has forsaken neither our rulers nor our cause. Just as surely as 
 the rebel pirate Alabama went down before the Yankee Kear- 
 sarge, so surely will this piratical despotism of Jeff". Davis go 
 down before the loyal constitutional government of the American 
 people. I know the ship of State is tossing on a tempestuous 
 sea, but there is at the helm an honest and a true man ; one 
 who trusts in God, in truth, in justice, in right, and in pow- 
 der and hall. 
 
 Do not change pilots in the midst of the storm. With Lin- 
 coln at the helm of state, and Grant at the head of our armies. 
 
* 15 
 
 supported by the loyal iiiasBes, with the material at their com- 
 mand, this rebellion will be cnishcd, and liberty and union be 
 re-established on a broader, grander basis than before these fear- 
 ful convulsions. Thus far, I have as your re])re8entative, given 
 to this Administration my humble, but most earnest and faithful 
 support. If you approve my course, and it be your pleasure 
 that I shall continue to serve you, in my present position, I 
 shall do what lies in my power, in my humble way, ^ to save 
 our country and its liberties, and to restore its integ- 
 rity. I realize the grave responsibilities resting upon all who at 
 this time share the responsibilities of public affairs. If the 
 people claim my services, it would be weak and cowardly to 
 shi-ink from any position, where they may deem that I may be 
 useful. But I feel painfully that no man is equal to the duties 
 of this hour of peril. And if it is your pleasure that some 
 other and abler representative shall take my position, I shall 
 most cheerfully welcome my discharge, and find, I trust, in a 
 private stai^n, some place where I can labor for the cause of 
 
 ta^i 
 
 liberty anc^^y country. 
 
 RESOLUTIONS. 
 
 Mr. E. C. Larned, from the Committee on Resolutions, reported the following, 
 which were unanimously adopted : 
 
 Resolved, That we commeud the wise and patriotic action of the Baltimore 
 Convention in affirming the choice of the people l)y renominating Abraham Lin- 
 coln for the Presidency ; and that we most heartily indotse the ticket and the 
 glorious platform of principles put forth by the Convention. 
 
 Resolrcd, That we also approve and indorse the action of the Union Conven- 
 tion at Springfield and the nominations there made, and that we pledge our zeal- 
 ous support and earnest efforts to insure the triumpliant success of the Lincoln 
 and Oglesby tickets. 
 
 Resolved, That the report which has been made to this meeting by the Hon. 
 Isaac N. Arnold, our representative in Congress, meets our hearty approval ; 
 that we recognize in him an able, honest and faithful public servant, in whom 
 the people of this Congressional District may well repose confidence and trust ; 
 that we commend his fidelity to liberty and the principles of free government, 
 his bold and effuctive advocacy of all the measures for the vigorous [)rosecution 
 of the war and the speedy and complete suppression of the rebellion, his able 
 and zealous support of the Government, his inflexible integrity in the midst of 
 corrupting influences, and the untiring diligence and devotion to duty which 
 have characterized his Congressional career. 
 
 copy of tde telegrams referred to in the president's letter. 
 
 Office of U. S. Military Telegraph — War Department. 
 The following telegram was received at Washington, 10:30 P. m., June 3, 1863, 
 from Chicago, dated June 3, 1863 : 
 
 HoH. Abraham Lincoln, President: 
 
 At a meeting held today in reference to the suppression of the Chicago I'lmes, 
 by order of General Burnside, the following was adopted : " Whereas, in the 
 opinion of this meeting of citizens of all parties, the peace of this city and 
 State, if not the general welfare of the country, are likely to be promoted by the 
 suspension or rescinding of the recent order of General Burnside, for the sup- 
 pression of the Chicago Times, therefore, Resolved, that upon the ground of 
 expediency alone, such of our citizens as concur in the opinion, without regard 
 to party, are hereby recommended to unite in a petition to the President, 
 respectfully asking the suspension or rescinding of said order." The under- 
 
 { 
 
16 '^ 
 
 sigjned, in pursuance of the above resolution, respectfully petition the President's 
 favorable consideration and action in accordance therewith. 
 
 Chicago, June 3, 1863. 
 
 Signed, F. C. Sherman, Mayor City Chicago ; "Wm. B. Ogden, E. Van Buren, 
 Samuel W. Fuller, S. S. Hayes, A. W. Arrington, Thos. Hoyne, Wirt Dexter, 
 Van H. Iliggins, A. C. Coventry, H. A. Hahn, C. Beckwith, Henry G. Miller, 
 Wm. F. Tuley. 
 
 We respectfully ask for the above the serious and prompt consideration of the 
 President. (Signed) Lyman Trumbull. 
 
 Isaac K Arnold. 
 
 Office U. S. Military Telegraph — War Departmemt. 
 The following telegram was received at Washington at 2:30 p. m., June 4th, 
 1863, from Chicago, dated June 4th, 18C3: 
 President U. S. — Sir: 
 
 In the dispatch sent you yesterday, /did not intend to express an opinion that 
 the order suppressing the Chicago Times should be abrogated. 
 
 (Signed) ISAAC N. ARNOLD. 
 
 The following letter is from Hon. John F. Potter, who, it will l^rer.iembered, 
 backed down the fire-eater, Pryor, who challenged Potter: ^B 
 
 Lakeside, Wisconsin, July 11, 1864. 
 Luther Haven, Esq.: 
 
 My Dear Sir: I know you will pardon me for addressing you upon a subject 
 that apparently is "out of my jurisdiction," when I tell you that I feel so deep 
 an interest in the matter that I cannot remain silent, although I aai not a resi- 
 dent of your Congressional district. And, besides, my want of "jurisdiction" 
 is only apparent, for every loyal American citizen cannot but feel a deep interest 
 in the character of the men who are to represent us in the next Congress. I 
 have learned that there is some considerable opposition to the renoraination 
 of Hon. I. N. Arnold. I was with him in the thirty-seventh Congress, and was 
 intimately associated with him on committees that had specially in charge mat- 
 ters of the greatest importance to the welfare of the North-West ; and I had 
 occasion to notice particularly his course as a member of the House. 
 
 There was not a member in the House, within my observation, more devoted, 
 vigilant, prompt and watchful than Mr. Arnold. He was untiring, always, in his 
 labors to promote the interests, not only of his immediate constituency, but the 
 general interests of our whole region of country. I never missed him from 
 connnittee. He was always at his post, and " on time," and whether your people 
 renominate him or another, your district will not have a more faithful represen- 
 tative in all the future than Mr. Arnold. He always voted right, too, on the 
 gVeat questions of the day. We always knew just where to find him. 
 He was never counted among the doubtful, or lagging, or timid, and was never 
 afraid to vote as he thought was right. It is for this that I feel anxious he 
 should be renominated. We need such men on the floor of the House. We 
 must have them there, or we must expect to have trouble. His experience is 
 worth more — very much more — than the vote of any new member, especially ,• 
 to his district, and so far as the interests of his immediate constituents are 
 concerned. In conclusion I will only add that no gentleman in Congress 
 stood higher in the estimation of his colleagues, in every respect, than Mr. 
 Arnold. I shall regret very deeply if such as he are not kept in harness. 
 
 Excuse me for troubling you with this letter, but I could not help saying the 
 little I have, as I have noticed in the Chicago papers that there is opposition to 
 Mr. Arnold's re-nomination. I have written this without any other suggestion 
 than the promptings of my own feelings, and as a tril)ute to a colleague whom 
 I learned to esteem and respect and appreciate during two years of my Con- 
 gressional life. I leave for Montreal to-morrow, or I should be strongly tempted 
 to be present when the Convention meets. 
 
 Very respectfully, yours, etc., 
 
 JOHN F. POTTER. 
 
 54 Hf 3 
 

 c" ♦ 
 
 -f^Mr^ :£M^^* ^1.* ofl<^^10r- '^J.r^ -aNm<^^\ ^, 
 
 ^^^ 
 
 0" * 
 
 5^ 
 
 
 
 
 vv 
 
 ^^^• 
 .V^. 
 
 ^^%r/^ . ^^^^^^ . Ml^/ /X °^W^** . ^^'% . ^' 
 
 0^ -o '"'•■^"*.<^ <A -.. 
 
 .<i^ ftO"** "^^ .0 
 
 
 
 'bV" 
 
 •^0^ 
 
 'bV" 
 
 "-^0 
 
^•>.A' 
 
 ON 
 
 
 ;v4.^'% 
 
 
 
 \«.^^