'^a. ■!-vv:i!M; :-y. (.1"; Class. Book.. (bj)yright}^^i_nA COPYRIGHT DEPOSUTi A REVIEW Till PiTlffi FRO^I THE COMMENCEMENT OF THE A^'TI-SLATERY AGITATION^ TO THE CLOSE OF SOUTHERN RECONSTRUCTION ; COMPRISING ALSO A Resume o! the Career o! Thaddeus Stevens: BEING A SURVEY OF THE STRUGGLE OF PARTIES, WHICH DESTROYED THE REPUBLIC AND VIRTUALLY MONARCHIZED ITS GOVERNMENT. Quando imperium tenent pravi, plorat populus. By ALEXANDER HARRIS. NEW YORK : T. H. POLLOCK, Publisher, 37 Park Row 1876. ,1 Entered according to Act of Congress in the year 1876, hy ALEXANDER HARRIS, lu the Office of Librarian of Congress at Wasiiington. STEREOTYPED BY J. & T. A. RAISBECK, Stereotypers & Electrotypers. No. 74 Beekman Street, PEEFACE. The undersigned proposes to pre-ent to 1he public a hi-tory, to be entitled " A Review of the Political Conflict in America." He dees so, in obedience to monitions that were ever reminding him, since the close of our civil war, that duty demanded of this generation, that it writ 3 the truth concerning the origin and i^rogress of the conflict, through which the nation has passed. The work will also comprise a "Eesunio of the Career of Thaddeus Stevens," who conspicuously figured, as the leading revolutionist of the American Congress ; and who towered as the unconcealed contemner of law and the Federal Constitution. Until the work was completed, it had been the dtsign of the undersigned, to entitls it "The Life and Times of Thaddeus Stevens ;" because it was believed, that the prominence and admitted intellectual capacity of the man being treated, would secui'e attention from all classes of readers. But his ca- reer had been mainly selected, in order to embody therewith, the history of the times in which he lived ; and because also he of all American Statesmen, appeared as the typical representative of the destructive revo- lutionary movement, which the work is designed to illustrate and unfold. Upon its completion, however, the originally conceived title, appeare 1 not to harmonize with what, it might have seemed to have imported; and therefore, after some reflection, it was changed to what ha ^ been adopted. The plan thus followed, in the treatment of the work, notwithstanding the change ol; title, will allow of a clearer light being reflected (as is be- lieved) upon the development and j)rogress of the revolution, as it passos scenically before the vision. The work will trace the conflict to its inception, deducing it from inhe- rent principles. It will thence follow the progress of the anti-slavery agitation, from its commencement to its full development in one of the political parties of the country, and its complete seizure of power, in tlio election of Abraham Lincoln, in 1860. The movement inte::ded to check the progress of sectionalism will also be sketched, until the final effort to do so, resulted in the secession of the Southern States ; and the blood;^ collision of arms followed. During the progress of the civil war, tiie ide conflict in Congress and throughout the nation, which animated and sus- tained the armed combatants vipon the fields of battle, is alone viewed and depicted. The Presidential and Congressional acts which had refer- Ciice to the prosecution of the war, and the motives influencing these, are presented in historical delineation of the political struggle, as it progressed The breach of President Johnson with his party, is detailed in appropria"; compass, and the conflict of parties which followed, until thereconstr' tion legislation of Congress, insm'ed the Africanization of the South. J.^ PEEFACB. "No asperity or bitternesG, should be aroused in the hrgasts of those, who may honestly differ with tiie author, as to the causes which led to our late conflict. He claims, as a free citizen, the right to present the reasons, which ever indued him to condemn the war against the South and its prosecution. He has presented these openly and fearlessly ; records for all time his conviction, that the w^ar was wholly unwarranted by the Fed- eral Constitution ; and he believes the time will come, when the majority of the American people, will be fully convinced that coercion was an unwise policy, adopted to preserve republican government. Not only un- wise, will they come to see it to have been, but wholly suicidal to the institutions, it was meant to preserve. The ship of state, which, under republican steersmen, had sailed on a calm ocean, no sooner came under the management of those of contrary principles, than it was driven upon the shoals and quicksands of political disorder, from which it is even problematical if it can ever be rescued. Though the work, to the unreflecting, may appear as if written to sub- serve partisan politics, the author disclaims all such motives, as in anyw.se, having influenced his undertaking. And, before being so accused, those thus charging him, should inquire, what selfish interest he could promote, by advocating views unpopular in both parties, in his state and section. Nay, the truth is the pole star by which he is guided, and, albeit he may be (as he has been heretofore) subjected to reproach and bitter vilification, for the maintenance of his opinions, he hesitates not to defend them, be- lieving, that though covered with the darkness 6f midnight, tlie dawn of morning is approaching. Our Union has sustained a long and arduous struggle, with the foes of her own household, but patriotism, like a deity seated upon some Olympian summit, has been from the first viewing the combat, and expecting every true Amer can to do his duty. Should none have the boldness to break the silence, the slumber of truth, might at times, be the sleep of death ; but she bas ever by her couch, her faithful sentinels to arouse her, and messengers to go forth amidst terror and gloom, to proclaim her immutable laws, to sound her clarion and arouse her hosts to victorJ^ Fully trusting, that tlie deductions of the Avcrk now to be submitted to the jDublic, are the inspiration of truth, the author invokes for them no leniency of criticism ; and, if able to be controverted by truth, logic and sound ratiocination, let them fall and forever perish ! For the author only desires to know tlie truth, and, if fully convinced that the opinions which he has steadily defended, since the commencement of the civil wa;-, were ^roneous, he should himself be one of the first to disavow them. But ', Vtil proven false, in the forum of reason, he claims the right to defend ^^} publish them to the reflective world. Careful, however, as the au- thor has endeavored to be, historical inaccuracies, no doubt, will have eluded his scrutiny, and he is not so presumptuous as to conceive, but that his work, will disclose many literary errors to tlie critical eye. He en^,er- tains, nevertheless the hope, that it may in a slight degree help to pacify turbulent passion, and correct mistaken views ; and, so believing, hecom- -nits it to the judgment and criticism of ages. Alexander Harris. coi^te:nts. CHAPTER I. Pdge, EIKTH, EDUCATION, ADJnSSION TO THE BAR AND EARLY LEGAL SUCCESS OF THADDEUS STEVENS, - - - - - --9. CHAPTER n. RISE OF THE ANTI-MASONIC PARTY. ELECTION OF MR. STEVENS TO THE LEGISLATURE OF PENNSYLVANIA, - - - - - 21. CHAPTER HI: MASONIC INVESTIGATION. STAR CHAMBER COMmTTEE. CHARTER OF THE UNITED STATES BANK OF PENNSYLVANIA. MEMBER OF STATE REFORM CONVENTION, ------. -Og^ CHAPTER IV. THE EUCXSHOT WAR, -----.. 44. CHAPTER V. THE ANTI-SLAVERY AGITATION, - - - - - - 67. CHAPTER VL REMOVAL OF MR. STEVENS TO LANCASTER, PA. HIS SUCCESS AS A LAW- YER, AND HIS MOVEMENTS AS A POLITICIAN, - - - - 84. CHAPTER VII. AMERICAN POLITICAL PARTIES AND THEIR PRINCIPLES, - - 101. CHAPTER VIIL COMPROMISE MEASURES OF 1850, ----_. 123. CHAPTER IX. RESISTANCE TO THE FUGITIVE SLAVE LAW. CHRISTIANA RIOT, &C., 143, CHAPTER X. THE KANSAS-NEBRASKA BILL, WITH THE REPEAL OF THE MISSOURI COM- PROjMISE. ORIGIN, RAMIFICATION AND ASPECTS OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY, .---. .... 155 vi CONTENTS— Continued. CHAPTER XL Page. THE STRUGGLE FOR ASCENDENCY IN KANSAS, THE DEVELOPMENT OF CONFLICTING VIEWS INTO SECTIONAL ANTAGONISM, AND THE ULTIMATE TRIUMPH OF REPUBLICANISM, ------ 168. CHAPTER XII. SECESSION OF THE SOUTHERN STATES, AND THE EFFORTS AT COM- PROMISE, --------- 189. CHAPTER XIII. STATE SOVEREIGNTY AND CENTRALIZATION, OR THE OPPOSITE PRINCI- PLES OF GOVERNMENT STRUGGLING FOR ASCENDENCY, - - 213. CHAPTER XIV. WAR FOR THE UNION, -..---.- 239. CHAPTER XV. EMANCIPATION DECREED, - - - - - ,- - 257. CHAPTER XVI. EXECUTIVE UNCONSTITUTIONALISM, - - » - - 271. CHAPTER XVII. LEGISLATIVE UNCONSTITUTIONALISM, • - - - - 28G. CHAPTER XVIH. GOVERNMENTAL CONSOLIDATION REACHED, - - . - 306. CHAPTER XIX. DEMOCRATIC ANTI-WAR ATTITUDE, - - - - - 319. CHAPTER XX. THE NEW ERA, » - - - - - - 333. CHAPTER XXI. THE MILITARY SATRAPS, ■ • - - . _ 353. CHAPTER XXn. THE GREAT CONSPIRACY REVEALED, - _ . 359^ CHAPTER XXin. THE POLITICAL CAMPAIGN OF 1864, - - . - 375. CHAPTER XXIV. FANATICISM TRIUMPHS, - - - • .. - 389. CONTENTS— Continued. vii CHAPTER XXV. Fage. THEORIES IN CONFLICT, ---.--_ 403. CHAPTER XXVI. ANTI-REPUBLICAN RECONSTRUCTION, - - C - .. 415, CHAPTER XXVn, BREACH WITH PRESIDENT JOHNSON, - - ■• - - 425. CHAPTER XXVHI. THE POLITICAL CAMPAIGN OF 1866, ----- 439. CHAPTER XXIX. FINAL RECONSTRUCTION, OR THE CLIMAX OF THE REVOLUTION REACHED, 456. CHAPTER XXX. THE AFRICANIZATION OF THE SOUTH, ----- 471. CHAPTER XXXI. IMPEACHMENT OF ANDREW JOHNSON, - - - - - . 4gg_ CHAPTER XXXII. DEATH OF MR. STEVENS, WITH CONCLUDING REFLECTIONS, - - 502. CHAPTEK I. BIRTH, EDUCATION, ADMISSION TO THE BAR AND EARLY LEGAL SUCCESS OP THADDEUS STEVENS. Thaddeus Stevens v^^as bom at Danville, Caledonia County, Yermont, April 4tli, 1792. His parents were persons in limited ^ circumstances, being possessed of nothing save a poor farm, upon which they were enabled to rear their children with the most pinching and parsimonious economy. His father, named Joshua Stevens, was a shoemaker by occupation, but as he was a man of rather dissipated habits, he contributed little to the support of his family. He was well built, strong and muscular, and quite an athlete, bearing the reputation of being the best wrestler in hia county. He enlisted as a soldier in the war of 1812, and in the attack upon Oswego, received a bayonet wound in the groin, of which he shortly afterwards died. His mother, whose maiden name was Sarah Morrill, was a women of strong native sense, and of an unconquerable will and resolution. On account of the loose and irregular life of his father, the management of the farm and the rearing of the family devolved upon his mother ; and being a woman of shrewdness and penetration, she determined to afford her children (as all she could give them) the advantages of an ed- ucation. The school system of Yermont, at that time being very similar to that of the other Eastern States, Thaddeus was placed, as soon as old enough, under tutelage in one of these ISTew Eng- land seminaries of the people, where he soon acquired the rudi- ments of an English education. Being the youngest of the family, and besides, lame and sickly in youth, he obtained advantages in the way of schooling over and above his brothers. He was the favorite and pet of his mother, as is often the case with the mothers of deformed children ; and she spared no pains to provide that he should be in constant attendence at school, in order to prepare him as she fondly hoped, to make his way in life by some means not demanding manual exertion. She was not slow in perceiving his rare powers, in the acquisition of the ordinary 10 A REVIEW OF THE "branches of an education ; and tlie thought occurred to her that one who could so thoroughly, and in so short a time, master read- ing, writing and arithmetic, should have an opportunity to try liis strength in the higher departments of knowledge. In a word, it was quietly resolved that Thaddeus should be sent to college ; and perhaps he might he able to carve his way to one of the profess- ions, at that time the goal of the ambition of every intelligent New England mother. But the path of life from the cradle to the grave, is beset with thorns ; and the smart of these young Thaddeus must also feel. On account of his lameness, being unable to sport around as briskly as other boys of his age, he came somewhat to be regarded as a youth of great sedateness and sobri- ety ; nor was he able to escape the taunts and jeers of his youthful school companions, who would at times mimic his limping walk, and otherwise annoy and vex him. These petty anoyances to his proud and sensitive nature, were very galling ; and in their oft repetition his stern and sedate character may originally have re- ceived its earliest impression. But although his young classmates were ready to gibe him because of his deformity, he had the sweet satisfaction of knowing that he could far outstrip any of them, so far as class standing was concerned. The following anecdote is related by Mr. Stevens of his school days, and whether narrated to create amusement, or to delineate character and the condition of the country at that early period, it at least deserves rehearsal in this connection : " At one time," said Mr. Stevens, " the schoolmaster was a broad shouldered Irishman. During a severe winter, the bears encroached on the settlement, and it became the duty of all good citizens to enlist in a war of extermination. The teacher marshalled his pupils, and at their head ventured to obstruct a noted bear-path, he being armed with a long rifle, well loaded and primed, and the boys with clubs and a miscellaneous assortment of weapons. The baying of the dogs soon indicated that the game was up, and the cracking of the bushes, that the bear was approaching. lie came on within a few feet of where the army was posted, and leaping up, his fore feet I'csting on a large log, he hesitated, while he snuffed the danger ahead. The teacher sounded the charge, saying to the boys : 'Now I'll show you a rale specimen of bear hunting.' But his impet- uosity," added Mr. Stevens, " overcame his discretion, and rushing on the astonished animal he demolished him with the butt end of POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 11 his rifle. . "Wlien laughed at by the boys, and ralhed on Iiis for- getf uhiess by myself, the spokesman of them, he replied, 'an what's the use of powder and ball when the thing itself made sich an illegant shelalali^ " The first time that young Thaddeus was introduced to a knowl- edge of the world, as he himself related, was in the year 1804, when he accompanied his parents on a visit to Boston, to see some of their relations. It is inferred from what he remarked of this visit, that he then made up his mind to endeavor to procure riches, that he might be able to live as did the wealthy people, whom he there for the first time met. This resolution of one so yoimg shows his remarkable perceptive capacity, and his strong intellect ; and as this was his first knowledge of the power of money, it was natural that he should feel prompted to strive for that which he learned supplied so many of the wants of life. The desire for the accumulation of wealth, was that which first fired his youthful genius, and the sight of any other admitted ex- cellence, might have produced a similar resolve in his mind. Does not history record the names of several of the eminent ancients, whose ambition was excited by hearing a distinguished poet recite his verses at the Olympic games, or an orator thunder forth his eloquent harangues at the forum, or in the Senate chamber? Although in the present case, our visitor to Boston would seem very young to have formed such high resolves ; yet it is quite cer- tain that at that time he first determined that no efforts should be wanting on his part, to ascend the ladder of life set before all who make the proper efforts. The following year, after his parents had returned from Boston, the spotted fever prevailed to an alarming extent in his native County of Caledonia. For miles around his home, there M^as scarcely a family that escaped the attacks of this very dangerous disease. In some families all were sick at one time, and it was next to an impossibility to procure any assistance. In this condi- tion of affairs Mrs. Stevens became a ministering angel, as it were, to the sick of her acquaintance, visiting from family to family and relieving their needs in every capacity in which she was able to help them. In these visits amongst lier sick neighbors, she took young Thaddeus with her, and on these circuits of mercy, he obtained another glimpse of life which left an impress upon his memory that never forsook him. His heart was then tender, and 12 A EEVIEW OF THE the sights of sulferhig which he witnessed, so operated upon his sensibilities as to make him ever afterwards kindly disposed to the sick and poor of every class. To such, to the end of his life, he was ever ready to extend a helping hand. Mr, Stevens' estimate of his mother we give in his own words, detailed shortly before his death. Speaking of his efforts in the Legislature in behalf of the Free School system of Pennsylvania, and in reference thereto, he said : " That is the work that I take most pleasure in recalling, except one perhaps, I really think the greatest gratification of my life resulted from my ability to give my mother a farm of 250 acres, and a dairy of 14 cows, and an occasional bright gold piece, which she loved to deposit in the contribution box of the Baptist Church which she attended. This always gave her great pleasure, and me much satisfaction. My mother was a very extraordinary woman. I have met very few wo- mien like her. My father was not a well-to-do man, and the support and education of the family depended on my mother. She worked night and day to educate me. I was feeble and lame in youth, and as I could not work on the farm, she concluded to give me an education. I tried to repay her afterwards, but the debt of a child to his mother, you know, is one of the debts we can never pay. Poor woman ! the very thing I did to gratify her most, hastened her death. She was very proud of her dairy, and fond of her cows, and one night going to look after them, she fell and injured herself so that she died soon after." As his father was a shoemaker, Thaddeus had an opportunity to pick up so much knowledge of this trade, as to enable him to make the shoes of the family, and perhaps a few for the neighbors. This be did at least after the death of his father. In his younger years, when first a candidate for the legislature, he used to boast that he was a shoemaker ; and this gave birth to the numerous stories that circulated all over Pennsylvania, after his fame as a great lawyer was fixed, that he first came to York as a shoemaker and worked at the business for some time before he studied law. These stories were purely mythical, as are many that are usually retailed concerning distinguished personages ; and have their origin in the deception and credulity of mankind : "Magnas it Fama per urbes Fama maliim, quo non aliud velocius ullum Mobilitate viget, vii-esque acquirit euiido." POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 13 YvHien a boy, Tliaddeiis Stevens was a diligent reader nnd. like Benjamin Franklin, not having a great snpply of Looks, lie perused eveiything that came within his reach. Books at that early day, were not so plenty as at the present time, and particu- larly not within the reach of one so situated as he tlien found himself. His fondness for books, it is said, induced him at the early age of fifteen to essay the experiment of starting a library ; but whether this be one of the stories that accompany fame, we are not prepared to say. The example of Franklin, whose life by this time no doubt had been perused by him, might have very readily suggested such an idea in the mind of an intellectual youth of ISTew England. At least, it was not long after this time, that he began to teach school as a means of supply to aid him in his course through college ; for his parents were not able to provide "n every particular for his subsistence and expense whilst passing his collegiate career. The clothing, board, text-books and tuition of a college pupil, to a poor Yennont family, was no light burden ; but by his teaching and other industry, he greatly alleviated his parents, and enabled him to provide himself with some additional books by which he might store his mind with useful information. The first part of his classical course was made in Burlington Col- lege, Yermont, where he continued for a considerable period. " On September 11th, ISl-l, he was a student at Burlington Col- lege, for on that day he saw with a spy-glass the fight between McDonough and the British fleet, on Lake Champlain. For some reasons he did not graduate at this college, but at Dartmouth, in the following year."* ^ The following anecdote of his college life whilst at Burlington is from Alexander Hood's sketch of Mr. Stevens : " The cam- pus at Burlington College was not enclosed, and the cows of the citizens used to enjoy it as a pleasant pasture ground. Before com- mencement it was usual to give the people notice to keep their cows away until after commencement was over. The grounds were then cleared up, and everything kept in complete order, until the exercises were ended and the students gone to their homes. It happened that among the citizens of Burlington was a man, "a stubborn fellow, whom," as Stevens said " we shall call Jones." He would take no steps to keep his cows off the campus. One ■""Hood's Sketch in Harris' Biographical History of Lancaster County, pp. 5il-3. 11 A REVIEW OF THE night, about a week before tlie commencement, Stevens and a friend were walking under the trees in fro^^t of the college, when they saw one of Jones' cows within th^ prohibited lines. They knew the cow belonged to Jones ; they knew Jones let her go there in a spirit of deiiance to the students. After some dis- cussion it was agreed to kill the cow. " Among the students was a young man who kept himself aloof from most of the others. In a word, he had the reputation of being decidedly pious. This young man had a room in an out- house belonging to the college, where in spare moments he man- ufactured many things out of wood, which he sold to the people of the town, and to others. Among other tools he was knov/n to have an axe, and Stevens and his companion determined to use it in the execution of the cow. The axe was procured, the cow was slain, the axe returned, and the two avengers of the college dignity retired to rest. The next morning Jones was with the President making complaint about the death of his cow. An investigation was at once begun ; blood was found upon the axe of the pious, well-behaved student ; he denied the charge, but as there was no evidence against any other person, he was threatened with a public reprimand on the day on which he had expected to graduate with high honor. No doubt the young man suffered much, but Stevens and his associate suffered much more. They dare not inform against themselves, yet they could not see an innocent person punished for their misconduct. "What Vv^as to be done. After many conferences, without any result, Stevens sug- gested that Jones was not a bad man, but rather a high-spirited fellow, who would help them out of the scrape,' if they would throw themselves upon his mercy. This they resolved to do. It was the night before commencement day, when they had the interview with Jones. They made a clean breast of it, and offered to pay twice the value of the cow whenever they should be able to do so. Jones listened kindly ; told them not to dis- tress themselves about the price of the cow, and said he would fix it all next morning. True to his word, abotit nine o'clock Jones appeared, just before the proceedings were to begin ; told the professors that he was all wrong about the death of his cow, and that she had been killed by soldiers who were going down the river on a boat, and had no time to dress and remove the meat. This made all things right ; the pious young man v:as not POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 15 expelled, but honorably acquitted of the charge. Stevens and Ills friend were ne^:er suspected. Some years afterwards, when Stevens was rising" ai the world, Mr. Jones received a draft for the price of the best sort of cow in the market, accompanied by a line gold watch and chain by way of interest. A year or two afterwards there came to Gettysburg, directed to Mr. Stevens, a hogshead of the best Vermont cider, and this was the end of the killing of Jones' cow." * Which of the professions Mr. Stevens may have made up his mind to study, in his passage through college, is not known. On one occasion, in an argument with an Arminian, concerning pre- destination, he evinced such an intimate accpiaintance Vvdth the writers and arguments of the Calvinistic school, that a friend was induced to put to him the inquiry : " Mr. Stevens, did you ever study with a view to the pulpit." The answer was : " Umph ! I have read the books." But no further information on that point was he able to elicit from him. After taking his degree at Dartmouth College, he prepared and set out in quest of employment, and at length found himself about the close of the year 1815 in York, Pennsylvania. Here he obtained a situation as assistant teacher in an academy taught by Dr. Perkins. Amos Gilbert, a very noted teacher, then re- siding at York, afterwards remarked of Mr. Stevens, that he was at that time " one of the most backward, retiring and modest young men he had ever seen," and besides spoke of him as being a very close student. Soon after his arrival in York, he began reading law, both morning and evening, when not engaged in teach- ing, under the instruction of David Casset, a prominent York County lawyer, and prosecuted its study with great zeal, utilizing thus the scraps of his time to a valuable purpose. During the period he was in this manner preparing himself for future life, an effort was made by the members of the bar to thwart the fulfilment of his designs, by the passage of resolutions, providing that no person should be recognized as a lawyer who followed any other vocation whilst preparing himself for admission.f The young student, however, never took any concern as regards the protest, but pursued the even tenor of his way, until he felt that he had mastered his studies. He therefore repaired quietly *Harris' Biographical History of Lancaster County, pp. 513-13.* fForney's Press, August 13, 18G8. 16 A REVIEW OF THE to Bel Air, the county seat of Harford County, Maryland, wliile the court was in session, and made application to be examined. At that time Marjdand admitted all applicakts to the bar who, upon examination, were found to be qualified. The Court, Judge Chase of impeachment notoriety, appointed a committee, the chair- man of which, was Gen. Winder. The following is Mr. Stevens' description of the examination as given in Mr. Hood's sketch of him : " Supper was over, the table was cleared off, and the clock said it was half-past seven. Stevens was of course punctual to time, and shortly after, the Judge and the committee took their seats. * Are you the young man who is to be examined V asked the Judge. Stevens said he was. ' Mr, Stevens,' said the Judge, ' there is one indispensible pre-requisite before the examination can proceed. There must be two bottles of Madeira on the table, and the appli- cant must order it in,' The order was given, the wine brought forward, and its quality thoroughly tested. Gen. Winder began with : ' Mr. Stevens, what books have you read V Stevens replied, * Blackstone, Coke upon Littleton, a work on pleading, and Gilbert on evidence.' This was followed by two or three other questions by other members of the committee, the last of v.diich required the distinction between a contingent remainder, and an executory devise, which was satisfactorily answered. By this time the Judge was feeling a little dry again, and broke in saying : ' Gentlemen, you see the young man is all right, I'll give him a certificate.' This was soon made out and signed, but before it was handed over, two more bottles had to be produced. These were partaken of by a large number of squires and others, who were there attending court, Avho, as soon as the examination was concluded, came in and were introduced to the newly made member of the bar. 'Fip-Loo' was played then for a good part of the night, Stevens was then a green hand at the business. To use his own words, when he paid his bill the next morning, he had but $3,50 left out of the $45 he began with the night before,"* He left Bel Air early next morning, directing his course for Lancaster, and narrowly escaped a watery grave in crossing the McCall's Ferry Bridge, not yet completed. His horse became ■frightened and would have fallen with its rider into the river, but for the presence of mind of one of the workmen who was engaged Harris' Biographical History of LancasteiT County, pp. 574-5. POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 17 upon the bridge. The same day he reached Lancaster by noon and dined at Slough's Hotel, then one of the headquarters of the old inland city ; and while his horse was resting he reconnoitered the place, and walked from one end of King street to the other. He had concluded, should Lancaster please him, to select it as a location for the practice of his profession. Not believing that the pl'ace suited one whose pocket was so near empty, he next deter- mined upon Gettysburg and started the same day for York, which he reached in the evening. The following day he arrived at the county seat of AdamsCounty where he began his legal career, with but few friends and little money. Mr. Stevens had now embarked in that career, in which to one devoid of amability and captivating address, time, patience and ability are all required to obtain marked success. Being unendowed in a high degree, with either of the former traits of character that pave the way in most instances to ordinary suc- cess, he had to depend upon patience and ability with whatever slight auxiliary fortune might interpose to aid him in his early struggles. But with all the force of intellect he could command, his patience was well nigh exhausted before anything turned up to assure him that his profession would afford him the ladder of life-ascent, which he had hoped to meet in it. It is very certain, at least, that the quality for which Job Avas distinguished had in his case nearly all become exhausted before he met Avitli any success commensurate with his anticipations ; as he stated to a confidential friend at a dance at Littlestown, that he could hold out no longer, and must select a new location. Destiny, how- ever, had resolved, that in his case, though reduced to the lowest depths of despair, the profession of the law, with its political accompaniments, should make up his career ; as the darkest hour of night is that before day-break, so it was with him. A day or two after the despondency of his condition had led him to ruminate in his mind a new location, a horrible murder was committed ; and none of the prominent lawyers felt inclined to undertake the defense of the accused. Mr. Stevens was retained and exerted his powers to the utmost in behalf of his client, although without being able to acquit him ; yet he brought to the trial of the cause such an an-ay of legal learning, so marshalled and arranged ; and he handled the evidence with such masterly adroitness, that the com't, the bar, the jury, and the citizens were taken by surprise. 13 A REVIEW OF THE His speech "before the jury evinced a mind of such logical acnte- ness, that the trial ended with his reputation fixed as possessing the elements of an able lawyer. This trial, and the masterly de- fense, became at once the subject of conversation throughout the whole country. His client was found guilty of murder and exe- cuted, but the case brought Mr. Stevens a fee of $1,500, which was the beginning of his fortune. He had already ascended the first step of the ladder of life. From this period there was no occa- sion that he must content himself with cases that the other law- yers saw proper to decline. He now began to receive a different class of clients than those to whom the other attornies semi- sneeringly had remarked, " there is a young man in town by the name of Stevens who may, perhaps, be willing to attend to your case." Persons were no more fearful to employ the club-footed lawyer, as he thenceforth came to be known by those who were not yet much acquainted with him. But his success must depend upon his own efforts, for the seemingly instinctive jealousy of lawyers precluded his receiving any favor from which they could debar him. Regarded as an interloper by most of them, he was thrust aside from all the favors which bars have in their power to ex- hibit, and their reflection was that if he succeed it must be by dint of superior ability .tud application to business. But Mr. Stbi-ens was one of those who could, in a remarkable measure, divest himself of all appreciation of the petty and con- temptible jealousies of human nature. He could afford to despise all such, and yet give no exhibition of his feelings. As, however, he felt that his success must depend upon the impression he would continue to make upon the people, he studiously applied himself and, to the best of his ability, to the preparation for trial of every case with which he was entrusted. It was soon perceived by the people of the county that he was able to try a case with as much success as any lawyer at the Gettysburg bar. His reputation all the time wiis spreading, and his business increasing. His great candor in everything he said, or undertook, made at once a favor- able impression upon those v,'ith whom he came in contact. Be- sides, his freedom from all affectation and pride procured for him the confidence of the German citizens of Adams County, although unable to converse with them in their vernacidar language, a con- fidence which he ever afterwards was able to retain. The ready POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA, 19 humor he could make use of in his intercourse with the people or his brethren of the bar, and his sallies of wit, with which he could often disconcert an opposing attorney in the trial of a cause, were additional weapons which in his setting out in legal life were of incalculable service to him. His legal business rapidly increased on his hands, and by the year 1821 he made his first appearance in the Supreme Court, holding its session at Chambersburg, then one of the five places at which the highest Court of Pennsylvania sat. It is somewhat remarkable, in view of his latter political course, that his first case in that court should have been a suit de homine rejylegiandoy in which the liberty of a colored woman and her children were concerned. But as lawyers have not the choice of sides in a ease, in this instance, Mr. Stevens found himself compelled to dispute the claim for freedom. Henry Butler and Charity his wife, and their children had brought suit for their liberty, and Stevens was employed for the defense Their claim grew out of a contract between the ovrner of Charity and a man named Cleland, both Marylandors. Cleland again entered into another contract with a Mr. Gilleland, living in tho same State, concerning the services of Charity. Gilleland having deserted his wife, the latter was obliged to turn seamstress, and went occasionally into Pennsyl- vania, taking Charity with her. After returning to her mother's domicil in Maryland, she sent Charity back to her original master, being then eleven years of age. It became a question of fact for the jury to determine upon the trial, whether Charity had ever, at one time, been kept six months in Pennsylvania. If she had been so detained, she was then entitled to her freedom, as also her children. The jury returned a verdict against her freedom. The case was taken to the Supreme Com-t, but Mr. Stevens suc- ceeded in sustaining the verdict of the court below.* At this period he was established in a profitable practice. Prom the year 1823, he was engaged on one side or the other, of all the im- portant suits of his County, of which fact the report books of the period afford abundant evidence. By 1827, he was become a man of influence and standing in his county, and owned therein considerable real estate. His fame had now far passed the bounds of Adams County, and he was hence- forth employed in the trial of important causes, in the neighboring *7 Sergeant & Rawle, pp. 379. 20 A REVIEW OF THE counties of Cumberland, Franklin and York. His business now almost engrossed his whole attention, but he was not unmindful of the necessity of exercise. He was in the habit of riding much upon horseback, and became known as one of the most skilled equestrians in his section of country. He was fond of attending the races in Maryland, then one of the customary amusements of the day. His contiguity to Maryland and the numerous suits in which he was concerned, involving the liberty of colored persons claimed as slaves in the State of Maryland, had no doubt much to do in giving him his strong bias in opposition to the institution of African Slavery. As far as can be gathered, he always seemed to sympathize with the colored race, and was ready to assist them in gaining their freedom when in his power to do so. POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 21 CHAPTER II. EISE OF THE ANTI-MASONIC PARTY. ELECTION OF MR. STEVENS TO THE LEGISLATURE OF PENNSYLVANIA. Yf e have seen that Mr. Stevens, first selected in his mind the County of Lancaster for the practice of his profession, but after visiting it, came to the conclusion to go to Gettysburg. Both these choices would seem to imply that he was not altogether unmindful of political considerations in choosing a location. But belonging to a party, w^hose principles had become gen- erally unpopular throughout the nation, we do not find him participating in political affairs for many years after his settle- ment in Adams County. He was not the man to change his principles for the sake of success ; and it was only when new questions began to be discussed that he stepped forward upon the political arena. The excitement aroused, throughout the ]N^orthern States, against the Masonic order, occasioned by the abduction and exe- cution of William Morgan, in the Autumn of 182G, had the effect of reorganizing parties upon a new basis in many States of the Union. Morgan, a citizen of Batavia, ]^ew York, had pre- pared for publication, a work detailing the secrets of the three first degrees of masonry, and had the same in press, when the fact became known amongst the members of the Masonic order. As subsequent developments seemed to indicate, steps were con- certed in the I^ew York lodges to thwart the exposure of the secrets of an order, to which many of the most influential and respectable men of the nation had united themselves. Morgan was accord- ingly seized by members of the Masonic order in broad daylight, and borne by conveyance to the northern part of the State of Kew York, where all trace of him was lost. It was believed that he was sunk in Lake Ontario. The news of this transaction was soon spread throughout the country, but it was in Western New York where the highest degree of excitement prevailed. Com- 23 A REVIEW OF THE mittees of investigation and safety were aj^pointed to ferret out the mysteries of a transaction that impressed the people with the conviction that a vital stab was inflicted npon American civil liberty. Prosecutions were also instituted against the conspira- tors in the Morgan tragedy, but these resulted in the acquittal of all except Bruce and Whitney, who were imprisoned for theii participation in the affair. The trials that took place, perhaps more, even than the abduc- tion of Morgan itself, intensified the excitement. The courts were crowded when the trials were in progress, and although many of the witnesses were masons of admitted respectability and stand- ing, it was believed by the people, that they testifled falsely in order to shield their brother masons from punishment. This was the allegation that they would do so, and the boasts of certain masons were retailed, who had declared that their friends would not be allowed to sufl^er. In America, then, as it was charged, was an institution that dared in the light of day to arrest a citizen and execute him, and the civil lavv' was powerless to prevent the wicked and diabolical deed. What more could the Invisihle Tribunal of Germany, or the Spanish Inquisition do, than was nov;' witnessed in Republican America ? Was an order to be per- mitted to exist in the United States, that would dare the pei-pe- tration of such high handed iniquity as was enacted in this instance? The excitement diffused itself from the locality of the occurrence of these scenes throughout the whole North. A party arose, styling themselves Anti-Masons, in the following year, which cast 33,000 votes in New York State for their candidate for Governor, and in 1828 this number was increased to Y0,000. In this last named year, the party had obtained some foothold in Pennsylvania; newspapers being established in this State in favor of Aiiti-Masonic principles. Men from both the old politi- cal parties attached themselves to the new organization, though it is not to be denied, that the greater number by far were Feder- alists, whose party was become quite defunct. Amongst the foremost in Pennsylvania, to espouse the principles of the Anti-Masons, was Thaddeus Stevens, who saw in the new party, the means of rising in political life. He no doubt hated an institution that had rejected, as is said, his admittance as a member ; and besides he saw that it might be combatted with advantage to his party. He began to denounce the Masonic POLITICALXONFLICT IN AMERICA. 23 order as an iinperlutn in imperio^ a power that set tlie laws of the land at detiance, and nullified the system of the civil tribunals. If Masonry be permitted to endure, argued he, how can a mem- ber of the order be brought to trial, when one Mason in accord- ance with his obligations, is required to support another, in all difficulties, "whether right or wrong," and hold his secrets inviolable, " murder and treason not excepted." He declared that it was impossible to remain in doubt as to how he should act when American liberty was subjected to such peril from an institution, the power of which he perceived to be governed and supported by the credulity of ages. The courts of justice, trial by jury, the sanctity of the witness stand were all able to be set at naught, as he averred, by men who felt that the obligations of Masonry were more binding upon their consciences than the judicial oaths of the land. In co-operation, therefore, with others, he used all his efforts to consolidate the Anti-Masonic opposition in Pennsyl- vania into a political organization, that might prove effective in overthrowing a society of oath-bound enemies of the body politic. In the year 1829, the opposition to the Democrats, was united as the Anti-Masonic party, and supported Joseph Eitner for the gubernatorial chair of Pennsylvania. He was defeated, but in some counties of the State, the party was strongly in the ascendant. The war of opposition, that was henceforth waged against the Masonic institution, was a severe and trying one. ■ Books expos- ing the secrets of the order were in great demand. Bernard's Light of Masonry, Morgan's Illustrations, and other works of like character, obtained a wonderful circulation. Masonry soon sunk below par. By the year 1830, it was ascertained that over one thousand Free Masons had withdrawn from the order, and ex- posed the secrets of initiation. The seceding masons fully cor- roborated what was contained in the books divulo'ino;' the secrets of Masonry, and averred that the oaths therein set forth, w^ere the same identically as those which the initiated were required to accept. This was fully made out in the Le Roy con- vention of seceding masons, held in July, 1828, in the State of ]N^ew York. Men of the highest respectability and social stand- ing deserted the order like a sinking ship, and proclaimed that youthful curiosity had induced them to unite with it, (as is the case with most intelligent young men entering it) but that they had not visited a lodge for many years, John Q. Adams, Wil- 24 A REVIEW OF THE liam Wirt, Moses Stuart, of Andover, Caldwallader Golden, and a host of tlie first men of America, expressed publicly, their dis- approbation of the order. The lodges all over the country were closed, and so continued for years. Masonry was required to pass through a searching ordeal. Its history was examined to the foundation by able scholars, and its claims of antiquity shown to rest upon the assertions of credulous members, but for which truth furnished no basis. The origin of speculative Masonry, was traced to the year 1717 in England, and the averments of a more ancient deduction, were proved to be entirely fabulous. Mr. Stevens, having the sagacity to perceive that Free Masonry and all other secret societies were of anti-republican tendency, de- nounced the same as such. In his denunciation of these he was not far astray. These societies had derived their birth under monarchial governments, and seemed to exhibit the natural incli- nation of mankind to recur back in principle to the ancient form of policy, which republics should seek to overthrow. Deducing their principles from the aristocratic feelings of superiority which one class of people entertain towards another, it was apparent that Masonry was but laying the foundation for kingly rule, and the ruin of republican liberty. Even the names of the officers in the lodges, indicated this fawning after the titled appellations of monarchial rulers. As our republic prohibited its countrymen from the assumption of titles, that are conferred by the crowned magnates of Europe., secret societies afforded to the aristocratic fawner that which his heart craved, but which the laws of his country prevented his assuming in the light of day. All this Mr. Stevens -saw with clearness, and hence believed that the out- side prejudice could be united with admirable effect as to himself against the initiated. Entertaining these notions, and conscious of the antagonism which the new movement would be compelled to encounter in the battle against Masonry, Mr. Stevens, from the organization of the Anti-Masonic party in Pennsylvania, actively labored to cosi-" solidate, and give it national strength and diffusion. In September, 1831, he was a member of the Baltimore National Convention of the Anti-Masonic party, which placed Wm. Wirt and Amos Ellmaker, in nomination for the Presidency of the United States. But the election of 1832, resulted disastrously to the hopes of the Anti-Masons, but one State casting its electoral votes for their POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 25 candidates, Mr. Stevens' mountain home of Vermont. It was now believed by many, that the party could never succeed as a national organization. The Southern States had kept aloof from it, and the N^orth was unable to imite vipon Anti-Masonic princi- ples. Five years had elapsed since the excitement occasioned by the Morgan abduction was first aroused ; and yet the paity had so far been unable to achieve any substantial victory. Large numbers of individuals, who had united with the new organization, merely from political motives, now became apathetic, as regards its future permanency, and were ready to attach themselves to any other that would show indications of greater success. Like vultures, the politicians are endowed with remarkable nasal organs for scenting the official carcass. But, four years must now elapse before another presidential struggle could take place ; and in the meantime each State must manage its political affairs in accord- ance with the judgment of their respective leaders. In Pennsyl- vania, the Anti-Masonic organization was kept up perhaps better than in most others ; and yet here many visible signs existed that the seeds of party dissolution were not confined alone to the other States of the Union. It is believed that Anti-Masonry, as a party organization, was prolonged in Pennsylvania through the influence of Thaddeus Stevens more than that of any other man that could be named. In the fall of 1833, Mr. Stevens was elected to the lower House of the Pennsylvania. Legislature, taking his seat in De- cember of that year. The legislative session of 1833—1, was a most important one, insomuch as the system of free schools was first introduced into Pennsylvania in its enactments. The free school bill passed at this session, and which was approved by Gov. "Wolf, April 1st, 1834, received the warm support of Mr. Stevens. The measure itself was the outgrowth of the intelli- gent thought of the age, stri\'ing for the discovery of the best method by which to enlighten the masses, and fit them for citizenship in a free republic. It was but the expression of the united intelligence of the patriotic public citizens of Pennsyl- vania, who desired the weKare and improvement of the people of their State. The American system of free schools is of ISTew England birth, and dates its origin to an early period in the history of the Eastern States. Massi\chusetts and Connecticut are rivals if ' the 25 A REVIEW OF THE honor of its discoveiy. Pennsylvania was slow in accepting the system, althongh her people were far from being averse to edu- cation. In their efforts for the advancement of general intelH- gence, her statesmen, with that deliberation and caution, which are characteristics of the people of Pennsylvania, sought for the best S3'stem of schools that could be obtained, and which had as yet been tried. When the Constitution of 1790 was adopted, it was made an article of that charter, that " the Legislature as soon as may he, shall provide hy law for the establishinent of schools throughout the State, in such maimer that the poor fnay he taught gratis^ In accordance with this constitutional provision, it was early enacted, that the tuition of all poor children attend- ing school should be paid out of the public treasury. But this plan did not seem to meet the necessities of the demand for general instruction, as most persons needing assistance had a re- luctance to being enrolled as paupei*s upon the school lists ; and the question how to remedy the defect, became more and more a matter of discussion amongst educated men. The attention of philanthropists in all parts of the country was directed to this subject shortly after the close of the war with Great Britain ; and the best methods of education were discussed. Improved schools were in the year 181T, established in many of the principal American cities, and their influence did much to educate the public up to a knowledge of the advantages of a general system of free education. The Governors of Pennsylvania, being men of cultivated minds, and surrounded by such, seeing the current of advancing intelligence in other States and countries, were in their messages, in the habit of calling the attention of the Legislature of the State to the necessity of providing means for a more general system of public instruction. Gov. AVolf was particularly dis- tinguished as the advocate of a free school system, and in his message of 1833, he urged the measure in the strongest terms. The subject was taken up in both houses of the Pennsylvania Legislature, and the result was, that a free school bill was passed in both, and received the sanction of the Executive. The law went into operation, but met with furious resistance in many sections of the State ; indeed, in all parts, a party arose in opposition to the law of 1834. The majority of the heavy tax-payers in all quarters of the State were opposed to a law that abstracted POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 27 money from their pockets, as tliey conceived, without any justice or right, save the enactment of the Legishiture. Tlie advantages of elevating communities to a condition of intelligent citizen- ship vp-ere overlooked. Again, the law was opposed by many, because the system severed religious from intellectual instruction; and withdrew the education of the youth from the supervision of the clergy and other church authorities. It was this latter objec- tion, that induced the heavy opposition on the part of the German counties of the State, a resistance that required years to overcome. When the legislature therefore of 1834r-5, assembled, petitions began to pour in from all parts of the State, urging the repeal of the school law that had been passed the year before. On tlie 17th of March, 1835, it was reported in the House of Representa- tives, that 558 petitions, signed by 31,988 names were before that body, asking that the school law of 1834 be repealed, whereas but 49 petitions with 2,575 signers were in its favor. All the outside pressure seemed to demand the repeal. A bill, revoking the school law of the last year, was introduced into the Senate, passed that body, and was transmitted to the House for its con- currence. Speech after speech was now made in the House, in favor of what seemed almost the universal sentiment of the people. Many short-sighted members, who had even favored the free school law, were ready to vote for its repeal, as they feared to place themselves upon record as supporters of a law which the public, in their petitions, seemed so emphatically to have con- demned. Politicians are timid, and fear to support a measure, that their constituents have reprobated, much as their judgment, might approve it. Thaddeus Stevens was this year a member of the Legislature of Pennsylvania. His New England birth and train- ing made him naturally inclined to favor the free school system. He had the sagacity likewise to perceive that it would receive" the support of the poorer classes, much as it might be combatted by the wealthy. It belonged to the equalizing movements of the age, which seemed to hannonize with American ideas. Mr. Ste- vens therefore boldly resisted the repeal, in a speech of great ability and force, delivered in the House. It was a fine oppor- tunity to become the champion for the elevation of the masses at the expense of the monied classes. Such championship, in America, ever secures for the demagogue high applause, whether deservedly or otherwise. Mr. Stevens espied his own gain in his £8 A REVIEW OF THE strong defense of tlie free school system, as lie perceived tliat he was tlius making himself the leader of the people, in opposition to the opulent few. In him, the people and the timid free si-hool men found a leader. His speech had a magical effect upon the sentiments of members. Such a masterly, argumentative, and convincing array of tliought, as they conceived, had not been heard in the Pennsyl- vania halls of legislation for years. A master intellect had simply defended the growing popular sentiment. All without distinction, whether enemies or friends, acknowledged the overpowering superiority of the speech. Many who had determined to favor the repeal, changed their opinions, and voted to sustain the law of 1834. The House decided to non-conciiir in the action of the Sen- ate, and thus the common school law was saved to the common- wealth. This speech ranked its author, henceforth^ as one of the first intellects of Pennsylvania. POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 29 CHAPTER III. MASONIC INVESTIQATION, STAR CHAMBER COMMITTEE. CHARTER OF THE UNITED STATES BANK OF PENNSYLVANIA. MEMBER OF STATE REFORM CONVENTION. The political tide of Anti-Masoniy was somewLat broken in the Presidential election of 1832. But this, instead of weaken- ing, seemed rather to have had the effect of enhancing the force of the moral onslaught which was made against the institution of Masonry, and which, throngh the courage and intellectual superi- ority of Thaddeus Stevens, became more intense in Pennsylvania, perhaps, than in any other State of the Union. The legislative warfare in this State was begun in March, 1823, in the presenta- tion in the House of Rspresentatives, by a Mr. Diesbach, of three memorials from sundry citizens of the Commonwealth, setting forth that the society of Free Masons had become dangerous to the free institutions of the Commonwealth, and that men who are members of the order, are wholly incompetent to act as jurors and arbitrators, in cases wherein a Free Mason and another citizen are parties. The memorialists prayed for some legislation that would afford the requisite relief in such cases. Oiiher petitions of like character were also presented, all of which were laid upon the table. In this manner, the people, year after year, sent their petitions to the Legislature, asking for some law to remedy the evils of Masonry. When Mr. Stevens took his seat as a member of the lower House of Representatives at Hamsbnrg, the Anti-Masons found a leader competent to marshall the party in the Legislature, and cope with the ablest opponents that might be arrayed against it. He was but a short time in the House, until he had an opportunity of proving his capacity for leadership, in a speech delivered by him in which he took occasion to review the course of the Jack- son party, and the men who molded its principles. As the antag- onist of Masonry, on February 10, 1834, he introduced the 30 A REVIEW OF THE following resolution : " Eesolved. That a committee be appointed to inquire into the expedi- ency of providing by law for making Free Masonry, a good cause of per- emptory challenge to jurors in all cases, where one of the parties is a Free Mason, and the other is not, and on the part of the Commonwealth, in all prosecutions for claims and misdemeanoi's, where the defendant is a Mason ; and alSo, where the jvidge and one of the parties are Free Masons, to make the saine provisions for the trials of causes as now exist where the judge and either of the parties are related to each other by blood or marriage, and to make the same i^rovison relative to the summoning and return of jurors, where the Sheriff and either of the parties are Free Masons, as now oxists where they are related to each other by blood or marriage, and that said committee have power to send for persons and papers." On the second reading, on the question shall the resolution as offered pass, the vote was yeas, 34, nays, 45. By this vote the Anti-Masons were shown to be incapable of effecting any legisla- tion of a party nature. Mr. Stevens, as chairman of the com- mittee appointed to investigate Masonry, on the 2Ttli of March, 1834, submitted the following report : " Wliereas, Numerous petitions, signed by a large number of highly respectable citizens of this Commonwealth, have been presented to the Legislature, stating their belief that the masonic fraternity is associated for purposes inconsistent with the equal rights and privileges which are the birth-right of every freeman ; that they are bound together by secret obligations and oaths, illegal, immoral and blasphemous, subver- sive of all public law, and hostile to the full administration of justice. They ask for a legislative investigation into tlie truth of these charges, a.nd, if supported, a legislative remedy ; and for the purpose of obtaining authentic proof, they ask for the appointment of a committee to send for persona and papers. " In pursuance of wliat was supposed to be the prayer of the peti- tioners, a committee was appointed and the petitions refeiTed to them. The committee met and organized, and, supposing it to be their duty to proceed to investigate the charges made against the Masonic institution thus referred to them, they gave a precipe for a subpoena for vvat- nesses to the Clerk of the House, to be by him issued in the usual way, signed by the Speaker. The committee would not deny their right to inquire into the the truth of the charges, for the investigation of which they had been specially appointed. Nor did they suppose they had been commanded by the House to perform that duty without being clothed with the power asked for by the petitioners, and indispensably necessary, and incident to its faithful and intelligent discharge. The Clerk and Speaker of the House thought otherwise, and declined issuing the sub- l>oena. The committee appealed to the House to grant explicitly the questioned power. It was objected to, on the gi-ound (among others) that it would subject refractory witnesses to punishment for contempt if they POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 31 refused to testify ; a power which the House seemed disposed not to pursue towards masonic witnesses. To obviate this objection, the com- mittee consented to modify the resolution, so as to give them power to take the testimony of sucli witnesses only as would appeal* to testify voluntarily before them. But the House, by a vote of eveiy member present, except two, of all parties, not politically opposed to Masonry refused the request. The committee were thus prohibited from ascer- taining by legal testimony the true char.' cter of Free Masonry as prac- tised in Pennsylvania. Nor could they fail to view that decision as a plain intimation by the House of their unwillingness to have the secret designs, principles and practices of that institution established and made known to the people. Feeling themselves bound by that intimation, and trusting it with the respect which is always due to the wish of this body, the committee feel themselves constrained not to make use of the proof within their power, taken in other States to develope its alledged iniqui- ties. Such proof might and would be met with the allegation, that it ^' might h: New York, but not Pennsylvania Masonry.'" To establish the identity of Pennsylvania and New York Masonry by a legislative com- mittee, vested with adequate power, is left to a future time and other hands. To suppose that this will not soon take place, would be a foul and unwarranted libel on the intelligence and firmness of the freemen of this Commonwealth. "To shoAv the necessitj' of tlie power asked for, and to justify their failure to make a more extended report on the subject confided to them, the committee will briefly state the nature and quality of the test'mony which they had intended to submit to this House. That the evidence might be above suspicion, they had determined to call before them none but adhering Masons who could not be suspected of testifying out of kostility to the institution. To leave no doubt as to the character of the witnesses, it was proposed to examine the Masonic members of this House and the Cabinet. It was particularly desirable and intended that the Governor of this Commonwealth should become a witness, and have a full opi)ortunity of explaining under oath, the principles and practices of the order of which he is so conspicuous a member. It was thought that the papers in his possession might throw much light on the question how far Masonry secures political and executive favor. This inspection would have shown, whether it be true that applications for olfices have been founded on Masonic merit and claimed as Masonic rights ; whether in such applications the ' ' significant symbols " and mystic watch words of Masonry have been used, and in how many cases such applications have been successful in securing executive patronage. It might not have been unprofitable, also, to inquire how many converted felons, who have been pardoned by the present Governor, were brethren of the " mystic tie," or connected by blood or politics with members of that institution, and how few of those who could boast of no such connection have been successful in similai applications. The committee might have deemed it necessary, in the faithful discharge of their duty, to have called before them some of the judges, who are Masons, to ascertain whether, in their official character, the " grand hailing sign " has ever been handed, sent or thrown to them by either of the parties litigant, and if so, what 32 A REVIEW OF THE has been the result of the trial. This would have been obviously proper, as one of the charges against Masonry is its partial and corrupt influence in coui'ts of justice. Who the witnesses were to be, was distinctly an- nounced to this House by the chairman of the committee on the disscussion of his resolution. The House decided that no evidence should be taken; every member of the Masonic institution present voting in the negative. The committee have deemed this brief history of legislative proceedings necessary to justify them for failing to make a report which is anxiously looked for by the people. The committee are awai-e that most of those who opposed the power to send for " persons and papers," did it on the avowed grounds that it was unnecessary, as the principles of Masonry were fully disclosed and known. For themselves, the committee have no hesitancy in saying, that Masonry is no longer a secret to any but those who wilfully make it so, and that its principles and practices are as dangerous and atrocious as its most violent opponents have ever de- clared. They take pleasure, however, in saying that a great majority of its members reject its doctrines, habitually disregard its principles, and in honesty, honor and patriotism, are inferior to none of their fellow- citizens. It is the duty of government, while it looks with charity and forbearance on the past, to take care that in futui'e none of our respecta- i>le citizens should be entrapped into such degrading and painful thral- dom. To effect this object and give those who x^rofess to be morally opposed to Masonry an opportunity to record such opposition, the com- mittee report a bill '* to proJiibit in future the adminis 'ration of Masonic, Odd Felloio, and all other secret extra-judicial oaths, obligations and promises in the nature of oaths." As parties were constituted in the legislature, Mr. Stevens had no further object in the submission of the above report than to place upon record the demands and views of the Anti-Masonic party. In the session of 183t(r-5 the AntiMasons were again in the minority in the legislature. Mr. Stevens being a member of the House at this session also, considerable discussion took place and there was the usual display of partizan tactics regarding the question of Masonry. Mr. Stevens submitted a motion in the House, prefaced by a lengthy preamble, detailing in varied items the evils' of Masonry and which contained a resolution " that the Committee on the Judiciarrj he instructed to hiding in a hill effectually to suppress and pi'ohibit the administration and recep- tion of Masonic, Odd Fellow and all other secret extra-judicial oaths^ obligations and promises in the nature of oaths P This resolution was without delay laid upon the table and authority to publish the same was denied by a vote of 38 yeas to 58 nays. During the controversy waged throughout the country over the question of the removal of the deposits by President Jackson, Joseph R. Ritner was nominated for the governorship of Penn- POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 33 sylvania, distinctly as an Anti-Mason, and tlirougli the division of the Democratic party was elected, A majority was chosen to the House of Representatives favorable to the same principles as the Governor was supposed to represent, Mr. Stevens was again returned as a member from Adams County. Governor Eitner, in his inaugural, expressed the sentiments of his party upon the Masonic question, and spoke of his election as an endorsement of Anti-Masonic principles. He said: *' The supremacy of the laws, and the equal rights of the people, whether threatened or assailed by individuals, or by secret sworn associations, I shall so far as may be compatible with the constitutional power of the Executive, endeavor to maintain as well in compliance with the known will of the people, as from obligations of duty to the Commonwealth, In these endeavor ; I shall entertain no doubt of zealous co-operation by the enlightened and patriotic legislature of the State. The people have Willed the destruction of all secret societies, and that wiU cannot be dis- regarded." , At the legislative session of 1835-6, on motion of Mr. Stevens, a committee was appointed to investigate the evils of Free Ma- sonry and other secret societies. This was that to which the Free Masons and their allies gave the name of the " Star Chamber Committee^'' because of the attempt to extract information from the Masons themselves, which as was believed, would be prejudicial to the order. Subpoenas were accordingly served upon Gov. WoK, Geo. M. Dallas, Francis E, Shunk, Joseph E. Chand- ler, and a number of the other distinguished lights of Masonry, citing them to appear before the committee and answer such questions as might be asked them touching their knowledge of Masonry, The questions as agreed on in connnittee to be pro- pounded to the. parties subpoenaed Avere the following : 1. "Are you, or have you been a Free Mason ? How many degrees have you taken ? By what lodge or chapter were yoii admitted ?" 2. "Before or at the time of your taking each of those degrees, was an oath or obligation administered to you ?" S. "Can you repeat the several oaths or obligations administered to you, or any of them ? If so, repeat the several oaths, beginning with the entered apprentice, and repeat them literally, if possible, if not, substantially ; listen to the oaths, and obligations, and penalties, as read from this book (AUyn's Ritual) and point out any variation you shall find in them from the oaths you took. Is there a trading degree ?" 4. "Did you ever know the affirmation administered in the lodge or chapter ?" 5. "Are there any other oaths or obligations in Masonry than those contained m Allyn's Ritual and Bernard's Light on Masonry ?" Gi A REVIEW OF THE 6. "Is Masomy essentially the same everywhere ?" 7. "State the ceremony of initiation in the R. A. degree, and particularly whether any allusion is made to the scripture scene of the burning bush. State fully how that scene is enacted in the lodge or chapter." 8. "Are you a K. T.? If so, state fully the obligations and ordinances of that degree. In that degree is wine administered to the candidate out of a human skull ? State fully the whole scene. Listen to the account of it as read from this book (Allyn's Ritual), and point out whether it varies from the genuine oath or ceremony." Most of those subpcenaed sent to the committee written replies, declining to appear &nd answer in obedience to the writ ; some of them appeared in person before the committee and read their ^reasons for refusing to answer any questions concerning Masonry, and their connection therewith. Their reasons for declining to answer, as gathered from their several replies, embraced sub- stantially the following. They claimed that the House of Eep- resentatives possessed no constitutional anthority to institute an inquiry concerning any organization within its borders, or its secrets, that violated no law of the land. If their society, or any other, was proved to have become injurious to the rights of the commonwealth, in that event, the paramount superiority of the State must subordinate all others. But until this be shown, the State had no more right to interfere than would it have to institute an inquiry concerning any private family affairs. Ma- sonry existed when the constitution of the State was lirst formed, and no objection was made against it ; and they claimed it, as one of those natural and indefeasible rights 's^iJlich men possess, to unite together in the pursuit of their own happiness. Again, were it conceded that the Masons had been guilty of any infrac- tion of law, the proceedings contemplated the compulsory crimina- tion of the accused, a principle violative of constitutional privil- eges. Enact, however, a " constitutional law," as Joseph R. Chandler remarked in his reply to the committee, " j)rohibiting the existence of Masonic institutions, and I shall be the first to withdraw from all communion with the order, without reference to the weight of penalties, and shall feel bound to bear testi- mony in a court of justice against any Mason who might, within my knowledge, violate the statute." The committee asked authority of the House to commit those subpoenaed for contempt, but this, after considerable disputation, was refused. The cowardice of some who professed Anti-Masonic POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. ' 33 principles, and tlie influence and standing of the parties cliarged with the contempt, shielded the recusant witnesses from the im- prisonment w^hich some, and amongst those Mr. Stevens, were ready to inflict. Thaddeus Stevens was the soul and leader of tliis movement, and in it showed himself equal to any emergency when his party should summon his services. For his participa- tion in this undertaking, he subjected himself to great obloquy and abuse from the members of the Masonic order and their adherents. But the movement, on the part of Mr. Stevens, was in itself sufficient to stamp him as a man of w^onderful mental stamina and courage ; and were nothing else of his public services extant, this itself would record him among the famed names of history. One man in this case, by the potent strength of his intellectual superiority, sets up an investigation to overthrow an order that claimed an existence from the building of Solomon's Temple, and wliich the whole power of the Roman Catliolic Hierarchy and Priesthood had essayed in vain to destroy. Had public opinion been a little more ripe for the attempt, it is un- known what results the investigation migli*: have had. Secret societies are never too strongly entrenched in public sympathy to escape censure. The exclusive (never popular), in a free country, must ever And itself an exotic, and be ranked with that wholly anti-republican in its nature. Its development displays the aristo- cratic feelings of humanity, severs the people into classes, and ultimately flts nations for governmental changes. Had the asso- ciate partisans of 'Mr. Stevens, who espoused the Anti-Masonic cause, done so with equal ardor as himself. Free Masonry in Penn- sylvania, and perhaps in America, would in the main have ceased to exist. It does not, however, seem to have been high moral reasons that caused his opposition to Free Masonry ; but rather because deformity had precluded his initiation into the mysteries. But as it was, the order met a shock that will not soon be for- gotten. And while Free Masonry in the United States is altogether likely to continue to be molded by the spirit of our institutions, in order that it may still defer the crusade, which (If our republic be resurrected) seems destined, in the march of ages to eradicate it, with all the other relics of superstition and monarchy. The session of the Pennsylvania Legislature of 1835-6, was an important one in more respects than one. The charter of 36 A REVIEW OF THE the United States Bank would expire on the -ith of March, 1830. The political contest, regarding this institution, had been one. of violent and impassioned intensity. From the first intimation by President Jackson, in his message in 1829, of his doubt as to the constitutionahty of the bank, the people were divided in senti- ment regarding it. Upon the appearance of the President's Message, the stock fell six dollars per share, but whr n Congress expressed a contrary opinion, the stock rose to a higher figure than before. The affairs of the bank moved smoothly as before, but in view of the expiration of its charter in 1836, its stock- holders in 1832 applied for a renewal of national banking privi- leges. The bill for the re-charter of the bank passed both Houses of Congress, but met resistance in the veto of President Jackson* This action upon the part of the Executive had the effect of arousing in Pennsylvania (where the bank was located and was popular) a furious resistance against the national administration ; and it was for a time believed that the President's policy would not be sustained by the people of this State. A very large meet- ing was held in Philadelphia, in July, 1832, soon after the veto of the bank bill, which was composed of the President's former political friends, at which resolutions were adopted disapproving of his course, with regard to the bank, and deprecating his re- election to the Presidency as a national calamity, against the occurrence of wdiich, they pledged themselves to use their utmost efforts. The hostility thus arrayed against the President had the effect of embittering him against the bank and its supporters. In view of the uncertain financial condition of the bank, the President, in his Message of December, 1832, recommended the withdrawal of the public funds from the institution. Congress, on the con- trary, by resolution expressed its entire confidence in the solvency of the bank. William J. Duane, the Secretary of the Treasury, in whose province it was to see to the removal of the deposits, if in his judgment necessary, declined removing them, and he was accordingly removed from the Secretaryship, and Roger B. Taney appointed in his stead. The deposits were now removed, and a period of financial stringency set in, which greatly em- barrassed the trade and business of the country. All this, in the opinion of the President and his friends, was the result of the improper conduct of the managers of the United States Bank. POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMEEICA. S7 The bank question remained for years one of the great subjects of national politics, and by it, perhaps, parties then were more molded than by any other. It was a fruitful theme of discussion for many years. When it was fully discovered at length, that a national charter for the United States Bank could not be secured, its friends con- ceived the idea of a State incorporation, in order to save the ex- piring bank from impending dissolution. Thaddeus Stevens was the admitted Achilles of the bank party in the Pennsylvania Legislature. lie was accordingly selected by the stockholders as the man to champion in the Legislature the application for a State charter of the LTnited States Bank. On the 19th of January, 1836, he presented in the House of Representatives a bill for the charter of the bank, with a capital of $35,000,000, which met violent opposition from the Jackson party in Pennsylvania and all over the country. It nevertheless passed both Houses of the Legislature, and haying received the approbation of the Gov- ernor, became a law. A leading inducement with the advocates of the charter was, that the State was to receive a bonus of several million dollars from the stockholders for internal improvements. The resistance to the State charter manifested itself not only in the denunciations of the Jackson press, but even in the legisla- tion of some of the States. Ohio passed a law in March, 1836, prohibiting within the limits of the State any branch of the Pennsylvania United States Bank. The institution thus chartered, purchased the assets, assumed the liabilities of the old United States Bank, and continued its business under the same roof. But the new bank was unable to resist the adverse tide of finan- cial affairs, that was gradually approaching to a crisis. This set in fully by 1837. All the banks in the Union, with few excep- tions, suspended specie payments. A resumption was attempted in 1839, but was only persevered in by the banks of Kew Eng- land and New York. This new suspension, however, was not generally followed by contraction of the currency in Pennsyl- vania until 1841, when another attempt was made to resume, which proved fatal to the United States Bank of Pennsylvania. It was now obliged to go into liquidation. In the fall of 1836, Mr. Stevens was returned a member of the Heform Convention, which was fixed by the Legislature to be ehosen in November, the same time as the Presidential electors. 38 A REVIEW OF THE Tlie calling of the convention to amend the constitution of Penn- sylvania, had been for years a question of discussion, and was decided in 1835, by a majority of 13,000 in favor of the call. In 1825 the people had voted in opposition to a convention by a majority of 15,000. Among the members chosen to the body, were some of the ablest intellects of Pennsylvania. Some of these made lasting reputations from the part they bore in the deliberations of that body. The convention assembled at Ilarris- burg, May 2nd, 1837, and entered upon its duties of amending the fundamental charter of the State. Mr. Stevens took a seat in this convention, in the fullness of his intellectual vigor, and with a reputation as one of the ablest men in the commonwealth. At the opening of the deliberations, he assumed the position that his consciousness of ability dictated as his place, and should a larger share of hypocricy been part of his character, he would no doubt have been able to wield much more influence in the work- ings of the convention than he found it in his power to do. Jeal- ousy soon manifested itself on the part of several members, who were ready to measure swords witli him, as regards intellectual superiority. His readiness to express his opinions proved a source of weakness to him, and oft exposed him to thrusts from his competitors, which otherwise he might have avoided. Unlike most politicians, his nature prompted him to avow what he sin- cerely believed ; and this trait made him appear to those who have no convictions singular and erratic. He was placed by the president of the convention as chairman of one of the principle committees ; but his great readiness to assert his opinions, and some sweeping measures of reform, which he was prepared to advocate, alarmed those even of his own political party, so that he soon sunk from the rank of a deviser and arranger of reforms, to be simply the disputant of those already submitted. Much weaker men than he were those, as a consequence, who suggested and carried through, by their mild- ness and amiable manners, the reforms that were adopted by the convention. Padical men like Mr. Stevens, are never popular in any body; and though they may do at times what none else could accomplish, it is because they happen to De in entire accord with the sentiments of those whose influence and votes they require. The agitator is mostly in the minority, and so it was with Mr. Stevens in the convention of 1837-8. It is not, there- POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 39 fore, in any particular measures that lie proposed and caused to be adopted, that he made his mark in this body, but rather in the bold stand he in the main assumed, in the defense of what he regarded as right. Although belonging to the party in opposition to the Demo- crats, he was too violent an Anti-Mason to be popular with the Whigs, now risen to considerable political importance in the country. This branch was the rising sun of the opposition party, whereas Anti-Masonry was that which was setting. IS^o cordial affiliation had as yet taken place between the two wings, and as a consequence Mr. Stevens was far from being popular with the Whigs of the convention ; indeed some of his most bitter assail- ants belonged to this branch of the party. In the advocacy of his plan of representation, which would limit the largest city to six representatives, he reiterated Jefferson's sentiment, that cities are ^^ sores of the hody politic, ^^ and strongly advocated his views before the convention. This induced a severe attack from Wm. M. Meredith, of Philadelphia, Avherein he applied to him some cutting remarks, and though conceding his great ability, yet designated him as the '■''great uncJiained of Adains^'' and attached to him other slurring appellations. Mr. Stevens' reply upon this occasion evinces liis power of rejoinder, and as indicating this is inserted : " The extraordinary course of the gentleman from Philadel- phia has astonished me. During the greater part of his concerted personal tirade, I was at a loss to know what course had driven him beside himself. I could not imagine on what boiling cauld- ron he had been sitting to make him foam with all the fury of a wizzard who had been concocting poison from bitter herbs. But when he carne to mention Masonry, I saw the cause of his grief and malice. He unfortunately is a votary and a tool of the '■Hrnxdmaid^ and feels and resents the injury she has sustained. I have often before endured such assaults from her subjects. But no personal abuse, however foul or ungentlemanly, shall betray me into passion, or make me forget the command of my temper, or induce me to reply in a similar strain. I will not degrade myself to the level of a blaclcguard to imitate any man, however respectable. The gentleman, among other flattery, has intimated that I have venom without fangs. Sir, I needed not that gentle- man's admonitions to remind me of my weakness. But I hardly 40 A EEVIEW OF THE need fangs, for I never make ofEensive personal assaults; how- ever, I may, sometimes, in my own defense, turn my fangless jaws upon my assailants with such grip as I may. But it is well that with such great strength that gentleman has so little venom. I have little to hoast of, either in matter or manners, but rustic and rude as is my education, destitute as I am of the polished mannei*s and city politeness of that gentleman, I have a suffic- iently strong native sense of decency not to answer arguments by low, gross, personal abuse. I sustained propositions which I deemed beneficial to the whole State. Nor will I be driven from my course by the gentleman from the city, or the one from the county of Philadelphia. I shall fearlessly discharge my dut)^, however low, ungentlemanly and indecent personal abuse may be heaped upon me by malignant wise men or gilded fools." When upon the presentation by Mr. Denny, of a petition from sundry free citizens of color of Pittsburg, remonstrating against the adoption of any clause in the new constitution, depriving the free colored citizens of the right of suffrage, and when objection was made to its reception, Mr. Stevens spoke as follows : " I maintain that those who have petitioned this body, whether white or black, liave a right to be heard, whether on this or any other subject relative to tlie business of the convention. We have a right, then, to give the prayer of the petitioners a respect- ful consideration." The question of suffrage before the convention, gave rise to considerable discussion. The constitution of 1790, had confined suffrage to freemen ; and as slaves then existed in Pennsylvania, it was generally held that colored persons were not intended to be included under the expression of freemen. However, as time advanced, and the spirit of hostility to slavery grew stronger, there were those in the State who claimed that all free persons were meant, and even in some few counties negroes were permit- ted to vote, though in the most of them this was not attempted. In large cities the attempt would have been attended with dan- ger. The question had been already decided by some of the courts that the constitution of 1790 limited suffrage to the white race. When, therefore, this subject came up in the convention, it was moved to incorporate the word white in the section, fixing suff- rage, Avhich led to an animated debate, the convention being POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 41 somewhat, tliough not entirely, divided on tliis point by pai'ty lines. Tte Democrats were almost a unit in opposition to negro suffrage. But not all of the other party favored it. Wm. M. Meredith, a Whig, remarked : " That he knew no good reason why they (the negroes) should be admitted into the political class. They never had been admitted into it. * * * The right of suffrage ought to be the privilege of white citizens alone." Mr. Stevens, though a bitter opponent to the word white, yet took no special part in the discussion. It was at that time a very unpopular question ; petitions were pouring in from all quarters of the State in opposition to negro suffrage, and the strong supporters of such a measure would have become marked men. This Mr. Stevens seemed to recognize, and may have acted upon the reticent list in view of public opinion. If on this occa- sion he played politician, it was, no doubt, under the strong rebukes of conscience, for his iirm faith in human equality would have prompted him to be the staunchest resistant to the intro- duction of the word white in the suffrage section. When the first discussion on this question was before the convention, he was present, but was absent in January, 1838, when the first vote was taken introducing the discriminating word. Mr. Stevens, in this instance, evinced much of his real nature ; for while he desired to be regarded as the bold defender of principle, he had that much of corrupted nature as to keep an eye upon his future political success. During the last days of the convention, he attended the sittings of the Legislature at Harrisburg ; having been elected to the Lower House in October, 1837. And when the new Consti- tution was completed, he declined to append his signature to it, because of the incorporation of that distinction of suffrage which, for some reason, contrary to his nature, he had not the boldness to battle. Thus far, ambition alone can be supposed as that which triumped over principle, othewise he should have pronounced some philippics that might have enhanced his rej^utation as an agitator, but which in that event miglit forever have bolted against him the doors of the National Congress. Not long after the adjournment of the Legislature in 1838,- Gov. Ritner appointed Mr. Stevens one of the Board of Canal Commissioners, John Dickey and a Mr. Pennebaker being the other two members. One of the enterprises that drew upon 43 A REVIEW OF THE Mr. Stevens much odium as a member of the Canal Board, was liis advocacy of the Gettysburg Raih-oad, wliich he was charged by his pohtical opponents as favoring, because of its passing his furnace in Adams County. It was a measure, however, that had received the warm support of Gov. E.itner ; but with the Demo- crats this in no wise shielded Mr. Stevens, as he was regarded upon all hands as the controlling spirit of the Ritner adminis- tration. The Governor was viewed simply as a puppet in his hands, and his messages as but the dictations of the power behind the throne. The Gettysburg Railroad was designed to unite with the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad, then in process of con- struction. The tortuous route that it was necessrry to take in order to unite the points contemplated by railway, was what gave this road the nickname of the " Tape-worm?'' An appropriation was secured, and the route was surveyed, and considerable sums of money expended upon its construction. The road was in- spected by the committee during the legislative session of 1837-8, one from the House of Representatives, and the other from the Senate. Both committees reported adversely to the completion of the road. The Senate, at that time, had a majority of its members of Mr.- Stevens' own party. John Strohm, a Whig Senator, was Chairman of the Senate Committee, from whose report some extracts are submitted : " The Gettysburg Railroad, commencing at Gettysburg and extending to a point at or west of Hagerstown, in the State of Maryland, is but an isolated link which can never become useful or profitable until the Balti- more and Ohio road, to be extended to Pittsburg or Whee ing, and the Railroad from Gettysburg to ihe Columbia Railroad at Wrightsville are completed. That poi-tion of the latter which lies between Wrightsville and York, about twelve miles is in progress. Between York and Gettys- burg an experimental survey has been made, but no permanent location fixed ; and it is the opinion of many that an early completion of the said road by the company need not be expected, "It is evident, therefore, that no certainty can be attained, either in regard to the location or time of completing the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad. Would it, then, be consistent with cautious prudence and sound policy to persevere in expending millions in constructing a work, the utility of which is dependant on such precarious and doubtful cir- cumstances V " The Committee reported that, in their opinion, the objects sought for by the Gettysbur Road, would much more advantage- ously be obtained by adopting the route through the Cmnberland Valley, by way of Chambersburg. The Gettysburg Road, in POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 43 crossing tlie Sontli Mountain, was obliged to select sncli a meand- erin.o: line, tliat it was not strano-e that it secured its surname of the " Tape-iuonn." On the aspect of this road the committee say : "But on the latter (the Gettysburg road) for about twenty -five miles, the traveler is either ascending or descending at the rate of fifty feet to the mile, a rugged, solitary and barren mountain, uninhabited and almost uninhabitable ; on the one hand he sees perpendicular cliffs rise like tower- ing steCides above his head, covered with projecting rocks which threaten him with instant death for his temerity ; on the other, he perceives a frightfvil precipice, over which he is in eminent danger of being hurled into the abyss below, with the certain prospect of being dashed to pieces by the fall. Now he is whirled over a ravine, or an embankment of some fifty or -sixty feet in height, and now engulphed in an excavation from which he can scarce see the sun ; or immured in a tunnel where daylight may enter but cannot penetrate. The slightest accident must expose him to danger of life, limb and property, from which nothing but a miracle can save him." !Near half a million of dollars were expended upon this road, through the influence of Mr. Stevens, as was charged by his ene- mies, and as it from the first concentrated the hostility of the Demo- cratic party when David R. Porter came into power, the road was abandoned. It, however, was one of those projects that clung to Thaddeus Stevens throughout life, and like the poisoned ^ij'it of ISTessus, would have proved a fatal tunic to a weaker man, or, perhaps, to any other than himself. a A REVIEW OF THE CHAPTER rV. THE BUCKSHOT WAR. The event tliat will ever be known in tlie history of Pennsyl- vania as the "Buckshot War," and in the seanes of which Thad- dens Stevens bore a conspicuous part, to be nnderstood must be traced from its inceptive causes. At the general election, held on the second Tuesday of October, 1838, the people of the County of Philadelphia voted for two Senators and eight Representa- tives, besides other officers. The highest Democratic ' candidate for the senate, C. Brown, received 10,036 votes, while W. Wago- ner, the highest on the Whig ticket, had but 9,190 votes. On the representative ticket the Democrat who polled the lowest vote had a majority of 385 over the highest Whig candidate. Charles J. Ingersrol, the Democratic candidate for Congress, had run several hundred votes behind his ticket, and as the vote in his district was counted, he Was defeated. It was averred, on the part of him and his friends, that vast frauds had been perpe- trated in the district of the Korthern Liberties. Articles imme- diately began to appear in the public journals and in handbills, calling upon the people to be ready to assert their rights, and urging upon them to attend at the meeting of the return judges, at the State House, in Philadelphia, on Friday after the election, in order to see that justice be done them and their friends. Tliis at once aroused public attention, and at the meeting of the return judges, Mr. Ingersol and his friends appeared and demanded that they be heard in defense of his claims. The board of return judges numbered seventeen, representing the same number of districts : ton Democrats and seven Whigs. Mr. Ingersol claimed the privilege of proving that certain irregularities liad taken place at the polls in the Northern districts, and after considerable discussion this right was granted by a party vote of the return judges. Having proved that the law had been violated at one of POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 45 the polls in tlie N^ortliern Liberties ; and as tins wliole district voted in one building, it was demanded by Mr. Ingersoll and his party friends, that the wliole vote of the Liberties be excluded. This vote amounted to about 5,000, and its rejection would have the effect of electing the Democratic candidate for Congress, but in no wise altered the result as regards the candidates for tho Senate and House of Kepresentatives, save that it increased the Democratic majorities. The Democratic return judges, having the majority of the board, decided infavor of Mr. Ingersol's claim, and the vote of the Northern Liberties was rejected. The Whigs entered their protest against this action of the majority, but were powerless to prevent it. They contended that the board of return judges had no legal authority to exclude the vote of any district, and that this power was vested in other tribunals. But as the majority thought otherwise, duplicate returns were made out and signed by the ten judges, which elected the two Democratic Senators and the eight Representatives, one copy of which was deposited in the Prothonotary's office, as the law required, and the other was placed in the post office, directed to the Secretary of the Commonwealth. After this the six Whig return judges, in conjunction with the one from the city of Philadelphia, met in another room of the State House, and they also prepared and signed duplicate returns of the votes polled in seven of the seven- teen election districts of the County of Philadelphia, The one of these returns they in like manner deposited in the Prothono- tary's office, and the other they handed to the Sheriff, who sent the same by express on a steam engine to the Secretary of the Commonwealth. This last return came first into the hands of the secretary; and on this account, induced it would seem by partisan, logic, he chose to consider as the only legal one. The Whigs assumed to believe that the Democrats, in casting out the vote of the ISTorthern Liberties, were guilty of a fragrant outrage, and that dissenting as they did from the majority return, no other remedy was left them save to act as they had done. The Democrats, on the other hand, claimed that the minority return was intended to force into the Legislature, as sitting members, ten defoated Whig candidates from the County of Philadelphia ; and by their votes before they could be removed by contesting their election, to pass laws, to elect the Canal Commissioners, a United States Senator, and other officers. The fear was even 46 A REVIEW OF THE expressed tliat tliey would contest the Governor's election and declare Ritner re-elected for three years longer, and thus set the will of the people at defiance. That the honorable leaders of either party desired anything but what was fair, is hardly pre- sumable, much as the partisans of each may have desired to advance their own interests. But it was about this time in the history of Pennsylvania, when the most daring displays of politi- cal corruption lirst began to be witnessed. The corruptionists of each party were ready to advance their cause by any means what- soever, and the upright and conscientious men of either organiza- tion Avere made to believe that the fraud all attached to their oj^ponents. As the election of 1838 had been warmly contested, and as both parties had felt confident of victory, and had wagered large sums of money on the result, it was not reasonable to sup- pose that the defeated would yield the contest, when fraud was believed to have contributed to their overthrow. Accordingly, Thomas II. Burrows, the Secretary of State, and who was also chairman of the Whig State Committee, no doubt, after con- ference with his party counsellors, issued on the 15'fh'day of October, a few days after the election, the following address to the friends of Joseph Ritner : "Fellow Citizens: — The general election has resulted in a manner contyary to all our reasonable calculations and just expectations. The opponent for the oflfice of Governor appears to be elected hj at least 5,000 majority. This is an event to which, if it had been fairly produced, we, as good citizens, Avould quietly, if not cheerfully, submit. But there is a strong probability of malpractice and fraud in the Avhole transaction that it is our duty peacefully to resist it and fully to expose it. "The election has been characterized by features altogether unparall- eled in the history of our State politics. A few of those of a more general nature may be here instanced. "Wlien the returns from all the counties shall be received, it will probably be found that the whole vote given for Joseph l.itner, on the 9th instant, is greater than tliat which he received in 1835 by a number at least equal to the natural, regular and legal increase of votes in the whole State in three years. It will a' so hi found that liis friends in nearly every county polle 1 fully as manj^ votes as they before the elec- tion expected to do, upon the strength of which expectation a reasonable estimate gave him a majority of 10,000. Then grave questions arise. Whence came the majorities returned for his opponent ? And how can he be defeated who has so well sust lined himself with the people and so largely increased his vote ? It will be discovered that in the districts where the friends of Joseph Ritner had the control of the elections, a moderate increase of votes for him, arising from sufficient and well- POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 47 known causes, took place ; while in the same districts his opponents had fair play and polled their full number of legal votes. On the other hand, it is known to all that in the districts in which the inspectors and judges were the friends of Mr. Porter, not only were the friends of Joseph Rit- ner in many cases wliolly excluded from voting, but his opponents admit- ted without shadow of right, thus swelling the majorities of Mr, Porter even beyond the wild expectations and extravagant calcu ations of his own friends. Is it right that this state of things (the existence of which each voter will determine by facts known to himself) should be submit- ted to in a free country ? " Finally it is known that in several counties in which our opponent? had the control, the votes of whole districts, favorable to our candidate, were without shadow of law or justice, wholly rejected, and false and l^artial returns made. Can there be anj' safety under republican institu- tions if such high-handed opp essioa be tolerated? No ! We owe it to ourselves as free men and good citizens, to examine into this matter, and if fraud be detected to expose and resist it. We owe it to our country and posterity. " On behalf, therefore, of the State Committee of Correspondence and Vigilance, the propriety is suggested of taking measures at once for in- vestigating the manner in which the election was conducted and the result prH need. Now is the time to make the examination while the facts are l'r-:ah and the outrage recent. Let it be done then peacefully, determinedly and thoroughly. But let it be commenced Avitli an honest resolution to submit to the result whether it be favorable or unfavorable to our wishes. This is the duty of all who contend for equal rights and the supremacy of the laws. ^'- But, fellow citizens, until this investigation he fully made and fairly determined, let us treat the election of the Wi instant as if we had not been defeated, and in that attitude abide the result. "In the meantime your State Committee will take all proper measures on the 9ccasion, and when the whole facts are known and the returns received, will probably address you more at length." This address, issuing from sncli autlioritj, was accepted by the Democrats as a threat of revohition, and taken in connection with the return of the minority judges of Philadelphia, had the effect of arousing partisan passion to its higliest pitch of intensity. From that time till the meeting of the Leo;islature in December, the anticipated action of each party at that period was a subject of discussion in the party journals, and preparation was made by each for the probable colision that (as was believed by many) would take place. As the time approached for the meeting of the Legislatm-e, the active partisans began to flock to Ilarrisburg to be witnesses of the scenes that were about to transpire, and also to see that their i)arty friends obtained their constitutional rights. By December 3d all the hotels were crowded, and bullies and 48 A REVIEW OF THE rouglis of botli parties were parading tlie streets of the capitol, loudly boasting what thej wonkl do in case their respective parties were unjustly treated. Thaddeus Stevens, all this time, was the centre of influence Math his party friends, and the principal object of malediction with the Democrats. The Whigs and Anti-Masons looked to him for advise in all their movements, while their opponents could see in him nothing but the incarnation of all iniquity, fraud and corruption, against which they were compelled to contend. The chief of tl]« fallen angels himself, was almost as honorable a character in the estimation of the violent Democratic partisans, as was Thaddeus Stevens at this time. He, the contriver of the whole plan for revolutionizing the State goverment and securing ascendancy for his party, could be noth- ing better than an arch-fiend, and many a threat escaped the mouth of A swaggering politician that he should bite the dust for his treasonable designs against the rights of the people. The memorable morning of the 4th of December, 1838, the day fixed by law for the assembling of the Legislature, found the adherents of both parties anxiously waiting the hour for the House to assemble. The hour of meeting was 11 A. M. Long before this time the hall, the galleries, aisles and lobbies were crammed with members and spectators almost to suffocation, wait- ing the time for the organization of the House. Bowie knives and pistols were in the pockets of a large number, who had come from Philadelphia and the public works, in order, as they fancied, to see justice done to their party friends. The matter in dispute seemed well understood, not so well the cause of it. All, how- ever, recognized that the diffculty was concerning the Philadel- phia County delegation to the Senate and House of Representa- tives. This was about all that was generally understood; the merits of the dispute had dot yet been closely inquired into. When the hour of eleven struck, the Clerk called the House to order, and Thomas H. Burrows, Secretary of the Common- wealth, stepped forward and handed that oflicer the Philadel- phia returns, which, contrary to custom, he had up to this time failed to deliver. This was the occasion for some manifestation of disapprobation in the galleries, Mr. Charles Pray, one of the Democratic contesting members, from Philadelphia, rose and handed the clerk a certified copy of the returns made by the majority of the return judges, and desired also that it might be POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 49 read. Mr. T. S. Smith, anotlier Philadelphia member, protested against the reading of a docimient thus irregularity presented. The law prescribed the officer by whom all returns must be made ; and coming from any other they were illegal and void. After some discussion, both returns were allowed to be read, and afterwards the returns from the east of the State were read with- out opposition. The contesting members of both political parties were thus, as it were, admitted ; and the House was now ready for organization. Counting the eight contesting members, each party had a majority. Thos. B. McElwee, of Bedford, next rose and moved that the House proceed to elect a Speaker, which motion was adopted. All this time great confusion reigned. Scarcely was the voice of the clerk, wdien calling the names of the members, audible above the din that prevailed through the whole hall. Wni. Hopkins, of Washington County, was now nominated for Speaker, and the tellers were aj^pointed. Here- upon, Thaddeus Stevens arose and named as Speaker, Thomas S. Cunningham, of Beaver, and having appointed tellers, immedi- ately put the motion and declared his candidate elected, who pro- ceeded to the speaker's stand and took the chair. He was greeted by his partisans with tumultuous applause when he reached the speaker's seat. A like election on the part of his partisans declared Mr. Hopkins Speaker of the House, who mounted a chair ancj began to address the multitude. Thos. B. McElwee ad- vanced to him and escorted him to the speaker's platform, and gently removing Cunningham with his elbow, placed the Demo- cratic Speaker in his seat. This in turn was greeted by vocifer- ous cheering by those who saw in this act the advantage gained by their party. Both Speaker's were now sworn by their parti- sans, and thereupon Mr. Cunningham assumed to adjourn the House till 2:30 P. M. next day. The Cunningham members now retired, and afterthe transaction of some unimportant business, the Hopkins House also adjourned until next day at 10 o'clock. The '^rowd now gradually dispersed ; the Democrats, however, took the {j. . caution to leave some trusty guards in possession of the capitol, in order to retain possession of the advantage they had gained. Both parties now returned to their several hotels and boarding houses, some chagrined and others jubilant over wdiat had trans- pired. After dinner had been partaken of and the all-engrossing subject for a short time discussed, the leading politicians began 50 A REVIEW OF THE to wend tlieir way to the Senate cliamber, wliicli body was to organize at 3 o'clock. Like the hall of the House had been, when the clock struck three, the Senate chamber was a perfect jam. "W^hen the clerk called the Senate to order, Mr. Burrows, the Secretary of the Commonwealth, handed to him the return of the minority judges from the County of Philadelphia. At this point the crowd gave vent to some tokens of disapprobation, after which the roll was called and the Senators answered to their nameg. A Mr. Hannah was one of the Senators from Philadel- phia who was returned by the Whig judges as elected. When his name was called and he was about to be sworn, the utmost confusion prevailed. The crowd broke over the lobbies, and some of them mounted chairs and began to speak. Charles Brown, one of the contesting Senators from Philadelphia, at- tempted to address the Senate, but was called to order as not being a member of the body. This excited his partisans in the crowd, and the shout was raised : " Hear him," " Brown," " Brown," " You shall hear Brown." These and similar out- bursts of excitement now for a moment rent the hall. For a time all single voices were drowned in the universal clamor and confusion which prevailed. Gen. Ro^lgers, of Bucks, a member of the Senate, rose and moved that Mr. Brown be permitted to address the Senate. Brown now addressed it and the crowd at considerable length, and all the while the tumult i-emained unabated. All this time Penrose, the Speaker, kept his seat and endeavored to preserve order to the best of his ability, but to no pui-pose. It was now near seven o'clock in the evening. During all this tim.e Stevens had been in the hall, and was regarded by his political enemies as the spirit that animated and inspired confidence in tho hearts of his partisans. Penrose, iinding his efforts to preserve order fruitless, beckoned to Gen. Rodgers to take the chair, he retiring behind the desk. About this time, Stevens perceiving that the waves of faction already resistless were still surging with greater intensity, desired to make his way out through the crowd, but was unable to do so. He went back to the fire-place and while standing there, was told by a friend that it was intended to kill him if he w-eiii out by the door. It was then suggested that he and Burrows should leave by the window of the room, near the fire. As it was too perilous a descent to leap out of the window, they crept out by means of a POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 51 J lamp ligliter's ladder, which liad been obtained by some of their friends, and secured against the back wall of the Senate Chamber. "While going out of the window tLie door of the room, opening at the end of the lobby stood open, and they were seen by some of the crowd. "Three persons, one of them with a long bowie knife in his hand, ran out through the crowd, swearing he would kill the scoundrel yet." * Had not these roughs mistaken the direction of the window they might, in the intensity of the excitement, have imbued their hands in blood. Penrose, about the same time, also made his escape. Shortly after the retreat of Stevens, Penrose and Burrows, the Senate adjourned. By this time the people of Harrisburg were in the midst of the greatest excitement and terror. Every moment it was now ex- pected that a collision between the parties might ignite the flames of civil war in their midst. Stevens, Penrose and Burrows Avere the triumvirate that received all the abuse of their political opponents for what had happened, or was likely to take place. As the preponderance of plebeian influence was possessed by the L Democratic party, it was already apparent that the Whigs had so 1 far been necessitated to yield to its influence. Perhaps, even in this case, the vox populi was vox del,, much as reason might utter its dissent. Passion and patriotism now had free scope for dis- play. A mammoth rneetiiig of Democrats was held the same evening at the Court House in the Borough of Harrisburg, pre- sided over by Gen. T. C. Miller, of Adams County, assisted by a large number of vice-presidents. A number of stirring and inflamatory addresses were delivered at this meetiug by Col. J. J. McCahan, of Philadelphia, George W. Barton, of Lar. caster, and others. A committee was appointed to wait upon Thomas H. Burrows, and request him forthAvith to furnish to the clerks of the Senate and House of Reprentatives, the full and legal returns of the election for the County of Philadelphia, held on the 9th of October, 1S38. A Committee of Safety was also appointed, which Gen. Adam Diller, of Lancaster County, was made -iairman. The meeting then adjourned until next morning at lalf-past eight o'clock. After the adjournment of the Senate, Gov. Ritner issued the following proclamation : ' Biographical History of Lancaster County, pp. 583. 52 A REVIEW OF THE Pennsylvania, ss : In the name and hy the authority of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania^ l>y Joseph Pitner, Gov- ernor of the said Commonwealth : " Whereas, A lawless, infuriated armed mob, from the Comities of Philadelphia, Lancaster, Adams, and other counties, have assembled at the seat of Government with the avowed object of disturbing, interrupt- ing and over-awing the Legislature of this Commonwealth, and of pre- venting its proper organization, and the peaceable and free discharge of its duties. And " Whereas, The said mob have already, on this day, entered the Senate Chamber, and in an outrageous and violent manner by clamoring, shouting and threatening violence and death of the members of that body and other officers of the Government, and finally, by rusliing within the bar of the Senate Chamber, and in defiance of every efi'ort to restrain them, compelled the Senate to suspend business. And " Whereas, They still remain here in force, encouraged by a person who is an officer of the General Government from Philadelphia, and are set- ting the law at open defiance and rendering it unsafe for the legislative bodies to assemble in the Capitol. " Therefore, This is to call upon the civil authorities to exert them- selves to restore order, to the utmost of their power, and upon the mili- tary force of the Commonwealth to hold tliemselves in readiness to repair to the seat of Government ; and upon all good citizens to aid in curbing this lawless mob, and in re-instating the supremacy of the law. •' Given under my hand and the great seal of the State, at Hamsbiu-g, this 4th day of December, in the year of our Lord, one thousand, eight hundred and thirty-eight, and of the Commonwealth the sixty-third. By the Governor. "Thomas H. Burrows, " Secretary of the Commonwealth." The Democratic citizens met pursuant to the adiournment at the Court House meeting at 8:30 o'clock A. M., of December 5th, and were again addressed at some length by the eloquent Col. J. J. McCahan. He exhorted them to use all peaceful measures, in order to secnre their rights. The Committee on Eesolutions submitted the following : " Resolved, That we recommend to the citizens generally to pursue a pi'udent and calm course, waiting the events of the day with that firm- ness which freemen in a free country have resolved upon. *• Besoivsd, That neither those in power, who endeavor to perpetuate their reign through unlawful and fraudulent returns, as citizen soldier.^, who have the same feelings and interests with us, will intimidate people resolved upon having their rights." At 10 o'clock, on "Wednesday, December 5th, the Hopkins House met pursuant to its adjournment, in the hall of the House of Eepresentatives, and elected their officers ; and after the trans- POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 53 action of some unimportant business, adjourned. About the time the House was adjourning, a rumor was afloat that the Whigs had taken possession of the arsenal with a hirge body of armed men. Some of the members, going to ascertain the truth of the rumor, found a hirge collection of men around the arsenal. Armed men were seen parading in the arsenal, with fixed ba_yonets. Gov. Ritner had issued oj'ders that a special guard should be detailed for the defense of the State property in the arsenal. The Democrats who surrounded the arsenal had a iield-piece and acted under the orders of the Committee of Safety, of Avhich Gen. Adam Diller was chairman. As they viewed affairs, the occupation of the arsenal was but part of a plan to coerce them into the relinquishment of their rights; and to this they determined to interpose whatever resistance the occa- sion might demand. The proclamation of the Governor, calling for troops, had now become known, and this now added fresh fuel to the flames. The Democrats demanded either the evacua- tion of the arsenal, or that it should be guarded by equal num- bers of both parties. This latter demand M-as refused, and as the parleying had already lasted for a considerable time, it was feared by many of the Wliigs that unless some compromise were effected a collision might ensue. At this point, George Ford, of Lancas- ter, and Joseph Henderson, called upon the Committee of Safety and represented themselves as deputed by Stevens, Ritner & Co. to confer in reference to the arsenal and the public property of the Commonwealth. Messrs. Ford & Henderson pledged them- selves, "that as men of honor, no ordinance, arms, muskets, or amunition, should by any order of the Governor, or any other authority whatever, be taken from the arsenal for the purpose of arming any forces that might collect in obedience to the proc- lamation of the Governor, and that if any use of them should be made they would hold themselves personally responsible for the consequences." The Committee of Safety thereupon despatched three of their number to advise the citizens of the pledge that had just been made, and the arsenal guard shortly afterwards consented that if the cjtizens would withdraw, they would evacuate the premises. Room being now made for the retreat, the garrison sallied forth at full run for Gleims' Hotel, the headquarters for the Ritner party. In the chase, one of the fugitives, a known bully, was 5t A REVIEW OF THE overtaken by a Pliiladelpliian of like character, prostrated, and severely handled. As soon as the arsenal was evacuated, an im- mense crowd gathered in front of Gleims' Hotel, in which it wa, rumored that live hundred muskets were deposited. These mus- kets, it was averred, had been purchased in Philadelphia by Stevens and Burrows after the October election, and deposited in a room of this hotel for service on the present occasion. It was now past noon, and rain was falling in torrents npon the crowd, now swollen to an innnense size, in the streets and around the hotel. Col. Lewis Corryel and Col. Piolett addressed the multi- ^ tude and calmed them by assurring them that no immediate dan- N§r of a collission now existed. The crowd after this, gradually \,n to disperse. soon as Mr. Stevens had heard of the negotiation made with the V mmittee of Safety, concerning the arsenal, by Ford and Henderson, he disclaimed, in a public letter addressed to the editor of the Pennsylvania Telegraph, as far as he was concerned, having authorized the parties to so negotiate. The following is the copy of the letter : " Harrisbueg, Dec. Gtli, 1838. " To the Editor of the Pennsylvania Telegraph : "Sir: — I undei'stand tliat a publication, issvied by authority of the rebel forces, who for two days past have had possession of the seat of government and the State Capitol, states that while such forces sur- rounded the arsenal, yesterday, and were threatening to force it open, a committee, consisting of Messrs. Ford and Henderson, sent by K tner, Stevens, Buitows & Co., pledged tlieir honor, that if the people would disperse no arms should be taken out of the arsenal by any per- sons, either in behalf of the government or otliers. I desire to contra- dict this statement, so far as it concerns myself. What Messrs. Ford and Henderson may have done, I know not ; but no man had any counte- nance from me, in either making or listening to any suggestions from the rebels on any subject ; nor do I believe that either of the gentlemen named authorized any such communication. I have uniformly said that I should deem it disgraceful to treat with the rebels on any subject, or do any act, either now or hereafter, on their demand. Such acts I should consider as disgraceful to myself, personally, and an infamous surrender of the rights of the people of the Republic. "Your obedient servant, " Thaddeus Stevens." The hall of the House of Representatives was securely guarded by the Democrats, dm-ing the M'hole of the 5th of December. The Cunningham House had completed its organization in a room of Wilson's Hotel, in the City of Ilarrisburg, now the Lochiel POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMEEICA. 55 House. As Cunningham liad adjourned liis House Mdien the two parties on the 4th divided in their organizations, until half-past two P. M. on the 5th, he directed a Mr. Spackman, of Philadel- phia, to proceed to the hall of the House of Representatives, and again adjourn it till the next day. Meeting Thomas B. McElwee, Spackman was asked by his political opponent, where he was going. Spackman replied, " to adjourn the House." McElwee told him he had no right to do so, as there was no House to adjourn, and started immediately for the Speaker's stand. Some one in the House (for the hall was again densely crowded) said to liim, " you will get a ball through your head jf you attempt to keep Spackman from the Chair." Spackman advanced to the platform, McElwee the second time demanded of him what he wanted, and the reply was, " to adjourn the House." The interrogator remarked that there was no House to adjourn. Spackman said, "the Cimningham House," to which McElwee told him he would not be permitted to do so. Great agita*-ion now prevailed throughout the hall. Some, supposing a collision iminent, raised the windows to make their escape if danger arose. Some cried out, " Spackman, adjourn the House from where you are." McElwee immediately remarked to some of the bystanders, *' gentlemen, remove this man from the hall." He was at once seized by the n«3n, and led to the door. While he was being conveyed out, he remarked to one of those leading him, that " he M'ould adjourn the House from a member's chair." The gentle- man assured him that if he attempted to do so he would not be responsible for his safety. Sj)ackman then retired from the hall. In the interval a rush was made, and the folding doors between the hall and rotunda were burst from their hinges, and many individuals leapt from the windows. Great confusion reigned for a short time, some attempting to speak, in order to cpiell the disorder. After some time the citizens again quietly disj^ersed, and the hall was once more almost deserted. Gov. Pitner, on the 5th of December, addressed a letter to E. V. Sumner, Captain of the United States Dragoons, at Car- lisle, urging him " forthwith to march the troops at your com- mand to Harrisburg, for the protection of the constituted authori- ties of the Commonwealth, for the suppression of the insurrection, and for the preservation of our Republican form of Government, agreeably with the Constitution of the United States." Captain 53 A REVIEW OF THE Sumner, on tlie same day, replied to tlie Governor as follows : "As the disturbance at the Capitol of this State, appears to proceed from political differences alone, I do not feel that it would be proper for me to interpose my command between the parties. If this riot iiroceeded from any other cause, I would offer you the services of my command before you will receive this letter." On Friday, December Ttli, Gov. Ritner addressed the following letter to the President of the United States : Harrisburg, Pa., December 7th, 1838. " Sir : — It is my exceedingly unpleasant duty, officially to inform you, that such a state of domestic violence exists at this place, as has put an end for the pi-esent to all the regular functions of the State Government. The Senate of the State has been compelled, by imtimidation, to break up in confusion. The duly appointed jsresiding officer of the House of Representatives was prevented from calling the House to order, to which it stood adjourned, and was ejected from the hall by violence. The State Department is closed, and I have not deemed it safe or prudent to proceed to the Executive Chamber since the first disturbance, which took j)lace on the 4tli instant. "Under this state of things, I have thought it my dutj% to the good citizens of this Commonwealth, and to law and order, to lay the foregoing fact before yoii, and to request you, in accordance with the Fourth Sec- tion of the Fourth Article of the Constitution of the United States, to take measures to protect this State against the effects of the domestic violence which is now in existence. " That there may be no doubt, in your mind, as to the propriety of some interference at the present moment, without an application of the Legislature, it is only requisite to say that I have been officially informed that neither branch of the Legislature can with freedom and safety meet for the transaction of business ; and further, that though the Legislature of this State annually convenes on the first Tuesday in December, I have not yet been officially informed, in the usual manner, of their organiza- tion. I, therefore, do not believe that the Legislature can be convened or that it is already in session. On yesterday I made a formal applica- tion to Captain E. V. Sumner, commanding the United States Dragoons, and other forces at Carlisle, for the assistance of his command, of which the accompanying papers will exhibit a copy of his reply. " For tlie full information of your Excel'ency, I enclose the copy of a proclamation which I have issued on the occasion, together with the published statements of the facts connected with the riot in the Senate Chamber, signed by a majority of the Senators, and the material facts of which have been sworn to by the Speaker and other members of the Senate, and other published documents. " I have the honor to be, sir, with great respect, " Your obedient servant, "JOSEPH RITNER. " To his Excellency, Martin Van Buren, " President of the United States." POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 57 The above letter of the Governor of Pennsylvania, was refer- red by the President to the Secretary of War, J. K. Poinsett, who under date of December 11th, replied to the application for troops, a portion of whose reply is here inserted : "The commotion," siys the Secretary of War, "which now threat- ens the peace of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, does not sjpear to arise from any opposition to the laws ; but grows out of a political contett between the different members of the Govern- ment, most, if not all of them, admitted to be the legal represen- tatives of the people constitutionally elected, about their relative rights, and especially in reference to the organization of the pop- ular branch of the Legislature. To interfere in any commotion growing out of a controversy of so grave and delicate a character, by the Federal authority, armed with the military power of the Government, would be attended with dangerous consequences to our republican institutions. In the opinion, of the President, his interference in any political commotion in a State could only be justified by the application for it, being clearly within the mean ing of the Fourth Section of the Fourth Article of the Consti- tution, and of the Act of Congress passed in pursuance thereof, and while the domestic violence brought to his notice, is of such a character that the State authorities, civil and military, after having been duly called upon, have proved inadequate to suppress it." Gen. Patterson, of Philadelphia, marched about one thousand troops from that city to Ilarrisburg, arriving with them at the State Capitol on Sunday morning, December 9th. A number of troops were also marched from Carlisle by Gen. Alexander, and companies prej)ared themselves to march in different sec- tions of the State, but were informed that their services were not required. By Thursday, the 6th of December, the greatest of the excitement had subsided ; and the Senate was again in session at the close of the week transacting business. All the soldiers were dismissed, and had reached their homes on Satur- day, December 22nd. The expenses occasioned by this attend- ance of the citizen soldiery, amounted to the sum of one hundred and forty-seven thousand dollars. The Cmmingham House of Representatives contiimed to meet rsgularly in a room of Wilson's Hotel, and it was believed bj the Democrats for a time that the Senate would recoo-nize th's 58 ■ A REVIEW OF THE body as tlie legally constituted House. The majority of tlie Senators were Whigs, and as politicians usually stand by their party, it was supposed that this case would present no exception to the general rule. But after the ^vhole truth, as regards the election in Philadelphia County, came to be fully understood, many of the Whigs doubted the propriety of resisting the fairly expressed will of the people at the ballot box. Much as they w^ere entitled to the organization upon the return made by the Secretary of the Commonwealth, yet it was gravely questioned by many of them if that official had not transcended his authority in discriminating between the two returns, and deciding upon a matter which was by the constitution entrusted to the House of Eepresentatives itself. In this they agreed with their political opponents. Accordingly, on Monday, December 17th, three members of the Cunningham division, Messrs. Butler and. Stur- devant,, of Luzerne, and Montelius, of Union, came into the Hopkins' House and offered to be and were sworn in as members. This gave the Hopkins' House a majority of the members whose seats were uncontested. Mr. Micheler, a Whig Senator from IS^orthampton, on the 25th of December, offered a resolu- tion to recognize the Hopkins House of Representatis^es, as con- taining a majority of the legally elected members ; and this reso- lution was adopted, 17 voting in the affirmative, and 16 in the negative. The Whig Senators who supported this resolution, in addition to the eleven Democrats, were : Messrs. Fullertoii, Case, Strolim, Micheler, McConkey and Miller. Two days after the passage of this resolution in the Senate, a large number of the Whig members presented themselves to the recognized House of Representatives, and after being qualified took their seats. Wm. Hopkins on the same day resigned the Speakership, in order to accord to the acceding members their choice in the selection of a Speaker. He was, however, immediately re-elected, and the remaining Whigs, one after another, except Mr. Stevens, whose spirit was too proud to yield, came in, and after having been sworn, took their seats. He who liad been the soul of his party in its struo;gle, was too spirited to succumb when defeated and even deserted by all his followers ; and he chose rather to absent himself during the remainder of the session. In view of the adoption of the new Constitution, it was found necessary, for certain reasons, to convene a special session of the POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 59 liegisktnre, on May Yth, 1839. The political friends of Mr. Stevens in Adams Comitj, regarding themselves as entitled to full representation in the Legislature, held a meeting and passed resolutions requesting him to assume his seat in the House of Representatives at the coming special session. A committee was appointed to convey to Mr. Stevens the wishes of his constitu- ents. To tliis committee he replied as follows : "Gettysburg, May 3d, 1809. "Gentlemen: — I have received youi- letter of the 27th ult., melosing resohxtions of a county meeting held in my absence, approving of my conduct in liaving refused to take my seat in the House, and suggesting as tlie opinion of the meeting, that I could be of service to the Common- wealth by going into it at the adjourned session ; containing also flattering expressions of confidence reposed in me by the meeting. " My opinion of the legality of the body called the ' Hopkins' House,' remains unchanged. I beheve it to be an usurping body, forced upon the State by a band of rebels who have siiaken to then- fall the pillars of oiu' Constitution. But I owe too much to the kindness and steady confidence of the people of Adams County to disobey their wishes, however deli- cately intimated. I shall therefore conquer my repugnance to it and enter the House at the adjourned session. I shall feel happy if contrary to my expectations, I should be able to be of any service to you, the Common- wealth at large, and the hberty of the people which I fear is doomed to a short existence. Accept gentlemen for yourselves my most cordial thanks for the kind manner in which you have discharged the duties of your appointment. '• To James Cooper, R. S. Paxon and M. C. Clarkson, Esq's, Committee^ "THADDEUS STEVENS." Mr. Stevens presented himself at the special session of the House on May 7th, 1859, and offered to be qualified as a member. It was the occasion for the manifestation of intense hostility to- wards him. Thomas B. McElwee offered the following resolution : "Whereas, Thaddeus Stevens, a person elected from Adams County, claims a seat in this House ; And Whei-eas, if even the said Stevens has had a right to sit as a member on this floor, he has forfeited this right by acts in violation of the law of the land, by contempt of this House, and by a virtual resignation of his character as a representative of Adams County, therefore "Resolved, That his admission as a member be postponed for the present, and that a committee of five be appointed to investigate the claims of Stevens to a seat in the House of Representatives of Pennsyl- vania, and whether he has, if duly elected, forfeited his seat by mal- conduct." The above resolution called forth considerable disciission, but the committee was finally appointed and the following notice served upon Mr. Stevens : 60 . A REVIEW OF THE " Harrisburg, Saturday Morning, May lltli, 1839. " Sir : Tlie committee appointed by the House of Representatives 'to inquire whether Thaddeus Stevens, a member elect from Adams County, has forfeited his right to a seat in the House,' Avill meet for that purpose in the committee room of the House, on Monday next at 4 o'clock, or at an earlier period if you desire it, where you may attend and be heard. •' To Thaddeus Stevens, Esq. "CHARLES M. HEGINS, Chairman." To tliis notice Mr. Stevens sent the following reply : "Harrisburg, May 13th, 1839. " Sir : — I received your letter of the 11th instant, informing me that the committee ' to inquire whether Thaddeus Stevens, a member elect Irom Adams County, has not forfeited his right to a seat in the House,' will meet on Monday next, when I may attend and be heard. " I decline to appear before the committee, because I will not consent to a palpable violation of the Constitution and laws. If, as on recent Occasions, I am compelled by force to witness such scenes, I can at least withhold from them my sanction, both express and implied. " The resolution admits the legality of my election and return, but proposes to inquire Avhether I have not forfeited ray seat before my ad- mission into the House. The grounds of such forf eitm'e are not specified in the resolution, and I can only infer them from the remarks of the original mover of the resolution, T. B. McElwee. As set forth by him, they consist in non user, misuser, contempt of the House, by calling it an illegal body — the offspring of a mob ; and for sundry personal improprie- ties. No constitutional disqualification was or is alleged, and for none other can the House, without an illegal exercise of arbitrary power, pre- vent a member elect from taking his seat. Expulsion for good cause, after admission, stands on different gi'ounds, and is authorized by the Constitution. " I think it will trouble the committee to find a precedent of the de- clared forfeiture for non riser of an elective representative office. For iTwo whole sessions the minority in the House of Parliament absented themselves from the House, yet neither the King, the Speaker, nor the majority dared to exercise the high-handed tyi-anny now attempted by what is called the House of Representatives of Pennsylvania. " That certain public executive or ministerial offices may be forfeited for non user in England where no written paramount Constitution exists, is true. The business of several departments of government could not otherwise be transacted. But it must be a continuing non user. It would be too late to declare the forfeiture after the officer had taken possession of his office, and was ready to discharge its duties. The forfeiture is a remedy against public inconvenience, and not a punishment for an offender. But in Constitutional Governments no such forfeiture takes place, except for the causes and in the mode pointed out in the Constitu- tion, itself. " In the present case, the majority did not seem to consider the public business as suffering by my absence, nor claim a right unknown to the Constitution, to forfeit my seat ; else they would have declared it vacant POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 61 before the acLJournment. and given my constituents a new election during the vacation, so that they might be represented in the present session. No intimation of a vacancy, no step to supply it was taken until I appeared to take the oath and use the office. The House, therefore, seems rather anxious to create than supply a vacancy. "I need hardly notice the allegation of misuser of an office, which I have been jDrevented from using at all. " The right to exclude a member elect for speaking or writing con- temptuouslj' of the House or its proceedings is a novel and dangerous position. Until a member elect has taken the requisite oaths he can no more participate in the proceedings of the House, nor is he any more subject to its jui'isdiction than a private citizen. Individuals may be punished by the House for corrupt attempts upon its integrity by attempting to bribe its members, or for disturbing or interrupting its proceedings, as in the case of the December mob, but not for any written or printed comments on its proceedings however severe. The Sixth Section of the Ninth Article (the Declaration of Rights) of the Constitu- tion declares that " the printing press shall he free to every perso7h ivlio undertakes to examine the proceedings of the Legislature or any branch of the Government, and no law shall ever be made to restrain the right thereof." Anything I may have published, therefore, is not subject to your supervision, if the Constitution be yet considered as existing. "If I were an admitted member, and should demean myself indeco- rously and disorderly towards that body, the House has the power of expulsion. And if calling it ' an illegally organized body, the offspring of a mob,' as was contended in debate, be sufficient cause for expulsion, I think I may safely promise to furnish an excuse for that act soon after my admission. I do consider the ' Hopkins House ' a usurping body but like all other usurpers, having possession of the Government de facto, its acts will be binding for good or evil on the State. Heuce, my con- stituents have tliought proper to ask nae to take my seat and attempt to moderate an evil which is now without remedy. " If the committee should occupy the ground iDointed out by the mover of the resolution, and sit in judgment upon decency and morality, I must still further object to the tribunal. I mean no disrespect to the committee for the majority of them I feel a high regard ; but the whole question on their report will be again in the power of the majority of the House, and I cannot agree to admit the intellectual, moral or habitual compe- tency of Thomas B. McElwee, his compeers, coadjutors and followers to decide a question of decency and morals. " For myself, personally, I feel no anxiety for the result of this inquiry or the reasons which may be given for it, and to put which upon the Journal, I presume was the chief object of the proceeding. My only anxiety is that the Constituti n may not be further violated, and that the people may yet have some ground to hope that Liberty, although deeply wounded, may not expire. I owe my acknowledgments to the committee for their prompt attention to this business, and trust it may be speedily finished. With i^roper respect, your obedient servant, "To Charles Hegins, Esq., " THADDEUS STEVENS. " Chairman of Committee. &c." C3 A REVIEW OF THE After the committee had submitted their report, a resohition xvas adopted by a strict party vote of 58 to 34, declaring the seat of Mr. Stevens vacant in the House, and ordering a new election, to take j^lace on the 14th of June. At the special election, Mr. Stevens was re-elected, and on the 19th of June he appeared in the House, and having subscribed the requisite oath, took his seat. The Legislature adjourned on the 2Tthof the same month. The following is his address when presenting himself as a candi- date at the special election : "Fellow Citizens : — In accordance with your wishes, I presented my- self to the body now exercising the duties of the House of Representa- tives of this Conimonwealth, and desired to have administered to me the oath prescribed by law. A majority of that body, using the same unconsti- tutional and unlawful means which invested them with official authority, refused to allow me to occujiy that seat to which I had been called by the free choice of my fellow citizens. Under the most shallow, hypo- critical and false preten<;es, they have declared my seat vacant and im- posed upon you the expense of a new election, to be held on the 14th of June next. In doing so they have committed an unprecedented outrage on the rights of the people. If submitted to by the people, Liberty has become but a mei-e name. Already is the Constitution suspended and the most sacred contracts between the State and individuals are violated with the most daring and reckless audacity. Tiie tyrants who have usurped powei*, have determimed to oppress and plunder the people. It is for you to s ly whether you will be their willing slaves. If they are permitted finally to triumph, you hold your liberty, your lives, your rep- utation, and your property at their will alone. 1' I had Jioped that no circumstances would occur which would render it necessary for me to be again a candidate for your suffrages. Botli my inclination and niy interest require me to retire from public life. But I will not execute tliat settled intention, when it will be construed into cowardice or despondency. To refuse to be a candidate now would be seized upon by my enemies as evidence that I distrust the people, and am afraid to entrust to them the redress of their own wrongs. I feel no such fear — no such distrust. Witliout intending any invidious com- parison, I have alwaj's said what I still believe, that the people of Adams County have more intelligence, and not less honesty, than the people of any other county of the State. To such a people I can have no fear in appealing against lawless aggression. To them I appeal to lestore to me that which was their free gift, and therefore my right, and of which I have been robbed by those who ' feel power and forget right.' " I present myself to you as a candidate to fill that vacancy which was created to wound my and your feelings. I do not Avant to receive a party nomination from my friends. The question now to be decided is above party considerations, and would be disgraced by sinking it to the level of a party contest. Every freeman must be impelled to resist this public outrage as a personal wrong to himself. Every thing dear to him in liis POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 63 country, his liberty, tlie liberty of his children and the title to his prop- erty admonish him to rise above every paltry personal consideration, and rebuke tyranny at that great tribunal of freemen — the ballot box. " While, however, you are determined, resolute and energetic, let me implore you not to imitate the example of our oppressors, but do every- thing calmly and temperately. This admonition is hardly necessarj^ to the orderly citizens of Adams County, but when oppression is so intolera. ble, as at present, it is difficult for the most peaceable and quiet men to control their indignation. " With respect and gratitude, I am, " Your obedient servant, " THADDEUS STEVENS," Harrisburg, Mr.y 25th, 1839, A number of prosecutions for riot were instituted against the leading Democrats who participated in the- scenes at Harrisburg during the 4th and 5th of December, 1838, and true bills of indictment were found by the Grand Jury, -at the Dauphin County January Sessions, 1839, against Gen. Adam Diller, Charles Pray, George W. Barton, and others. These bills were quashed by the Court at the April Sessions, for reasons presented by the attorneys for the defendants. Mr. Stevens was one of the counsel for the pr6secution in these riot cases. When Mr. Stevens retired from the Legislature in June, 1839, it was with the determination that it should be his last service in the State Legislature; but at the solicitation of friends he allowed himself to be prevailed upon once more to become a candidate, and he was returned again to the House in 1811. On the organ- ization of the Legislature he was placed upon the Judiciaiy Committee of the House, a position for whicli he was known to possess rare qualilications. In February, 1842, the resolutions of Mr. Eumford, suspending executions between the banks .and their debtors while the banks remained in suspension, came up on third reading. Mr. Stevens obtained the floor, and moved to go into Committee of the Whole, for the purpose of substituting in the place of the bill then pending, one which he caused to be read at the Clerk's desk. " He supported," says the reporter, " his motion in a powerful speech — such a speech as only Thaddeus Stevens can make — which cast into insignificance the attempts at oratory which are daily made here. The bill provides for an innnediate resumption of specie payments, under specified penalties, amongst which is that during the time of suspension the pay of all the officers of the institution shall be suspended. The matter was 64 A REVIEW OF THE postponed wltliont any action npon it, as it was desirous to get rid of a troublesome subject." During the same session, Mr. Stevens offered a resolution to amend the Constitution by limiting the State debt to forty mil- lions of dollars. The resolution passed in the House by a large majority. A large number of petitions being presented to the Legisla- ture at this session, asking for the abrogation of the death penalty in cases of murder, and these being referred to the Judiciary Committee, the latter through their Chairman, Mr. McElwee, reported against the requests of the petitioners. George Shars- wood and Thaddeus Stevens, two members of this committee, submitted a minority report, setting forth their reasons for favor- ing the abolition of the death penalty, and concluding as follows : "How imperfectly then, does the example of this punishment operate to deter inen fi-om the commission of this crinae {murder), accompanied as it is with so many multiplied chances of escape. Indeed, in the present constitution of society, we repeat, no crime is so likely to escape its due and proportionate puni-hment as thai highest one, to which our law has affixe i the severest penalties. " Let the punishment be commuted to solitary imprisorment at hard labor for life, and these chances of partial or entire immunity will no longer exist. The terror of the doom, joined to the moral certainly of its infliction, will bj ample to deter offenders. The natural hoiTor felt for the Clime will not be lost in the minds of prosecutors, witnesses, jurors and judges in sympathy for the accused. The mercy of the Executive will not be extended, except in those cases in which from after discovered evidence the innocence of the coavict has been made appar- ent, or when after the probation Ol years, his moral reformation and repentance are placed beyond a reasonable doubt.'' The following review and estimate of Mr. Stevens as a member of the Pennsylvania Legislature, from the pen of one of his own partisan contemporaries, is appended as the conclusion of his career as a State Legislator. It is from the Ilarrisburg Telegrajjh : "We are aware that our columns have been accused of a blind devo- tion to Thaddeus Stevens ; and those whose aim it has been to detract from his reputation, have sought to brand the sincere praises inspired by, his talents and eloquence, as the favoring sycophancy of the parasite. But the writer of the present article has never had the pleasure before this session (1\4 ) of hearing Mr. Stevens in a deliberative body ; and he has been too deeply impressed with the commanding influence of his talents, the well trained tone of his mind, and with his blended graces of the orator and rhetorician, that he is no I nger at a loss t ) discover why it is that a 1 the invective which partisan spleen could suggest, all the ribaldry which political malice could engender, all the scurrility which a POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. C5 connipt press could procreate, and all the venom which was spit out under the protection of a 'previous pardon,' have been high heaped upon him. " So inveterate have been these attacks, so untiring the activity of his assailants, that a portion of the very party with which he acts polili- cally, has caught the tone of their opponents denunciations, and look on him with distrust. It would be difticult fonp,ny who adopt this course to explain their reasons. We look in vain through the public career of Mr. Stevens to find in what particular he has been unfaithful to the cause of democracy, unless we are to mistake for the pure fountain of truth the poluted streams of partisan malignity. Whenever the destructive ten- dencies of his political enemies seek to make inroads on our constitu- tional safej,uards, or batter the muniments of our chartered liberty, there is he found contending for the letter and spirit of Freedom's magna charta. When the illiberal policy of those who would fetter the minds and hold in thi-all the intellects of our rising generation exhibits itself, then is he found exerting his giant powers in favor of an universal spread of education, which, like the light-giving sun, shall shine on all alike and gild with equal brilliancy, the yeoinan's cottage and the demagogue's stately mansion. If the acts of those who are recreant to the true in- terests of the free labor of the North, for the purpose of strengthening their unwhoUy alliance with the slave drivers of the South, at any time aim a deadly blow at agriculture and manufacturing prosperity, he will be found throwing himself into the breach, and with fervid eloquence, pointing to the lights of the world's experience and calling on all, to use them as beacons to avoid the rocks on which thousands have foundered, or the quicksands in which they have been engulphed. " To judge of the varied powers of Tliaddeus Stevens, it is only necessary to review his course during the brief limit of the present session. In this review would be included his i^owerful argument on the right of petition, even from a meeting of repudiators, his cogent appeals on the necessity of placing a constitutional limit to the State debt, and taking from any future legislature the power of continuing the present system of wasteful expenditure without any provision to meet liabilities in'curred thereby ; his able and practical remarks on the vital importance of the protective policy to the interests of our nation, showing how the flood of commerce poured into England under the Navigation .ct ; how Holland, once the commercial carrier of the whole world, wr paralyzed under the influence of free-trade doctrines, and how the firs* mciples of legislation demand that home labor should be fostered an .otected. Whoever has heard Mr. Stevens, at this session or at any .er, cannot hesitate to accord him the most commanding abilities a . sound constitutional sentiments. Hence it is, standing as he does, a giant among his pigmy opponents, that every shaft of malice and invective is hurled at him by every puny whip- ster, wlio, like the fool of Crete, exposes his waxy softness to the fervid glow of his eloquent reply. " It is not so much our wish to eulogize Mr. Stevens as to direct the public attention to the position he has assumed, and so well maintains. We want the eyes of the Commonwealth directed towards him. We 66 ' A REVIEW OF THE want him judged of by his acts, and not through the false medium of political Tituperation. We desire to see his course scanned with impartial discrimination, and on its issue we want our Commonwealth to pronounce its judgment. If he be found to swerve a point from the true cynosure of democracy, or if he varies a line from the most matured principles of legislative economy, let that judgment be of condemnation ; but if he pass the trial, justice demands tl^t the praises be awarded to him which ars the meed of every public servant who has labored long and faithfully for the best interests of the Commonwealth," POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AilERICA. CHAPTER V. THE ANTI-SLAVERY AGITATION. The anti-slavery struggle in America, in which Mr. Stevens bore a conspicuous part, is necessary to be somewhat considered in order to have a more perfect understanding of his character, as an individual and as a statesman, than otherwise could be obtained. Born and educated in New England, where anti- slavery sentiments first developed themselves in the United States, it is not strange that he should have manifested at an early period of his life an opposition to the southern institution., Besides, he belonged to the party that had led the resistance to the admission of Missouri as a slave State into the Union ; and from that period all whose convictions became iixed in that memorable straggle remained unchanged, and were rather strengthened than weakened a?, time progressed and the opposi- tion to slavery as a movement became more consolidated. Human slavery has been one of the established forms of the social organization of the ancient, mtedieval and modern world. Its establishment was based upon the assumed inequality of men, as indicated by the clearest proofs of experience and reason in all ages and nations. This manifest inequality, as witnessed in all creation, was sufficient to satisfy the philosophers and legislators of ancient nations that a system of subordination was necessary to maintain that law and order which the constitution of society and government seemed to require. Hence flowed those systems of enslavement, that from the earliest periods of history caused the feelings of humanity to enter their protest, but which in modern times have overborne the logic of reason and proclaimed a universal jubilee to all races of mankind throughout the civil- ized countries of the earth. But in the institution of slavery is witnessed simply, as it were, the construction of all the social forms of existence, as they obtained from the earliest periods of time, with rare exceptions, down to the protestant reformation, 63 A EEVIEW OF THE itself tlie first united remonstrance against mental and ecclesias- tical domination. Ancient policy was based upon subordination, while the effort of modern times is to make speech, thought and action, free. Freedom was first fully born when the Wittemberg monk attached his theses to the castle gate of the city, and it has been growing from that period until the present, branching in all directions. Every movement, religious or civil, from the six- teenth century, owe their impulse to that which was then set in motion. But the American movement of anti-slavery is that alone, after having glanced at its paternity, which concerns our atten- tion at this time. This protest of the Anglo-American mind against the enslavement of tlie African race, had its immediate birth in the sympathetic feelings, which were entertained by the philanthropists of the 19 th century for a race that they hoped to elevate, by placing it in a system of legal equality with them- selves. It was about the year 1833, that the agitation first set fully in, although individual protests against the institution of slavery had hitherto been numerous. What, more than all else, gave an impulse to that movement at this particular time, was the result of British agitation, which was crowned with success in August 1833, by Parliament decreeing the emancipation of all the slaves on the West India plantations. 'No event could have occurred so gratifying to the wishes of the abolitionists, as that enactment which proclaimed freedom to the AYest India negroes and raised them to the rank of equality with the whites. At this time, however, the number of decided abolitionists M' ere comparatively few, and such as they were, persons of humble condition and insignificant influence. Many there were whose feelings were repugnant to slavery, but they had been taught to believe that it was legal and based upon the words of revelation, and hence they were unwilling to interfere with it. The influ- ence that set the agitation on foot was germinated in free thought and promulgated by reformers who recognized a higher than any written code. It was that of which universal humanity was the recipient, and of which Yoltaire, Rousseau and Montes- quieu were the ablest apostles. The enemies of negro slavery, about the period of the Ameri- can Revolution, were those chiefly who had imbibed the doctrines of the French writers, who prepared the way for the scenes POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA, 69 that drencliecl the soil of France witli blood in the convulsion of 1789 and '93. This species of abolitionism was quiet and sympa- thetic, but entirely unaggressive in its character, and yet potential in its effects. It made its way through all the States of the North, obliterating in each, one after another, the traces of slavery that existed in them. It bore with it likewise the quickening influ- ences that helped to kindle the flame of aggressive anti-slavery agitation which began as above stated. Benjamin Lundy, Charles , Osborne, Elihu Embree, humble yet sincere workers in the cause of freedom., were early fanning the flame of anti-slavery agitation, and arousing the American mind to its o^vn consciousness of the evils ^/hich the Southern blacks endured. The first named of these by 1815 had organized the Union Humane Society, consisting of but five or six persons, and in the following year issued an appeal to the philanthropists on the subject of slavery. Osborne, not long after this, began the publication of the Philanthropist^ and the Emancipator also started by him, was afterwards issued for a time near Jonesville, Tennesee. The first American Abolition Convention was held in Philadelphia in the winter of 1823^^ which was attended by men prompted by the love of humanity. William Lloyd Garrison became a convert to the cause of abolitionism in the year 1828, These various influences and movements, like the different branches of a stream, were thus uniting themselves, and by 1833 a swollen stream, with an active current was visible, and one that attracted from this point con- siderable attention. The movement up to this time had been chiefly philanthropic in its character, and like the Colonization Society, met with sup- porters in both sections of the Union, South as well as I^oi'th. Already, however, the ISTew England Anti-Slavery Society had been organized, and the year, 1833, saw one instituted in New York City, and a National Anti-Slavery Convention asssemble in Philadelphia, consisting of sixty members, and representing ten States of the Union. Every newspaper established in the interest of anti-slavery, and every society which was organized and the proceedings of whose meetings were published gave, as it were, new impetus to the movement. But now it was that resistance began to be encountered by the Abolitionists, and from this period the agitation had a steady and increasing influence upon the reorganization of the parties throughout the country. Up to 70 A EEVIEW OF THE 1833, the Abolitionists drew recruits from both of the old politi- cal parties of the "JSTorth ; but it is undeniable that bj much the larger proportion came from the Federal party, and its successors as comprising the majority of the men of wealth, culture and social position. The Democratic party, from its earliest organiza- tion, had been that to which the bulk of the people had been attached. The reasons for this division of parties, it concerns us uol, on the present occasion to investigate. The character of the earliest resistance to the anti-slavery agi- tation, showed itself in the mobbing of abolition lecturers in the E^orthj the dispersal of assemblages and the burning of halls ei'eeted for the holding of liberty meetings, and the destruction of newspapers published in that interest. The period of these mobs and riots extended from 1833 up to about 1841, when they mostly ceased. When these disturbances were first inaugurated, they were participated in by men of character, and belonging to both political parties ; but the preponderance of participants in these demonstrations being usually composed largely of the party of the people, and the majority of the lovers of law and order belonging to the opposite one, it was not long till this division itself arrayed a diversity of sentiment on this question amongst the people of the North. It was reasonable to expect that the Democratic party should become the staunchest advocates of the rights of the southern people under the constitution. The prin- ciples of that party were fixed and well understood both North and South ; its creed founded upon the Virginia and Kentucky resolutions of 1Y98, had been time and again proclaimed and re-affirmed in State and National Conventions ; and its organiza- tion from the days of Jefferson was complete and entrusted with the 'management of the General Government. The Federal party, though orighially comprising in its ranks the leading minds of the nation, had forfeited the confidence of the country ; and after the late war with Great Britain, it gradually disappeared as a national organization. Anti-Masonry, which in the Northern States took its place, never was able to attain to position in the South, and as a consequence soon expired. Another reason why the Democracy from the first were the attached defenders of southern institutions, was that the party had national leaders in the South Avho were slave-holders, and it was natural that the party should defend these and their rights as their own. WheL» POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 71 the antl-slaveiy agitation first began fairly, Gen. Jackson, a slave- liolder, was the President of the United States, and the most honored man in the Kepublic. An institution defended by him and other eminent southern statesmen, would not be likely to be viewed as odious by the masses of the people, and one deserving of the abuse that the Abolitionists were in the habit of applying to it. On the part of the Federalists and Anti-Masons the same attachment was not felt for the President and his policy ; and from political antipathy it is easy to perceive how a feeling of sympathy for the negro slaves could gradually ripen into intense opposition to the southern institution. And thus it was that the Abolition ranks, secret and avowed, were swelled chiefly by enlist- ments obtained amongst the opposition to the Democracy. From the year 1833, the varied evolutions of the contesting parties in the interest of and opposed to slavery, would require volumes to fully detail. Only the leading features, therefore, can be expected to be grouped in a work of this character ; and such as most fully illustrate the current of AmericajU opinion as it shaped itself in both sections of the Union. In the mob resist- ance of the North, to the spread of abolition sentiments, is seen simply an exhibition of the deep-seated conviction of the people of the inferiority of the African as compared with the Caucasian race ; an inferiority stamped by the hand of creative power, and which history and experience had demonstrated to reflecting minds in all ages. But the principle of the mob being altogether adverse to the rules of social order, could not but sink to its normal level, as the work of the lawless element of the body politic. Its aim, though heartily approved by the respectable and influential classes of society, could not long receive their open and sanctioning encouragement ; and it soon, as a conse, quence, became the work of the vulgar and degraded in society. Not that the mob did not still continue to be inspired by the leading minds of the different localities where it showed itself in resistance to anti-slavery agitation ; for it may be accepted as a- truth that the turbulent members of society in such lawless advances as above alluded to, ever receive their orders, or at least their sanction, from higher authority than themselves. They are in a sense, therefore, the expression of the public opinion of their localities, and are, as it were, minor revolutions for the overthrow or removal of grievances that are felt by society. The spirit of 72 A REVIEW OF THE tumultuous resistance are but premonitions of tiie diseased con- dition of existing society, which the laws of social being are essaying to remedy by all possible efforts in order to its preserva- tion. The mobbing of Lovejoy, of Illinois, the seizure and dragging of Wm. Lloyd Garrison through the streets of Boston, and the burning of Pennsylvania Hall in Philadelphia, were but manifestations of the antagonism that the northern people ex- hibited towards the new ideas of the radical Abolition school. Put the Abolitionists, although in a miserable minority, had as against mob resistance every moral advantage. They were the champio-u* of free speech and a free press, cardinal principles of republicanism ; and all the elements of social order must natu- rally cliug to these as the landmarks of freedom. As it was im- possible for any to justify lawbreaking, mob interposition must gradually retire into the background. But there was another form of resistance to anti-slavery agita- tion, germinated by the same influences that also began about 1833 ; and which, to properly comprehend the period, must be considered. This was the moral dislike that showed itself to the aggressions of abolitionism, and which was exhibited by the educated and reiined part of the northern people. The vastly preponderating weight of intelligent public opinion in the North, from the connnencement of the anti-slavery agitation, was alto- gether in opposition to the innovating doctrines of the radical reformers ; and this preponderance was early manifest in both the secular and ecclesiastical American northern press. In the Literary and Theological Remew for December, 1835, published in the City of New York, the position was boldly assumed and ably argued that the Abolitionists were " justly liable to the highest civil penalties and ecclesiastical censures." This sentiment expressed the current opinion as held by a large number of the leading men in Amei-ica at that time, and, as a consequence, it escaped all censure amongst the patrons of the journal, or even from the organs of the rival theological party. In unison with the sentiment as expressed in the above-named Heview, a Grand Jury of Oneida County, IST. Y., a short time prior to the Utica riot made a presentment, in which they declared that those who form Abolition Societies are guilty of sedition, that they ought to be punished, and that it is the duty of all citizens, loyal to the Con- stitution, to destroy their publications wherever found. In the POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 73 same year, the Hon. William Sullivan issued a pamplilet in Boston, in which the following desire was expressed : " It is to be hoped and expected that Massachusetts will enact laws declar- ing the printing, publishing and circulating papers and pamphlets on slavery, and also the holding of meetings to discuss slavery and abolition, to be public indictable offences, and provide for the punishment thereof in such manner as will more effectually prevent such offences." The intense indignation that inflamed the Southern people against the anti-slavery agitation of the country may in a large measure be considered as instrumental in producing the strong conservative sentiment in the Korthern States, which declared itself in favor of the guarantees of the Federal Constitution. The people of the South had been most ardent advocates of con- stitutional liberty, and had ever shown a steady attachment to repubhcan principles of Government. They had declared them- selves as ready to make any honorable sacrifice that might be required of them, in order to secure the perpetuity of the Union and the Constitution as it had been transmitted by its framers. The institution of slavery, they claimed as one of the vested rights that they, as a people possessed, and over which neitl^er the General Government nor any branch thereof had any authority to interfere, either for the emancipation of the Southern slaves or the amelioration of their condition. All this, they insisted, was a matter over which the people of the several slave States alone had jurisdiction. The attacks of the Northern Abolition- ists upon the institution of slavery had the effect of deeply incensing the southern people, and they loudly protested against the unjust interference, as they denounced it, and demanded that their rights should be observed and their opinions respected. Public bodies and legislative assemblies of the South offered rewards for the rendition of northern agitators, and southern Governors called upon northern officials to supress the anti-slavery discussion, as calculated, unless checked, to disrupt in the future the American Union. The whole southern people seemed a unit in favor of this demand upon the Korth. The clergy of that section from the first, with one accord, sanctioned the justice of the request, and sought by every means in their power to help to stifle the rising fire that might envelope the fair fabric of the Eepublic in its flames. Rev. Thomas S. Witherspoon, of Ala- 74 A REVIEW OF THE Lama, tlms wrote to the ErriaTicijpator : " Let jonr emisarles dare to cross the Potomac, and I cannot promise that your fate will be less than Ilaman's. Then beware how you goad an insulted but magniminous people to deeds of desperation." Rev. William S. Plummer, of Richmond, Yirginia, in 1835 expressed the following sentiments : "Let them (the Abolitionists) understand that they will be caught if they come among us, and they will take good care to keep out of our way. If Abolitionists will set the country in a blaze, it is but fair that they should re- ceive the first warming at the fire." Governor McDuffie, of South Carolina, in December, 1835, called the attention of the Legislature to the subject of abolition agitation at the ISTorth. On the 16th of the same month, both Houses of the legislature adopted the following : "Resolved, That the Legislature of South Carolina, having every confi- dence in the justice and friendship of the non-slave-holding States, announces her confident expectation, and she earnestly requests that the Government of these States will promptly and effectually suppress all those associations w'ithin their respective limits purporting to be abolition societies." On December 19th, 1835, the General Assemby of ISTorth Carolina resolved as follows : " JResolved, That our sister States are respectively requested to enact penal laws prohibiting the printing within their respective limits, all such publications as may have a tendency to make our slaves discontented." January, Yth, 1836, the Alabama legislature adopted the fol- lowing resolve : " Resolved, That we call upon our sis'^er States and respectfully request them to enact such penal laws as will finally put an end to the malignant deeds of the Abolitionists." February 10th, 1836, both Houses of the Yirginia Legislature adopted the following : *' Resolved, That the non-slave-holding States of the Union are respect- fully but earnestly requested promptly to adopt penal enactments, or such other measures as will efficiently suppress all associations within their respective limits, purporting to be, or having the character of Abolition Societies." Resolutions were passed in the Georgia Legislatureof the fol- lowing import : " Resolved, That it is deeply incumbent on the people of the North to crush the traitorous designs of the Abolitionists." The above resolutions were ofiicially communicated to the POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 75 Governors of the Northern States, and by tliem laid before their respective Legislatures. It was quite apparent by this time that the leaven of abolitionism was principally conhned to the "Whig and Anti-Masonic party of the ISTorth, for reasons as before stated. The Democratic Governors and Legislatures were ready to lend their influence for the repression of the agitation ; whereas, many influential members of the Whig party were dif- ferently disposed. George Wolf, the retiring Democratic Gov ernor of Pennsylvania, in his last Annual Message in December, 1835, expressed his disapprobation as regards the movements of the Abohtionists in the free States; and predicted the conse- quences unless checked, and a reign of reason re-inaugurated. But on the other hand, Joseph Kitner, the Anti-Masonic suc- cessor of the last named executive, stigmatized all such sen- timents as had been expressed by his predecessor in his Message as a " bowing of the knee to the dark spirit of slavery." It was believed, from the influence known to be exerted by Thaddeus Stevens upon the mind of the Anti-Masonic Governor of Penn- sylvania, that the sentiment thus expressed in his inaugural as regards slavery, was the inspiration of the former, who was already an avowed opponent of the southern institution. Wliilst the leaven of abolitionism was confined in the main to the ranks of the Whig party, there was nevertheless a strong section of it that in no wise so sympathized. Edward Everett, the Whig Governor of Massachusetts, in his Message communicating the southern documents, held the following language : " Wliatever by direct and necessary operation is oaiculated to excite an insurrection among the States, has been held by highly respectable and legal authority, an offence against the peace of the Commonwealth, which may be prosecuted as a misdemeanor at Common law." William L. Marcy, the Democratic Governor of !N"ew Tork, in his Message in January, 1836, upon the same subject, spoke as follows : '' Without the power to pass such laws, the States would not possess all the necessary means for preserving their external relations of peace among themselves." But in 1835 the movement of the anti-slavery agitation had already become of such importance as to claim the attention of President Jackson, who, in his Message of December in that year, accused the Abolitionists of " unconstitutional and wicked 76 A REVIEW OF THE attempts," menacing the stability and perpetuity of tlie Federal Union, and recommending as follows : "I would, therefore, call the special attention of Congress to the sub- ject, and z-esf)ectfully suggest the propriety of passing such a law as will prohibit, under severe penalties, ^le circulation in the Southern States, llirough the mail, of incendiary publications intended to instigate the slaves to insurrection." The attention of the President had been called to this subject by the tumultuous occurrences that had taken place, occasioned by the transmission through the mails of Abolition documents to citizens in the Southern States. On the 29th of July, 1835, a riot, headed by the influential citizens of Charleston, had broken open the post office in that city and destroyed the incendiary Ab- olition matter. From this time. Southern postmasters, and even some in the North, assumed the authority of determining what should not be transmitted through the mails. Samuel L. Gou- verneur, the postmaster of JN^ew York, urged upon the Anti- Slavery Society " voluntarily to desist from attempting to send their publications into the Southern States by the public mails." Finding that his request w^as not heeded, he addressed Amos Kendal, Postmaster General, for instructions on this point, who, under date of August 22d, replied as follows : " I am deterred from giving an order to exclude the whole series of Abolition j)ublications from the Southern mails, only by a want of legal power, and if I were situated as you are, I would do as you have done." Gen. Jackson's recommendation for the enactment of a law for the repression of incendiary matter through the mail was referred by the Senate to a Select Committee, of which John C. Calhoun was Chairman. The report of this committee, as sub- mitted, expressed the convictions of the southern people, and also of the great majority of those of the JSTorth, as regards the agitation of the slavery question. On this pomt, the report speaks as follows : " The inevitable tendency of the means to which the Abolitionists have resorted to effect their object, must, if persisted in, end in com- pletely alienating the two great sections of the Union. The incessant action of hundreds of societies, and a vast printing establishment throw- ing out daily, thousands of artful and inflammatory publications, must make, in time, a deep impression on the section of the Union where they freely circulate, and are mainly designed to have effect. The well in- formed and thoughtful may hold them in contempt, but the young, the inexperienced, the ignorant and thoughtless, wUl receive the poison. In process of time, when the number of proselytes is sufficiently multi- plied, the artful and the profligate, who are ever on the watch to seize on POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMEEICA. 77 , any means, however wicked and dangerous, will unite witli the fanatics and make theii* movements the basis of a powerful political party, that will seek advancement by diffusing, as widely as possible, hatred against the slave-holding States. But as hati-ed begets hatred and animosity, these feelings would become reciprocal till every vestige of attachment would cease to exist between the two sections, when the Union and the Constitution, the offspring of mutual affection and confidence, would forever perish. Such is the danger to which the movements of the Abo- litionists expose the country. If the force of the obligation is in pro- portion to the magnitude of the danger, stronger cannot be imposed than is at present on the States within whose limits the danger origi- nates, to arrest its further progress — a duty they owe not only to the> States whose institutions are assailed, but to the Union and Constitution, - as has been shown, and it may be added, to themselves." But Mr. Calhoun, as a States right Democrat, clearly perceived that the General Government had no right to legislate upon a subject of this character, save by claiming authority not dele- gated in the Federal . Constitution. ' The assumption of such power would end in that consolidation of the Government, which he and the other leaders of his political school had so persistently battled, from the earliest organization of the Jefferson Eepubli- can party. On this point, in the same report, he reasoned as follows : " Nothing is more clear than that the admission of the right of Con- gress to determine what papers are incendiary, and as such, to prohibit their circulation through the mail, necessarily involves the right to determine what are not incendiary, and enforce their circulation. If Congress may this year decide what incendiary publications are, they may next year decide what they are not, and thus laden the mails with real or corrupt abolitionism. It belongs to the States^ and not to Con- gress, to determine what is or what is not calculated to disturb their security." It was thus proposed that it should be within the province of each State, to say for itself, what kind of reading it would deem incendiary, and that Congress should prohibit the transmission of such matter to that State. A bill for this purpose was submitted as follows : " Be it enacted, etc. , that it shall not be lawful for any deputy postmaster in any State, Territory or District of the United States, knowingly to deliver to any person whatsoever, any pamphlet, newspaper, handbill, or other printed paper or pictorial representation touching the subject of slavery, where, by the law^s of the said State, Territory or District their circulation is prohibited ; and any deputy postmaster who shall be guilty thereof, shall be forthwith removed from office." The above bill was ordered to a third reading in the Senate by 78 A REVIEW OF THE the vote of 18 yeas to 18 nays, Yice-P resident Yan Buren giving the casting vote in the affirmative ; but it failed on the final vote, and, as a consequence, never became a law. And thus ended the eft'c^'t to exclude the abolition literature of the age from passing through the Federal mails. The moral victory thus gained by the Abolitionists was of incalculable advantage to them and tlieii* cause in all their subsequent movements, for they seemed to stand forth before the world as the champions of free speech and a free press, which all the power of President Jackson and his follow- ers were unable to suppress. The eclat of the victory resounded far and wide, and became as it were the watchword in other con- flicts of like character. The first great battle of abolitionism had been fought in the Halls of the National Congress. Others of equal importance were soon to be decided, but upon a less august arena ; but in all » the same principles were in dispute. The demand of the South- ern States that discussion should be suppressed on the slavery question, was one altogether in seeming disharmony with the generally received principles of republican liberty. On the 2d of Februarj^, 1836, a bill was reported in the Legislature of Rhode Island for the pui'pose of repressing slavery agitation in the borders of the State. The attempt thus to muzzle free sj)eech appeared to liberal-minded men, an effort as it were, to turn back the dial of the age, and as this was impossible, the Abolitionists had, as allies, the advocates of progressive and independent free thought. The small State of Rhode Island, accordingly, arrayed itself through the efforts of George Curtis and Thomas W. Dorr, in opposition to southern demands. In ISTew York a report was adopted by the Legislature in May, 1836, responding to the sentiments of Governor Marcy's Message, already cited,' and pledging the faith of the State to enact such laws whenever they shall be i-equisite. But it is doubtful if even then, or at any subsequent time, such legislation could have been secured, for the belief in free speech is one of the cardinal principles of all who belie^^e in the democratic form of government. But of all the Legislative collisions between those favoring the repression af anti-slavery agitation, and the friends of free speech, that which took place in Massachusetts in 1836, was the most fiercely contested, and arrayed in opposition to each other, the ablest and most eloquent opponents. A joint committee of both POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 79 Houses of the Legislature liad been raised to report upon the Southern demands, and of this committee Senator Lunt was chair- man. The anti-slavery committee at Boston were notified to appear and make their defense on March 4th. A few prominent men appeared on the side of the Abolitionists, and were heard by the committee in defense of their principles. Those who spoke took the ground that free speech was one of the unalienable rights of every citizen of the old Commonwealth. Prof. Charles Folen in the course of his remarks alluded to some outrages that had recently been perpetrated against the Abolitionists, and averred that any legislative interposition of the kind proposed, would simply invite a repetition of what had occurred. The chairman of the committee at this point silenced the speaker, as reflecting offensively upon the legislative body of the State, and terminated the interview. Such proceeding could have but one effect upon minds conscious of rectitude of intention, and attached to Amer- ican freedom. Mvich as they might dread slavery agitation in its effects, they could not consent to see the right of free speech frustrated. A Boston editor in giving an account of the pro- ceedings contended that the Abolitionists were entitled to a fair hearing. During the next two days they issued their defense in a pamphlet of over forty pages ; and a copy of this was soon in the hands of every member of the Legislature, and scattered through- out the whole country. The committee was directed by the Leg- islature to allow the Abolitionists to complete their defense on the 8th of March. The adjacent country was now aroused, and the Hall of the House of Representatives where the committee sat was crowded at the hearing. Prof. Folen concluded his defense and Avas followed by William Lloyd Garrison and others. Wil- liam Goodel, one of the speakers, charged upon the Southern States a conspiracy against the liberty of the free ]^orth. He was repeatedly called to order ; but alluding to the documents from the South, lying on the table, he styled them fetters and remarked : " Mr. Chairman ! are you prepared to attempt putting them on ?" He was interrupted by the Chairman and ordered to take his seat. He sat down amidst the great agitation of the assemblage. The bold words of freedom had already produced tlieir effect upon the crowd of spectators. The dauntless divine, William E. Channing, was one of that assembly, and though not identified with the Abolitionists, yet in the battle for free speech, 80 A REVIEW OF THE lie could not be au indifferent spectator. His countenance alone served to indicate the side lie espoused, and his presence on this occasion, more than all else perhaps, gave weight and respecta- bility to the abolition cause. After the last named speaker had been silenced, all was in considerable confusion for a time, when a couple of independent spectators rose, one after the other, and remarked, that " the freedom of speech and of the press could nemr he surrendered Ijy the sons of the PilfjrimsP Tlie commit- tee then adjourned, but the victory was again complete with the Abolitionists. And thus ended in Massachusetts all attempts to legislate adverse to the demands of freedom. One of the methods pursued by the Abolitionists to arouse the attention of the American people to the enormit}^ of slavery, y/as the petitioning of Congress for its abolition in the District of Columbia, in the I^ational Territories, and also for the sup- pression of the inter-State slave trade. At an early period in the history of the Government, it had been solemnly determined that Congress had no jurisdiction over the question of slavery, as it existed within the States. But as regards its existence in the Federal District and the Territories, it was believed by many that Congress had the right to interfere. The points of attack for the agitators were therefore limited ; and even as to these it was a matter of divided opinion whether Congress had the moral right to interpose its authority. The main object, how- ever, of petitioning Congress, was to keep alive the agitation of the slavery question, in order to educate public opinion up to an opposition to the southern institution, and in that manner create a sentiment that would effect its overthrow. For this purpose, in 1835 and 1836, Congress was flooded with petitions praying for the abolition of slavery in the Federal District, in the Terri- tories, and also for the suppression of the inter-State slave com- merce. These, taken in connection with the excitement that had already been aroused by the transmission of incendiary publica- tions through the national mails, were the occasion of great commotion in Washington, the seat of the General Government. The number of the petitioners and the zeal manifested by them in such a cause, had the effect of alarming men both J^ortli and South as to the safety of the Federal Union. The right of petition for a redress of grievances, was one which existed by constitutional warrant, and any abridgment of this privilege POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. SI should be cautiously and only after full deliberation, adopted. As the right generally was viewed, it was one that authorized the citizens to petition for the removal of evils affecting them- selves, and their section of country. In the case of the Abo- litionists, they were asking for the abridgment of the constitu- tional and vested rights of citizens equally entitled to the protection of the Government as themselves. They were de- manding the suppression of slaver}-, where it existed by virtue of' law and the constitution ; and in this view. Congress considered that the petitioners had transcended their rights. It became a matter of long and animated discussion what dis- position should be made of these petitions. The presentation by James Buchanan, in 1836, of the memorial of the Cain Quarterly Meeting of Friends asking for the abohtion of slavery in the District of Columbia, brought the question of these petitions prominently before Congress. As far as can be gathered from the debates in the Senate at that period, no member of this body appears to have favored the sentiments of the memorialists. The question, however was, how to dispose of the petitions. John C. Calhoun expressed the southern view, upon this occasion, in the followino- languao-e : "We must not permit those we represent to be thus insulted ou this floor. He stood prej^ared, whenever petitions Uke these were presented, to call for their reading, and to demand that they be not received. His object was to prevent a dangerous agitation which threatened to burst asunder the bond of the Union. The only question was, how was agitation to be avoided? He held that receiving these petitions en- couraged agitation, the most effectual mode to destroy the peace and harmony of the Union." Mr. Buchanan held the conservative attitude on this question, and whilst opposed to the sentiments of the petitioners, he denied that Co]igress had the right to refuse their reception, and insisted that the true method was to act upon and reject them. His plan was adopted in the Senate by 34 yeas to 6 nays. Substantially the same manner of disposing of these petitions was pursued in the House of Representatives. In 1836, on motion of H. L. Pinckney, of South Carolina, a resolution was adopted to refer all anti-slavery memorials now before the House, or that might come before it, to a Select Committee, with instruction to report against the prayers of the petitioners, and the reasons for so doing. On the 18th of May, 1836, the committee, through Mr. 83 A REVIEW OF THE Pincknej, its Chairman, nnanimously reported a series of resolu- tions, the last of which was as follows : '■^Resolved, That all petitions, memorials, resolutions, propositions or papers, relating in any way or to any extent whatever to the subject of slavery or the abolition of slavery, shall, without being either printed or referred, be laid upon the table, and .that no further action whatever shall be had thereon." The above resolution was adopted by 11 Y yeas to 68 nays, the latter being chiefly Whigs from the free States. Resolutions to control or allay the abolition excitement were adopted annually by nearly similar votes to the above until 1840, when the sub- stance of these was incorporated amongst the standing rules of the House of Representatives. The rule known as the twenty- first, which excluded the abolition petitions remained in force until December, 1845, when through the persistent efforts of John Quincy Adams it was finally rescinded. The northern AVhigs, in the main, had opposed these resolu- tions as too strongly violating the right of petition. Many- of the Whigs from the free States were hostile to the avowed prin- ciples of the Abolitionists ; but they became their allies, so far as to strive for their right of petition, an invaluable advantage to them at this stage of the controversy. The privilege became a shield, under the cover of which many an unavowed Abolitionist, Avas able to make assaults upon southern institutions. The divis- ion of parties upon this question serves to show why it was that the Abolition element of the Korth still clung to the Whig instead of the Democratic party. On this question, Thaddeus Stevens, though not yet become a national legislator, was one of the most ardent advocates of the constitutional right of petition ; and that such was his position he during these congressional contests, gave frequent testimony in his speeches in the Pennsylvania Legislature and elsewhere. Whilst a member of the Legislature, at Harrisburg, so enthusi- astically did he champion the abolitionists right of petition, and their free mail privilege with other citizens, that the contest on these questions for a time would have seemed as if transferred from the Halls of the National Congress to those of the Penn- sylvania Assembly. And in this manner it was that he had much to do in imparting tone to the northern Whig members of Congress in their resistance to the demands of the South. Thus POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 83 the propriety of incorporating, in a work treating of Mr. Stevens, a view of the anti-slavery movement, that preceded liis entry into Congress is seen, when his influence as a molder of public senti- timent is considered. But for such as he there would have been no movement to call forth the action of Congress and of State Legislatures as we have observed took place. Mr. Stevens could with truth have remarked of the great social convulsion and gathering revolution of his country, " qiioimm pars magna fuiP 84 A REVIEW OF THE CHAPTER VI. REMOVAL OF MR. STEVENS TO LANCASTER. HIS SUCCESS AS A LAWYER AND HIS MOVEMENTS AS A POLITICIAN. Notwithstanding Mr. Stevens, up to 1842, had mingled con- siderably in politics, having been repeatedly elected, as we have seen, to the Pennsylvania House of Representatives, yet more fortunate than most politicians, he was able to retain a firm grasp upon his legal practice. Before his entry upon public life at Harrisburg, he had laid the foundation of a fine legal practice, and this (tliough absent at the State Capitol during the winter months) rather continued to increase than diminish. The obstacle with many lawyers, who would willingly enter into politics is, that doing so breaks up their business, and having little or nothing to fall back upon, they choose rather to keep out of the entanglements of political life. I^ot many American statesmen have ever been distinguished as lawyers, and this because but few possess the varied talents that are adaj)ted for these different careers. A man may be admirably suited for the politician, and yet would find himself unable to cope with the weighty men who try the important causes in our civil and criminal courts. And on the contrary, not every successful lawyer would shine upon the floors of Congress, or even in the Halls of our State Legislatures. A peculiar structure of mind is needed for each of these pursuits ; and he whose qualities fit him for the one, often finds something lacking when he enters upon the other. Mr. Stevens, however, had qualities that enabled him to attain a front position, whether at the bar or in the halls of legislation, and yet it cannot be denied that he most of all towered at the bar. It was in this calling that his best energies were expended ; and here also many of his most intellectual victories were achieved. After the termination of his services in the Pennsylvania Leg- islature, several motives contributed to induce him to remove from Adams and locate in Lancaster County. His practice at the POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 85 Gettysburg bar could in no probability ever become so profitable as lie might secure in a county so wealthy and populous as Lan- caster. Besides the fine field offered in this latter place for the practice of his profession, it was a county strongly of his political sentiments, and this was a consideration in his view not to be overlooked. These, no doubt, were amongst the leading motives that induced his removal from Gettysburg to Lancaster City. It was in August, 1842, that he reached this latter place, and he immediately opened an office and began the practice of the pro- fession in his new home. Some time prior to his arrival, it had become known that he intended to change his location, and cer- tain articles appeared in the Lancaster papers, eulogizing Mr. Stevens as a man of towering abilities, and as a lawyer of rare sagacity and shrewdness. His arrival soon became known amongst the people of Lancaster County, and it is related that many of them came to the County-seat to obtain a sight of the man of whose fame they had already heard so much. He was kindly received in his new location by the citizens generally, although in the main bearing the reputation of being a tricky and unscrupulous politician. His extraordinary talents were upon all sides conceded ; and this reputation procured for him kind and courteous treatment amongst all classes. He was, most of all, viewed with suspicion by the members of the bar, who are never disposed to look with favor upon new arrivals in the profession, and such as may divide business with themselves. But in Mr. Stevens they saw more than an ordinary additional attorney who was come to secure amongst them his livino- at the bar. In him they recognized a man ready and competent to cope with the ablest of them in litigious warfare ; and one who might even be disposed to wrest the sceptre of superiority from the most distinguished of their number. It is not strange, therefore, that his arrival in Lancaster was anything but agreeable to the wishes of the members of one of the oldest and most renowned bars of Penn- sylvania. But gifted as he was with the sagacity needed in situa- tions such as he was then placed, he did not seem to observe the jealousy of his brother barristers,- but simply attended to his own business, as if altogether unconcerned for their opinions reo-ard- ing himself. The jealousy was most intense on the part of the older lawyers, those who had taken the lead in business prior to his arrival. With the younger members of the profession he 86 A REVIEW OF THE was rather an object of esteem ; for as tliey did not feel them- selves able to compete with him, they were disposed to admire liim rather than those who were jealous of his superior ability. Samuel Parke, Reah Frazer, William B. Fordney and John R. Montgomery were amongst the leading Lancaster lawyers of that period. There were besides, many others of considerable legal ability. The Lancaster bar had for years held the rank of one of the first in the State of Pennsylvania. Many names of wide repute had practiced in the old inland city — James Hop- kins, Molton C. Podgers, Jasper Slaymaker, "William Jenkins? James Buchanan, Amos Ellmaker and George B. Porter, had all gained their reputations, as practitioners, at this old bar of German Pennsylvania. These last named had chiefly retired from practice when Mr. Stevens made his appearance in his new location, Benjamin Champneys was upon the bench, but shortly afterwards resigned this position, having been nominated by his party for the State Senate, to which he was also elected. His place was filled shortly after his resignation by the appointment of Ellis Lewis, a lawyer of deep reading, and Avithal, a man of rare native sagacity. At the August Sessions, in 1842, the first at which Mr. Stevens made his appearance, he volunteered his services in behalf of a colored man from Columbia who was indicted for assault and battery with intent to kill. This was the first case in which he appeared before a Lancaster County jury, and he handled it with great ability, but the evidence being too clear, his client was con- victed and sentenced to an imprisonment for five years. His fixed reputation immediately brought him business, and it was not long till he had an opportunity of grappling with the leading men of the Lancaster bar. Their first encounters with him exhibited most intense feeling, and their weapons not always hurled with courtly grace, sped as if impelled with savage malig- nity. One of the first who met the new Achilles of the bar, in an important civil case was Benjamin Champneys, who, before his elevation to the bench, had ranked as one of the ablest lawyers of the State. Those who relate the circumstances of this trial, and the fierce combat of words it elicited, have likened it to the fatal scene between Hector and the conquering Pelides. The contest was warm, vigorous and spirited ; the dexterous combat- tants hurled and counter-hurled, parried and counter-parried the weapons, that flew across the arena of forensic strife ; but tho POLITICxVL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 87 superior prowess of the adventurous kniglit, though in the terri- tory of his antagonist, soon convinced all observers that whilst victory might not in this encounter perch uj)on his banner, yet that the claim of dominion would surely pass to the invadino* chevalier of the bar. This first encounter but gave assurance that others to follow would be with like result, for one after another, of the old knights of the Lancaster bar were met and stript of the fame they had long worn with credit, and the exult- ant warrior rode triumphant over the new field of his conquests and future fortune. In six months after Mr. Stevens arrived in Lancaster, there was no meaiber of that bar that dared to dispute his intellectual and legal kingship. He was crowned by connnon consent, and wore the diadem to his grave. At the first session of the Supreme Court, held at Harrisburg in May, 1843, after his location in Lancaster, ho appeared in four of the six cases from Lancaster County, that ■^^'•ere tried at that time. He was also engaged with Meredith, of Philadelphia, at the same term, in the important case of the Commonwealth vs. the Pennsylvania Canal Commissioners. A ^u^cess such as this has scarcely a parallel in history. A new law_yer locating in a strange county, without friends or social influence, and taking the lead at a bar where there were several able, experienced and accom- plished members of the profession, is one of those events of history that have rarely transpired, and which will be as seldom repeated. Such marvelous success, more than all else, stamps him who has accomplished it as one of the prodigies of creation. In May, 1844:, at the following session of the Supreme Court held in the same place, out of eight cases from Lancaster County Mr. Stevens appeared in six of them, besides being employed in two from Adams and also one from Franklin County. His practice was now become very large and lucrative, and ranged for years from twelve to fifteen thousand dollars per year. He was em]3loyed in many of the most important suits tried in different parts of the State. The custom of making lengthy speeches before the court and jury, was one of long standing with the Lancaster lawyers, before Mr. Stevens located in their midst. When a cause was to be tried, they were in the habit of bringing into the court room, law books by the wheelbarrow load and piling them upon the tables, and reading one authority after another for the support of 83 A EEVIEW OF THE the plainest and most common principles of the science. Some- times a case would consume a day or more in the arguments of legal points, that were little illuminated by the long and tedious discussion. The custom was an old one and inherited from their predecessors ; and the lawyer who should not have conformed to it, would have lost, in the opinion of his client, the credit of possessing the requisite legal knowledge for the trial of an im- portant case. It remained for the new dictator cf the bar to abolish the pernicious habit of speech-making by the day, and long-winded arguments. After Ellis Lewis was appointed to the bench, Stevens having a case for trial came into coui't one morn- ing and observed the tables stocked with law books, and his legal adversary busily engaged in looking them over and j)repar- ing them for citation. Judge Lewis was already upon the bench, but the court had not yet been formally opened. Stevens remarked, loud enough to be distinctly heard, "What are all tliese books for?" Lewis replied, that he believed they were to be used on the trial of the case now before the (30urt. Stevens rejoined that He " did not know who wanted to listen to the reading of all those books." Lewis then remarked: "Mr. Stevens, you are something of my opinion ; that a lawyer should carry the law in his head and not ahvays depend on his books." Tlie opposing counsel heard all this conversation, and its effect was magical. It was the last time the tables were crowded witli law books upon the trial of a case. Afterwards only sucli books were produced as contained authorit}^ directly applicable to the points at issue before the court in the case then being tried. Mr. Stevens never made lengthy speeches before either the court or jury in the trial of cases in which he was concerned ; and in this he was also imitated hy the other members of the bar. The making of long speeches soon disappeared, and no regrets were ever felt for the departure. Mr. Stevens was gifted with a remarkable memory. In the trial of a cause he a- ery rarely wrote down any of the evidence, as is customary with ordinary lawyers, trusting to their memory for the remembrance of all the important facts required in their arguments before the court and jury. He possessed the rare faculty of being able to perceive, as if by intuition, the real pomt of every case ; and all his efforts in the elicitation of evi- dence was to support this view of it. Instead of wasting liig POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMEEICA. 89 time in drawing out of the witnesses all the possible evidence, and exhausting his energies in writing down the same, Mr. Stevens, having a clear conception of the point to be suj^ported, simply sought for evidence for this purpose. He rarely or never took notes of the evidence, but often made a few strokes to induce the opposing counsel to suppose that he was doing so. But his memory was so powerful that often when a dispute arose among counsel, as to the exact language used by a witness, ho would appeal to the judge's notes ; and in such instances he was found almost invariably accurate in his recollection of the evi- dence. Had his memory not been so powerful as it was, he should surely have proved a failure as a lawyer, for he neither wrote with rapidity nor was his chirography even to himself, much less to others, always legible. In his legal arguments he likewise confined his attention, in the main, to the turning point of his case, and brought it out in all the clearness which his great ability was capable of doing ; and to this method he was more indebted, perhaps, for his splendid suc- cess in his profession than to any other reason that might be named. In this particular, his legal sagacity may in a sense be compared with the strategy of the great INTapoleon who was in the habit of concentrating all the force of his assaulting columns upon one point of the enemy's lines, and this being broken, rout and disorder followed. Stevens, in like manner, as it were, by being able to see the point upon which a case must turn, and by so shaping the testimony as to make it bear directly in support of that position, was able to carry the victory over an opponent less dexterous than he, in the marshalling and argumentation of the evidence. Hence, though a remarkably successful lawyer, he never wearied the court with his arguments, nor the jury by a tedious recapitulation of useless evidence. Upon one occasion, on the trial of a cause, one of his witnesses had detailed important testimony consisting of a statement of facts that had transpired many years in the past. This witness was subjected to a rigid cross-examination by the opposing coun- sel, with the view of impairing his testimony, by showing his deficient recollection of facts altogether of no consequence, and having no bearing upon the trial of the case, and only intended to perplex the witness, and produce the impression upon the jury that his evidence was unreliable. Mr. Stevens, seeing the delu- 90 A REVIEW OF THE sion that was attempted to be produced, utterly discomfited his legal antagonist by simply propounding in his humorous tone, (itself revealing his design) the following question : " Mr. , had you a pin in your coat collar that morning ? " The court and jury at once saw the hit, and the effect was damaging to his adversary. His ability to disconcert an opposing attorney, in a trial, by some witty remark, as by asking a witness a question eliciting laughter, was of incalculable value in his professional career. Ridicule, which is often more potent than argument, he had entirely at his command. All these appliances of his intel- lectnal ability gave him an advantage over other men equally able and. learned as himself, but unendowed with mental traits of this nature. As regards the knowledge of law Mr. Stevens was not so remarkable. There were other lawyers in Lancaster who were quite as well if not better read in their profession than he ; his great strength was with the jury in being able to present the strong points of a case in a more powerful manner than it was the faculty of most other lawyers to do. Before the Supreme Court of Pennsyh'ania, he could scarcely be said to be more successful than any other able well-read lawyer. His consciousness of ability gave him confidence in himself, and he was ready to express an opinion upon almost any case without examination. Owing to this disposition he allowed careful lawyers, who examine their ca" s before giving an opinion upon them, the opportunity of c x-apping him and carrying cases against him, often with ease. There have been instances where, having no confidence in a case, he allowed the whole management of it in the Supreme Court to a colleague, and the latter was successful in opposition to his opinions. His great power as a lawyer, consisted in his being able to influence ordinary minds and control them to his advantage. Some of Mr. Stevens' finest and most eloquent speeches as a lawyer, were those made on trials in defense of fugitive slaves. Even before his arrival in Lancaster, he was widely known as a most violent opponent of southern institutions ; and from his settlement in Lancaster County, he was almost uniformly retained in the defense of the fugitives. It was not every lawyer, at that period, that desired to be employed in the defense of a case of that character. The slave master was fortified by legal enact- ment ; and the Constitution guaranteeing the surrender of f ugi- POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 01 tives from service, public opinion generally sanctioned the 3nforcement of the law. It was only the extreme Abolitionists who dared to resist the claims of the master ; bnt these, as )^et, had little influence, neither of the great political parties of the country having espoused even their moderate principles as national organizations. On one occasion, a negro had been brought before Judge Lewis in Lancaster, under the Pennsyl- vania Act of 1826, and there being no evidence to show that he was a slave, he was discharged. Mr. Stevens was employed in this case by the friends of the negro. After the discharge, the slaimant was advised to have the negro re-arrested under an old Act of Congress, which required no evidence except the oath of the owner of the slave. As soon, therefore, as he was discharged, m officer took him in custody upon a M'rit issued by Alderman Osterloe. Stevens, having been informed of this, went before the magistrate ; and his speech before this officer is said to have been one of the finest gems of eloquence ever delivered by him in Lancaster. The negro, however, was discharged by the mag- istrate, after official evidence of the former trial before the court iiad been certified to him. But it is as a politician that Mr. Stevens is most widely known ; md of his actions in this particular it remains for us to speak, ^ince the period of his removal from Gettysburg to Lancaster. A.S soon as he had settled in his new home, a circle of politicians fathered around him and deferred to him at once as their cou^- ■ellor and adviser. Those who flocked to his standard were p<_ -. :icians for the most part of the Anti-Masonic persuasion, who lad chiefly lost position in their party, and who wanted a leader :o make head against those who controlled the affairs of the 30untry. Anti-Masonry had for years been simply a name, the ^reat majority of those who had once rallied under its banner were attached to the AVhig party, now risen to national importance md respect, under the leadersiiip of Clay and Webster. Stevens liimself had for years been nominally attached to the Whig party, and had, in 1840, supported Harrison for President. "In the great campaign of 1840, Mr. Stevens took a decided stand in favor of the ' Hero of the Thames.' For months before the nomination of Harrison, it was understood throughout Pennsylvania, that Mr. Stevens was to have a seat in the Cabinet. That Harrison had selected him for Post-Master General is known 93 A REVIEW OF THE with certainity, but tliroiigli the open opposition of Clay and the wavering of Webster, the appointment was given to Granger. Stevens never forgave Webster for the part he took in this transaction."* But tliough united to the Whig party, Mr. Stevens found himself powerless in this organization. Having showed himself an ardent Anti-Mason, he encountered violent antipathies amongst the Whigs on account of old animosities aroused by his course against the ancient order. He was besides, viewed by the great body of the Whig leaders as too violent and impracticable a man to be entrusted with the management of the party affairs. Even before leaving Adams County, this was the opinion generally entertained of him by the leadiog minds of his own party. He was able to control in a measure the party organization in Adams County, but he met with strenuous resistance amongst his political friends as soon as he attempted to influence beyond the bomids of the county. But for this resistance there is little doubt but he would have appeared in the State Senate of Pennsylvania, and also in Congress, whilst a citizen of Gettysburg, l^o sooner, therefore, had he appeared in Lancaster than the same Whig opposition met him, and was potential in keeping him in the political background of his party. By the fall of 1843 a suffi- cient nucleus of strength, however, had gathered around him, as to induce him to believe that he might inaugurate the political game with his Whig friends for the control of Lancaster County. Lie dared not to stand idle. He must act unless he chose to remain a zero ujDon the chess-board of political strategy. Having no strength in his own party, his first aim was to secure such. Most of those who operated with him were equally ignored by the Whig leaders, and, therefore, there was nothing to be lost in making an effort to obtain that recognition which they sought. • It was resolved, at the suggestion of Mr. Stevens, to make an effort to revive the Anti-Masonic party in the county. It cannot be supposed that a man of his sagacious mind, could have believed that this was possible, at a period when the old organization had years ago sunk into obscurity, and was already well nigh forgotten. But it served in this case as the basis of a movement to divert Biographical History of Lancaster County, pp. 582, POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMEEICA. 93 otes from the Whig party in tlie county. The object hoped to e gained by this, was to withdraw sufficient strength from the ontrolhng Whig party, so as to permit the Democrats to carry be victory in the county. Could the Stevens wing effect this bey were then in a condition to dictate the terms of compromise. Accordingly, a ticket was placed in nomination, but the Demo- rats of the county having been beaten for so long a time, failed 3 rally in their strength at the October election of 1843, and be Whigs again carried the victory by a considerable majority. ?he new movement polled about 1,400 votes, but falling short of ecuring a Democratic triumph, the leaders were prostrated eneatli the power of their opponents. Stevens was now fully born of any political strength he might have had, and was forced or a time to content himself to be simply a voter of the AYhig arty, if he chose to remain in it, or to make choice of a new rganization with which to act. The Whig party of Lancaster County was almost a unit for lenry Clay for President in ISll:. About the time that Mr. )tevens and his associates were planning the resuscitation of k.nti-Masonry in the county, a monster Whig meeting was held n Lancaster City, July 29th, 1843, for the purpose of recom- iiending their favorite Clay as the Whig candidate for President in 844. William Hiester presided over this meeting, and speeches t^ere made by Morton McMichael, Abraham Herr Smith and' thers ; but Mr. Stevens had no invitation to participate in this aovement. When Clay was made the nominee of the party it ras deemed by the leaders politic to have all their partisans to iiite in support of the candidate ; but Stevens being inimical to he great orator of Kentucky, Ilarmar Denny was entrusted with he task of reconciling him with the nomination. Denny assureci im that he was authorized by the Whig candidate to say that in ase of his election, " atonement would be made for past wrong." t could not be claimed, however, that Mr. Stevens entered into the upport of Henry Clay with any enthusiasm, although giving him lis public endorsement upon the rostrum and elsewhere. Political uccess was clearly his guiding star ; and it is necessary for poli- icians to shape their craft so as to sail as much as possible with he breeze, otherwise their hopes of fortune would soon end in Lisappointment and despair. He made some speeches in the ampaign of 1844, and in these placed himseK fairly upon the 94 A REVIEW OF THE platform of tlie ITational Whig party. During tlie campaign he was invited with Webster and other distinguished leaders of the party, to address the great Whig meeting in Philadelphia ; and the assemblage being very large, whilst Webster was speaking to the people, another stand was erected at some distance from the main platform, and Mr. Stevens was invited thence to address his fellow-citizens. He mounted the newly erected rostrum, and being gifted with those indispensable qualities of the popular Oiiitor, wit and anecdote, he is said to have been able upon that occasion to attract to his speaking most of those who had been listening to the great Massachusetts statesman. But ardently as was Henry Clay supported by his party throughout the country, the election resulted in the choice of James K. Polk as President of the United States. Although Stevens and his followers supported Cla}^ for Presi- dent in IS-ii, the division in the party in the county was never- theless kept up. There are generally two factions in each party in every county ; and that Mr. Stevens was able from the iirst to become the dictator of the one of these in the Whig party, is evidence of his power as a political manipulator. Although greatly in the minority at first, it was the foundation of what afterwards obtained the control of Lancaster County, and which placed Mr. Stevens upon the highway of his political success. • But the weakness of his influence in the county in 1844, was apparent in the nomination of John Strohm for Congress, in that year. Mr. Strohm had for years ranked as one of the principal leaders of the Whig faction opposed to Stevens. As Senator from Lancaster County, he was one of those who in December, 1838, failed to sympathize with Mr. Stevens in his course at Har- risburg, during the period of the " Buckshot War;" and who also voted for the recognition of the Hopkins' House of Representa- tives. To see one with these opinions nominated i;o Congress, was galling to Mr. Stevens in the extreme ; but John Strohm was a man of unimpeachable reputation ; and whose high regard for probity had become proverbial. His course at Ilarrisburg in the winter of 1838, had at first subjected him to considerable censure from his political friends, even in his own county ; but a reaction Boon set in, as the facts became better understood, and his action was at lengtli fully endorsed by the majority of the Whig party of Lancaster County. His nomination for Congress in POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 95 1844, was generally, therefore, viewed as an attestation of that fact ; as also an evidence of tlie entire approval by his party of his whole previous career as a public man. Mr. Stevens, in this condition of affairs, could do little else than attend to his legal business and gradually strengthen him- seK amongst the citizens of the county. His ability as a lawyer gradually introduced him to a wide circle of acquaintances ; and this had the effect of enhancing his political power. An element of political strength, in favor of Mr. Stevens, not to be over- looked, was found in the large number of young men who studied law in his office and under his instructions. A m-eater number of young men studied the elements of the profession under his instruction, than with any other member of the bar who ever before practiced in the inland City of Lancaster. Although not all of these were members of his own political party, yet the majority naturally being such, and these being greatly devoted to him and his success, were ready upon any occasion to buckle on their armor and march to the conflict when the interests of their tutor were at stake. But few men have ever had the faculty of securing more devoted and more ardent followers than he. His students were almost equally attached to him, as children to a father ; at least, this was the case with a great majority of them. This was not altogether unnatural. Young men in the selection of a legal preceptor, generally endeavor to choose one whose reputation may enhance their own prospect of success by a kind of radiation of fame, as it might be termed. Although in the main delusive, yet the impression has its weight in the choice of the man with whom the profession is, as a rule, studied. In the case of Mr. Stevens, the rule also obtained ; and as advantage was anticipated by originally selecting him as their instructor, the more they could add to his rep- utation by their efforts, would still extend, as they conceived, that reflection of fame that might illumine themselves. Of students who had studied with Mr. Stevens, or who became associated in legal practice with him, and whose influence perhaps more aided him in his after political career than any other individuals, were Alexander H. Hood and Oliver J. Dickey, both men of admitted native capacity. Both of these men were ardently attached to Mr. Stevens. The former, a political editor, and also a member of the Legislature, had studied law with him, having entered his 96 A REVIEW OF THE office as a student shortly after his arrival in Lancaster ; and the latter was the son of one of his old political associates as a mem- ber of the Board of Canal Commissioners of Pennsylvania, and who as a leader in the Anti-Masonic party, had been strongly attached to him. Mr. Dickey visited Lancaster in 1846 and became associated with Mr. Stevens in the practice of the pro- fession ; and this union proved the fomidation of a life-long attachment between them. By 18-iS, Mr. Stevens, having extended his acquaintance in all parts of the county, felt himself strong enough to aim at the nomination for Congress in the Lancaster District. Although he had many friends attached to him, he nevertheless had a power- ful opposition to combat. The old Whig leaders were mostly opposed to his nomination for Congress, as were also the principal organs of the party, the Examiner, published by E. C. Darling- ton, and the Volksfreund, a German newspaper. But both factions of the Whig party in the county had endorsed the nomi- nation of Gen. Taylor for President, as the most available can- didate that could be presented. This endorsement seemed for the time to indicate the complete union of the Lancaster County Whigs ; and Stevens was sufficiently sagacious to see the ad- vantage to be gained in this lull of the storm. A large Whig meeting was held in Lancaster for the purpose of endorsing the nomination of Zachary Taylor for the Presidency. Stevens and his friends were the strong advocates of the objects of this meet ing. Emanuel C. Reighart, an influential Whig, a man of high social standing, and one who had never openly committed him- self to the interests of Mr. Stevens, assumed at this meeting, in the name of the party, and in view of the subsisting harmony of all factions, to publicly nominate him as a candidate for Con- gress. This had the effect of directing public attention to him, as an aspirant for Congressional honors. But the leaders of that part of the Whig party which hitherto opposed Mr. Stevens were not ready to acquiesce in that kind of nomination for a Congressional candidate. It was altogether an unusual manner of placing a candidate before the party for this office, and besides, there were individuals in their section of the party whom they preferred to see elected to Congress. It was not to be supposed, therefore, that they would tamely submit to a nomination in which the choice of the people had not been POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 07 consulted ; and especially, where the candidate was a stranger in the county, and one who a few years before had been engaged in an effort to defeat the nominees of their party. Abraham Ilerr Smith, a young lawyer of promise, belonging to one of the oldest and most influential families of the county, who had served with credit for two sessions in the Pennsylvania House of Rep- resentatives, and was just closing a term in the State Senate, was induced, to become a candidate for the Congressional nomination in' opposition to Mr. Stevens. Candidates at that period were generally nominated in conventions of their party, the delegates to which were elected by the party votes in the different districts. Primary elections were, therefore, in accordance with this recognized rule of the party, held all over the County of Lancaster, and the respective friends of one or the other candi- date returned to the convention. In several of the districts special instructions had been given to the delegates for which one of the two candidates they should cast their votes. Bv the returns from the several districts, Mr. Smith appeared as having received a clear majority of the delegates of the county, and his nomination before the assembling of the convention was by himself and his friends regarded as quite certain. The balloting in the convention, however, disappointed the anticipations of all parties, and Mr. Stevens was nominated by one of a majority. Some of the delegates in the convention from one or more of the districts, violated their instructions by A^oting for Mr. Stevens, thus giving him the Congressional nomination, according to the accepted rules of the party. What peculiar agencies contributed to this first nomination of Mr. Stevens for Congress, it is not within the reach of history definitely to determine. The trait of character, as given by Al- exander TI. Hood in his sketch of Mr. Stevens, in the Biograph- ical History of Lancaster County, may have somewhat contributed to the result : " Beggars of all grades, high or low, are very quick in finding out the weak points of those on whom they intend to operate ; and Mr. Stevens was always, but more particularly when he was a candidate, most unmercifully fleeced. This trait was the cause of injury to the politics of this country. Before he was nommated for Congress, no one here thought of spending large sums of money in order to get votes. ]N^ow, no man, what- ever his qualiflcations, can be nominated for any office, unless 1)8 A REVIEW OF THE lie answers all demands made upon lilm, and forks over a greater amount than any one else will, for the same office. It is a most deplorable state of things, but the fact is not to be denied."* Some reflections, are in this connection submitted, as explana- tory of conduct that has attached odium to the character of Mr. Stevens, but which rather flowed from the spirit of the times in Avhich he lived. All truthful history, is but subsidiary to the development of higher forms of culture, and a more enlarged comprehension of the mysterious design of creative power. So it is believed a delineation of the errors of men and nations but lead to a clearer apprehension of the truth, that all are anxiously seeking. Men's mistakes, whether wilf uU or otherwise, demonstrate the necessity for settled rules of action. The world and its intel- ligence are advancing. Perfection in civilization is being more nearly approximated, but perhaps will never be fully realized. Government is the form of social organism, that has from the earliest ages, engaged much of man's attention. Whether the product of reason or of divine dispensation is not determined ; neither of its primary forms, pure monarchy, aristocracy or de- mocracy seem to satisfy the advancing intelligence of the human race ; and an eclecticism of these has in modern times amongst civ- ilizod nations given the most general satisfaction. But that form which is most condusive to the interests of a true civilization, £cems as yet, to be but faintly realized. The admirable system of government adopted for the United States, by our republican ancestors, proved for a period the noblest heritage of reason for the management of society, that perhaps the world has ever iseen. The G overnment, however, presented by our revolutionary forefathers, was itself a combination of the original forms, and in such proportions as was then believed would, if properly observed, perpetuate liberty, justice and equity to the most distant posterity. But there is less real diiference betAveen the forms of govern- ment, as regards their practical working, than is popularly sup- posed. In absolute monarchies, no one man, though nominally so, is entirely supreme. The influence of other intelligent men, besides the monarch, control the government. In democmtic or republican forms of government, on the contrary, the intellectual men of the State are those again in whose hands the jjower chiefly resides. The mass of the people may or may not be '"Biographical History of Lancaster County, pp. 589. POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMEEICA. 03 voters, and their power in either case is not far from being equally balanced. In the one case they may be made the instru- ments of ambitious men for their own advancement and success, and perhaps even to the ruin of liberty. As Aristotle and Plato taught, society, like the human body, has its various members, a'ld in both instances the directive power centers in the head. The intellectual men of a nation, under whatever form of govern- ment that may be adoj)ted, are those who form the head of the State. The great aim in government is that a people be able to obtain wise and virtuous rulers, and the form under which these can be secured is of less consequence. After the adoption of the Federal Constitution, although uni- versal white suffrage was generally accepted, yet an intellectual supremacy obtained in the selection of the rulers which almost ignored the popular voice, save as by way of ratification so con- sidered. High toned honor ruled this intellectual conclave of both political parties of the Union, and he who Vv'as unworthy of initiation into this unorganized circle, was unable to secure the objects of his ambition, and hence was an outcast of the body politic. The highest principles of chivalry formed the founda- tion stones upon which the edifice of rule had been erected, and a worthy applicant could scarce fail to receive that recognition to which his merits entitled him. As the nation grew and expanded, and wealth was accumulated, the people still kept insisting upon greater privileges and power, and the rulers gradually yielded to their demands. Large numbers of offices, that in the early history of the government had been filled by appointment, were subjected to popular elections. All this was more nearly meeting the pop- ular demand, and abandoning the conservative attitude of the framers of our Republic. Popular education, it was urged, by those advocating the innovation, was the great anchor of free representative government, and that upon this the safety of a nation depended. But this refuge itself was based upon the assumed equality of men, which, however, all the observation and experience of ages had disproved. Equality before the law, and equality in fact, are quite different assumj)tion3. The seeming effort of modern advance, is entire freedom from all restraint, save what is self-imposed. Whether the world in the future will attain to this is imknown, but at this time it seems not yet prepared for it ; and till such period of perfection arrives 100 A REVIEW OF THE government must be perpetuated. For minds capable of devis- ing rules of social order, they sbould, as it would seem, be a rule to themselves. The more, therefore, power is shifted from the hands of the natural rulers and given into the possession of those- requiring a subjecting influence, though this be but nominally, to such an extent, is the order of creative design reversed, and the principles of corruptive political life thence germinate. Herein, then, we have the causes which about the period that Mr. Stevens was flrst nominated to Congress, induced the introduction of the elements of political corruption. Political power was found in the possession of the people more than at any former period of history. To obtain political posi- tion, it was no longer essential to secure the recognition of that chivalric intellectual body of men, that had hitherto so largely wielded the power of the nation. Other means about this time came to be effective in securing power. Wealth had become the most influential agent in society. Honor only influences intel- lectual and refined minds ; but that which now proved the most potential with the mass of society, was that which the aspirants for ofiicial place must employ. The last years accordingly, of the history of the American Hepublic, have been submitting volumes of testimony as- to the capacity of man for self government. The people are being surfeited with political power, but the mountains of iniquity and corruption that are arising amidst the vast upheaval of ages, are shocking the innate moral convictions of the race. But reason and right, those stern guides of the world, will yet be called upon to render their verdict upon the last phases of republican government, and remove the obstructions that still impede humanity's, progress, to a higher and a purer civilization. POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 101 CHAPTER VIL AJMERICAN POLITICAL PARTIES AND THEIR PRINCIPLES. The Anti-Slavery movement in the northern States has ah'eady been adverted to, and the excitement occasioned thereby, con- sidered in a preceding chapter at some length. It was not long after the agitation began until the Abolitionists conceived that it was necessary to unite the Anti-Slavery strength into a distinct political organization, and this was accomplished in the year 1840. As early as 1834, William Lloyd Garrison, speaking in the LH)erator of the necessities of co-operation for the purpose of overthrowing slavery, remarked that, "a christian party in politics " was most of all things required. Prof. Charles Folen, two years afterwards, suggested the utility of a new political party of progress, the leading object of which should be the abolition of slavery. A distinctive party for the purpose of secur- ing the cherished objects of abolitionism, was in 1839 urged by Alvan Stewart upon the Executive Committee of the ISTew York State Anti-Slavery Society. All these expressions indicated what was becoming a somewhat prevalent opinion amongst the Abo- litionists, that if they wished ever to be successful in the eradica- tion of American Slavery, they must abandon all connection with the old parties, and organize a new one of different principles. As before stated, most of those who became avowed Abolition ists, came originally from the Whig party, or at least that one which was in opposition to the i^ational Democracy. All parties that have as yetexistedin America, have belonged to one or other of two antagonistic schools, the founders of which were Thomas Jefferson and Alexander Hamilton. Hamilton was a member of the convention, which in 1787 formed the Federal Constitution ; and in that body had tlie honesty and boldness to propose a form of government, copied after that of Great Britain, which he ever regarded as the most perfect model of political polity which the world had discovered. There were several 102 A REVIEW OF THE other able and intellectual members of the convention, who entertained sentiments similar to those of Hamilton, but who, for prudential reasons, chose not to avow them too publicly, especially as in the state of public opinion that then obtained, it was believed that anything but a republican form of government was impossible to be established. The great majority of those who sat in the convention, were E-epublicans in sentiment themselves and besides they perceived that the demands of the age would not permit a monarchical constitution to be fixed upon the Ameri- can people. They permitted themselves, therefore, to drift with the current of popular opinion, and did so, even in cases where their judgment entered strong protests to much that was done. But as in the natural, so also in the political world, there are only two poles of aniagonistic opinion, those of monarchy and democracy ; aristocracy being a mere compromise of the ex- tremes. Metaphysical philosophy teaches us that every man is either a Platonist or an Aristotelian ; and of Americans, it can with truth be averred, that every citizen is either a follower of Hamilton or of Jefferson in political opinions. The one strove for the adoption of a strong, and the other for a liberal Govern- ment, based purely upon human consent. Alexander Hamilton, and those who sympathized politically with him in the Federal Convention, did not obtain that form of government which they desired, but having secured what was preferable to the old articles of Confederation, they favored its adoption as the best that was then attainable. Jefferson was in France during the sittings of the convention, and had no imme- diate share in the adoption of the instrument of Union that was agreed upon, and which was sanctioned for the Confederation of the States. His opinions, however, were Avell known, and were similar to those of perhaps a majority of the members of the Convention of 1787. The dividing line of party sentiment was that which separated between those favoring and those oppos- ing a monarchical or strong form of government. The Hamil- tonian party, in the formation of the Constitution, opposed every liberal aspect that was given to the instrument, whilst the Jeffersonians equally strenuously resisted the incorporation of eyery thing of a centralizing character. When the Constitution was at length completed by its framers, it received tlie support of all the Hamiltonians, because of the advantages secured in it POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 103 over the old form of union ; and it also found friends in tlie Jeffersonian scliool, amongst those who believed it the best form of government that could be secured ; and also on account of the generally received interpretation that (as was agreed upon all sides) should be applied to it. It cannot be denied, however, that the leading opponents to the Constitution were members of the Jeif ersonian schooL Their animosity was aroused against it,because of the concession of certain powers to the Federal Government, which were not possessed under the Articles of Confederation ; and such as many of them apprehended might undermine the liberty of the States at some future period. With the original reasons for the division of the early American parties borne in mind, it will be less difficult at any period to discover the descend- ants of each, notwithstanding slight intermixtures may have been constantly taking place. The distinguishing features of each of these early schools of political opinion have from that time been clearly discernible in all the different periods of our history. Those giving the Constitution their hearty support were enti- tled Federalists, and those opposing the same were known as Anti-Federalists. Jefferson on account of his duties abroad, was not involved in the disputes which arose upon the adoption of the Constitution. Although friendly himself to the instrument, from the known views of its framers, yet the large majority of his political followers exerted themselves to their utmost to defeat its adoption. But the Constitution was adopted, and as was natural, those who had championed it before the people would be those who would first be chosen to put it into operation. Gen. Washington had been its friend in the Convention, and also before the people ; and he was now chosen by a unanimous vote to be the iirst who should pilot the new vessel upon the ocean of con- flicting American opinion. With that sagacity for which he was in a high degree noted, he strove to calm the antagonistic senti- ments that he knew prevailed throughout the country, by forming his cabinet out of the opposing political schools. Hamilton and Jefferson were accordingly placed as the heads of different de- partments of the government ; but this, instead of allaying the strife, may be viewed as rather having hastened the full develop- ment of parties, which followed the iirst election of Washington as President of the United States, It was not long till Jefferson 104 A REVIEW OF THE and Ill's party friends discovered, as they believed, tliat tlie aim of tlie Hamiltonian leaders was to secure by Constitional interpreta- tion what they had failed to obtain in the original adoption of the Federal pact. Power was claimed for the general govern- ment that had never been granted to it, and which had been reserved alone to the States and people, as in the words of the charter itself was expressed. "But the Federal, was the party of character, wealth and influence, and it required a considerable period to divest it of that position of strength and power which it had secured in the young Republic. At length, upon the enactment of certain obnoxious laws, Jefferson and tlie other Southern leaders who had always sympathized with him, and who were the warm friends of liberal governmental views, succeeded in grasping the reins of the general government. Federalism sunk at once, never again to rise in its own name ; but not so its principles. These lived and continued with modifications to form the elements, of vitality of every oi^anization that was ar- rayed against the Jeffersonian party from that period. So complete was the overthrow of the Federalists, that many years elapsed before any organization was able to make a stand against the old party of Jefferson, or the ISTational De- mocracy. In 1824, all the candidates for President ran as members of the Democratic party, but the election of John Q. Adams had the effect of attracting together the disunited elements of Ilamiltonianisin, and laying the foundation for that structure which became, in a sense, the ISTational Whig party. This party was somewhat the expression of that re- sistance, that must of necessity manifest itself in opposition to the ruling organization ; but whose animating spirit was caught from its Federal ancestors. This was true, rather as regarded the jSTorthern Whigs ; for in the Southern States, the peculiar Hamiltonian principles being exotic, never took deep root. In the South the Whig j)arty may be viewed as the embodiment of the personal opposition that was marshalled by Clay and other distinguished leaders against the administrations of President Jackson, Van Buren and others ; and in which principles, though loudly heralded, were ever of minor significance. It was owing to this fact that only a seeming harmony ever existed between the northern and southern sections of the Whig party ; and also, that in South Carolina no organization of this name, for many POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 103 years had any political strength whatever. Anti-Masonry another daughter of Federalism, liad its home in the North, and in its missionizing tours in the South met but a cold reception. The Anti-Slavery political party, which took its rise in the Liberty organization in 1840, with Birney as its Presidential standard bearer, was also the growth of the centralizing principles and the germination of Federalism. The leading feature of distinction which characterized tlie Democratic party of Jeiferson, was its advocacy of the doctrine of State sovereignty, in opposition to the principle of centraliza- tion. The Democrats contended that the States were the sov- erigns that had framed the general government, and that they remained so, although they had delegated specified powers to the Federal head, but only such as were clearly enumerated. The Yir- ginia and Kentucky resolutions of 1798-9, the former drafted by Madison, and the latter by Jefferson, explicitly set forth the doctrine that the general government was one of limited powers, and that the States would not be bound to yield acquiesence in the enactments of the Federal authority in an instance where the power assumed, was clearly usurped, and did not come with- in those delegated in the Constitution. This doctrinal assertion of principles, from the two leading statesmen of the old Kepub- lican party, was made at a time when it was charged that the Federal party had violated the Constitution in the passage of certain obnoxious measures ; and the principles thus enunciated in those resolutions from that time forward became the recognized democratic creed, which was affirmed and- re-affirmed in nearly every State and National Convention of that organization that was afterwards held. The doctrine was boldly anounced, as tlie general understanding of all parties, who had participated in the formation of the Federal Constitution, and at a period when the principal actors who had taken part in its formation and adoption were yet living, and able to controvert any assertions thus made had they been false and unsupported by facts. But the doctrines so set forth remained uncontradicted, an incontestible evidence in itself that they were sustained in historical verity ; and especially, as all this occurred at a time when it was in the power of a party whose principles the resolutions opposed, to have disproved their assertions had they been able to have done so. The concession in the Constitution to the general government lOa A REVIEW OF THE of the power to execute its own enactments upon tlie citizens of the States, was that feature of the Federative compact, which rendered it so vastly superior to the articles of Confederation that preceded it. This, in the words of De Tocqueville, was : *' A wholly novel theory, which may be considered as a great discovery in modern political science. In all the Confederations which preceded the American Constitution of 1789, the allied States, for a common object, agreed to obey the injunctions of a Federal Government ; but they reserved to themselves the right of ordaining and enforcing the execution of the laws of the Union. The American States, which combined in 1789, agreed that the Federal Government should not only dictate but should execute its own enactments. In both cases the right is the same but the exercise of the right is different ; and this difference pro- duced the most momentous consequences."* But, in the clear and express enumeration of these powers, over which the general government Avas alone to exercise authority, the Jcffersonian State right Republicans felt that their safety rested. They will- ingly conceded that within these prescribed limits, the Federal power was supreme over the States, but not beyond those bounds. The various limitations of power had been agreed upon with great care and deliberation ; and the several boundaries of author- ity, both ^National and State, were intended to be steadily and scrupulously observed. The institution of slavery was one over which the general government had no authority. It was altogether a matter for State regulation, and was so conceded by the early Etatesm.en of all political parties. The movement of Abolitionism in the Korth; with the consequent rise of the Liberty party in 1840, iilthough engendered in humanitarian motives, was nevertheless a direct avowal that all constitutional rights of the southern people must yield to the behests of the new party, as soon as it should be a.ble to grasp the reins of the Federal Government. It was thus a threat made against all constitutional government, in which the dan- ger did not alone consist in the determination to wrest from the o eouthern people so much property as was invested in their negro slaves. If national compacts and plighted faith must bend before the will of majorities, then constitutional governments become a failure, and a despotism of numbers is installed in their stead. *De Tocqueville's Democracy in America, Vol. I, pp. 481. POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 107 i constitutional government is based upon the will of tlie people it the time of its adoption, and if any alteration is at any time ;ought to be made therein, this must be accomplished in accord- mce with the provisions of the original charter. Any other nethod of change is revolutionary, equally as if produced by he might of armies. The abolition movement, for the over- hrow of slavery, was the commencement of the revolution for he obliteration of slavery from the United States. The insig- lificant vote of a little less than 7,000 for Birney for President, n 184:0, seemed to the unreflecting as unworthy of notice ; it was >nly to the deep comprehension of John C. Calhoun and such -s he, that the real danger w^as fully felt and appreciated. It vas the means by which the object to be attained was proposed o be accomplished, quite as much as the result itself, that was elt as so threatening to the principles of free government. It ^^as, in short, the announcement of the right of reducing gov- irnment to chaos, and out of the anarchy, reconstructing it in ,ccordance with the passions of the multitude. In principle -nd essence, the avowal of the Abolitionists was equally as Jarming in one section of the Union as in the other. The inly difference was, that in the South, with abolition suc- ess, together with the overthrow of constitutional government, he rights and privileges of the people of that section must ikewise perish in the flames of social convulsion. The Liberty larty asserted the right of the people of the North to interfere ;rith slavery in the southern States, a doctrine before unheard of nd in utter violation of the compacts that had formed part of be Constitution. The States were separate independent Repub- :cs, that for valid reasons had formed a central authority, entrusted ath certain specified powers, the better to promote the interests f all amongst each other, and with foreign nations. The peo- ple of the northern States, had therefore, no more legal or con- titutional right to intermeddle with the affairs of those of the louth than in the concerns of foreign nations. They might ondemn slavery in the South or elsewhere, but when they ssumed to dictate to the southern people, or to organize a party f aggression against the constitutional rights of any of the itates, they became revolutionists equally as had they rose with rms in their hands to overthrow the existing constitution. But lie Abolitionists chose to confine their warfare within the moral 103 A REVIEW OF THE arena ; and tlnis they escaped tlie perpetration of tlie crime of treason, of which an armed assault would have made them guilty. The whole Anti-Slavery movement in all the various channels in which it flowed, took its rise in Ilamiltonian principles, which demanded the subordination of all the States" to the Federal Government. One supreme central authority was demanded, which should dictate what institutions and laws should, and what should not exist in the several States. That system would inaugu- rate a national government of strength, one having unity of pur- pose and efiiciency in its administration. Such had ever been tlie fond hope of the old Federal leaders, and of all such as believe that the principles of monarchy are essential for the gov- ernment of men and nations. But, besides the attitude and action of the pure Anti-Slavery party, which was organized in 18-iO ; in order to see the revolutionary movement as it progressed, it is necessary to follow, in connection therewith, the course of the Whig party, until its iinal overthrow as a national organization. On the question of slavery, the Whig party, North and South was never harmonious ; and it was alone upon other questions, that it was able to unite in opposition to the Democracy, the 23arty of unadulterated States right sovereignty. The Southern Whigs, from the earliest agitation of the slavery question, were about in sentiment with the JS^ational Democratic i^arty, save that as politicians, on unimportant questions, they would at times veer into seeming opposition to the slavery interests in their section ; and they did so in order to bring themselves more into harmony with their northern brethren, already dominated by aboh- tion sentiment. The annexation of Texas was one of those questions that severed the AVhig party into a sectional division. John Q. Adams, a Whig Member of Congress, was one of the flrst to sound, as early as 1837, the bugle of northern anti-slavery oppo- sition against the project of annexing the new Republic of Texas to the United States. Texas had secured her independence in the memorable battle of San Jacinto, fought April 21st, 1836. In March, 1837, the United States recognized the independence of the new sister Eepublic. Daniel Webster, in his speech' of March 15tli, 1837, at JSTiblo's Garden, expressed his entire disap- probation to the annexation of Texas, basing his opposition to it on the ground that it would be extendins: the boundaries of POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 109 [aveiy. Avowed Abolitionists liad first sounded tlie note of pposition on the Texas question, and it was taken up by tlie Vh\g politicians of tlie ]^ortli for the purpose, mainly, of secur- ig j)olitical capital from northern sentiment on the slavery ques- on, as had happened in the interests of Federalism during the 3ntest on the admission of Missouri into the Union. The resist- iice thus early manifested in the North against the annexation^ f Texas, had the effect of delaying operations for some years, 3r the consummation of the measure. It was only when the titi-slavery agitation had advanced to such a stage as almost to ave divided the country into two sectional parties, indicated hy the [ason and Dixon boundary, that annexation began again seriously ) be discussed. That such a division had taken place between le l^orth and South was undeniably true as regards the Whig arty, for although Harrison had been elected President by the V higs, yet this was more owing to the great personal popularity f the candidate, than because of any unity of sentiment anion o'st is partisans. It was during the administration of John Tyler, the successor I William Henry Harrison, that the incorporation of Texas ito the Union was fully resolved upon by southern statesmen, ■ho saw in this measure how they could perpetuate the balance f power between the northern and southern sections of the "nion. Leading members of the Whig party in the South were ;[ually ardent for the admission of Texas as the Democrats, though well aware of the antagonism generally entertained )wards the measure on the part of their political brethren of le North. The question came to be one of importance in the residential election of 1844. It, and the tariff, were the leadiiiir uestions of that political struggle. Aspirants for Presidential onors had a delicate task, therefore, in dealing with these national uestions ; and in this struggle the strength of parties was so 5^ually balanced that the writing of a letter, it is believed, turned le scale of victory from one side to the other. Martin Yan Buren early sealed his defeat as the candidate of the Democratic party y his letter written to William H. Hammet, of Mississippi, in hich he took grounds against Texan annexation. The crafty tatesman of Lindenwald thought to secure his nomination by itering to the northern sentiment of opposition to the spread of avery; but found himself entrapped by his lei'er, and which 110 A EEVIEW OF THE forever sealed hh hopes of future Presidential promotion. Tlie Democratic party, in its ISTational Convention, which met at Bal- timore on May 27th, 1S44, boldly announced its principles on the annexation question in the following resolution : " Resolved, That our title to the whole Territory of Oregon is clear and unquestionable ; that no portion of the same ought to be ceded to Eng- land, or any other power ; and that the re-occupation of Oregon and the re-annexation of Texas, at the earhest practicable period, are great American measures which tlie convention recommends to the cordial support of tlie Democracy of the Union." The effects of anti-slavery agitation upon northern opinions by 1844, were conspicuously visible. The body of the public men in the North, of both political parties would, as a matter of choice, have voted that no more slave States be admitted into the Union. They were aware that the enlightened sentiment of the age, both in Europe and America, Avas averse to the institution as it existed in the Southern States ; and free from all party tram- mels they Avould have voted against its extension. There is little doubt but that this was the prevailing sentiment of the enlight- ened classes of both political parties. Unlike certain Abolition- ists, however, they did not regard slavery as a sin, but the steady discussion of the question for years had at length produced its influence, and they in general looked upon it as somewhat repug- nant to their moral convictions. In the Democratic as well as in the Whig party, this feeling had considerable strength ; and the above resolution of the Baltimore convention, endorsing the annexation of Texas, met with opposition from men who upon no other c[uestion had ever been found unfaithful to party principles. Silas Wright, a prominent Democrat from I^ew York, had conspicuously opposed annexation in the United States Senate; and knowing that the measure would be endorsed by his party in the Presidential campaign of 1844, he declined the nomination for Yice-president on the ticket with James K. Polk. Mr. Wright nevertheless became the candidate of his party for Gov- ernor of Kew York the same year, and in a canvassing speech at Skaneateles, he referred to his opposition as unabated, and de- clared that he never could consent to annexation. This sentiment was loudly applauded in a large Democratic convention held in Herkimer, in the autumn of that year. Messi's. George P_ Barker, William C. Bryant, John W. Edmonds, David Dudley Field and Theodore Sedge wick united in a letter, urging their POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. Ill feilow-democrats, wliile supporting Polk and Dallas, to repudiate the Texan resolution, and to unite in supporting for Congress Democratic candidates hostile to annexation.* Henry Clay was the great Southern leader and idol of the "Whig j)arty, and had been long pressed by his ardent admirers for the Presidency. But for the division on the slavery question that had made its way into the "Whig party, he would have been nominated for the highest office in the Republic in December, 1839. The following extract from the Emancipator, an abolition journal, explains the condition of the Whig party at that period : THE HAERISBURG CONVENTION. "Well, the agony ?> orcr, cai'1 Henry Clay is laid upon the shelf ; and na man of ordinary intelligence can doubt or deny that it is the anti-slavery feeling of the North which has done it, in connection with his own osten- tatious and infamous pro-slavery demonstrations in Congress — Praise to God for an anti- slavery victory I A man of high talents, of great distinction, of long political services, of boundless pei'sonal popularity, has been openly rejected for the Presidency of this i\epubliG on account of his devotion to slavery. Set up a monument of isrogress there — let the winds tell the tale ! Let the slave-holdei"s hear the news. Let foreign nations hear it. Let O'Connell hear it. Let the slaves hear it. A slave- holder is incapacitated for the Presidency of the United States. The reign of slaveocracy is hastening to a close. The injection of Henry Clay by the Whig- Convention, taken in connection with all the circum- stances, is one of the heaviest blows the monster slavery has ever received in this country." The remarks of Gai-rison on the rejection of Clay by the Whig Con- vention are to the sr.me purport : " All the slave States went for Clay^ Had it not been for abolitionism, Henry Clay would undoubtedly have been nominated." i In the Irrational "Whig Convention, held at Baltimore in 1844, the party nominated Henry Clay for President by acclamation. His political letters on the Texas question, published in the National Intelligencer^ in which he expressed his disapprobation to the admission of Texas, had the effect of uniting in his sup- port the northern Whigs ; and his real opinions known to his southern friends, served to retain them likewise. In his letter intended for northern circulation he dextrously struck the key- note to northern resistance to annexation in the following language : " I do not think Texas ought to be received into the Union, as an integral part of it, in decided opposition to the wishes of a considerable and respectable portion of the Confederacy. I think it far more wiseand im- *Greeley's Conflict, Vol. 1, p. 166 112 A REVIEW OF THE portant to compose and harmonize the present Confederacy as it now exists, than to introduce a new element of discord and destruction into it. In my humble opinion it should be the earnest and constant endeavors of American state-men to eradicate prejudices, to cultivate and foster concord, and to jDroduce general contentment among all parts of our Confederacy." This letter of Clay upon annexation was found not to give entire satisfaction to all his southern friends, and he was urged to make a further statement of his views upon the Texas question. Accordingly, on the 16th of August, a letter appeared in the North Alctbamian, which had been written by him to friends in Alabama. In this letter occurred the following language : " I do not think it right to announce in advance what will be the course of a future administration, in respect to a question with a foreign power. I have, however, no hesitation in saying, that far from having any per- sonal objection to the annexation of Texas, I should he glad to see it, without dishonor, w^ithout war, with the common consent of the Union, and upon just and fair terms." This last letter was at once seized upon by the Democrats as well as the Abolitionists, as an entire change of base upon the part of Clay, and which had no doubt considerable influence upon the result of the election. Many have ever believed that this letter caused his defeat as President of the United States. James G. Birney, the Presidential Abolition candidate of the Liberal party, in the same canvass made a handle of Clay's Ala- bama letter, to abstract from him anti-slavery votes, and he was successful in polling upwards of 60,000. James K. Polk, the Democratic nominee, was elected President of the United States, and this victory was fairly interpreted as the national endorse- ment of the policy of Texan annexation. Congress, acting in obedience to the public sentiment, as thus expressed, passed reso- lutions for the admission of Texas, and John Tyler affixed thereto the Presidential signature March 1st, 1815. On the 3d day of March, 1815, President Tyler despatched a messenger to deliver to Mr. Donelson charge d' affaires of Texas, the joint resolutions of Congress for its admission into the Union, and instructing him to communicate the same to the Texan officials. The resolutions admitting the Republic as a member of the Union, were submitted by the President of Texas to a convention of delegates called for the purpose of forming a State Constitution, and were assented to by that body in behalf of the people on the 1th of July, in the same year ; and thus one POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 113 more State was added to the number of the existing sovereignties of tlie American Union. Tlie Convention of Texas, thereupon requested the President of the United States, to oceuj^y and establish posts without delay upon the exposed frontier of the Republic, and to despatch such forces as might be deemed requisite for the defence of the territory and people of the newly-admit- ted State. In accordance with this request, an "army of occupa- tion " was despatched by order of President Polk, under command of General Taylor, and on the 26th day of July, 1845, the American standards were unfurled over Texan soil, Tliis move- ment, with the measures of annexation transacted between the United States and Texas, were regarded by the Mexican govern- ment as acts of hostility towards the latter, and preparations were made by the Mexican Republic for an appeal to arms. On the 5th of March, Gen. Almonte, the Mexican minister at Wash- ington, protested against the resolutions of the Federal Congress providing for the annexation of Texas, and demanded his pass- ports, which were granted him ; and on the 3d of April the Gov- ernment of Mexico refused to hold further diplomatic intercourse with the United States, and informed'tbe American Minister that such intercourse was irreconcilable with Mexican honor, in view of the annexation of Texas. The President of Mexico, here upon, on the 4th of June, 1845, issued a proclamation declaring that the annexation of Texas did not change the relations of Mexico towards that Republic, and that she was resolved to maintain them by force of arms. Under these circumstances, the diplomatic relations were of necessity suspended between the two countries, and this state of affairs so continued until the commencement of hostilities in 1846. On the 11th of May, 1846, the American Congress declared that war existed between the United States and Mexico, by act of the latter — the Presi- dent having: announced that the Mexicans had " at last invaded our territory and shed the blood of our fellow citizens on our own soil." Congress, two days after the reception of this message from President Polk, responded by the passage of an act calling out 50,000 vounteers, and appropriating ten millions of dollars for the prosecution of the war with Mexico. The annexation of Texas had thus resulted in M'hat from the first had been the re- peated prediction of the Whig party ; and although towards the 114 A REVIEW OF THE prosecution of tlie war, tlie Whigs in Congress, in tlie main, voted for men and money, yet did so with the greatest rehictance, at the same time, stigmatising it as an unjust invasion of Mexican rights, and an infringement of inter-national comity. Congress remained in session until the 10th of August. In the meantime, the encounters between the American and Mexican forces, gave assurance that the war could not be of long duration, as a series of victories had crowned the American standards from the first commencement of hostilities. President Polk believed a treaty of peace might be negotiated with the Mexican Government, and that by the payment of a sum of money, not only the boundary of the Rio Grande, but a considerable acquisition of territory might be secured. He accordingly sent a special message to Congress on the 8th of August, two days prior to the time fixed for the adjournment, asking that an amount of money be placed at his disposal for these purposes. A bill was immediately reported in Committee of the Whole, making appropriations of $3,000,000 for the expenses of the negotiation, and $2,000,000 to be used at the discretion of the President in making such a treaty. The bill seemed on the point of passing through all its various stages without serious opposition. After a hasty consultation with some friends, David AVilmot, a democratic Member of Congress from Pennsylvania, introduced his celebrated j)roviso, and moved to add it to the first section of the bill now pending, and which was to the effect that no part of the territory to le acquired should he open to the introduction of slavery. The introduction of the above proviso^ proved a new fire- brand cast into the American Congress, as might have been readily surmised by its author, had he but chosen to remember occurrences of no remote date. Equity demanded that the people of the South be treated as equal members of the Conferation, the same as those of the I^orth ; and that no discrimination should be adopted to exclude them from their equal and constitutional rights. Besides, the proviso was in direct violation, if not of the words, at least of the spirit of the Missouri Compromise, a compact in harmony with justice and sectional equality. When the proviso was first offered, it met with the almost univei'sal favor of the Eepresentatives from the Korth, doubtless (as was likewise the case in the commencement of the Missouri struggle) without any intention upon the part of most of those POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 115 from tlitit section, of violating the riglits of tlieir soutliern brethren. So much discussion, however, had at one time and another taken place with reference to the power of Congressional legislation over the territory now possessed, or hereafter to be accjuired, that it came about this time to be generally believed in the ]^orth that slavery in the national domain was subject to the same control. Quite a different o^jinion, however, had ever pre- vailed in the South, as regards the power of Congress ; and in view of the intense feeling that had already been engendered in the minds of the Southern people on account of the known intention of the Abolitionists, the jDroviso w^as at once seized upon by them as the greatest possible outrage that could be in- flicted upon them. The first vote on the proviso in the House, was 80 ayes and 64 nays, only three Democrats from the ITorth opposing it. The ISTorth and the South had now fully divided on this question, the sectionalizing of representatives having become complete upon any issue affecting the institution of slavery. The 10th of August, the time for the adjournment of Congress arriving, put an end to further discussion, and the appropriation sought by the President was not granted. The turbulent scenes of the two days, however, that Congress was in session, after the introduction of this apple of discord by Mr, "Wilmot, was suffi- cient to communicate the inflamation to the people of all the Southern States of both political parties, and, in the Legislatures of several of these, conditional disunion resolutions were passed. *^ Everywhere in the slave States the Wilmot proviso became a Gordon's head— a chimera dire — ^a watchword of party, and the synonym of civil war and the dissolution of the Union," * The application of the Executive was renewed at the next meeting of Congress, with this difference that instead of two he now asked for three millions of dollars, A second bill was now prepared and introduced into the House, and the proviso being again incorporated into it, this passed by a vote of 115 to 105, The bill being now sent to the Senate, the proviso was stricken out by the vote of 31 to 20, and in this shape was returned to the House of Representatives where, upon a reconsideration, the action of the Senate was concurred in by 102 yeas to 01 nays. Thus, after a violent contest in both Houses of Congress, the *Beut:oii's Tlui-ty Years View, Vol, 3, p. 695, 116 A REVIEW OF THE appropriation was granted without any anti-slavery restriction. The excitement occasioned by the discussion that grew out of the introduction of this proviso, was perhaps the most iiery and intense that had ever yet taken place in Congress, and served more than all -else to inflame the public mind in both sections of the Union. After a series of brilliant victories, the conquest of Mexico was effected, and the American standards waved over the Spanish Republic. The conquest of Mexico was speedily followed by the flight of Santa Anna, its President, and peace between the two countries was concluded February 2d, 1848, by the treaty of Gaudaloupe Hidalgo, by which Upper Calf ornia and Kew Mexico were ceded to the United States. This treaty received the ratifi- cation of the Mexican Congress May 29th, 1848. The acquisi- tion of this new scope of country still increased the national domain, and served to add additional complication to the already unadjusted difficulties between the l!Torth and South, as regarded the government of the national territories. The organization of the territories from this period became one of the difficult questions before Congress, and this because of the division of sentiment on the slavery question which had sundered the two sections, as it were, into antagonistic parties. But, although the leaven of Abolitionism had already caused somewhat of fermentation in the Democratic party, it yet re- mained thoroughly national in its principles, and decided in its efforts to resist aggressions upon southern rights. A small wing of the party in the ISTorth had allowed itself to be led captive by free soil principles, which were producing discord in the old Jeflersonian ranks. In the State of ISTew York, these principles had already produced a schism of the party into two factions, the one of which was styled Hmikers^ and the other Barn-'burners, In the Democratic Convention, which nominated Gen. Lewis Cass and William O. Butler, for President and Yice-president, in May, 1848, both factions of the party from Kew York, appeared by their delegates, and claimed seats in that body ; and with tlie desire of harmonizing the differences both were admitted to seats in the convention, each being authorized to cast half the vote to which the State was entitled. This served the Barn-burners with the excuse which they desired ; and declaring themselves unwill- ing to be bound by the decision of the convention, retired there- POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 117 from. After the Free Soilers, Kadieals or Barn-burners liad withdrawn, the convention adopted a platform of principles, national in its character, and very similar to those of previous conventions of the same party. But as to the power of Congress over the question of slavery in the territories, which had recently come into prominence, the convention declined to commit itself. On this question William L. Yancey, of Alabama, submitted the following resolution : " Resolved, That the doctrine of non-interference with the rights of property of any loortion of the people of this Confederacy, be it in the States or Territories thereof, by any other tlian the parties interested therein, is the true Republican doctrine recognized by this body." This resolution was rejected — nays 216, to yeas 36, Its rejec- tion was the work of the northern leaders of the party, although not so indicated by the vote in the convention. This was the first manifest wavering that the Democratic party had shown before the abolition sentiment of the North ; and much as the leaders of both sections believed in the justice of non-interven- tion, those in the ISTorthern States feared to meet their constitu- ents, shoidd this be endorsed as a cardinal princijjle. It was a cowardice, however, of which no political party should ever be guilty. If the principle was right, the resolution should have been endorsed, even at the risk of party defeat. The AVhig E'ational Convention assembled at Philadelphia, on the 8th of June, 181:8, and selected Zachary Taylor and Millard Fillmore as its candidates for President and Vice-President. Gen. Taylor was made the nominee of his party purely because of his supposed availability as a candidate and the great personal popularity he had gained in the Mexican war. As he was a slaveholder, he was far from being acceptable to the northern Whig leaders, but circumstances compelled them to acquiesce in his nomination. The disintegration and dissolution of the Wliig party were already nearly complete, and but time w^as wanting to render it a finality. In this convention the party was unable to agree upon a platform of principles. Repeated efforts were made to endorse the principle of the Wilmot proviso, but with- out success, the motions made for this purpose being successfully tabled. The ardent Abolitionists of the party on this account took little interest in the election, but feeling themselves power- less in the party, they permitted themselves to drift with the 118 A EEVIEW OF THE political ciHTent. Several members of tlie convention declared their utter dissatisfaction with the candidates; and so great, in- deed, was the smothered opposition that the nominations conld not be made unanimous, according to custom. All this opposi- tion was stimulated by anti-slavery zeal. Mr. Allen, a delegate to the convention from Massachusetts, said that the "Whig j)arty was that day dissolved. Mr. Bingham, of Ohio, offered a reso- lution that the nominations should be unanimous provided Gen. Taylor would pledge himself to the non-extention of slavery over free territory. Such a pledge was never obtained ; and if it had been, that moment the Whig party would have dissolved. Gen. Wilson, of Massachusetts, declared that he would do all in his power to defeat the nominee of the convention. " Gen. Taylor, though an excellent soldier, had no experience as a states- man, and his capacity for civil administration was wholly undem- onstrated. He had never voted; had apparently paid little attention to, and taken little interest in politics ; and though inclined towards the Whig party, was but slightly identified with its ideas and its efforts. Nobody could say what were his views I'egarding Protection, Internal Improvement, or the Currency. On the great question — which our last acquisitions from Mexico had suddenly invested with the greatest importance — of excluding slavery from the yet untainted Federal Territories, he had in no wise declared himself ; and the fact that he was an extensive slaveholder, justified a presumption that he, like most slave- holders, deemed it right that any settler in the Territories should be at liberty to take thither and hold there as property, what- ever the laws of his own State recognized as property.""^ But the strength of the Abolition sentiment of the North was still advancing to more prominent recognition. The schism of several of the leading churches into Northern and Southern com- munions, beginning with the Methodist Episcopal in 1844, had already given an importance to the anti-slavery movement, that it had not before possessed. And although the two great parties of the country had their Presidential candidates in the field before the nation, harmony no longer reigned in the ranks of either. The Liberty party had supported candidates for President and Yice President in 1840, and in 1844, but was able to di'aw but a comparatively feeble vote. *Greeley's Recollections, p. 311. POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 119 For the purpose of sliowing the rise of the Free Soil partj from Abolition authority, the following extract is submitted : " In the midst of these exhortations, the National Convention of the Liberty party assembled at Buffalo, October 30th, 1847. Gerrit Smith, still a member of the Liberty party, was proposed as a candidate for the Presidency. His nomination would have secured the co-operation of the Liberty League in his support. But the course marked out by the lead- ing men in the convention beforehand, required the nomination of a different man from Gerrit Smith. The Liberty party for the first time adopted the policy of going out of its own ranks for a Presidential can- didate. After debating awhile the question of nominating at all till next 3^ear, they nominated Hon. John P. Hale, United States Senator from New Hampshire, an independent Democrat, who had certainly done himself honor in refusing to do homage to the slave power, and who had drawn off a portion of the Democracy of New Hampshire to his sui?- port." * * * "But the nomination of Mr. Hale was only a temporary one, and answered its temporary purpose. Gentlemen active in making it united with otliers of other parties in calling another con- vention, which was held at Buffalo, August 9th, 1848, composed of the opponents of slaverj^ extension, irrespective of parties and including of course, as was designed, large numbers who did not intend to be com- mitted to ' the one idea ' of abolishing slavery. On that occasion was organized the Free Soil party, in which the Liberty party was designed to be wholly absorbed.''* The Liberty party was thus, in 1 848, metamorphosed into that named Free Soil, through the machinations of Martin Yan Buroii and his friends out of revenge to General Cass, who had been largely instrumental in ISM, in causing the defeat of the former before the Democratic Convention of that year Although the ISTorth was not yet fully ripe for the organization of a purely sectional party, yet the free soil vote in 1848 indicated that the abolition move- ment would take that direction. Horace Greeley, speaking of the National Democratic nominations in 1848, says : " This ticket was respectable, both as to character and services, yet its prospects were marred by the fact, that that faction of the New York Democracy, which had been known as Barn-burners or Free Soil men, resenting the admission of their competitors to seats in the convention had bolted, and refused to be governed by the result. Ultimately, they united with the Abolitionists and with sympathising Democrats in other States in holding a National\ Convention at Buffalo, which nominated Martin Van -Buren, of New York, for President, and Charles F. Adams, of Massachusetts, for Vice-president. This ticket, though it obtained no *Goodel on Slavery, p. 478. fMr. Greeley should more properly have said a Sectional rather than a National Convention, for there were no delegates in it except from the Northern States, and the most of those who figured in it were secret Abolitionists, whom policy deteri'ed from the expression of their honest sentiments. 130 A REVIEW OF THE single electoral vote, blasted the hopes of General Cass and the regular Democracy." * The distinctive feature of the platform of the Free Soil party was opposition to slave institutions, and a desire to abolish or restrain slavery wherever this could be constitutionally accom- plished. These three principles were laid down : First, that it was the duty of the General Government to abolish slavery wherever it could be done in a constitutional manner. Second, that the States within which slavery existed had the sole right to interfere with it ; and third, that Congress can alone prevent the existence of slavery in the Territories. By the first of these principles, it was the duty of Congress to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia ; second, to leave its regulation to the States where it existed, and third, to abolish it in territory now free. In the sectional aspect of this party lay its danger. Thomas H. Benton speaks thus of the Buffalo Convention that nomi- nated Yan Buren and Adams : " It was an organization entirely to be regretted — its aspect was sec- tional — its foundation a single idea — its tendency to merge political prin- ciples in a slavery contention. The Baltimore Democratic Convention had been dominated by the slavery question, but on the other side of that question, and not openly and professedly ; but here was an organi- zation resting prominently on the slaveiy basis. And, deeming all such organizations, no matter on which side of the question, as fraught with evil to the Union, this writer, on the urgent request of some of his politi- Cil associates, went to New York to interpose his friendly offices to gtt the Free Soil organization abandoned. The visit was between the two conventions, and before the nominations and proceedings had become final ; but all in vain. Mr. Van Buren accepted the nomination, and in so doing placed himself in opposition to the general tenor of his political conduct in relation to slavery, and especially in what relates to its exist- ence in the District of Columbia. I deemed this acceptance unfortunate to a degree far beyond its influence upon persons or parties. It was to impair confidence between the North and the South, and to naiTow down the basis of party organization to a single idea ; and that idei not known to our ancestors as an element of political organizations. The Free Soil plea was that the Baltimore Democratic Convention had done the same ; but the answer to that was that it was a general convention from all the States, and did not make its slavery principles the open test of the elec- tion ; while this was a segment of the party, and openly rested on that ground, "t The election of 1848 resulted in the choice of Gen. Taylor for President of the United States, and Millard Fihnore for Greeley's Recollections, p. 213. fBenton's View, Vol. II, p. 723. POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 121 Vice-President.. In tlie Congress tliat assembled in December, 1848, after the- election, the question on the organization of the Territories came up, and was debated with great warmth and at considerable length. A majority of the House of Representa- tives were desirous of excluding slavery from Kew Mexico and California, but the Senate being unwilling that this principle should be incorporated, no bill, as a consequence, for the organi- zation of these Territories was passed at this session. The terri- torial question was now become the great subject of dispute between the ISTorth and South ; and its discussion was the cause of increasing bitterness and alienation between the two sections. Wlien it became manifest that no organization of these Terri- tories could take place at this session, the members of Congress from the slave States united in an address to their constituents, which was a clear resume from the pen of John C. Calhoun of what the South regarded as their constitutional rights. Thus ended the administration of James K. Polk, and with it the Tliirtieth Congress, 123 A EEVIEW OF THE CHAPTER VIIL COMPROMISE MEASURES OF 1850. The 31st Congress assembled in December, 1849. Thaddens Stevens made liis first appearance at the beginning of this Con- gress as a Whig member of the ISTational House of Representa- tives, having been elected during the campaign which bore Gen. Taylor into the Presidential chair. Questions of the greatest importance for the harmony of the States and for the peace and prosperity of the Union, were awaiting the decision of the new Congress ; and the American people were looking to it with fond hopes for the adoption of measures that might avert the threat- ened dissolution of the Confederacy. The territorial contro- versy was that which, most of all, was arousing the passions of sectional hostility ; and which had now raged with intensity for a considerable period. Repeated efforts had already been made to solve the territorial problem between the ISTorth and the South, but all in vain, Tho 30th Congress had adjourned after fruitless attempts to terminate the increasing difficulties. California, Kew Mexico and Utah were awaiting the action of the Federal Legislature to clothe them with their republican regalia, which the exigencies of their sevei*al conditions required ; the first already having formed a State Constitution, was asking to be received as a member of the Union. The great question to be determined was the status that should be given to the new Territories as regards the institution of slavery. For the first time in the history of the Republic, a small body of Representa- tives from the ISTorth, took their seats in Congress upon the platform of opposition to the extension of African Slavery. Besides these, the large majority of northern Representatives, whether Whigs or Democrats, were likewise in sentiment averse to the spread of the institution over States and Territories, now deemed free. With these latter Mr. Stevens was identified. This state of opinion being well understood at the South, it is POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMEEICA. 123 but reasonable to suppose that a liigli degree of excitement would prevail in that section. "Never had any Congi-ess convened under so much excitement or under so great responsibility as did the one on which then devolved the disposition of this (slavery) question, under all the circumstances attend- ing it. The embarrassments of the period were increased from the fact that for the first time Southern Senators and Members were greatly divided as to the proper course to pursue, in view of the question with all its bearings. Some believed the time had coriie for a separation of the States, and that everything should be done Avith a view to effect that result. Others believed that the Union might still be preserved upon constitutional principles, and that the object was worth the most earnest and patriotic efforts. This class believed, however, that the time had come for a total abandonment of all old party associations, and that the united South should act in party organization with those of the North only, who would maintain the systeju as it was established by the Con- stitution."* The storm that had almost driven the Ship of State upon the shoals of disunion and civil convulsion was still ra»inf>-, and showed no signs of abating. It was the Ji^olus of abolitionism that had let fly the winds of strife, and all was in commotion. Many of the Notliern States were arrayed in bitter antagonism to their Southern sisters, and through their Legislatures assailed the institution of slavery in the most harsh and offensive terms. Yermont, Connecticut and other Eastern States had passed reso- lutions declaring that " the existence of slavery and the slave trade in the District of Columbia is a national disgrace, &c.;" and that their Senators and Ilej)resentatives in Congress " are hereby strictly instructed" to vote in every possible case for what is called the Wilmot proviso ; and " to vote ahvays, and in every state of the question, for the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia, and against the admission of another slave holding State into the Federal Union." These resolutions and others of like character, were sent to the Governors of the different States and to their representatives in Congress. As giving the tendency of such resolutions and their transmission to the Southern States, the following extract from the National Intelligencer^ the leading organ of the Whig party is inserted : " In the substance of these resolutions, as in that of the Vermont reso- lutions on kindled subjects at an earlier period of the session, we find the fruitful cause of much of the excitement that within the last few months * Stephens' War between the States. Vol. 3, p. 1.77. 12i A REVIEW OF THE manifested itself in the Legislatures of the Southern States ; the exempli- fication of a practice reprehensible in itself, inconsistent with friendly intercourse and justly offensive to those who are the objects of it. It is an idle pretence, that it is from any motive of courtesy that copies of such resolutions, as these are forwarded to the Governors of the States whose feelings, more than their interests, they ai-e calculated deeply to wound ; they can be so addressed w.th no other intention than to incense and irritate those whose known opinions and convictions they wilfully assail. The practice is at best an invidious and ungenerous one, and ought to be reformed altogether. The States are in all matters of opinion at least sovereign and independent of each other, and no one of them has a right to invade (so to speak) the domesticity of another. What does the reader suppose would be the consequence were one of the govern- ments of Europe to address siicli a missive to anotlier with respect to its peculiar institutions ? Suppose, for example, the Government of France were to send its compliments to the Government of Russia, with a mes- sage that the Emperor's holding of Serfs, or permitting them to be held in his dominion, was (in the language of the Vermont resolutions) a crime against humanity — a national disgrace, and demanding tiie abohtion of that feature of government. True or false, what answer could Russia be expected to make to such a proposition, but a declaration of war, or war without a declaration ? And in matters of internal government, what more right has one of our States to address such language to another in a matter of constitutional right, than one European Government would have to do it to another government on the same continent, and not more remote or distinct from it than the Government of Vermont is froin half of the States on this continent."* But another grievance much complained of by the South, was the disposition of the people of the North to interpose obstructions to the surrendering to their masters of fugitives from labor. This change of sentiment from what it was formerly, had been the result of the Anti-Slavery agitation that had almost severed the nation into two hostile parties. In the early history of the Republic, such a spirit of comity reigned between the North and South, that laws were enacted in near all of the Northern States which permitted citizens from the Southern States to sojourn in their midst with their slaves, and return home without loosing the right to their services. In the year 1826, Pennsylvania, at the reqviest of the people of Maryland, passed a liberal law to aid in the recovery of fugitive slaves, entitled, "An Act to giv^e effect to the Constitution of the United States in reclaiming fugi- tives from justice." Other Northern States acted in a disposition of like liberality. However, after Anti-Slavery ideas rose to power in the North, all this friendly legislation in behaK of *Editorial in National Intelligencer, February 23, 1850. POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 125 Soutliern nglits nnde-rvvent a change. In the case of Prigg vs. the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, decided in 1S42, the Supreme Court of the United States affirmed the constitutionality of the fugitive slave act of 1793. This act of Congress had imposed upon the State magistrates the duty of arresting the fugitives from labor and returning them to their owners. This duty the Supreme Court in the above decision, declared not to be binding upon the State magistrates, and whether they would aid Southern masters in the recapture of their slaves, was left entirely to their own discretion. Under this decision of the highest tribunal, it became competent for the State Legislatures to prohibit their own functionaries from aiding in the execution of the Fugitive Slave Act. "Then commenced a furious agitation against the execution of this so called 'sinful and inhuman^ la.yv. State magistrates were prevailed upon by the Abolitionists, to refuse their agency in carrying it into effect. The Legislatilres of several States, in conformity with this decision, passed laws proliibiting these magistrates and other State officials from assisting in its execution. The use of the State Jails was denied for the safe keeping of the fugitives. Personal Liberty Bills were passed, inter* posing insurmountable obstacles to the recovery of slaves. Every means which ingenuity could devisg was put in operation to render the law a dead letter. Indeed, the excitement against it arose so high that the life and liberty of the master who pursued his fugitive slave into a free Sta.e were placed in imminent peril. For this he was often imprisoned and in some instances murdered. '* Even the conservative State of Pennsylvania, by her Act of March 3d, 1847, repealed her Sojourning Act of 1780, and also the Act of 1826, and therein forbade her judicial authori- ties to take cognizance of fugitive cases ; granted a habeas cor- pus remedy to any fugitive arrested, and denied the use of her jails for their coniinement. Thomas H. Benton thus speaks of the Pennsylvania Act of 1847 : '• Such had been the just and generous conduct of Pennsylvania towards the slave States, until up to the time of passing the harsh Act of 1847. Her legal right to pass that Act is admitted ; her magistrates were not bound to act under the Federal law ; her jails were not liable to be used for Federal purposes. The Sojourning Law of 1780 was her own, and she had a right to repeal it. But the whole Act of 1847 was the exercise of a mere right against the comity, which is due to States united under a common |,head, against moral and social duty, against high national policy, against the spirit, in which the constitution was made, against her own previous conduct for sixty years ; and injurious and irritating *Bu:hanau's Administration on the Eve of the Eebellion, p. 17. 123 A REVIEW OF THE to the people of the slave States, and parts of it unconstitutional. The denial of the intervention of her judicial officers and the use of her prisons, though an inconvenience, was not insurmountable, and might be remedied by Congress ; the repeal of the Act of 1780 was the radical injury, and for which there was no remedy in the Federal legislation."* Testimony might be indefinitely amplified as regards the injus- tice done the southern people by northern legislation, and the imwillingness of the citizens of the IN^orth to acquiesce in the requirements of the Constitution, but unwilling to overburden with extracts, the following from Webster and Clay are alone added ; 'But I will state these complaints, especially one complaint of the South, which has, in nay opinion, just foundation, and that is that tliere has been found at the North, among individuals and among the Legislatures of the North, a disinclmation to perform fully their constitu- tional duties in regard to the return of persons bound to service who have escaped into the free States. In that respect it . is my judgment that the South is right and the North is wrong. Every member of every Northern Legislature is bound by oath to support the Constitution of the United States, and this Article of the Constitution which says to these States they shall deliver up fugitives fi-om service, is as binding in honor and conscience as any other Article. No man fulfills his duty in any Legislature who sets himself to find excuses, evasions, and escapes from their constitutional duty. I have always thought that the Con- stitution addressed itself to the Legislatures of the States, or the States themselves. It says that those persons escaping to other free States shall be delivered up, and I confess I have always been of oi^inion that it was an injunction upon the States themselves. When it is said that a person escaping into another, and becoming therefore within the jurisdiction of that State shall be delivered up, it seems to me the import of the passage is, that the State itself, in obedience to the Constitution, shall cause him to be delivered up. That is my judgment, I have always entertained, and I entertain it now,''f " Mr. President. — I do think that that whole class of legislation, beginning in the Northern States, and extending to some of the South- ern States, by which obstructions and impediments have been thrown in the way of the recovery of fugitive slaves is unconstitutional, and has originated in a spirit which I trust will correct itself, when those States come calmly to consider the nature and extent of their federal obliga- tions, * * * * I know full well, and so does the honorable Senator from Ohio know, that it is at the utmost hazard and insecurity to life itself, that a Kentuckian can cross the river and go into the interior to take back his fugitive slave to the place from whence he fled. Recently an example occurred, even in the City of Cincinnati, in respect to one of our most respectable citizens. Not having visited Ohio at all, but Cov- *Benton's View, Vol. II, p. 775. I Webster's 7th of March Speech, 1850, in National Intelligencer, POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 127 ington, on the opposite side of the river, a little slave of his escaped over to Cincinnatti. He pursued it ; he ^ound it in the house in which it was concealed, and it was rescued by the violence and force of a negi-o mob irom his possession, the police of the city standing by, and either unwill- ing or unable to afford the assistance which was requisite to enable him. to recover his property."* During the last days of Mr. Polk's administration, the veteran statesman of South Carolina, John C. Calhoun, became more than ever convinced that a crisis was approaching in the affairs of America, that would, unless checked, prostrate the South and her institutions, and with them the liberty of self-government. With this foreboding, he urged more thorough union amongst the Southern States, and in accordance with this advice, a large number of Senators and Representatives from that section united in an address to the people of the South, setting forth a state- ment of wrongs on the part of the North that demanded redress. This address was responded to by a convention of delegates of the people of Mississippi, chosen without distinction of party, which assembled in October, 1849, and recommended that " a convention of slave holding States should be held at Nashville, Tennessee, on the first Monday of June, 1850, to devise and adopt some mode of resistance to the aggression of the non- slave holding States.'^ Several Southern States appointed dele- gates to the Nashville Convention, but the movement was not popular with those who believed that a compromise of the pend- ing difficulties between the two sections was still possible. The convention, nevertheless, met in June, but was not largely attended. It issued an address enumerating a statement of southern complaints. Notwithstanding the grievances alleged by the South against the North were manifold, that which more than all else caused the present excitement, was induced by the opposition that ex- isted to permitting the extension of slaver}'- into the Territories or States hereafter to be admitted into the Union. The Northern Representatives had shown their unwillingness to either permit the application of the Missouri compromise to the new Territory, acquired from Mexico, or to acquiesce in any settlement which would permit slavery to enter it. This was claiming the lion's share, surely. If the principle of the Missouri compromise was to be only valid, as regards one section of the Union, the com- * Clay's 6th of March Speech, 1850, in National Intelligencer. 128 A REVIEW OF THE pact liad become a nullity. And such was the veritable fact, as the votes in Congress for some years had shown. Whenever its application served the interests of anti-slavery proscription, the compromise was made use of; but when the reverse was the case, other means were then resorted to without scruple. Such was the attitude of affairs when the 31st Congress assem- bled. The first signihcant movement at the opening of this body that arrested the attention of the country, was made by those known as Southern Whigs. " They set the ball in motion by refusing to act further with the Whig organization, as it was then constituted, when the party met in caucus to nominate a Speaker of the House. A resolu- tion previously prepared was submitted to this meeting, which in substance was, that Congi'ess ought not to put any restriction upon any State institution, in the Territories, and ought not to abolish slavery, as it then existed, in the District of Columbia. Upon the refusal even to entertain this proposition, this class retired from the meeting, and would not act with the Whigs in the organization of the House." * Howell Cobb, of Georgia, was the Democratic candidate for the Speaker's Chair, and Kobert C. Winthrop, of Massachusetts, was placed^n nomination for the same position by the Whigs. Fourteen independent Free Soilers, composed of Whigs and Democrats, refused to support either of these nominees. Thaddeus Stevens and many > other extreme anti-slavery men acted with the regular Whigs, and supported Mr. Winthrop for Speaker. But neither of the two great parties, as matters tlien stood, having a majority in the House, the elec- tion for Speaker was a long and tierce contest, and attracted the attention of the country as one that boded no future good. ]^early a month was consumed before a Speaker was elected, an event then unprecedented in the history of American legislation. As parties were divided, no election would have been possible, under the rules, but for the passage of a resolution declaring that a bare plurality of votes cast for any one candidate, instead of a majority of the whole, should constitute an election. In the midst of the election for Speaker, Robert Toombs, one of the leaders of the Southern Whigs, made a speech in the Stephens' War. Vol. 2, p. 178. POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 129 midst of great excitement, in wliich. the following language occurs : "The difficulties in the way of the organization of the House are apparent and well understood here, and shou d be understood by the country. A great sectional question lies at the foundation of all these troubles. * * * * I do not, then, hesitate to avow before this House and the country, and in the presence of the living God, that if by your legislation you seek to drive us from the Territories of California and New Mexico, purchased by. the common blood and treasure of the whole people, and to abolish slavery In the District, thereby attempting to fix a national degradation upon half of the States of this Confederacy, I am for disvmion ; and if my physical courage be equal to the maintenance of my convictions of right and duty, I will devote all I am, and all I have on earth to its consummation." * That the sentiments of the Southern people at this period were equally as intense as those of their leaders in Congress, the follow- ing extract from a conservative Southern journal is evidence : " The two great political part'es of the country have ceased to exist in the southern States, so far as the present issue is concerned. United they will prepare, consult and combine for prompt and decisive action. With united voices (we are compelled to make a few exceptions, but they will, we hope, soon cease to be so) contend — with united voices they proclaim in the language of the Virginia resolutions, passed a few days since, tJie preservation of the Union if ice can, the preservation of our rights if we cannot. This is the temper of the South ; and this is the temper becoming the inheritors of rights acquired for freemen by the blood of freemen. Thus far shalt thou come and no further — or else the proud waves of northern aggression shall float the wreck of the Constitution. "We only love a Confederacj'- of equals ; for as equals we entered the Union, and we will remain in it upon no other condition. This is the deliberate conclusion of the Southern people. There is no hesitancy, no reservation, no escape. The Southern man should die who would accept for his State any other condition. "f The period was altogether alarming. The threatening clouds of disunion were gathering thick and fast along the Southern horizon ; and everything hetokened a collision of the elements as rapidly approaching. The dashing waves of abolition fury indicated that the storm was almost equally terriiicin the northern as in the southern sections. The Vessel of State was in danger of being borne upon the billows of the uniting tempest, and sunk beneath its blasts. The exigency called for one who was able to say to the troubled waters, " Peace, be still !" He came in the person of the Sage of Ashland, the great Pacificator of ^-Congressional Globe, 31st Congress, 1st Session, p. 27. fRichmond Ingidrer, Feb. 12th, 1850, I'SO A REVIEV/ OF THE his country, Henry Clay, of Kentucky, wlio on former occasions had guided the rocking bark of the Union, as between the roar- ings of Scylla and Charybdis, and moored her in the harbor of safety and peace. But now, silvered with the locks of honored wisdom, gained in a long and faithful public service, he returned to the United States Senate, to do the last service for his country in clutching her from the grasp of fratricidal convulsion, which the condition of her nature had been long preparing. Coming back thus in the far spent evening of a useful life, he was the admired of all the ]3^triotic lovers of the constitution, who be- lieved in the cardinal princijDles of republican government, that all just authority rests upon the consent of the governed. His watcliv/ord of safety for his countrymen was that which had laid the foundation, cemented, and for up^vards of sixty years pre- served the Itepublic. It was the watchword of freemen, compro- mise. All petty partisan malignity retired before the honored chief ; and his advise is anxiously sought as the Nestor of his age and country. His illustrious comj)e6rs of other days, Web- ster and Calhoun, were still in the Senate, anxious to aid in saving the nation from the dangers that were surrounding it. The above intellectual trio were surrounded by Cass, Benton, Berrien, King, Bell, Mangum, Douglas, and other gifted states- men, all glowing with zeal for the preservation of the Union from impending disaster and dissolution. On the 29th of January, 1850, Henry Clay introduced Jiis celebrated resolutions which were intended to embrace all the questions involved in the sectional controversy. It having been announced that Clay would address the Senate on this occasion, it was filled with, a dense mass of spectators, attracted to catch the words of wisdom and peace as they flowed from the golden mouthed orator of America. But thousands, anxious to licar the words of pacification that might calm the ocean of strife, were necessitated to retire in disappointment, being unable to penetrate within the hearing of the speaker. This, of all the scenes, that American history has yet unfolded, was most worthy the powers of a Raphael or Michael Angelo. It was America's greatest orator, prompted by the noblest motives of his nature, speaking before the most august and intellectual body of the world, in behalf of the grandest object of human conception, the preserva- tion of the most complete system of free government that the POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. ISl wisdom of man had yet devised, and urging for that purposo those measures by which alone it could be perpetuated, concilia- tion and compromise. Mr, Clay's compromise proposed the admission of California under the Constitution she had adopted, although irregularly framed ; the adjustment of the boundary between Kew Mexico and Texas by negotiation with the latter ; the organization of Utah and New Mexico without any restriction as to slavery ; the enactment of an efficient fugitive slave law, and the abolition of the slave trade in the District of Columbia. This plan, as a whole, satisfied very few members, either in tlie House or Senate, The great majority from the North desired the exclusion of slavery from the Territories, and many of the same number Avere ecpially unwilling to permit the enactment of a fugitive slave law. With this latter division Mr, Stevens may be numbered. He, and those of intense anti-slavery notions, were likewise dis- inclined to accept alone the suppression of the slave trade in the District, but insisted upon its entire abolition. On the southern side, an overwhelming majority resisted the admission of Cali- fornia, because of the irregularity that had obtained in the adop- tion of the Constitution without an Act of Congress warrantino: it. Those styled Southern Whigs were ready to waive this irregularity, but demanded that in the organization of Utah and New Mexico, no exclusion of ^^very should be allowed, but that the people of all the States should be at liberty to emigrate thither with their property of every kind ; that the citizens of the said Territories should be permitted to form such State Con- stitutions as they chose ; and that they should be admitted into the Union, when making applications therefor, whether their Constitutions established slavery or otherwise. Thus was Con grGss divided upon these perplexing questions. On the 18th of February, a resolution was offered in the House by James D. Doty, of Wisconsin, which had for its object the admission of California, without any settlement of the other questions. A large majority of the House was in favor of its admission, but of this number the Southern AVhigs desired as a preliminary, the settlement of the territorial question. By a con- certed arrangement, these with others th-^varted action on Mr, Doty's resolution. by means of dilatory motions. In the Senate the intellectual giants, one after anotherj exerted 133 A REVIEW OF THE themseh'cs in efforts to effect some form of compromise tliat would allay the sectional passions and the excitement then raging. The veteran statesman of South Carolina, too feeble to mingle in the strife as once he had done^ siibmitted his last views on the ' crisis in a speech read for him on the 4th of March, in which he warned his countrymen of the danger that was menacing free government, lie was followed on the Ttli of March by Webster, who took decided grounds against Congressional restriction in the Territories, " This speech made a prof ounder sensation upon the public mind throughout the Union than any one delivered by him before. The friends of the Union under the Constitu- tion were strengthened in their hopes and inspired with renewed energies by its high and lofty sentiments." * On the ISth of April, a resolution submitted by Henry S. Foote, of Mississippi, an ardent friend of compromise, was passed in the Senate to raise a Select Committee of Thirteen, to whom the resolutioi^s of Mr. Clay were to be referred. The selection of this committee was made by ballot, and the Chairmanship of it was by almost unani mous consent awarded to Mr. Clay. On the 8th of the following month, the Chairman of this Committee reported to the Senate what was afterwards known as the " Omnilnis Bill^'' covering all the matters contained in his resolutions heretofore submitted. An amendment added by the majority (without Clay's appro- bation, as be stated) seemed to southern members generally, to imply a positive Congressional exclusion of the South from the Territories. On the 11th of June, Mr. Doty's bill for the admission of California, came up in the House, it having been referred to the Committee of the Whole on the 27th of the preceding February. Flis iirst resolution, instructing the Committee on Territories to report the bill, had miscarried. Mr. Green, of Missouri, now rose and moved as an amendment the recognition of the Missouri line through all the newly acquired territory. This was rejected by a large majority. Mr. Stanton, of Tennessee, on the 13th of June, offered the following amendment : " Provided, However, that it shall be na objection to the admission into the Union of any State which may be hereafter formed out of the territory lying south of the parallel of latitude of 36°, 30', that the Con- stitution of said State may authorize African slavery therein," ^Stephens' War, Vol. II, p. 211. POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 133 This proposition was rejected, 78 yeas to 89 nays, the vote being ahnost a sectional one. After this vote had been taken, Robert Toombs spoke as follows : " We do not oppose California o:i account of the anti-slavery clause in her Constitution. It was her right, and I am not prepared to say that she acted unwisely in its exercise ; that is her business ; but I stand upon the great principle that the South has the right to an equal participation in the Territories of the United States. I claim the right to enter them all with her property and securely to enjoy it. She will divide with you if you wish it ;* but the right to enter all, or divide, I shall never sur- render. In my judgment, this right involving as it does political equality, is worth a thousand such Unions as we have, even if they each were a thousand times more valuable than this. * * * Give us our just rights and we are ready as ever heretofore to stand by the Union, every part of it and every interest. Refuse it, and for one I will strike for independence, "f " This speech of Mr. Toombs delivered on the 15th of June, produced the greatest sensation," says Alexander II. Stephens, " in the House that I ever witnessed by any speech in that body during my congressional course. It created a perfect commotion. Several Southern Whigs who had not before sympathized with the class above alluded to,:j: now openly took sides with them. The House adjourned without coming to any further vote. The excitement in the House increased that in the Senate. It ex- tended to the city, and the subjects discussed in the House, become the topics of heated conversations on the streets and at the hotels. This was Saturday. Monday, Mr. Doty made another effort to get a resolution passed recpiiring the Committee of the Whole to report his bill. The effort failed."§ In the Senate the excitement was equally as intense as in the House. At this stage of the proceedings, Mr. Soule, of Louisiana, arose and offered the following amendment to the first section of Mr. Clay's compromise, which related to the Territorial Govern- ment of Utah : *By this remark Mr. Toombs expressed his willingness to abide by the Missouri compromise, provide i its principle would be applied to all tlij new Territories, but as just seen that had been rejected in the vote last taken in the House. His proposition must ever be considered as equit- able, and embodied that principle by which alone equals can at all nego- tiate. ^Congressional Olobe, 31st Congress, 1st Session, p. 1216. XB.e means those Southern Wiiigs who refused to co-operate with the remaining Whigs in the election of a Speaker and otherwise, after the resolution i resented by them to the Whig caucus had been rejected. ^gStephens' War, Vol. II, p. 217. 134 A REVIEW OF THE " And when the said Territory, or any portion of the same, shall be ad- mitted as a State, it shall be received into the Union, with or without slavery, as their constitution may prescribe at the time of their admission." This amendment presented the issue sqnarely between the ^orth and the South, andhecome thenceforth.^' the turning pointy upon whose adoption every thing depended, so far as concerned Mr. Clay's compromise."* Many a huart heat with anxiety as to the result of the vote upon this question in the Senate. Its re- jection in this august body of the nation, would have terminated all hoj)e of a satisfactory adjustment of the slavery question be- tween the two sections. The interest was greatly enhanced from the uncertainty and doubt which existed as to the attitude of several ISTorthern Senators. Prior to this time, the Wilmot pro- viso had received the support of several of these, who had given no indication as to how they would vote upon the questioii of leaving to the people of the Territories the determination of this question when framing their State Constitutions. Of this number was the great Senator from Massachusetts. Just before the ques- tion was put, and when anxiety had risen to its highest pitch, this renowned statesman of -New England arose to address the Senate. The momentuous occasion aroused the dormant virtues of the powerful defender of the Eepublic, and forgetful of self or sectional interests, he j? reclaimed himself the advocate of tlie rights of all under the Constitution. The amendment he de- clared should receive his support. He concluded his masterly effort in the following language : " Sir, my object is peace — my object is reconciliation. Mj purpose is not to make a case for the Noi'th, or to make a case for the South. My object is not to continue useless and irritating controversies. I am against agitators, Noi'th and South ; I am against local ideas, North or South, and against all narrow and local contests. I am an American and I know no locality in America. That is my country. My heart, my sentiments, my judgment, demand of me that I should pursue such a course as shall promote the good, the harmony, and the union of the whole country. This I shall do, God willing, to the end of the chapter." " Daniel Webster resumed his seat," says the reporter, " amidst the general applause of the gallery." The anxiety seemed im- mediately to subside. The great statesman of the ISTorth had thrown his weight in the scale of the amendment. " The friends of the measure felt that it was safe. The vote was taken — the ^Stephens' War, Vol. IT, p. 318. POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 135 amendment was adopted. The result was soon communicated from the galleries, and finding its way through every passage and outlet to the rotunda, was received with exultation by the crowd there ; and in less than five minutes, perhaps, the electric wires were trembling with the gladsome news to the remotest parts of the country. It was well calculated to make a nation leap with joy, as it did, because it was the first decisive step taken towards the establishment of that great principle upon which this territorial question was disposed of, adjusted and set- tled in 1850."* Mr. Clay's bill continued the subject of discussion in the Sen- ate until the 31st of July, when it was so mutilated and altered as to leave nothing but that portion providing for a government for the Territory of Utah, with the Soule amendment incorpor- ated in it, as stated. In this shape it passed the Senate and was then sent to the House. In this way. Clay's " Omnibus Bill" went to pieces. The Senate, however, immediately took up the parts, embodied them in separate bills, which, after being passed, were transmitted to the House for concurrence. But the anti-compromise party of the Thirty-first Congress, was far from being one of insignificance, either numerically or intellectually. Being the result of the long anti-slavery agitation, it comprised in its ranks men of large scholastic attainment, and such as were imbued with pure humanitarian impulses, but whose minds partaking too largely of the reformatory bent, are never safe counsellors in legislative capacities. For the establishment and perpetuation of govei-nment, men of logical minds and ^philosophical comprehensions are needed, rather than those de- voted to assumed conceptions which no rational considerations could induce them to modify or abandon. The legislator and the reformer f are widely variant characters, whose spheres of ^Stephens' War, Vol II, pn, 219 and 220. f The reformer is the enthusiastic advocate of moral, social or religious change as he conceives ; for the alteration he aims to effect may bo a dire calamity to mankind. He is the honest innovater upon the past w^ho is guided by his feelings more than by his judgment. His asjDirations are too intense to allow reason to enter, and hence he gives way to the most extravagant excesses that prostrate law and social order. Peter Munzer and John of Lej^den, were quite as sincere reformers as Martin Luther and John Calvin ; and so as social reformers, Robespierre, Dauton and Mirabeau were as sincere and enthusiastic champions of liuman equality as the world ever saw. But intolerance, proscription and zealous hate more frequently accompany the character of the reformer than that Pauline charity which e\ en nature instills. That such should be the case 133 . A REVIEW OF THE duty dare never be intermingled, save at the risk of constant t irmoil and governmental disquietude. Tlie sentiments of this reformatory party on the subject of compromise between the North and South were expressed in the following extract of a speech made by Thaddeus Stevens on May 20th, 1850 : " It is proper, then, to inquire whether the thing (slavery) sought to be forced upon the TeiTitories, at the risk of treason and rebellion, be a good or an evil. I think it is a great evil which ought to be interdicted ; and that we should oppose it as statesmen, as philanthiopists, and as moralists, notwithstanding the extraordinary iDosition taken by the gen- tleman from Alabama (Mr. Hilliard) to the contrary, " While I thus announce my unchangeable hostility to slavery, in every form and in every place, I also avow my determination to stand by all the compromises of the Constitution and to carry them into faith- ful effect. Some of these compromises I greatly dislike ; and were they now open for consideration, they should never receive my assent.* But I find thein in a Corstitution formed in difficult times, and I would not disturb them. " By those compromises, Congress has no power over slavery in the States. I greatly regret that it is so ; for if it were within our legitimate control, I would go regardless of all threats, for some just, safe and cer- tain means for its final extinction. But I know of no one who claims the I'ight, or desires to touch it within the States. But when we come to form governments for Territories acquired long since the formation of the Constitution and to admit new States, whose only claim for admis- sion depends on the will of Congress, we are bound to so discharge that arises from the nature of his character; for as he conceives hi nself a'ld those agreeing in opinion with him, as the only divinely illumine I beings on earth, he d.esires that all others shall either be converted to liis views or exterminated, so as to prevent their errors from proving the destruc- tion of themselves and others. The fires of Smithfieid, the Inquisiti rial flames of Spain and the Italian peninsula, and the blazes in whicu Servetus expired, were all kindled by the excessive zeal of the reforma- tory sjiirit. *As regards the principle of compromise, we think Mr. Stevens was radically wrong, assu uing that he was a believer in the priixiples of republican government. No general government for the States could ever have been formed in America but for this principle. It lies at the basis of all democratic government, and so soon as it is repudiated the monarchical principle takes its place. In accordance with this principle, the Confederated American Republic was formed and perpetuated until the breaking out of the war between the Northern and Southern States. As evidence of what is thus affirmed as regards the i^rinciple of coni- I)romise, the Supreme Court in the case of Pr g^ vs. the Commonwealth, speaking of the Fugitive Slave Clause in the Constitution, say : "His- torically, it is well known that the object of this clause (the above clause of the Constitution) wa» to secure for the citizens of the slaveholding States, the complete right and title of ownership in their slaves as prop- erty, in every State of the Union into which they might escape from the Stiite where they were held in servitude. The full recognition of tliis right and title was indispensable to the security of this species of property in all the slaveholding Sfates ; and indeed was so vital to the preserva- tion of their domestic institutions, that it cannot be doubted that it con- POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 187 duty as shall best contribute to the prosperity, the power, the permanency and the glory of this nation."* In the House the great sectional contest was fought on the Soule amendment offered by Mr. Boyd, of Kentucky, to the bill establisliing the Territory of IS'ew Mexico. During this con- test, which lasted from the 2Sth of August until the 6th of Sei3tember, the discussions were of the most animated character, and partisan tactics were made use of witli the greatest skill and adroitness. In this fierce strife of the sections, the debates seemed to open on every succeeding day with renewed intensity, and in the war of sentiments destiny seemed as but arousing the combatants, and preparing them for the trials that awaited them in the future. In this and similar encounters, unless the verdict of universal history be reversed, the American Republic received her first fatal stabs ; and it is for time to determine whether slie can outlive those already received, and those which, from the nature of her being, the enemies of her own household in future as in past collisions, will have it in their power to inflict. On the last direct vote, on the Boyd amendment, the bill passed by 108 ayes to 98 nays. The anti-restrictionists had won the day at last. Tlie hall was in a general uproar. This was the kernel of the compromise of 1850. The other associated measures de- pended upon this one, and with it formed the compact of settle- ment between the ISTorth and South. After the passage of this first bill, the others came up in order, and were likewise passed. The fugitive slave bill, like that embracing the Territorial com- promise, met with a stubborn resistance from the Northern Anti- Slavery men with whom Mr. Stevens acted. The compromise measures were heartily accepted by the masses North and South, as a settlement of the difliculties between the two sections. It had received the support of the distinguished leaders of the Whig and Democratic parties ; and the people are ever ready to abide by the words of those possessing their confi- dence. Although the Anti-Slavery men in the North, and the . Southern extremists had opposed the compromise, this was stituted a fundamental article, without which the Union could not have been formed. Its true design was to guard against the doctrines and principles prevalent in tlie non-slaveholding States, by preventing them from intermeddling with, or obstructing or abolishing the rights of own- ers of slaves." *Appendix to Congressional Globe, 31st Congress, Part 1st, p. 1-^1. 1C8 A REVIEW OF THE not considered at tlie time as alarming. It was clear to all observing men, however, that the dissolution of tlie Whig party WiJS near at hand, as it was within the ranks of this organization that most of the Free Soil and Abolition element of the country found itself. But it was also evident that the Democratic party of the North was not, by any means free from the same element, and the Southern leaders began to consider the propriety of a re- organization of parties. It was this which induced Henry Clay, Howell Cobb, and many other Southern leaders, at the close of the compromise session, to unite in a manifesto to the country declaring that they in future would support no man for office e'thei' State or Federal, Avho would not agree to stand by and support the principles established by these measures. But in the Southern States efforts were made to succeed under party ban- ners opposed to the compromise, all of which, however, proved f lilures ; and the same was true where it was tried in the North. Mr. Stevens was nominated for Congress in the year 1850, while the compromise measures were yet pending, and his party having an immense majoiity in Lancaster County, he was elected. But his action in Congress as regarded the compromise arrayed in 1852 a powerful opposition against him in Lancaster County, and he failed to receive the nomination of the party in that year. Isaac E. Iliester, a young and rising lawyer, was selected as the Congressional standard-bearer in his stead. No other opposition was urged against his nomination, except that of his having op- posed the compromise of 1850. His intellectual superiority over all other aspirants in the county Vv^as generally conceded ; but he was then regarded by the nu^jority of his party (as he ever was by the Democrats) as partaking too much of the character of the agitator, one dangerous to the perpetuitj- of free institutions. The great unanimity with which the Northern Whigs in Con- gress had opposed the compromise, made it a matter of uncer- tainty, whether the party would be able to unite as a National o.-ganization in the Presidential election of 1852. The AYhigsin some sections of the North, fought the compromise with straight- f )rward boldness, and arrayed themselves under banners inscribed Avith It; condemnation. In 1851, the Whig State Convention of Ohio passed resolutions repudiating the compromise as a measure of their party, and nominated Samuel F. Yinton for Governor, who, while in Congress, had opposed it. The New York State POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 139 Convention of the Whig party, shortly after Millard Fillmore assumed the Presidential chair, refused to endorse his policy, be- cause he had sanctioned the Fugitive Slave Law. For the pur- pose, therefore, of testing Northern sentiment on the Slavery question, before the assembling of the party conventions for the nomination of candidates for the Presidency, Mr. Jackson, of Georgia, on the 5th of April, 1852, submitted in the National House of Representatives the following resolution : '^Resolved, That we recognize the binding efRcacy of the compromises of the Constitution, and believe it to be the intention of tAie people gen- erally, as we freely declare it to be ours, individually, to abide by such, and to sustain the laws necessary to carry them out — tlie provisions for the delivery of fugitive slaves, and the act of the last Congress, for that purpose included ; and that we deprecate all further agitation of questions growing out of that provision of the questions embraced in the acts of the last Congress, known as the compromise, and of questions generally connected with the institution of slavery, as unnecessary, useless and dangerous," This resolution was opposed by all the JSTorthern Whigs in the House of Eepresentatives except seven. The Whig Congress- ional caucus met on the 20th of April, 1852, in the Senate Chamber, to consider matters of political interest to the Whig party, at which Mr. Marshall, of Kentucky, submitted the fol- lowing resolution : " That they regard the series of Acts known as the Compromise Meas- ures, as forming in their mutual dependence and connection, a system of Compromise, the most concUiatory and the best for the whole country, that could be obtained from conflicting sectional interests and opinions ; and then fore they ought to be observed and carried into faithful execu- tion, as a final settlement in principle and substance of the dangerous and exciting subjects which they embrace." This resolution was niled to be out of oi-der, and the decision of the Chair was sustained by a vote of 46 to 21. The members who voted to sustain the decision of the Chair were from the North, and in principle opposed to the compromise. Thereupon a number of Whigs from the Southern States seceded from the care lis and published an address to the party throughout the United States. The Whig National Convention assembled at Baltimore June 16th, 1852, and exhibited a division in its ranks without precedent in party annals. The Northern Whigs, who had opposed the passage of the compromise measures in Congress, and had never no A REVIEW OF THE since acquiesced in tlieir justice, (especially the fugitive slave law) presented as their candidate for the Presidency General Winfield Scott, who was believed to be opposed to the institution of Southern slavery ; and on the other hand, the Southern Whigs were favorable to the nomination of Fillmore, who had approved the compromise measures of 1850. A few delegates from the Northern States were desirous that Daniel Webster should be made the party nominee. The Southern and the Northern anti- slavery winij; of the party held their respective conclaves in a spirit of the most bitter hostility towards each other. Section- alism had severed the Whig party. All that remained of it was the form ; and yet it was hoped that a Presidential campaign might be made with a popular nominee, and that thus the lifeless trunk might be galvanized into a brief vitality. A platform cf principles for the party had been agreed upon by the Southern delegates and the Northern friends of Webster prior to the meet- ing of the convention, which endorsed the compromise of 1850 as a measure of Whig policy. It was clearly understood, that unles5 the party in convention affirmed this measure as a final settlement between the North and South, the Southern delegates would take no part in the proceedings. The Southern delegates, with the Webster wing from the North, formed a majority of the convention, and the compromise was endorsed by 164 ayes to 117 nayes. The resolution affirming the measure, as a principle of the party, was in these words : " The series of acts of the Thirty -first Coii^ress, commonly known as the Compromise, or the adjustment, (the act for the recoverv of fugitives from labor included) are received and acquiesced in by the Wliig party of the United States as a final settlement in principle and substance of the dangerous and exciting questions which they embrace ; and so far as these acts are concerned, we will maintain them and insist upon their strict enforcement until time and experience shall demonstrate the necessity of further legislation to guard against the evasion of the laws on the one hand, and the abuse of their power on the other ; not impair- ing their present efficiency to carry out the requirements of the Consti- tution ; and we deprecate all further agitation of the questions thus settled as dangerous to our peace ; and we will discountenance all efforts to continue or renew such agitation whenever, wherever, or however made ; and we will maintain this settlement as essential to the nationality of the Whig party and the integrity of the Union." General Winheld Scott and William A. Graham were nomi- nated for President and Vice-president of the United States. ' After the enactment of the compromise, i i 1850, the Demo- POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 141 cratic party manifested its approval of this series of measures, and its determination to abide by the same. In the year 1851, the convention of this party for the State of Pennnsylvania, met at Reading and adopted resohitious condemning the Act of 1817, passed by the State Legishiture, which denied the use of her jails for the detention of fugitive slaves, and also approving of the compromise measures of 1850, The State Convention of Ohio nominated Reuben Wood for Governor in 1851, and after his election, in his inaugural address, speaking of the compromise^ he said : " Under all the circumstances which surround lis, it (the compromise) should remain undisturbed, and this fruitful source of agitation and excitement be forever closed," The Democratic National Convention assembled on the 1st of June, 1852, and adopted a platform of principles which was strictly national, and reaffirmed its ancient position on the slavery question. As regards the compromise of 1850, the convention declared its 23urpose to " adhere to a faithful execution of the acts known as the compromise measures, settled by the last Con- gress — the act for reclaiming fugitives from service or labor included ; which act, being designed to carry out an express pro- vision of the Constitution, cannot with iidelity thereto be repealed or so changed as to impair its efficiency." " The Democratic party will resist all attempts at renewing, in Congress or out of it, the agitation of the slavery question, under whatever shape or color the attempt may be made," The nominees of this conven- tion were Gen. Franklin Pierce and William R, King, of Ala- bama. The Free Soil party, which had supported Tan Buren and Adams in 1818, assembled again in 1852, and nominated for President John P. Hale, of E'ew Hampshire, and for Vice- President George W. Julian, of Indiana. It was then, as now, styled the " Free Soil Democracy," The platform of this party is quite elaborate in words, and yet it narrows itself down sub- stantially to a denunciation of the institution of slavery. It declares slavery a sin against God and man ; pronounces the Fu- gitive Slave Law repugnant to the Constitution of the Unt'd States ; advocates the policy of recognizing the Independence of Hayti, and says that " The Free Democratic party is not organ- i'ied to aid either the Whig or Democratic wing of the great 142 A REVIEW OF THE slave-compromlsG party of the nation, but to defeat tliem botli/' This party received the support of the radical abolitionists of tlie ^Northern States. The number of votes polled by this party was not so large in 1852 as it polled in 1848. The Democratic party obtained a triumphant victory in the campaign of 1852, utterly routing their Whig opponents in every State of the Union, save four. After his inauguration, Franklin Pierce as President of the United States, took occasion in his first annual message to the 33d Congress to announce his deter- mination to conform to the pledges given in his behalf by those who had elected him to the Presidency. He said : "It is no part of my purpose to give prominence to any subject which may be properly regarded as set at rest by the deliberate judgment of the people, but whilst the present is bright with promise, and the future full of demand and inducement for the exercise of active intelligence, the past can never be without useful lessons of admonition and instruc- tion. If its dangers serve not as beacons, they will evidently fail to ful- fill the objects of a wise design. When the grave shall have closed over all who are now endeavoring to meet the obligations of duty, the year 1850 will be recurred to as a period fdled with anxious apiDrehension. A successful war had just terminated. Peace brought with it a vast aug- mentation of territory. Disturbing questions arose, bearing upon the domestic institutions of one portion of the Confederacy, and involving the constitutional rights of the States. But, notwithstanding differences of opinion and sentiment which then existed in relation to the details of specific divisions, the acquiescence of distinguished citizens, whose devotion can never be doubted, had given renewed vigor to our institu- tions and restored a sense of repose and security to the public mind throughout the Confederacy. That this respose is to suffer no shock during my official term if I have the power to avert it, those who placed me here may be assurrcd." The career of the Whig party was now terminated. The Presidential canvass of 1852 was the closing contest in which it participated. Clay and Webster, its renowned leaders, had de- scended to their graves and their party speedily followed them. The last cohesive elements that had still united it, dissolved in the demise of these patriotic and intellectual men, the noblest productions of the American Republic. With these great states- men, broad, liberal, National ideas were cherished ; but with thos3 who rose to take their places, sectional views were fostered as of paramount importance to confederated integrity. Only an op- portunity was now wanting to develop, to evident observation, the existing schism that had rent the Whig party into sectional extremes. POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 143 CHAPTER IX. RESISTANCE TO THE FUGITIVE SLAVE hAVT. CHRISTIANA MOT, &C. The disinclination of the Northern people to surrender fugi- tive slaves to their masters, when they had made their escape amongst them, originated in that humanitarian feeling which recognizes all men as equals and brethren of the same great family. The equality of mankind, from its popular announce- ment in the Declaration of Independence and its constant repeti- tion in the newspaper press and elsewhere, had become in the estimation of most Americans an accepted opinion, even amongst the intelligent classes ; and one that reason has difiiculty to contradict. Its repetition and belief was agreeable to the feel- ings of the masses, and proved in the possession of demagogues, an admirable charm by which to seduce the unreflecting into the support of their selfish interests and schemes. In its earliest promulgation, it was thrown out simply as a declaration that seemed to comport with Democratic theories, rather than as expressing existing truth. In the estimation of the thinhing world, it could never have imported what it expressed ; for inequality is clearly stamped uj)on the whole face of creation. The proposition that '' all men are born equal," is a sheer absurdity. " All men are born unequal. Their education is un- equal. Their associations are unequal. Their opportunities are unequal. And their freedom is as unequal as their equality. The poor are compelled to serve the rich, and the rich are com- pelled to serve the poor by paying for their services. The politi- cal party is compelled to serve the leaders, and the leaders are compelled to scheme and toil in order to serve the party. The multitude are dependent upon the few who are endowed with talents to govern. And the few are dependent on the multitude for the power, without which all government is impossible. From the top to the bottom of the social fabric the whole is thus seen to be inequality and mutual dependence. And hence, all 144 A REVIEW OF THE inankincl, from tlie higlitest to the lowest are subject to that imperative necessity, the slavery of circumstances," * But even truth itself, is for a time impotent to resist the se- ductive insinuations of the feelings, as the demonstrations of history and experience abundantly prove. The opposition to the sur- render of Southern fugitives to their masters, which for years had been increasing in intensity in the ISTorth, was germinated amongst the masses in both social and ecclesiastical views. In the latter aspect the position taken by the I*Torthern Methodist, Bap- tist and other protestant churches, had largely contributed to increase in the minds of innocent and pious Christians their dislike of Southern slavery and their detestation to the rendition of human chattels. Overlooking the fact that slavery opposition had taken its rise in the schools of free thought, and in the ra- tionalistic churches of England and America, the zealous of the othel' sects, marched blindly to the advocacy of principles tlu't have done more to subvert biblical Christianity and ecclesiastical truth, than any other that could have been adopted. The daring assumption of infidel teaching, that law and social order must yield to private opinion as the most holy and sacred conservator of truth, was loudly re-echoed by the ISTorthern churches ; and the doctrines avowed with unblushing eft" entry, that no enactment of Congress could impose it as a duty, to aid the Southern master in the reclamation of his escaped property. The angel's mandate to Ilagar, and St. Panl's conduct towards Onesimus, together with the action of the Christian church in all anterior ages, were entirely forgotten. The modern clmrches had so far exchanged the prin- ciples of the bible for the infidel moral codes of latter ages ; and blindly j^ermitted their new teachers to exercise the chief influ- ence in their synagogues, and consecrate those lilling the highest seats in the nation. In the case of those entertaining views as thus stated, it would be resonable to suppose that the fugitive slave law could impart no obligation to yield acquiescence in its provisions. Iso sooner was it, therefore, enacted in 1850, as part of the great compro- mise between the States of the Union, than meetings were held in various sections, and resolutions adopted by the rationalistic high priests of the Northern sanctuaries and their neophite church followers, denouncing the act as wicked and inhuman. ♦Hopkins' Bible View of Slavery, p. 23 and 34. POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 113 Of tlie' rationalistic American clmrches, none had sliown so early and determined an opposition to the institution of slavery as the Quakers ; and this, because of the character of its mem- bership and remarkable freedom from all faith domination. In its organization, as an ecclesiastical body, it had divested itself of every conceivable appendage of biblical belief, for which reason was unable to interpose a solution ; and therefore it was not diilicult for it, in addition to alt this, to accept as Christian teach- ing, what had been conceived in the schools of French and British free thought. The Quakers, as a people, originally be- longed, in the main, to the humble and unpretentious classes : and a simplicity marked their conduct and character, even to the eschewing of the higher grades of intellectual culture and ad- vanced education. A plain, unadorned and unobtrusive manner pervaded the every-day life of Quaker society, which seemed to present a cognate affinity with the ascetic orders of history. It is not strange, therefore, that that church should be the first to denounce slavery as unchristian, which was able to set aside all the historical verity of the world's existence ; and conceive that society, with its attained development could subsist without the resistant power ; and that national life could endure without that highest coercive of humanity, legalized warfare. " Upon the organization of the anti-slavery societies through- out the IS'orthern States, it was to be expected that the Quakers should figure prominently in these efforts to abolish slavery. All that the Quakers and the other anti-slavery organizations could effect was to keep up an agitation of the slavery question, and thus endeavor to educate the public conscience up to their prin- ciples. In this, they were to a very great degree successful. Their opinions entered others of the American churches, and divisions of the same followed, marked by the Mason and Dixon boundary. The American Union, in the eyes of many of the leading statesmen of the nation, was again rocking in the throes of disunion or civil convulsion ; and another compromise, headed by Clay and Webster, was sanctioned by the National Congress in 1850, which made it the duty of the ]S[orthern States to sur- render fugitive slaves to their masters, where the proper legal demand was made for them. Against the compromise ru" 1850, and especially against the fugitive slave law, the Noi-tliui n con- science at length fully revolted. Slavery being regarded as a sin 146 A REVIEW OF THE bj a large portion of the intelligent citizens of the iN'orth ; that they should be compelled to render aid in capturing the fleeing fugitive from labor, was altogether incompatible with their sense of duty. In their view they would rather bear the penalty of the law as aid in its execution, Ko law could justly, as they believed, compel them to violate conscience." " In no section of the whole Korth was there a more deter- mined feeling of opposition or disinclination to the execution of the fugitive slave law than in the eastern part of Lancaster County, where the citizens were mostly either Quakers or their descendants. For years fugitive slaves had found among the people of Sadsburg and Salisbury townships kind treatment, and quite a colony of them had been congregated and settled in the vicinity of Christiana. It was natural to suppose that the fleeing fugitive would direct his steps to a retreat amongst the friends of his liberty, rather than amongst those who were ready to surrender him for pelf, or out of hatred to his race." * Some of the slaves of Edward Gorsuch, a highly respectable citizen of Maryland, had made their escape into the eastern part of Lancaster County, and were living amongst others of their race in that section. Mr. Gorsuch, having ascertained the locality of his slaves, set out for Pennsylvania in search of the absconded property. He called upon and made the requisite affidavits before Edwaad D. Ingrahara, Commissioner of the United States, appointed under the fugitive slave law of 1850. That officer issued four warrants dated September 9th, 1851, directed to Henry H. Kline, as Deputy Marshall, by virtue of which he was authorized to arrest Joshua Hammond, George Hammond, Nelson Ford and ]S"oah Iju.ley, four fugitive slaves, believed to be living in Lancaster County. The facts of the issuing of the writs be- came known to a colored tavern keeper in Philadelphia by the name of Samuel Williams, who with another colored man pre- ceded the official party to the neighborhood where the slaves resided, and where the arrests were to have been made, and gave notice to the negroes of the vicinage that officers would shortly visit tliem for tin purpose of capture. Word was at once circu- lated amongst the negroes of the colony, and such white persons as were known to sympathize with them, and it was resolved that ^Harris' Biographical History of Lancaster County, pp. 148 and 149. POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 147 united resistance sliould be made to all attempts to recaptu-re the fugitive slaves. The negroes were emboldened to this resolution bj the known views of a large number of the influential citi- zens of the neighborhood, who in their hearing liad frequently- expressed their disapprobation of slavery and the fugitive slave law. Meetings of the citizens in that locality even had been held after the enactment of that law, condemning it as wicked and unjust ; and that the Northern people owed no obligation to aid in its execution. Besides, there is little doubt but the negroes had the quiet approbation of some of their influential neighbors, by whom, perhaps, in all probability, the flrst suggestion of resistance to capture may have been made. As soon as the warrants for the arrest of the fugitives were placed in the hands of Deputy Marshal Kline, arrangements were made for executing the writs as speedily as possible, Edward Gorsuch was accompanied by Dickinson, his son, Dr. Thomas Pearce, a nephew, and Joshua Gorsuch ; besides two neighbors, who had come to assist in making capture of the fugitives. Deputy Marshal Kline and the Maryland capturing party set out for Lancaster County, taking different modes of conveyance, and arrived at Christiana early on the morning of September 11th. Having secured the service of one acquainted with the locality, they started on hunt of the fugitives ; and when they had neared a tavern, kept by^ a negro named Parker, about two miles from Christiana, they espied one of the slaves coming down the lane from Parker's houss'. As soon as the slave saw them, he returned and fled to Mie house, pursued by the party y but he succeeded in eluding their grasp. He made his way up stairs, and the party in search of him immediately surrounded the house so as to pre- vent escape. But it was soon apparent that resistance to the execution of the writs was determined upon^ for as the party was approaching the house, a horn was distinctly heard, which proved to be a sig- nal for the collecting of their friends, Edward Gorsuch, the o^vner, and the Deputy Marshal, now entered the house and, dis- covering that several blacks were up stairs, they demanded of them that they surrender, w^hieh they promptly refused and began loading their guns, showing the utmost determination of resistance. Mr. Gorsuch, addressing his slave by name, said : " Come down, Nelson, I know your voice ; I know you," and 148 A REVIEW OF THE after a pause added : " If you come down and go home witli me, without any trouble, we will overlook the past." One of the negroes answered, " If you take one of us you must do so over our dead bodies !" The Marshal now read his warrant aloud, and assurred the negroes that he was clothed with the legal authority to make the arrest. Mr. Gorsueh now called upon the Deputy Marshal to ascend the stairs and arrest the fugitive ; and in attempting to do so he was struck at with a shai-p instrmiient and compelled to desist. Mr, Gorsueh, in the meantime, stepped outside and called to his slave and endeavored to persuade him to surrender himself peaceably to his authority ; and while doing so was shot at by one of the negroes from a window, but the shot failed to take effect. The Marshal again read his warrant, and advised the negroes of the peril of resisting the authority of the Government ; and added, that if it became necessary, he would call upon additional assistance to aid him in making the arrest. He told Parker, the keeper of the house, that he would hold him responsible untess he surrendered the negroes, as the law required, Parker replied that he was a Pennsylvanian, and did not care for the law, but asked for a few moments for refiee- tion, that they might determine what course to pursue. During this period, two white men named Castner Hanway and Elijah Lewis, the former on horseback and the latter on foot, suddenly appeared upon the ground. This was seen to have the effect of inspiring enthusiasm into the negroes in the house, who immediately set up a cheering. Whether any previous secret understanding had existed between these whites and the negroes, may perhaps never be fully ascertained ; but the cheering raised upon their appearance had a very suspicious aspect. Edward Gor- sueh requested the Marshal to ask these white men to assist in making the arrest. He approached the one on horseback, Han- way, and politely addressed him, without receiving any recogni- tion of his salutation. He then asked him if he belonged to that neighborhood, and received as the replj^, " it is none of your business." He next inquired of him his name, and was told, '' you will have to find it out." The Marshal next informed him ! who he was, and of his authority for making the arrest, at the same time handing him his w^arrant. Hanway read the warrant, and returaed it to the ofhcer. He also handed it to Lewis, the other white man, who read it in like manner, and afterwards returned • POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 149 it. The Marshal now called upon them, by virtue of his authority, to assist him in executing his writ. Ilanway replied, that " he would have nothing to do with it ; he would not assist at all ; the negroes had a right to defend themselves.'" By this time a considerable number of negroes had made their appearance near the lane armed with double-barrelled guns, pistols, corn- cutters, scythes and clubs. The organization had been complete ; and soon as the horn was sounded, as above indicated, the negroes began to assemble from all directions. Lewis told the Marshal that he had .better desist from attempting to m.ake the arrest, otherwise blood would be shed. All this time the negroes were gathering, and evinced by their manner a spirit of the most determined resistance, an.d some of them were ab-eady standing with their guns cocked, and near enough to hear the conversation of the officer with Hanway and Lewis. The Marshal, seeing the number of the negroes and the threatening demonstrations made by them, asked Lewis to influence the negroes not to Are upon them, and he would withdraw his party, but was told by him that " the negroes might defend themselves." The blacks in the house, seeing their friends gathered in such abundance, came out and mingled with them. " Hanway walked his horse up to where the crowd of negroes were, and he spoke something- low to them, and they gave one^siiout ; he walked his horse about twenty or thirty yards, and looked towards them, and they iired up where Mr. Gorsuch was." ^' Edward Gorsuch immediately fell, and his son Dickinson, run- ning to his assistance, w^as also shot in the breast and lungs, and fell to the ground. Dr. Petirce was likewise shot in several places, but succeeded in nuiking his escape. Deputy Marshal Kline, Joshua Gorsuch, and the other two individuals, Kelson and Ilutchins, who formed part of the capturing party, all speed- ily made their escape as best they could. Edward Gorsuch was mutilated by the negroes, his pockets rifled of about §300, and left lying dead where he fell. Ilis son Dickinson was lescued from death through the interposition of an old colored man, who begged of the murderers to spare his life, and he was shortly afterwards removed by some white persons who visited the scene, to the house of Levi Pownall, where he lay a considerable time before he could be removed. * Evidence of Marshal Kline in Report of Christiana Tragedy, p. 7. 150 A REVIEW OF THE As soon as tlie news of this ocrurrence readied Lancaster, John L. Thompson, the District Attorney, and J. Franklin Kei- gart, an Alderman, accompanied by some of the most resolnto citizens, repaired at once" to Christiana, and after taking certain legal steps, proceeded to arrest the suspected parties. Nine were taken in less than two hours. Castner Ilanway and Elijah Lewis, hearing of the warrants, surrendered themselves without resist- ance. All were committed by Alderman Eeigart, and conveyed to the Lancaster Jail for a preliminary hearing. The United States Marshal, the United States District Attorney and the Commis. sioner, w4th a strong force of Marines and a detachment of Philadelphia police, arrived shortly afterwards at Christiana, and lent their aid in making arrests of those supposed to be impli- cated in the transaction. Both parties proceeded to make arrests, and ia a short time every section of country was pretty well scoured. A large number of additional prisoners were brought in, and among them two whites, one named Scarlet, and the other Hood. It became a question of considerable dispute between the State and national authorities, as to the disposition of the prisoners. District Attorney Thompson contended, that the prisoners had been guilty of tlie highest crime known to the law of Pennsyl- vania, wilfull and deliberate murder, and that as this had occurred in Lancaster County, the prisoners should be taken to Lancaster for trial. John "\Y. Ashmead, the United States District Attorney, on the contrary, insisted that the prisoners had been guilty of the crime of treason, in levying war against the United States authorities. In this he was sustained by the Commissioner, E. D. Ingraham, and iinally a compromise was effected, by which each party was allowed to dispose of its own arrests. A prelimi- nary hearing of the prisoners was held before Alderman Reigart, at which several witnesses were examined. At this hearing, J. W. Ashmead, Robert J. Brent and William B. Fordney, ap- peared for the prosecution, and Thaddeus Stevens for the prison- ers. Castner Ilanway, Elijah LeAvis, John Morgan, Henry Sims and Jacob Moore, were committed to answer the charge of treason, and delivered into the custody of A. E, Roberts, United States Marshal for the Eastern District of Pennsylvania. No event, scarcely, could have occurred that would have aroused a more profound excitement throughout the country POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 151 tlian was occasioned by this riot at Christiana. Political rancor was in this occurrence fanned to its highest pitch. The news- papers gave full scope to the rehearsal of the facts as they were reported; and these in many cases grossly exaggerated, as has become usual with the modern newsjjaper press. The deed was as variantly viewed as were the creeds of the different parties. Even in Pennsylvania, partisans condemned or exculpated the act of the rioters as their political proclivities dictated. Shrewd observers fully comprehended the nature of the transaction, and where the fault originated ; but this did not appear upon the surface; and hence the widely different reports that were circulated. Blame was sought to be attached to the Whig Governor of Penn- sylvania, because of believed indifference shown by him in taking steps to aid in arresting the rioters. It was not till the fourth day after the riot that he issued his proclamation, offering a reward for the capture of tlie murderei's of Mr. Gorsuch. And even this was delayed until a letter, signed by John Cadwallader, C. Ingorsoll, John W. Forney, and others, had demanded of him tliat he take measures to " vindicate the outraged laws of the Commonwealth." The division in sentiment in Pennsylvania that chietiy obtained as regards the riot, was seen to be marked very considerably by party lines. It was not forgotten that the fugitive slave law had met with almost universal opposition from the Northern Whigs in Congress ; and the condemnation of the act of the rioters was not believed to be sincere upon the part of many of that party, who were loud in its denunciation. But with many Whigs it was so ; for, as before seen, by no means all of this party had become tainted with abolition principles. Being a Whig at that time, however, subjected an individual even in Pennsylvania to suspicion, and something was needed to remove it. But it was in the South that this negro riot created the greatest commotion. In this section it was viewed as an illustration of the JSTorthern resistance to the compromise of 1850, which might still be expected to display itself in one form or other ; and which would thus render it a dead letter upon the statute books. A lingering faith, however, that the majority of the people of Pennsylvania and of the North, were still friends of the Federal Constitution and the laws made thereunder, induced the South to hope that the insulted authority of the nation would yet vindicate itself in the Northern tribunals of justice. 153 A EEVIEW OF THE On Monday, IsTovember 24tli, 1851, the trial of Castner Han- way, for treason, was commenced in the United States Circuit Court before Judges Grier and Kane. The counsel who appeared for the United States were, John W. Ashmead, James R. Lud- low and George W. Ashmead ; also, James Cooper and Robert W. Brent for Maryland. The counsel for Castner Ilanway were John M. Reed, Thaddeus Stevens, Joseph J. Lewis and Theodore Cuyler. The trial lasted fifteen days, and was handled on both sides with masterly ability. Although, without doubt, Mr. Stevens was the brain of the defense in this trial, yet because of his known anti-slavery sentiments, it was deemed prudential that to John M. Read should be entrusted its principal management. After the arguments of counsel on both sides had been made and the Court had submitted their views of the law, the Jury upon retiring from the box, returned after an absence of ten minutes and reported a verdict of " Kot guilty." Castner Han- way and Elijah Lewis were then brought to Lancaster to answer any charge that might be preferred against them. An indict- ment was laid before the Grand Jury for murder, but the Jury ignored the bill, and thus ended the Christiana Riot Case. This trial, in a measure, illustrated the inutility of attempting, under our form of government, to convict an offender when a respectable and influential party openly espouses his cause. Members of the Anti-Slavery Society were present in court dur- ing the time of this trial, openly manifesting their sympathy for the accused ; also for the other prisoners, black and white, that were implicated with him in the transaction. When " Har- vey Scott, a free negro, who had thrice testified — once at Chris- tiana, once at Lancaster, and once at Philadelphia — to the fact of being an eye witness to the murder of Mr. Gorsuch ; and now on this trial, influenced by bribes, or some other corrupt con- sideration, when placed on the stand by the United States, openly confessed that he had thrice committed perjury, and then swore on this trial that he was not present and knew nothing about the affair; this pei'jury was received with open applause in the court room. Again, the counsel for the defense applied to the Court for an order to bring out some twenty-four of the negroes in prison to see which of them could be identified as participants in the treason, by Henry H. Kline (the Deputy Marshal), a material witness for the prosecution. At the opening of the POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 153 court, on the next day, these negroes were seen sitting m a row, snpj)orted on each side by white females, who, to the disgust of all respectable citizens, gave them open sympathy and comite- nance ; each of the negroes appeared with new comforts around their necks — their hair carefully' parted and their clothing in every respect, so as to present one uniform appearance to the eye as far as possible — all done doubtless for the double purpose of giving " aid and comfort " to the accused murderers of a white man, and of confusing so important a witness as Kline, in respect to their identity. And this was manifestly done with the privity, sufferance and consent of the officers having charge of the prisoners, and passed unrebuked."* Sucli a degree of sympathy did the members of the Anti-Slavery Society manifest for those accused of participation in the Christiana riot, that on Thanks- giving Day they caused a banquet dinner to be prepared for the prisoners, and A. E. Roberts, the United States Marshal, con- fessed in open court " that he had not only assisted at the dinner but had sat down and partaken sparingly."f The decisive points ruled by Judge Grier, and which proved fatal to the prosecution, were in the following words : "Without desiring to invade the perogatives of the jury, in judging of the facts of this cas3, the Court feel bound to say, that they do not think the transaction with wliich the prisoner is charged with being con- nected rises to the dignity of treason, or a levying of war — ^not because the number or force was insufficient, but first — for want of any proof of a previous conspiracy to make a general and public resistance to any law of the United States ; second — there is no evidence that any person cou- nected in the transaction knew that there were any sucli Acts of Congress, as they were charged with conspiracy to resist by force and arms, or had any other intention than to protect one another from what they termed kidnappers — by which slang term, they included not only actual kidnappers, but all masters and owners seeking to recapture their slaves, and the officers and agents assisting them." X Southern hopes, in the above trial, were once more disap- pointed. The tempting cup of promise which had been carried to the lips in the compromise of 1850, was thus again rudely dashed to the earth ; and nothing save chagrin and*mortification were left to console those south of the Mason and Dixon parallel. The South was an integral portion of the Confederacy, the Con- •"Report of Robert J. Brent on the Christiana Treason Trial to the Gov- ernor of Maryland, p, 5. fReport of R. J. Brent, p. 4. I Report of R. J. Brent, p. 7. 154 A REVIEW OF THE stitution recognized their rights of property, and the National Congress, in clearly defined terms, had guaranteed them these ; and yet all as they felt to no purpose. Their citizens were treated as culprits and assassins when going North to lay claim to their escaped property; yea, even in the event whieli had but just occurred, the soil of Pennsylvania (without any redress being ac- corded) had drunk the blood of a most respectable citizen of Mary- land, who had dared to cross tlie threshold of his State to seek his fugitive slaves. Another bond of confidence between the North and South was again snapped asunder, and still more feeble became those yet remaining. The fugitive slave law became virtually a dead letter in most of the Northern States, and tlie feelings of each section grew more and more estranged towards the other. And all this was but leading the North and South up to that pinnacle of mutual hate, from which both to free them- selves, voluntarily plunged into the gulf of revolution and civil convulsion, which a near future had in store for them. POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMEEICA. 155 CHAPTER X. THE KA.NSAS-NEBRASKA BILL, WITH THE REPEAL OF THE MISSOURI COM- PROMISE. ORIGIN, RAMIFICATION AND ASPECTS OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. The 33d Congress assembled in December, 1853. Mr. Stevens not being a member of this Congress, again devoted his attention to the practice of his profession, a career in which he was always remarkably successful. After the close of his second Congress- ional term, he foiind his legal business by no means diminished ; and for the next six years he was little heard of outside of Lan- caster County, as mingling in political strife. These j^ears were for him a period of great professional activity ; and in many of the most important suits tried in the courts of Pennsylvania, he was during this period the leading counsel. He nevertheless remained no indifferent spectator of public events, as they were then transpiring. And all this time he held himself in readiness to act his part when public sentiment might warrant his partici- pation. Upon the opening of Congress in December, 1853, it was found that certain portions of the public domain, embraced in the Louisiana cession, were already sufficiently populated to require local governments. Two delegates had been chosen by the people of this Territory who were awaiting admission into the National Legislature, and seeking local organizations for their constituents. On the 4th of December, 1853, Mr. Dodge, of Iowa, introduced a bill into the Senate for the organization of a Territorial Gov- ernment for ISTebraska, which was referred to the committee on Territories, of which Stephen A. Douglasi was chairman. On the 4th of the following January, Mr. Douglas reported back this bill, with amendments so changing its language, as to make it accord with the language of the Utah and New Mexico Bill of 1850, on the question of slavery. This Bill was accompanied with an elaborate report, stating fully the reasons that had in- 158 A REVIEW OF THE diiced the Committee to change its phraseolgy in these particulars. The principle aimed at by the Committee was expressed in the following words : " In the judgment of your Committee, those measures (compromise of 1850) were intended to have a far more comprehensive and enduring effect than the mere adjustment of the difficulties arising out of the recent acquisitions of Mexican territory. They were designed to estab- lisii certain great principles, which would not only furnish adequate remedies for existing evils, but in all time to come avoid the perils of a similar agitation, by withdrawing the question of slavery from the Halls of Congress and the political arena, and committing it to the arbitra- ment of those who were immediately interested, and alone i-esjionsible for its consequences." The report concluded with these words : " The substitute for the bill which your Committee have prepared, and which is commended to the favorable action of the Senate, proposes to carry these propositions and principles into practical oiaeration in the precise language of the compromise measures of 1850." Senator Douglas, speaking of the report of the Committee, said : "We were aware that from 1820 to 1850, the abolition doctrine of Con- gressional interference with slavery in the Territories and new States, had so far prevailed as to keep up an incessant agitation in Congress and throughout the country, Whenever any new Territory was to be acquired or organized. We were also aware that, in 1850, the right of the people to decide thife question for themselves, subject only to the Constitution, was substituted for the doctrine of congressional intervention. The first question, therefore, which the Committee were called upon to decide, and indeed the only question of any material importance, in forming this bill was this : Shall we adhere to and carry out the principle recognized by the compromise measures of 1850, or shall we go back to the old exploded doctrine of congressional interference, as established in 1820, in a large portion of the country, and which it Avas the object of the Wilmot proviso, to give a universal application not only to all the terri- tory which we then possessed, but all which we might hereafter acquire? There were no other alternatives. We were compelled to frame the bill upon the one or the other of these two principles. The doctrine of 1820, or the doctrine of 1850, must prevail. In the discharge of the duty im- posed upon us by the Senate, the Committee could not hesitate upon this point, whether we consulted our individual opinions and principles or those which were known to be entertained and boldly avowed by a large majority of the Senate. The two great political parties of the country stood solemnly pledged before the world to adhere to tlie com- promise measures of 1850 in principle and substance. A large majority of the Senate, indeed every member of the body, I believe, excejit the two avowed Abolitionists (Mr. Chase and Mr. Sumner,) profess to belong to the one or the other of these parties, and hence were Bupposed to be POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 157 imdcr a high moral obligation to carry out the principle and siibstance of those measures in all the new territorial organizations. The report of the Committee was in accordance with this obligation."* The original bill as amended and reported by the Committee, was received in some parts of the country as effecting the repeal of the Missouri Compromise Act, whilst in others it was differ- ently construed. In order that all ambiguity as regards this point might be removed, Archibald Dixon, a Whig Senator from Ken- tucky, on the IGth of January, gave notice that when the Nebraska Bill should come up for consideration, he would offer an amendment repealing the Eighth Section of the Missouri Act, as being inconsistent with the Compromise of 1850. On the following day, Sumner introduced into the Senate a memorial against slavery generally, and at tlie same time gave notice that when the bill to recognize the Territory should come up for con- sideration, he would offer an ameiKlment re-afflrming the old Congressional restriction of 1820. /A manifesto was issued from Washington on the lOtli of Januai^, denouncing the repeal of the Missouri Compromise, signed by the following Senators and Representatives, viz : S. P. Chase, Charles Sumner, J. R. Gid- dings, Edward Wade, Gcrrit Smith and Alexander De A¥itt. This remonstrance appeared in all the Al^olition papers of the country, and again roused the monster of sectional agitation from his slumber. The remonstrants spoke of the old Missouri line as a " sacred jpledge^'' never to be violated. It became in their estimation a " solemn compact " when its endorsement favored their principles. " Three thousand ITew England Clergymen, assuming to speak in the name of the Almighty God, joined in the chorus. But when did these men, or any of their class singly or collectively, ever before acknowledge any binding obli- gation of the now and so-called " solemn compact ?" Was it when Missouri was denied admission by them under it ? Was it when the admission of Arkansas was opposed by them ? Was it when the provision was made for the admission of Texas ? Was it when a government for Oregon was organized ? Was it when this line was voted down for the last time in the House on the 13th of June, 1850 «"t "^ The Committee on Territories, in view of the extent of domain *Appendix to Congressional Globe, 33d Congress, 1st Session, p. 336, fStephens' War, Vol. II, p. 248. 153 A REVIEW OF THE to be organized, deemed it expedient to divide it into two sepa- rate Territorial Governments, one to be named Kansas, and tbe other ISTebraska. Accordingly a substitute organizing two Terri- tories instead of one was reported in the Senate by Mr. Douglas on the 22d of January. The language in each upon the subject of slavery was identical, with that in the first Nebraska Bill with the exception of that clause which in express words declared the Eighth Section of the Missouri Act inoperative. This was in the following words : *' Except the eighth section of the Act prepatory to the admission of Missouri into the Union, approved March 6th, 1820, which being incon- sistent with the principle of non-intervention by Congress, with slavery in the States and Territories, as recognized by the legislation of 1850, commonly called the Compromise Measures, is hereby declared inopera- tive and void ; it being the true intent and meaning of this Act not to legislate slavery into any Ten-itory or State, nor to exclude it there- from, but to leave the people thereof perfectly free to form and regulate their doniestic institutions in their own way, subject only to the Consti- tution of the United States." Senator Douglas, speaking of the Missouri Compromise, showed by whose dereliction it had originally been violated, and that this violation of it had necessitated the abandonment of the principle it had established, and a recurrence to that of non- intervention. In his speech of Jam 30th, he said : " True, the express enactment of the 8th section of the Missouri Act, (now called the Missouri Compromise) only covered the Territory acquired from France ; but the principle of the Act, the objects of its adoption, the reasons m its support required that it should be extended indefinitely westward, so far as our Territory might go, when new purchases should be made."* "When Texas was admitted into the Union, on motion of Ste- phen A. Douglas, then a member of the House, the principle of the Missouri Compromise was applied to it without open opposi- tion, doubtless lest abolition breach of faith would appear too palpable. He also in 1848 made an effort as Senator, to have the same principle applied to the newly acq^uired Mexican Territory. Of this effort he speaks as follows : "Then, sir, in 1848, we acquired from Mexico the country between the Eio del Norte and the Pacific Ocean. Immediately after the acquisition, the Senate, on my own motion, voted into a bill a provision to extend the Missouri compromise indefinitely westward to the Pacific Ocean, in the same sense and with the same understanding with which it was *Iiational IntdUgencer, February 2d, 1834* POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 159 originally adopted. That provision passed this body by a decided ma- jority — I think by ten at least — and went to the House of Representatives and was there defeated by Northern votes. " Now, SU-, let us pause and consider for a moment. The lirst time that the principles of the Missouri compromise were ever abandoned, the first time tliey were ever rejected by Congress, was by the defeat of that provision in the House of Reijresentatives in 1848. By whom was that defeat effected ? By Northern States with free soil proclivities. It v/as the defeat of that Missouri compromise that re-opened the slavery agita- tion with all its fury. It was the defeat of that Missouri compromise that created the necessity for making a new compromise in 1850. Had we been faithful to the principles of the Missouri Act in 1848, this ques- tion would not have risen. Who was it that was faithless ? I undertake to say it was the very men who now insist that the Missouri compromise was a solemn compact and should not be violated and departed from. Every man who is now assailing the principle of the bill under consider- ation, so far as I am advised, was opposed to the Missouri compromise in 1848. The veiy men who now arraign me for a departure from the Mis- souri compromise are the men who successfully violated it, repudiated it, and caused it to be superseded by the compromise measures of 1850. Sir, it is with'rather a bad grace that the men who proved false them- selves should charge upon me and others, who were ever faithful, the responsibilities and consequences of their ow-n treachery. "Then, sir, as I before remarked, the defeat of the Missouri compro- mise in 1848 having created the necessity for the establislxment of a new one in 1850, let us see what that compromise was. •' The binding feature of the compromise of 1850 was Congressional non-intervention as to slavery in the Territories ; that the people of the Territories and of all the States were to be allowed to do as they pleased upon the subject of slaverj^, subject only to the provisions of the Consti- tution of the United States. '•That, sir, was the leading feature of the compromise measures of 1850. Those measures, therefore, abandoned the idea of a geographical line as the boundary between the free and the slave States ; abandoned it because, compelled to do it from an inability to maintain it ; and in lieu of that substituted the great principle of self-government, which would allow the people to do as they thought proper."* Speaking of tlie inconsistency of the Abolitionists as regards tlie Missouri compromise, Senator Douglas- further said : "Did not every Abolitionist and Free Soiler in America denounce the Missouri compromise in 1830 ? Did they not for years hunt down, raven- ously for his blood, every man who assisted in making that compromise ? Did they not, in 1845, when Texas was annexed, denounce all of us who went for the annexation of Texas and for the continuation of the Missouri compromise line through it ? Did they not, in 1848, denounce me as a slavery propagandist, for standing by the principles of the Missouri com- *Speech of Douglas, of Jan. SOth, 1854; in National Intelligencer Feb. 2d, 1854. 160 A REVIEW OF THE promise, and proposing it to be extended to the Pacific Ocean ? Did lliey not themselves violate and r^pvidiate it then? Is not the charge of bad faith true as to every Abolitionist in America, instead of being true as to me and th3 Committee and those who advocate this bill."* Mr. Douglas and those co-operating with him, hoped by the passage of the Kansas-lSTebraska Bill, that the question of slaveiy might be removed from the Halls of Congress, and left with the people of the Territories themselves. This legislation was but re-introducing first principles which had been abandoned when the Missouri Compromise was adopted, and which the Southern people accepted with reluctance as being an unjust discrimination against their equality as integral members of the Confederacy. Alexander II. Stephens, tlie philosophic statesman of the South, whilst in Congress, in a speech delivered in the House, February ITth, 1854, said : " It (the Missouri Compromise) was literally forced upon the South as a disagreeable alternative by superior numbers." f The Kansas-Nebraska Bill asserted, upon its face, that its true intent and meaning was that the question of slavery should be left to the people of the Territories to determine for themselves whether they desired it, and subject only to the Constitution of the United States. Stephen A. Douglas, the author of the bill, was violently assailed as false to his own democratic faith which execrated all slavery agitation; but he justified his course by aflSrming his entire conformity with the compromise measures of 1850. His object, as he contended, was simply to free the Terri- tories from all unconstitutional legislation, and to leave the ques- tion of slavery where the framers of the government had designed, that is, with the people of the territories themselves. The bill was not only discussed with great violence in Congress, but was taken up by the abolition press in all sections of the ]S^orth, and contrary to expectation, the slavery agitation was aroused in all its strength and intensity throughout the whole country. The discussion produced one of the most terrific politi- cal storms that had ever yet raged upon the American continent. The very flood-gates and windows of abolition fury seemed now for the first time to have been fully oj)ened. The abolition Whigs embraced this opportunity to retrieve their fallen political "^Speech of Douglas January 30, 1854 ; in National Intelligencer, Feb' ruary 2d, 1854. \ National Intelligencer, February 34th, 1854. POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 161 fortunes, and unite the North in a sectional contest against the South. Public meetings were held in the Northern States, de- nouncing the repeal of the Missouri Compromise, and remon- strances to the same effect flooded the National Legislature. Large numbers of both political parties jjarticipated in these meetings who had given their hearty adhesion to the Compromise of 1850, and a monster meeting at Boston, was presided over by Samuel S. Elliot, the only "Whig representative from New Eng- land, who had favored that last national adjudication of the slavery question. The Bill, however, passed both Houses of Congress, and be- came a law by receiving the signature of the President on the last day of May, 1854'. It was clearly the refusal of the Aboli- tionists of the North to yield a fair and full acquiescence in tlie Missouri Compromise, in letter and spirit, which led to its iinal repeal in 1854. And it is also undeniable that this repeal simply restored to its original normal position, the doctrine of popular sovereignty, as it was designed to obtain from the foun- dation of the government. But it must also ba accepted as true, that whilst the repeal of the Missouri Compromise, in strict interpretation, may have been effected by the principle adopted by the Compromise measures of 1850 ; yet no averment was made at the time that such was really so ; and it remained for the year 1854 to disclose it. The Compromise of 1850, applied to the Territory acquired from Mexico, whilst that of 1820 included the Louisiana purchase ; and therefore entirely distinctive and, separate portions of the territorial domain were embraced by these two famous National settlements. The Compromise of 1850 did not expressly repeal tliat of 1820, and although it had in spirit been repudiated by the North, yet in view of the intense opposi- tion that existed to the spread of slavery, over any of the Federal territory, policy seemed to dictate that the South should only claim what the clear letter of the Constitution and the national contracts accorded them. That this was the opinion of a considerable number of the leading statesmen both North and South, is undoubted ; and even of those voting for the repeal of the Missouri Compromise were some who regarded the act as impolitic, and likely to entail in its train sad consequences. Gen. Lewis Cass, whilst sustaining the Kansas-Nebraska Bill thus expressed himself regarding the measure : 1G2 A REVIEW OF THE "I should have been better content had the whole subject been left as it was in the bill when it was first introduced by the Senator from Illinois, without any provision regarding the Missouri Compromise."* James Buchanan was another of those statesmen who viewed the repeal of the Missouri Compromise, as in itself altogether im- politic and injudicious. " The Compromise measures of 1850 had his hearty adhesion, as in these he seemed to recognize the settlement of the only question that could perhaps for ages jeopard the national integrity. With tlie greatest anxiety and dread was it, therefore, that he heard, whilst in Europe, of the repeal of the Missouri Compromise in 1854. In a letter wiitten to a leading statesman of his party, about the time that the repeal began to be mooted, he uttered solemn "words of warning, and strongly remonstrated against the abrogation of this time-honored compact. He depicted in strong colors the dangers he appre- hended would result should this unwise attempt be consummated. From an intimate knowledge of the feelings of the people of ithe North, he predicted the terrible storm that would be aroused throughout the country by such an opening up of the slavery agitation as this would occasion."f Mr. Buchanan, in the History of his administration on the eve of the rebellion, page 28, speaks in this manner of the repeal of the Missouri Compromise : " After a careful review of the history of the Anti-Slavery party from its origin, the candid inquirer must admit that up till this period it had acted on the aggressive against the South. From the beginning it had kept the citizens of the slave-holding States in constant irritation, as well as serious apprehension of their domestic peace and security. It is time, they had denounced the assailants with extreme rancor and many threats, but had done nothing more. In sustaining the repeal of the Missouri Compromise, however, the Senators and Representatives of the Southern States became the aggressors themselves, and thereby placed the country in an alarming and dangerous condition from which it has never since been rescued." The repeal of the Missouri Compromise afforded to the Abol.*- tionists the opportunity that was required to unite the North in a sectional organization against the South. Many of the North- ern Whigs of free soil proclivities had desired to see a party con- stituted upon principles adverse to the further spread of slavery, and pledged to its final extinction, could any means be devised * National Intelligencer, March 7tli, 1854. f Harris' Biographical History of Lancaster County, jip. 105-6. POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AIMERICA. 163 for that pui-pose. /The following extracts from addresses made by R. C. Winthropp'of Massachusetts, and Thomas Corwin, of Ohie^fecrfcirndistingurslied leaders of the Whig party, attest this fact : '•'Wiiy, my friends, how long is it since it was distinctly declared by some of the leaders of the Republican party, that the great remedy for existing evils was the formation of a party which should have no South- ern v^^ing ; yes, that was the i^hraze — no Southern iving; for it was added that as long as there was a Southern wing there must be complainers and concessions to the South, and compromises would be the order of the day."* Thomas Corwin, speaking of the repeal of the Missouri Com- pi'Oniise, said: "And do you not see how gladly it was seized upon by those who have been trying to form a Northern party for years, and how the war-cry they raised went up through the whole North, And yet they are the very men who had long denounced the compromise as an infringement of right and freedom. "f ^ It was understood by the leading Whigs that their party was composed of elements altogether too inharmonious to remain united after the demise of Clay and Webster. The divisions of the party, which had for years disclosed themselves in Congress, was ample proof of this fact; and it was clear that the dis- harmony was every year becoming more apparent and decided. After the defeat of Gen. Scott for President, in 1852, crafty leaders availed themselves of the American sentiment, by means or which to rear an organization that might take the place of the old Whig party; and early in 1854 the movements for this pur- pose were in active operation. The sentiment upon which this new effort to construct a party was based, had repeatedly shown itself in the United States, especially in the large cities ; and owing to the social elements of the country, it is one that is likely, more or less potentially, ever to make itself felt. An antagonism to Catholics and foreigners is somewhat natural to the bulk. of the Protestant population of America; and this will be always greatly manifested when party spirit is dragged into the arena. This was the effort in 1854, and the prospect seemed for a time as if it might be successful. It was at that time, familiarly characterized as the Know Nothing movement, and it achieved temporary triumphs in several States of the Union, and *Speech of Gov. Winthrop, in National Intelligencer, Oct. 30, 1856. \National Intelligencer, Oct. 23J, 1856. ICi A REVIEW OF THE even stontlj battled for ascendancy in tlie old Commonwealth of Virginia. The elections in 1854 in the Northern States, v/ere largely influenced by the operations of this party ; to it was James Pollock indebted for his election as Governor of Pennsyl- vania. The success achieved by this organization was no doubt largely due to the fact that it assumed the shape of a secret order ; and curiosity (as is ever the case with secret associations) induced elements of the most incongruous character to enter it. But, because the order was made up of men of radically incom- patible views and purposes, its dissolution become simply a ques- tion of time. The Whigs who joined the order remained such, and so did also tlie Democrats ; and it became soon apparent that no views so discordant could long remain united. The Know Kothing breeze became- one of the currents that served to confuse parties, as they existed in Lancaster County, and enabled Mr. Stevens and his political wing to grasp hold of the reins of power. He permitted himself to be initiated into a secret order, in which he recognized political power looming up for himself in the distance ; and for the time he forgot the oppo- sition that he had years before waged against the Masonic fra- ternity. The American movement was for Mr. Stevens a very important. one, so far as his future prospects were concerned. It served to prostrate his princij^al antagonists amongst the Silvei"- Grey "Whigs, and left him prospectively the master of the field. Although unable to secure the Congressional nomination for himself in 1854, yet he manipulated affairs so adroitly that A. E. Poberts, an intimate and confidential political friend, was made the party choice. This was a near advance to the goal of his own ambition. He had now become the power behind the throne. But what served most to unite a ISTorthem sectional party, was the opposition which arrayed itself against the repeal of the Missouri Compromise and the further extension of slavery. The Whigs in the Free States in 1854, were almost unanimously opposed to the repeal, as were likewise a considerable number of Democrats. In the meetings that were held to denounce the measure, men of both political parties participated, but by far the larger proportion was made up of Whigs. The Abolitionists sought at once to form a party of fused elements, united in opposition to the spread of the hated Southern institution ; but this met with POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 1C5 a spirited resistance from tliose wlio still preferred tlie Whig organization. The Whigs, in their State Conventions held in the ISTorthern States, repudiated the repeal of the Missouri Compromise ; but many of the trusted leaders of tliis old National party resisted its abandonment for what they clearly saw would become a sectional one, and which would doubtless endanger the perpetuity of the American Union. The old party of Jefferson had a difficult task in the North during the campaign of 1854. The party being virtually com- mitted to the principles of the Kansas-Nebraska Bill, found that these would prove a heavy burden in the Free States. Stephen A. Douglas, the author of the bill, upon his return home from Congress, met in Chicago a storm of opposition, for which he was not prepared. Those, who on former occasions, had listened with delight to the glowing eloquence of the Illinois Senator, refused now to hear him ; and as often as he attempted to speak in his defense, they drowned h:s voice with their hisses and groans. Little more favorable receptions were accorded to him in some other sections of his State. ; Democratic meetings ad- dressedbyjiim, would as soon as adjourned, extemporize a new one, and pass resolutions condemning his action as a Senator in Congress, and denouncing the Kansas- Nebraska Bill. In every State of the NQrth,...the repeal of the Missouri Compromise, proved a cause of disturbance in the Democratic party. The majority of the party sustained the principles of the measure ; but so intense and powerful was the opposition in some States, that the party conventions refused to endorse it. In many States the conventions split upon this all engrossing question. The party leaders in the North strove to meet the threatening catastrophe by endeavoring to prevent the measure from being made a party test. A number of leading Democrats of Michigan, in 1854, issued a circular urging as follows : " We respectfully submit, that every consideration, both in principle and policy, appeals to us to stand firmly against the Kansas-Nebraska Bill as a party test. It is a ineasure which is strongly disapproved of by a large portion of the Democracy of the nation. Unwisely introduced, it has already done infinite mischief, and if made a party test it will inevitably divide the Democratic party, and let loose a storm of the wildest agitation." The Democracy of the Empire State of New York were divided into the Hards and Softs, the latter having largely the 163 A REVIEW OF THE preponderance. Resolutions demanding the restoration of tlie Missouri Compromise passed botli Houses of the New York Legislature by great majorities, and in Massachusetts, such were adopted in the Senate by a unanimous vote, and in the House, consisting of 400 members, with only thirteen negative votes. In all parts of the North the repeal made an instantaneous im- pression, and the Democracy, as never before, began to stagger under the unendurable burden. W. B. S. Moore, Chairman of the Maine Democratic Committee on Resolutions in the Con- vention held in June, 1854, remarked : ' ' "We came into power eighteen months ago with an unprecedented majority in the nation ; and in the State we had a great moral power — perhaps too much. Since then, changes have come over the aspect of and the prospect of the Democracy. We have lost Maine, Rhode Island, Connecticut, and it is nearly a draw game in New Hampshire, that ought to stand firm as her granite hills." Skelton, an Anti-Nebraska Democratic Representative of New Jersey, said : " The party was strong and united until the passage of this bill. Now it is divided in every Congressional District. It was introduced as a measure of Peace, but it has rent the party and renewed the slavery agi- tation." The Charleston Mercury^ seeing the coming storm that was rising in the North, in its issue of June 21st, 1854, said : "The spectacle presented by the North and South at the present mo- ment is well calculated to arrest the attention of thoughtful men. In the former we find society convulsed ; all the slumbering elements of sectional bitterness roused and slavery agitation awake again, after its brief and delusive sleep, strengthened by new accessions and eager for the onset. Never before have the Northern press approached so near to unanimity in the cause of abolition. Never before were all other issues so far buried, and the sentiment and voice of the whole section so united in war upon the South." The fall elections of 1854 in the Northern States, one after another swept from power the party which was held responsible for the repeal of the Missouri Compromise. Maine, that had remained firm to her democratrc moorings since 1840, was carried for the new party by an immense majority. The other Eastern States followed in the same line ; and New York wheeled under the banner of Anti-slavery extension. Not a single Congressman from the Empire State that had supported the repeal, was re- elected, and the Keystone State gave a congressional delegation strongly Anti-Nebraska. Ohio rallied by an immense majority POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 1G7 to tlie Anti-Slavery standards, electing all Anti-lSTebraska Con- gressmen. The People's party triumphed in Indiana, and the strong oaks of the Democracy bent beneath the blasts of the op- position. The members of Congress throughout the whole ISTorth, who had supported the repeal of the Missouri Compromise, were almost all defeated, and Anti-Slavery ideas rose at once to ascendancy and power. The revolution passed like a hurricane aver the North ; and the new party in most sections styling itself Kepublican, bore the banner of victory. The fruits of the long Anti-slavery agitation had ripened; and a sectional JSTorthem organization was the result of the struggle. The agitators had at length gained the prize ; the JN'orthern States were now united against the South and her institutions in clear and unmistakable opposition; and time alone could determine the result of the conflict. "^ , 168 A REVIEW OF THE CHAPTER XI. THE STRUGGLE FOR ASCENDENCY IN KANSAS. THE DEVELOPMENT OF CON- FLICTING VIEWS INTO SECTIONAL ANTAGONISM AND THE ULTIMATE TRIUMPH OF REPUBLICANISM. The repeal of the Missouri Compromise opened the Territories to all the social institutions of the different States of the Union. It was believed that this would terminate the national conflict on the question of slavery by removing it from the Halls of Con- gress, and leaving it for disposition with the people of the Terri- tories themselves ; but in doing so, the public interest was only the more aroused and intensified. The repeal of the compromise appeared to the l^orthern mind such a flagrant violation of every- thing that was sacred in compact, that it was prepared to inter- pose every obstacle to the introduction of slavery into the new Territories, which might in any wise baffle the friends of the in- stitution. Even Kansas, the most Southern Territory, belonged fo that part of the public domain which had been consecrated to freedom ; and now that this should be snatched from its heritage and offered as a prize to the fleetest occupant, was to ISTorthern sentiment offensive in the highest degree. The views and policy of statesmen could not be expected to countervail the feelings of the masses, that had for upwards of two decades been influenced by Anti-Slavery agitation ; and which was every year evincing greater opposition to the spread of the hated institution of the Southern States. ISTorthern sentiment on no former occasion rose in such unanimity and earnestness to utter its protest against the introduction of slavery into the Territories, as it did when Kan- sas and Kebraska were organized and laid open for settlement. An Emigrant Aid Society was accordingly incorporated in Boston in the year 1854, by the Legislature of Massachusetts, for the pui-pose of encouraging settlers to emigrate to Kansas, who would be pledged to resist the introduction of slavery into the new State. In the repeal of the Missouri Compromise, the POLITICAL CONFLICT IN A^IERICA. 169 Sontliern people, on tlie contrary, seemed to recognize simply the removal of all unjust discrimination against them in the common Territories of the nation ; and the restoration of those rights which they had originally enjoyed prior to the year 1820. The movement of the Abolitionists in Massachusetts, therefore, had the effect of arousing in the Southern mind a determination of resistance ; and societies were speedily organized in Missouri and elsewhere, pledged to promote the interests of settlers from the South and those who favored the pro-slavery canse. These acts of the antagonistic parties, so different from what had be- fore occurred in the settlement of the Territories, displayed the wonderful zeal of the contestants ; and at once attracted public attention to Kansas as the prize which should reward for his skill and prowess the conquering gladiator of his country. The contest for Kansas thus rose immediately from State to national importance ; and the removal of the question from Congress, served but to light the flames of strife between the ISTorth and South in all parts of the country. The removal, therefore, was fatal to the peace of the Republic, and proved also fatal to the hopes of any man in the North, who had antici^^ated applause and position from his instrumentality in its accomjjlishment. Settlers from the South and emigrants from the ]N"orth were hurried into the new Territory, all more or less eager to win Kansas for their party. The enthusiast and the fanatic, the adventurous and the daring, all moved to this inviting El Dorado of their political hopes, and the mixture was a sample of demo- cratic society in its native compound.'^ Anarchy and misrule held high carnival in the new Territory, and for a time marauding bands of partisan settlers were the only legislators who dispensed law as their passions and prejudices dictated. Both of the politi- cal parties who were struggling for ascendency in the new region, were amply represented by correspondents, whose chief aim was to depict that which would meet the warmest reception in the circle of their readers. The truthful chronicler, never popular, was especially unadapted to such a state of society. Partisans must have the food they desire, and such as will minister pleasure * The democratic society, here meant, is that form of the body politic where the government is assumed to reside in tlie corporate mass ; and it is not intended to designate any political party which may at any time have borne that designation. 170 A EEVIEW OF THE to tlieir corrupted appetites. An admirable field was presented in Kansas for tlie Eastern and Southern press ; indeed, tlie narrative of the same event, from different pens, appeared as altogether separate occurrences, and only at times could the identity be dis- covered from a similarity of names. But the party readers who are content to receive one version of a story, could not but be incensed to the highest degree by the iniquity and injustice that were perpetrated as they conceived upon their friends in the new Territory. Section was thus aroused against section, and this chiefly effected through the instrumentality of the party press, one of the great evils of republican institutions. A. H. Eeeder was appointed Governor of the new Territory, and he, with such other officers as the territorial condition re- quired, arrived in Kansas in the fall of 1854. It being too late to organize the full machinery of the Territory, no election was held except for a delegate to Congress, which resulted pro-slavery, in the choice of John W. Whitfield. Early in 1855, a census having been taken, an election for a Territorial Legislature and County officers was ordered on the 30th of March. This resulted in a Southern victory, and as the Free State men charged, by the aid of Missouri invaders. In such a state of society, nothing else should have been expected, for the kind of voters who flock to new Territories are not those who weigh scruples when parti- san interests are at stake. That their opponents were unable to counteract all the frauds committed by the Missourians, was not because greater conscientiousness interj)osed, but rather, that no opportunity afforded the means. It was, in truth, the lawless ele- ments of society in conflict, and only somewhat restrained by the subordination to which the General Government had subjected them. Murder, bloodshed and rapine will always be the con- comitants of such states of the body politic. But the Legislature as elected, was convened by the Governor, and proceeded to enact a code of laws, molded by the most intense pro-slavery feelings, and drafted in the interests of party views. The formation of Kansas as a Slave State, was the animating motive of every legislator who favored the adopted code. The enactments of this Legislature was water upon the abolition mill. The Northern press teemed with denunciations of an assembly that was held up as representing Southern sentiments and views. The Kansas settlers were amongst the extremes of their parties. POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 171 Whilst the one party became extreme in its legislation, the other was equally so in its resistance. Instead of waiting until they might disposses the Southern party at the ballot-box, the Free State men showed the utmost lawlessness in organizing at Topeka, an independent government in opposition to that iirst elected, and which had the regularity of law in its favor. Having framed a Constitution, elected a Governor, Legislature and other County officers, they applied to Congress for admission into the Union, but were justly rejected, if for no other reason than that they lacked that formal and legal status which entitled them to make appli- cation. Between two antagonistic territorial organizations, one defying the other, disturbances must necessarily occur; and it was only owing to the interposing authority of the General Gov- ernment that the territory was not precipitated into a party colli- sion, that might have engulphed the whole Union in the flames of civil war. The contestants were rapidly preparing for a clash of anus ; and the outposts first met on the plains of Kansas, and fought their initial sectional conflict. The General Government nobly strove to hold the balance of justice even between the parties of Kansas ; but law and order demanded that no other authority should be recognized than that which was created by virtue of the original charter. When, therefore, the Legislature chosen under the Free State Constitu- tion, adopted at Topeka, determined to assemble on the 4th of July, 1856, they were dispersed by Col. Sumner with a force of regulars, by the orders of President Pierce. The spring and summer of 1856 was the principal period during which the Kan- sas war raged ; and which formed a fertile theme for the abolition papers of the North in the Presidential campaign of that year. The war, in itself, was of little consequence, save as a means of inflaming ISTorthern and Southern sentiment. One of the prin- cipal conflicts was the battle of " Black Jack," wherein twenty- eight Free State men, led by old John Brown, fought a somewhat superior number of Southerners and defeated them. But the Bepublican papers were glutted with the stories of Meediiig Kansas / some of these possessing a grain of truth, but lai'gely fictitious, and retailed for partisan circulation in the campaign then pending. It was the discussion of this fertile subject, the difficulties in Kansas, that served largely to solidify the Kepubli- can party into symmetrical proportions, and give it that strength 172 A REVIEW OF THE and full sectional importance which it obtained in the year 1856. Although the opposition to the repeal of the Missouri Com- promise in many parts of the North, had united itself in 1854 into a party styled Republican ; yet in Pennsylvania the resist- ance was unorganized. No steps had been taken in Lancaster County, the home of Thaddeus Stevens, for the organization of the new party until the year 1855 ; and when it was iirst sug- gested to him by a political friend that something should be done to organize such a movement in the county, the project, instead of meeting his approbation, was rather discouraged. Political advancement was the goal upon which. Mr. Stevens had lixed his eye ; and knowing the character of the people of his district, he trusted not to commit his fortunes to an untried bark, that had not yet been fairly launched upon the waters of American con- servatism ; and which had but made its passage in the smaller bays of radical innovation. Not forgetful that his course in Congress, as regards the Compromise of 1850, had bolted the doors of the National Assembly against him, he chose to pursue the path which policy dictated and watch the political gales be- fore he would permit his vessel to be trimmed. But the move- ment of Republicanism was onwards, and the Keystone State was unable to remain aloof from its influence ; and finally a meeting of those favorable to the cause was announced to meet in Fulton Hall, in the City of Lancaster, and organize the new party in the county. Those who assembled upon this occasion did not exceed seventeen persons in all ; the great body of the Whig leaders absented themselves until they might see what success the future promised. Consistency, however, compelled the attend- ance of Mr. Stevens at this meeting. Republicanism was the movement in which the principles he cherished had ultimated ; and it was necessary that he should obtain the control over it in his district ; otherwise he would be washed into political retire- ment. He Avas present and addressed the small meeting, and thus placed himself as its leader in that field over which his influence extended. At a subsequent meeting he was selected to represent the Republican party of Lancaster County in the Philadelphia Convention of 1856 for the nomination of candi- dates for President and Yice-President of the United States. The 34th Congress assembled in Washington, December 3d, 1855, and then began the great contest in which the sectional POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 173 Republican party strove for ascendency in tlie Halls of I^a- tional Legislation. This was the long struggle for the election of Speaker in the House of Representacives, which lasted over two months, and ended in the election of. Nathaniel P. Banks, the candidate of sectional ideas. In this triumph of Northern opposition to the spread of slavery, the Republican party saw the clearest omen of its future victory and triumph ; and the leaders now exerted themselves to the utmost of their abihty, to cement and unite the organization in all the States of the North. The first convention of this party from the Northern States, assembled in Pittsburgh in February, 1856 ; and this was followed by that of June 17th, which met in Philadelphia and nominated candi- dates for President and Yice-President of the United States. John C. Fremont and William L. Dayton were the candidates of the Philadelphia Republican Convention. TLaddeus Stevens was a member of this convention, although he took no very prominent part in the proceedings. The adopted platform placed the party in open and avowed resistance to the further extension of slavery ; and made the organization the expression of the anti- slavery sentiment of the Northern States. One of the resolutions of the Philadelphia Convention declared : ' ' That the Constitution confers upon Congress, sovereign power over the Territories of the United States for their government ; and that in the exercise of this power, it is both the right and the duty of Congress to prohibit in the Territories, those twin relics of barbarism, polygamy and slavery." It was clear to all discerning men, in view of the composition of the Republican party, that its objects as expressed in its plat- form were simply secondary to the one idea, the entire abolition of slavery throughout the Southern States. The announcement of the real design of the party leaders would, however, have been fatal to their prospects of success ; for much as the people of the North were opposed to slavery, they were not yet prepared for an unconstitutional attack upon the rights of their Southern brethren. But the leaders adopted the whole argument of the Abolitionists for the purpose of educating public sentiment up to the highest demands of the radical school ; and at the same time announced their objects to be simply the confinement of slavery within its bounds. The growing national corruption was fully e'S'inced in this attitude of the new party, which was so organized that it might gain power under false colors. The crafty argument 174 A REVIEW OF THE was likewise made use of, that tlie exclusion of slavery was not opposed for the sake of the negro, but because it was desired that the Territory be preserved for the free settlers of the Korth — " free homes for free na^en." The people of the South, and the calm and considerative of the N^orth saw, with the greatest alarm, the advances of the new party threatening the peace and prosperity of the Union. The maxims of the Kepublican creed promulgated the doctrine dan-- gerous to free institutions, that the will of the majority may determine the constitutional and vested rights of minorities. The principle thus announced was revolutionary in itself, de- structive of all constituted authority, and engendered in the Ked Republican teachings of the old world. Patriotic men of all sections, dreaded the consequences likely to ensue to liberty, should the revolutionary party of the Korth succeed in grasping the control of the Federal Government, and many of them ad- monished their countrymen of the dangers that threatened the integrity of the Union, and earnestly advised them to beware of the principles of sectionalism. Millard Fillmore, who had just returned from Europe, when he saw the aspect which the Eepubli- can party occupied in 1856,' spoke as follows: " But this is not all, sir. We see a political party presenting candidates for the Presidency and Vice-Presidency, selected for the first time from the Free States alone, with the avowed purpose of electing these candi- dates by the suffrages of one part of the Union only, to rule over the whole United States. Can it be possible that those who are engaged in Buch a measure can have seriously reflected upon the consequences which m.ust inevitably follow in case of success ? Can they have the madness or the folly to believe that our Southern brethren would submit to be governed by such a Chief Magistrate ? Would he be required to follow the same rule prescribed by those who elected him in making his appoint- ments ? If a man living south of Mason and Dixon's line be not worthy to be President and Vice-President, would it be proper tt) select one from the same quarter as one of his Cabinet Council, or to represent the nation in a foreign country, or, indeed, to collect the revenue or ad- minister the laws of the United States? If not, what new rule is the President to adopt in se'ecting men for office that the people themselves discard in selecting hirn ? These are serious but practical questions, and in order to appreciate them fully it is but only necessary to turn the tables upon ourselves. Suppose that the South, having the majority of electoral votes, should declare that they would only have slave-holders for President and Vice-President, and should elect such by their exclu- sive suffrages to rule over us at the North ; do you think we would sub- mit to it ? No, not for one moment ! And do you believe that your POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 175 Soutliern brethren are less sensitive on this subject than you are, or leP3 jealous of their rights ? If you do, let me tell you that you are mistaken. And, therefore, you must see tliat, if this sectional party succeeds, it leads inevitably to the destruction of tliis beautiful fabric, reared by our forefathers, cemented by their blood, and bequeathed to us as a precious inheritance." The disruption of the "Whig party, occasioned by the shivery question, induced many of the Soutliern "Wliigs to unite with the Democracy, as the only party professing national principles, that gave evidence of ability to cope with the new enemy. In attach- ing themselves to their former political rival, they in no wise compromised their early principles, for the old Whig and Demo- cratic parties equally favored the constitutional rights of all sections of the Union, in the States as well as in the national Territories. A small portion of the Northern Anti-Slavery Democrats had united with the Republicans ; but the large body of the party in that section remained attached to the old prin- ciples of a former period. The Democracy of all the States having met in convention at Cincinnatti, June 2d, 1856, re- affirmed the ancient doctrines of the party on the slavery ques- tion ; and besides, 'announced their recognition of the principles embodied in the Kansas-Nebraska Bill. James Buchanan and John C. Breckenridge were next placed in nomination for Presi- dent and Yice-President of the United States. A small portion of the Whig party, North and South, united in the nomination of Millard Fillmore and Andrew J. Donald- son for the Presidency and Yice-Presidency. This movement being entirely the product of attachment to the old organization of Clay and Webster, gave no evidence of any ability to coun- teract the dangerous principles which it assumed to oppose. The Democratic party was the only one that possessed the semblance of ability to defeat the sectional Eepublican organization of the North. Patriotism would have demanded that any sacrifice should be made for the welfare of the country ; but party spirit interposed. This spirit, regardless of constitutional guarantees, had organized the Republican party upon a basis of sectionalism that arrayed one-half of the Union against the other. Ambitious leaders, destitute of political principle, flocked to the rising party, who could not but see that the success of the new principles would entail civil war upon the country or a dissolution of the Union. The want of principle in party leaders w^as at this 176 A REVIEW OF THE time apparent upon all sides ; and to this cause was it mainly owing that sectional organizations were permitted to obtain a dangerous control in the nation. But the result of the campaign of 1856 was one more triumph of national principles and the election of the Presidential candidates of the Democratic party. Sectionalism was simply stayed by this victory, but by no means overthrown. The ban- ner of abolitionism waved in triumph over eleven States of the l!^orth ; and the powerful vote indicated to a certainty the suc- cess of Republican principles in the near future. Southern states- men now clearly perceived that their institution was doomed so soon as l^orthern ideas would obtain permanent control of the General Government. The antagonism of the North to slavery had produced its counterpart in the South, which had become a unit in defense of their inherited rights. In Southern estimation, therefore, the election of Buchanan and Breckenridge simply granted a respite of four years to the Constitutional Republic. James Buchanan was inaugurated President of the United States, March 4th, 1857. Shortly after his elevation to the highest seat in the gift of the people, the Sujft-eme Court in the Dred Scott case, announced the important decision that the Mis- souri Compromise had been an unconstitutional act of Federal legislation ; that slavery existed in all the Territories by virtue of the Constitution ; and that neither Congress nor a Territorial Legislatul-e could terminate its legal existence. It was only the people of a Territory, when forming a Constitution, who were competent to determine whether slavery should exist or not, in the new State. This decision of the highest judicial tribunal of the nation, affinned the doctrine on the slavery question, that had always been held by the South, and also by the Democratic and "Whig parties ; and that which was the dictate of reason and of a sound and enlightened public policy. The people of Kansas had detennined in the regular Territorial Legislature, to call a convention for the purpose of forming a State Constitution. Accordingly on the 20th of May, 185Y, F. P. Stanton, then acting Governor of the Territory, published his proclamation commanding the proper officers to hold an election on the third Monday cf June, 1857, for the choice of members to this Convention, as the Act of the Legislature directed. The election was legally held as directed, and the Convention assembled POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 177 at Lecompton, according to law, on the first Monday of tlie follow- ing September. Having framed a Constitution, tlie Convention adjourned on the Yth of JSTovember, 1857. Only that clause of the Constitution respecting slavery, which seemed to be the principle question in dispute between the parties in the Territory, was directed by the Convention to be submitted to a vote of the people for ratification or rejection. This submission took place on December 21st. The Free State men, having chiefly absented themselves from the polls, the vote resulted as follows : For the Constitution, with slaver}^, 6,226 ; for the Constitution, without slavery, 567. By the new Constitution it was directed, that an election should be held on the 4th of January, 1858, for a Gov- ernor, Lieutenant-Governor, Secretary of State, State Treasurer, Members of the Legislature, and also a Member of Congress. At the election held in October, 1857, the Free State party participated, and the result was that a Territorial Legisla- ture of their selection was chosen, and also a Delegate to Con- gress. Acting Governor Stanton convened, by proclamation, an extra seSiSion of the Free State Legislature, for which act he was removed from office by the President, and Governor Denver appointed in his stead. The Territorial Legislature, when assembled in extraordinary session, also authorized an election to be held on the -Ith of January, 1858, at which the Lecompton Constitution should be submitted de novo, to a popular vote of the people of Kansas, for acceptance or rejection. Of this elec- tion, ordered by the Territorial Legislature, James Buchanan, in in his Message of February 2d, 1858, said : " This election was held after the Territory had been prepared for admis- sion into the Union, as a Sovereign State, and when no authority existed in the Territorial Legislature, which could possibly destroy its existence or change its character." The election ordering the Lecompton Constitution to a txqvt vote of the people, resulted in its repudiation by over ten thou- sand majority. The Pro-Slavery party declined to vote, inas- much as they contended that the Constitution had been already submitted in a legal manner, and, consequently, adopted. But both parties participated on the same day in the general election appointed as before stated in the Lecompton Constitution, and the result was a great triumph for the Free State party. The Anti- 178 A REVIEW OF THE Slavery men were thus placed in the ascendant, and the iDolitical power of the Territory was in their hands. Afterwards, on the 30th of January, President Buchanan received a copy of the Lecompton Constitution, with a request from the President of the Convention that it might be submitted to the consideration of Congress. This was done by the Presi- dent, in his Message of February 2d, 1858, in which he recom- mended the admission of Kansas, and the termination of the pending territorial difficulty. He urged the admission of Kansas because its Constitution had been adopted in a regular and formal manner ; and, although the one party had declined to vote either for the election of delegates to the Convention, or on the question of slavery, when the same was submitted to the people for adoption or rejection ; this, in his opinion, was no reason why the Constitution as adopted was not valid. Mr. Buchanan further contended in his Message, that no other course would so speedily terminate the slavery agitation as the admission of the new State ; and he also showed, that the people of Kansas had it in their own power immediately to take steps for changing their Consti- tution and abolishing slavery if the majority of the citizens so desired. In this Message he said : " The people of Kansas have in their own way and in strict accordance with the Organic Act, formed a Constitution and State Government ; have submitted the all-important question of slavery to the people, and have elected a Governor, a Member to represent them in Congress, Mem- bers of the State Legislature, and other State officers. * * * For my own part I am decidedly in favor of its admission, and thus terminating the Kansas question."* " This message occasioned a long, exciting and violent debate in both Plouses of Congress, between the Slavery and Anti- Slavery members, which lasted nearly three months. It was but the re-echo of the storm that was raging throughout the land. Mr. Buchanan was bitterly denounced as truckling to the slave power, and as lending the weight of his high office towards fixing upon the people of Kansas the curse of slavery against then- will. Members of Congress were classified during this controversy as Lecompton and Anti-Lecompton, as they favored or opposed the admission of Kansas. A wing of his own party separated from Mr. Buchanan on this point, and among these Stephen A. Doui - las, of Illinois. Kansas was not admitted under the Lecompton ^Buchanan's Administration, ]). 43. POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 179 Constitution and was only admitted a short time before tLe close of Mr, Buchanan's administration, with a Free Constitution,"* During the administration, of James Buchanan, a permanent schism developed itself in the Democratic party, which rendered the triumph of Kepublicanism in the next Presidential election almost a certainty. The discord which rent the old party of Jefferson, was itself produced by Anti-Slavery agitation ; and emanated from the conflicting opinions that existed as to the power of the j)eople of a territory to legislate concerning slavery whilst in a territorial condition. In the year 1S47, Cen. Cass, in his celebrated Nicholson letter, had given utterance to senti- ments that seemed to imply such power in the inhabitants of a Territory ; and from this period the question Avas more or less discussed in Congress and in the public journals. The great object of the leading statesmen at that time appeared ^o be the removal of the question of slavery from the Halls of Congress and leaving it with the people, who were themselves directly interested in it. It soon became evident that Southern Demo- crats viewed the doctrine of squatter sovereignty, as an innova- tion upon the ancient creed ; and from its earliest advocacy they determined to resist its incorporation into the platform of the party. In 1854 the Richmond Inquirer, speaking of General Cass, said : " The concerted efforts of the Washington Union and other journals in his interest, to run him a second time (for President) and incorporate squatter sovereignty into the Democratic creed, will pi-ovoke a resistance which may possibly end in a disruption of the party," That Gen, Cass had been rightly understood as favoring the disputed doctrine, seems clear from remarks made by him in the Senate in May, 1856, as follows : *' He held, however, that a ter Congress had enabled a Territory to assume legislative powers, it was not competent for Congress to restrain any legislative act of such Territorial Government under the Constitu- tion of the United States ; and amongst such acts he held the admission or exclusion of slavery. This was a necessary deduction of popular sov- ereignty."f The Cincinnati Convention of the Democratic party in 1856, did not determine in its platform the disputed question as regards the power of a Territorial Legislatiu-e, but left it for future decision. James Buchanan, speaking of this convention, says; *Harris' Biographical History of Lancaster County, p. 108, ^National IiUelligencer, May 13th, 1856. ISO A REVIEW OF THE *' It is altogether silent in regard to the power of a Territorial Legisla- ture over the question of slavery. Nay, more ; w^hilst affirming in general terms the provisions of the Kansas-Nebraska Act, it specifica'ly designates a future time when slavery may be rightly dissolved, not by the Territorial Legislature but by the people. This is when ' acting through the legally and fairly expressed will of a majority of actual resi- dents, and whenever thenumherof their inhabitants justifies it {they assem- ble), to form a Constitution, with or loithout domestic slavery, and be admitted into the Union upon terms of perfect eqality with the other States.'' Before this period the Cincinnati platform is silent on the sub- ject."* The Congressional struggle over the Lecompton Constitution was potential in widening the breach that already existed in the Democratic party. Stephen A. Douglas, in view of the Anti- Slavery storm that had been prostrating the ancient structures of his party, deemed it necessary to find refuge for his own safety in some of the modern edifices that were rearino- their domes around him. The contest for the admission of Kansas oifered the Illinois Senator an admirable opportunity to redeem his sm- stained head from the imj)ending destruction with which he was menaced by the Anti-Slavery spirit of the N'orth. He had seen the terrific overthrow which the Democracy suffered in 1854, and even had witnessed by his side the fall of his Senatorial colleague ; and all this the product of his own conjuration in the repeal of the Missouri Compromise. He must make peace with the aroused demon, and obtain atonement for the deeds of the past. In uniting with his former enemies in opposing the admission of Kansas under the Lecompton Constitution, Senator Douglas hoped again to so re-instate himself in Northern- confidence as to assure his return to the United States Senate in 1859. Some of the high priests of Eepublicanism were ready to clothe him with sacred robes for his able defense of their cause. Horace Greeley says : " It seemed to me that not only magnanimity but policy dictated to the Republicans of Illinois that they should promptly and heartily tender their support to Mr. Douglas, and thus insure his re-election for a third term with substantial unanimity." f This opposition of Senator Douglas and his friends to the admission of Kansas, proved the entering wedge that distracted the National Democratic party. But it was in the famous Illi- nois contest which took place between Stephen A. Douglas and ^Buchanan's Administration on the Eve of the Rebellion, p. 55, t Greeley's Recollections, p. 357. POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 181 AbraLam Lincoln, that the former revealed himself as the politi- cian, who sought to secure his election at the risk of disrupting that party, to which he was indebted for all his substantial honors, and upon whose harmony the union of the States perhapS de- pended. Although as touching the slavery controversy he had obligated himself to acquiesce in the decision of the Supreme Court, yet when this was rendered in 1857, he, with the Republi- cans, strove to evade its effect, in his pandering to the abolition sentiment of the Northern masses. He declared in his Illinois speeches, that it was within the power of any Territorial Legis- lature, by a species of " unfriendly legislation," to exclude slavery from the new Territories — and though conceding the Supreme Court to have declared that the Constitution carried slavery into all the public domain, and that neither Congress nor a Territorial Legislature were authorized to exclude it — ^yet Senator Douglas argued that it could not exist, unless certain favoring enactments of the Legislature were passed for its protection. In this manner he endeavored to conciliate the Anti-Slavery opposition of his State, and to show that his attitude was equally antagonistic to slavery extension as that of the Kepublican party. Such subterfuges of the politician, however, are miserable to contemplate. "What a death of demoralization does the position of Senator Douglas assume ? His plan for excluding slavery from the Territories pre-supposed that every Territorial legislator was ready to perjure himself in order to accomplish his political schemes. Does not every legislator swear to support the Constitution of the United States ? How then could the legislator, who believed with Senator Douglas, that the Constitution guarantees the right to hold slaves in the Federal Territories, free himself from his oath, unless he favored such legislation as would enable the slave- holder to enjoy his property after transporting it to his new settlement ? Does an oath to obey the Constitution, permit a legislator to support laws violative of rights established by that National compact ? Is he a supporter of the Constitution, who, knowing or believing there is a right establisjied under it needing specific legislation, would refuse the required enactments ? Would he not, by such refusal, violate the solemn oath he had taken to support the Constitution ? And yet such " unfriendly legislation," received the approbation of Senator Douglas. He would have the members of a Territorial Legislature, who were sworn to sup- 183 A REVIEW OF THE port tlie guarantees of the Constitution, and wliicli tliey tliemselves accepted as genuine, assist in legislation intended to defeat those rights. This was, in plain words, to counsel the repudiation of legislative obligations. It is not surprising that the period of political corruption had fully set in, when a prominent leader of one of the great American parties could be guilty of such a breach of moral conviction ; and yet at the same time, not alienate from him his partisan followers. If the principles of the Democratic party were wrong, neither Senator Douglas,, nor any other man, should have advocated them ; but if right, as he professed, then it was his duty to bat- tle for them before a corrupted public opinion, even if he must fall in the contest. The Kepublicans challenged the truths of the Democratic doctrines ; resisted openly the extension of slavery into the Territories ; and planted themselves in opposition to the former principles upon which the Government from its origin had been conducted. In the estimation of all men of clear per- ception, they were the revolutionists who strove for the over- throw of the old social status and the inauguration of a new one. But, Stephen A. Douglasj and his followers avowed themselves as Democrats; as friends of the existing order of government and its institutions ; and yet they did nothing to avert the revo- Intion which was threatening the country. Instead of presenting themselves as a breakwater to the flood that was rising, they simply added the squatter sovereignty current as a cumulative force to the deluge, and permitted it, unobstructed, to beat with still greater impetuosity against all the landmarks of ancient order and constitutional guarantee. The Illinois Senator was therefore no true man for the crisis. lie was the sunshine patriot whose voice was loudest when prosperity covered with her wings the party to which he was attached ; but when adversity ad- vanced, the ingrate was soon found a deserter in the enemy's ranks. But besides all this, the Congressional struggle over the Le- comptou Constitution, added new strength, as was anticipated, to the Republican revolutionists of the North; and the election of 1 S5S resulted for them in another triumph. Thaddeus Stevens was in this year returned from Lancaster County to the 36th Congress, which assembled on Monday, December 5th, 1859. He again took his seat in that body, of which he continued a member POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 1S3 during the remainder of his hfe, a period of the most eventful interest in his own and the history of the Repubhc. The ele- ments of discord were at no former time so threatening, as at the opening of this Congress. The country had but just recov- ered from the shock produced by the raid into Virginia, led by the fanatical John Brown and his deluded followers. In the opinion of every reflecting man, a crisis was near at htisd. The portents indicating such were visible on all sides. The whole period of James Buchanan's administration up to this moment, was like a diseased body, oner pustule appearing after another, indicating the putrefying condition of the wdiole. The Southern mind was highly alarmed with the state of affairs, and unity of interest had cemented their States into an attitude of resistance to ISTorthern sectionalism. The Republican nominee for Speaker of the House, was John Sherman, of Ohio, who had made himself especially odious to the South, by publicly recommending in con- nexion with sixty-eight other members of Congress, a document called "Helper's Book," the doctrines of which were of the most fanatical and revolutionary character. But political mad- ness and insanity ruled the hour ; and although the entire South- ern delegation gave v/arning that they would regard the election of Sherman, or any other man with his record, as an oj^en declar- ation of w^ar against the South, the Eepublican revolutionists defiantly continued to vote for him for nearly two months, giving him a majority lacking but a few votes upon every trial of his strength." He was finally withdrawn and Wilham Pennington, fK)m ISTew Jersey, a member of the same party, was elected. The Republican party, openly pledged to oppose slavery ex- tension, was already dominant in the ISTorthern States. The Douglas Democracy of the ISTorth also advocated sentiments that in Southern estimation would circumscribe slavery wdthin its present bounds; indeed, this was the secret of their reception amongst that wing of the party, tinctured with anti-slavery views. The anti-slavery agitation had raged with such intensity, and for so long a period, that the ISTorthern people were seduced by the arguments of the Abolitionists into the belief that slavery was a great social and moral evil, and repugnant to the instincts of a refined humanity. But few remained unconverted to the *Pollard's First Year of the War, pp. 29. 184 A REVIEW OF THE sentiment of the abolition reform, save those who were compe- tent to think and reason for themselves. The leading intellects of the South were not slow in detecting the state of l^ortheru opinion npon the slavery question ; a vigilant statesman of the South took occasion to denounce the Douglas^ defection as " a short cut to all ends of Black Republicanism/' Whilst the "Helper Book" controversy was agitating the country, one of the Georgia Senators was so bold as to denounce, in his place in Congress, the entire Democratic ;farty of the North as unreliable and rotten. Jefferson Davis, on the 2d day of February, 1860, offered in the Senate a series of resolutions, expressive of Southern opin- ions, as regards the relation of the States of the Union, and the power of Congress, or of a Territorial Legislature over slavery in the Federal Territories. The resolution defining the Democratic position on the slavery question, denied to Congress or a Terri- torial Legislature the power " to annul or impair the Constitu- tional right of any citizen of the United States to take his slave property into the common Territories, and there hold and enjoy the same while the territorial condition remains." These reso- hitions were adopted in the Senate by nearly a two-thirds vote ; the Republicans, however, opposed their passage with unanimity as conflicting with the j)i"inciples of their party. The States Right party of the South had in 1856 at Cincinnati, united with the Northern Democracy upon a platform of princi- ples which received different interpretations in the two sections. In the North it was believed by one wing of the party (the fol- lowers of Douglas ) to express the doctrine of popular sov- ereignty for the government of the Territories ; and in the South a contrary interpretation obtained. The popular sover- eignty doctrine of the North claimed for the people of a Terri- tory, the right to determine the slavery question for themselves. Those favoring this view, asserted that this was the principle established by the Kansas-Nebraska Act. This assertion James Buchanan refutes in the following language : ♦* If the Douglas', construction of the act be correct, it is morally cer- tain that the Southern Senators and Representatives who were warm advocates of its passage, could not possibly have so understood it. If they had, they would then have voluntarily voted away the rights of their constituents. Indeed, such a construction of the act would be more destructive to the interests of the slaveholders than the Republican POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 185 doctrine of Congressional exclusion. Better, far better, for him to sub- mit the question to Congress, where he could be deliberately heard by liis representatives, than to be deprived of his slaves after he had gone to the trouble and expense of exporting them to a Territory, by a hasty enactment of a Territorial Legislature, elected annually, and freed from all constitutional restraints. Such a construction of the Kansas-Nebraska Act would be in direct opposition to the policy and practice of the Gov- ernment from its origin. The men who framed and built up our institu- tions, so far from regarding the Territories to be sovereign, treated them as mere wards of the Federal Government. * * * It was not then foreseen that any political party would arise in this country claim- ing the right for the majority of the first settlers of a Territory, under the plea of popular sovereignty, to confiscate the property of the minority. When the population of the Territories had reached a certain number. Congress admitted theai as States into the Union, under the Constitution framed by themselves, with or without slavery, accordino- to their own discretion."* The dual Democratic interpretation obtained, regarding that part of the Cincinnati platform, which adopted the principles of the Kansas-lSTebraska Act ; and it was agreed amongst the leaders of the party that the subject should be referred to the Supreme Court for adjudication. But when the Dred Scott decision was promulgated, so violent was the clamor which was raised against it by the revolutionary Eepublican party, that Stephen A. Douo-- las and those agreeing with him in sentiment, were intimidated from that defense of it, of which the high character of the Court should have rendered it worthy. And, even though some of the principles decided might strictly not have been before the Court, yet they disclosed what the judges regarded as law and were indicative of what would be affirmed when the point in technical accuracy might arise. In this view of the question the Dred Scott decision was a positive affirmance of the Southern interpretation of the Cincinnati platform. In this decision all Democrats, both North and South, should willingly have acciui- esced ; it was only for that party to dispute it whose principles of policy were based upon the doctrine that no law or decision of any court could justif}^ the existence of Slavery in the States, and much less its extension into the Territorial domain. Sup- ported by the decision of the highest Federal Court; by the unanimous opinion of their own section and a respectable portion of the ISTorthern Democracy ; and also in the historical practice of the country as regards the manner of governing the Territo- '■•Buchanan's Administration on the Eve of the Rebellion, pp. 54-5. 180 A REVIEW OF THE lies, the Southern people determined to insist upon their rights and defend their honor as integral members of the Confederacy. In view of the assembling of the Democratic party for the pur- pose of nominating candidates for President and Vice-President, the people of several of the Southarn States defined the condi- tions upon Avhich their delegates should hold seats in the National Convention, appointed to meet at Charleston, April 23d, 18G0. The Democracy of Alabama was tirst to move in this direction. A series of resolutions were passed, affirming the Southern doc- trine that neither Congress nor a Territorial Legislature were authorized to interfere with Shivery in the Federal Territories ; and also directing their delegates to see that these principles be incorporated as part of the ISTational Democratic creed, or that they retire from the convention. Similar resolves formed the credentials of the delegates from other Southern States. The Democratic Convention which assembled at Charleston, was composed of discordant elements, representing the unharmo- nious condition of the only remaining organization that formed a tie between the l^orthern and Southern portions of the American Union. The Democracy now met as did the old "Whig party in 1S52, when nothing remaiaed of it save the name; for as to principles, a full separation had taken place between its antago- nistic sections. It was soon apparent that the party would be unable to harmonize upon a platform of principles satisfactory to both divisions of the Union ; and this because such a spirit of compromise was wanting as the exigency of the hour would have demanded. Patriotism required that the Democrats of the North should meet their brethren of the South in fraternal amity, and accord them in a public platform of principles the recognition of those rights which the Constitution guaranteed. This was all they demanded, and whilst the constitutional compact endured, equity suggested the fulfillment of its stipulations. The revolu- tionists were in serried array ; the alarming decree had gone forth that the will of the majority must triumph, and that the accorded rights of the minority must yield ; and yet the Demo- crats of the North stood stubbornly upon a principle in which it was impossible for the South, as she conceived, to acquiesce without a sacrifice of her honor as a member of an equal Con- federation. After the convention had been in session for several days, the South was out-voted in the adoption of the j)latform ; rOLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMEEICA. 137 and tliis iiltimjited in tlie disruption of tlie assemblage by the withdrawal of the cotton States ; and an adjournment to Balti- more followed. The border Slave States still remained in the convention in the hope of effecting some ultimate settlement of the difficulty. But the breach, instead of being closed, widened. The re-assembling of the convention at Baltimore resulted in a hnal and embittered separation of the opposing delegates. The majority still clinging with uncompromising tenacity to their position ; Yirginia and the other border States, except Missouri, withdrew from the convention and united with the representa- tives from the cotton States, then assembled at Baltimore, in the nomination of candidates representing their views. A portion of the Northern delegates also retired from the convention and united with them. Their nominees were John C. Breckenridge, of Kentucky, for President, and Joseph Lane, of Oregon, for Yice-President. The l^orthern Democracy placed in nomina- tion Stephen A. Douglas, of Illinois, for President, and Herschel Y. Johnson, of Georgia, for Yice-President The Constitutional Union party, being the remnant of the old Whig and American organizations, met in Baltimore May 9th, 18G0, and nominated for President and Yice-President, John Bell, of Tennessee, and Edward Everett, of Massachusetts. The platform of this party was a vague and undefined enumeration of their politcal principles summed up in the following words : " The Constitution of the countiy, the union of the States, and the enforcement of the laws." The Democracy was at length sundered, the AYhig party was virtually defunct, and nothing seemed now able to interpose resistance to the triumphant march of the revolutionists to victory. This party met in Chicago in June, 1860, and placed Abraliam Lincoln, of Illinois, in nomination for the Presidency, and Han- nibal Hamlin, of Maine, for the Yice-Presidency, and at the same time adopted a platform declaring freedom to the normal condi- tion of the Territories. Sectionalism had now chosen its cap- tains for its last struggle with the principles of representative democratic government. Its Anti-Slaveiy and ^Non-Compro- mise banners floatecj, over the hastily constructed wigwam in which the leaders had assembled, and the nominations as made were received with an eclat which seemed to portend triumph as about to crown their standaj-ds. But reason w^as lost sight of m. 1S8 A REVIEW OF THE an assembly, wliicli was intoxicated witli tlie contemplation of negro emancipation upon the Western continent. The weakness and incapacity of men for self-government was fully exemplified in the campaign of 1860. The people of both sections of the country, in opposition to the admonitions of the framers and ancient patriots of the American Kepublic, permitted themselves to be seduced by false leaders into a hostility of sections, which could not but carry with it revolution and constitutional overthrow. Party success and partisan triumph, were the motives of the politicians in a campaign which, of all others, should have produced instances of pui-e disinterestedness and patriotic self- devotion. But the contrary was everywhere apparent. Men adiiered to their p^arties, although in doing so, they were con- sciously adding firebrands to the Federal Republic, soon to be ignited in the flames of civil convulsion. The campaign resulted as all reflecting men must have anticipated, in the election of the revolutionary candidates, Lincoln and Hamlin. Republicanism, save in Kew Jersey, triumphed throughout the entire l^orth. Sectional antagonism, which an Anti-Slavery agitation of many years liad been preparing, was at length fully complete. Destiny, however, had in store for the American people the fruits of ofli- cious interference and impolitic reform- POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 1S9 CHAPTER XIL SECESSION OF THE SOUTHEEN STATES, AND THE EFFORTS AT COMPROmSE, The Southern people correctlj interpreted the import of Northern ascendency in the election of Lincoln and Hamlin, on the 6th of I^ovember, 1860. The composition of the Republican party, the utterances of its orators and press, and the resolves of its conventions, left no doubt as to the animus of the organi- zation, m.uch as this, for political reasons, might be concealed. The most violent Abolitionists of the IS^orth were the most ardent champions of the new combination, and the entrusted chiefs in all party manipulations, provided they displayed sufficient saga- city as not to disclose the esoteric doctrines of the initiated. The enunciated principles of simple opposition to the' extension of slaveiy, were far from being those which raised the enthusiasm of the sincere Abolitionists, and attracted them to the standards of Republicanism, The same secret which attached to the risin«- party, the enemies of slavery, aroused the friends of the institu- tion, and, as it were, admonished them of the adder in the grass, whose poison was to be avoided. This antagonism resulted from the existence of slavery in the Southern States, and althouo-h the Republicans avowed no intention to interfere with the insti- tution where it existed, yet this addition to the creed was simply a matter of time, and the education of JSTorthem public opinion. Southern institutions were doomed to a slxort existence under the Federal Government in the hands of the Republican party. This, leading statesmen of the South had often predicted, should ISlorthern sectionalism succeed in gaining control of national affairs. It had been determined ^ therefore, by the controlling minds in the slave States, that if their constitutional rights were to be preserved, resistance would become necessary when a sec- tional party should come into power with principles known to be violative of the guarantees of the Federal compact. In the IDO A REVIEW OF THE election of Abraham Lincoln, as tliey conceived, that period had at length arrived. The predictions of Calhoun, Clay, and other leading statesmen of the Sonth were verified ; Northern Aboli- tionism, nnder the false name of Republicanism, had triumphed; and the Southern people would simply be conceded such rights as the new rulers would see proper to accord. The only question in the South, was the remedy to be adopted, in view of Northern ascendency upon a basis of hostility to their institutions, A number of prominent South Carolinians had met on the S5th of October, 1860, and had determined nj)on the secession of their State, in case the Republican party, as was anticipated, should triumph in the pending cam]3aign. This determination of the influential men of the Palmetto State, was shared very generally by the controllers of public opinion in the remainder •of the cotton States. The Legislature of South Carolina, being convened by Gov. Gist, on Monday, November 6th, the day before the Presidential election, for the purpose of choosing electors ; the State politicians had an opportunity of perfecting tlieir plans, should Republicanism in the North triumph. The Governor, in his proclamation, and other prominent men of the State, who were serenaded on the evening of the 6th, exj)ressed the opinion that in the event of Abraham Lincoln being chosen President of the United States, duty demanded that South Caro- lina should inaugurate the movement of separation from the Union ^ and set in motion the ball of resistance to the Northern despotism. The morning of the 7th of November, 1860, announced to the people of the South the unwelcome news that the hated party of the North had won its crowning victory, Abraham Lincoln and Hannibal Hamlin were elected to the highest offices in the gift of the people ; and by a party pledged in its platform to prohibit Slavery extension ; and animated with the resolve to weaken the institution at all points, and ultimately effect its entire extinction. William H. Seward, the life and soul of the Republican party in 1848, thus spoke at Cleveland: *"' Correct your own error that Slavery has any constitutional guaran- tees which may r-ot be released, and ought not to be relinquished. Say to Slavery, when it shows its bond (the Constitution) and demands its pound of flesh, that if it draws one drop of blood, its life shall pay the forfeit." * * * "Do all this and inculcate all this, in the spirit of moderation and benevolence, and not of retaliation and fanaticism. POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 191 and you will soon bring the parties of the country into an effective aggression upon slavery. * * * Slavery can be limited to its present bounds ; it can be ameliorated. It can be and must be abol- ished, and you and I can and must do it. The task is as simple and easy as^its consummation will be beneficent and its reward glorious." Heniy Wilson, another of the shining lights of Republicanism, expressed himself in the following manner : "We shall triumph in the end ; and we shall overtlirow the slave- power of the Republic ; we shall enthrone freedom ; we shall abolish slavery ; we shall change the Supreme Court of the United States, and place men in that Court who believe that our prayers wiU be impious to heaven while we sustain and support human slavery." The diabolical and fiendish principles of the Helper Book, which had been endorssd by 69 Republican members of Congress, could never be forgotten by the people of the Southern States. As soon, therefore, as the triumph of Abolitionism was made known, secession was very generally determined upon by Southern Statesmen as the remedy for evils which threatened thf overthrow of that form of Constitutional Government under which their States had prospered, and to which they were devotedly attached. The Legislature of South Carolina being at this time in session, joint resolves were passed in both Houses calling for the election of a convention on the 6th of December, and which should meet on the 17th of the same month, to take into consideration the question of separation from the Union. Steps leading in the same direction were taken throughout the whole section of the cotton States ; and the influential leaders in most of the remaining slave States prepared themselves so to act as the current of a united Southern sentiment might dictate. By general consent it seemed now recognized that the period had arrived which demanded har- mony of counsel amongst the slave States, in order that they might be able by united action to countervail JSTorthern section- alism, and defend their constitutional rights as equal members of the American Confederacy. The South Carolina Convention, assembled at Columbia, the Capitol of the State, on the day determined upon ; and on the 20th of December, 1860, proceeded to pass by an unanimous vote an Ordinance of Secession, dissolving their connection Math the Federal Union. The secession of South Carolina was received by the dominant party in the North as a matter of light conse- quence ; as only another nullification affair which would scarcely 193 A REVIEW OF THE create a ripple uj)oii tlie ocean of American life. Indeed, a studied system of deception had characterized the utterances of the organs of this party from its organization in 1854:. During the whole of the campaign of 1860, the declarations of JSTorthe^n and Southern Conservatives that the election of Abraham Lincoln would produce revolution and civil war, were scouted by the Kepublican orators and press, as simply election threats, intended to intimidate the dough faces of the ll^orth ; and that as soon as the election was over the Southern braggarts, as they were termed, would tame down as on former occasions. This system of de- ception was simply a part of the programme to enable the party to gain power. The objects to which they were leading the l^orthern people, and the dangerous course over which the passage led, must all be concealed from the eyes of the people, otherwise these were unattainable. The l^orthern masses were neithei prepared for the abolition of slavery, nor for civil war with tlieii countrymen of the South ; both of which were logical results oi the success of the Republican party. But the eyes of the Northern masses were partially opened as one after another of the cotton States followed in the wake o^ South Carolina secession. Mississippi was the first to imitate tlj example of the Palmetto State, and enrol herself under the ba]- ner of Southern resistance, having passed an ordinance of sece- sion January 9th, 1861. Florida buckled on the secession armir in defence of her inherited rights on the 10th of the sane month, and on the day following, Alabama was by her side n similar warlike array. On three successive days, these last nam3d States had in secession resolves, donned the martial outfit of Southern independence. Georgia, the old Empire State of tie South, was next to take her 'stand by the side of her resistmt sisters, and give character and weight to the movement of seces- sion. This she did January 19th, in an ordinance asserting ler State Sovereignty and independence of the Federal Government. Louisiana passed her act of secession January 25th, and on the 1st of February the Lone Star of Texas was added to the fla^ of the Southern Confederacy. On the 4th of February, 1861, a Congress of Deleo^ates from the seven seceded States convened at Montgomery, the capitol of Alabama, adopted a Provisional Government, and elected Jefierson Davis, President of the Con- federate States. \. POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 193 The deception that had been practiced began to show its lining through the clouds, and as many as caught the glimpse broke in all directions. Horace Greelej, the leading Abolition editor of the ISTorth, says : " Every local election held during the two months succeeding our national triumph, showed great conservative gains. Conspicuous AboU- tionists were denied the use of public halls, or hooted down if they attempted to speak. Influential citizens, through meetings and letters, denounced the madness of fanaticism, and implored the South to stay her avenging arm until the North could have time to purge herself from complicity with fanatics, and demonstrate her fraternal sympathy with her Southern sister."* During all this period, the leading Republicans of Abolition faith exerted themselves to the utmost to turn the tide that had so strongly set in agaiiist them. The politicians, the journalists, and the infidel clergy of the North, had another difScult task to obscure the vision of the people and prevent them from seeing the yawning gulph of destruction to which they were conduct- ing them. They were made to believe by these wolves in sheep s clothing, that the South was only blustering in order to terrify the timid conservatives and enable them to ol;tain farther guar- antees for Slavery, Efforts at compromise were discouraged by them because, as they assured the people, such would be vain and useless. Sentences from the speeches of Southern men were perverted from their connection ; and these were made to utter sentiments which they never entertained. The papers teemed with the declarations of Clingman, Chestnut, Rhett, and other Southern statesmen, who were cited as asserting that no compro- mise would avail to arrest the revolution. But the reasons given by these men for believing and asserting that no compromise could heal the difficulties between the North and South, were carefully concealed from the Northern people. Had they told the whole story as it now stands revealed to history, and as shrewd men well understood at that time, such a demand for conciliation would, have gone up, as would have almost rent the whole Northern heavens, and have driven the leaders from a plat- form of discord, which admitted no entrance for the Angel of Peace ; but which was conducting the American people to the bloodiest chasm of civil war, that the annals of the world have * (jieeley's Recollections, p. 3£ 104 A REVIEW OF THE ever recorded. It was the Chicago conclave that interposed and made harmony between the sections imj^ossible. It was the resolves of the Lake City Convention, in 1860, together with the knowledge of the designs of these men, that induced Southern statesmen to declare that secession could not be arrested. To show that the people were somewhat aroused to the alarming dangers to which the Republican party had brought the country, the fol- lowing Abolition testimony is submitted. Horace Greeley says : " In fact the attitude of the North during the two last months of 1860, was foreshadowed in four lines of Collins'' Ode to the Passions. * * * And the danger was immintnt that if a popular vote could have been had (as was proposed) on the Crittenden Compromise, it would have prevailed by an overwhelming majority. Very few Republicans would have voted for it ; but very many would have refrained from voting at all ; while their adversaries would have brought their every man to the polls in its support, and carried it by hundreds of thousands."* South Carolina and the other cotton States did not secede, as was averred by the Republican leaders, on account of any hos- tility to the Union, or the people of thelSTorth, but simply because they became fully rfatisiied that their rights were in jeopardy. Mutual interest had originally induced the people of the South to unite with those oi the North ; and while it was clear that it was to their advantage to remain in the Union, like all other people, they would do so. In the Union with their ISTorthern brethren they had grown wealthy and powerful ; and some valid reason existed to induce them to prefer a dissolution of the Union. The reason was no clearer to Southern than to liorthern appre- hension. It was the intermedling, fanatical disposition of the Abolitionists of the I^orth which induced them to interfere in the affairs of others, and assume to be the rulers over all America and her institutions. This in short was the lion in the way of an amicable settlement of the National troubles. A party existed coniined to the Northern States, whose doctrines were antagonistic to the interests of the Southern people ; this party was soon to obtain control of the Federal Government ; and as a consequence, the Union for them had no further attractions. Nations, as well as individuals, will ever seek such alliances as will redound, as they conceive, to their advantage. It was so in the case of the union of the States. But the long, bitter and intemperate Anti Slavery agitation, had antagonized the North into a sectional *Greeley's R3collect:o:is, pp. 396-7. POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 195 attitude against tlie South and her institutions; slavery was clearly seen to be jeoparded in a longer association with a people who could be seduced into such a hostile aggression against the rights and interests of another people over whom they had no legal control; and therefore, reason and common sense dictated a dissolution of a once friendly and happy alliance ; but which had now become dangerous and threatening to constitutional civil guarantees, and even to the perpetuity of free representative government itself. The men of the South would have been pol- troons and worthy the doom of slavery themselves, had they ignobly yielded to the dictation of Northern fanaticism; and tolerantly permitted the inauguration of a policy that in the end was sure to lead to the subversion of their constitutional rights. In the system of disimulation and decej)tion, by which the Republican leaders blindfolded the [Northern people in 1860 and 1861, there was no one more adroit than Thaddeus Stevens in the use of such instruments as were required for the purpose ; and one who was able to distort Southern sentiment, and pervert it into the support of his own party position. An instance of this is seen in his speech in the House, delivered January 29th, 1861. lie said : " I regret, sir, that I am compelled to concur in the belief stated yes- terday by the gentleman from Virginia, (Mr. Pryor) that no compromise which can be made will have any effect in averting the present difficulty." * Mr Stevens fails to state in his speech (int«jnded for circulation in the IsTorthern journals of the Republican party f) what stood in the way of compromise ; but this is seen in the speech of Mr. Pryor, to which he refers. The latter, in his speech of January 28th, spoke as follows : "Mn. Speaker, since the fatal 6th of November to the present hour, the Representatives of the South have invariably exhibited an accomo- dating disposition. The first day of our session was signalized by a proposition from a colleague of my own (Mr. Botteler), which contem- plated a imcific adjustment of our difficulties. A similar movement, likewise originating with a Southern man, was initiated in the Senate. '^Congressional Globe, p. 631, f Hence Hows one great evit of an unbridled press, which details all that is deemed favorable to the intests of party ; but the antidote is rarely pernutted to appe ir. Under such a system as now obtains wiJi most party organs in America, the truth is with the greatest difliculty ascer- tained, even by investigators, but rarely by the masses. Some method would seem necessary to be devised which would better secure the dis- semination of the truth than now exists. 19G A REVIEW OF THE Meanwhile, various sohemes of settlement have been submitted in one oi the other Hoase of Congress, of which, without much regard to their intrinsic efficacy, we have uniformly avowed our support ; while on the other side (the Republican), they have been as uniformly rejected with a contemjituous disdain of compromise. Thus, while the South are will- ing to remain in the Union with an assurance of their rights, the North declare, by a refusal of all concession, that they will destroy the Union rather than renounce their aggressive designs. In the perverted patriot- ism of the dominant party, the Constitution of Washington is substituted by the platform of Lincoln ; and rather than be reproached with logical inconsistency, they chose to incur the guilt of civil war.'* Mr. Stevens, on the l-itli of February, 18G1, in replying to a Mr. Webster, of Maryland, who characterized his speech of January 29th as " a strong Anti-Compromise speech," admitted tliat inatead of being sorry, he "was gratilied that compromise could not save the Union. He said : " I did not agree to go for compromise. I am opposed to compromise until there is some- thing to compromise. "t Another illustration from the speech of Mr. Stevens of Janu- ary 29th, is cited as an example of the illogical and clap-trap method made use of by the Kepublican leaders to parry Southern argument in favor of compromise, and by sophistry also, to arouse JSlorthern pride and false patriotism against the people of the South. He spoke as follows : " When I see these States in open and declared rebellion against the Union, seizing vipon her public lands and arsenals, and robbing her of millions of the public property ; when I see the batteries of seceding States blockading the highway of the nation, and their armies in battle array against the flag of the Union ; when I see our flag insulted, and that insult submitted to, I have no hope that concession, humiliation and compi-omise can have any effect whatever..' % Such was the pabulum that fed Northern venom during the period when patriots North and South were engaged in the holy mission of endeavoring to adjust the national difficulties, and shield the Republic from bloodshed and fratricidal strife. Much more worthily would the powers of Mr. Stevens have been engaged, if in true republican spirit he had employed his intel- lectual abilities in logically controverting the positions of Southern statesmen, and convincing them, in the forum of reason, that their * rit^hts would be better secured in the Union than out of it. * Congressional Globe, p. 603, t Globe, p. 907. t Globe, p. 621, POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 121 That was tlie method by which the Union had been framed, and by no other conld a repubhcan Union be perpetuated. Instead, therefore, of parading the iniquity of Southern secession, why did not he and his party endeavor to prove that the reasons which induced it were groundless ? The eloquent E.. A. Pryor, of Virginia, (against whom, as has been seen, Mr. Stevens in a measure replied) submitted a resume of the causes tliat induced the Southern revolt which deserved an argumentative rather than a bitter, sneering reply. After recapitulating the non-execution of the fugitive slave law by the ]S^orth, with many other viola- tions of Southern rights, Mr. Pryor said : " But the defence of the South rests upon still stronger grounds ; and her secession from the Confederacy is justified by even higlier principles than the right to vindicate a violated covenant. Absolute jjower is the essence of tyranny, whether the power be wielded by a monarch or a multitude. The dominant section in this Confederacy claims and exer- cises absolute power — power without limitation and without responsi- bility — without limitation, since all the restrictions of the Constitution are broken down, and without responsibility, because in the nature of things, the weaker interest cannot control the majority. Of all species of tyranny, the South is subject to the most intolerable. Under the rule of a despot we mLght hope something of his impartial indifference between the sections ; but to be exposed to the unbridled sway of a majority adverse in interest, inimical in feeling, and ambitious of domi- nation, is to be reduced to a condition more abject tlian that of tiie slaves whose emancipation is the pretext of all this controversy. '• It is against this sectional domination, this rule of the rnajority with- out law and without limit, — a rule asserted in subversion of the Con- stitution, and established on the ruins of the Confederacy, — it is in resistance to this despotic and destable rule that the people of the South have taken up arms. This, sir, is the cause of the South ; and tell me if cause more just ever consecrated revolution ? It is the cause of self-gov- ernment against the domination of foreign power — the very cause for which our fathers fought in 1 776. I repeat, it is against the nile of a sectional despotism that the South demands protection ; and it is to assert the cause of civil liberty that she declares her independence. You of the North lavished your sympathy on the people of Hungary in tlieir revolt against Austrian absolutism ; but our cause is identical, in principle and in purpose. " To-day, it is Southern interests which suffer from the overthrow of constitutional guarantees and the irresponsible reign of the majority. But the principle of absolute power, once ascendant in the Government, no interest is secure ; and circumstances will determine against what object it may be directed. The only safeguard of American liberty is in maintaining the integrity and preserving intact the limitations of the Government. For that the South contends; and all are alike concerned in her cause. 198 A REVIEW OF THE "If, after the endurance of so many wrongs and the menace of others still more intolerable, were anything wanting to justify the South in the public opinion of the world, it would be supplied by jjer solicitude to avoid violence and redress her grievances Avithin the Union. We are reproached, I know, with precipitancy in not waiting an overt act of hostility from the sectional administration. Sir, in our judgment, a proclamation of war is an overt act, and such proclamation we find in the election by an exclusively sectional vote of a President pledged to put our rights and our property ' in course of ultimate extinction,'' — a President who admonishes us in advance of his aggressive designs by the sententious but significant declaration that ' tliey who deny freedom to others do not deserve it themselves, and under a just God cannot long retain it.' We could not agree to await, inactively, the development of the disposition of the President elect ; for we claim to hold our rights by 'some higher and more solid tenure than the cai^ricious temper of any individual. Indeed, the arguments of our opponents involves a conces- sion of our case, inasmuch as it implies that the rights of the South are no longer secured by constitutional guarantees, but are susiDended on tlie accident of an unfriendly administration. ''A more imperative consideration still determined the South to act at once and to act decisivel3^ If negotiation might avail, we thought to strengthen this by a demonstration of oiu* spirit. If the sword alono can reclaina oui' rights, we were resolved not to be unprepared for the issue."* The united South and the Democracy of the ISTorth were all in favor of an adjustment of the dispute between the sections, without recourse to coercive measures. Even a considerable wing of the Republican party wdiich had supported Lincoln for the Presidency, were likewise favorable to a peaceful solution of the national difficulties, in. order to avoid a collision of arms that would endanger the Federal Union, and might ultimate in a total overthrow of republican institutions. Influential men of both political parties, in view of Southern demonstrations, felt that a crisis had arisen, that called for the efforts of patriots to exert their influence to ward off the dangers with which the country was threatened. Meetings were held in different sections of the Korth for the purpose of giving expression to public opinion ; and also with the design of securing such a coincidence of senti- ment as might lead to an amicable termination of the troubles that were threatening the peace of the country. One of the largest of these assemblages was that held in Independence Square, in the City of Philadelphia, and which, by the advice of the councils, had been summoned by Mayor Henry to counsel *Glohe of 3d Session, 3Gth Congress, Vol. I, pp. C03-3. POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 19S togetlier, in view of the appreliension that disunion was immi- nent, imless the " loyal people casting off tlie spirit of party, should in a special manner avow their unfailing fidelity to the Union, and their abiding faith in the Constitution and laws." This meeting — the spontaneous outburst of the purest patriotism that a people could exhibit — was of vast magnitude, and showed the interest that was felt by the masses who came in any wise to realize the maelstrom of civil war into which the Ship of State was rapidly descending. Addresses were made before this con- course of citizens by leading old line Whigs, Democrats and Conservative Republicans, evincing a desire of compromise ; and that fraternal concord might again be restored between the States and the Union perpetuated without bloodshed. It was a clear indication that the Northern people wished the Union to be pre- served by pacific remedies rather than risk its safety upon the hazard of the sword. But power had passed from the hands of those who desired that the Union should be perpetuated in the manner it had been formed. In compromise it? foundations had been laid ; in conciliation its structure had been reared ; but this policy must now yield to that which can terminate tlie career of Slavery and end its existence as one of the institutions of the American Republic. The second session of the Thirty-sixth Congress opened on Monday, December 3d, 1860, and President Buchanan on the next day transmitted to this body his fourth and last Annual Message. In this document, the President essayed the discussion of the national difficulties, and set forth as he believed the causes that had induced the troubles. lie said : *' Why is it then, that discontent now so extensively prevails, and the Union of the States, which is the source of all our blessings, is threatened with destruction? The long continued and intemperate interference of the Northern people with the question of slaveiy in the Southern States, has at length produced its natural effects. The different sections of the Union are now arrayed against each other, and the time has arrived so much dreaded by the Father of his country, when hostile geographical parties have b^.en formed. I have long foreseen and often forewarned my countrymen of the now impending danger. This does not proceed Bolely from the claims on the part of Congress or the Territorial Legisla- tures to exclude slavery from the Territories, nor from the efforts of the different States to defeat the execution of the Fugitive Slave Law." In both the Senate and House of Representatives, committees were appointed to consider the state of the Union in view of the 200 A REVIEW OF THE tlireatening aspect of national affairs. The Senate Committee, consisting of tliirteen members, was composed of the most dis- tinguislied Senators, representing the different parties to which thej belonged. It consisted of five leading Kepnblicans, the same number from the slave States, and three IvTorthern Demo- crats.'"' The latter were intended to act as mediators between the ■extreme parties of the Committee. The Committee of the House consisted of tliirty-three members, one from each State, and was made np of sixteen Republicans, fifteen Southern men and two ISTorthern Democrats. Horace Greeley, speaking of this Committee, says: "Mr. Speaker Pennington, who formed tlie Committee, was strongly in" clined to conciliation, if that could be effected, on terms not dis,^racefui to the North ; and at least six of tlie sixteen Republicans placed on the Committee, desired and hoped that an adjustment might yet be achieved. No member of extreme Anti-Slavery views was associated with them."'t The Committee of the Senate first met December 21st, and preliminary to ftny other proceedings, they "resolved that no proposition shall be reported as adopted, unless sustained by a majority of each of the classes of the Committee ; Senators of the Republican party to constitute one class, and Senators of the other parties to constitute the other class." This resolution was adopted, because it was well-known that any report that might be submitted would be vain, unless sanctioned by at least a majority of Republican Senators. Few Southern men ever believed that these efforts at compromise would result in any amicable settlement of the difficulties between the sections ; but they were willing to co-operate in any measures that promised the least hope of warding off from the country the calamities of civil war. On the 22d of the same month, John J. Crittenden, of Kentucky, submitted to the Committee his proposed amend- ments to the Constitution, which became popularly known as the Crittenden Compromise. This was designed as a compromise of conflicting claims, inasmuch as it proposed that the South should surrender their adjudicated right to take slaves into all the Terri- tories, provided the I«[orth would concede this right in the Territory * The five Republicans of the Committee were Messrs. Seward, Colla- mer. Wade, Doolittle and Giimes ; the Southern Senators were Powell, Hunter, Crittenden, Toombs and Davis ; and the Northern Democrats, Douglas, Bigler and Bright. f Greeley's American Conflict.' Vol. 1, p. 373. POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 201 Eoutli of tlie old Missouri Compromise line. It was the accept- ance by the South of vastly less right in the Territories than she possessed under the decision of the Supreme Court, and showed Southern readiness to acquiesce in terms of reasonable compro- mise that might stay the flood-gates of civil outbreak between the States. Of the vast existing Territory, all was conceded to the Kurth by the jDroposition of Compromise, save New Mexico alone. And in regard to this section it was generally believed that it never could with profit be made a slave-holding State. At first it was thought by some thst this amendment would be yielded by the I^Torth as a peace offering to the South. It was in truth, but an offer to restore the Missouri Compromise, against the repeal of which the ^Northern Anti-Slavery men had struggled so fiercely in 1854. It was hailed throughout the country as the rainbow of peace, promising perpetuity to the Union. James Buchanan thus speaks of this measure : " Indeed, who could fail to believe that when the alternative was pre- sented to the Senators and Representatives of the Noi-thern States, either to yield to their brethren in the South, the barren abstraction of carrying their slaves into New Mexico, or to expose the country to the imminent peril of civil war, they would choose the side of peace and union ? The period for action was still propitious. It will be recollected that Mr. Crittenden's amendment was submitted before any of our forts had been seized, before any of the cotton States except South Carolina, had seceded, and before any of the conventions which had been caUed in the remain- ing six of these States had assembled. Under such circumstances it would have been true wisdom to seize the propitious moment before it fled forever, and even yield, if need be, a ti'ifling concession to patriotic policy, if not to abstract justice, rather than expose the country to a great impending calamity. And how small the concession required, even from a sincere Anti-Slavery Republican."* In advocacy of this Compromise, Mr. Crittenden used the fol- lowing language : " The sacrifice to be made for its (that of the Union) preservation is comparatively worthless. Peace, harmony and union in a great nation were never purchased at so cheap a rate, as we now have it in our power to do. It is a scruple only, a scruple of as little value as a barley corn that stands between us and peace, reconciliation and union ; and we stand here pausing and hesitating about that little atom which is to be sacrificed, "f *Buchanan's Administration on the Eve of the Rebellion, pp. 136-7. j[ Congressional Globe, 3d January, 1861, p. 237. 203 A REVIEW OF THE As leading Soutliern statesmen however correctly apprehended, the Crittenden Compromise failed to receive the approbation of a single Republican member of the committee ; and therefore it could not have been reported to the Senate as adopted, according to the resolution which they had agreed upon, though all the other thirteen members had voted for it. But because of the unanimity of the Republican opposition, neither Jefferson Davis nor Robert H. Toombs would stultify themselves by supporting a measure in which they were willing to acquiesce, but which they w^ere satisfied the ruling party would not accept. In addition to this. Senator Davis, in view of the attitude of his State, had desired to be relieved from serving upon the committee when first named as a member of it. Senator Toombs, in his speech of January 9th, 1861, in enumerating the demands of the South, evinced that all he desired was a fair and honorable compromise, lie said : " We demand that the people of the United States shall have an equal right to emigrate to and settle in the present or any future acquired Ter- ritories, with whatever property they may possess (including slaves), and be securely protected in its peaceable enjoyment, until such Territory may be admitted as a State into the Union, with or without Slaverj', as she may determine, on an equality with all existing States. * * * We have demanded simply equality, security and tranquility. Give us these and peace restores itself. * * » But although I insist upon this perfect equality in the Territories, when it was proposed, as I understand the Senator from Kentucky, now proposes that the line of 36°, 30', shall be extended, acknowledging and protecting our property on the south side of the line, for the sake of peace, permanent peace, I said to the Committee of Thirteen, as I say here, that with other satis- factory provisions I would accept it."* In addition to this, we have the testimony of Senator Douglas in his speech of January 3d, 1861, showing upon whom rested the responsibility of the failure to accept the Crittenden Compromise in the Committee of Thirteen. lie said : " If you of the Republican side are not willing to accept this [a propo- sition of adjustment offered by himself] nor the proposition of the Sena- tor from Kentucky (Mr. Crittenden's), pray, tell us what you are willing to do. I address the inquiry to the Republicans alone, for the reason that in the Committee of Thirteen, a few days ago, every member from the South, including those from the cotton States (Messrs. Davis and Toombs), expressed their readiness to accept the proposition of my ven- erable friend from Kentucky as a final settlement of the controversy, if ^Congressional Globe, p. 308-70. POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 20S tendered and sustained by the Republican members. Hence, the sole responsibility of our disagreement and the only difficulty in the w^ay of an amicable adjustment is with the Republican party.'* In his reply to Mr. Pugli, of Ohio, Senator Douglas re-affirmed his former statement. He said : *' The Senator has said, that if the Crittenden proposition could have been passed early in the session, it would have saved all the States except South Cai'olina. I firmly believe it would. While the Crittenden propo- sition was not in accordance wi.hmy cherished viev^s, I avowed my i-eadi- ness and eagerness to accept it, in order to save the Union, if we could unite upon it. No man has labored harder than I have to get it passed. I can confirm the Senators declai'ation that Senator Davis himself, when on the Committee of Thirteen, was ready at all times to compromise on the Crittenden proposition. I will go fui'ther, and say that Toombs was also ready to do so." f Although Mr. Crittenden's measure failed before the Committee of Thirteen, he did not despair of ultimate success with it. After this he could not expect to carry his compromise as an amendment to the Constitution, but believed it was possible to obtain a majority of each House in its favor so as to have it referred to a direct vote of the people of the States. He thought a portion of the Republican Members of Congress might be will- ing to favor a reference of the questions in dispute to the people themselves, as in this manner their j)arty could relieve itself from its former committals to the Chicago platform. Besides, he scarcely conceived it possible that they would be willing to assume the responsibility of denying to the people of the States an opportunity of expressing an opinion at the ballot-box, on questions involving no les^a stake than the peace and safety of the Union. It was quite nianifest to any one observing the cur- rent of public opinion at that time, that the people of perhaps every State but one were ready to accept the Crittenden Com- promise as a settlement of all difficulties between the Korth and South. Memorials in its favor poured into Congress from all sections of the jSlorth. One of these presented to the Senate was •from the Mayor, members of the Board of Aldermen and Com- mon Council of the City of Boston, and was signed by over 2.2,000 citizens of the State of Massachusetts, praying the adop- tion of the Compromise measures proposed by Mr. Crittenden. Another from the City of New York contained 38,000 names, * Congressional Globe, 1860-61, p. 1391. f Appendix to Congressional Globe, 1800-61, p. 41. 201 A REVIEW OF THE A greater number of persons petitioned in favor of the Crit- tenden Compromise than for any former measure that had ever been before the American Congress. Mr. Crittenden made repeated efforts to bring the Senate to a vote upon his pro|)ositions, but was steadily baliied by the parKamentary tactics of Republican Senators. On the lith of January, 1861, lie made an unsuccessful attempt to have it con- sidered, but it was j)ostponed until the following day. On this day it was again postponed by the vote of every Republican Senator present, in order to make way for the Paciiic Railroad Bill. He succeeded on the 16th, by a majority of a single vote, in bringing his resolution before the body ; every Republican Senator voting against its consideration. A direct vote upon the resolution so earnestly desired by the country, now seemed inevi- table ; but Republican fertility was not lacking, and a new display of tactics once more, baifled the compromisers. Mr. Clark, a Republican Senator from New Hampshire, moved to strike out the entire preamble and resolution offered by Mr. Crittenden, and in lieu thereof insert those of a directly opposite character, and such as were in accord with the Chicago platform. This motion pi'evailed by a vote of 25 to 23, every Republican present votiiig in its favor. Six secession Senators declined to vote on the Clark amendment, being already iirmly convinced that, all efforts to compromise between the sections would prove abortive because of Republican obstinacy. Mr. Iverson, of Georgia, one of the six, who declined toi vote, in his speech of December lltli, 1860, ex- pressed his utter disbelief that compromise in any wise could effect a &olution of the I^ational difficulties. He said : "Then, sir, is it proposed by Congressional legislation to appease the Southern States by the adoption of the doctrine of Congressional protec- tion to Slavery in the Territories of the United States ? Sir, I want to know who expects that such a remedy as that will ever be occorded by this Congress, or any other? "We know that the Republican party, so far as they are concerned, are a unit against any such provision. It was the great Shibboleth, on which they fought the recent battle and won it. It is the great principle which stands as the very basis of their political organization that Slavery shall never advance one inch beyond its present boundaries, and shall never plant a footprint in any Te-~'tory of the United States. " The Southern people now moving for secession, will never be satisfied wilh any concession made by the North that does not fully recognize not only the existence of Slavery in its present form, but the right of the POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 203 Southern people to emigrate to the common Territories Avith their slave property, and their riglit to Congressional protection while the Territorial existence lasts. The recent battle of the South was fought upon that very issue. The friends of Mr. Breckenridge put him upon the very grounds of Congressional protection to slave property in the Ten-itories ; and it was upon that ground that he carried the cotton States. " The North, if they yield at all, yield from an apprehension that the South is going to dissolve the Union, and they yield from fear of tho consequences. Of "what value would any concessions, made under these circumstances, be to the South ? None, as long as this vitiated public sentiment of Anti-Slaveiy exists in tlie hearts and minds of the Norther;i people. And, when is that ever going to be changed ? Never, as long as the Union lasts. It is a part, not only of their literary education, bat of then- religious creed. It enters into all the complications of society. It pervades the pulpit, the halls of legislation, the popular assemblies, the school houses — ^all toacli the doctrine of the 'irrepressible conflict'; and how many arguments in favor of Slavery, its morality, its social and political advantages, ever reach the Northern eye and the Northern ear."* Mr. Wigfa], of Texas, another of the six secession Senators who refused to vote" on the Clark amendment, gave his reasons for so doing in a speech delivered by him Januaiy 30th, 1861, He said : "What were the Clark resolutions? They were resolutions asserting- that no amendments to the Constitution were necessary ; and that the only matter of importance was that coercion should be used upon the sovereign States that had declared themselves out of the Union. When these resolutions came up as a substitute for the resolutions of the Sena- tor from Kentucky, every Senator wlio belongs to the dominant party— the party that is to be entrusted with the reins of Government on the 4th of March next, voted for the Clark resolutions as a substitute for the Crittenden resolutions. What then was the use of our stiiltifyino" our- selves ? What was the use of our sitting here and voting down resolu- tions, which expressed the opinion of the dominant party of the countrv in order that the Senator from Illinois might write letters or telegraph to different States that the Union was about to be saved ; that the Crit- tenden resolutions had been passed through the Senate. I did not intend to make myself a party to the fraud ; and therefore, when the question came up between the Crittenden and Clark resolutions, I for one forbore to vote. I knew the Senators on that side of the chamber had the ma- jority. We had appealed to them ; we liad begged them in God's mercj' and for the good of their own people and for the peace of the country,, to interpose and to settle this question upon some safe basis. "f All hope of a compromise that could save the Union was vir- tuall.y abandoned, when the Senate of the United States declined > accept the Crittenden propositions, as the basis of an adjudi- ' ' 'ungvessional Globe of 1860-61, pp. 49-50.. \ :. nrijressional Globe, 1860-61, p, 665. 205 A REVIEW OF THE cation. The intense anxiety, however, that existed in the breasts of those who desired to avert the calamity of civil war, suggested one plan of conciliation after another, but all to no purpose. The General Assemby of Virginia, on the 19th of January, 1861, adopted resolutions expressing the opinion "that unless the unhappy controversy which now divides the States of the Con- federacy shall be satisfactorily adjusted, a permanent dissolntion of the Union is inevitable." For the purpose of averting this calamity, they invited all the States to appoint Commissioners to meet at the City of Washington, February 4th, 1861, in order that an earnest effort be made " to adjust the present unhappy controversies in the spirit in which the Constitution was originally framed." These resolutions expressed the belief that the Crit- tenden propositions with perhaps some modifications, would " be accepted as a satisfactory adjustment by the people of this Com- monwealth." Seven of the Southern States had already either seceded or were moving in that direction. Everything indicated the break- ing up of the Union, with its consequent calamities of civil war, and the probable downfall of the Government. To avert these calamities, all classes were willing to unite, except those who were resolved to risk national disaster rather than compromise tlieir party principles ; and those, also, who were fully assured that no satisfactory settlement could be obtained. The former were the anti-compromise Republicans of the North, and the latter, the Southern secessionists and their allies in the border States. Commissioners were appointed to the Peace Conference from fifteen I^orthern and seven Southern States, although the movement was one which met with little sympathy in Republican circles. Some of the ^Northern States refused to appoint Com- missioners, and those who did so, selected men of strong Anti- Slavery opinions, who were known to be opposed to any compro- mise whatsoever. Senators Chandler and Bingham telegraphed to the Governor of Michigan, urging him to send to the con- ference radical Abolitionists, in order that no compromise might be effected. A view of the composition (. ; Ise cunfei'c.nce, to one acquainted with the antecedents of the ,nembei*s from the North, was sufficient to satisfy tlie observer tha* little hopes could be based upon the actions of that body. What reasonable expec- tation of compromise could be anticipated from the deliberations POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 207 of an assembly in which such men as Sahnon P. Chase and David Wihnot exercised a leading control ; and the majority of whose meinbers Avere associated together in the same political organiza- tion ? It Avas only in deference to pnblic opinion, that the radical Repnblican leaders consented at all, to participate in the move ments of the Peace Conference, for they never for one moment cherished the thought of acceding so far to Southern demands, as reason dictated it to be necessary, in order to avert the calamities of civil war. Bnt the people demanded compromise, and it was necessary for the politicians, in view of the popular desire, to yield in appearance, and thus shield themselves from public con- demnation. It was but a part, therefore, of that system of dis- simulation which had secured abolition ascendency under another name, and which was now baffling the wish of the people, until the party of new ideas had firmly grasped the reins of the Gen, eral Government. But a compromise was adopted by the conservatives of the Peace Congress, which restored the old Missouri division of 30'' 30' to all the present territorj^ of the United States, l^orth of this line, slavery was to be prohibited, and south of it permitted ; but this compromise was not to extend to future territorial acqui- sition. And even this diluted compromise was extorted with such grinding reluctance, that it failed altogether in its effect. Southern men, who had still cherished some lingering hope of a settlement of the difficulties, left the convention fully satisfied that the day of conciliation had passed. John Tyler, the Presi- dent of the Peace Congress, however, in obedience to the resolu- tion of that body, communicated February 2'7th to the Senate and House of Representatives, the result of their deliberations. In the Senate, on motion of^ Mr. Crittenden, this was referred to a Select Committee. The Committee, on the following day, reported it as an amendment to the Constitution, but the Senate was never able to be brought to a direct vote upon it. Failing in this effort, Mr. Crittenden made a motion to substitute the amendment of the Peace Congress instead of his own proposi- tions. This was rejected by a very large majority, eight yeas to twenty-eight nays. Mr. Crittenden, on the 2d of March, 1861, after having been repeatedly thv»^arted, succeeded in getting a direct vote in the Senate upon his propositions of compromise, but they were defeated by a vote of nineteen in the affirmative 2CB A REVIEW OF THE to twenty in tlie negative. They were rejected by Eepublican votes alone. In tlie House ■ of Representatives, everything looking to com- promise, met with resistance from Mr. Stevens and other leading Republicans. lie, with 37 others, on the Ist day of the 2d ses- sion of the 36th Congress, voted against Mr. Bot|bler'8 resolution to refer the President's message to a Committee of one from each State. On the Ttli of January, 1861, the Republicans of the House on a vote of yeas and nays, refused to consider certain propositions moved by Mr. Etheridge, of Tennessee, which were less favorable to the South than the Crittenden resolutions offered in the Senate. The Crittenden proposition in substance was sub- mitted as the ultimatum of the South to the House Committee of thirty-three, by Albert Rust, of Arkansas, but was voted down, no Republican sustaining it. Mr. Stevens, and 61 radical Repub- licans of the House, even voted against Corwin's amendment to the Constitution, reported by a majority of the Committee of thirty-three, and which declared that no power existed to interfere with slavery in the States. Every act of the radical Republican members of the House, as well as the Senate, during the last session of the 36th Congress indicated, that the Abolition wing of the party had fully resolved upon permitting no concession to the South, such as might lead to a paciiication between the sec- tions. "When a Conservative would offer in Congress, resolutions looking to a settlement of the IS^ational difficulties, some radical Republican would call for the regular order of business, and en- deavor to exclude their presentation. Mason "VV". Tappan, a Republican Congressman from ISTew Hampshire, and a member of the Committee of thirty-three, submitted February 5th, 1861, a minority report of that Committee, which declared that the provisions of the Constitution were ample for the preservation of the Union. Speaking of the Crittenden plan of compromise, he said: " It -would be the adoption into the Constitution of the creed of the ultra portion of the Democratic party, who broke up the Charleston Con- vention, because the dogma of protection to Slavery was not inserted in the Democratic platform. Sir, the Free States will never concede these terms of settlement, let the consequences be what they may."* Galusha A. Grow, Thaddeus Stevens, Hickman, Lovejoy, and ''Congressional Globe, lSG0-61,p. 760. POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 209 otlier Eadicals of the House, on tlie 1st of Marcli, co-operated in preventing the reception of tlie Memorial of the Peace Con- gress. They baitted its reception by refusing to allow the sus- pension of the rules of the House. Mr. Stevens, in voting to prevent the suspension, remarked : " I think we had better go on with the regular order (of business). We have saved tliis Union so often that I am afraid we shall save it to death."* The day of compromise was past and the new era had set in, with the advent of the Republicans to power. The Abolition portion of the party were fully resolved to stand by their prin- ciples. B. F. Wade, in a speech delivered bj him in the Senate, December 17th, 1800, said : '• Sir, I know not what others may do ; but I tell you that with the verdict given in favor of the platform upon which otir candidates have been elected, so far as I am concerned, I would suffer anything to come before I would compromise tliat away. I say, then, that so far as I ara concerned, I will yield to no compromise."! A New England dinner* was given in the City of New York on Saturday, December 22d, ISCO, at which a number of Repub- lican orators, including William H. Seward, made speeches, all of whom rejected the idea of a compromise with the South. ;{: The New York Tribune^ of the same date, contained the follow- ing declaration : " We are enabled to state in the most positive tei-ms, that Mr. Lincoln is utterly opposed to any concession or compromise that shall yield one iota of the position occupied by the Eepublican party ; that the great North, aided by hundreds of thousands of patriotic men in the slave States, have determined to preserve the Union — peaceably, if they can — forcibly, if they must !" The following sentiments, to "the same purport, were quoted as emanating from Mr. Lincoln, by James H. Campbell, of Penn- sylvania,, a Republican member of the House, in his speech of February 14th, 18G1 : " I will suffer death before I will consent or advise my friends to con- sent to any concession or compromi e which looks like buying the privi- lege of taking possession of the Government, to which we have a constitutional right, because, whatever I might think of the A^arious propositions before Congress, I should regard any concession in the face •<^ Congressional Globe, 1860-61, pp. 1333-3. \Glohe of 1860-61, pp. 103-3. ^New York Herald, December 34th, 1860. 210. A REVIEAV OF THE of mcnaco as (lie destruction of the Government itself, and a consent on all hands, that our system shall be brought down to a level with the existing disorganized state of affairs in Mexico." * Following in the wake of the New York TrlhuTie, the chame- leon oro-an of New England Puritanism, the influential press of the North, w^ith the exception of the Albany Evening Journal^ decried compromise with the South as an ignoble surrender to the behests of the slave power. After the lirst alarm of seces- sion had extorted from their leader the declaration that he would resist all coercive measures to preserve the Union., the whole radical journalistic fraternity gradually veered into an attitude that compelled their Jupiter Tonans of the press to change his base 5vith them. No compromise with traitors was henceforth the standing utterance of the combined radical press of the North. Even wdiilst Senators and Members of Congress, in melifluous sentences and smooth words, spoke of fraternal affec- tion and the blessings of the Union, the radical press was tecm- ino- with the most bitter denunciations of the Southern rebels and their institutions, and so far as they had the power, consign- in o^ them and the Northern compromisers to the lowest depths of Hadean darkness and seething perdition. Shielded by the press, those wdio hesitated elsewhere to utter their real sentiments, spoke with courage, and vented their spite in strains of malignity that cast into the shade the annals of all former history. The radical ecclesiastical as well as the secular press were in entire accord in this system of wholesale denunciation ; and besides, the Abolition pulpit came in for its full share of credit in stemming the tide of compromise, and fanning the flames of the approach- ing revolution. Were Southern statesmen then, mistaken, when they declared • in Congress that no compromise coidd stay secession % Why, it was the stereotyped assertion of the radical press and pulpit of the North, that the era of conciliation and compromise had passed forever, and they all rejoiced to be able to say so. Ent, unlike the sincere AboUtionists of the Philippo-Garrison school, they lacked the honesty to declare manfully and openly the objects of their party. By fraud and deception they continued still to de- ceive the Northern people, and have them to believe that they were the only friends of the Union and free government. '^Congressional Glohe, :8C0-'G1, p. 110. POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 211 "Whilst the Garrisonians rejoiced in the dissohition of the Union, because they believed this event would overthrow slavery, the political Abolitionists pretended that they cherished unbounded love for the Constitution of the Republic, In opposing compro- mise, they felt assured that a collision of arms would supervene, which would end in the overthrow of Southern slavery. That, instead of the preservation of the Union, was what inspired their opposition to every proposition of settlement with the South. The mob philosopher of the Tribune^ in his journal of the 26th of February, 1861, disclosed in somewhat oracular words, his genuine opinions. lie says : " We are not willing to make every sacrifice for the preservation of the Union, because we value liberty and right more than we do the Union." Phil- osophers do not seek under dark expressions to hide their ideas ; they express them fearlessly and accept the consequences. If slavery was an unendurable evil, it should have been battled with Gamsonian weapons and under genuine colors ; and history will remove the philosopher,s cloak from the statue of every one who otherwise fought it. The stern arbiter of time ever consigns the agitating knave and hypocrite to the historic recesses of execration and contempt, where the shades of Hobespierre, Danton and Marat are g,athered. 213 ■ A REVIEW OF THE CHAPTER XIII. STATE SOVKKEIGNTY AND CENTRALIZATION, OR THE OPPOSITE PRINCIPLES OF GOVERNMENT STRUGGLING FOR ASCENDENCY. As stated in a former chapter^ 'two schools of political opinions strove for mastery in the Convention of ITST^ which framed the Federal Constitution. The same fundamental questions which divided the framers of our Governmenty have from that period continued to separate the American people into two antagonistic parties, each of which trace a lineal descent from revolutionary ancestors. The effcvrt of the one party was to consolidate the States into a Is'ational Government, so as to give it that strength and durability which monarchies possess ; but this was combatted and successfully resisted by those who were unwilling to merge the sovereignty of the States in any consolidated form, De Tocqueville says : " When the war of independence was terminated, and the foundations of the new government were to be laid down, the nation was divided between two opinions which are as old as the world, and which are per- petually to be met with, under all the forms and all the names which have ever obtained in free communities — the one tending to limit, the other to extend indefinitely the power of the people, " The party which desired to limit the power of the people, endeavored to apply its doctrines more especially to the Constitution of the Union, whence it derived its name of Federal. Tlie other party, which affected to be more exclusively attached to the cause of liberty, took that of Re- publican. America is the land of Democracy, and the Federalists were always in a minority ; but thoy reckoned on their side, almost all the great men who had been called fortli by the war of independence, and their moral influence was very considerable. Their course was, more- over, favored by circumstances. The ruin of the Confederation had im- pressed the people with a dread of anarchy, and the Federalists did not fail to profit by this transient disposition of the multitude. For ten or twelve years they were at the head of affaii's, and they were able to apply some, though not aU their j^rinciples ; for the hostile current was becoming from day to day too violent to bj checked or stemmed. In ISOl, the Republicans got possession of the Government : Thomas Jellfer- Bon was named President, and he increased the influence of their party POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 213 by the weight of his celebrity, tlie greatness of his talents, and the im- menre extent of his popularity."* Whilst the Federalists held the reins of the General Govern- ment, there were entrapped in the passage of the Acts of Con- gress known as the Alien and Sedition laws. These were seized upon as an exposure of the cloven-foot of their monarchical prin- ciples ; and the people were aroused to the dangers that threat- ened free government from a further continuance of that party in power. The leaders of the Republican or Democratic party- conceived that the liberty of the people was in jeopardy, if laws infringing the Constitution could be passed with impunity ; and they determined to resist the illegal measures of the ruling fac- tion and secure their condemnation by the verdict of American public opinion. For this purpose Jefferson, the prominent advo- cate of the Republican theory of Government, drafted a series of resolutions for the Kentucky Legislature ; and similar resolves w^ere sketched by Madison for the Virginia Assembly, both of which received the sanction of these legislative bodies. The resolutions were transmitted to the Legislatures of the other States for their approval or disapproval. The Democratic party throughout the Union endorsed the correctness of the doctrines enunciated in the Virginia and Kentucky resolutions of 1798 ,• and these famous declarations of governmental principles formed in after years the political creed of the organization. The sound- ness of the principles of these resolutions was necessarilv dis- puted by the Federalists as being directed against their own legislative measures. These resolutions formed the platform upon wdiich the Democratic party triumphed in 1800, and suc- ceeded in electing Thomas Jefferson to the Chief Magistracy of the Nation. The cardinal principle was laid down in the Virginia and Kentucky resolutions, that the General Government was one of limited authority, granted originally by the States as the sover- eign members of the Confederation, and that in case undelegated powers should be assumed, such became void and of no force, because unauthorized in the original constitutional compact. It was farther declared that the General Government was not the " exclusive or final judge of the extent of the powers delegated to itself, since that would have made its discretion and not the *De Tocqueville's Democracy, j)p. 187-8. 211 A REVIEW OF TIIE Constitution tlie measure of its powers ; but as in all cases of compact among powers having no common judge, each party has an equal right to judge for itself, as well of infractions as of tlio mode and measure of redress." The General Government, according to the above theory, was simply the representative of the delegated authority of the sove- reign States of the Union, and was authorized to execute its civil mandates upon the people of every State, so far as its authority extended. It was, therefore, simply the agent of the States for the execution of certain general powers, wliich are necessary in all governments, and which alone, could properly be performed by a federal head. All the authority granted to the General Government was of a civil nature, and specified only civil modes for its execution. The union of the States was a Confederated Kepublic, and was different from alJ former leagues of this character, in the feature already mentioned, that it permitted the Central Government to execute the general laws upon the people of the States themselves. Under the articles of con- federation, the laws of Congress could only be executed through the instrumentalities of the State organizations, and it v/as, in the main, to remedy this defect that the Federal Union was formed. All the power delegated to the Federal Government to be executed over the people of the States, was either of a civil character or such as the execution of civil law required. In the convention which framed the Federal Compact, the exertion of military power against the States or tho people thereof, save as the Constitution expressed, had been explicitly refused. We find by the proceedings of the Federal Convention of May 31st, 1787, that the adoption of a clause was defeated, " authorizing an exertion of tlie force of the whole ajrainst a delinquent State." This Mr. Madison opposed in a speech, in which he said : " The use of force against a State, would look more like a declaration of war than an infliction of punishment; and would probably be considered by the party attacked, as a dissolution of all the previous compacts by wliich it might be bound." Upon Madison's motion, the consideration of this clause was unanimously postponed, and it was never again presented. The following extract from 'No. 16 of the Federalist, combats the idea of the General Government being clothed with tho right POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 815 of coercing tlie States of the Union, as chimerical and absohitely preposterous : "Whoever considers the populousness and strength of several of these States singly, at the present junctui-e, and looks forward to what they will become, even at the distance of half a century, will at once dismiss, as idle and visionary, any scheme which aims at regu'ating them or coercing them in their collective capacities, by the General Government. A project of this kind is little less romantic than the monster-taming spirit attributed to the fabulous heroes and demi-gods of antiquity. Even in those Confederacies which have been composed of members smaller than many of our counties, the principle of legislation for sover- eign States, supported by military coercion, has never been found effec- tual. It has rarely been attempted to be employed against the weaker members, and in most instances attempts thus to coerce the refractory and disobedient, have been the s gnals of bloody wars, in which one-half the Confederacy has displayed its banners against the other. The first war of this kind would probably terminate in a dissolution of the Union." That eminent patriot and statesman, Alexander Hamilton, who was a member of the convention which framed the Constitution of the United States, in a speech delivered by him in the year 1788, in the ratifying convention of the State of New York, used the following language in reference to the coercive power being entrusted to the General Government : *' The coercion of States is one of the maddest projects that was ever devised, A failure of compliance will never be confied to a single State. This being the case, can we suppose it wise to hazard a civil war ? It would be a nation at war with itself. Can any reasonable mail be well disposed toward a government that makes war and carnage the only means of supporting ittelf — a government that can exist only by the sword? Every such war must involve the innocent with the guilty. This single consideration sliou.d not be inefficient to dispose every peace- able citizen against such a government." The Virginia and Kentucky principle of the sovereignty cf States, and their non-coercion through military force by the Gen- eral Government, was the only doctrine compatible with republi- can principles, which declare that all govermnent rests upon- the consent of the governed. And so signal was the overthrow of the antagonistic doctrine of the Federal party, that the Govern- ment was a consolidated union of the people of all the States in one National Republic, that from the election of Thomas Jeffer- son until that of Abraham Lincoln, no President was chosen upon the avowed principles of consolidation. But tiie principles of monarchy ever continued secretly to form the leading character- istics of the party, which at all times was arrayed in opposition 216 A REVIEW OF THE to the l^ational Democracy. On this point hear De Tocqueville, in his History cf Democracy, YoL I, pp. 190-1. " But when one comes to study the secret projiensities which govern the factions of America, he easily perceives that the gTeater part of them are more or less connected with one or the other of those two divisions which have always existed in free communities. The deeper we penetrate into the workings of these parties, the more do we perceive that the object of the one is to limit and the other to extend the popular authority. I do not assert that the ostensible end, or even that the secret aim of American parties is to promote the rule of aristocracy or democracy in the country, but I affirm that aristocratic or democratic passions may easily be detected at the bottom of all parties ; and although they escape a superficial observation, they are the main point, the very soul of every faction of the United States." This penetrative writer elsewhere permits it clearly to appear that the Democratic was the party of the people, whilst its oppo- nent was that which w^as ever influenced by aristocratic or mon- archical principles. Resistance to the efforts of the Federal party to enlarge the powers of the General Government led, as has been seen, to the enunciation of the principles of the Virginia and Kentucky reso- lutions, and to the utter prostration, for the time, of the Consoli- dationists. But, although the Federal party was overthrown, its principles as already noted still continued to live, and inhere in all the organizations which succeeded it in opposition to the National Democracy. The question of a protective tariff was germinated in the principles of Ilamiltonianism ; and after the Alien and Sedition Lav/s, was the next which caused serious alarm, and threatened danger to the Union. " Before 181G, pro- tection to home industry had been an incident to the levy of revenue, but in 1816 it became an object." * The tariff' of 1816, having inaugurated the protective policy, the measure was seized upon by the politicians of the Ilamiltonian school as one that might again re-instate their party in power. From this period, once in every four years, the question was brought up with the evident purpose of influencing the Presi- dential election. The tariff bills of 1816, 1820, 1824 and 1828, each succeeding the other in its degree of protection, became the regular appendages, as it were, of the Presidential canvas. The great debate on the tariff before Congress at the session of 1823 * Bent-jn's View. Vol. 1, p. 3G6. POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 217 and 1824:, was the commencement of that dispute which after- wards led to the nuUiiication difficulties. Members of Congress, " divided (at this time) pretty much on the line which always divided them on a question of constructive powers. The pro- tection of domestic industry, not being among the granted pow- ers, was looked for in the incidental, and denied by the strict Cojistructionists to be a substantive power to be exercised for the direct purposes of protection ; but by all, at that time, and ever since the first tariff 1789, to be incident to the revenue- raising power, and an incident to be regarded in the exercise of that power." ^ " After 1821, the ISTew England States (always meaning the greater portion when a section is spoken of) classed with the protective States — ^leaving the South alone as a section against that policy." f The Southern States believed themselves impoverished under the protective policy, to enrich those of the North. The Southern States were therefore almost a unit in opposi- tion to a protective tariff. The Act of 1828 bore the most oppressively of all against the interests of the people of that section. South Carolina, North Carolina, Georgia, Mississippi, Alabama and Virginia, had all united in remonstrances against the principle of protection ; declared over and over again its un- constitutionality, and passed resolutions condemning the system. The people of these and other Southern States pointed out the inequality and the injustice of a protective tariff, and showed that the one section of the country was enriched at the expense of the other. This they urged was altogether unjust, and sus- tained by no warraftit in the Federal Constitution. But Southern remonstrance was in vain ; and all efforts to secure a" repeal of the odious tariff legislation proved useless and abortive. The election of Andrew Jackson was a triumph of constitutional principles over a protective policy ; and the Southern people de- manded that its true import be considered. After his second election as President of the United States, South Carolina, seeing no hopes for the attainment of their rights by a repeal of an un- unjust tariff, determined to have recourse to those reserved rights which she, as a sovereign member of the Confederacy, possessed. A convention of her people accordingly assembled on the 19th * Benton's View. Vol. 1, p. 33. \ Benton's View. Vol. 1, p. 97. 218 A EEVIEW OF THE of November, 1832, and passed an ordinance of nullification, wliich declared the existing tariff " null, void and of no law, nor binding on this State, its officers and citizens." The duties im- posed by the Federal law were forbidden to be paid within the State after the 1st day of February, 1833. Matters had now approached a crisis ; and great caution and sagacity were required in order to obviate a collision of authori- ties. Fortunately, statesmen at that period ruled America, if an exception did not exist as to the Presidential occupant. A phil- osophic foreigner's estimate of President Jackson will not be out of place in this connection : *' Gen. Jackson, whom the American people have twice elected to be the head of their government, is a man of a violent temper and medio, ere talents ; no one circumstance in the whole course of his career ever proved that he is qualified to govern a free people ; and indeed the ma- jority of the enliglitened classes of the Union have always been opposed to him."* If nothing moi*e existed to show that Gen. Jackson was devoid of the necessary judgment to conduct the Government of a free people, sufficient would be found in his Proclamation of the 11th of December, 1832, to the people of South Carolina. The whole scope and tenor of tliis proclamation to the nulliliers, were antagonistic to the principles of the party of w^hich he professed himself a member ; and if a body of prudent statesmen had not been found in the country, the Republic at that early day might have sunk beneath the waves of civil convulsion. For although South Carolina was alone in her nullification attitude, her South- ern sisters sympathized with her in her demands, and would have resisted her forcible coercion upon the battle field. Even the patriotic statesman of Roanoke, though upon the brink of the grave, declared that should Gen. Jackson attempt to coerce South Carolina into the Union, he would cause himself to be buckled upon his old white charger, and that he himself would fight in defense of liberty and State sovereignty. President Jackson recommended to Congress that additional power be granted to him to collect the revenue at Charleston, and that sufficient troops be placed at his command so as to enable him to enforce the laws against the people of South Caro- lina. A bill for this purpose was reported by the Judiciary *De Tocqueville's Democracy, Vol. I, p. 316. POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 219 Committee in the Senate, whicli called forth an animated debate, and for a period produced great excitement throughout the country. Many feared that the days of the Republic were num- bered, and different opinions were entertained as to the best method of averting the dangers that were threatening the peace and integrity of the Union. The North permitted itself to be seduced into the support of the monarchical measures recom- mended by President Jackson, one of which was the coercion by military force of a State by the General Government. This had ever been a cherished principle of the Federal Consolida- tionists, and in this instance was seized upon by Gen. Jackson as a weapon by which to defeat his political enemy, John C. Cal- houn, the philosophic statesman of South Carolina, who was the ablest defender of State Sovereignty, and the admitted father of nullilication. In enforcing the view of the General Government held by Webster and the other leaders of the Federal school, President Jackson placed himself in antagonism to the principles he had ever professed to advocate, and inflicted upon free gov- ernment the severest blow it had ever been compelled to endure in America. Being a Southerner by birth, education and sympa- thies, a member of the Jeffersonian State Pight party, and a man whose military career gave him a reputation with the whole people of the country ; the President by the force of his position and influence, was able to carry to the support of his measures all except those who had carefully studied the character of the General Government, and who apj)rehended danger to liberty in the exercise of undelegated authority ; and who, besides, had the boldness to defend their sincere opinions, even in the face of controlling authority. But the obsequious vassals of party are ever ready to truckle before the throne of power, and pay their obeisance to any despot who may for the time happen to fill it. It was so in this case. Power emenated from the Federal Execu- tive, and obedience to his dictates was the surest method of securing power. Besides humbling his bitter enemy, the great statesman of South Carolina, President Jackson, in asking power to enforce the laws against the nullifiers, doubtless desired nothing more than to be able to preserve the Union of the States. This was the opinion of the llTorthern people, and also of many in the South ; but the real danger existed in the establishment of an 220 A REVIEW OF THE nnconstitutional precedent. Rome was perfectly safe when she called Cincinnatus from his plow, and clothed him with unlimited powers ; but she had cause to grieve long when she gave the dic- tatorship to Sjlla and Marius, whose legions overthrew the bul- warks of liberty, and rioted in the blood of their countrymen. But a resolute band of Southern statesmen, seeing the danger that threatened freedom, boldly arrayed themselves in opposition to the demands of Executive power, and though prostrated, placed upon record the unmistakable words of truth, which will live and be cherished whilst republics endure. They declined clothing President Jackson with power to coerce South Carolina, not because (as most of them declared) they favored nullification, but because the Constitution granted no authority for this pur- pose. All power granted to the Federal Government was of a civil nature, and it was never contemplated by the framers of the Government that the military authority should be exerted save as auxiliary to the civil, and in that case as the Constitution specified. In the debate upon that occasion, Judge Bibb, of Kentucky, spoke as follows : *' It seemed to him that a falsa issue was presented. The question of war against South Carolina is presented as the only alternative. The issue was false. The first question was between justice and injustice. Shall we do justice to the States, who were united with South Carolina in complaint, and remonstrance against the injustice and oppression of the tariff? Shall we cancel the obligations of justice to five other States, because of the impetuosity and impatience of South Carolina, under wrong and oppression? The question ought not to be, whether we have the physical power to crush South Carolina, but whether it is not our duty to heal her discontents, to conciliate a member of the Union, to give peace and happiness to the adjoining States which have made common cause with South Carolina, to compel her to remain in the Union ? Shall we keep her in the Union by force of arms for the purpose of compelling her submission to the tariff laws of which she complains ? "My creed is, that by the Declaration of: Independence, the States were declared to be free and independent States, thirteen in number, not one nation, — that the old articles of Confederation united them as distinct States, not as one people ; — that the treaty of peace of 1783, acknowledged their independence as States, not as a single nation ; that the Federal Government was formed by States ; submitted by States ; and adopted by the States as distinct nations or States ; not as a single nation or people. " He would like to know when and where South Carolina surrendered the right to secede from the Union in case of a dangerous invasion of her rights by the Federal Government."* ^Stephens' War between the States. Vol. 1, pp. 425-37. POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 231 Jolm Tyler, of Yirginia^ said : " The idea that ours is a National Government, has lately received much encouragement from high sources, The President in his procla- mation, speaks of the people as one mass, and of the Government as forming us into one . Nation. "When were the States, he would ask, welded together ? Was it before or since the revolution ?" Further speaking of the overthrow of the principles of Fed- eralism, Tyler says : " In the year 1798,* all these doctrines were, he had thought, put down completely and forever. He had not expected to be obliged to renew the cont:st. For thirty yeai-s they had now been in obscurity, but suddenly they are waived into life, and brought into daylight by the President's proclamation. "The President of the United States had declared against the doctrines of secession. But the President should not decide that doctrine for him. The military power was called for, to support this foregone conclusion of the President of the United States. If South Carolina secede, he is to be armed with military and naval power to subdue her." Mr. Tyler speaks of the dangerous precedent that would be established by acquiescing in the executive demands. He said : " He had all proper confidence in the Executive, but he was not dis- posed to confer very great powers upon any Executive. If they should even be used by tiie present President for the common good, and our institutions should come out safe from the trial, the precedent would be left staixding on the statute book, and other Presidents might not use the power so benefioially/'f Mr. Poindexter,. of Mississippi, deduced the origin of the un- constitutional power claimed by Gen. Jackson, as follows. lie said : " But this extra official document (Jackson's proclamation to the people of South Carolina) owes its. origin, in reference to the political heresies it c jntains, to the speech of the Honorable Senator (Mr. Webster) of Massa- chusetts, delivered in this body in 1830, on what were familiarly called " Foots Resolutions," These principles have never before been avowecR by any politic a1 party in this country. They leave the old Federal School far in tlie rear, in their utter consolidation tendencies, and were for ths first time introduced to the notice of the American i>eople, in tlie speeds of the Honorable Senator to which I have referred.":]; Several other distinguished statesmen of the South, with John C. Calhoun, took the ground that no power had been delegated to the Federal Government to exert the military arm againsfe a State in its sovereign capacity, the people of which had assumed *He refers to the Kentucky and Virginia resolutions, j;Aational Intelligencer, Feb. 6tli. 18o3. XNational Intelligencer y March 19;. 1833, £23 . A REVIEW OF THE either a nullifjing or seceding attitude. Even tlie Virginia House of Delegates condemned the doctrines contained in the President's Proclamation, characterizing them as the product of Federal inspiration. John Floyd, Governor of Virginia, in his Message of December 13th, 1S32, said : "Many questions of deep import have heretofore agitated these States, but none have equalled this in importance, either in the interest it ought to excite among the people or the effect it may produce upon the Confed- eracy A sovereign State has spoken her sentiments in relation to this Subject, a:id has pronounced those laws unconstitutional. Should force be resorted to by the Federal Government, the horror of the scenes here- after to be witnessel cannot now be pictured, even by the affrighted imagination. ** The genius and spirit of our institutions are wholly adverse to such a step, and ought not to permit the mind of any to look in that direction— for what safety has any State of her existence as a sovereign, if differ- ence of opinion should be punished with the sword as treason? Surely, civil war is not a remedy for wrongs in a country where the people are recognized as sovereign, and each individual has the right to the full and free expression of his opinions.'"* But, although the Force Bill became a law, reason and good sense still Vv'hispered that the only proper way to j? reserve the Kepublic, was by the removal on the part of the General Gov- ernment of those features of the tariff, which had occasioned the discontent in South Carolina and the other Southern States. Measures introduced into Congress for that purpose, and which received the approbation of those bodies, satisfied the South Carolinians that it was the desire of the General Government to respect their rights, and without delay they yielded all further resistance to the national authority. As soon as the storm of nullification had spent its strength, the Virginia and Kentucky resolutions became again the acknowledged creed of the Democratic party both Korth and South. Even President Jackson, through his political organs, attempted to satisfy public opinion, that no doctrine enunciated in his procla- mation to the people of South Carolina was repugnant to the principles of Jeffersonian State Sovereignty. But all sucli attempts failed to convince the logical understanding of the small band of bold adherents of State rights, whom the popular storm had well nigh overborne, because of their firm defense of the principles upon which Republican Government rested- The ^National Intelligencer, December 18, 1833. POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 223 stanneli defenders of principle saw tlie fatal stabs tliat Jeifer- sonianisni liad received, and the danger that threatened liberty in the coercion precedent which had been established. The. re- endorsement of the resolntions of 1798 by the Democratic party, was unable to give ample assurance of safety to the sincere be- lievers in State Sovereignty, in view of the manner those doc- trines had been trailed in the dust in obedience to the demands of impassioned excitement and popular phrensy, A lesson had been learned by the friends of Free Government not soon to be forgotten. That little reliance was to be placed upon the declarations of politicians, when interest admonished their repudiation, was a demonstrated truth. It was also ascer- tained that the will of a people, expressed in times of great com- motion, is not the utterance of convictions based upon reason and justice ; but rather the eifervescence of passion and vindictive hatred. The vast influence of position on sucli occasions was likewise clearly perceived ; and it was observed that one man may have it in his power, to so arouse a whole people that the compacts of liberty aiford no protection to guaranteed rights. What assurance of safety had those who dreaded consolidation, wdien the very party itself which came originally into power upon the principles of the Virginia and Kentucky resolutions, could be induced, through Presidential influence, to re]3udiate its cardinal doctrine ; and the one of all others that distinguished it fi'om its Federal antagonist. But the deed was done, the prin- ciples upon which the Constitution wms founded were prostituted at the anarchical cry of national preservation ; and it but re- mained for the enemies of the Federal Union, like the conquer- ors at Phillippi, to overwhelm in a general collision the defenders of constitutional republicanism. It was not difiicult for State Sovereignty in the forum of rea- son to maintain its ascendency, while statesmen were permitted to rule in the Halls of the nation. In peaceful times this prin- ciple triumphed, and no party in America could have sustained itself that would have openly endorsed the contrary opinion. It was only in the Northern wing of the Whig party that the Hamiltonian principles were still visible. But the Abolition party and its successor, the Kepublican, were based upon a pure monarchical creed, which stamped them as the legitimate deendsc- ants of Federal ancestors. The avowed and leading principle of 23-1 A REVIEW OF THE lliat party, wliicli declared that no more slave States should he admitted into the Union, was itself a plain repudiation of the principles of Free Government, which assumes that all authority- flows from consent. And even the agitation of slavery by the Korthern people was an interference with the rights of those of the Southern States, over whom, under the Constitution, they had no control. The known principles of the Republican party were sufficient to determine the people of the South, after the election of Abra- ham Lincoln in 1860, to seek their safety in the exercise of those reserved rights which they, as States, had never surrendered, to the General Government. The preparations that from that period, began to be made throughout the whole of the Cotton States, again made the question of State Sovereignty a leading subject of discussion in all parts of the Union. That portion of the Democratic party in the North which still adhered to Jeffor- sonian principles, viewed the Constitution as a compact between the States; and that no power could be exerted agaiDst the States or the people thereof, save as had been already expressed and delegated. According to this view of the Constitution, iii case one or more of the States should choose to secede from the Gen- eral Government, no authority was believed to exist by which these seceding members of the Confederated Republic could be coerced back into the Union. James Buchanan, in his last Annual Message, gave the following opinion with reference to the coer- cion of the seceding States : "The question fairly stated is: Has the Constitution delegated to Congress the power to force a State into ; ubmission, which is attempting to withdraw or has act'aclly withdrawn from tho Confederacy ? If an- swered in the affirmative, it must be on the principle that the power has been conferred upon Congress to declare and make war against a State. After much serious reflection I have arrived at the conclusion that no such power has been delegated to Congress or to any other department of the Federal Government. It is manifest upon an inspection of the Constitution, that this is not amongst the specific and enumerated pow- ers granted to Congress ; and it is equally apparent that its exercise is not "nece sary and proper for carrying into execution" any one of these powers. So far from this power having been delegated to Congress, it was expres ly refused by the convention which framed the Consti- tution." Mr. Buchanan had taken the precaution to consult Jeremiah S. Black, his Attorney-General, and one of the ablest lawyers of POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 22.J the nation, as to the powers of the General Government, with reference to the question of secession. The Attorney General in his reply to the President, showed clearly that military force could only 1x3 used to aid in the execution of civil powers, and only then, when the civil officers would be resisted in their duties, and the appropriale State official would call upon the President for assistance as the Constitution specifies. " But," says the Attorney- General, "what if the feeling in any State against the United States should become so universal that the Federal officers them- selves, (including Judges, District- Attornies and Marshals) would be reached by the same influence, and resign their places ? Of course, the first step would be to appoint others in their stead, if others could be got to serve. But in such an event, it is more than probable that great difficulty would be found in filling the offices. We can easily conceive how it might become altogether impossible. We are, therefore, obliged to consider what can be clone in case we have no courts, judicial process, and no ministerial officer to execute it. In that event, troops would certainly be out of place, and their use wholly illegal. If they are sent to aid courts and marshals, there must be courts and marshals to be aided. Without the exercise of these functions, which belong exclusively to the civil service, the laws cannot be executed in any event, no matter what may be the physical strength which the Government has at its command. Under such circumstances, to send a military force into any State with orders to act against the people, would be simply making war upon them. " If it be true that war cannot be declared, nor a system of general hostilities be carried on by the Central Government against a State, then it seems to follow that an attempt to do so w^ould be ipso facto an expulsion of such State from the Union. Being treated as an alien and an enemy, she would be compelled to act accordingly. And if Congress shall break up the present Union by unconstitutionally putting strife, and enemity, and armed hostility, between sections of the country, instead of the domestic tranquility which the Constitution was meant to insure, will not all the States be absolved from their Federal obligations ? Is any portion of the people bound to contribute their money or their blood to carry on a contest like that ?" Without a further attempt to specify the names of leading 226 A REVIEW OF THE Northern Democrats, wlio maintained the doctrine of State Sov- ereignty ; and tliat the General Government was clothed with no power to exert the coercive arm against States in case of their secession, it can be affirmed with confidence, tliat this was the accepted doctrine of the great body of the party in the North, as well as in the Sonth. This was the opinion of all who, in any wise, were conversant with the history of the formation of the Federal Constitution; and -who were disposed to resist the mon- archical tendency, which, from the origin of the Republic, had shown its workings ; and which, to sagacious minds, seemed to threaten entire overthrow to the Constitutional Government. The American Union was, as they conceived, the product of the ad- vanced intelligence of the age and founded upon the principle of consent alone. Experience had taught mankind to believe that republican institutions could endure in their simplicity only in the government of small countries and States ; and that if they were to be extended over large territories, this must be accomplished by means of confederations amongst these, still per- mittino- the several allied States to remain sovereign as to all power not expressly delegated to the Federal Union. That this was the character of the American Confederacy, had been the received and steadily avowed opinion of all who maintained rank amongst the sound thinkers and statesmen of the Jefferson school of politics. Even publicists,* who were strictly members of neither political party, viewed the Government as a compact between the several States ; and that as the Union was constituted, there was nothing to prevent a State from seceding, should she choose to assume and exercise her reserved powers. But such a construction of the Constitution was never agree- able to that party, which strove to concentrate power and to dic- tate their opinions to the people of the whole country. That school of politics, which have ever striven to impose their views of social polity upon other States and people, would necessarily be the enemies of State rights, as declared in the Yirginia and Ken- *Judge Tucker, Professor of Law in the University of William and Mary, Virginia, in his edition of Blackstone's Commentaries, issued about 1803, and Mr. Rawle, an eminent Jurist of Pennsylvania, in his work upon the Constitution, published in 1826, took the view^ that the General Government was simply the result of a comi^act between the States ; and that the right of secession was a sequence that necessarily flowed therefrom, should the States choose to exercise this denier remedy for experienced or apprehended evils. POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 227 tucky resolutions of 1798. And hence Puritanism from the first h.as been arrayed against them. The doctrine of abolitionism conld derive its support in no other principle than that of monarchy ; even though slavery should be conceded to be a moral and social evil ; for it was the effort of one people to interfere with the affairs of another and dictate how they shall manage them. The principle thus assumed was the same as had ever enchained the nations of the old world and bound them with the manacles of despotism ; and again, not dissimilar from that which riveted ecclesiastical fetters upon independent thought, which modern ages have busied themselves in disrupting. The inquisitorial judges and the robed prelates of the Spanish Peninsula, made no other assumption than was claimed by the abolition band infidel priesthood* of the North, when they demanded the emancipation of the negro slaves in the Southern States. And all the blood that flowed on St. Bartholomew's night, and that in religious wars moistened the soil of Europe, was shed in obedience to that same dictatorial sjiirit, which would impose the conscientious convictions of one people upon the minds of another. The peaceful and conservative policy of the Democracy was des- tined to yield to one of a different character upon the advent of Ilamiltonianism to power in 1S60, under the assumed name of Republicanism. Prior to this time, the utterances of the leading men of the party had been very guarded as regards their inten- tions, and those of them who had the honesty and courage to express their real sentiments, were popularly viewed as enthusiasts and fanatics, who would possess no influence under the new gov- ernmental regime. Even Thaddeus Stevens himself, was re- garded as one of those extreme men whose opinions would never * " Wherever the seed of Abolitionism has been sown broadcast, a plentiful crop of infidelity has sprung up. In communities where Anti- Slavery excitement has been most prevalent, the power of the gospel has invariably declined ; and where the tide of fanaticism begins to subside, the wrecks of church order and of Christian character have been scattered on the shore. * * * The effect of abolitionism upon individuals is no less striking and mournful than its influence upon com- munities. It is a remarkable and instructive fa.ct, and one at which Christian men would do well to pause and consider, that in this country, all the prominent leaders of abolitionism, outside of the ministry, have become avowed infidels ; and that all our notorious abolition preachers have renounced the great doctrines of grace as they are taught in the standards of the reformed churches." — Sermon of Rev. J. Vandyke, of Brooklyn, New York Herald, December 10th, 1860. l„ 223 A REVIE^V OF THE become the rule of tlie Tiepublican party. But the news of the election of Abraham Liueohi had scarcely flashed across the tele- graphic wires until a greater boldness of utterance was discernible in the columns of the Republican press. This party had won the political battle, and henceforth, inspired with contidence, they assumed the attitute of masters that must be entreated rather than menaced. The exiled monarch that had wandered in dis- guise, and in varied habits, since the people had elected Thomas Jeffei-son to the Presidential Chair, at once returned and ascended again the throne of his federal ancestors. The flat M'as imme diately issued to the magnates of power, that the principles of compromise should be suspended, and the maxims of Empire substituted. But, that the humble obeisance of the vassals might be secured, and a ready obedience to the orders of despotism guaranteed, a preliminary' course of instruction was required. The subjects so lono- inured to the policy of peace and democratic leniency, must be indoctrinated into the principles of the new school, and this without delay was undertaken. In reference to the secession commotion, the Eepublican press of the Xorth instead of discus- sing the reasons of Southern discontent, and the method to effect its aliayment, spoke of the powers of the Government, craftily therebv endeavoring to inflame the enthusiasm of the unreflect- ing masses, in behalf of national unity and the perpetuity of the Eepnblic. How captivatingly were the people admonished, that the first question to he decided, icas, ichether ice have a Gov- ernment or not. The Union was dear to the people of the Xorth, save to the abolitionists themselves, who had now succeeded in o-aining power under the Eepublican banner. The flrst aim of the leaders of the triumphant party, was to arouse the people to the danger by which the Union was threatened from Southern secession. By the haranguing of an inflamatory press, ]Srorthern sentiment was soon made almost unanimous against this dogma of the State's Eight School. ISTo name at this period was so poten- tial with the people as that of Andrew Jackson, whose famous declaration now formed the watch-word with the Constitution destructives, '■'■ the Federal Union, it vinsthe jJreserved.-'' Those seeking- to subvert the Constitution were now loudest in their cries for the preservation of the Union. Gen. Jackson in the nulMcation excitement had given ex- POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AT^IERICA. 1^39 pression, as has been seen, to iitterancec for wliich lie afterwards liacl cause sincerely to repent. No man ever filled the Presiden- tial Chair, who was subjected to more malignant abuse by that party which comprised in its ranks the monarchical or consolida- tion element of the country ; and yet when this same school succeeded in gaining political power in the government, the unstudied expressions of this much abused President, were re- hearsed before his admirers, by those who despised and vilified all his actions ; save the one in which he unfortunately erred, and which was contrary to the whole tenor of his political life, and to his subsequently expressed convictions. This same party whilst retailing the declarations of President Jackson, studiously avoided circulating the following extract from his fareAvell address to his countrymen : "It is well known that there has always been those among us who wish to enlarge tlie powers of the General Government ; and experience would seem to indicate that there is a tendency on the part of this Gov- ernment to over-step the boundaries marked out for it by the Constitu- tion. Its legitimate authority is abundantly sufficient for all the purposes for which it was created ; and its i)owers being expressly enumerated, there can be no justification for claiming anything beyond them. Every attempt to exercise power beyond these limits should be promptly and firmly opposed. For one evil example will lead to other measures still more mischievous ; and if the principle of consti'uctive powers, supposed advantages, or temporary circumstances shall ever be permitted to justify the assumption of a power not given by the Constitution, the General Government will before long absorb all the powers of legislation, and you will have in effect but one consolidated government. From the extent of our country, its diversified interests, different pursuits, and single habits, it is too obvious for argument that a single consolidated Govern- ment would be wholly inadequate to watch over and protect its interests ; and every friend of our free institutions should be always prepared to maintain, unimpaired and in full vigor, the rights and sovereignty of the States, and confine the action of the General Government strictly to the sphere of its appropriate duties."* The excitement throughout the country had become intense' upon the assembling of Congress in December, 1860. As soon as President Buchanan had submitted the views of the adminis- tration upon secession and coercion, the Pepublican press united in a general condemnation of the principles therein enunciated, and ridiculed the Executive as a coward and committed to the interests of treason. Assaults upon the peace policy of the ad- ministration, now became one of the means by which the Pepub- *Statesman's Manual, vol. 2, p. 953. 2^'J A REVIEW OF THE liean leaders strove to intensify ISTortliern sentiment against tlie Sontliern j)eo2)le ; and prepare the masses for that bloody strife of sections which they found it necessary to foment m order to strengthen their own political power and crush that of their adversaries. When South Carolina at length seceded, the auroral star of the millenium seemed to rise upon the vision of those who had for upwards of a quarter of a century prayed for a dissolution of the Union. Wendel Phillips and his associate band of open and avowed Abolitionists, were in exstacies over the e^ ent. The harbinger of the new epoch was announced. The emancipators shouted huzzas when the convention of South Carolina had proclaimed secession. " Deck her with garlands — lade her with jewels," cried they ; " because she has gone, and God speed her on her journey." But the unavowed Abolitionists, Republicans in name. Eman- cipationists in principle, Wade, Hale, Stevens, and others, now found a glorious opportunity to assault the South, the administra- tion and the Democratic party in general. Compromise with traitors was ridiculed, and all members of the Kepublican party favoring a conservative j)olicy were denounced as derelict to the principles of the Chicago platform. The strong current that set in shortly after the election of Lincoln, in favor of compromise, had the effect of intimidating all but the boldest Kepublicans from expressing freely their designs as regards the coercion of the Southern States. John P. Hale, of New Hampshire, was one of the first who permitted it clearly to appear that it was determined by the Republican leaders to declare war against the seceded States. This announcement in the United States Senate embold- ened those editors of like opinions to utter their sentunents with less reserve ; and the Republican press from this period teemed with threats of coercion and condign punishment of the rebels. As early as December 20th, 1860, the Springfield Journal^ the presumed reflector of the views of Abraham Lincoln, the Presi- dent elect, gave utterance to the following sentiments: •' She (South Carolina) cannot get out of this Union until she conquers this Government. The revenues must and will be collected at her j)orts, and any resistance on her part veill lead to civil war." The following extract from the Kew York Herald, seems very truthfully to portray the Republican attitude at the time of its appearance : POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 231 "Because Mr. Buchanan has adopted the peace policy, he is denovinced by the Republicans as a dotard, an imbecile, a traitor, and a lunatic. * * * The Republican journals of the North, are daily becoming more and more bitter in the tone of their belligerent manifestations, and in their vituperative advocacy of the extremest measures to reduce the slave States to submission to the doctrines laid down in the Chicago platform. Appeal to the inexora,ble logic or grooved cannon, Sharpe's rifles, and the bayonet, takes the place of reflection and argument now, just as cant, abuse, calumny and diatribe did that of truth and facts while they were arousing their readers to that pitch of Anti-Slavery excitement which has produced the present crisis. They demand that Mr. Lincoln shall inaugurate his administration with blocl- ides, bombardments and invasions, as flippantly and impudently as though the welfare of the country could be promoted by conformity to such diabolical fancies. They decree that the South shall be put down as glibly as if fifteen States were a vagrant to be arrested by the first policeman. With quasi author- itative language, they pretend to foreshadow the policy of the incoming administration as substituting the blood-red flag of civil war for the stars and stripes which float over the Capitol ; and confidently predict that the ' irrepressible conflict ' will be carried out with a ruthless bar- barity which John Brown himself would have hesitated to sanction. " The transparent motive of so much furious clamor on the part of the Republican press, is to drive Mr. Buchanan into initiating aggressive measures against South Carolina and any other States that may secede, in order that he and his administration may be charged with beginning the war. He is denounced for not sending troops to Moultrie and sur. rounding Charleston with a naval cordon. Should Buchanan accede to them, they would be the first to turn upon him the full vials of popular indignation, and charge him as responsible for beginning the war."* The tide of denimciation against President Buchanan and his peace policy, rose still higher and higher ; and broke upon the public ear in all its vindictive fury and tumultuousness. The roar of the Abolition press resounded throughout the whole length and breadth of the I^orth ; a partisan malignity seemed as if ready to engulph all reason and sobriety beneath the opening waves of the social convulsion. Henry Ward Beecher regretted that destiny had not vouchsafed to America, at this time, an Oliver Cromwell for President; and the Republican journals urged that in the imbecile attitude in which the country found itself, owing to the treasonable dereliction of the administration, it behooved the loyal States of the ISTorth to act with reference to the emergency and prepare for the coming crisis. Some of the Eepublican Governors called attention to the condition of the country and urged upon their Legislatures to place the military *New York Herald, Dec. 34th, 1860. 233 A REVIEW OF THE iorces of tlieir States upon snch a footing as to be read j to respond when called upon bj the Federal authority. All these move- ments in the North served to indicate what the proposed policy of the incoming administration would be, as regards the seceded States. That it was the full intention of the Republican leaders after their elevation to power, to inaugurate coercive measures against such Southern States as might secede from the Union, admits of no reasonable doubt. And although William H. Seward and other members of the party, attempted to appear as conservative in their views, and willing to extend the olive branch of peace ; yet all these vascillating manoeuvres were simply designed to enable these diplomatists to veer between the Scylla of Aboli- tionism and the Charybdis of Conservatism. The ISTew York Senator had been selected as the premier of the incoming admin- istration ; and yet in view of the oj)position that existed against him in his own party, and the growing strength of the movement favorable to compromise, he esteemed it prudential to feign con- ciliatory sentiments ; and at the same time avoid committing himself to any delinite line of policy. By this means he sailed in the centre current of his own party and avoided touching the extremes. As regards personal popularity and promotion, he felt that this was altogether his safest method ; and at the same time he was sufficiently astute as to perceive that in times of commo- tion, the extremists of party always lead the Conservatives. In sentiment he either was or had ever feigned himself an extremist ; but he now chose to be led to that point, where in truth, he wished to conduct others. On the one hand his early radicalism allied him with the Abolition wmg of his party ; on the other, his sentiments as uttered in his speeches in the Senate and else- where, since the election of Lincoln, gained him the conhdence of the Compromisers ; and he therefore was prepared for leader- ship in the Cabinet, should public opinion even force a conserva- tive policy upon the new administration. Remembering that the Republican leaders almost unanimously resisted all compromise which might prove satisfactory to the Southern people, was it not apparent in view of events that one of two things must occur, either a dissolution of the Union, or civil war to prevent it ? Must it not then be accepted as an un- deniable truth that they preferred either of these results, rather POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 233 tlian acquiesce in a compromise l And yet they souglit to evade these logical inferences which necessarily flowed from their words and actions. But the popular mind was unable to detect the real aim of those who despised the old Union, and who simply sought to arouse the IsTorthern jDeople to fight in its defense, in order that they might effect its destruction. An ominous silence was maintained by Abraham Lincoln as to the policy which would be pursued after the Government came into his hands. For over thre& months after his election not a word was spoken by the new President that served clearly to indicate what his future policy would be. This silence was main- tained in oi'der that he might be free to accept that guidance which the controling opinon of his party might indicate. It can not be doubted, but that he with other leaders of the party, had fully agreed upon a course of action after his accession to the Chair of State, and time simply was permitted to determine whether the proposed plan could be executed or not. And this silence was simply a part of the revolutionary programme, which from the organization of the Republican party it was impolitic and politically dangerous to disclose. It was not believed by the Southern leaders, and by many in the North, that there was doubt as to the course the new administration would pursue when once installed in power. The unanminity of the Republican party, favoring the coercion of the seceded States by military power, made it sufficiently clear what the policy of the Lincoln Admin- istration would be. This unaminity was but the echo of the well understood views and expressions of Members of Congress and other leaders of Republican opinion. Any one, at all attentive to the discussions which took place in the Senate and House of Representatives during the second session of the Thirty-sixth Congress, would have shown remarkable obtuseness not to have discovered, that war was the policy determined upon by the Republican leaders. The following extract would seem to indi- cate that the sentiment on this point was almost unanimous: " The Republican leaders and journalists, with one or two exceptions, insist upon holding the Chicago platform, the whole platform, and noth- ing but the platform, no matter what may be the consequences to the party, the country, or the human race. * * * * They de- clare tliey will maintain it to the bitter end, though civil war should be the consequence."'* * New York Herald, January 21st, 1861. £04 A REVIEW OF THE Tlie great difficnltj, with wliicli tlie Eepnlblican leaders had to contend, was the growing current of conservatism that set in after the Presidential election in ISTovember, 1860, and which flowed in opposition to their wishes, and which tliej feared might bear their revolutionary bark upon the rocks of political disaster. This current showed itself in the numerous petitions that flooded Congress in favor of compromise W'jth the South, in the mani- fest changes which marked the local elections in many sections of the North, and also in the breaking up of Abolition assem- blages and John Brown demonstrations, which six months before had been popular and held without interruption. It was the general belief of all the conservative classes, that the troubles likely to burst upon the country had been produced by the fanati- cal agitation of the slavery question, and respectable citizens, in different places, aided in dispersing meetings of Abolitionists, believing that such were but gathering additional fuel for the flames of civil discord now threatening to consume the fair fabric of the American Republic. But this popular opposition only served the more to intensify the efforts of the whole radical school of the Republican party ; unite the better in one com- pact band, the avowed and secret Abolitionists, and give this faction the leadership and entire control of the political ma- chinery of the organization. "Wendel Phillips, Beecher, Sumner, Hale, Hickman, Howard, Stevens, Lovejoy and others were com- pactly united together in a band of brotherhood, pledged by mutual consent to unite their forces in a general assault upon the citadel of State Rights and Southern Slavery. It was soon manifest that the radicals were master of the situation, and Thurlow Weed * and other Republicans who had advocated com- promise were threatened with ostracism for the their opinions. Even the editor of the ISTew York Trihune, the pretended staunch advocate of principle, after having declared in favor of peaceable secession, was compelled by the radical conclave to espouse the policy of coercion against the seceded States. And after peraiitting himself to be made the mere mouthpiece of the * " Thurlow Weed has been denounced and his peace propositions repu- diated by the journals and leaders of the Republican i^arty." Movements were even made to start a new paper in Albany opposed to him, and which the leaders promise shall be conducted " unthoiit temporizing con- cessions and vacillating expediencies." — New York Herald, December 17, 1860. POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 235 ruling faetion, lie, to whom tlie editorial fraternity gave tlie name of philosopher, became the bitterest amongst his country- men in resisting a compromise with the Southern people, and the most ardent in hounding on the masses of the North to a conflict that must work the prostration of the principles of Free Govern ment, and the downfal of the Constitutional Union. At length the pilgrimage of the new President, from his home in Springfield, Illinois, to Washington, began on the 11th of February, ISGl ; and the people of all sections of the country now looked with anxiety for a disclosure of the views of the man, who more than all others held the future destiny of the Union in his hands. But the country was sadly disappointed. At a time when double-dealing should have been laid aside, and when manhood and honor demanded a clear and explicit declaration of the future int<5utions of the Chief Magistrate, we lind him in his speeches made to the crowds that flocked to see him, giving utterance to ambiguous expressions ; and such as but served to conceal his real intentions. His home organ, the Springfield Journal^ about the time of his departure for the Seat of Govern- ment, contained the following enunciation of policy, which doubt- less expressed the intentions of the journeying President : but which State craft and perfidy would not permit him openly to dis- close. The Journal said : " The seceding States are in rebellion against the Federal Government, and it is the duty of this Government to put down i-ebellion. Away with compromises. We should not talk of compromises while the flag of traitors floats over an American Fort, and the flag of our country trails in the dust. Until that flag is unfurled over Moultrie and every other stolen Fort, Arsenal, Custom House and Navy Yard — until the laws of this Government are obeyed and its authority recognized, let us never talk of compromise. Let the stolen Forts, Arsenals and Navy Yards be re- stored to the rightful owners, — tear down your rattlesnake and pellican flags, and run up the ever glorious stars and stripes, — disjierse your traitorous mobs and let every man returzi to his duty."* But the only competency shown by the New President on his journey to Washington, was the proficiency he displayed in the science of Machiavelism, by which he was enabled to discourse to the people concerning the brewing troubles, and yet conceal from them his opinions. Otherwise his speeches gave no evidence of intellect ; but were interspersed with the flimsey jests of the low ^Extracted in New York Herald, Feb. 14, 1861. £33 A EEVIEW OF THE , politician, altogether uTibecoming the man that was chosen to succeed the honored statesmen, who, from Washington to Bu- chanan, had graced the Presidential Cliair. In liis harrangues to the crowds which intercepted him on his journey, at a time Vvdien the country was in revolutionary chaos; when commerce and trade were prostrated, and when starving women and idle men were among the very audiences that listened to him, he declared to them, in his peculiar phraseology, that ^^ nobody was hnrt,^^ that " all would come out right^'' and that there was " nothing going wrongT Nor was his rhetoric the only entertainment he afforded those who flocked to hear the new Sovereign. His conduct and speeches disclosed the demagogue ; and evinced his admirable adaptedness to Lc the President of the radical con- clave, that was to dictate to him as a subaltern the duties required of him to be performed. As President, he was the creature of and for the occasion. He was chosen in revolutionary times, for revolutionary purposes, and by the revolutionary element of the country. Statesmanship was at a discount ; the destructive in politics ruled, and reason and reflection must of necessity be laid ^side. A conservative President was not wanted by the men who controlled affairs in the new party ; and Lincoln was known to be of that pliable disposition which would allow himself and his policy to drift with the current. In his Indianapolis speech, the touring President sufficiently disclosed his sentiments for esoteric ears, but which the uninitiated mass accepted simply as interrogatories. He said : " If the United States should merely hold and retake its own Forts and other property, and collect the duties on foreign importations, or even withhold the mails from places where they are habitually violated, would any of these things be invasion on coercion ? Would the march- ing of an army into South Carolina be invasion T By these and many other similar remarks, it was ascertained that coercion had been determined upon by the radical Eepub- licans. Senator Chandler, during the last days of the Thirty- sixth Congress, declared that the Republican party were ready to stand in hlood. Pessenden, of Maine, remarked "that if the time was coming to use force, he was perfectly ready to do it." Thaddeus Stevens, in the course of the debate npon the Navy Bill, expressed it to be the intention of his party to retake tlie Southern forts.* A volume might be tilled with similar declara- «■ New York Herald, February 23nd, 1861. POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA, 237 tioiis, all to the same purport, showing that civil war was the pre-deterinined policy of the radical school. The first distinct enunciation by Abraham Lincoln of the course he w^ould pursue ay^s made in his inaugural address, wherein he says : ''Ic follows from these views that no State, upon its own mere motion, can lawfully get out of the Union ; that resolves and ordinances to that effect are legally void, and that acts of violence within any State or States against the authority of the United States are insurrectionary, according to circumstances. "I, therefore consider, that in view of the Constitution and the Laws, the Union is unbroken, and to the extent of my ability I shall take care, as the Constitution expressly enjoins upon me, that the laws of the Union shall be faithfully executed in all the States. "In doing this there need be no bloodshed or violence, and there shall be none unless it be forced upon the national authority." Did despot ever lay down more dogmatic and authorative dicta than are contained in the exti-acted portion of this inaugural ? Without condescending to consider the alleged grievances of the Southern people, or recommend any terms of concession,' as a wise and virtuous ruler, master of his own thoughts, would have done, the Republican President proceeds in one sentence to declare State Sovereignty, the cardinal doctrine of the Jeffer- sonian school of politics, as baseless and unfounded. Was greater presumption ever manifested ? The matured thought of a whole school of distinguished American statesmen was not to be over- thrown by the mere declaration of a man, whom accident rather than intellect had elevated to power. But presumptuousness and conceit were the characteristics of the party to which he was indebted for the position he occupied, and he must necessarily display a similar pretentiousness with that of his compeers. He next declared that he would cause the laws of the Union to be faithfully executed, as the Constitution expressly enjoins^ which to the American ear was more palatable, than to have told them what he meant, which was that he and his party had deter- mined to conquer by military force the Southern States. But the Constitution did not permit, much less enjoin him to make war upon the seceding States in order to preserve the laws, and purposing to do so, as his party leaders had resolved, he falsely accepted his obligation to the Constitution, which he pretended to obey. But a part of the secret programme still remained to be performed. This consisted in sending a naval squadron, under C33 A REVIEW OF THE tlie j^rotence of relieving tlie Southern garrisons, when in truth designed to provoke an attack upon the American flag, and thus obtain a pretext for declaring war against the South, under the plea of defending the Union. This scheme, which was ci'aftily planned, was entirely successful, and on the 12th of April, 1861, the attack upon Fort Sumpter lighted up the flames of civil revolution, and the triumph of centralization was now assm-ed. POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 239 CHAPTER XrV. WAR FOR THE UNION. The news of tHe attack on Fort Siimpter aronsed the demon of the ISTorth, in all his ferocious hate and unreasoning madness. Itevenge, deep and bitter, was resolved upon in every hamlet and village from the most remote corner of Maine to the fm-thest extremity of California. The Southern secessionists who had dared to question the National authority and lire upon the flag of the Republic, became at once in the public mind, the objects of malediction and of the most burning execration ; and resolves of vengeance seemed for the time written upon nearly every coun- tenance. Insanity, in truth, ruled the hour. It was a people at length fully awakened to a realization of the dangers, of which they had often been admonished, but which they as repeatedly had been assured, were groundless and without foundation. Like a mob destitute of that reflection by which it should weigh causes and consequences, the people were everywhere borne in blind zeal to oppose resistance to the immediate agent of their dread. The Government was threatened ; the Southern people had turned their cannon upon a Federal Fortress and forced its evacuation ; and all the sacred associations of the Union, Constitution and National integrity were jeoparded. At once they forgot the lesson of philosophy, that " the aggressor in a war is not the first who uses force, but the first who renders force necessary."* Although the people 'of the North had been admonished by patriots and Statesmen, from Washington to Buchanan, that the formation and success of sectional parties could not but endanger the perpetuity of the American Republic ; still all their counsel was rejected and their admonitions unheeded. Men had arisen who repudiated the wisdom of former generations ; and who had succeeded in securing followers, a majority in the Northern 'Hallam's Constitutional History, S4y A REVIEW OF THE States. The most studied efforts had been made by leading He- publicans, in tlieir speeches and through their presses, to convince the people that the object of the Southern secessionists was to extort from a passive ISTorth, further guarantees for slavery, as they had succeeded in doing on former occasions. And they were also told that even should actual resistance occur ; and the South be found to be in earnest in their determination to sever their con- nection with the Union by force of arms, the collision would prove one of short duration ; and that a month, or at furthest, Jiinety days would end the struggle. Believing these declara- tions, the mass of both political parties in the N^orth, regarded the suppression of the rebellion as an undertaking of no great difficulty. l^ow was the opportunity for the deep, crafty schemes of Abolition consolidation ; and with admirable adroitness was it seized. With a full knowledge of the delusion which reigned in the public mind, as regarded the rebellion, and for the purpose of still further strengthening this false impression, Abraham Lin- coln, as President of the United States, on the 15th of April, 1861, issued his proclamation calling for seventy-live thousand men to suppress the insurrection in the seceded States. Assuni- ino- to treat the Southern revolt as mere insurrectionary resist- ance, he ordered the seceders to disperse in twenty days froni the issue of his mandate. Will posterity ever give him credit for believing that the rebels would disperse at his bidding, or that his quota of soldiers would prove sufficient to overthrow the armed resistance of the South ? If matured reflection shall satisfy coming ages that the role he played on this occasion was not an hyjwcritical one, then the only alternative to be accejjted will be, that his party made a great mistake in selecting one of no superior sagacity for President of the United States.* The idea promulgated at Washington of a ninety days' com- motion was encouraged by the JSTorthern press, with the same *Tlie great admirers of the Sage of Springfield, in justification of tlie call for seventy-five thousand men for tnree months, will attempt to de- fend him in asserting that he acted in accordance with the law of 171)5, in callin"- out the mUitia and ordering the dispersal of the insurgents in a specified'^time. It is ti'ue that he did model his call for troops after an Act which contemplated simply the raising of armed j^osses, in aid of the civil authorities. In doing so, however, he disclosed the desperate length that he and his party were ready to go for the purpose of carrying out their designs. POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 241 design as liad influenced the Executive Chief in the Federal Capitol. It was all done to continue the deception that had been practised from the organization of the EepuHjlican party. TJie rebellion was derided as a matter of mere insiij-niiicance, and belittled in language which no sane men but imposters could utter. The New York Tribune, the leading organ of the Re- publican party, declared that it was nothing " more or less than the natural recourse of all mean spirited and defeated tyrannies, to rule or ruin, making of course a wide distinction between the wdll and power, for th hanging of traitors is sure to begin before one month is over. The nations of Europe," it continued, " may rest assured that Jeff. Davis & Co., will be swinging from the battlements at Washington at least by the 4th of July. AYe spit upon a later and longer deferred justice." The New York Times expressed the following confident opinion : " Let us make quick work. The ' Rebellion,' as some people designate it, is an embryo tadpole. Let us not fall into the delusion, noted by Hallam, of mistaking a ' local commotion ' for a revolution. A strong, active pull together vi'ill do our work effectually in thirty days. We have only to send a column of twenty -five thousand men across the Potomac to Richmond, and burn out the rats there ; another column of twenty-five thousand to Cairo, seizing the cotton ports of the Mississippi, and retaining the remaining twenty-five thousand included in Mr. Lin- coln's call for seventy-five thousand men at Washington, not because there is need for them there, but because we do not require their services elsewhere." ^ The Philadelphia Press declared that no man of sense, could for a moment doubt, that this much-ado-about-nothing would end in a month. The Northern people were " simply invincible." " The rebels," it predicted, " a mere band of ragamuffins, will fly like chaff before the wind on our approach." The people of the West in no wise flagged in their competency to depreciate the magnitude of the troubles that awaited the country. ' It was necessary for the political success of the Re- publican party to under-rate the impending evils that were threatening the nation ; for had the people fully realized the magnitude of the undertaking they were entering upon, the Peace party would have been too potential to have permitted the inau- guration of the carnage that was to drench the land in blood. The Chicago Tribune, the valorous sheet of the Lake City, in- sisted that alone and unaided, the West should be permitted to 243 A REVIEW OF THE figlit tlie battle tliroiigh, since slie was probably most interested in the suppression of the rebellion and the free navigation of the Mississippi. " Let the East," demanded this warlike organ, " get out of the way ; this war is of the West. AYe can light the battle and successfully, within two or three months at the furthest. Illinois can whip the South by herself. We insist upon the matter being turned over to us." Horace Greeley, the editor of the ISTew York Tribune^ who skillfully performed his part in helping to deceive the masses of the North into the belief that the rebellion would melt away in sixty days, was willing, however, to be judged in history as an impostor rather than a fool. In his history of the war he says : " The original call of President Lincoln on the States for 75,0C0 militia, to cerve for three months, was a deplorable error. It resulted natui-ally from 'that obstinate infatuation which would believe in defiance of all history and probability, that an aristocratic consi^iracy of thirty years standing, culminating in rebellion based on an artificial property valued at four thousand millions of dollars, and wielding the resources of ten or twelve States, having nearly ten millions of people, was to be put down in sixty or ninety days by some process equivalent to the reading of the Riot Act to an excited mob, and sending a squad of police to dis- perse it."* After the fall of Sumpter, it was indeed esteemed disloyal to even intimate a doubt of the speedy overthow of the rebellion- Many a patriotic citizen was branded as a traitor, because his reason admonislied him that the conquest of a peoj^le so united as were the Southern Confederates, would be an undertaking requir- ing years, and also vast outlays of blood and treasure. Many, who in other matters were endowed with excellent sense, either really agreed with the short-sighted rabble in believing that the South would soon be conquered, or for the sake of selfish interests permitted themselves to drift with the current of public opinion. Such an apparent change of sentiment as took place upon the fall of Sumpter, perhaps never was before witnessed in any country. JSTewspaper editors, who up to tins period had battled the positions of the Abolition party, and pointed out the dangers into which their anti-compromise policy would drift the country, shifted their positions without delay into the advocacy of war against the South. Notwithstanding they had contended that the coercion of the seceding States was altogether unconstitutional, *Greeley's American Conflict. Vol. 1, p. 551. POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. S43 yet in obedience to selfish, aspirations, or induced by fears of mob violence, war for the Union was now urged by tliem with as much vehemence and zeal as before had been conciliation. Other leading citizens, who before had been prominent and influential members of the Democratic and old Whig parties ; and who had never sympathised with the abolition movement, immediately changed positions ; and permitted themselves to be made instruments of fanaticism to unite the North in a war against the Southern people and their institutions. Democratic ex-Governors, Mayors, Members of Congress and other influential men of the ]3arty, presided at war meetings, and thus lent their aid and encouragement to the war party. Daniel S, Dickinson, of New York, who had even enjoyed the reputation of a " Northern man with Southern principles," became one of the fiercest advocates of war, and consigned his former friends in the South to fire and sword. Edward Everett, the scholarly orator of New England, who a few months before declared that the Southern States should be permitted to secede in peace, be- came an apostle of coercion, and exhausted his beautiful rhetoric in proclaiming the new gospel of subjugation. The conversions of this character were remarkably abundant, indeed; and men of all professions and occupations received the outpouring of the war spirit, and became new creatures in their whole walk and conversation. No doubt their olfactories scented the sweet per- fumes of power, and they forgot the past in anticipations of the future. So manifest and mighty was the change that had been wrought, that the unregenerate could but look with amazement upon the scenes in which their eyes and ears were unable to deceive them. The crusade of passion, fury and blasphemy, which set in against the South is entirely undescribable. It would have seemed as if the fiends of Pandemonium had burst forth from their cojifines and were exciting the frenzied multitudes of the North to deeds of hate and cruelty. The infidel clergy of New England, and their pious bretliern of the modern ecclesiastical schools, feasted their souls in the hol_y anticipations of humani- tarian elevation, throu^ih the blood and earnao-e of their Northern and Southern countrymen. The holiness of the war was pro- claimed from the pulpit as well as from the hustings. Dr. Tyng, a distinguished divine of New York, assembled certain ferocious 244 A REVIEW OF THE cut-throats of that city, commonly known as " Billy Wilson's men," presented them bibles, and declared to them that in carry- ing tire and sword into the rebellious States they would propitiate Heaven, and would go far to assure the salvation of their souls. Were the dark ages ever guilty of more ungodlike and unchris- tian abomination ? But this is but an illustration of the senti- ments that were popular and lauded to the skies throughout the Korthem States. A like madness seized the peoj^le in their seeming adoration of the flag of their country. The national emblem was flung to tho breeze in nearly every street of the ISTorthern towns and cities ; and floated from the house-tops and windows of the m.ost intensely loyal of the people. When these signs of war ardor made no voluntary appearance from a residence, a committee of patriotic citizens often deemed it their duty to admonish the inmates that a token of loyalty should be displayed. Some few bold men, however, who claimed to have opinions of their own, and who believed that they still lived in a free country, refusing to be driven into an apparent endorsement of an inquitous and uncon- stitutional war, declined to display any other insignia of patriot- ism than the laws of their country demanded. But those manifesting such independence, in all cases did so at the risk of life, property, business and reputation; and were sure to be branded as sympathisers with treason and desirous of seeing the Government overthrown.* Up to this period in the history of the country, one oath to support the Constitution of the United States was deemed suf- ticient ; but this opinion also underwent a change at the outbreak of the rebellion. Men whose intelligence and self-respect should have shielded them from the commission of acts only designed to win popular applause, permitted themselves to assume the patriotic attitude of moving that all the members of their bar renew their official oaths, and swear, more flrmly than ever, that they would support the Federal Constitution. An instance of this superflous swearing was enacted in the Court Eoom in Lan- *The portraits of Isaac Toucey, of Connecticut, Secretary of the Navy under James Buchanan, of C. L. Vallandingham, and otlier eminent Democrats of the North, were placed in the Rogue's Gallery of New York with the design of blackening their reputations with tlie unthinking masses. And journals like the New York Tribune endorsed such malig- nant partisan conduct as highly becoming and creditable. POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 245 caster Citj, one morning after the reduction of Fort Sumpter ; and done at the instance of Benjamin Champnejs and seconded by Thaddens Stevens. What a prostitution of the sacredness of an oath to attempt to render that more binding which was already- sealed before Heaven as the holiest obligation which humanity is capable of attesting. The annals of the French revolution would be scanned in vain for an instance of greater mockery of sacred solemnities. It is not strange, that with the prospect of a short war, given out from Washington and encouraged by the whole Republican press, the rage for volunteering would be immense. Going to the war for three months, under the first call of Abraham Lincoln, was viewed as a sort of holiday excursion ; and had peculiar at- tractions for large numbers of the fast youth in the ^N^orthern cities. From this material it was boasted that the North could gather the most terrible and invincible army that ever enacted deeds of war. Some of these adopted the Zouave costume in order to gratify their desire for singularity, and add to their fero- cious aj)pearance ; and a company of them even went through the ceremony of being sworn, in a public hotel in ISTew York, to " cut off the head of every d secessionist in the war." Such exhi- bitions of ferocity were retailed with glee and devoured with the most gratifying satisfaction by the most saintly advocates of the war. These valiant defenders of liberty were extolled for their burning patriotism, after having plundered the stores of some sympathizers with treason ; and prostrated the persons of others who presumed to question their inalienable right to act as they saw p.-oper in the city of their birth. They were simply giving evidence of the manner they could handle Southern traitors ; and these experiments upon Northern sympathizers afforded the p-reatast satisfaction to their admirers. These acts were retailed with the most fiendish pleasure by the Loyalists, as they termed themselves, and were cited as proof that the crusading army from the North would strike terror into the secession bands, and win the brightest and bloodiest laurels on the fields of battle. But it was not the vagrant and unrully classes of the Northern cities alone that enrolled themselves in the war for the Union ; the quiet and orderly young merchants, clerks, printers, farmers and others, entered the race for glory. The North was full of martial courage, and war ardor animated both rich and poor. 243 A EEVIEW OF THE Gov. Dennison, of Ohio, telegraphed to Washington, tendering thirty thousand troops for the service. Weston, tlie Governor of Indiana, received assurances that a lil^e number of soldiers was ea^er for enlistment in his State. A. G. Curtin, the Executive of Pennsylvania, was not to be outdone in his promises to the Washington authorities. Massachusetts and 'New York were pressing in their offers of men for " the three months war." The deceptions conduct of Abraham Lincoln and his coun- sellors, gradually displayed itself as time advanced. The second call of the President of May 4th, ISGl, for forty-two thousand volunteers, for three years or during the war, besides the twenty- two thousand called for at the same time for the regular army, and eighteen thousand seamen, would on its face seem to evince that the Federal authorities had rapidly changed their views as regards the magnitude of the conflict that was to be encountered. The truth, however, simply was that the administration feared to alarm the country by calling at first for a large force of volun- teers, until the sections had become so far involved in the strife as to preclude all further efforts of the Peace party at accommo- dation. This is clear from the endeavors which were quietly made to induce the three months' soldiers, soon after their enrol- ment, to re-enlist for three years, even under pain of dishonorable dismissal from the army. The Lancaster Exj^ress correspondent of May 15th, 1861, says : " The call was for three months, but we are now asked to serve for three j^ears ; should we decline the latter proposition, we are told that we will be discharged in such a way as not to leave the service with honor." So great had been the willingness of the administration to enroll a large army, and one much greater even than its several calls would indicate that by the middle of June, 18G1, it v/as estimated that the number of men already in the Government service amounted to 308,875. But an administration that was inaugurating a policy in viola- tion of solemn obligation and constitutional warrant, and striving for the utter overthrow of Eepublican Government, was not one to hesitate at any stage of perhdy, that might be required for the accomplishment of its designs. It was but in harmony, there- fore, with a well-matured and pre-arranged programme when President Lincoln, in the presence of Gen. Scott and his Cabinet, and in conflict with his proclamation calling for 75,000 men^ POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 247 solemnly assured the Mayor of .Baltimore and other leading men of that city, that the troops called for were simply for the protection of the Federal Capital. Of this assm-ance Mayor Brown said : " The protection of "Wasliington he (the President) asseverated with great earnestiiess, was the sole object of concentrating troops there, and he protested that none of the troops brought through Maryland were in- tended for any purposes hostile to the State, or aggressive as against the Southern States."* That "William H. Seward was well skilled in the tortuous ways of perfidious diplomacy, and admirably suited to be the colleague of a President who would deny his public record and intentions, no evidence from Judge Campbell was needed to determine. The Premier's letter to Governor Hicks, of Maryland, furnishes abundant testimony on this point. With reference to the passage of the troops through Baltimore, he wrote a letter to the Gov- ernor, April 22d, in which he says : "The force now sought to be brought through Maryland is intended for nothing but the defense of the Capitol." Horace Greeley, the editor of the Tribune, perceiving the bald untruth of the Secretary's declaration, and with reference to it, said : "Is this true ? Is it safe ? It certainly is not very consistent with the President's Proclamation, which Governor Seward countersigned. The militia of the loyal States were called out to suppress combinations that defy the laws and obstruct their execution — not in Washington, but in the disloyal States. Having reached Washington, they are several hun- dred miles on their way to those States — not to speak of the rebellion that has suddenly broken out in Virginia and Maryland. Having drawn men enough to Washington to repel the apprehended attack, is it prob- able that they will be sent home without even attempting to effect the object for which they were expressly called out? And if not, will not the Government be accused of bad faith in giving the assurances em- bodied in Governor Seward's letter, and then acting in defiance of them ?"!• The War against the seceded States was inaugurated by Abra- ham Lincoln and his party, for the purpose as they declared of preserving the integrity of the Union. But the maintenance of a Union and Constitution that guaranteed the existence of slavery could not be desired by any save a hyprocritcal member of a party, whose animating principle was opposition to the Southern institution. Every sincere and honest leader in the Republican '■^Annual Cyclopo&dia, 1881, n. 717. \ New York Tribune, April 26th, 18G1. 248 A REVIEW OF THE organization, had avowed tlie mission of liis party to be tlio eradication of Southern Slavery, and it was left to state craft and deception to devise a policy which could carry to its support sufficient strength to accomplish the party aim. Had not Abra- liam Lincoln and the members of his Cabinet, repeatedly declared their antipathy to the institution of slavery, and that its existence was incomj)atible with republican institutions? And yet when war was proclaimed, did not these same statesmen avow that the object of the administration was simply to preserve the Union and the Constitution, and that the destruction of slavery was altogether out of their power and foreign from their intentions ? On the contrary, however, the honest and manly avowals of Wendel Phillips, Gerrit Smith and others, proved that the administration was sailing under false colors in order to catch the popular gale. In his spec jh of Ajr'l 2Tth, Gerrit Smith said: " The end oi slavery is at hand. If we suffer it to live, ifc may return to torment us. Let no Northern man henceforth propose, for any reasons whatever, the spai'ing of slavery. Such measure, such insult, such con- tempt of her interests and rights and honor, the North will stand no longer. Thank God ! the spirit of the North is at last aroused at this point. She is determined to kill slavery, and she will be patient with no man who shall thrust himself between her and her victim."* With the above compare the following words from Abraham Lincoln's inaugural : "I have no purpose, directly or indirectly, to interfere with the insti- tution of slavery in the States where it exists. I believe I have no lawful right to do so ; and I have no inclination to do so." Which of these two men, will posterity determine, expressed most sincerely and honestly his convictions ? Which of them must forever bear the brand of hypocrite upon his brow, and be enrolled in the category of those who deserve the execration of mankind ? Influenced with the same design as President Lincoln, his Sec- retary of State, William H. Seward, in his letter of instructions, in April, 1861, to the Federal Minister in Paris, says : " The condition of slavery in the several States will remain just the same, whether it (the rebellion) succeeds or fails. The rights of the States, and the condition of every human being in them, will remain subject to exactly the same laws and form of administration, whether the revolution shall succeed or whether it shall fail. Their Constitutions and foims and customs, habits and institutions, in either case will remain *New York Tribune, May 3d, 1861. POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 249 the same. It is ha'-dly necessary to add to this incontestible statement, tlie further fact that the new President, as well as the citizens through Avhose suffrages he lias come into the administration, has always repudi- ated all designs whatever and wherever imputed to hini and them, of disturbing the institution of slavery as it is existing under the Constitu- tion and laws, The case however, would not be fully presented were I to omit to say, that any such effort on his part would be vinconstitutional, and all his acts in that direction would be prevented by the judicial au- thority, even though they were assented to by Congress and the people." But the political Abolition editor of the New York Tribune discloses the reason which detered the administration from allow- ing the war to appear as waged for the destruction of slavery. He says : " This war in tnith is a war for the preservation of the Union — not for the destruction of slavery ; and it would alienate many ardent Unionists to pervert it into a war against Slavery."* This humane editor and would-be philosopher, this ^oise and sagacious statesman, like the administration, through dread of antagonizing the conservatives of the country, declares that the war is prosecuted for the preservation of the Union ; and yet, in an issue of four da3^s earlier, he eulogizes Daniel S. Dickinson, who had advocated the extermination of the Southern people in order to eradicate slavery, the germinating root of the revolt. It was this philosophic editor who iirst of all the members of his party most clearly explained the policy of the administration war for the Union ; and, calmed by the following arguments, the complaints of those who early demanded that it should be directed for the emancipation of the Southern slaves. The war for the Union, argued he, is sure to ultimate in the destruction of slavery, and therefore it behooves all Abolitionists to give it their support. Do not strive to have emancipation proclaimed, for by doing so many friends of the Union will be turned into enemies of the war, which Avill only procrastinate the overthrow of the Southern institution. Let those fight for the Union who will, for in doing so they likewise aid the cause of emancipation. Many patriots do not desire the liberation of the slaves, and it is necessary, therefore, that the war be waged in behalf of the Union and the Constitution ; and in this manner the enemies of emancipation really aid the movement of abolition. "We who perceive the results to follow the war, favor it because of these ; *New York Tribune, May 14th, 1861. 250 A REVIEW OF THE and lience both Unionists and Abolitionists can unite in its prose- cution. This, in brief, was the whole secret and philosophy of the Abolition enthusiasm in the war for the Union. The iirst acts of the Federal authority, in the prosecution of the war touching the institution of slavery, were made to con- form strictly to the assurances that had been given. An extrav- agant zeal was shown by Federal officials to prove that the war was prosecuted alone for the restoration of the Union. Fugitive slaves were not only arrested within the Federal military lines and returned to slavery, but were taken in the streets of Wash- ington and surrendered by judicial process to their masters. On the 26tli of May, 18G1, General McClellan issued an address to the people of Western Virginia, assuring them that not only would his troops abstain from any interference with their slave property, but that they were ready likewise to assist in quelling any efforts at servile insurrection. General McDowell issued an order prohibiting fugitive slaves from coming into, or being har- bored within his lines. All these acts were permitted by the Federal administration, in order to disprove the assertion of the Southern people, and of those in the i'Torth who charged the Hepublicans as secretly designing the overthrow of slavery. But the administration and the Republican leaders awaited with impatience for an opportunity to allow the commencement of that line of policy which was to ultimate in the entire over- throw of slave institutions. The war had been inaugurated for the avowed maintenance of the Union and the Constitution; but other aims animated most of the sincere friends of the coercive policy. The first opportunity which permitted a change of base for the administration, was furnished by General B. F. Butler, a former member of the Democratic party, and one high in its confidence. Some fugitives had made their way into the camp of General Butler at Fortress Monroe ; and being demanded by an officer of a Confederate force in the neighborhood, Butler declined to surrender these ; choosing to consider them contra- band of war, as being the property of rebels. He placed the able-bodied negroes at work upon his fortifications, and immedi- ately notified the War Department of his action as regards the fugitives. Other fugitives, men, women and children, shortly afterwards came to his camp, and he now chose to consult the War Department as to his duty under the cu'cumstances. The POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA, 251 administration felt itself safe in accepting and endorsing the views of a States Right Jeffersonian Democrat, who was fighting for the Union and the Constitution. Gen. Cameron, Secretary of War, under date of May 30th, 1861, replied to our Contraband General as follows : "Your action in respect to the negroes who came within your lines, from the service of the rebels, is approved. The Department is sensible of the embarrassments which ixiust surround officers conducting military- operations in a State by the laws of which slavery is sanctioned. The Government cannot recognize the rejection by any State of its Federal obligations, nor can it refuse the performance of the Federal obligations resting upon itself. Among these Federal obligations, however, none can be more important than that of suppi-essing and dispersing armed combinations, formed for the purpose of overthrowing its whole consti- tutional authority. While, therefore, you will permit no interference by persons under your command with the relations of pei^sons held to service under the laws of any State, you will, on the other hand, so long as any State within which j^our nailitary operations are conducted, is under the control of such armed combinations, refrain from surrendering to alledged masters, any persons who may come within your lines. You will employ such persons in the services to which they may be best adapted, keeping an account of the labor by them perfornred, of the value of it, and the expenses of their maintenance. TJie question of their final disposition to be reserved for future determination." This decision of the administration, which touched the slaves of rebels voluntarily seeking refuge within the Federal lines, was reached with great misgivings at the time as to the effect it might have upon public sentiment and the prosecution of the war. The aim of Abraham Lincoln and his Cabinet was to so conduct the Government policy, with reference to the slavery question, as to follow rather than lead popular oj)inion in the North ; and which was steadily being shaped by abolition agita- tion. Aware that in civil convulsions the radical revolutionists ever triumph over the moderates, the same, it was believed by President Lincoln and his counsellors, would happen in the Re- publican party. They could, therefore, afford to permit events to dictate the varied changes of policy to effect the cherished objects ; yet, nevertheless, aiding by every means in their power, to hasten the steps that would pennit their open espousal of the changed schedule. But Congress, at its extra session in 1861, aided the adminis- tration in making a new advance towards its destined goal, in the enactment of the first Confiscation Bill, which the President, 2j3 a review of the witli great hesitation, approved. This bill '' limited tlie penalty of confiscation to property actually employed in the service of the rebellion, with the knowledge and consent of its owners ; and instead of emancipating slaves thus employed, left their status to be determined either by the Courts of the United States or by siibsequent legislation."* This was as bold a move, at so early a period in the history of the war, as dared be hazzarded ; and was only engineered through the Senate and House of Rep- resentatives amidst the greatest misgivings upon the part of many Republicans, and after the defeat of the Federal army at Bull Run had aroused the country to the necessity of putting forth every effort that might weaken the rebellion. It was con- tended by the political Abolitionists, that the rebel property, including slaves, should all be confiscated, in order to aid in breaking the strength of their enemy in arms against the Gov- ernment. Whilst really striving to effect in this way the eman- cipation of the slaves by confiscation, they strenously maintained that the object of the war was simply the maintenance of the Union ; and that negro liberation was only one of the means to be made use of to put a termination to the conflict. This disguise was well made up, and prevented those who could not penetrate the veil from showing to the dim-eyed masses the naked skeleton of emancipation that stood in the background. During the extra session of Congress in 1861, the conservative patriot of Kentucky, John J. Crittenden, on the 19th of July, 1861, asked the unanimous leave of the House of Represetatives to submit the following resolution : '■'Resolved, By the House of Representatives of the Congress of the United States, that the present deplorable civil war has been forced upon the country by the disunionists of the Southern States now in revolt against the Constitutional Government, and in arms around the Capitol ; that in this national emergency Congress, banishing all feeling of mere passion and resentment, will recollect only its duty to the whole country ; that this war is not waged on our part in any spirit of oppression, nor for any purpose of conquest or subjugation, nor for the purpose of over- throwing or interfereing with the rights or established institutions of the States, but to de end and maintain the supremacy of the Constitution, and to preserve the Union, with all the dignities, equality and rights of the seceded States unimpaired, and that as soon as these objects are accomplished, the war ought to cease." The most thoroughly consistent member of the Rejjublican *Letter of Joseph Holt, of Sepembter 12, 1861. POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 253 party in tlje House at that time, (Thaddeus Stevens) objected to the reception of the above resohition, and when it passed by an almost unanimous vote, he declined to allow his name to be recorded, either affirmatively or negatively. The cowards and hypocrites of his party in Congress, like Abraham Lincoln and William H. Seward, feared to disclose their real designs of emancipation, and supported a resolution which expressed senti- ments contrary to their feelings, and by which they never meant to be obligated. That neg-ro freedom was the darlino; s^oal of aspiration of the Republican party, the following from " Occa- sional " in the Philadelphia Press of August 31st, 1861, would seem to attest : "T]iousands who have recoiled from a mere Anti-Slavery war, now advocate emancipation as an imjjerative necessity." Although Thaddeus Stevens, Owen Lovejoy, Charles Sumner, and a few other radicals, had somewhat partially disclosed, the designs of the Republican party, it was altogether too soon for the Administration to show its hand upon the slavery issue. These men though the soul of their party, were represented by the crafty Republican leaders as extremists, whose views would never be adopted by any organization ; and much less by tlie conservative administration of Abraham Lincoln. Such were tlie stereotyped reiterations of the Republican press of the ]^orth. But time disclosed whose sentiments really represented the heart of the party in power ; and to what point the highly Conservative Republican administration was drifting. On the 10th of August, 1861, the Secretary of the Interior^ Caleb Smith, in an address to the citizens of Providence, Rhode Island, declared the policy of the Government in the following language : " The minds of the people of the South have been deceived by the artful representations of demagogues, who have assured them that the people of the North, were determined to bring the power of this Government to bear upon them for the jsurpose of crushing out the institution of slavery, I ask you, is there any truth in this charge ? Has the Government of the United States, in any single instance, by any one solitary act, interfered with the institutions of the South ? No, not one. The theory of this Government is, that the States ar^ sovereign within their proper sphere. The Government of the United States has no more right to interfere with the institution of slavery in South Carolina than it has to interfere with the peculiar institutions of Rhode Island,"* * Annual Cyclopedia, 1861, p. 643v gr4 A REVIEW OF THE But it remained for General Fremont to strike tlie key note of Republican sentiment, when in liis proclamation of August 30th, 1861, he said : "Real and personal property of those who shall take up arms against the United States, or who shall be directly proven to have taken an active part with their enemies in the field, is declared confiscated to public use, and their slaves, if any they have, are hereby declared free men." From this period the famous explorer, in Abolition estimation, became the 'bemi ideal of an American General and Statesman ; and the laudations that were showered upon him bj the Republi- can press, were almost bewildering. The chord of radical aspira- tion had been touched ; and the harmony that followed showed the real motives of the revolutionists, much as they had endeav- ored to conceal them. But the border States and the conserva- tives oi: the Korth were yet an object that could not be dispensed with by the war party. Abraham Lincoln and his counsellors deemed it too soon to permit the aim of their party to appear before the vision of all ; and the avowed emancipationists now had the bitter mortification of seeing the conhscation order of their favorite general rescinded. The President, under date of Sep- tember 11th, issued to John C. Fremont the following order: " Yours of the 8tli, in answer to mine of the 2d, is just received. As- sured that you, upon the ground, could better judge of the necessities of your position than I could at this distance, on seeing your proclamation of August 30th, I perceived no general objection to it ; the particular clause, however, in relation to the confiscation of property, and the liberation of slaves, appeared to me to be objectionable in its non-con- formity to the Act of Congress, passed the 6th of last August, u^on the. same subjects ; and hence I wrote you expressing my wish that the clause should be modified accordingly. Your answer just received, expresses the preference on your part,' that I should make an open oi-der for the modification, which I very cheerfully do. It is therefore ordered that the said clause of the said proclamation be so modified, held and con- strued, as to conform with and not to transcend the provisions on the same subject contained in the Act of Congress, entitled, ' An Act to con- fiscate property used for insurrectionary purposes," approved August 6th, 1861, and that said Act be published at length with this order." Events now sped with a rapid gait, and upon the assembling of Congress, in December, 1861, it was discovered that legislative timidity was being laid aside, and frank avowals were made by Thaddeus Stevens and other bold leaders, showing still more clearly the objects of the war. The session was a long and active one, and the administration gathered strength and conii- POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 253 dence as one legislator after another expressed himself as regards the exigencies of the occasion. By the middle of February, 1862, the Marat of the revolution, the editor of the New York Tj'ibune, was able to make the following announcement : " Some of our readers will have noticed with interest, a recent promi- nently published despatch of a Washington letter writer, whose correct- ness has never been denied, announcing that President Lincoln had, in a conversation with Gen. Lane, declared that after much deliberation he had come to the conclusion that he could not recognize the existence of slavery in the seceded States. Slavery must be deemed to be abolished within those States by. the very action of the State seceding ; and of course there can be no return of the fugitives from those States nor any constitutional recognition of the institution."* At length the bold attitude of the radical leaders in Congress, the tone of the radical press, and the recollection of the eulo- gistic praise which had been heaped upon Fremont by the Aboli- itonists, cor.pled with a holy zeal for negro freedom,' induced General Hunter, commanding the Department of tlie South, to essay emanicipation in order that his name likewise might be enrolled, as one of the distinguished commanders of the world, along with the great California explorer. For this purpose, he issued an order putting the States of Georgia, South Carohna and Florida imder martial law, and declaring that as slavery and martial law were incompatible, the slaves of those States should be forever free. . If the exuberant commendations of the Ilepub- lican press were sufhcient to place General Hunter in the cate"-ory of famed military heroes, then had he truly reached the heio-ht of his ambition, for his eulogists assigned the zealous foe of Southern serfdom to a rank with the Cromwells and Napoleons of history. With tlie patriot daughters of the North he was the valorous knight, sans j)eur et sans reproche, and far eclipsed all the Bayards of chivalry. But Abraham Lincoln was Com- mander-in-Chief of the American armies, and some glory was his due. Were he to permit his pragmatical subordinates one after another, to strike off the chains of slavery in their different de- partmecits, nothing would remain for himself, the Jupiter tonans. of the abolition camp, to perform. He needed no council from Generals Fremont and Hunter ; wiser and more cautious intel- lects supplied him with advice. No threats by infidel orators of New England of enGircling his l)row with a slave hound v:reathy *New York Tribune, February 12th,, 1863. 2o8 A REVIEW OF THE would induce liim to yield to the liasty behests of liair-brained enthusiasts who were unable to preserve their own secrets, much less dictate his governmental policy. When the omens gave assurance that a servile and degraded people would fully sustain his decree, the grand jubilee of freedom would be proclaimed. They did not as yet so admonish him. General Hunter's procla- mation of freedom was accordingly set aside, and the officious commander rebuked. But during all this time, the fruit was maturing, and the fields of abolition were rapidly ripening for the harvest. The long period of growth was ended. The husbandmen had watched and waited with patience, and the reapers would soon be called to finish the work. The call of the master was now looked for with longing anxiety. POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA, • 257 CHAPTER XV. EMANCIPATION DECREED. Tlie shock of war whicli aroused the nation from its slumber, had for a time a depressing effect upon abolition agitation and the utterances of the school. An upheaval of union aspiration arose in the JSTorthern breast, all else being stifled in the general desire that the compact of the fathers should not be broken, and the leaders of the revolutionary sect found it necessary to retreat for a period from the public gaze, and discuss their sentiments in retirement. It was only in the secret chambers where tliese leaders dared any longer to give expression to opinions that were now perceived upon all hands as those which had plunged the nation into the throes of intestine strife and bloodly revolution. Gerrit Smith, an honest pioneer in the cause of emancipation, on the 30th of October, 18G1, spoke as follows: " For months the state of the public mind has not been such as to encourage me to speak or write as an Abolitionist."* Thaddeus Stevens was one of the Members of Congress who were looked upon as tlie extemists of their party, and the mantle of power was but cautiously conferred upon him, and only when it was perceived that the niglit of contempt which had Aveighed upon the Abolitionists was beginning to depart, and their aurora of dawn to ascend the political horizon. The airitatiu'y crew beo^an ao-ain their movements with the do- sign of iniiuencing public thought, and preparing the nation for the reception of their views, which were the emancipation of the negro slaves in the Southern States, and their social and political equality with the whites. After the battle of Bull Run, a plausi- ble pretext was afforded them to argue that slavery must be destroyed in order to weaken an enemy that had so contrary to all expectations shown such dexterity upon the battle-held. As the preservation of the Union was the sole object of the masses ^'New York Tribune, November 9, 1861. 238 A REVIEW OF THE that had espoused the prosecution of the war, the agitators had the sagacity to perceive tliat they could now urge with safety a policy and measures that were calculated to weaken the Southern Confederates. The services of the political club, the abolition pulpit and the rostrum of tli?e revolutionary lecturer were again brought into requisition to further emancipation, and intensify Northern hate against the Southern cause. The following extract from the ISTew York Herald of July, 1861, shows the movement of the avowed abolition school of the Eastern States : " The speeches deUvered at Franiingham, Massachusetts, on the 4th of July ; the resolutions of Love joy ; the epistolary manifesto of Gerrit Smith, from Peterboro ; and the renewed vigor in behalf of Abolitionism of Wendell Phillips, Garrison, Chandler and Greeley, with their satellites, all prove that the deadly fear of consequences which frightened the revolutionary demagogues of the Northern States into silence, throtj months ago, is subsiding, and that they are renew^ing their mischievous attempts to undermine the Constitution and perpetuate the dissolution of the Union. They have commenced a simultaneous onslaught upon ]\Ir. Lincoln, and abuse him openly for not having made' the destruction of slave institutions and the confiscation of Southern property a part of his programme. Wendell Phillips, at Framingham, gives the President the choice of having 'slave-hound^ branded on his forehead, or being the liberator of four millions of bondmen." The utterances of the radical Jacobins, simply betokened that the army of revolutionists were near at hand and ready to second their most violent demands. The New York Kepublican Cen- tral Club, an influential organization, petitioned Congress soon after the battle of Bull Kun, to pass a law abolishing slavery ; and letters began to come in inquiring why Government would not destroy the root of the evil to save the nation.* By the middle of September, the JSTorthern Abolition pulpit was fully- freighted for the crusade, and performed its full share of service in shaping opinion to subserve the objects of the timid political leaders that stood at the helm of Government. The following extract of a sermon of Dr. Cheever, preached in the Church of the Puritans, will show the boldness of the utterances that were bj this time become current. Dr. Cheever said : "The desire in England and in Europe, is to see in us a nation, hon- ored, great and noble, by abolishing slavery and ijutting away tho accursed thing from among us. This is it, which chiils Christian sym- pathy and draws upon us instead, the rebukes of the English people. * * * There can be no peace — there must be none till this rebellion is *New York Trihime, August 2d and 3d, ISOl. POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 2u9 put down, * * * We say to England, give us your sympathy, for ours is a holy conflict, we are fighting the battle of ages ; the battle of humanity and mankind against the most odious and wicked rebellion the world ever saw. But to the South we say, down with your rebellion, we do not object to slavery, we have never interfered with it. Why the newspapers load their columns with arguments to prove that we never in- tended to interfere against slavery, and that we do not mean to interf ei'e. They say to the South, you may keep your slaves, and if you return to your allegiance we will assist you in keeping them. The declaration that you may keep your slavery in the Union ! What an attitude to hold be- fore the world ! In God's name, the people demand emancipation, not only as an act of beneficence to the slaves, but as their right. Those only are traitors who refuse this ; and the only treason that can destroy the Government, is the denial of this measure of righteousness. This meas- ure can only save the country engaged against the most wicked and atrocious Confederacy of hell, We must not loose sight of the fact that this is God's war against slavery. He has given to us the means of putting an end to slavery, through the rebelhon. * * * if the people are faithful and resolute, they will petition and memorialize the President until he issues a proclamation to all the bond of the country. The Church must do this. If the Church takes a lead in it, the masses will follow. There must be an uprising in the Church, in the demand for justice to the slaves, as there was an uprising when the booming of the first cannon was heard from Sumpter. It is said on aU sides that the force of circum- stances must be relied on for bringing about the emancipation of the slaves. This is a false, cowardly way of dealing with the great question. "* ISTo man, perliaps, in the nation, since the outbreak of hostili- ties, had done more to strengthen the courage of the Abolitionists throughout the Korth, and add new fuel to the flame of agitation that set in after the battle of Bull Kun, than Thaddeus Stevens. Although he himself labored under the suspicions of his party friends of being too outspoken in his views ; yet he was an hon- ored and influential member of a body that represented the voice of the Northern people. At the extra session of Congress even, called in July, 1861, he maintained the bold and independent attitude of one who had little desire to conceal that so far as he could influence events, the war should be engineered in the interest of emancipation and negro elevation. And when the distin- guished John J- Crittenden, of Kentucky, offered his famous resolve in Congress, on the 19th of July, 1861, that '■'■tohen the Union should he restored hy force of arms, the war ought to cease,^'' Mr. Stevens was the only member of his school who was unwilling to be enrolled as a hypocrite. In manly utterances he *New York Herald, September 16th, 1861. 2G0 ^ A REVIEW OF THE objected to the reception of a resolution wliieh lie could not approve ; for with him the war meant something more than the simple restoration of the Union. Again^ during the same session when the bill was before the House to conhscate property used for insurrectionary purposes, he had given utterance to the follow- ing sentiments, that by no means were heard with patience by his more cautions compeers. Mr, Stevens said : " If this war is continued and is bloody, I do not believe that the free people of the North will stand by and see their sons, brothers and neigh- bors slaughtered by thousands and tens of thousands by rebels with arms in their hands, and forbear to call upon their enemies to be our friends, and help us in subduing them. I for one, if it continues and has the consequences mentioned, shall be ready to go for it, let it horrify the genllenian from New York or anj'body else. That is niy doctrine; and that wall be the doctrine of the whole free people of the North before two years roll around, if this war continues. "As to the end of the war, luitil the rebels are subdued no man in the North thinks of it. If the Government are equal to the jjeoi^le — and I believe they are — there will be no bargaining ; there will be no negotia- tion ; thei-e will be no truces with rebels, except to bury the dead, until every man shall have laid down his arms, disbanded his organization, submitted himself to the Government and sued for mercy. And, sir, if those who have the control of the Government are not lit for the task and have not the nerve and mind for it, the peojjle will take' care that there are others who are — although, sir, I have not a bit of fear of the present administration or of the present Executive." "I have spoken more freely, perhaps, than gentlemen within my hearing might think politic ; but I have just spoken what I felt. I have spoken what I believe will be the result ; and I warn Southern gentlemen that if this war is to continue, there will be a time when my fi-iend from. New York will see it declared by this nation, that every bondman in the South — belonging to a rebel recollect ; I confine it to them — shall be called upon to aid us in war against their masters and restore this Union." It was to be expected that speeches such as the above from men of the conceded capacity of Mr. Stevens, would embolden Abolitionists everywhere to utter their opinions with more free- dom than they. had as yet been able to do since the outbreak of the war. A writer in the New York Tribune in November, 1861, spoke as follows of the growing sentiment of the people, which in other words was simply abolitionism gradually with- drawing the mask which it h.ad hitherto carefully worn. This wi'iter says : " We do not think we over-estimate the rapid march of public sent), ment in this direction. Cautious and consei-vative men are going forward faster than they imagnine. All now conceive, " if Slavery or the Unio7i POLIIICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 201 must fall, then let Slavery instantly ioerislu And the mi;nber of those v/ho believe that this alternative is close upon us is multitudinous, and increases with every reverse of our arms, and with every day that post- pones a decisive victory of our forces. " When the Confiscation of August last was passed, discharging from labor or service every slave who had been used by the rebels, directly or indirectly for carrying on the war, the President even hesitated to sign it. Weeks rolled on, our arms encountered reverses, the rebellion assumed gigantic proportions. At length Fremont's proclamation appeared. After a little breathing spell, and when the President resolved to modify it so as to make it conform exactly to the Act of Congress, these timid and conservative classes, who had stigmatised this law as an abolition scheme, rushed to the defense of the President, and eulogized the Act of Congress as a wise measure. "And we recollect how cautiously the people received and how gin- gerly the administration handled the contraband proposition Avhich Gen. eral Butler let fly at the public from Fortress Monroe. The War Depart- ment, after much painful cogitation, and despite not a few misgivings in conservative circles, restricted the application of this novel doctrine exclusively to the slaves of rebels who voluntarily sought shelter within the walls of the fort, and were then to be set at work only in pacific employments. But we now find the department applauded in all quar- ters, while instructing commanders invading the South, not only to receive and arm them m companies to aid in crushing the rebellion — in a word, to convert them into military auxiliaries. This rule is to be ap- plied not to the slaves of rebels only, but to those of loyal citizens, giving assurance to the latter that Congress will pay them for their losses."* By the time the Thirty-seventh Congress assembled in Decem- ber, 1861, the current of agitation had become quite rapid, and every da}^ added to its velocity. Vast armies had been called from both sections of the country to meet each other in mortal combat, and many a field had been drenched with American blood without any decided advantage having been secured up to this period by either of the contestants. The flag of the North was, however, rather in the ascendant. Severe blows had been dealt to the Southern Confederacy in Missouri, Kentucky, and West Virginia ; and the stars and stripes were floating over Ilatteras and Port Royal on the Eastern coast. The conflicting sentiments that had, from the fonuation of our Constitution, formed the basis of the two political parties of the nation, with the meeting of Congress, in December, 1861, were again brought forward in marked contrast. The unanimity of approval that the prosecution of the war for the Union seemed '•■New York Tribune, November 13th, 1861. 2(>3 A REVIEW OF THE to have secured, after the assault upon Sumj)ter, began now to disappear; and the leaders assumed in somewhat disguised bear- ings, before the country, the respective positions that marked their several views. The radicals of each of the divergent par- ties were the tirst to disj)lay their positions. Clement L. Vallan- dignam and George H. Pendleton, of Ohio, and ex Governor "Wickliffe, of Kentucky, were conspicuous amongst those who undisguisedly maintained the old attitude of the Democratic party, that the war against the South was an encroachment upon the Federal Constitution, and an invasion of State rights and of the immunities of the Southern people. It was an unpopular position for a statesman to defend in the midst of the excitement of war; for the people, the large proportion of whom ai"e in- capable of reasoning and deducing logical conclusions, were already carried away by their zeal in behalf of the Union, as they conceived ; and whicb they now regarded as in great jeopardy and danger of dissolution. It was indeed with the greatest difficulty that these men and the few who heartily co- operated with them, were able to unite all the Democratic Rep- resentatives of Congress in a phalanx of solid resistance to the unconstitutional measures of the dominant party. Their resist- ance, however, was but ciceronic and vain in its results. They simply could enter their protests against the behests of power sustained by the bristling bayonets of a hireling soldierj'- ; and in doing so they periled their rej)utations and future political j)ros- pects before their several constituencies, to such an extent that most of them, by degrees, sunk beneath the waves of a boisterous political ocean. They, however, are the politics J patriots and martyrs whom truthful history will enroll on the same pages with Cicero, Brutus and Cassius ; and with the patriots who sunk with Homan liberty on the field of Phillippi. Civil war was no period for calm reflection, and for the suc- cessful display of considerative statesmanship, such as is needed to guide the affairs of States and ^Nations. But, upon the other hand, it was the epoch for bringing to the surface of the political caldron, the revolutionary and fanatical leaders whose mission in life would seem to be most appropriately characterized by styl- ing it the destructive. Thaddeus Stevens, Charles Sumner and Owen Lovejoy arose to the ascendant, as leaders of their party, and displayed a disregard of inherited rights and of the man- POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA, 263 dates of tlie Federal Constitution, that find no parallel in Ameri- can history ; and to be equalled, must be found, if at all, on the dark and bloody pages of the French Kevolution. These men came to Washington, all of them, for one reason or another, freighted with cargoes of gall and bitterness to pour upon the heads of the Southern people driven to rebellion ; and now the opportunity was fully come for such a display of partisan tactics, as would enable them to triumph over their ancient foes, and ultimate the struggle in universal emancipation. Thaddeus Stevens, the dreaded extremist of his party, was at length har- nassed by his coadjutors in the glittering armor of strength, being now the honored Chairman of the Committee of Ways and Means of the Lower House of Congress. Representing a constituency, in which his party could hgure live thousand ma- jority, he was the representative of all others who dared to be frank in his public expressions, and bold in his recommendations of measures to accomplish the objects of the revolutionary school.* And, instead of being, tlierefore, any longer the shunned North- ern radical, he now towered in his strength as Achilles oa the plain, and his blows were dealt with unerring aim upon slavery, his Hectorean antagonist. At the beginning of Congress, he was one of the first members of the House to open his batteries upon his foe, and indicate the aim of the war jiarty. On the first day of the session, he submitted the following preamble and resolutions : " WHEREA.S, Slavery has caused the present rebellion in the United States ; and whereas, there can be no solid and permanent peace and union in this Republic so long as that institution exists within it ; and whereas, slaves are now used by the rebels as an essential means of sup- porting and protracting the Avar ; and whereas, by the law of nations it is right to liberate the slaves of any enemy to weaken its power ; there- fore, 1st. " Be it resolved, By the Senate and House of I?epresentatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, that the President be *"Some of our public men do not hesitate to say, that rather than bring back the seceded Slave States into the Union, they would agree to a peaceful and prompt separation. They contend that in the event of a reunion, the slave despotism would rule by its unity and with the aid of the Breckinridge Democrats of the Free States ; and by means of the divisions of the Republicans, the destinies of the future of our country will be completely controlled by traitors to the Federal Constitution. Although no open demonstration in favor of this theory has yet been made, it is undoubtedlv^ sincerely entertained in certain influential quarters," — " Occasional," in Philadelphia Press, January 21, 1862. 264 A REVIEW OF THE requested to declare free, and to direct all our generrJs and officers in command, to order freedom to all slaves who shall leave their masters, or who shall aid in quelling this rebellion. 2d. " Be it further resolved, That the United States pledge the faith of the Union to make full and fair compensation to all loyal citizens who are, or shall remain active in supporting the Union, for the loss they shall sustain by virtue of this Act," * In the above resolutions, the animios of the Republican party was clearly betokened ; yet the more cautions manipulators of partisan tactics contended that they expressed simply the views of the extreme Abolitionists ; and that they would never be made the basis of the party creed.f Indeed so closely veiled had Abraham Lincoln and his esoteric advisers been able to keep their opinions, that the rash men of the Abolition wing of his party, came to suspect the head of the Government as lacking in zeal for the cause of emancipation. His zeal, however, was equally ardent with their own, as time at length disclosed. But he was surrounded with an array of counsellors who were sagac- ious enough as to perceive that the only way by which slavery could be destroyed, was to permit the administration to appear as if led by public opinion, to lay the axe to the root of the insti- tution they were all seeking to extirpate. In one of the earliest caucuses held by the extreme Abolition members of Congress, after the assembling of that body in December, 1861, and con- vened for the purpose of considering the emancipation measures already submitted ; Mr. Stevens, who was recognized as the lead- ing radical spirit of the House, if not of his p-arty at Washing- ton, made an attack upon the President for refusing to acquiesce at once in the expediency of the emancipation programme. In that speech he is reported to have said : " That the Republican partj-- have been sold in the election of Lincoln to the Presidency ; that the North West had deceived them by assm-- *Congressional Globe, part 1 of Second Session of 37th Congress, p. 6. •j-The manner in which the Republican papers deceived the country, is seen in the following, from "Occasional," of the Philadelphia Press, of June 16th, 1862 : " In the campaign that is about to be opened against the administration and the war, powerful emphasis is to be laid upon the empty accusation that the friends of Mr. Lincoln favor unconditional emancipation and negro equality. Contemptible as this accusation is, it is frequently repeated by men who, in their heated partisanship, forget that tliey are intelligent and reasonable beings. * * * The men in the Free States who advocate unconditional emancipation, are very few in numbers ; and in the RepubUcan party they do not number one in five hundred." POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 2G5 ances that he was a true and sound Kepublican ; but that assurance had failed."* Wendell Phillips and other ardent Liberators, had before this made repeated assaults upon the President, and accused him of a desire to perpetuate the institution of Southern Slavery. Mr. Phillips had even been so bold as to assert that the President had it in his own choice, either to wear a wreath of contempt or be enrolled in history as the destroyer of Southern serfdom. The resolutions, tactics, and tone of the radicals of the Kepub- lican party in this Congress, disclosed that it had been fully determined that slavery should either perish in the national struggle then waging, or a restoration of the old Union be ren- dered impossible. Indeed, Mr. Stevens from this period made little concealment that this, so far as he could influence public affairs, was his fixed and determined resolve. He and his zealous coadjutors should have been less severe upon Abraham Lincoln and the administration ; for this official was not in a situation to give as free utterance to his opinions as others ; and besides, he had dextrously disclosed in his message to Congress of December 3d, 1861, that he was in spirit, in full accord with the most outspoken radical of his party. In that message he disclosed, to an observant mind, his willingness to accept the most extreme results of the emancipating crusade, that is to say the social equality of the black race. He said : "If any good reason exists why we should persevere longer, in with- holding our recognition of the independence and sovereignty of Hayti and Liberia, I am unable to discover it. Unwilling, however, to inaugu- rate a novel policy in regard to them, without the approbation of Con- gress, I submit for your consideration the expediency of an appropriation for maintaining a charge 'd affairs near each of those new States." The recognition of these States, and the appointment of gen- tlemen to mi the new posts of honor, was a clear and unmistakable recognition of the social equality of the negro with the white race. One of the earliest measures submitted by the radical leaders of the Republican party, in this Congress, was the bill to punish officers and privates of the armies for arresting, detaining or delivering fugitive slaves to their masters. But this, at first, was feared by many of the party, as too plain a disclosure of their views ; and one that might not meet with public approbation. The Fugitive Slave law stood yet unrepealed upon the statute *New York Herald, December 10th, 1861. 266 A REVIEW OF THE books of the nation ; and the bill now proposed, too clear]}-, had the appearance of conflicting with that law. Being stubbornly resisted by the Democrats, and also by some Conservative lie- publicans, it was defeated in its original shape ; but it was after- wards in February, 1802, reported from the Military Committee as an additional article of war in the following words : "All officers are prohibiteJ from eniploylng an}' of the forces under their respective commands, for the purpose of returning fugitives frona service or labor, who may have escaped from any pei'sons to whom such service or labor is claimed to be due. Any officer who shall be found guilty by court-martial of violating this Article, shall be dismissed froin th^ service." This bill, after having been resisted in its new shape by the Constitutional defenders in both Houses, was passed and received the sanction of the President on March 13th, 1862. Indeed, it seemed clearly apparent, almost from the beginning of this ses- sion of Congress, that one spirit, without any digested plan, animated the leading Abolitionists in these bodies, inasmuch as innumerable propositions one after another were submitted in the two Houses, all having one general aim, negro emancipation. But the bill which, of all others, was intended as the real entering wedge for all subsequent emancipatory measures, was that prepared as early as December 17th, 1801, reported by Morrill, of Maine, on February 13th, 1802, and which was to free the slaves of the District of Columbia. The bill served its purpose of testing the sentiment of the country as regards this radical advance, and assured the extreme Republicans how far the moderate men of their party M'ould follow them. They were determined to overleap all constitutional barriers in their way, and if a sufficient following in their ranks would j^ermit the passage of this radical measure, the future seemed clear for them. Tlii* bold attempt to subvert the plain spirit of the Con- stitution, the Democrats and Border State Representatives battled with the most stubborn resistance ; but their efforts, as on former like occasions, were futile ; and they were obliged to witness another invasion of the constitutional imnnmities of their country- men. The arbitrary assessment of $300 as the value of the slave of each loyal master in the District, was a most palpable infrac- tion of the Constitution, which declared that no man shall " be deprived of life, liberty and property without due process of law." The rapid change of base by the Republican party, which POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 2G7 the support of tliis measure indicated, did not escape tlie animad- version and severe reproof of Senator Davis, of Kentucky, who stood by the landmarks of the Constitution, and fought as an ancient Eoman in behalf of his country's liberty. He said : " There is a very different spirit and there are very different purposes, now in the dominant party in relation to slaverj-, to what were declared a few months ago." This bill was passed in both Houses by an almost strict j)arty vote, and received the approval of the President April 16th, 1862. The abohtion re-echoes of approval to the passage of this law, giving freedom to the few slaves in the District were heard throughout the whole jS^orth, as therein the fiery advocates of negro liberation recognized an assuring harbinger of their long anticipated millennium. In the midst of the blows that were falling thick and fast upon the institution of slavery, it would have indicated great lack of ardor had not Abraham Lincoln, the Agamemnon of the Abolition host, shown some apparent readiness, at least, to do his full share in the great battle of emancipation. He must somewhat keep pace with his ardent chieftains, or all the honor of the factory might be borne away by others ; and he left to pine in grief because of inactivity. Accordingly, on the 6th of March, 1862, he submitted in a special message the proposition that Congress should pledge the Government as ready to co- operate pecuniarily with any State, that might be willing to inaugurate measures for the emancipation of the slaves within its borders. His proposition, as he was well aware, could not fail to attract some agreeable perfume in the shape of abolition adulation to his olfactory sensibilities ; and might in a measure compensate for some of a contrary character, to which he had been repeatedly subjected. It is true his proposition was not composed of the ingredients coveted by the Stevens wing of his party ; for this leader of the House characterized it as " the most diluted milk and water-gruel proposition that was ever given to the American nation." Mr. Stevens, however, who by this time had come more fully to reahze the qualities of Darwinian development possessed by the head of the Government, moved and carried in the House, a reference of this message to a Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union. All the unconstitutional objections that 268 A REVIEW OF THE were urged against tlie passage of this measure ; and every lack of warrant shown to draw money from the National Treasury for the purpose of freeing slaves, were insufficient to swerve from their purposes the reckless leaders of the Republican party. Emancipation was the first goal they were bent upon reaching ; and all obstacles that stood in the way of their passage must be removed at any cost. The object must be reached or the Union of the States must pay the forfeit. President Lincoln, before submitting this proposition of compensated emancipation, was well aware that no Southern State either desired, or could be in- duced under the existing circumstances voluntarily to emancipate its slaves. Honor and integrity, therefore, should have demanded of the President to declare what he really meant ; that if the Southern States declined to accede to the aholitiori demand, he would shortly relieve them of that necessity. But the subject afforded the President an excellent opportunity to exhibit him- self as disposed to be fair and generous to the loyal slave holders of the South ; whereas, neither he nor his party ever meant that the proposition should be accepted. The measure, however, passed botli Houses, and received the assent of its pro]30ser, President Lincoln. The abolition current was by this time become a rapid tide, and was washing away one constitutional embankment after another. Every day developed more clearly that the assurances which liad been made by the Republican leaders and press, that they did not intend to interfere with slavery, were all deceptious and intended to blindfold the nation, until ifbecame involved in fratricidal strife with the people of the Southern States. One Member of Congress after another was disclosing his secret views that the destruction of slavery with the zealous leaders had from the first been a deliberate and well matured resolve. Members no longer hesitated to declare upon the floor of Congress, that they would not vote a man or a dollar for the further prosecution of the war, unless it be made one for the emancipation of slavery, (ilearly expressed. Even the attitude that the party had assumed in the 36th Congress; in the' organization of the new Territories of Colorado, Nevada and Dacotah, was hypocritical and false. These Territo- ries had been organized after the withdrawal of the Representa- tives from the Cotton States ; and by Acts wliich maintained a POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 209 profound silence as regarded slavery. These Acts were passed at a time when Abolitionism was rather at a discount, in view of the calamities it was bringing upon the nation. But as soon as its former strentgh was regained, and it became apparent that the nation, was intoxicated with the fumes of blood and fratricidal strife, this territorial legislation must undergo a like metamor- phose. For this purpose, Owen Lovejoy reported a bill at this session of Congress for the abolition or prohibition of slavery in all the Territories of the United States. This Bill after having passed the ordinary ordeal of resistance, as the other measures already alluded to, became a law in the Abolition sense, though stigmatized as unconstitutional. Affairs were now nearing a crisis. Congress had shown itself ready to endorse the most extreme measures of the radicals of the Republican party. All the extreme measures seemed to em- enate from the representatives of the people ; and the President had hitherto been fortunate in being able to appear before the country as a Union man, with or without slavery. He and his advisers were sufficiently shrewd to have him preserve an equi- poise amidst the extremes. While therefore, the President stood before the friends of the Union, as a Union man. Senator Sumner who could communicate with the inner recesses of his soul, was early in 18G2, able to assure his Abolition friends in the East, that they need not be solicitous as to the views of the Commander in Chief. That personage was all right, as time would fully disclose. Time did precisely what the Senator had promised. The country was fully committed to the task of subjugating the Southern States. A people cannot reason amidst the strife of warfare. All this the President or his advisers knew ; and the long anticipated opportunity seemed near at hand when the curtain could with safety be i-aised. In an interview with the Representatives from the Border States, the President urged them to accept compensated emanci- pation for their several States ; but these men, educated in schools in which a reverence for right and obedience to the Constitution had been taught, spurned an offer that they felt no other save a usurper of his country's liberty was able to tender. A fitting parallel to this proposition of the American President is found in the instance of that individual who escorted the Son of Man to the pinacle of the Temple, and temptingly proposed, " all these 270 A REVIEW OF THE will I give thee?'' Neither in the one case nor the other, was it in the power of the proposer to execute his promise ; but in the modern instance it was designed to enable the deceiver the better to develope his contemplated programme. Northern arms on the battle-field were still slowly penetrating the rebellion, and General Lee, the commander of the Southern invading army, had left the field of Antietam with no advantage. The President was buoyant with a victor's joy, and four days after this sanguinary contest, on the 22d of September, 1862, he issued his famous emancipation decree, to take effect with the beginning of the coming year. The edict of the master was at length issued ; the goal of emancipation had been reached ; and like death upon the pale horse of apocalyptic vision, the abolition fiend went forth conquering and to conquer. POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. ^^ CHAPTER XVI, EXECUTIVE UNCONSTITUTIONALISM. The declaration of war by President Lincoln against the people of the seceded States, was in conflict with the letter and spirit of the Federal Constitution ; which was but the receptacle of such clearly specified powers, as the framers of that instrument, the States, through their Representatives, had deemed it expedient to delegate. But the party to which he owed his election as the Chief Magistrate of the nation was the legitimate successor of Federalism and its descendants ; that party which during all the anterior history of the Goveram'ent had struggled for a liberal interpretation of the Constitution, as it was termed, in opposition to the strict construction of the Democracy. Indeed, this principle of constitutional construction with the new party was a necessity, as otherwise the institution of slavery, whether in the States or Territories, was invulnerable. It came into power, therefore, bearing upon its front the clear and unmistakable evidence of Hamiltonian parentage ; and the period now seemed to have arrived that promised verification to the anticipations of the an- cient monarchist. The leading patriots of the nation, Clay, Webster, Calhoun, Benton and Buchanan, had from the inception of the Anti- Slavery agitation, clearly perceived the tendency of the new school of theorists, should they ever succeed in grasping the reins of government. And now, when this at length had taken place in the election of Abraham Lincoln, the declarations of these philosophic statesmen were verified. The Constitution, as they had predicted, was trampled upon, and the laws of the Government set at defiance. This was worse than monarchy itself — it was the inauguration of the despotism that followed. The monarchical Alexander Hamilton, and these later American patriots, were equally logical and sagacious. Both perceived that the future of America was freighted with dangers to the 273 A REVIEW OF THE perpetuity of free Constitutional Government ; equally was it manifest to tlieir logical visions that under republican institutions wild, turbulent and selfish leaders would be able to seduce the people, and ascend the seats of power ; and fully conscious of these dangers, the one foresaw the eventual overthrow of the Republic, and the others, hoping against hope, still fondly clung to their darling favorite and stroVvi in vain to battle the rising fanaticism that endano;ered it. But the unconstitutional declaration of war against the seceded States, was simply the commencement of the despotic power of the party calling itself Republican. The great inheritance of English liberty, the culmination of individual rights, the famous privilege of Ilalects Gorjpxis that had been wrested by the staunch freemen of the mother country from the Sovereigns of Great Britain, was next to fall before the usurping despot, who had been chosen by a revolutionary party to trample upon the inherited rights of his countrymen, and give freedom to a race of men, whom history had shown to be incapable of building up or sus- taining civilization But usurj)ers usually proceed with cautious V steps, and it was so in this case. In the name of libery and clothed with the sanctimonious garb of Immanitarianism, the ancient inheritance is invaded. The American President, with- out any legislative sanction,* directs the suspension of the ""The su~p3nsion of the Habeas Corpus by President Lincoln, was a bold undertaking for an American Executive to assume, and one that should have caused his arrest as an usurper of his country's liberties. Up to the outbreak of the war, all the expository writers on the Constitution, without exception ; all the most eminent jurists of the country ; and all the Members of the only Congress in which the question was fully dis- cussed (during the Burr conspiracy), had agreed that this extraordinary power, the suspension of the Habeas Corpus, was lodged in Congress alone. It was regarded as a legislative power, but one which no former Congress deemed it expedient to exercise. The exertion of this power, by President Lincoln, from the first met with the steady and almost unanimous opposition of the best legal minds of the nation of both politi- cal parties ; and it was only a few second-rate lawyers (anxious to sup- port revolutionary principles) wliose legal endorsement in this particular the Pr. sident ever received. Attorney-General Bates, and the octogena- rian, Horace Binney, of Philadelphiiv, were conspicuous amongdt the President's defenders. In the celebrated Merryman case, Rodger B. Taney, Chief-Justice of the Suprenae Court, clearly enunciated the doctrine that the suspension of the Habeas Corpus by President Lincoln was unconstitutional and void. This same view was expressed by Chief-Justice Dixon, as the unanimous opinion of the highest Court of the State of Wisconsin. Judge Dixon says : " And first, I think the President has no power in the sense of the Ninth Article of the Constitution of the United States to suspend the privilege of the writ of Habeas Corpus. Upon this ques- POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 2:3 Habeas Corpus in a speciiied district, bj virtue of whicli a citizen of Maryland was seized and incarcerated, who was guilty of no defined legal offence — and an inhabitant of this State was made the object of daspotic power, because of the strong sympathy of its people with those who had raised the banner of revolt to abolition domination ; and because, in phrenzied Northern opin- ion, the people of these States should be held in the strictest reins. The President and the powers behind the throne, felt assured that the abrogation of the privilege of the time-honored writ of Habeas Corpus in behalf of a citizen of Maryland, would be less resented in the condition of public opinion that then obtained, than were the like attempted in New York or Pennsylvania. This first essay of such power was wholly experimental, but the result justified further advances. Sustained by his obsequious Attorney-General and a maddened public sentiment, President Lincoln was able to set at defiance the mandate of the learned and venerated Roiger B. Taney, the Chief-Justice of the highest court of the nation ; and it was then apparent that no bounds tion, it seems to me that the reasoning of Chief-Justice Taney, in ex- ■parte Merryman, is un uisvverable." — Annual CyclopcecUa, 181)2, p. 515. Judge Hall, in the Northei-n D. strict of New York, in a case tiiat came before him, expressed tlie same opinions and fortified tlie same by a vast array of legal learning. Judge Curtis, of Boston, one of tlie dissenting members of the Supreme Court in the Dred Scott case, published a strong argument combatting the position of President Lincoln in assuming the right to suspend the wi-it. Even the ablest Republican lawyers oi Con- gress were unwilling to advocate a view of constitutional law which was repugnant to their legal understandings, and to all just theories of inter- pretation. Senator Sherman, of Ohi -, in his speech of December 9th, 1865i, said: "Our attention was called to this question at the exti-a session by the opinion of the Attorney-General, that the President had the power and by the actual exercise of it by his proclamation, of suspend- ing the writ in certain cases. I formed and expressed the opinion, at an early period of the session, that this power was purely a legislative power, to be exercised by Congress with tlie approval of the President. This opinion has been strengthened by subsequent reflection, bv the able criticisms of lawyers and statesmen, which the discussion has elicited and by the decisions of some of the Courts. It is apparent from the context in which this power is found, that the framers of the Constitution classed it with the delegated powers of Congress. In its nature it is a legislative power." Senator Trumbull, in a speech of December 9, 1863, said : "The better opmion, as has been stated here to-day among judges, lawyers and con- stitutional commentators, surely is that the writ of Habeas Corpus was never intended by the Constitution to be suspended, except in pursuance of an Act of Congress." John Merryman was the party aiTested, and in behalf of whom Rodger B. Taney issued a writ of Habeas Corpus, but which, in pursuance of instructions from President Lincoln, was not obeyed. A full report of this case is found in the 9th Volume of American Law Register, p. 534. 274 A REVIEW OF THE could be placed to liis usurpations. The renowned Massacliusetts Senator's prediction was thus early fulfilled, that if ever the fanatical Abolition party came into power, the Constitution would perish, the Supreme Court be overthrown, and its decree3 repudiated. Another unconstitutional stretch of executive authority, was the Presidential Proclamation of the blockade * of April 19th, 1861, along the whole seceded coast, and which afterwards, upon the secession of Virginia, North Carolina, Tennessee and Arkansas, was enlarofed so as to embrace the sea-coast of these latter States that had united their fortunes with the new Confederacy. In support of these infractions of the Federal compact, the tyrant's plea of necessity was omnipotent to refute every argument that could be urged against the President's illegal assumption of power. An observer, even at this early period, might have reflected in the following strain. The weakness of free government is strik- ingly exemplified in this convulsion, and this should seem patent to every reflecting mind. Here is a ruler elected in accordance with the letter, but in violation of the spirit of the Constitution of the country, and who has sworn to defend it, striking down that same Constitution, in order that he and his party may be able to grasp objects, which are unattaiuble as long as the old Magna Charta subsists. The friends of the Constitution are in banishment, in apparent array against the Government, though in truth fighting its battles, and Cataline holds the gates of the city. The people are in confusion ; have mistaken their enemies for their friends ; are crusading under the banners of duplicity, and fast digging the graves of constitutional republicanism and free government. But the elected ruler is guilty of no higher offence than all the other leaders, who have sworn allegiance to the governmental compact ; but who like him were too cowardly to openly assail it, yet Avho gained control of affairs by falsehood * Thaddeus Stevens was too able a lawyer to be willing to acknowledge that the General Government could blockade its own ports. In his Bpeech of December 9th, 1862, in the House of Representatives, he said : "We ourselves, by what I consider a most uiilortunate act, not well considered — declared a lalockade of their (the Confederate States) ports — have acknowledged them as a power. We can not blockade our own ports. It is an absurdity. We blockade an enemy's ports. The very fact of declaring this blockade, recognized them as a belligerent power entitled to all the privileges and subject to all the rules of war, accord* ing to the law of nations." POLITICAL CONFLICT IN A]\IEPJCA. 375 and fraud ; and then, as matricides, stab the kind parent who nourished them and shielded their ascent to power. A people that can be seduced by such leaders, and induced to light fo." principles thej utterly abhor, neither deserve nor or they compe- tent to preserve the inheritances of freedom. They evince this inability in disclosing the simplicity and weakness here presented, and time is but required to fasten the rivets of Imperialism upon their social structure. But madness and fury had carried reason away, and the masses seemed bent upon their own downfal and destruction. The sac- rihce of peace, liberty and prosperity were insignificant, provided only the subjugation of the Southern Confederates could be effected. This object in the general fanatical opinion, was worth all it might cost, though the Union and Free government itself should perish in the achievement. Even the breaches made by Lincoln and his administration in the walls of the Federal Con- stitution, were greeted with shouts of applause by an infatuated populace; and with still greater huzzas, should some honest defender of that ancient heritage, utter his feeble protest against the Presidential usurpation. The impotent friend of his- country's liberty was execrated as a traitor; whilst the cool, caleulatino- tyrant who had fraudulently seized the helm of State, was ap- plauded as Honest Abe. At the extra session of Congress, which assembled on the 4th day of July, 1861, little else was transacted save that men and money were freely voted to the Administration for the prosecu- tion of the war against the South ; and the infractions of the Federal C onstitution were also condoned. A larger appropriation of money, and a greater number of soldiers even, were granted by Congress for the war, than Lincoln had asked for in his message ; and a resolution was introduced in the Senate by Wil- son, of Massachsetts, and pressed for a considerable time Avith the greatest zeal to legitimate the confessedly illegal acts of the President. But this body, although overwhelmingly Republican, was unwilling as yet to place itself upon record as openly en- dorsing the plainest violations of the Constitution, and such as no partisan justification would serve to exculpate. Public senti- ment was not yet clear upon this point. The manner, however, in which the leaders of the Republican party in both Houses of Congress, chose in their conduct to excuse the unconstitutional 276 A REVIEW OF THE acts of the President, demonstrated that instead of censure being intended for him, his whole course, since his elevation to power, met with their warmest approval. No necessity, therefore, dic- tated to him to be at all guarded in his further advances on the highway of despotism, and he, himself, was sufSciently shrewd as to perceive that a general Congressional permit was now granted to him to strike down without reserve the remaining lib- erties of his countrymen. President Lincoln, as the Chief Executive of the Northern and of such Southern States as the Government had been able to retain in its military grasp, with the adjournment of this Congress, began through his Secretaries to order with less hesi- tation the arrest and imprisonment of prominent Democratic citizens; and those who disbelieved in the war against the seceded States. The hated bastile, that relic of barbarism, which had sunk amidst the upheaval of the French revolution, arose on the Western continent, and became the receptacle of those Americans who feared not a despot's oppression, because they ' loved the institutions of the country under which they had been reared and educated. Arbritrary arrests of prominent individu- als in all sections of the country, subject to the Lincoln adminis- tration, were matters of common occurrence in nearly every community ; and the little bell of Secretary Seward became an instrument of daily requisition in the overthrow of the people's inalienable rights. Instead of Americans being free, by virtue of a written Constitution, which guaranteed to all life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness ; the further enjoyment of these rights depended upon the individual will of a ruler and his satellites. Men who had ranked as eminent and worthy states- men, were without warrant seized in the seclusion and sanctity of their homes, and dragged thousands of miles and immured in loathsome cells — yea, at times in dungeons, because, perhaps, they had given expression to some sentiment unpalatable to a member of the party in power. Judges, who for years had adorned the chairs of justice, were dragged from their seats by a ruthless and vulgar squad of soldiers, and often brutally ^ wounded in the struggle that occasionally ensued on such occa- sions. Should the party to be arrested demand the authority for the arrest, and the accusation with which he was charged, he would in all probabihty be told that he was a Demooraty and that POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 277 all sucli were traitors and deserv^ed not only to be arrested but also to be hung. One of the incarcerated in Fort Lafayette^ afterwards describing his condition of imprisonment, says : ' Here you would see men from almost all the States, the largest por- tion of whom were in the vigor of manhood. You would find men who had ably represented our Government at foreign courts, had adorned the United States Senate, been Governors of States, Judges of courts. Mem- bers of Congress, State Legislatures, doctors, lawyers, farmers, and in- deed almost all departments of business were here represented, not one of whom was tainted with any crime."* Forts Lafayette, Warren, McHenry, the old Capitol at Wash- ington, and other places of confinement were crowed with inno- cent citizens who had been arrested without legal warrant in all sections of the North and in the border States ; and these vic- tims of Federal power were subjected to indignities and outrages, the recital of which yet fires a freeman's blood with honest indignation. Citizens of almost all ages and conditions of life were compelled to wear the chains of despotic power, such as Americans in their palmy days would have broken with vindic- tive fury ; and consigned the destroyer of their country's peace and constitutional liberty to a felon's cell, there to await his doom on Haman's gallows. Persons who had the misfortune to be incarcerated in one of these filthy Federal fortresses, were for months not even informed of the accusations that had been alleged against them ; and the most studied efforts seemed to be made by the despot and his minions to degrade the manhood of those in their custody. The miserable wretches, clad in Federal uniforms, who acted the jailor's role in these bastiles, in guarding those who had re- sented a tyrant's will, conscious of their degredation, were but too anxious to reduce to their own level, the noble spirits they held in custody. But they found in their keeping those whose spirit no oppression could bend ; and who chose to endure for months and years the prison and oppression of despotism, rather than gain their freedom by dishonorable concessions. Many a patriot was subjected to the rigor and petty tyranny of a shoulder- strapped turnkey who compelled them to submit to the taunts and insults of the sentinels placed over them by day and night. The prisoners were reprimanded, yea, even punished, should * American Bastile, p. 516. 278 A REVIEW OF THE they dare to retort or resent the scoffs of the boorish soldiers, who stood over them as guardsmen. They were not even per- mitted to leave their quarters to visit a fellow-prisoner, unless leave were granted them hy some sergeant whose loyal uniform indicated his master's service. The wives and friends of the inmates, who came to visit them, were not allowed access until a pass were obtained from Secretary Stanton, or some other mag- nate of Federal authority.. And even when admitted, the con- versations of the prisoners with their relatives, were limited to an hour, and that in the presence of the Commandant. The black inquisitorial system of incarceration was germinated in a desire to repress all critical investigation of the acts and con- duct of the revolutionary party ; and those especially were the victims of this si>ecies of despotism, who were perceived to be most likely to influence public opinion, and thus thwart perhaps the designs of the revolutionists. Can history determine aught, but that the man who wielded the whole executive power of the nation, and by whose sanction all these tyrannous outrages upon constitutional freedom were enacted, was anything save a demon incarnate, who, under the guise of humanitarian impulses, tramp- led upon the rights of his countrymen l His name, in spi te of all party efforts to enshrine it in hallowed recolloction, will be written upon the same darkened pages upon which those of Louis XI and Lucretia Borgia stand inscribed. Besides the restrictions that almost totally precluded intercoui'se with the friends and relatives of the prisoners, the interposition of legal counsel, that agreeable solace in times of difficulty was peremtorily forbidden. In being thus precluded from securing the assistance of gentlemen learned in the law, to bring their cases before the judicial tribunals of the country, another Article of the Federal Constitution was trampled upon, which prescribed that in all criminal prosecutions, " the accused shall have the assist- ance of counsel for his defense." On the 3d of December, 1861, the commanding officer at Fort Lafayette came to the prisoner's quarters and read a document signed by a Federal satrap, in which was the following language : "I am instructed by the Secretary of State to inform you, that the Department of State will not recognize any one as an attorney for politi- cal prisoners, and will look with distrust upon all applications for release through such channels, and such applications will be regarded as addi- tional reasons for declining to release the prisoners." rOLITIOAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 279 Of all the States in the Union, Maryland suffered most from the tyranny of the Federal administration. In September, 1881^- the Democratic Members * of the Legislatm*e of this State were arrested by orders of the Government, and conveyed to Federal fortresses, because of their known sentiments which were hostile to the party in power. The pretence alleged was, that they were concerting a scheme to have the State secede, and unite its for- tunes with the Southern Confederacy. But this excuse lacked ;i.ll basis, as at the time of the arrest, the Northern Government l;.ad its tyranous heel upon the neck of a people who could not but revolt in sentiment against the invasion of its sister Southern States, and the inauguration of the desj^otism they witnessed. The pretence of the Federal Administration was further desti- tute of foundation, because, that at the Special Session of the Maryland Legislature, called by Governor llicks in April, 1861, the question of secession was fully disposed of and determined. • The session opened on the 26th of that month, and on the follow- ing day a Select Committee of the Senate reported an address to the people of the State, in which occurs the following language : " We cannot but know that a large portion of the citizens of Maryland, Lave been iiaduc9d to believe that there is a probability that our delibera- tions, may result in the passage of some measure, committing this State to sece-sion. It is, therefore, our duty to declare that all such fears are without foundation. We know that we have no constitutional authority \ *The following is the statement of S. T. Wallis, Chairman of the Com- ) mittee on Federal Relations, of the Maryland House of Delegates: "I w.is a member of the Maryland Legislature in 1861, and was arrested at midnight at my dwelling, in the City of Baltimore, about tlie middle of September, 1861 ; from wliich time until the 27th of November, 1862, I was confined in one or other of tlie fortresses of the United States, which have been appropriated by Mr. Lincoln for the use of State prisoners. I have never been informed of the grounds upon which I was arrested. " The commission, consisting of Messrs. Dix and PierreiDont, which was created by the Secretary of W^ar, for the examination of the cuses of prisoners arrested and confined like myself, held a session at Fort Warren in May, 1862 ; but I was not vouchsafed any communication as to the charges against me or any opportunity of being ]ieard in my own defense. The commissioners, in fact, took no notice of my existence. Counsel I was not permitted to employ, for as early as the 28th of Novem- ber, 1861, the United States Marshal, at Boston, visited Fort Warren for the purpose of commu iicating to my fellow prisoners and myself an order from Mr. Seward, the Secretary of State, announcing that no one would be recognized by this Department (which then had charge of us) as attorney of any State prisoner ; and that the employment of counsel by any of us, would be regarded by him as a sufficient reason for the prolongation of our imprisonment. On the 26th of November, 1882, I , was released from Fojt Warren without conditions or explanations of j any sort. The authority for my discharge, as I suppose for my arrest J was a telegram."— iVeio York Worll, Dec. 30, 1833. ' 280 A REVIEW OF THE to take such action. You need not fear that there is a possibility thai we will do so." In the House of Delegates, at the Special Session, the question of secession also came up, on the petition of 216 voters of Prince George County, asking of the Legislature of Maryland the pas- sage of an Ordinance of Secession without delay. On the 29th of April, this petition was referred to the Committee on Federal Relations. This Committee submitted both majority and min- ority reports, in the former of which, the following language occurred : " That in their judgment the Legislature does not possess the power to pass such an ordinance as is prayed for, and that the prayer of the memo- riahsts cannot be granted. " The minority of this Committee begged leave "to report un- favorably to the prayer of the memorialists." From that period down to the forcible suppression of the Legislature by Mr. Lin- coln's orders, the subject was never again mooted, but was con- sidered on all hands as absolutely and permanently disposed of. With personal liberty, the freedom of the press also sunk beneath the weight of the Lincoln despotism. As early as Sep- tember, 18G1, several of the leading Democratic newspapers of I^ew York were suppressed by orders from Washington, and the editors conveyed to Fort Lafayette, where they were detained at the pleasure of the administration. Many independent presses in the border States and in other sections of the ISTorth, were compelled either to moderate their tone of hostility to the ruling powers, or suspend their piiblication. Some of the most resolute editors chose the latter alternative, which was generally accom- panied with free ingress into a governmental bastile. To many the alternative was not presented ; and the doors of a Federal fort- ress fastened upon them, before they were made aware of the charges that were preferred against them. The sum of all their sinning consisted in their belief in the principles of the Yirgini.i and Kentucky resolutions ; and in occasionally attempting to argue in their papers that the Constitution warranted no military coercive force for the maintenance of the Union. Many, indeed, known simj)ly to entertain these views of the Constitution, were subjected to incarceration in a military fortress for the utterarice of sentiments that in others would have escaped all animadver- sion. " If a Democratic paper did not proclaim war with the zeal of POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 281 a lloliamedan, and denouncG all who oj)posed it with, the appro - brious epithet of " traitors^'' and recommend them as fit subjects for the '■'•roiie and halter,''\the editor himself was liable to receive these delicate attentions.""'* Should a paper contain sentiments severely reflecting upon the Administration, for the inauguration of the war, or otherwise condemning its policy, a crowd of ex- cited citizens, instigated by some pimp of power, was likely to assemble and demolish the office from which the offending sheet made its appearance ; and likewise maltreat the editor, should he be so unfortunate as to fall into their hands. Many papers in different parts of the Korth were destroyed by infuriated mobs of lawless citizens, who had been instigated in their conduct by men who stood high in the coniidence of Republican leaders ; and from whom a word of dissuasion would have been sufficient to prevent the outrage. Persons who desired to figure in com- munity as respectable personages, would make remarks calculated to inspire the mob-element like the Eastern college President, who declared himself as " opposed to tarring and feathering trai- tors ;" but who added tliat he " was forced to admit that this act had at times 'been well done.''^ It is apprehended that it would require no logician to deduce the intent of this loyal Puritan's remarks. And in scarce a single instance where the law had been violated, was adequate satisfaction able to be obtained ; for prejudice ran to such extremes that Democrats, with the greatest difficulty, could secure justice at the hands of partisan courts and juries. Indeed, citizens of all grades of outspoken anti-war opinions, were villified with all kinds of abuse during the whole continuance of the rebellion ; and the word traitor or copperhead would often be heard by them, whilst walking the streets and engaged in the pursuit of their daily avocations. Early in 1862, an order was issued transferring the matter of arbitrary arrests to the War Department. From tliis department a proclamation emenated by order of President Lincoln, which in itself virtually subverted republican government, inasmuch as Mr. Stanton, the Secretary of War, was authorized to appoint a number of men to constitute a corps of provost marshals, clothed with authority, in addition to their military duties, to arrest any citizen throughout the country. These marshals were appointed * American Bastile, p. 119. !:33 A REVIEW OF THE and proved an annoyance to peaceable citizens in all sections of the unrebellions States ; they had it in their power, npon indefi- nite charges, to arrest any person against M-hom accusations might be alleged, and for this purpose they were warranted to call in military aid to sustain their authority. They were required to report to the central power at "Washington, and hold prisoners in custody subject to its authority. In truth, these provost mar- shals were vested with imperial power in their respective dis- tricts, and could order the arrest of any citizen whatever, without dread that their conduct would be subjected to an investigation. In Maryland, Missouri and other Southern States, commission- ers were appointed, under military authority, who proceeded by a kind of illegal inquisitorial surveillance, to take cognizance of the acts and even sentiments of their fellow-countrymen ; and those whom these judges determined to be sympathizers with treason, were arbitrarily assessed certain sums of money by way of assessments upon their property ; and compelled under pain of confiscation to liquidate these assessments.* Assessments of this kind, purporting to be sanctioned by marshal law, but in- flicted in districts where no authority warranted its proclamation, were palpable violations of the Constitution, which prescribes that no individual shall be "• deprived of life, liberty or property without due process of law." And though the establishment of these extraordinary tribunals may in many instances have been the work of executive subordinates, still their existence could not escape the notice of the Washington authorities, or endure with- out their sanction. But as the war against the Southern States and people was inaugurated in conflict with the plainest principles of republican- ism, and in accordance with those of imperialism, it nmst of necessity be in the same manner sustained. There was no other way of sustaining a war which the framers of the Constitution never designed to be proclaimed. W^hen the Northern armies had overrun portions of Tennessee, North Carolina, and other Southern States, and overthrown the State authorities, President Lincoln, without any constitutional warrant whatever, appointed Military Governors for those States, in order thereby to re-erect State authority. Andrew Johnson was appointed Military Gov- *New York World, Sept. 20th, 1863. POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 283 ernor of Tennessee, and Edward Stanley of North Carolina ; and others were again assigned as the Military Executives of other States. Thaddens Stevens was too able a lawyer to be willing to stultify himself by claiming that such appointments found support in the Federal Constitution. He and his special school of radical followers ignored all restraint of the Constitu- tion, averring that they acted outside of that charter, and in accordance with the law of nations ; but seeing the absurdity and hypocritical audacity of President Lincoln, who assumed to be guided by that instrument, on the 9th of December, 1862, he spoke as follows : " I see the Executive one day saying', you shall not taJce the property of rebels to pay the debts ivhich the rebels have brought ujion the Northern States. Wliy ? Because tlie Constitution is in the way. And the next day I see him appointirfg a Military Governoi* of Virginia, a Military Govenor of Tennessee, and some other places. Where does he find any- thing in the Constitution to waiTant that ? " If he must look there alone for authority, then all these Acts are flagrant usurpations, deserving the condemnation of the community. He must agree with me, or else his acts aie as absurd as they are unlaw- ful ; for I see him here and there ordering elections fqr Members of Con- gress, wherever he finds a litt'.e collection of three or four consecutive plantations in the Rebel States, in order that men may be sent here to control the proceedings of Congress, just as we sanctioned the election held by a few people at a little watering place at Fortress Monroe, by which we have here the very respectable and estimable member fi'oni that locality." But the culminating point of Executive despotic innovation on 3onstitutionalism was reached, when President Lincoln issued his proclamation declaring the emancipation of the negro slaves in the rebellious States. If the ruler of a people was ever guilty of the violation of faith, solemnly plighted in his own and the declarations of his party, it was in this instance. From the origin of the Republican party in 1855, the only object to be obtained by this organization, as gathered from the declarations of its leaders, the utterances of its presses, and its so-called national platforms, was to prevent the further extension of slavery into free territory. During the campaign of Fremont in 1850, and again of Lincoln in 1860, the Republican leaders solemnly repudiated all designs of interfering with slavery in the Southern States. They were unanimous in their solemn declarations, that they neither possessed the power nor the inclination to meddle with the institution where it existed. The Constitution was 284 A REVIEW OF THE pointed to as an obstacle to any apprehended designs tliey might be supposed to entertain, as to the eradication of slavery in the States where it already had a legal existence. But revolutionary partisans do not stop for obstacles. They can readily find excuses (as in the instance of the wolf and the lamb) to abandon their assurances, and seize the objects which form the centre of their designs. It was so in the case of the Republican party. From the composition of their party, and the enthusiasm which it arroused in the breasts of the undis- sembling Abolitionists, it was apparent that the ultimate aim of the party was universal emanicipation, much as the leaders strove to conceal this. In this. Southern and Northern conservative statesmen were not deceived, as they repeatedly j)redicted. But the achievement of this object must depend upon circumstances. That it would surely be the result of Republican success in the nation could easily be affirmed, when the principles were con- sidered. It was a necessary sequence. The poison lay in that dogma of their creed, that would give to the majority of the people of the United States, a right to determine questions in which those of the several States had constitutional interests. It was, in a word, to allow democracy to override constitutionalism. This itself, an efflux of centralization, the product of imperialistie rule, was subversive of all constitutional guarantee, and 'calcu- lated to awaken serious alarm in the minds of thinking men both l^orth and South. It was sure to overwhelm the ancient State- right landmarks, as soon as a party of these principles gained control of the General Government. , The emancipation decree of Abraham Lincoln was simply the legitimate fruit of Republican teaching, and an aim of the party that was striving for the social and political equality of the negro race. Though its promulgation had been from the first fully resolved upon, yet in the estimation of the President and liis confidential advisers, its further postponement might have been judicious. Public opinion, as the President feared, was scarcely prepared for the measure. But the pressure of the ardent eman- cipationists, amongst whom Mr. Stevens ranked conspicuous, compelled the Executive, as it were, to issue a proclamation which but a few days before he had declared could prove of no utility to the Abolition cause. The Massachusetts Republican State Convention, however, had assembled some days prior to its POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 285 issue ; and tliis body had declined to give the President the usual resolution of confidence, which every Chief Magistrate expects of his party. Mr. Lincoln was deeply wounded by this indignity in the very citadel of Republicanism ; and he must hasten to do penance for his transgression. He understood what the slight of his party betokened. A secret meeting of New England Governors liad also been held which indicated no confidence in the Administration. The Republican State Convention of the Empire State was soon to assemble at Syracuse ; and it behooved the President to endeavor to obviate a new animadversion upon his conduct, such as he had experienced in the Bay State. Besides, the novelty of enlisting for the three months' war had subsided. The soldiers and the people had been deceived by the Republican orators and journals ; and additional recruits were needed to fill up the depleted ranks of the Northern armies, held at bay by the Confederates. Additional deception was again required. Indeed, it was the constant pabuhun of the soldiers, and the easily deluded people, during the struggle. The rebel- lion was always just upon the brink of yielding. Governor Andrews, of Massachusetts, and other radical statesmen, now predicted that so great enthusiasm would follow the promulgation of emancipation, that the roads would be crowded with soldiers M^ho would flock to the national escutcheon to defend the cause of universal humanity. Indeed, the deception practised by men in power during this time was of the very grossest character, and if for no other reason, the names of those who practised such fraud and imposi- tion, should be written upon tablets of contempt, and handed down for execration to the remotest posterity. A worthy cause needs not such means for its execution. But the means em- ployed have sown the seeds of such social and national demorali- zation, that Republican Government is no longer able to perpet- uate liberty, honor and integrity, and but time is required to evolve a new order of things. 2S3 A REVIEW OF THE CHAPTER XVIL LEGISLATIVE IINCONSTITUTIONALISM, Wlien the elements and fundamental principles of the Repub- lican party is considered, it will not seem strange that the Con- stitution, after the inauguration of war against the South was found to interpose but a sKght check npon the lawless invasion of civil rights. The enthusiastic, self-stvled reformers, whose opinions of right can tolerate no contradiction ; the Maine liquor advocates whose efforts to remodel society had for years been dis- tracting social order ; and the narrow ecclesiastical sectaries, who can only see moral evil in distorted visions ; all these and others of like character had become consolidated into one ao-orreo-ated mass of turbulent agitators. This agitating array of fanatical zealots, found its home in that political organization termed the Republican. Abraham Lincoln and the majority of the Thirty- seventh Congress, were the choice of that party of the American people largely composed of the enthusiastic classes, whose zeal ever surpasses their wisdom. That the Republican President and the Members of Congress chosen on the same ticket with him, shonld be persons of the same characteristics as the partisans to whom they owed their election, was to be expected. The discussion of the slavery question had largely eliminated the zealous classes from the Democratic party, and attached them to the new organization that was combatting the institution of Southern slavery. These all were fired by the same zeal for the emancipation and eleva- tion of the negro race, as had been Innocent III. and his coadju- tors in the establishment of the Roman inquisition. The spirit of persecuting ecclesiasticism was again to be witnessed upon a new arena ; and the maddened zeal that flamed forth as in fiery volumes from the J^orth, was the result of the sincere desire upon the part of the ardent classes for the extirpation of the Southern institution. It was, however, in itself that same prin- POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 287 ciple that ever destroys civil organism and leaves but a wreck of ruins in its path; and which, perhaps, prepares the minds of the reflecting classes for the disagreeable reception of imperial- istic, when constitutional Kepublican Government has failed. The reformer and the statesman are designed to occupy very variant spheres in the world's life, and never can with safety be exchanged. The philosophic ruler holds the scepter even, between all conflicting opinions', and permits none to overstep the bounds of constitutional order ; but the zealot becomes the mediseval iconoclast, or the persecuting prelate who causes rivers of blood to flow, that the souls of men be not endangered. The war from its inception was waged with a spirit of malice and vindictive hatred, such as had been witnessed in modern warfare but once (during the French revolution) since the period of the religious wars of Europe, daring the 16th and ITtli cen- turies. The ancient animus was revived, the dial of time was turned back for centuries, and all the guarantees of constitution- alism which philosophic ages had secured, were madly and fanatically overturned in the wild and delusive hope of elevating to equality with the Caucasian, a race totally incapable of even sustaining the fruits of civilization. Negro liberation and eleva- tion being the sole objects to be achieved by the fiery enthusiasts who gave life and soul to the Eej)ublican party, it would have been contrary to all experience had not vindictiveness ruled the hour. "Were it to be expected that zealots, who esteemed the emancipation of four millions of negro slaves, the great blessing of the 19th century, would at all be lenient and tolerant in meas- ures for the achievement of the result ? Since the commencement of the civil war, the union of the States instead of being any longer a league with death and a covenant with hell, had become at length the great centre of their fondest hopes. Men of enthusiastic aspirations, had ascended the seats of power, bent upon wresting the ancient fabric of the Eepublic from its foun- dations; and fully determined upon breaking down all those parts of the Constitution that interposed obstacles to their de- signs. The legislation at the extra session of Congress in 1861, was chiefly confined to the granting of men and money to the Administration for the prosecution of the war of invasion against the South. But as " out of the abundance of the heart the mouth sjpeaketh ;" so from the utterances and conduct of Thaddeus Ste- 288 A REVIEW OF THE vens, Sumner and otlier leading members of Congress, it was already clearly apparent to an observer, that tlie Federal Consti- tution, would be found to interpose slight resistance to the designs of these most extreme partisans and radical revolutionists, "wlio now found themselves in position to so shape the laws of the nation, that their emancipating designs might be fully ultimated. The Constitution having conferred no authority upon the Presi- dent or Congress to make war against the seceding States, was it to be anticipated that no further invasions of that instrument would take place ? The resolutions submitted by Members of Congress, and the majorities that endorsed these, exculpating the blockade of the Southern coast, the illegal arrests of innocent citizens and other unconstitutional acts of President Lincoln, clearly demonstrated that ulterior objects to the preservation of the Union and the Federal Constitution, M^ere entertained by the leading men of both branches of Congress. An initiative measure was enacted near the close of the session, which declared the confiscation of all the slaves employed with the consent of their masters to further the cause of the rebellion. The object of the war to a discerning eye was clearly portended in this enactment, but the people of the Border States and the Democrats of the Korth were assured that this was simply a military measure that the laws of war demanded. It was one, however, that Napoleon had disdained to make use of in his wars with Russia, although repeatedly solicited to employ it. But the European Emperor was lighting for conquest, the Ameri- can Congress, though professing the same, for emancipation. When the 3Tth Congress assembled in December, 18G1, an advanced attitude on the slavery question, as we have seen in a former chapter, was presented ; and fully matured plans seemed to have been agreed upon, by Sumner, Wilson, Stevens, Lovejoy and other leading radicals. There was nevertheless a number of conservative Pepublicans in Congress who strove to defend the Constitution to the best of their ability ; but whom a deluded public opinion, either kept for the most part in radical traces, or democratic quarters ultimately gave them refuge. The Con- OTessmen of this character were either reflective thinkers or sound constitutional statesmen, whose districts and States had become abolitionized ; and they as politicians, must either yield to the POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 259 current or retire from public life. Those chose the latter alter- native with whom conscience ruled supreme. On the 11th of December, 1S61, Senator Trumbull, a Eepub- ^- lican, offered the following resolution : " Resolved, That the Secretary of State be directed to inform the Sen- ate, whether in the loyal States of the Union any person or persons have been arrested or imprisoned, and are now held in confinement by orders from him or his Department ; and if so, under what law said arrests have been made and said persons imprisoned." • In support of his resolution, and speaking of illegal arrests, the Illinois Senator said : "The unconstitutionality of such action as this seems to be admitted by the Senator who conies to the defense of this despotic power. Why, sir, the power — without charge, without examination, Avithout oppor- tunity to I'eply, at the click of the telegraph — to arrest a man in a peace- able iDcriion of the country, and imprison him indefinitely, is the very essence of despotism. What, sir, becomes of constitutional liberty, what are v.'e fighting for if this broad ground is to be assumed and to be jus- tified in this body, and any man is to be thanked for assuming an uncon- stitutional and unwarranted authority ? What are we coming to, if arrests may be made at Ihe whim or the caprice of a Cabinet Minister? Do you suppose he is invested with infalibility, so as always to decide aright? Are you willing to trust the liberties of the citizens of this country in the hands of any man to be exercised in that way? May not his order send the Senator from Connecticut or mvself to prison ? Why not?" Most of the Ivepublicans in the Senate opposed the above reso- lution of Senator Trumbull, many of them warmly justifying the President for all the arrests he had caused to be made ; and as only Democrats, whom they chose to entitle traitors, had been made to suffer, they had no fault to find with the Executive Department of the Government. Sei;iator Fessenden, of Maine, expressed the sentiments of the majoritv fh the follow- ing language : "Indeed, I know, that under the directions from the Secretary of State, certain individuals in the loyal States have been arrested and im- prisoned. That is notorious ; the whole country is aware of it. I will say here, that I do not believe there is the slightest wai-rant of law for any such proceedings, and I do not suppose that you will find a lawyer ■who does think there is any warrant of law for such proceedings, and yet I do not shrink from it. I justify the act, although it was against law. I justify it from the necessity of the case." The resolution of Senator Trumbull was consigned by a vote of the Senate to its lethean tomb, the Committee on the Judiciary. 290 A REVIEW OF THE Besides the unconstitutional measures passed at tliis session of Congress, and clearly intended to advance the cause of emanci- pation, some of wliicli have been detailed in a former chapter, others of the same character, both of a direct and indirect nature, and yet designed to effect similar aims were likewise enacted. A monetary crisis supervened with the close of the year 1861, in the general bank suspension, and the wheels of coercive govern- ment were likely to stop, unless the herculean might of despotic power could be invoked, also to relieve the financial condition. This crisis was enhanced, because of the constant delusion that had been practised upon the public mind, that the war would be of but from sixty to ninety days duration. Indeed, the men at the helm of government, dared not to disclose to public view the delusion* that had been perpetrated, although themselves well aware of it, through fear of the general alarm it would occasion. In that event, thej^ feared that a peace party at the North would be likely to grasp the reins of power, and thus the aims of the revolutionists would be baffled. The public for a time had freely loaned of their money to support the Govern- ment, but Congress being as yet fearful to enact laws to tax the people, the sinews of war were at length exhausted. But doubtless it had been from the first apparent to Salmon P. Chase, the Head of the Treasury Department, that the solution of the problem committed to his charge would necessitate a complete revolution in the financial affairs of the country, in order to enable the government to prosecute the war with suc- cess, against the seceded States ; and for that length of time, which his discerning mind must have assured him, that it would *Those who had the sagacity to perceive the delusion and Ihe courage to expose it, were denounced by the intensely loyal hypocrites, as traitors and deserving of the severest ijunishment. It was incumbent vipon one who desired to be esteemed a friend of the Union, that he be willing at all times to deceive his countrymen. As an illustration of the deception practised by the leading men, the following extract from a speech of Representative Morrill, of Vermont, of February 4, 1862, is cited : " We are urged by the gentleman from New York to pass this bill as a war measure, a measure of necessity ; and to enforce this idea he gives you the figures of our probable requirements, if the war should be prolonged until July 1st, 1863. Sir, I have no expectation of being required to sup- port a war for that length of time. The ice that now cliokes up the Mississippi is not more sure to melt and disappear with the approaching vernal season, than are the rebellious armies upon its banks, v. hen our Western army shall break from its moorings, and rushing with the cur- rent to the Gulf, baptise as it goes in blood the people to a fresher alle- giance." — Congressional Globe, 2d Session of Thirty-seventh Congress, Part 1, p. 630. POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA, 291 be necessary to do so, to effect their subjugation. This was in- deed a necessity, when our form of Government be taken into consideration. The principles upon which the States had united to form a union, based upon consent, had, as we have seen, been violated by the declaration of war to coerce those that had seceded. That in itself was the assumption of imperial power by the General Government, which had never been delegated to it. The war was at first pretended to be prosecuted upon republican principles, and by means of voluntary loans. For the first three months money was freely furnished to the Government, because the people expected its speedy termination ; and for the next six months loans were with still increasing difficulty secured upon republican principles. The effort on the part of the Government to conduct a war, anti-republican in its character, by means of republican principles, was absurd, self -contradictory, and simply designed for the delusion of the Northern people. This, Secre- tary Chase and all the leading officials of his party, from the first must have clearly perceived, otherwise they were utterly incompetent for the positions they were chosen to fill. But theirs was the party of revolution, and it behooved them to proceed with cautious steps, so as not to alarm the people, until the sections had become so far entangled in the conflict, and the Northern people so embittered in the carnage that the peace party would be impotent. The same sagacious shrewdness, there- fore, was required by the Secretary of the Treasury and the revolutionary element in Congress to get the financial affairs so shaped as that the administration could control the national purse, as it was also designing to do with the sword. The monetary crisis that took place at the close of the year 1861, was but the natural sequence, therefore, of the incongru- ous effort to wage a monarchical war upon republican principles. It was. in short, only circumstances necessitating the revolutionary monarchists to show their real designs ; and with the greatest dexterity and adroitness was this essayed before the country. Secretary Chase, in his report of July 5th, 1861, and also in that of December 9th of the same year, suggested his plans by which he deemed it feasible that the national purse might be grasped in order to further the work of abolitionism. The great work to be achieved by his party for this purpose, was to obtain the over- throw of the principle of State Sovereignty, so far as the same 293 A REVIEW OF THE in any wise conflicted with the central antliority now fully re- solved upon negro emancipation. For tliis purpose the currency of the country must undergo a radical change from what it had heretofore ever experienced. Mainly, therefore, in accordance with the suggestions of the Secretary in his reports, a bill was matured by the Committee of Ways and Means, of w^hich Mr. Stevens was Chairman, and submitted to the House on the 30th of December, 1861. This bill proposed the issue of one hun- dred millions of Treasury notes, Mdiich with the fifty millions of demand notes already in circulation, should be a legal tender for all claims due the Government, and also, for all debts public and private within the United States, whether the same were already due, or to be collected in the future. This was indeed a revolutionary movement of revolutionary men ; but many of the conscientious adherents of the Republi- can party refused to give it their sanction, because of its utter violation of all justice and equity and of the whole spirit of tlio Federal Constitution. A cardinal principle of that fundamental charter which the legal tender clause of this measure proposed to repudiate, was that which declared that no State shall imss any laxo iin])air'mg the obligation of contracts ; and it was one, the denial of which up to this period no American statesman had been bold enough as to conceive. But because this prohibition had not been ap]3lied in express terms to the Government of the United States, the Republican majority in Congress, had the audacity to introduce and sustain a measure plainly void and un- constitutional. Secretary Chase, in his letter of January 29th to Mr. Stevens, also gave his approbation to the legal tender feature of the Treasury JNTote Bill,* but at the same time ex- *Afterwards, when success had crowned the AboUtionists, and Salmon P. Chase had been elevated to the most honored seat upon the Supremo Bench of the United States Court, he could speak in language that in 18G2 would have been denounced by the loyal as treason. Speaking of the prohibition imposed by the Constitution upon the States to "pass any law impairing the obligation of contracts," Chief Justice Chase said : " It is true this prohibition is not applied in terms to the Government of the United States. Congress has express power to enact bankrupt laws, and we do not say that a law made in the execution of any other express power, which inc dentally only impairs the obligation of a conti-aci, can " be held to be unconstitutional for tliat reason. "But wo do think it clear that those who framed and those wlio adopted the Constitution, intended that the spirit of this prohibition should pervade the entire body of legislation, and that the justice which the Constitution was oixlained to establish, was thought by them to bo incompatible with legislation of an opposite tendency. In other words. POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 293 pressed his loathing fox such legislation. On this point he said : " It is not unknown to them (the Committee) that I have felt, nor do I wish to conceal, that I now feel a great aversion to making anything but coin a legal tender in payment of debts." Much, however, as conseinnce interposed, so great was his zeal in the cause of negro emancipation that he did not have the moral courage to utter his protest against a measure for which he well knew there was no warrant in the Federal Constitution. The necessity for such legislation was even insisted upon by him, as a means of prosecuting the war with success against the South. The Democrats in both Houses of Congress, and some of the ablest Republicans opposed the passage of the Legal Tender Bill, with a stubborn resistance that no radical measure since the inau- guration of Abraham Lincoln had encountered. It was shown to be entirely revolutionary in its character, and in conflict with the universal legal thought of the country, from the foundation of the Government. The opinion of no jurist, publicist or statesman was able to be cited by the advocates of the measure favorable to their position ; but the declarations and writings of the most eminent men were adduced, combatting the views of the revolutionists. Daniel Webster, the great expounder of the Constitution, in his speech upon the renewal of the charter of the United States Bank in 1832, spoke as follows : "Congress can alone coin money. Congress can alone fix the value of foreign coin. No State caai coin money. No State, not even Congress can make anything a tender but gold and silver in payment for debt-s." * Webster again expressed the general thought of the country on this question, in his speech in the Senate on the Specie Cir- cular in 1836, in which he held the following language : "Most unquestionably there is no legal tender, and there can be no legal tender in this countiy under the authority of this Government, or any other, but gold and silver — either the coinage of our own mints, or foreign coin at rates regulated by Congress. This is a Constitutional principle, perfectly j)lain, and of the highest importance. The States we cannot doubt that a law not made in pursuance of an express power, which necessarily and in its dii-ect operation impairs the obligation, is inconsistent with the spirit of the Constitution." — Hepburn vs. Griswold, in American Law Register, 1870, pp. 187-8. The Svipreme Court of the United States, in the above case of Hepburn vs. Griswold, decided that the clause in the acts of 1863 and 1863, making United States notes a legal tender in the paj^ment of ail debts, public and private, is, so far as it applies to debts contracted before the passage of these acts, unwarranted by the Constitution. *Webster's Speeches. Vol. 3, p. 81. 294 A REVIEW OF THE are prohibited from making anything but gold and silver a iDayment of debts ; and although, no such prohibition is applied to Congress, yet as Congress has no power granted to it in this respect but to coin money and regulate the value of foreign coin, it clearly has no power to substi- tute paper or anything else for coin as a tender in payment for debts, and in discharge of «ontracts." "" An array of intellectual men in Congress, of both parties, as before stated, placed themselves in opposition to the passage of the Legal Tender Bill, and strongly argued that the measure was unconstitutional ; and one that would launch the country on a sea of irredeemable paper currency, amidst whose billows the ship of free government might ultimately submerge. Roscoe Conlding, a Republican Representative from I^ew York, spoke as follows on the constitutionality of the question : " The proposition is a new one. No precedent can be urged in its favor ; no suggestion of the exis'.ence of such a j)ower can be found in the legis- lative history of the country ; and I submit to my colleague, as a lawyer, the proposition that this amounts to aflBrmative authority of the highest kind against it. Had such a power lurked in the Constitution, as con- strued by those who ordained and administered it, we should find it so recorded. The occasion for resorting to it, or at least referring to it, has, we know, repeatedly arisen ; and, had such a power existed, it would have been recognized and acted on. It is hardly too much to say, there- fore, that the uniform and universal judgment of statesmen, jurists, and lawyers, has denied the constitutional right of Congress to make paper a legal tender for debts to any extent whatever. But more is claimed here than tlie right to create a legal tender, heretofore unknown. The pro- vision is not confined to transactions in futuro, but is retroactive in its scope. It reaches back and strikes at every existing obligation."! The same gentleman depicted the moral effect of such legisla- tion, in the following words : " But, sir, passing as I see I must from the constitutional objec- tions to the bill, it seems to me its moral imperfections are equally serious. It will, of course, proclaim throughout the country a saturnalia of fraud, a carnival of rogues. Every agent, attorney, treasurer, trus- tee, guardian, executor, administi'ator, consignee, commission-merchant, and every debtor of a fiduciary character, who has received for others hard money, worth a hundred cents on the dollar will forever release himself from liability by buying up, for that knavish purpose, at its depreciated value, the spurious currency which we wiU have put afloat. Everybody will do it, except those who are more honest than the Ameri- can Congress advises them to be.":j: Georo-e H. Pendleton, a distinguished Democratic Represen- __ . I * Webster's Works. Vol. 4, p. 271. ^Congressional Globe, 37th Congress, part 1, pp. 634-5. XCongressional Globe, Second Session, 37th Congress, Part 1, pp. 634-5. POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 295 tative from Ohio, argued the unconstitutionality of the measure, and the intrinsic inequity of a hiw that would attempt to unset- tle all fixed values and unjustly confiscate, as it were, the credits of every man in the community. He predicted the calamitous consequences of such legislation as follows : *' You send, these notes out into the world, stamped with irredeemability. You put on them the mark of Cain ; they will go forth to be fugitives and vagabonds on the earth. What then will be the consequence ? It requii-es no prophet to tell what will be their history. The currency will be expanded ; prices will be inflated ; fixed values will depreciate ; in- comes will be diminished ; the savings of the poor will vanish ; the hoardings of the widov/ will melt away ; bonds, mortgages, notes, every- thing of fixed value Avill loose their value ; everything changeable will be appreciated ; the necessaries of life will rise in value ; the Govern- ment will pay two-fold — certainly largely more than it ought — for every- thing that it goes into the market to buy ; gold and silver will be driven out of the country."* The radical republicans supported the Legal Tender measure of their party, believing it to be a matter of necessity to enact the same, to accomplish the subjugation of the Southern people. Belonging to that school of interpretation which professed to be able to find in the Constitution, any power that they deemed necessary for the national weal, it was not difficult for the leaders to find support in that instrument for any species of legislation, which they desired. They however, favored the measure be- cause it was germinated in monarchical principles, and because such were needed upon the financial arena, and such as already had been and were to be introduced into the other avenues of the Government. The measure was of a monarchical character, as it relied upon force for the circulation of the notes to be issued, looked to the direct and despotic coercion of arms, over-rode both the letter and spirit of the Constitution, shocked every principle, not only of justice between the Government and the citizens, but also be- tween the citizens themselves, and of all sound political philoso- phy. That the Legal Tender Bill was simply a part of the financial scheme of Secretary Chase and the influential mpn of his party, to subsidize to their control the monied interests of the country, C. L, Yallandigham, of Ohio, had the clearness of vision to perceive. In his speech of February 3d, 1862, this patriotic and sagacious statesman uttered the following words : ^'Congressional Globe, Second Session, 37th Congress, Part 1, p. 551. 293 A REVIEW OF THE "Tlie notes are meant to circulate generally and permanently as cur- rency, at least till the Secretary's grand fiscal machine, his magnficent national paper mill, founded upon the very stocks provided for by tliis bill, can be put in operation, Avhen this sort of bills of credit are to become the sole currency of the country, and to drive all gold and eilver and ordinary bank paper out of circulation." The main argument urged in behalf of the bill was its neces- sity, and that no express Avords in the Constitution forbade such an enactment. The friends of the measure denied that more than one hun- dred and fifty millions of legal tender bills would need to be issued by Congress ; and in these denials we have another ex- ample of the deceptions method pursued by the Eepublican leaders to conceal the magnitude of the rebellion ; and it was one whose Janus-faced visage was ever presenting itself during the whole progress of the war. Thaddeus Stevens, who was a warm friend of the Treasury Note Bill, in reply to a question pro- pounded to him on the 6th of February, 1862, said: " But my distinguished colleague from Vermont, fears that enormous issues would follow to supply the expenses of the war. I do not think any more would be needed than the $150,000,000." But this assurance proved, like most otliers emenating from radical sources and made with reference to the duration and the expenses of the war, simply deceitful ; and especially so in this case ; it having been uttered by a man who had the sagacity from the commencement of hostilities to somewhat clearly meas, ure the magnitude of the rebellion, and the length of time and the vast expenditures that would be required to overthrow it. Instead of one hundred and fifty millions being found sufficient, ver}^ many additional hundred millions of legal tender notes were necessary to be issued to perfect the great work of emanci- pation, and allow the tide of war to fully inundate and deluge in blood the States of South. Another necessary feature of the financial scheme was that which imposed the requisite taxes upon the people to support the Government demands. The imposition of these was, however, made with the greatest caution ; for it was perceived that noth- ing would so surely open the eyes of the masses as the infliction of onerous taxation. The Ttepublicans steadily resisted the enact- ment of a sufficient internal revenue law as long as possible ; and acquiesced in supporting such a bill only when circumstances rOLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 2C7 forced tliem into the measure. By tlie Act passed August 5tli, 18G1, it was estimated that twenty millions of revenue could be raised ; but that sum was by no means adequate to support the wants of the Government. During the second session of the Thirty-seventh Congress, the question of revenue became a pressing one, upon the attention of Congress, and all schemes were resorted to in order to press off the consideration of so unpleasant a concern. The elections of 1862 were nearing themselves, and the agricultural interests of the country required to be handled with the greatest caution that political managers could employ. A revenue bill was at that time of all things most needed to sustain the wants of the ad- ministration, as Secretary Chase in his reports had undissem- blingly shown. Congress at length found itself comj)elled to take up the consideration of this question. Mr. Stevens, the Chairman of the Committee of Ways and Means in March, 1862, submitted a complicated tax bill, which the members of the Committee had for nearly two months been busily engaged in elaborating. In the bill, as submitted, almost every con- ceivable tax was imposed upon manufactures, the profits of trade and industry, and the incomes of individuals. The most studied effort was made in the preperation of this system of rev- enue, so as to allow the agriculturists seemingly to escape from the burdens imposed. But the escape was only aj)parent, for upon the cons^^mers ultimately fall the taxes of the community. The fallacious, hypocritical scheme, however, served as the blind to hide the enormous bui'dens that the revolutionary party was neces- sitated to impose upon the people, in order to carry through their designs of emancipation and negro elevation; and which was but a part of the centralizing plan they had in view in their war against the South. This revenue bill met in Congress with no steady party oppo- sition, for, although its whole features had a centralizing tendency, yet the Constitution clothed the law making body with the power to raise taxes. It is evident from the discussions in Cong-ress, that a decided aversion was felt by all real Democrats to the pas- sage of the bill, inasmuch as they were conscious that the money to be raised by it was to be expended for an unconstitutional and altogether anti-republican purpose. William II. Wadsworth, a Kepresentative from Kentucky, made no concealment of his 203 A REVIEW OF THE opposition to tlie measure, on account of tlie known objects to be achieved in the prosecution of the war against the seceded States. The bill, after a long deliberation in both Houses of Congress, became iinally a law on the 1st of July, 1SC2. This Internal Revenue Bill was very long and minute in its details, almost every transaction of business being obliged to submit to the imposition of stamp duty. This repulsive feature of British rule, that had aroused our revolutionary ancestors to resistance against the Crown of the mother country, was imposed by the radical Congress, and was submitted to by the people, be- cause large armies and dictatorial satraps compelled obedience to the Federal Administration. But it was very unwillingly obeyed by a large body of the people, who somewhat faintly realized the objects to be promoted by the money wrung from the people by relentless partisans professing humanitarianism, yet rioting in the overthrow of Constitutionalism. A tax of three j)er cent, was levied upon all manufactures, and upon all incomes upwards of six hundred dollars. All professional gentlemen and men engaged in various departments of industry, were addition- ally taxed by means of licenses, and compelled either to pay the same for the advancement of abolition ideas, or withdraw from the occupation of their lives. But as abolitionism and all other fanaticisms must necessarily accompany each other, it would have been remarkable had not the total prohibition influence, made itself felt in the internal revenue legislation of Congress. Representative Morrill, of Ver- mont, one of the flrst to explain the features of the bill, declared that the object of its f ramers was to impose upon the liquor trafic as heavy a tax as possible, so as to repress that trade to the utmost of their power. As a member of the American mon- archical party, he could cite British precedent for such discrimina- tion, with regard to duty on liquors, and said : "In England, the duty on spirits is ten shillings and five pence, or about $3.53, per gallon." Another Representative, a Member from Maine, a Mr. Rice, true to the principles of his State fanaticism, spoke as follows : " I would not discriminate, partially, against any citizen engaged in any honest and reputable business ; but I would to the fullest extent im- pose excise duty on liquor and tobacco, let it come from whatever source it may, or let it injure whom it may. If men are driven out of this business, it will be all the better for the country. I was in favor of tha POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 200 amendment proposed by the gentleman from Kentucky, because I under- stood it, though not so intended by him, to be an absolute prohibition against distillation. If Congress would only put down, either by direct or indirect means, these distilleries that pour out fire and death over all the land, I think it would be performing a good work. It would be doing more good to the people than any other enactment it can pass. " I hope the day will come when a prohibition will be put upon all distillation ; when such a tariff will be placed on spirituous liquors as will exclude their importation. That will be a glorious day for the country."* In the author of the last cited extract, we hear one of the ancient holy Pharisees and hypocrites, who would seem to have arisen from the dead ; and who sets himself up as more pure and righteous than all other men ; and whose opinions must he accepted as the whole rule of rectitude and moral probity. His doctrines admirably harmonized with the hidden monarchical sentiments of his party, but were altogether in disharmony with the principles he professed to advocate, that is to say : the free- dom of all men. His own and the principles of his party would allow all to be free to the extent that his infallible judgment and despotic will would permit. Delightful freedom indeed was ifc that he and his fanatical Maine law compeers advocated. A tax of about one hundred per cent, was imposed by this act upon spirituous liquors, which, by subsequent acts, was largely increased, all with the design of indirectly excluding by a species of Maine liquor law legislation, all kinds of spirituous, vinous and malt liquors from circulation in the community. The article of tobacco was likewise highly taxed in the Revenue Act of July 1st, 1862, because this article had also been condemned aa mi worthy of trafie in Puritan estimation. The revenue to be raised by this act, estimated as about to yield $150,000,000, was a burden greater than was borne by the citi- zens of the most despotic governments of Europe ; and yet so thoroughly deluded were the masses of the people by abolition fanaticism, that they seemed to yield their necks with pleasure to the burdens. But after submitting to the load, they ever afterwards were unable to relieve themselves ; and the despots only continued to further lade the servilely adapted beings who had so ignobly yielded to their sway. They had unwittingly assumed a constantly accumulating load of debt, which, as Wen- *Congressional Globe, Second Session, 37th Congress, Part 3, p. 1809. SOO A REVIEW OF THE dell Pliillips, one of the task masters, liad the candor to admi!", would weigh down themselves, then' children and descendants, to remote generations. A happy thought, indeed ; possibly endur- able, had the compensation therefor only been of an adecpate character. But it is doubtful if fanaticism be competent to grasp that idea. Probably the conception is too logical, save for minds rarely seduced by fanatical delusions. An inquisitorial spirit also displayed itself in the radical legis- lation of almost every character. The bill passed by Congress and approved July 1st, 1862, which stamped the Mormon matri- monial unions as criminal violations of social polity that deserved severe punishment, especially evinced this spirit in a marked degree. Lack of logical perception allowed the law-givers in this instance to forget that they were the boasted chamj^ions of lib- erty, both civil and religious, and being such, Mormondom was equally entitled with themselves to enjoy that privilege. But like their prototypal predecessors of the liildebrandian and Cromwell ian cast, they reserved to themselves the right to dictate what should be esteemed liberty. And in this they were not in- consistent with themselves, for fanaticism ever assumes the holiest mantle, much as it tramples, as in this case, upon the plainest constitutional guarantees. But whilst trampling upon the Constitution of their country, it behooved the Republican leaders likewise to bid for popular sup- port at the expense of governmental traditions, and by the most lavish and prodigal expenditures. After the enactment of the Homestead Law in 1862, an Act in conflict with the conservative teaching of early legislators, they must annul the well settled internal improvement principles of former Presidents and states- men, in the passage of the Union Pacific Railroad and Telegraph Line, from the Missouri River to the Pacific Ocean. Indeed, a seemingly malicious zeal appeared to animate Mr. Stevens and the leading radicals in Congress, to effect in every particular as complete an overthrow and removal of the rubbish of the old constitutional edifice of the fathers, as was possible to be con- ceived. The existing Constitution, with its spirit and traditions, had been the work of slave holders and their allies ; and all this must be remodelled, lest some foul taint might soil the new superstructure. An oath to support the Federal Constitution, the only pledge POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 801 lieretofoi'G required of the American citizen or ruler, was no longer deemed a sufficient guarantee of official incumbents, that thej would discharge their functions with that fidelity wliich duty required. Pretended dread of future turbulence induced the revolutionary Congress to exact of evei'^y person elected or appointed to any office of honor or profit under the Government of the United States an oath of office, to which no conscientious Southern resistant of the abolition tyranny would be able to sub- scribe. This unwise effort to exclude from public trusts the participants in the so-called rebellion in the event of their over- throw, was still further proof that the advocates of such measures lacked the capacity of far-seeing statesmen, who always strive to harmonize, rather than provoke conflicting opinions. But arti- fice and craft were the large ingredients that influenced the parti- san legislation of the last named character, and which was designed chiefly to exclude in future from power, those most competent to combat and circumvent the designs of the revolu- tionary legislators themselves. A legal principle of universal application that had been coined in the jurisprudence of the mother country* and which in essence was made a part of the Constitution of 1787 ; and also of all the different States of the Union, that every offender shall be tried by a jury of his peers, was next to be wiped from the statute book of the nation. By the Act of July 16, 1862, Con- gress, fearful to run in open violation of the plain letter of the Constitution, which declared that in treason the " trial shall he held in the State where the said crimes shall have been com- rrbitted" nevertheless repealed the Act of 1789, which required, in cases punishable with death, that twelve jurors be summoned from the county where the offense was committed. In the repeal of that act, the spirit of the Constitution was equally violated, as had the enactment directed, that a jury drawn from a different State than that in which the offense was committed, should be intrusted with the trial of criminals. Such legislation was also the product of necessity, as the revolutionists clearly foresaw that no convictions for treason could be secured in any of the Southern States, unless under a species of packed jury system, which this law of July aimed to establish. During the second session of the Thirty-seventh Congress, the conflscation of the property of rebels, became a question of lead- S03 A REVIEW OF THE ing importance ; and one that was discussed in both Houses at some length. The ardent advocates of confiscation were impelled solely by the desire to secure the emancipation* of the negro slaves by an indirect measure of this character ; as no other so feasible a plan presented itself to the revolutionists to secure, under the guise of legislation, objects not warranted by the Con- stitution. Senator Wilson, of Massachusetts, had the candor to confess, during the discussion of this question, tliat emancipation was the main feature of the confiscation movement that especially interested him. Sufficient laws were already in existence to punish treason of every grade ; and it would have been time to enact further penalties when the rebellion was overthrown and the national authorities in condition to determine of what crime the Southern rebels were guilty. But as the freedom of the Southern slaves was the grand object of the war, and as the Constitution of the United States forbade Federal interference with the affairs of the States, some kind of legislation must be excogitated to gratify abolition aspi- ration. The punishment of treason was within the power of Congress to determine ; and this body was free to fix penalties, however severe, provided that " no attainder of treason shall work corruption of blood and forfeiture, except during the life of the person attainted." The framers of the instrument which inter- posed this check upon national legislation, had witnessed in history the cruel excesses of sanguinary despots from the days of William the Korman, to Oliver Cromwell ; and they were un- willing that the innocent descendants of convicted traitors should be made to suffer for the crimes of their ancestors. Whilst, however, this restraint was il\e result of the molifying current of a refined civilization that had gradually obliterated the asperi- ties of earlier epochs, it was this same obstacle that produced such anxiety in the Republican party to devise means, notwith- *Senator Saulsbury, of Delaware, addressing the Abolition Senators, June 24th, 1863, said : "Your purposes are known, — your motives are understood. The present knows them and history will record them. Did not slavery exist in the Southern States, you would never have thought of a confiscation bill. Your design is to make this a war for the destruc- tion of slavery. You desire to destroy the domestic institutions of the States. Abolitionism will be satisfied with nothing less than universal emancipation ; and abolitionism would not prosecute this war another day or another hour, were it not for the hope that these objects may be accom. ■lished.'" — Congressional Globe, Second Session, 87th Congress, Part 4, p. 2901, POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA, 303 etanding this, to accomplish their main purpose, emancipation. To this end, one bill after another was prepared by abolition members of both Houses of Congress, all having the same fond object in view. C. A. Wickliffe, of Kentucky, spoke in the following manner of these bills : " The Chairman of this Committee, to whom had been referred all the wild, mad and unconstitutional bills, twenty in number, has given to the House the two bills under consideration. I have carefully collected al of these bills. I shall have them bound, and with an appropriate title- page preserved, that they may remain and be read after the excite- ment of the day shall have subsided ; that those who may survive me shall take warning from the evidences which they afford, of an utter disregard of the Constitution of the country, and the danger to civil liberty which such disregard threatens. And if our liberty and consti- tutional Government shall survive the assaults made upon it at this hour, or if it should fail, then they may find among the many causes of its overthrow, these evidences of the reckless efforts of legislators to substi- tute passion for patriotism, as a rule of action, in the exercise of official duties and powers."* Horace Greeley, in his history of " The American Conflict^'' speaks of the cautious method by which the Republican party approached the question of confiscation : " The policy of confiscating or emancipating the slaves of those en- gaged in the rebellion, was very cautiously and timidly approached at the first or extra session of this (37th) Congress. Very early in the ensu- ing session, it was again suggested in the Senate by Mr. Trumbull, of Illinois, and in the House by Mr. Elliott, of Massachusetts."t The position which first secured a somewhat unanimous ap- proval amongst the revolutionary leaders in both Houses of Congress, was that which asserted for the military arm of the Government, the right to break the shackles from the limbs of the Southern slaves in order to weaken the cause of their masters. This bold and sweeping advance of the extreme Abolitionists was altogether too radical a change for timid and conservative Hepublicans ; and the proposition besides encountering the united opposition of the Border State Congressmen and Northern Dem- ocrats, also met a warm resistance from Senators Cowan, of Pennsylvania, Browning and Collamer, of Yermont, who de- nounced it as in glaring antagonism with the Federal Constitution. * Out of the boiling caldron of radical Senatorial views, a bill was prepared which proposed to clothe President Lincoln with * Appendix to Congressional Globe, Second Session, 37th Congress, p. 260. f Greeley's Conflict, vol. 2, p. 2G2. 804 A REVIEW OF THE cliscretionery power to proclaim free, the slaves of all persons who should be found in arms after a definite period. In the House, a similar vehement contest was fought, over the question of confiscation of rebel property ; and finally, two bills were reported from the Judiciary Committee that seemed to accord in the main with the known sentiments of radical Sena- tors. The one provided for confiscating the real and personal property of rebels against the government; and the other for the emancipation of their slaves. In vain did the Democrats, Border State Kepresentatives, and certain Conservative Kepublicans, argue the unconstitutionality of these measures ; and to no pur- pose were they shown to violate all the principles of modern warfare among civilized nations. Judge Thomas, of Massachu- setts, a Conservative Eepublican, spoke of these bills as follows : " That the bills before the House are in violation of the law of nations and of the Constitution, I cannot — I say it with all deference to others — I cannot entertain a doubt."* But though unconstitutional and violative of all modern inter- national codes, the revolutionists must of necessity enact laws of the most extreme rigor against the rebels and their property ; so that under the pretence of wholesale confiscation, they would be enabled to secure the great prize, the freedom of the slaves. No doubt many members of Congress, such as Thaddeus Stevens, Owen Lovejoy, and others, would ardently have desired to see the most extensive confiscation of rebel property that was possible to be secured ; but the honest Abolitionists, who were influenced by moral principle, rather viewed the proposed severity in the confiscation movement as a feint to cover the real object to be grasped, emancipation. At least it was never seriously believed by any great number of Abolition Congressmen, that they would be able to inflict upon the South any general system of property confiscation. The measure, however, proved admirable for agita- ting purposes, and in the preparation of public opinion for par- tisan objects. Both the Confiscation and Emancipation Bills introduced into the House, passed that body but failed to meet the approbation of the Senate. Although this latter body contained a large number of the most radical Abolitionists, still a majority were unwilling to go to the extreme length of enacting that all kinds *Greeley's Conflict, vol. 2, p, 3j4. POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. SOo of property should, be wrested from rebel control witboiit judici- ally action, and by the mere force of Executive fiat. The bills which had received the approbation of the one body of Con- gress, were upon a conference between the Senate and House of Representatives, so modified as to form one act providing for both confiscation and emancipation. In this shape the bill became a law and received the Presidential assent. The main feature which the Senate impressed upon the confis- cation scheme, was that which contemplated the conviction and ^mnishment of traitors by due legal process, before their property could be legally sequestered. And yet little credit seems due to Senators who preferred to have the enactment in conformity with the Constitution in one particular, v/hen in another they were not at all careful to regard it. For it was alone the knowl- edge that the assent of President Lincoln would otherwise be withheld from the bill, that induced Congress, very reluctantly, to declare by resolution that the act was only intended to operate upon the life interest of convicted traitors. 306 A REVIEW OF THE CHAPTER XVm. GOVERNMENTAL CONSOLIDATION REACHED. When the Thirty-seventh Congress met on December 1st, 1862, the Government had thrown aside all disguise that its future policy should embrace emancipation as a means of weak- ening the rebellion. President Lincoln had seemingly permitted himself to be dragooned, by his active abolition partisans, into fulminating the proclamation of September 22d, which, by the beginning of the new year, should set all the slaves in the rebel- lious States in absolute freedom ; and yet a more unwise measure for the accomplishment of that object was scarcely conceivable, as the President himself expressed it, in his interview with the Chicago divines, a few days prior to its promulgation. It could scarcely be believed, even by the most enthusiastic champions of negro liberation, that a paper proclamation, issued by the Execu- tive of one of the contesting sections of the country, would be able to emancipate the slaves of the other more rapidly than the progress of arms warranted. But fanaticism reasons not, it sym- pathises, agitates, and runs counter to the rules of ratiocination i and in this instance, having engulphed philosophical forecast in clamor, it could do what at another time would have been utterly impossible. The enactment of a few measures were still demanded of the American Congress, in addition to the numerous unconstitutional encroachments already made, in order that the consolidating pro- gramme of the revolutionary party might have a linished and symmetrical contour. The union of the purse and sword, a necessity of despotism, was the grand desideratum yet to be accomplished in the subversion of the rights of the States and of the immunities of the people. The traditionally recognized power of the States must be overthrown by every possible means, and no conceivable method seemed to promise greater results in this du-ection than the establishment of a national banking sya- POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 307 tern. A national bank was one of the darling projects of Alex- ander Hamilton, the idol of Federalism and its successors ; and in the history of American politics it proved one of the onerous burdens that always weighed upon the shoulders of those who favored its establishment. And although a National bank had ceased to be a question in American politics since the period of John Tyler's administration, yet with the advent of Eepublicanism to power, the new brood soon betrayed their parentage in the advocacy of the old measures which Webster himself had declared obsolete. So thoroughly grounded, however, had become the opposition of Americans to- wards a bank of the United States, that the establishment of an institution of this character was deemed hazardous ; and was only attempted after the leaders had discovered that the will of the people could with safety be defied, with large armies in the field from which all information dangerous to party success, could easily be excluded. And again, for the purpose of avoiding tte popular objections which stood coined in the general mind against the establishment of a national bank, the scheme was varied by proposing a bill to incorporate banks in all sections of the country. A very captivating variation, indeed, was it, and one promising popular advantages to business circles. The danger of a national bank proving a political engine in the hands of whatever party might happen to control the Government, the main evil foreseen b}^ President Jackson was equally great, whether one central establishment were created or thousands of banks with national privileges, because the latter, equally with the former, would be subordinate to federal control. The establishment of a system of national banks, was believed by the revolutionary leaders to be one of the most efficient means to subvert the rights of the States, and draw all authority into the hands of the General Government. In this manner it was hoped that objects could be grasped by a species of monarchical encroachment, which otherwise were unattainable ; and that a grand central government, nearly resembling that of Great Britain, could be established in the midst of the turbulence and excitement of the rebellion. Indeed, Alexander Hamilton him- self had predicted that the Federal Government would prove a failure ; and that it would only, after a time, be molded into consistency when it should have experienced the shock of war. 308 A EEVIEW OF THE That Federal aspirations prompted tlie warm advocates of the national banking scheme, seems disclosed in the following extract from the speech of Elbridge G. Spaulding, a Republican Rep- resentative from New York, of February 19th, 1863. Mr. Spaul- ding said : "It is now most apparent that the policy advocated by Alexander Hamilton, of a strong central government, was the true policy. A strong consolidated government would most likely have been able to avert the rebellion ; but, if not able to prevent it entirely, it would have been much better prepared to have met and put down the traitorous advocates of secession and State rights, who have forced upon us this unnatural and bloody war. A sound national bank upheld and supported by the combined credit of the Government, and rich men residing in all the States of the Union, would have been a strong bond of union before the retellion broke out, and a still stronger support to the Government in maintaining the army and navy to put it down." The national banking system deduced its whole genealogical descent from monarchical principles. Its successful inauguration depended upon the suppression of the State banks, which existed constitutionally, as the Supreme Court of the United States had authoritatively declared ; and which the General Government had no delegated power, either directly or indirectly, to supjDress. But, when men could be found that had the boldness openly to declare that Congress had the right to appoint a dictator, as Thaddeus Stevens had already done, it is not strange that any kind of bill could be enacted depriving the States of their clear and constitutional authority to establish banks with State charters. During the discussion on the l!^ational Bank Bill, the right of the States to create banks was not questioned ; but a sufficient tax was imposed in the bill upon the circulation of the State banks, as would compel them to exchange their notes for the new ones to be issued b}'' the General Government. It was, in brief, sim- ply a new method of indirectly doing that which the Constitu- tion, as interpreted by the highest judicial tribunal of the country, had forbidden to be done. The National Banking Bill met the approval of the most revolutionary Republicans of both Houses of Congress ; and received the sanction of President Lincoln February 25th, 1863. It encountered, however, the united opposition of the Democracy and of a considerable number of the more conservative Repub- lican Members of Congress, in the Senate and House of Repre- sentatives. In the Senate, such Republicans as Coilamer, Cowan, POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. S09 Grimes, Howard and Trumbull, refused to support the measure. The Demos-rats in general viewed the bill as one of the con- solidating measures designed to wrest power from the States and strengthen the central authority. Senator Powell, in his speech of February 10th, 1S63, said: *'It is a grand scheme of consolidation; one that, in my judgment, will become dangerous to the public liberties, and I believe that it should not be forced upon the people of the States, particularly when it is forced there to destroy their banking institutions." Senator Davis, in his speech of February 11th, said : " This is a bold and daring attack upon the State banks, * * » I think it is the most stupendous and most dangerous scheme of policy that was ever introduced in a deliberative bodj'." That the National Bank Bill was of an altogether revolutionary character, Senator Howard contended in his speech of February 11, 1863, in which he used the following language : *' It contemplates a general revolution in the banking and currency system in this country ; and it is admitted by its advocates as being in- tended to bring about an extinguishment of all the State banks by means of the machinery which is to be employed under the provisions of the bill." The unconstitutionality of the bill was argued by Senator Collamer as follows : '• In the case of Kentucky, the Supreme Court decided, that the long continued usage in this country in States to make banks was constitu- tional, and that a State had a right to make a bank of issue. * * * Now, sir, if a State has that right, it has the right certainly, independent of the consent of Congress. Does it hold it at the will of Congress? Certainly not. The United States, in making a United States Bank, held it independent of State action, and it was so decided. If the State has this right and has it independent of the consent of Congress, it cannot have that right if the United States can tax it out of existence. Hence, I say, the United States have no more power to tax a State institution out of existence, than a State has to tax a United States institution out of existence." The Federal Goverament, by the passage of the bank bill, had become the keeper of the people's purse ; the sword must next be grasped, and then the power of the States and the citi- zens thereof could with impunity be defied. Men, as well as money were in abundance for a period, after the inauguration of the war, in answer to the calls of the President ; but time dis- closing the great deception that had been practised, neither could any longer be had in such quanties as the exigency demanded. 310 A EEVIEW OF THE Congress, at its extra session in 1861, had given antlioritj for raising vast armies ; and all the soldiers whose services could be secured were enlisted under various proclamations of the Presi- dent but still more were in demand to end a rebellion whose resistance had far surpassed the popular expectation. But the Republican method of filling monarchical armies raised for mon- archical purposes, soon displayed its incongruity as had been witnessed on the financial arena, and new plans were necessary to be adopted to save the revolutionary party from disintegration^ and its aims from failure, should a majority of the ISTorthern people discover the delusion that had been inflicted upon them. By tjie middle of 18G2, Northern patriotism was greatly flag- ging, because enlisting for the war was already discovered to be no holiday recreation, but a stern reality that few cared to en- counter, sftve those whom fancied sympathy for the negro had blinded into the espousal of the abolition cause. It was now perceived that the war steed of JS'orthern patriotism must expe- rience a slight goad from the spur of his furious rider, in order to enable him any longer to penetrate to the front of the battle, and grapple with his rebel combatant upon the field of Southern conflict. This slight prick was essayed in the passage of the Act of Congress of July 17th, 1862, which authorized the calling out by draft of the militia of the loyal States for nine months, for the suppression of the Southern armies, and the restoration of the national authority. But the rebellion against abolition domination, notwithstanding this, stood up in all its mighty strength and colossal magnitude. The enlisted legions of the North, from Maine to California, were sinking before the shafts of Southern resistance , and the invading armies had become so attenuated by the close of 1862, that more stringent means than had as yet been made use of, must be employed if the administration of Abraham Lincoln was to triumph over its stubborn foe. The might of Herculean despotism must be invoked to the rescue, or the flag of abo- litionism must lower its folds on the held of battle. Neither the war cry of freedom for an enslaved race, nor the peans of the victorious soul of the felon of Charlestown, marching to victory, were sufficient any longer to arouse martial ardor in the breasts of the enrolled soldiers of Northern fanaticism. The loathsome beast of despotic innovation now reared a more POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 311 hideous aspect than it had as yet presented. An act was passed in both Houses of Congress ignoring all authority of the States over their own militia ; and subjecting all able-bodied men of the l^orth, between certain ages, to a merciless conscription, which found sanction neither in constitutional warrant nor in prior Anglo-Saxon history. Britain's Annals were scanned in vain for a model to subject to Presidential control the independent free- men of the North ; and resort was necessarily had to the conti- nental despotisms of the old world, which alone were able to supply a genuine copy. Charles J. Biddle, a Member of Con- gress from Pennsylvania, in his speech of February 23, 1803, grouped the Conscription Bill as one of that concatenation of measures which changed the whole fabric of the Government from a Republic into a consolidated despotism. In his speech he said : " This (the Conscription Bill) is a part of a series of measures, which to my mind seem materially to alter the structure of the Government un- der which we live. The bill to transfer to the President, without limita- tion of time or jDlace, our power over the writ of Habeas Corpus ; the bill of indemnity which, to use the words of the Senate's Amendment, secures for all wrongs or trespasses committed by any officer of the Government, full immunity, if he pleads in the courts of justice the order of the President, and which also deprives State Courts of their jurisdiction in such cases ; the bank bill, which puts the purse strings in the same hands with the sword ; these bills, to my mind, couple themselves with this bill, and they seem to me, taken together, to change the whole framework of this Government ; and instead of the Constitutional Gov- ernment, which was originally so carefully devised for this country, they leave us a system which does not materially differ, according to any definition I can frame, from the despotism of France or Russia." The passage of the Conscription Bill was found to be indispen- sable, because the abolition leaders perceived that the prosecution of the war, by means of enlisted soldiers, would surely prove a failure. Thaddeus Stevens, the Corypheus of abolition impulse, in the House of Pepresentatives already had declared on the floor of Congress, that no more volunteers could be had from the North ; and that other methods of filling the Union armies must be adopted. Vast numbers of soldiers who had voluntarily entered the Northern armies, afterwards deserted ; some because they believed the Administration had forsaken the principles upon which the war was originally prosecuted ; others did so, infected by the corrupt influences already everywliere prevalent. Benjamin F. Thomas, a Pepublican member of the House, 312 A REVIEW OF THE from Massacliusetts, submitted liis reasons for the necessity of enacting the Conscription Bill, in the following language. lie said: "The policy inaugurated on the 1st of December, 1861, has been fruit- less of good. It has changed the ostensible, if not the real issue of the war. That policy, and the want of persistent vigor in our military counsels, render any further reliance upon voluntary enlistments futile. The nostrums "have all failed. Confiscation, emancipation by Congress, emancipation by proclamation of the President, compensated emancipa- tion, arbitrary arrests, paper made legal tender, negro armies will not do the work. Nothing will save us now but victories in the field and on the sea ; and then the proffer of the olive branch, with the most liberal terms of reconciliation and re-union. We can get armies in no other way, but by measures substantially those in the Bill before us, unless the Admin- istration will retrace its steps and return to the way of the Constitution."* The Democrats and Border State men of both Houses of Congress combatted the Conscription Bill with a zeal and ardor worthy of Charlemagne's paladins, and the knights of feudal history. But the conflict waged by these chivalric friends of their country in behalf of liberty and the Constitution, was nevertheless hopeless ; yet, impelled by motives of uncalculating patriotism, they rushed within the breach and yielded themselves, sacrifices worthy of immortal glory. Senator Bayard, of Dela- ware, in his speech of February 28, 1863, used the following language concerning the Conscription Bill : " From the foundation of the Government to this day, no attempt has been made in this country to pass a law of this character, by any Con- gress of the United States ; no such bill has been introduced ; no such doctrine as is involved in this bill has been contended for — that under the power to raise armies, you can raise them in any other mode than by enlistment or recruiting, or by the acceptance of volunteers. Has this power ever been attempted to be exercised by the Parliament of Great Britain, with all its omnipotence ? No !" Senator Kennedy, of Maryland, in the debate on this bill, said : " As to the bill itself, I look upon it as odious and despotic. It goes further to svibjugate the people of a free country than any I have ever read of in history." Senator Saulsbury, of Delaware, during the same debate, uttered the following sentiments : " I regard it as the crowning act, in a series of acts of legislation, which surrender all that is dear to the private citizen into the keeping and at the mercy of the Executive of this nation. * * * j assert, that under the law governing this administration, under the law *Annual Cyclopedia, 1863, p. 286. POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 313 as declared by the highest law officer of this Government, this bill not only authorizes the calling into the service of every able-bodied white man, but it authorizes the calling into the service of every able-bodied free negro, between the ages of twenty and forty-five, in the land. I say this because the Attorney-General of the United States has expressed the opinion, in writing, that the free negroes are citizens of the United States. * * * Sir, if the theory of this bill be the theory of your Government, if this be the power conferred upon Congress by the Constitution of the United States, tell me where is the difference between your form of Government and the most absolute and despotic form upon the face of the earth." The Conscription Bill received the assent of President Lincoln March 3d, 1863, and contrary to the patriotic wish of the older statesmen, the power of the purse and the sword was united. The passage of the ISTational Bank and Conscription Bills effected a complete revolution in the workings of the General Govern- ment, and though retaining the name of a Republic, no Empire in Europe now exerted a more absolute and despotic control over its citizens. Absolutism had been reached in the passage of these two last named bills ; but to round the figure more in harmony with Asiatic despotisms, all the unconstitutional excesses that had been committed since the advent of the Republican party to power must be condoned, and unlimited authority granted to the Fede- ral Executive to trample in future upon civil libei'ty. It was not enough to satisfy the abolition appetite that the Constitution had been ignored, the reserved rights of the States overthrown, and the liberty of the citizen set aside ; all these flagrant violations of right must be justified by an American Congress, intoxicated with the fumes of fanatical zeal and revolutionary incendiarism. It was a dark period in our history, when an assemblage of enthusiastic emancipationists had under deceptions colors stolen their way into the seats of representation in the ]!^ational Capitol, and at length had it in their power to repudiate all the traditions of the anterior epochs of the Republic, and desecrate the holiest sanctuaries of the people. • Thaddeus Stevens, the cool, calculating demagogue, like his prototype, Cardinal Wolsey, paying hypocritical adoration at the shrines of zealous humanitarianism, on the 8th of December, 1862, brought into the Lower House of Congress a bill to indem- nify the President and other persons for suspending the privilege of the writ of Habeas Corjpus^ and acts done in pursuance 814 A REVIEW OF THE thereof. Up to this period it would have been difficult to have discovered in the utterances of the real or pretended emancipation zealots, with a few exceptions, that anything had been done by the President and Cabinet, or by any of their numerous subordi- nates throughout the country, that was not in strict accordance with the Constitution and the laws of Congress heretofore en- acted. Had not an obsequious Attorney-General convicted the Chief-Justice of the Supreme Court of the United States of error, when the latter decided that the suspension of the Habeas Corpus was the perogative alone of the Federal Congress? Had not the revolutionary party by their representatives in both the United States Senate and House fully endorsed that view of constitutional interpretation, and acted in entire conformity there- with ? Had not, again, a partisan press throughout the North, echoed the above sentiments to the eclat, and hurled anathemas and opprobrium upon the heads of those, who had the boldness and honesty to stand up and question the right of the President and his subordinates to suspend the Habeas Corpus^ and do what- ever else they might deem advantageous in furtherance of the abolition cause ? Tomes would be required to contain all the labored arguments that tilled to satiety the Northern press, de- signed to prove the entire constitutionality of the many violations of civil liberty, that were inflicted upon the citizens of the loyal States, and which would have driven to revolution the people of the most despotic governments of Europe ; and could only havo been perpetrated with impunity upon degraded serfs by the Ghengis Khans and Tamerlanes of history. But the introduction and party support of the Indemnity Bill to a philosophical mind, was clear and palpable proof of the conscious falsity of the abolition reasoning, which claimed to find support for the infractions of the Constitution in that instrument itself. Mr. Stevens was far too clear in his perceptions to be de- luded into the belief, that any sanction could be found in the Constitution for many acts to which he himself had freely given his adhesion. In supporting the admission of West Virginia, he had declared that there was no constitutional warrant for such action ; but contended that the measure was justified by the exi- gency of the times. On many other occasions he had expressed similar sentiments, defending his views nevertheless by political necessity, and not by any authority to be found in the Federal POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 815 Constitution. At the beginning of the session of this Congress, he even had the boldness to declare upon the floor of the House, that he " had grown sick of the talk about the Union as it was, and the Constitution as it is." The bill of indemnity, as it passed the lower House of Con- gress, led by Mr. Stevens, was too open a repudiation of the Constitution to receive the unqualified approval of a more cautious Senate. This body, the majority of whom were equally desirous to enact a bill of general oblivion for all the illegal and unconstitutional acts of the President, "Cabinet, and all the infe- rior subordinates of the administration, was nevertheless more guarded in endeavoring to have its legislation apj^arently to con- form with the words of the Federal Constitution, so far as the same could be made to do so. Senator Collamer, of Yermont, took grounds of opposition to the constitutionality of the Indem- nity Bill, passed by the House, and prepared a substitute for it, which was reported by the Judiciary Committee of the Senate on the 2Tth of January, 1863. The main feature of the Senator's Substitute was that it provided for the removal to the Circuit Courts of the United States of all actions commenced, or to be commenced in the State Courts against persons who had violated the individual rights of their citizens. This was simply an in- direct method of reaching, as far as possible, the same objects sought by the Indemnity Bill of Mr. Stevens, that is to say, absolute immunity for all the past and future unconstitutional acts of the Federal administration and its satellites. It was per- ceived that were authority granted to remove actions from a State into a Circuit Court of the United States, the judges and jurors of which were the menials of Federal power, the absolute oblivion of these actions was well nigh reached. Whilst this bill was before the Senate, James A. Bayard, of Delaware, ex- pressed his views of the measure in the following language : "With the solitary exception of an amendment, proposed by the Hon- orable Senator of Ohio, which was originally rejected and afterwards adopted, there is nothing in the bill that does ought than advance us towards a despotic exercise of power. It refers not only to the past, but to the future action of the Executive of the United States, and it throws a shield over every act of aggression that he can commit against the rights of an American citizen ; and interposes a bar, in point of fact, to the right of recovery against even the individual who is the agent for the purpose of infracting those rights. * * * They (the friends of 31G A PtEVIEW OF THE the measure) will have, by the pa'^sage of this bill, brought the legislative power into accord with the Executive, so as to prevent for past action and for future action of the Executive, any redress on the part of an American citizen, however great the outrage may have been. In my judgment, it would have been better to pass the House Bill. That is a plain, open, manly defiance of the Federal Constitution. This is more indirect. It is in some respects sustainable ; but 1 trust that in others, when it comes to the criterion of the Courts, it will be adjudged to be void and of no effect. It is useless to particularize now ; but whether it be done under cover of law, and whether it be sustained or not, it is, in my belief, equally true that the passage of the bill is but an advance towards a centralized despotism in this country."* The Senate bill having passed that body, came up in the House on the 18th of February, for consideration. Mr. Yoorhees, of Indiana, spoke at considerable length in opposition to the meas- ure. He said : " Sir :— The bill now before the House has no parallel in the history of this or any other free people. It is entitled ' An Act to indemnify the President and other persons for suspending the privilege of the Writ of Habeas Corpus, and. acts done in pursuance thereof.' But it embraces even more than its startling title would indicate. It gives to the Execu- tive and all his subordinates, not merely security for crimes committed against the citizen in tiraew past, but confers a license to continue in the future the same unlimited exercise of arbitrary power, which has brought disgrace and danger to the country. I propose, to the best of my ability, this day to show that neither indemnity for the past nor impunity for the future can be bestowed on those who have violated, and who propose further to violate the great and fundamental principles of constitutional liberty," After an extended debate in the House, the Senate's Substitute was rejected, and a Committee of Conference was appointed. This Committee reported a bill, which embodied a compromise of views between the two Houses ; but which to the unobserv- ant seemed to embrace new matter. One section of this Com- promise Bill authorized the President, at any time during the rebellion, and when in his judgment required, to suspend the privileo-e of the writ of Habeas Corpus throughout the United States or in any part thereof. In another section, provision was made for removing into a Cii'cuit Court of the United States any action " commenced in a State Court against any officer, civil or military, or against any other person for any arrest or imprison- ment made, or other trespasses or wrongs done or committed, or * Annual Cyclopedia, 1863, p. 253. POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 817 any act omitted to be done, at any time during tlie present rebel- lion, by virtue or under color of any authority derived from or exercised by or under the President of the United States, or any Act of Congress." The bill, as submitted by the Committee of this Senate and House of Representatives, met the approbation of the majority in both these bodies ; and receiving the sanction of President Lincoln March 3d, 1863, became a law. This act completed the series of measures which completely changed the character of the Government from a confederation of States, into what his- tory should entitle the Tnonarchically consolidated American Union. With the enactment of this series, the legislative revo- lution was completed. The party of fanaticism had at length introduced their principles into the workings of the General Government ; it next behooved them to sustain these upon the battle held, and thus carry forward and complete the social revo- lution, towards which they looked with anxiety. The purse and the sword had now been gi-asped in one hand, and civil liberty, the birth-right of every American freeman, was wrested from its deposit, the Constitution, and committed to the keeping of Abraham Lincoln. This Chief Magistrate, whose oath demanded obedience to the Constitution and a faithful exe- cution of the laws, though a guilty participant in the sacrilege of robbing his country's Magna Charta, became by the act of his criminal compeers, the repository of the sacred emblems of civil right, which anterior ages had bequeathed. Freedom ceased to be any longer what its name signified. From that period forward every American citizen possessed only such liberty us the Federal executive saw proper to accord him. The President had it in his power, by virtue of the act of Congress, to order the arrest and incarceration of any citizen in the broad arena of the Union ; and no authority in the States or in the Federal Judiciary could withstand the dictator. His will, though feeble, was absolute, and that of the fiendish Nero and the tyrants of the French revolution was no more. These earlier despots were able to deprive of liberty whomsoever they chose ; so could the American President. Abraham Lincoln and his guilty associates in crime were voted by the Rump Congress entire immunity for all offences that any of them, under the guise of authority, had perpetrated, since the 818 A REVIEW OF THE commencement of the rebellion, upon the persons and property of innocent and unoffending citizens ; against whom no accusa- tion could be preferred, save that they believed the abolition war policy to be unconstitutional and inimical to the principles of reijublics. But fortune, in her grant of imbecility, compensated for the grave error that a maddened and intoxicated people, in the midst of an appalling revolution, had committed. That beneficient goddess either had other duties for the American Union, or she wished in future to witness on the Western Con- tinent, a chivalric combat of crown worthy heroes ; for had ]^a- poleonic will and ambition conjoined themselves v/ith the powers of the Federal President, the days of the great occidental repub- lic in name, even, would have been chronicled amongst the things of the past. The name was retained, however, because fear for- bade its abandonment; but governmental consolidation in its fullness had been reached. POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 319 CHAPTER XIX. DEMOCRATIC ANTI-WAR ATTITUDE. Party ties, for a time, after the inauguration of hostilities ag-iiiust the South, seemed * to the unreflecting almost to have disappeared ; but this was so in appearance, rather than in reality. A wave of deceived love for the Union swept over the North, and washed into the war current the masses of all political organizations, and large numbers of the Democratic leaders were also carried by the flood into an antagonism of sentiment to that which they and their party, prior to the attack on Fort Sumpter had advocated. In this rapid transit, from one school of politi- cal opinions to the opposite, we have a fair illustration of the manner in which modern pretended leaders are ready to abandon their principles and creed, when a storm of popular favor carries then' opposing party bark into the port of triumphant victory. Jiut all those competent to think for themselves, and whose principles harmonized with the opinions that had been uniformly entertained by the representative men of the Democratic party, notwithstanding the popular clamor, remained attached to their sentiments ; but from the necessity of the situation, they were either compelled to conceal their thoughts or run the risk of political martyrdom. Owing to the large desertion that had taken place in their ranks, the Democratic leaders that remained true their principles had become too few to be able to rally their followers into an opposition to the coercion doctrine of the aboli- tion party. The cry for the Union drowned all the patriotic * "There is, or has been quite a general impression, backed by constant and confident assertions, Uiat the people of the free States were united in support of the war, until an Anti-Slavery aspect was given to it by the administration. Yet that is very far from the truth. There was no moment wherein a large portion of the Northern Democracy were not at least passively hostile to any form or shade of ' coercion ; ' wliile many openly condemned and stigmatised it as attrocious, unjustifiable aggres- sion. And this opposition, when least vociferous, sensibly subtracted from the power and diminished the efficiency of the North." — Greeley's Cuiillicfc. Vol. 2, p. 513. ^ 320 A REVIEW OF THE expostulation of those who endeavored to prove that a war against the South found no warrant in the Federal Constitution, or in the principles of an enlightened republican confederac3^ It soon seemed as if the war current was irresistible, and the large and cautious portion of those who believed the coercion policy to be unconstitutional, deemed it prudential to refrain from the utterance of their opinions, and thus the flood gates of war f urj were permitted to open to their fullest extent, A small and resolute band, however, of bold and courageous freemen, members of the Democratic party and others antagonistic to ultra-abolitionism, declined to surrender all their sense of man- hood and independence, and, without any hypocritical conceal- ment of their opinions, steadfastly combatted the doctrine of coercion as wicked, anti-republican and unconstitutional, and one pregnant with future evils for the perpetuity of the free institutions of America. That war and bloodshed could unite in fraternal concord the two sections of the Union, now become inharmonious from a sectionalized antagonism of conflicting principles, appeared to this class of citizens as madness in the extreme. This class of Democrats was the only one deserving to be recognized as the followers of that party, which from the first endorsed the senti- ments of the Virginia and Kentucky resolutions ; and had such doctrines found no supporters even in the darkness of revolution, human nature on this occasion would have been convicted of a perfidy to principle unheard of in the annals of all anterior epochs. The disintegration that had nearly penetrated to the core of the Democratic party, displayed itself in unmistakable colors when the war cry of abolitionism was heard throughout the length and breadth of the Kepublic. Men, who up to this period, had in words staunchly defended the cardinal principles of the old party of Jefferson, which denied to the General Gov- ernment any power to compel by arms the j^eople of a State to remain in a Union distasteful to them, at once changed their position and planted themselves under the banner of the coer- cionists. And although the American people in appe^.rance had divided the Northern against the Southern, a division, however, not of sections, obtained as the true one. On the one side were ari'ayed all those who. deducing their lineage from Federal and Tory POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 331 ancestors, favored the employment of the war-power for the en- forcement of the national will against the States and their people ; and on the other were found those who denied that the General Government had ever been clothed by its framers with such august authority. The rebels in battle array were marshalled, ready to dispute the right of the Government to coerce by arms the people of any of the States, and they, like the anti-war party of the liorth, based their opinions upon the often endorsed Virginia and Kentucky resolutions of 1798-9.* Dissemble the situation, therefore as we may, truth demands of the impartial historian the fair ndmission, that during the war of the rebellion but two real parties existed in the nation ; the Southern Confeder- ates and the Northern anti-coercion Democrats forming the one of these, and the unconcealed Abolitionists, who sincerely strove for the emancipation and elevation of the negro race, the other. In former chapters, the hypocritical guise assumed by the political abolitionists, has been discussed at length ; it now remains to be presented the false attitude likewise maintained, for selfish ends, by Democratic leaders, during the war ; and to this de- ceptions position are due, in a large measure, the vast calamities that have been entailed upon the country, from an unholy and fiendish crusade of one section of the Union against the other. Had the influential Democrats of the Northern States boldly faced their political enemies upon the question of Southern sub- jugation, and sternly demanded that no men should be taken from any of the States for the wicked and unconstitutional pur- pose of crushing a kindred people, the demoniacal purpose of the fanatical party of Lincoln would have been foiled. Such a demand would have paralysed the power of the abolition admin- istration, and prevented it from securing recruits for the vilo object it was secretly plotting to accomplish, under the pretense of defending the Union. But, instead of asserting what justice and the principles of the Federal compact demanded, and resisting * "From a period as early as 179S, there had existed in all the States a party almost uninterruptedly in the majority, based upon the creed that each State was in the last resort the sole judge, as well of its wrongs, as of the mode and measure of redress. * * * * ipj^g Demo- cratic party ot tlie United States rejieated, in its successful canvas of 1836, the declaration made in numerous previous political contests, that it would faithfully abide by and uphold the principles laid down in tlie Kentucky and Virginia resolutiuns of 1798 and 1799, and that it adopts those principles as constituting one of the Main foundations of its politi- cal creed." — Special Message of Jefferson Davis of April 39, 18G1. 323 A REVIEW OF THE the war and its prosecution ; false and treacherous leaders within the Democratic organization, pretended that they were in favor of defending the national authority by arms, and compelling the obedience of the Southern States to the General Government. They confined their open opposition to contending that the war must be waged npon constitutional principles ; whereas, it was clear to the mind of everj^ conscientious and intelligent member of the Democratic party, that such a thing as a constitutional war against the Southern States was an utter absurdity ; for the General Goverument possessed no further power than was con- ferred upon it by the Federal Constitution ; and this instrument was silent as regarded any such authority. The campaigns of 18G1 were contested, seemingly without a political difference, both parties in the !North advocating a most vigorous prosecution of the war against the South, in order that the restoration of the national authority might be effected. In some sections, certain Republicans united with the Democrats under the name of the Union party, and the resolutions of these in conventions, called for vigorous measures against the seceded States. The small party that found itself within the Democratic organization, was too feeble to make its voice heard in the party resolutions of county and State conventions. In the resolves of Democratic conventions, the sentiment of the party might reasonably be supposed to have been indicated ; but it was far from being so at this period. Like by its oppo nent, the Republican party, a false attitude was assumed by the Democratic party before the country, induced by a fear of popu- lar opinion, which unmistakably had committed itself in favor of the war for the Union. The Republicans found it necessary to disguise the sentiments of all those in their party who sought to make the emancipation of slavery the direct object of the war against the South ; and the Democrats deemed it also expedient for partisan effect to preserve as much as possible from disclosure the opinions of their independent men, who resisted from prin- ciple the prosecution of the war against the South. Both parties w^re thus false to their known creeds and antecedents, as was well understood by shrewd discern ers of partisan opinions. From the first the political leaders of each party were able to detect the real sentiments of their adversaries. The Democrats accused the Republicans of designing negro emancipation, as their POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 323 ultimate aim, whicli the latter stoutly denied ; and on tlie otlier hand, the Republicans charged upon their opponents that they were in reality opposed to the war, though pretending to favor its prosecution ; and this latter accus?ition was likewise vehemently denied. These accusations were indeed both well founded, as truthful history will be obliged to determine. The Democrats of principle were opposed to the war, because it was an assumption by the General Government of an authority that had never been delegated to it. The States, as they viewed matters, having been originally Sovereign Commonwealths by their successful revolt against Great Britain, and their recognition as such in the family of nations, afterwards agreed to unite for commercial and other purposes in a general confederacy, in order that they might the better be enabled to defend their independ- ence, and advance their happiness amongst the other nations of the earth. But the powers delegated by the States were clearly defined in the Constitution, and embraced only certain matters of a civil nature, which as the framers of the Government be- lieved, could be better discharged by Federal than by State officials. The General Government, in this manner constituted, ^vas simply as designed, the representative agent of the States, and in no wise clothed with authority to originally dictate to its component factors, the States themselves, the independent sove- reignties, over all matters of government not clearly enumerated in the Federal bond of Union, the Constitution. The framers of the Federal Compact had discussed the question of granting tne right to the central authority to coerce by force of arms the States, but this power they expressly refused to confer. In democratic eyes, therefore, what else could the war be, but an unwarranted exercise of unconstitutional authority. Another reason that induced Democratic opposition to a war of subjugation, arose from the belief that all efforts of that kind, instead of cementing the antagonistic portions of the country, would simply widen the breach that had for years been forming between the people of the North and those of the South ; and render a permanent Union of the two sections upon republican ]M"iiiciples impossible. The history of the rise and fall of repub- lics, and the philosophy of human nature, were sufficient to satisfy reflecting Democrats that the preservation of Govern- ments, such as the American Union, 'must ever rest upon the 324 A REVIEW OF THE free and unconstrained consent of the controlling minds of every community. This consent can alone be retained by that govern- ment which metes out equal and exact justice, according to the letter and spirit of its institutions, to all its component sections and their citizens. The Democratic party had ever done so whilst the reins of power were in their hands ; and no serious revolt of any State ever raised its head during their administration of pub- lic affairs ; and when dissatisfaction upon any occasion manifested itself, wisdom dictated to their representatives to remove the same, and this having taken place, peace instantly returned. Again, the Democratic party could not approve of the war begun against the South, under the pretence of restoring the Union, when fully satisfied that other reasons formed the motives for its inauguration. Had they not read the declarations of Seward, Giddings, Burlingame, and other leaders, w^hose words clearly proved that negro emancipation, and that alone, was the secret that urged the Abolitionists to take up the cause of that same Union, which before this period had in their eyes been con- temptible? If, argued the Democrats, the preservation of the Federal Union alone, influenced the Kepublican party in its movements, why did its representative men refuse all tern:s of compromise when offered by Southern statesmen ; and at a time when this, as was admitted upon all sides, would have rescued the country from the bloody chasm into which abolition obsti- nancy and fanaticism were driving.it ? The party of reason and reflection could not be ignorant of all these facts ; and when the war was made and prosecuted in violation -of rectitude and a true and enlightened policy, was their approbation of the govern- mental iniquity to be expected ? l^ot unless error and madness were to be canonized as truth. And would even true philan- thropic motives have called for the emancipation of the Southern bondmen, the demand, nevertheless, would have forbidden war and bloodshed for the accomplishment of their freedom. For as Caucasian serfdom had perished in the different coun'tries of Europe, before the advancement of a reiiiiing and Christian intelligence, without any revolutionary uprising ; so also should the same influence, penetrating the Southern States themselves, have been permitted to remove African slavery without any obtrusive Northern intermeddling. Was then the Democratic party required to give its support to a war commenced in viola- POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AlIERICA. 325 tion of all tlie principles of modern civilization ? If it was not, what else, to be obedient to conscience, could sincere and intelli- gent members of the party of Jeiferson in the North do, except to oppose to the utmost of their ability, the abolition war, as unconstitutional, unchristian, and altogether anti-republican in its aims and tendencies ? As the war against the South progressed, one occurrence after another revealed more clearly the changing programme of the administration party. The legislation of the first regular session of the Thirty-seventh Congress, disclosed to the eyes of thinking men that the overthrow of negro slavery, under the pretence of devotion to the Union, was fully resolved upon, by Republican leaders assembled at Washington and throughout the North. And as abolition approval became enthusiastic in its endorse- ment of the war and its changing schedule, so in like ratio did the Democratic party unite in a more solid phalanx of opposition to the anticipated designs of abolitionism. In the different States of the North, an organized opposition in the Democratic party to the war, began first to display itself with intensity in tho political campaigns of 1862 ; and yet no important convention of that party fully committed itseK to an open denunciation of the war for the Union. The politicians , who are ever upon the lookout for political ascendancy rather than for the success of principle, held in check those Democrats who would have had the party in its conventions to declare openly against the war, and baave to the utmost abolition malig- nity. An avowal by the Democratic party of its open repudia- tion of the war of invasion against the South, would have yeleased it from its hypocritical attitute, and placed it in a posi- I tion where its blows would have been more felt by its adversaiy. But in the base and ignoble condition in whicn it was placed by false leaders, men of honor and courage were unable to grapple successfully with their political opponents. How could men, thoroughly imbued with the belief that the war was unconstitu- tional, give a hearty support to candidates nominated upon a platform which called for the restoration of the Union by blood- shed, and for vigorous hostilities against the seceded States ? They only did so as a choice of evils, convinced at the same time that the spirit of the Democratic party was repugnant to all coercive measures ; and although the latter had been endorsed in 336 A REVIEW OF THE tlieir conventions, yet they felt that a cowardly policy alone Lad been instrumental in inducing their leaders to approve of such undemocratic principles. The Democratic party went into the several State canvases, animated by hostility to the war, and thorouglily imbued with the conviction that the theory of the administration for the restora- tion of a Confederated Union was baseless and chimerical. The contest already having proved one of longer continuance than popular expectation had anticipated, was calculated to induce most of those who had originally favored compromise to support the principles and candidates of the Democratic party. A strong Northern tide of antipathy to the movements of abolition- ism, had indeed been rising since the meeting of Congress, in December, 1861 ; and which continued to flow the more rapidly as the curtain of disguise continued from time to time to be lifted. The Presidential proclamation of September 22d, 1862, might seem to have produced a crisis of popular revulsion against the abolition policy, which showed itself in the anti-administra- tion victories of the autumn of that same year. The victories of this year, in the ISTorthern States, recuperated somewhat the prostrate Democracy, and inflicted a slight blow upon the Republican administration, which was fruitful of bene- flt. Horatio Seymour, of New York, and Joel Parker, of New Jersey, were elected Governors of their respective States by con- siderable majorities. Pennsylvania, Ohio, Indiana and Illinois, were carried by the Democrats by small majorities on their State tickets. All these States sent heavier Democratic delegations to the Lower Plouse of National Pepresentatives, than were found in the Thirty-seventh Congress. Michigan, Wisconsin, and m.ost other "Western States, showed a decided falling off in administra- tion strength. It was natural that the result of the elections of 1862, should infuse a buoyancy of spirit into the breasts of tlie Northern Democracy ; and many of them, forgetful of the platforms upon which tlieir victory had been won, credited the growing anti-war sentiment of the people of their different States as the chief cause of their success. No doubt this sentiment was largely in- strumental in keeping up the compact organization of the party ; but the time had elapsed when the subjugationists, with vast armies in the field and the whole machinery of the National POLITICAL CONFLICTIN AMERICA. 837 Government at their command, could successfully be resisted. But the Peace Democrats of the Western States and elsewhere, emboldened, nevertheless, by the late successes, believed that the party could now be brought into an attitude of open resistance to the war ; and, impressed with this conviction, they deemed it their duty to make the effort. Besides, the Thirty-seventh Congress would have seemed to an indifferent spectator as if desirous of adding additional incen- tives to the Peace party, to resist the war of subjugation. For if ever a people should rebel against an ungodly and wicked fac- tion having control of a Government, then the I^orthern people would have been fully justified in doing so at this period. But, notwithstanding the odious and unconstitutional legislation of this Congress, the people were found to be as slaves, utterly incapable of resisting the tyrannous despots, and the old party of law and order was still compelled to muzzle its utterances and stigmatize those resisting with arms the national tyranny, as traitors and assassins of liberty. The anti-coercion sentiments of Benjamin Wood, one of the outs]Doken and independent peace Congressmen of the the North, which will ever reflect increasing lustre and glory upon his name throughout distant ages, are here given at considerable length ; and this because they are typical of the views of those who from the first opposed the inauguaration of hostilities, and who ever afterwards continued to advocate a cessation of arms in order that reason might be left free to restore what fanaticism had dis- rupted. Mr. Wood, in his speech of February 27th, 1863, said : " We can never by force of arms control the will of a peo- ple, our equals in the attributes of enlightened manhood ; and while the will of that people remains adverse to political com- panionship with us, political companionship is impossible. Blood- shed, destruction of property and occupation of lands are possi- ble ; much suffering, grief and folly are possible ; we have too eadly proved it ; but a constrained union of Sovereign States is an impossibility, which if omnipotence could accomplish, omnis- cience would not attempt. " I feel that upon the fresh, pure soil of the N'ew World, we have thrown the seeds of discord, and they will take root. But 328 A EEVIEW OF THE ■while my experience asd the testimony of our fathers through eighty-seven years of prosperity and progress, have well estab- lished my faith in the benehcence of a union of the States, I cannot understand that its blessings are of a natm*e to be enjoyed upon compulsion. " But granting it possible, the question arises of equal moment, is it desirable ? Has not the struggle already been too fierce to admit of unity and cordial feeling between a conquering and a conquered section ? Sir, I fear it has ; I believe that while the memory of this war exists, the people of the North and South, imited by constraint, would not sufficiently forgive the past years' record to admit of kindly relationship in the same politcal house- hold. Right or wrong, men will cling to their own impressions of a great and sanguinary struggle, in which they or their sires have been participants. As the living fathers of future genera- tions this day feel, so will they bequeath to their children, and in natural course, the IS'orth and South will nurse their own seperate views of this unparalleled epoch of carnage and contention." " "Will the text book of historj^, conned by the boys of Massa- chusetts, serve hereafter in the school rooms of the Carolinas i Will the stories of Manassas, of Shiloh, of Antietam, of Freder- icksburg, and of a hundred other battle fields, be told in the same spirit, Northward and Southward from the banks of the Potomac? Will the winter tales be similar when the youth of either section gather about the hearthstone, and feel the young blood tingle in their veins at the words of white haired heroes ? Will the matrons of Louisiana train their offspring to venerate the name of Butler ? Will the remembrances of Davis, Lee and Johnston be identical in New England and Yirginia ? No, sir, unless mutual consent should re-unite us, the pages of history and the words of tradition will breathe of the sympathies that now exist ; and the generations to come will as surely be educated to distinct and opposite prejudices. The school-room, the pulpit and the press, would then, as now, inculcate doctrines that cannot POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 329 assimilate ; and in this Capitol, the representatives of the people would be the representatives of sectional antipathies. Sir, to avoid this, we must avoid inflicting the sting of submission, or engendering the pride of conquest. " Our fathers gave us a Union founded on mutual consent, concession, and reciprocal attachment ; we would entail upon our children, a political connection based upon hatred, suspicion, and opposing prejudices. A Nationality thus constituted, would be a mockery of i^epublicanism and its bane; a political prostitu- tion ; the joining of hands before an altar whose divinity could attest the heart's irrepressible loathing and disgust. Had I the faculty to crush with one blow the material power of the South, I would not strike. My pride as an American would revolt at the thought of dragging them reluctant, hopeless, and spirit- broken into a fellowship that they abhor. Union restored by subjugation would be but the prelude to increasing altercation. It is not enough to affirm that I would not enforce the unnatural connection ; sir, I would not consent to it. I would oppose it as a degredation to ourselves, an insult to our institutions, and a violation of the priciples of self-government. I would oppose it as an impediment to our national progress ; as a perpetuation of discord and contention between States, and as involving either its own future dissolution, or the assumption by the General Government of military and despotic functions, fatal to republi- canism. I confess, sir, that I apprehend no difficulties or mis- fortunes in the event of a separation at all commensurate with those that must inevitably prove the sequences of reunion by mere force of arms. " I cannot conceive a happy, prosperous and republican Union, cemented by blood, remolded in repugnance, and prolonged by the submission of the weak to the dictation of the strong, "A partnership in our Confederacy should be granted as a boon, and only to those that seek it ; not enforced as an obliga- tion upon those that ask it not. It should be held a privilege to 330 A REVIEW OF THE Le proud of, not an imposition to shrink from and protest against. Were I certain tliat, in a military sense, tliis war would prove Buecessf ul, nevertheless I would oppose it ; for with the destruction of the resisting power of the South, would vanish every hope of their existence as equal and contented members of one household. " In my view this war, nominally for the Union, has actually been waged against it. " But upon what foundation was the structure (of the Union) built ? Sir, upon the free will of the people, l^ot of one State, or of one section, but of all the States and of all the sections. While that free will existed, the temple was of a nature to withstand the ravages of time. That free will has ceased to exist, and the temple has crumbled into dust. It is no more. It is a glory of the past. What you conceive to be the structure is but a memory, so intense that it seems reality ; but the substance is not there. Rebuild it if you can ; but you must first obtain the free will of the South which your armies and navies cannot secure. " I have never voted a dollar for the war. As a legislator, as a citizen, and as a man, I claim to be absolved from all participa- tion in this murderous strife. With all my humble abilities I have endeavored to arrest it. I shall still endeavor, and if in vain, let my efforts attest before God and man, that I am un- stained with the blood of my countrymen. "Sir, you may have observed that I have spoken without regard to the views of other men or the doctrines of political organizations. If I stand alone, my isolation conjures up no phantoms of doubt or fear. While my country groans beneath the stroke of her own dagger, I forswear all allegiance to party Whatever proposition in my mind shall enhance the prospect of peace shall have my vote. Peace is the goal of my political course — the haven of my hopes. I care not by whose chart I steer, or whose hand shall guide the helm, so that the compass shall guide thitherward. Whosoever shall raise its standards, POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AJIEMCA. S31 shall iind me readj to serve beneath its folds. Whosoever shall blazon the olive branch for his devise, shall have me his adherent. In whatever shape the demon of destruction shall appear, I will oppose him. In whatever garb the spirit of peace shall clothe her radiant form, I will embrace her. Conciliation, compro- mise or seperation, each shall be acceptable to me, if as its conse- quence, we shall be spared the scourge of war. Let the most zealous emancipationist suggest a cessation of hostilities, and I am with him. Let the staun chest member of the opposition uphold the war, and I am against him. I have no sympathies with those who denounce the Administration, and yet call for vigorous hostilities. In my view, the Abolitionist is a more honest politi- cian and a more conscientious citizen. He is a fanatic — not a mere time server ; wrong, but consistent in his wrong ; the wor- 6hipj)er of a false God, but earnest in his adoration. Would that all who denounce him, were as sincere and as bold in the expression of their opinions." * During February and March, 1863, the Peace Democracy began to assume a bolder position than they had as yet done; and the slurring epithet of Cojyperheadsy from this period, was currently apj^lied to them by their political enemies. Meetings of the Peace men were held in different sections of the country ; and a large one in Mozart Hall, Kew York, was addressed by Fernando Wood and others of similar sentiments. Resolutions strongly denunciatory of the war were adopted by the Mozart Democracy. The Democratic party of Connecticut, in the spring of 1863 placed in nomination for Governor, Col. Thomas H. Seymour, an early, consistent and outspoken opponent of the Abolition war; and the Convention which nominated him, adopted the following resolution : ''Resolved, That while we denounce the heresy of secession, as unde- fended and unwarranted by the Constitution, we as confidently assert, that whatever may heretofore have been the -opinion of our countrymen, the time has now arrived when all true lovers of the Constitution are ready to abandon the ''monstrous fallacy" that the Union can be restored ♦Appendix to Con. Globe, 3d Session of 37th Congress, Part 2, pp. 134-5. S33 A REVIEW OF THE by the armed hand alone ; and we are anxious to inaugurate such action, honorable alike to the contending sections, as will stop the ravages of war, avert universal bankruptcy, and unite all the States upon terms of equality as members of one Confederacy.'' Tlie war party now became more bitterly denmiciatory of tlieir political antagonists, than before, accusing them of a desire either to establish slavery throughout the North, or to disrupt the Union in the interest of the rebellion. It soon became evident that such abuse and vilification would be able to detract timid men from the support of the Peace party ; and neutralize tlieir strength by detaining them from the polls, or attract them to the support of those boasting themselves the Union party of the Nation. That the Peace Democracy would not be able successfully to contest with the party that already had seized the National purse and sword, become evident in the Connecticut campaign. Thomas n. Seymour was defeated and the peace movement crippled. POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. S33 CHAPTER XX, THE NEW EBA. A new era of American affairs began with the 1st of January, 1863 ; this being the date of the emancipation edict, which pro- claimed freedom to tlie negro slaves of the South. In thia famous proclamation, President Lincoln boldly avowed the false- hood of his own former assurances of his constitutional inability and also his disinclination to interfere with the institutions of the seceded States* ; and without any further disguise he declared that the future policy of the Government should embrace not alone the non-extension, but the entire removal of African Sla- very. In more senses than one, therefore, did this constitute the commencement of a new era. It was impossible but that this proclamation emenating from the Chief Magistrate of the Nation, and clearly disproving his own former utterances and that of his party, should sanctify perfidy and breach of faith ; and tend to enoble every form of treachery and corruption of which mankind are capable. ' *' ' Apprehension seems to exist among the people of the Southern States, that by the accessi«m of a Republican administration, their property and their peace and personal security are ta be endangered. Tiiere has never been any reasonable cause for such apprehensions. Indeed, the most ample evidence to the contrary has all the while existed, and been open to their inspection. It is found in nearly all the public speeches of him who now addresses you. I do but quote from one of those speeches wlien I declare that I have no purpose, directly or indirectly, to interfere with the institution of slavery in the States where it exists. I believe I have no lawful right to do so, a nd I have no inclination to do so. Those who maintained and elected me did so, with full knowledge that I had made this and similar declarations, and had never recanted them. And more than this, they placed in the platform for my acceptance, and as a 'aw to themselves and to me the clear and emphatic resolution which I now read. ^'Resolved, That the maintenace inviolate of the rights of the States, and especially the right of each State, to order and control its own do- mestic institutions, according to its own judgment exclusively, is essen- tial to the balance of power on which the perfection and endurance of our political fabric depend ; and we denounce the lawless invasion by armed force of the soil of any State or Territory, no matter under what pretext, as among the grossest crimes." — Lincoln's Inaugural of Llarch 4, 1861. S34 A REVIEW OF THE The new era being tlius inaugurated in the promulgation of the final emancipation proclamation, the 37th Congress by the time of its termination, had so welded the chains of despotism, as to render the revolution complete and irreversible. The prin- ciples of the radical revolutionists, Sumner, Stevens, Lovejoy and others, which at first were seemingly repudiated utterly in Con- gress, now came forward and found party recognition, being sus- tained by a pretended popular opinion in the Northern States. The new era was especially significant in this, that legislation came to be molded by what showed itself, from a despotic sup- pression of opposing oj)inion, as the will of the majority. The revolutionary leaders were sagacious and far seeing, and from an early period of the war, little doubt, even prior to its commencement, had planned the entire future policy of their part}^, which was to remodel the whole social sj'stem of the South as also of the North, should the might of numbers finally tri- umph over the defenders of the Constitution, and the principles of free government. Did not Charles Sumner offer his famous resolutions in the United States Senate, which declared the for- feiture of statehood by all the seceded members of the South- ern Confederacy ? and did he not do so at so early a day that his senatorial friends deemed it impolitic that they should commit the Republican party to their endorsement ? Did not the radical Congressmen, from the first, oppose the admission of Kepresenta- tives from the reclaimed sections of the South, out of fear for their favored State-suicide doctrine, which would territorialize the revolted States, and place them fully beneath the heel of their despotic power ? Did Thaddeus Stevens, Bingham, of Ohio, Eliot, of Massachusetts, and certain other radicals in the House, vote for the admission of Flanders and Halm as Rej)resentatives from the First and Second Districts of Louisiana, after the cap- ture of the Crescent City by the Union army ? Henry L. Dawes, himself a Republican, in his speech of February 17, 1863, showed the motive for the opposition to the admission of the Louisiana Representatives. He said : '* My own colleague (Mr. Eliot) has another remedy. These States, according to liim, have destroyed themselves, and can re-enter the Union through the preparatory stage of Territorial Governments." Again, the new era gave fresh impetus to the movement iilready begun of enrolling colored soldiei"s into the Northern POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 835 armies. A few enthusiastic Union Generals had in the latter part of 1862, done everything in their power to impel the Washington authorities to determine to accept slaves and free negroes into the military service of the country ; but President Lincoln and his advisers did not yet deem it prudent to take so important a step, until its entire safety in Northern public opinion might be premised. Fugitive slaves, had however, been accepted by several of these federal commanders, and at the same time with the knowledge of the Washington Administration. No express warrant to do so had as yet been given, and nevertheless negro regiments were recruited and daily drilled without ai^y fear of rebuke from Abraham Lincoln or his Cabinet. Thesra officers, however, well understood the spirit and tone of the Administration, and lience had no dread of any reprimands that might be inflicted, for they were fully assured that none such would be given by the President, unless in deference to opinions which he himself by no means cherished. The revolutionary abolitionists had for some time been advo- cating the enrollment of negroes into the Union armies, and mainly in behalf of the future political equalization which they intended to advocate, should the overthrow of the rebellion be effected. With the new era, therefore, negro enrollment may be said to date its open approval by the National Administration. The President, in his Emancipation Proclamation, declared in language still somewhat guarded, that negroes should henceforth form a part of the military forces of the nation. He said : " And I further declare and make known, that such persons of suitable c-ondition will be received into the armed service of the United States to garrison forts, positions, stations and other places, and to man vessels of all sorts in said service. The Abolitionists now conceived their victory as almost com- plete, since they, at length, had succeeded in having the Execu- tive to declare before the nation that negro soldiers might be taken into the federal service. And, notwithstanding, in the cautious language which the President had made use of, he had scarcely committed himself beyond what was already granted in the Act of Congress of July 17, 1862. This Act had authorized the employment of negroes in constructing intrenchments, and in performing camp and other naval and military service, for which they might be found competent. Full equality in the 2m A EEVIEW OF THE military service, however, was not therein conceded, and Abraham Lincoln, though designing this equality, guarded liis language so carefully, as that he should not appear before the country to be extendino- what in reality he meant to grant. His intentions, nevertheless, were fully understood by those of his friends and enemies, who were not deceived by words alone. But his ambig- uous expressions admirably served the purpose of his political partisans, who were thus enabled to interpret them as exigencies might require. The enrolling of negroes into the Union armies, ^-\•hich was so discouraged by the administration during the first and second years of the war, soon came now to be everywhere allowed. It was in accordance with what might readily have been surmised, that Massachusetts, the home of revolutionary republicanism, should be found- to be the first place in the North to open its doors for negro recruiting. And the earliest upon record that invoked the privilege of doing so, was Governor Andrew, the prophetic Executive of the Bay State, who foresaw the streets and highways of his own Commonwealth crowded with soldiers, rushing to the battle's front, when the Presidential bugle of free- dom should sound its blast throughout the land. This highly coveted privilege was accorded to the enthusiastic Chief Magis- trate of the Old State of the Pilgrims, by Edward M. Stanton, Secretary of War, on the 20th of January, 1863. And lest his characteristic timidity should deter Abraham Lincoln from allowing negro recruiting to be prosecuted with sufficient zeal in all sections of the Union, Thaddeus Stevens deemed it his duty to exert his utmost efforts to strengthen the Presidential nerves. It was the policy that Mr. Stevens had long desired to see inaugurated ; and one which his fellow-mem- bers in Congress credited him as being the first to advocate upon the floor, of the House. Long delay interposed, though Tt^it and scorn gave frequent admonition of Presidential duty ; but finally hesitation relaxed its hold. The decree had gone forth. And now others, perchance, might carry off the glory in equalizing the human races, should the leader of the House not conspicu- ously show himself the ardent champion of that movement which he had labored so faithfully to inaugurate. His amendment of the 27tli of January, to the bill before the House, to raise additional troops for the service of the Gov- POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. C37 crnment, placed Mr. Stevens in full accord with the new era ; and none need seek, after that exhibition of desire for negro equality, to snatch from Yermont's son the laurels he had so fairly won. From this period the name of commoner was fitly applied to the Lancaster statesman. But as the great orator of Kentucky, Henry Clay, also bore the same appellation, for dis- tinction's sake in history, it will be well to entitle the younger statesman the negro commoner. But this effort of Mr. Stevens, to raise negro soldiers, though it received the ajiprobaticn of the Lower House of Congress, already quite obedient to his dictation, was deemed altogether needless, in the estimation of sagacious Senators. This highly learned body were unable to see any necessity for legislation, additional to what had been enacted in the preceding July. Senators contended that ample power had already been conferred upon the President to enable him to recruit negroes for anj'- de- partment of the land or naval service for which he might con- cider them competent. It might have been thonght matter of surprise that these two loyal bodies should differ so widely as to the powers granted to the President, in regard to the enrollment of the negroes into the Union armies. Had no fears, however, been entertained as to the consequences of adopting the policy of the new era, it is apprehended that much greater harmony of sentiment would have prevailed between the Senate and House of Bepresentatives. A clearly avowed negro equalizing and enlistment j^olicy was yet dreaded by leading Republicans. Ac- cordingly, the Thirty-seventh Congi'ess adjourned, having its role of despotism finished and complete, but leaving as the mis- sion of the new era to accomplish what reason discouraged, vis : io equalize as soldiers and citizens the jpeoj)le of every race and clime. In view of the popular antipathy to the enrollment of African soldiers into the army, by far the most prudential method for the Government to pursue, was to permit the TVar Department to accord the privilege of raising colored troops, and thus elude public scrutiny to better advantage. Indeed, the wide spread contempt and hatred of the colored race, was turned to practical account by the philantrophic reformers, who argued that these despised men should be taken into the public service, in order to spare the lives of free white men of the Korth. The white 333 A REVIEW OF THE soldiers of tlie Kortli became at once very dear to the enthusiastic negro equahzers, when an object gratifying to their malicious souls was to be served. It had not before occurred to them that the lives of the poor white men should have been considered, at a time when the war could have been averted by a slight con- cession of principle to confederate allies, whose conscience and judgment Avere equally deserving of regard as their own. But they were the infallible conscience guides of the races, and the least swerving froni the pre-arranged programme might have been fatal to their darling hopes of sable elevation. The new era, with its despotic phases and Africanizing evolu- tions, v\'as now fully installed. The qualm of loathing that had been rising for some time in democratic sentiment, was sufficient almost to produce a counter rebellion in the I^ortli to resist equally, what the Southern Confederates were battling. But much as any rebellion would have been justified, under the cir- cumstances, in resisting the most consummate traitors and des- pots that had ever disgraced the principles of free government ; a successful one was utterly impossibe at a time when all the governmental machinery was in the hands of the enemies of the Confederacy of the fathers, and. when vast armies of the youth- ful men of the country were under arms, enlisted in the belief that they were called into to the service of their country to de- fend the Union and the Constitution ; whereas, every stroke they inflicted was a stab at that Constitution they adored, and the civil liberty of their countrymen. It was the principle of rule or ruin that spurred onwards the revolutionary men (though a minority of the American peo- ple) who had, under the guise of law, snatched control of the reins of Government ; and which they determined either to remodel to suit their wild and delusive ideas of right, or to per- ish in the struggle. And so has it ever been in the world's his- tory ; and the Western revolutionists difl:ei*ed little from their elder brethren across the waters. Thaddeus Stevens, Charles Sumner and Horace Greeley varied but triflingly in spirit and sympathy from Robespierre, Danton and Marat, the men who were willing to subvert church and State, constitutional and social order, and overwhelm in one universal vortex of ruin everything that interposed obstacles to their mad designs and ambition. POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 339 The negro enrolling of the new era, was prosecuted with steady continuity in face of all the protests of the people of the Bor- der, and the Democrats of the Northern States, Soldiers of African descent henceforth were enlisted into the service through- out the North, and likewise in those parts of the South which had been rescued from the control of the Confederates. Fugitive slaves were all the time making their way into the Union lines, and being speedily metamorphosed into regiments and corjjs cP Afrique^ were steadily drilled by white officers. By the 22d of May, 1863, a special Bureau of colored troops was found nec- essary to be organized in the War Department for the manage- ment of this branch of the Federal army. President Lincohi, in his Message of the 8th of December, following, was able to speak of the colored recruits as follows : "Of those who were slaves at the beginning of the rebellion, full one hundred thousand are now in the United States military service, about one-half of which number actually bear arms in the ranks." The new era, again, was not alone revolutionary in the move- ments originated by the radicals for placing the negro in the Union armies, in order to pave the way for his future political equalization. It was the product of and j^regnant with revolution. The old stable land marks of law and order must be removed to further the views of men who regarded neither the will nor interests of the people, further than they could make the same subserve their own purposes. Had public interests influenced them, would not their conduct from the first have been different ? Should not the opinions and sentiments of the Southern people, being a part of the United States, have been consulted as to their demands and the conditions upon which they would have been willing to remain in the Union? Did not justice and reason so dictate? Did not the Northern Democratic party, in its con- ciliatory policy, demand this consideration in behalf of the rights of the Southern people ? Y/'ere not the united South and the Democrats of the North a great majority of the citizens of the Union ? It follows, then, as a sequence, that the Abolitionists,""' a vast minority of the American people, despising the constitu- "*The word Abolitionists will be seen to have been employed at time ! to designate the Republican party, for the reason tliat thougli a'l Repub- licans were not Abolitionists, yet ail Abolitionists were Re.-ubliciins. And besides, it is difficult from the period of the Emancipat on Procla- mation, to conceive how any save Abolitionists could act with the Republican party. 340 A REVIEW OF THE tioual guarantees of tJieir Southern brethren, drove the hitter into vebelhon in defence of their inherited rights. Permission for the soldiers to vote in the army was one of the instrumentalities seized upon by the revolutionists as an admirable means for the perpetuation of their power. And as a phase of the movements of 'the new era, it deserves to be considered. The defeat of the Republicans in the Autumn of 1862 in the INorth by the Democratic party, came upon them as a clap of thunder from a clear sky, and they were puzzled to devise plausi- ble excuses for the disaster they had sustained. Their shrewd leaders fully comprehended the reasons that influenced the popu- lar verdict that had been pronounced against them. But born of dissimulation, it was not to be expected that they would admit the real causes which they were aware had contributed to the result. The main excuse urged by them was, that it was owing to the absence of such vast numbers of their voters in the army, that the elections had I'esulted in their overthrow. It was a plausible pretence that crafty leaders could employ to good ad- vantage ; for it was reasonable to suppose that all who had enlisted in the Federal armies would be favorable to the prosecu- tion of the war for the restoration of the Union. And, there- fore, the presumption seemed probable that the majority of the enrolled men in the diiferent Union armies could be relied upon to sustain by their votes the war in which these same soldiers were enlisted. Immediately after the Republican reverses of 18G2, move- ments were set on foot to amend the law, so as to secure the political aid of the soldiers in the field, in order that all future efforts of the Democracy to snatch power from Abolition hands might be thwarted. A purely deceptions method was instituted to change the law as it stood, in favor of soldier suffrage. Most of the Constitutions of the IN^orthern States contained provisions adverse to the right of any indivividual voting, except he was prepared to tender his ballot in the district or the precinct where he resided. Well matured reasons had induced the framers of the different State Constitutions to demand of every voter that he be a i-esident citizen in that place where he offers to vote. A voting army has never been deemed a safe phenomenon by pure patriots who had no interests to subserve, save those of civil liberty and free representative government. POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 341 The method adopted by the Eepiiblican leaders, was simply to obtain the passage of a law by the Legislatures of the different States, permitting their soldiers in the army to vote ; and that this result should be remitted and computed with the home vote. Laws to this effect were passed by the Legislatures of Pennsyl- vania, Connecticut, Iowa, and other States, which were de- clared unconstitutional. A bill also passed both Houses of the New York Legislature, which was promptly vetoed by Governor Seymour. It seemed madness to enact laws clearly in violation of the fundamental charter of a State, but an object was to be gained in so doing. The Democrats, as consistent men and as friends of their State Constitutions, could not support a measure in plain violation of these instruments. The opposition of Horatio Seymour, of New York, George "VV. Woodward, of the Supreme Court of Pennsylvania, and of other constitutional men in the different States, was made use of as an electioneering argument to induce the soldiers and their friends to believe that the Demo- crats of the North were disinclined to granting them the right of suffrage. The Democrats did not meet the demand for soldier voting with that prompt opposition which duty required ; but they temporized by showing their readiness to acquiesce in the change sought for, by supporting, in 1863, in the New York Legislature, Judge Dean's Bill for an amendment to the Constitution, pro- viding for soldier suffrage. Instead of the evasive resistance to Avliat they must have felt to be a violation of fundamental prin- ciple , an open and manly resentment of the political wrong contemplated, would have obtained strong support, even amongst intelligent soldiers themselves. But in none of the Sfew York Herald of April 37, 18G3. POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 813 soldiers were not permitted to discuss public questions and freely canvass the acts of the Administration, what else could be expected than that the great majority of them would vote in favor of that same Administration ? The very constitution of an army makes it an available engine in the hands of that Administration by which it is directed, and hence arises the danger of allowing the right of suffrage to be exercised by its soldiers. The officers of the army are dependent upon the Administration and its agents, for their original posi- tions, for assignments to duty suitable to their wishes, for leaves of absence, and for chances of appointment in the regular army, wdien mustered out as volunteers. As a consequence, the more submissively they act, the more probabilities exist for such ad- vancements and other favors which they are desirous of obtain- ing. Upon these officers, in turn, the soldiers are dependent for the promptness of their pa}^, for humane treatment, for fur- loughs, for relief from exhausting duties and exposure, for con- siderate forbearance, in view of the petty breaches of discipline, and for numerous other mitigations of the hardships of military service. In addition to the official, the sutler influence is of vast weifirht in making an arm}' a machine, as it were, subject to the control of that political party, which for the time, has in its hands the power of the government. The sutlers are a class of men i:snally destitute of all moral principle, and such as have secured through official friends, their privilege of fleecing the ignorant soldiers ; they, as a consequence, become serviceable adjuncts in the hands of unscrupulous politicians, to influence the will of the soldiers in the army. In view, therefore, of the 'subordinated relationship and dependence between the governing party in a country and its armies, what more potent instrumentality of des- potism can be thought to exist than a voting army machine ? Another phase of the new era was the management of the freed negroes of the South after their liberation from bondage. The propriety of the emancipation of the slaves was made to rest upon the assumption of the equality of men of all races ; and that all men are worthy of freedom, and capable of enjoying its fruits and advantages. The truth of this assumption being accepted, it should have seemed needless to resort to additional pains in behalf of the negro after his emancipation had been S44 A REVIEW OF THE secured. Eut not so ; for Mdien this was once accompli slied, tlie freednian (whose inferiority was felt by all) must next be taken under society and governmental tutelage ; first, for his subsistence and secondly in order to fit him for that position in society which his liberators were secretly but busily carving for him. The young, the aged and the infirm negroes of those districts, rescued from the Confederates, must be supported by that Government whieh had effected their emancipation. The families of those who had enlisted in the Union armies, were at least, as was argued, become the especial wards of their charitable libcTators. In a word, all the f reedmen were the especial objects of abolition care and attention ; and their education and preparation for all the functions of manhood, were inaugurated with unparalled zeal and enthusiasm. Schools were established amongst the freedmen ; and industrious teachers entered upon the work of communicating to the emanci- pated slaves the rudimentary elements of an English education. As citizenship was the goal of all these efforts, a preliminary question for consideration should have been to have inquired into the nature of modern civilization; and ascertained the requisites of the American citizen. It should have been borne ill mind that with all the developments of modern progress and enlightenment, it still remained a question of great doubt whether good government can long endure the strain of the uni- versal suffrage of even the Caucasion race alone. If a large proportion of the civilized race have been found utterly incapa- ble of wielding the ballot in the furtherance of individual views, could it reasonably be suj^posed that the lowest barbarian race should be able to do so ? Might it not have been well to have remembered the axiom of philosophic thinkers, that a race can sustain that form of civilization alone, which it was originally able to germinate ? And especially did it seem inconsistent that the ardent advocates of negro education and elevation, should come from that same party of Americans, who had heretofore criticised democratic extension of the right of suffrage to the foreign emigrants who landed upon our shores. A large proj)or- tion of these foreigners possessed a much higher order of educa- tion than it was possible for the freed negroes to attain. But the principles of these anti-foreign suffragists, at once seemed to midergo a sudden change, and the emancipated Africans appeared POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA, C!5 to loom up in their imaginations as the idea. Americans of future ages. The crop of corruption that so luxuriantly sprung up with the new era, and also proved one of its features, was evidence that an enemy had entered the lields of the republic, and scattered impurities baneful to representative government. How could it be otherwise when men were honored with the highest trusts of of the nation, who had coiled their v/ay to power by means of the basest appliances of debauchery and political prostitution ? At no period before in the history of government had men been honored with the highest appointments by the Executive of the nation, and by Congress, whose whole former career had been one continued succession of villainy and fraud fi-om their first entry upon the career of public life. One man, Simon Cameron, had been selected to a seat in the Presidential Cabinet, and afterwards transferred to a ministerial position abroad, wdio with a blasted reputation had secured, as was generally charged, a Senatorial chair in the Congress of the United States by the means of filthy lucre, and the basest strategy that could be em- ployed. Another, Thaddeus Stevens, a man long reputed as one of the most corrupt politicians of his State, by the selection of his political associates, had been made Chairman of the Com- mittee of Ways and Means, the most important and responsible position in the Lower House of Congress. In the distribution of governmental favors, no discrimination ^vas made between men of corrupt antecedents and- those of un- blemished reputations. This in itself was to cast away entirely tlie scales of moral scrutiny. It was essentially the introduction into the workings of government of that thoroughly debasing norm of social life, which treats that individual with most consideration who possesses the largest sum of money, whether the same be the acquisition of honorable effort or otherwise. Besides, what other but an augmenting demoralizing influence could the breach of plighted Presidential faith produce upon the minds of the masses of society, who are always more ready to imitate the vices of their rulers rather than their virtues ? Indeed, the Republican party seemed in a large measure to be the fountain from which political corruption flowed. In differ- ent Northern Legislatures accusations of bribery and all other corrupting influences were charged in the newspapers of both 846 A REVIEW OF THE political parties. It was ventilated in the partisan slieets, tliat the sum of $25,000 had been tendered a member of the Legis- lature of Pennsjdvania in the TVinter of 1863, for the vote that would determine the election of a leading Republican to the United States Senate.* Stalking corruption had also raised its filthy head in the New York Legislature. It was publiclj charged in the newspapers that Callicott, a corrupt democratic representative of the State of New York, in consideration of the Speakership of the Assembly, had allowed himself to be bribed by the Republicans to support their measures, and assist them in the election of a United States Senator. The following extract from tlie Tribune, depicts the corruption of the New York Legislature, both branches of which were Republican : " If we are to credit information that reaches us from most respectable sources, the Legislature now sitting at Albany, is fast earning a reputa- tion for profligacy. We are well assured that there are committees of either branch, that levy regular assessments on bills passing through their hands, demanding $100 to 1^500 for those of considerable impor- tance, but taking $50, or even $20 each, when the measure is of secondary consequence, and no more can be had. ' How much money is in this bill T is the first inquiry when a proposition is submitted- ' Have they got the money here in Albany ?' comes next. Promises to pay when the bill becomes a law, or at the close of the session, are scouted ; and offers of interests in the enterprise to be promoted very rarely command atten- tion. " A friend who recently spent a day at the Capitol, represents the pre- valent corruption as more general and shameless than was ever before known. How much has been or must be paid for this or that report or vote ; how many members are ' interested ' in the passage of this or that bill ; how A or B was ' fixed ' as to this robbery, or by whom C was seen in behalf of that gauge, is discussed as cooly and openly as the time made in the last notable race, or the cost of double locks on the Erie canal. And the lobby is represented as more numerous, more impudent, and more shameless than ever before."! From the inauguration of the new era, was witnessed in an especial manner, a weakness of republican government ; and this because of the truckling subserviency of political leaders to policy, for the masses, even in educated communities, just as in ancient times, think only as their leaders advise them. The chains of despotism had been forged in great abundance, and every political right was virtually withdrawn from citizens, aild * New York World, January 24, 18G3. tQuoted in New York World, of April 18, 18G3. POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 3-17 placed in tlie keeping of tlie President of tlie United States. But for the falseness of the majority of the leaders, a cry for vengeance would have resounded throughout the land, and the Abolition traitors that had subverted liberty and the Constitu- tion of their country would have been driven into speedy exile, or exalted to gallows high as those upon which Ilaman swung. As before remarked, but two consistent parties existed in the JSTorth — the outspoken abolitionists who sought the overthrow of the system of Southern slavery, and the elevation of the emancipated negroes to equality with their former masters ; and , the unconcealed peace men, who opposed the prosecution of the war against the South as a violation of the Constitution, and an infraction of the principles upon which 'epublican government is based. Properly speaking, these two parties, which were purely consistent, were simply the antagonistic extremes of the respective organizations with which they operated, and neither the peace men nor the Abolitionists could enlist full Democratic or full Republican endorsement. It must have been clear, how- ever, to every penetrating Republican, after the commencement of the new era, that the measures sustained by his party could lead to no other result than that which was desired by the revo- lutionary Abolitionists. In sustaining the prosecution of the war, then, what else was he doing save perpetuating the delusion that the war was waged for the restoration of the Union ? The masses of the people of the North, of both political par- ties, cared little whether slavery lived or died in the struggle that was being waged between the sections. Indeed, slight doubt can exist that in the abstract, Northern Democrats as well as Republicans, were disinclined in sentiment to the institution of slavery : and that as a choice, they preferred in their own minds to see an end to the system of Southern bondage rather than its perpetuation. Republicans who were not confirmed Abolitionists, very nearly agreed in their views of slavery with the most of the Democrats themselves ; and yet all these were devotedly attached to the Union of the States , and in its preser- vation they considered their future liberty and happiness to be involved. The Democrats, who were in favor of peace at any price, were those who viewed the war as an utter ^delation of the Constitution ; and these, as before noted, formed the only con- sistent opponents of the Abolitionists, who from the first de- 848 A REVIEW OF THE signed the destruction of slavery, and all the constitutional guarantees upon which it was based. The great attachment of the Il^^orthern people to the Union, was the result of pure delusion, the product of prejudice and popular fancy ; which could see liberty and republican happiness alone in its preservation. In this particular the I^orthern people differed little from the ancient Komans, who were so devoted to the name of the Republic that they were unable to perceive the loss of their freedom, whilst the naked form of that which they adored was preserved ; and whilst the name of king would have driven them to revolt, that of iiiiferator (euriperor,) a more des- potic title, was by no means discordant to their sensibilities. Reflecting men, after the full installation of the new era, saw that the shadow of the old Union alone remained ; but that its substance had fled. The number, however, of those who per- ceived the popular delusion, as regards the Union, and were suf- flcienlly honest and courageous to attempt to dispel it, were too few to accomplish the mighty task. It is always easier to accom- pany currents than to attempt to strive against them. A bold- ness is demanded of the man, who dares to question popular opinions, that is not possessed by a large portion of mankind. Only true freemen are competent for this undertaking ; and whilst these pass through the flres of martyrdom, hyj)ocritical demagogues gather applause and honors amidst popular ruin and governmental shijDwreck. Owing to the original yielding of the Democratic party to the false demands of fanaticism, the whirl' pool currents obtained too strong a hold upon the vessel of State any longer to be resisted ; and all was now rapidly sinking in one common vortex of destruction. The Kew York and other riots of 18G3, were simply the natural reaction against the tyrannical despotism that had encir- cled its coils around the American Republic ; and which, like Laocoon, was dying encompassed in serpentine folds. But for the delusive devotion to the Union which had blinded the people so that they were unable to perceive civil liberty, save as an efflux from their favoi'ite idol, instead of unorganized resistance to Federal conscription, the flames of Northern revolution would have burst from their confines and quickly consumed the gilded fabric of despotic tyranny, which abolition fanaticism had erected. The thunders of denunciation which, but for the above delusion. POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 349 would have advised the administration of Abraham Lincohi of its criminal violation of the Constitution, in the arrest of Clement L. Yallandigham, the patriot of Ohio ; instead of inducing replies of attempted justilication from the daring usurper, would have hushed him into the silence of contempt, and admonished him of the volcano of revenge that was ready to overwhelm all who dared to repeat the foul deed which his servile minion had perpetrated. In the latter part of the year 18C3, the political parties again began to prepare their platforms for the Autumn elections. Tlie Republican leaders, conscious of the unpopularity of the differ- ent unconstitutional acts that had been passed by the E.ump Congress, and enacted by the Presidential dictator, deemed it politic to conceal from the public that such measures received party endorsement. This was simply to continue the same hypo- critical method pursued by Republican leaders from the hrst organization of their party in 1855. That method consisted in the enunciation of a platform of principles, and after power had been grasped to steadily act disregardful of pledges. The New York Herald spoke of the Republican State Convention, held in September, 1863, at Syracuse, as follows : " The Emancipation Proclamation, the Confiscation Act, arbitrary arrests, the suppression of the freedom of speech and of the press in the loyal States, the Indemnity Act and the Conscription Act, have not been endoi'sed. The Emancipation Act received only a qualified endorsement. All reference to it was omitted in the regular series of resolutions, as reported by the Committee and adopted by the Convention. But a radi- cal, having moved its endorsement, this was adroitly evaded by an ainendmeiit endorsing it simply as a war measure.'' The revolutionary Republicans, before this time, had clearly mapped out the boundaries they intended to traverse. Charles Sumner, Thaddeus Stevens, and other leaders of the same senti- ments, had already indicated clearly that their aim was the terri- torialization of the seceded "States ; and that their re-admittance into the Union should be fully interdicted until the total prohi- bition of slavery within their borders could be secured. The con- servative policy advocated by the political Republicans, with whom, for popularity sake. President Lincoln pretended to sym- pathize, simply demanded the restoration of the Union, and of the States in statu quo ante helium. Sumner and Stevens represented the real, the Republican manipulators the ostensible S50 A REVIEW OP THE policy of abolitionism. The one formed the line of attack, the other the protecting columns that came upon its flanks and formed its steady support. The preparation of the State and other platforms was the work of that crafty body of politicians, whose principal object was party success. Even the Republican convention of Massachusetts, in 1863, only endorsed the Eman- cipation Proclamation as a war measure. The Democratic party, eqally with the Republican, permitted its platforms to be drafted by its politic men. Mozart Hall was necessitated to yield to Tammany ; and the popular sails were again unfolded to the breeze, in order to still further perpetuate the delusion that cowardice and craft had originally permitted. The Herald spoke of the Albany Democratic State Convention, and as compared with the Syracuse Republican, as follows : " They are both entirely conservative. They both return thanks to our brave soldiers, who are now risking their lives in defense of the Union. They both pledge their supporters to sustain the Government and the Administration in all necessary measures for the suppression of the rebellion. They both express the desire of the people of the North for an honorable peace. They both oppose disunion and maintain the integ- rity of the Union. They differ in this: the Democrats condemn the Emancipation Proclamation, Confiscation, Conscription and the Indem- nity Acts ; while the Republicans shuffle out of the responsibility.of these acts, and only endorse the Emancipation Proclamation as a war meas- ure."* In other States, the war policy of the Government for the restoration of the Union, was also approved, in words, by the Democratic party. Its ambiguous conduct was illustrated in the States of Maine, Ohio, and Pennsylvania, during the camj)aigns of 1863. In these States war platforms were adopted and peace men nominated in each of them as the candidates for Governor. In Peimsylvania, George W. Woodward, a conspicuous peace man, whose opinions and sentiments Avere known to harmonize with the cardinal principles of the old party of Jefferson, per- mitted himself to be induced to write a letter, a few days before the October election, in which he expressed his approbation of the war policy for restoring the Union. This was enough to destroy all the enthusiasm felt in behalf of his election ; for no others, save peace men, could be enthusiastic suj^porters of the Democracy. *New York Herald, September 13, 1863. POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 3:1 The result of the elections of 1863, were "Waterloo defeats iu the States where peace men were the candidates. C. L. Yallan- digham, the Democratic candidate for Governor, was defeated iu Ohio bj over one hundred thousand majority ; and George W. Woodward, in Pennsylvania, by upwards of fifteen thousand. The entire North, with the exception of ISTew Jersey, was swept by a hurricane of administration victories. The Democratic party was utterly overthrown ; and far more weakened and de- moralized than had it fought the battle beneath its real colors, by opposing the abolition war upon principle ; and though de- feated, its moral integrity would have been rescued ; and, like the young giant of the past, which it was, it would have returned to the combat with renewed strength, ready to grapple with its hated foe. Yallandigham and other peace men were signally defeated, because their cowardly compeers lacked the courage to follow honest leaders and urge their comrades to the onset. They permitted the enemy to be the attacking party and to crown their banners with victory. A REVIEW OF THE CHAPTER XXI. THE MILITARY SATRAPS. The utter inconsistency of making war for the preservation of a republican Union was clearly exemplified in every effort that was made by the coercion party, from the outbreak of hostilities between the sections. The first error having been committed, it was necessary, as a sequence, that a train of inconsistencies should follow. "When the j^rinciple of military force was once brought into requisition to compel the seceded States or the people thereof to obey the behests of a central authority, the principle of republicanism died and that of monarchy took its place. The principle of making war to coerce the people of the South being thus anti-republican, all the means required to sus- tain the war policy must necessarily be of the same character. It was the principle of domination, which was the reverse of consent, that upon which republican government is based. And yet so great was the clamor for coercive measures that all who denied to the Government the right to exert the strong arm of military power, were denounced as traitors and enemies of the Republic. The preservation of the Union being once determined, then, to depend upon the employment of force, it became alto- gether needless in coercionist opinion to consult the will of the people further than necessities required. And so far, therefore, as the aims of the revolutionists were attainable, success alone was considered. Instead of endeavoring to effect the conciliation of the dis- affected people of the South, as sound judgment would have dictated, one despotic advance after another was made by the men who shaped the abolition counsels of the nation. Besides those before this enumerated, another of the unconstitutional means made use of to retain the power already grasped, was the suppression of the freedom of the ballot in the States of Dela- ware, Maryland, Kentucky and Missouri ; and also in those parts POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 353 of the otlier Southern States, over which the arms of the Federal Government had been successful. The Democratic party had aimed at compromise for the settle- ment of the difficulties between the North and the South j and the people by the adoption of their polic}^ would have prevented the rebellion from breaking out, as it did, and drenching the land in blood. Indeed, the acceptance of their policy at any time during the rebellion, would have stayed the tide of blood and led to a settlement of the sectional troubles. All the Southern rebels at any time demanded, was that their fair and constitutional rights as equals in the Confederate Union, should be recognized ; and to this they were justly and honorably entitled. For, even after the rebellion broke out and blood had been shed, though rebels, they did not cease to be American citizens and men ; and their rights were equally as deserving of being considered as before any acts of secession had taken place. And their rights were respected by all who loved the Union of the fathers as it had existed from the origin of the Government, and for the preser- vation of which, a hypocritical party pretended to have made war. But other objects than its preservation were to be secured, and any compliance with the principles which true republicanism demanded, would have been fatal to the objects that Abolitionism, through the pretence of devotion to the Union, sought to obtain. Fanatics were not now likely to permit the suspension of a strife which they had succeeded in enkindling, in order to allow the sections to adjust their disputes by any peaceful method, And, as Anti-Republican war had been made against the rebels, something of a similar nature also must be inaugurated against the peaceful citizens of those Southern States that remained in the Union. Many rights had already been wrested from the Northern Democrats, and others who disapproved of the war policy of the Government, in the suspension of the Habeas Corpus and in the suppression of freedom of speech, and of the press and other unconstitutional proceedings. But, because of the mfatua- ted delusion that had seized control of the minds of the Northern people, a greater excess in the despotic overthrow of civil rights by the Administration, was permissible in the Southern unseceded States, than in any portion of the loyal North. For it was unde- niable that the people of the whole South, as a unit, almost, believed that the party of Abraham Lincoln, was a revolutionary S54 • A REYIEW OF THE one; and that its principles wonld produce lasting disorder an3 the destruction of the Confederate union of the States. Enter- tertaining these sentiments, could the body of the border people, after the unconstitutional proclamation of war, do else than sympathize with their Southern brethren, whose guaranteed i-ights were to be obliterated in the fiendish conflict that was beinar was-ed aojainst them ? o o o Instigated by the proclamation of freedom and the succeeding measures allied to it, were those which were framed to carry forward by the might of despotism the principles of emanicipa- tion, and firmly fix them in the legislation of the States and nation. The Government of the several border Slave States must be controlled by one or other means by the party of eman- cipation, and skillful plans were devised by which this could bo accomplished, A small and insignificant body of voters* in Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, Kentucky and Missouri had sup- ported Mr. Lincoln for President, and in this was found the nucleus for the party of emancipation in these States, after the edict of January 1st, 1863. The balance of the citizens of these States who had cast their votes either for Douglas, Breckenridge or Bell, were considered by the rulers as more or less unsound advocates of the war policy of the Government, and of tha freedom of the slaves designed by it to be accomplished. The masses of a people, during periods of turbulence, like ours, seem always ready to lick the feet of power. By the wholesale arrests of Legislatures, and of infiuential citizens, effective resistance to the administration in the border Southern States was soon broken ; and the hands of truckling hypocrites, who sought to better their worldly condition 'at the exj)ense of honor and integrity, were strengthened. Shrewdly conceived /"oaths were prepared both for the voters and the officials of these States, so as to exclude from the polls and stations of trust, all h those who had heretofore been the respected citizens and ruling ^ men of their several States and localities. And these oaths were so skillfully framed as to exclude from the jwlls, by virtue of ,/\^ - apparent right, all voters who had extended aid or even cherished ^ ' an}'- sympathy for the cause of the rebellious South. That they * In Delaware only 3,815 voters supported Lincoln for President in 18C0, S,394 in Maryland, 1,929 in Virginia, l,,oGl in Kentucky, and 17,028 iu ■^•lidsouvi. POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 855 filionld Tiave cherished none snch, was to suppose an entire rever- sal of reason, and of the instincts of an enlightened humanity. Large numbers of the people of these States, being thus unable to accept the "wholly unconstitutional oaths, were disfranchised ; and the States, as a consequence, fell under the control of the few original Abolitionists, and of those perlidious and dishonorable classes who are ever ready, servilely, to bend their necks to the yoke of might, in order to grasp the thrift that fawning secures. Those who do so, however, are the ignoble souls of life, who are fitted for servitude, but unworthy of freedom, because unen-, dowed with the traits needed for its maintenance. In one election in the city of Baltimore, after the inauguration of the new schedule, full two-thirds of the citizens refused to go to the polls to tender their votes. They chose rather to preserve their honor, than sacrifice it in a vain effort to resist the authority of that unreasoning party, which wielded the sword of an arbi- trary despotism. The method which the revolutionists made use of to control the elections in these States, and defeat those who, in spite of unconstitutional oaths, dared to press their rights of freemen, was to send their military satraps, with soldiers, under the pre- tence of guarding the polls and preventing invasion and domestic violence. But the President of the United States had no right to send his military subordinates into any State to control or in- terfere with the elections, unless first requested so to do by the civil authorities. As in other matters, however, the Constitution, in this particular, was likewise violated with irapunityo In some cases, then, the citizens were intimidated from appearing to vote their sentiments, inasmuch as proclamations had been issued by the satraps which threatened seizure of the property of the dis- loyal. And voting against the Government was declared to be conclusive evidence of this disloyalty. In othea* instances, the citizens who were known to entertain democratic opinions, as they appeared to vote were arrested and detained in custody until the election was closed, and then they were discharged. In the "Winter of 1863, a convention of the Democratic party of Kentucky, assembled at Frankfort, for the purpose of making nominations for State officers, was dispersed by a Colonel Gil- bert, who commanded a regiment of troops. And when one of tlie Senators from this State afterwards demanded of the United 350 A REVIEW OF TUB States Senate, that the conduct of the ofucer who interfered with that political assemblage of his State should be investigated, the demand was refused. The majority of this body, as then con- stituted, seenised to regard naught save partisan success, whether achieved by constitutional overthrow or otherwise. The following extract from the speech of Senator Powell, of Kentucky, of March 3d, 1864, gives an illustration of the con- duct of the military satraps in his State : "In many counties the name of the whole Democratic ticket was stricken from the poll book by the military authorities. In many voting places, and m entire counties of Kentucky, no man was allowed to vote for the ticket. In the county in which I live, the names on the Demo- cratic ticket were sti-icken from or not allowed to go into the poll books of three or four @f the voting precincts. It is asserted that in one pre- cinct of that county sixteen votes were cast, all for the Wickliffe ticket. The military then came there, took the poll books from the judges and clerk, returned them to head-quarters and stopped the election. "Sir, there is abundant evidence of the facts that I have indicated. Since the beginning of time there never was a more atrocious assault on free elections, than took place in many counties of Kentucky. In many places the candidates were arrested. In the First Congressional District Judge Trimble, the candidate for Congress, as loyal a man and as true to the Constitution and Union of his fathers as lives in the Union, was arrested by military authority. He was brouglit to the City of Hender- son, a town just without his district, and there he was kept in military confinement near a month until after the election was over. They told him if he would decline being a candidate for Congress they would release him. He would not so degrade his manhood as to decline the canvass at the bidding of military tyrants and usurpers, and he was kept in prison. They found that he would be elected by a large majority, notwithstanding his imprisonment, and then they sent the military over his district, and had his name stricken from the polls in almost every voting precinct in the district. The gentleman who beat him got some four thousand votes in a district that polls about twenty thousand." The pretended excuse for the interference of the military authorities in the election of Kentucky in 1863, was found in the declaration of martial law, in that State, by Gen. Burnside, the jailor of Yallandigham. This satrap of the Administration, assumed the right to subordinate civil to military authority, because, forsooth, one thousand rebels were yet found within tlie borders of that State. The true reason was, that in this man- ner, it was conceived a plausible excuse would be offered to his subordinates and their justifiers for their milawful and outrageous conduct. The excuse, however, was lame and impotent, for at POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 357 the time, the small remaining number of rebels were leaving the State, and General Burnside had fifty thousand soldiers mider his command to confront them. But Federal soldiers were also sent to the polls in Maryland, and interfered with the elections in this State, although no pre- text therefor could be found in the existence of rebel soldiers in the old Gommonwealth. The freedom of elections was likewise overthrown by military interference in the other border Southern States. Governor Bradford, of Marjdand, in his protest against military interference with a free ballot in his State, speaks as follows : " On the day preceding the election, the officer in command of the regiment, which had been distributed among the counties of the Eastern shore, and who had himself landed in Kent County, commenced his operations by arresting and sending across the bay some ten or more of the most estimable and distinguished of its citizens, including several of the most steadfast and uncompromising loyalists of the shore. The jail of the county was entered, the jailor seized, imprisoned, and afterwards sent to Baltimore, and the prisoners confined therein, under indictment, were set at liberty. The commanding officer referred to, gave the first clue to tlie character of the disloyalty, against which he considered himself as particularly commissioned ; by printing and publishing a proclamation, in which, referring to the election to take place next day, he mvited all the truly loyal to avail themselves of that opportunity to establish their loyalty, ' hy giving a full and ardent sujjport to the lohole Government ticket, upon the platform, adopted hy the Union League Convention ;' de- claring that, ' none other is recogni&ed by the Federal authorities, as loyal or worthy of the support of any one, who desires the peace and restoration of the Union.'''" When these outrageous proceedings were reported in the United States Senate, and referred to the Military Committee, instead of condemnation they received the approval of the committee in a long report, which set up a full justification for all that had been done. The tyrant's plea of necessity v/as the prolific re- pository, whence all excuses were drawn for the violation of the Constitution and the laws of the States. The Senators of the revolutionary party, in general, defended all the unconstitutional acts of the military satraps ; and thus granted to the Adminis- tration and its subordinates full license to trample upon the free- dom of elections in the Southern States. By such means, this freedom was destroyed ; and the revolu- tionary party, calling itself Union, obtained the control of Maryland, "West Yirginia and Missouri. For a time, also the 358 A REVIEW OF THE freemen of Delaware and Kentucky were defeated by the revo- lutionists. It was not astonishing, then, that conventions elected under the dictation of the military satraps ; and when large numbers of the best citizens of these States were disfranchised by means of unconstitutional test oaths, should be ready to do the work of abolitionism. In West Virginia, Maryland and Missouri, conventions were elected under military dictation ; and these bodies proceeded to decree the emancipation of slavery within their borders. rOLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA- S59 CHAPTER XXII. THE GREAT CONSPIRACY REVEALED. As events progressed, during the period of tlie rebellion, tlie conspiracy to overthrow slaveiy, change the status of Southern society, and elevate the negro race to equality with the white, more and more displayed itself. Ujjon the assembling of the Thirty-eighth Congress, in December 1863, President Lincoln craftily submitted a plan for the restoration of the rebellious States to unionship, when the armed resistance should be so far overcome as to warrant measures for this purpose. As the chief representative of the nation, it was expected of him that some method would be pointed out, by which the seceded States should again be numbered amongst the Commonwealths of the Federal Union. The President fully understood the disharmony that reigned in his party upon the question of Southern reconstruction, and in view of this, greater caution was needed to be observed by him, in submitting a plan for the restoration of the seceded States. He was well aware that the State suicide theory of Charles Sumner, was that which received the approval of Thaddeus Stevens, Salmon P. Chase, Wendell Phillips, and the other radicals of the Eepublican party ; and at the same time he was sufficiently astute to perceive that this policy was as yet too ex- rreme to meet public approval. In the submission of his method of restoration for the Southern States, it is not to be believed, that the President meant to fix any definite mode ; but it was rather enunciated and designed to serve as a toy for conflicting sentiment, and to be molded to suit public opinion as the same became more developed. Indeed, the President declared his plan as not intended to exclude others in the following words of his proclamation of December 8th, 1863 : " And while the mode presented, is the best the Executive can suggest, 000 A REVIEW OF THE with liis present impressions, it must not be understood, that no other possible mode would be acceptable." That the President or his party should at all be trammeled by obligations of governmental compacts, was not to be expected after the entire repudiation of plighted faith, on their part, that had already been witnessed. Firm adherence to any promise or obligation would have been fatal to the principles of the rev- olution, for the accomplishment of which, the Republican party had been originally organized and brought into power ; and a studied caution, as a consequence, therefore, was required to be observed in the submission of any plan of reconstruction, so as to permit any change of policy which ever varying circumstances might require. The President, in truth, had in his mind no iixcd mode of restoration that he esteemed more than another, save as it might aid Abolition views ; and his only object in submitting the one which he did, was to answer public expectation on that point. The plan proposed by the President for restoring the Southern States to their former relationship in the Union, was in entire harmony with the prior Abolition programme. It was the em- bodiment of the principles of monarchy and revolution ; such as we have discovered to have given tone to so-called Republicanism, from its earliest advent to power. The fears that induced the slave States to rebel in defense of their constitutional rights, were entirely overlooked. No tender of assurance was made, that the anticipations on their part had been groundless ; but the attitude assumed by the President, still more clearly proved that Southern Statesmen had not been mistaken, in their conceptions of the danger that threatened their institutions. Like a con- queror, on the contrary, and despot which he was, utterly regard- less of the fears and anticipations of those contesting his power, the President announces his jjlan of forcing all the armed resistance under his dominion and authority. He declares in explicit terms that slavery must be abandoned in all the rebellious States ; and even in those sections of them in which he himself had made an exception in his Emancipation Proclamation of January 1st, 1863.J Treating the Southern Confederates as traitoi-s and out- laws, he compels them before they shall be permitted to secure again for their several Commonwealths, the right of Statehood, to accept an oath not demanded by the Constitution ; and which POLITICAL CONFLICT IN A^IERICA. 361 110 democratic freeman of tlie ISTortli, with a sense of manhood, would have subscribed. This odious oath, required of all voters, before being re-clothed with citizenship, to swear to abide by and support all acts of the Federal Congress, passed during the re- bellion with reference to slaves ; and also to support all procla- mations of the President, made or to be made during the rebellion, which had reference to the same. A delusive exception, it is true, was inserted, should these laws and proclamations at any *ime be modified by Congress or the Supreuie Court. The Pres- ident, llowe^'er, too well understood the designs of Congress, to fear aught from that quarter ; and as to the Supreme Judiciary, it had been for some time a topic of discussion to so remodel this ti'ibunal, as to render it harmless to Abolition progress, should any danger in that direction be seriously apprehended. What an entire disregard of republican princij)le did the Presidential mode of reconstruction manifest ? It was a plain violation of the Constitution, which clothed the Chief Magistrate with no power to dictate the qualiiications of suffrage in any State or Territory. It was an entire reversal of the cardinal jM-inciple of Democracy in essaying to found government upon the will of a small minority of the peo23le of a State, rather than upon that of the majorit}^ Again, the method proposed by the President seemed strongly to imply his own disbelief in the current assertion of his party, that in all the rebellious States a niajority of the people were loyal and attached in feeling to the Federal Government, He, himself, upon any other hypothesis, had condemned the war against the South as an outrage and a crime. But when he comes to find voters who shall brina: back the rebel States into the Union, this majority of Southern patriots would seem to have escaped his recollection, inasmuch as his restoration plan was so framed, as did he think that it might be necessary, in some cases, to be satisfied with one-tenth of the citizens of a rebel State, out of whom his loyalists should be manufactured. And that a smaller number than the one-tenth of the people should constitute the basis of citizenship for recon- structing a seceded State, would scarcely have been proposed by the most radical revolutionist of the North. But, admitting even a modicum of truth in the Abolition assumption of the loyalty of a majority of the Southern people ; the policy of restoration proposed by President Lincoln, claimed 302 A REVIEW OF THE the right to do what the Constitution in express terms forbade. Tliis instrument prechided the taking of the private property of any citizen for public purposes or otherwise, unless ample com- pensation therefor should be made. And yet the President, in the plan submitted by him, proposed, without any recompense, to cancel the value, and destroy all the slave property in the rebel States, whether the same belonged to loyal or disloyal indi- viduals. Ly this high-handed exercise of desjjotic might, the fears entertained by the Southern people of the designs of Northern fanaticism were fully sustained ; and the rebellion from this period, at furthest, must ever stand justified in history. The rebels, anticipating the designs of abolitionism, from the collected utterances of the leaders of that part^^, originally revolted against its rule in behalf of their constitutional rights and privileges ; and now, when their surmises had been verified in the action of the Federal President and the congressional radicals, what was to condemn the rebellion? Instead of rebels arrayed, striving to destroy the Union and the Constitution, the Confederates stood before the world as patriots, defending within their States, in essence, that same Constitution and the principles of republi- canism guaranteed by it. But despotic and unconstitutional as was the Presidential plan of reconstructing the seceded States, it by no means met the approbation of the radicals in Congress and throughout the North. Negro suffrage from this period, began to peer forth as one of the measures that must be secured in the revolution that was being urged forward. This, indeed, was a part of the great conspiracy that was now daily revealing itself. The doctrine of human equality, being that which lay at the foundation of abolitionism, it was not to be supposed that the fanatics should halt with the achievement of simple emancipa- tion. The more evidence the progress of arms gave the hopeful enthusiasts that the rebellion would probably, in the end, be overcome, the more effort was made by them to shape legislation in the interests of race equality. All the conflicting views re- gp,rding the restoration of the States to Federal autonomy, hinged therefore upon this question. Hitherto, emancipation was the principal result of equality, that was presented before the people in the agitating crusades that had been waged against Southern slavery. But shortly after the meeting of the Thirty- POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 363 eic-litli Congress, and tlie submission of the Presidential plan of reconstruction ; revolutionary leaders come forward and took open grounds in favor of extending the right of suffrage to the emancipated slaves of the seceded States. From this period the revolutionary party may be considered as composed of avowed negro and of anti-negro suffragists. And of the Latter, many were such, simply because they deemed it impolitic as yet openly to avow their principles. There can be little doubt even that President Lincoln agreed with the negro suifragists, and that his characteristic hypocrisy alone deterred him from avowing the principle in his reconstruc- tion scheme of December 8, 1863. He was very solicitous, how- ever, to shift the avowal of the doctrine of negro suffrage upon others,* whose position more securely guarded them from the assaults of public opinion. Owen Lovejoy, a man equally radi- cal with Thaddeus Stevens, seemed to have fully understood the President's motives and feelings. In his letter of February 22d, 1864, to William Lloyd Garrison, he speaks of the President in the following language : ■ " I write you, although ill health compels me to do it, by the hand of another, to express to you my gratification at the position you have taken in reference to Mr. Lincoln. I am satisfied, as the old theologians used to say in regard to the world, that if he be not the best conceiv- able President, he is the best possible. I have something of the facts inside during his administration, and I know that he has been just as radical as any of his Cabinet. And, although he does not do everything that you or I would like, the question recurs whether it is hkely we can elect a man who would. It is evident that the great mass of Unionists prefer him for re-election ; and yet it seems to me certain that the Provi- dence of God during another term will grind slavery to powder, "f * The following letter to Governor Hahn, of Loiiisiana, discloses the President's double dealing course of action : "Executive Mansion, ) " Washington, March 13, 1864. f " Hon. Michael Hahn. "My Dear Sir; — I congratulate you on having fixed your name in history as the first Free State Governor of Louisiana. Now you are about to have a convention, which, among other things, will probably define the elective franchise. I barely suggest, for your private consider- ation, whether some of the colored people may not be let in, as for instance, the very intelligent, and especially those who have fought gallantly in our ranks. They would probably help in some trying time to come, to keep the jewel of liberty in the family of freedom. But this is only a suggestion, not to the public, but to you alone. "Yours truly, "ABRAHAM LINCOLN." ^Annual Cyclopedia of 1864, p. 480. 364 A REVIEW OF THE The State suicide doctrine of Charles Sumner was inspired by the desire to secure in the Southern States for the negro, full equality with the Caucasian race. And all the efforts of Thaddeus Stevens and the other unconcealed revolutionists, to establish the principles of State destruction, the confiscation of Southern property, and the exclusion of Southern E-epresentatives from the halls of Congress, were influenced by the same desire. These men, the soul and spirit of their party, were compelled, however, to await the developments of time, whilst the treacherous hypo- crites within the same, were enabled still further to lure their countrymen into the snares that were set for them. The suicidal resolutions when first offered by Sumner, in 18G2, met the cold reception of silence ; and the Congressmen from Louisiana, and other military reconstructed States, were welcomed to the ]^a- tional Halls of the Thirty-seventh Congress, in spite of the oppo- sition of Mr. Stevens and others, who were keen -sighted enough as to see the logical effect of such admission. But Mr. Stevens and others who agreed with him, were able to exclude from the Thirty-eighth Congress A. P. Field and the other RejDresenta- tives of Louisiana and other subjugated States of the South. In their exclusion of Southern Representatives, additional evidence of the great conspiracy was presented. The belief of the equality of all races of mankind, having germinated the movement of abolitionism, the fanaticism must run its full length, the control of the Government being now, as believed, firmly grasped. ]^othing less than the complete politi- cal and social equality of races, would satisfy zealots who allow feeling rather tlian reason to guide them. And, as if to prove that their enthusiastic visions of human equality, could controvert logic and all the experience of anterior ages, they set themselves to work to elevate a race, fitted alone for barbarism or subordi- nation. The education of the colored race in the District of Columbia having been determined upon, after the act of Emancipation had passed, every other step must be taken in order to elevate the newly liberated man up to the full measure of perfect equality. As the Africo-American freedman had been introduced into the J^orthern armies, his standing in that position must be guarded ; and all offences to his latel}' achieved dignity, ]:;esented by a Con- gress, desirous of obliterating the repugnant decrees of eternity. POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 803 And when a shoulder-strapped member of the enfrancliised, race found himself forcibly ejected from the cars in the City of "Washington, the elevators of the colored men were aroused to the utmost ; and a law was speedily enacted by Congress which precluded the officers of the railroad companies of the City of Washington and Georgetown, from determining what regulations should be observed with regard to their passengers. No negro dare in future be ejected from any railroad cars in the District, under a severe penalty. It was not enough for the colored American that he be provided by the railroad companies with equal facilities for travel, and cars of equal quality with white people, he must be allowed to obtrude himself into white com- pany, where his presence was offensive. This kind of legislation was an attempt to undo what God had done ; that is, to obliterate the distinctions which he had made. Herein another evidence of the great conspiracy was disclosed. Equalizing the compensation of all the soldiers in the armies, whether of African or Caucasian descent, was a part of the schedule that radical legislation must complete. And, as no Member of Congress seemed to long more ardently for this form of equality than Henry Wilson, of Massachusetts, and he who stood the acknowledged leader of revolutionary radicalism in the House, Thaddeus Stevens, it was aj)propriate and fitting that these distinguished representatives should be the first to propose the desired legislation. Accordingly, on the 8tli of January, 1864, Mr. Wilson introduced into the Senate a bill to promote enlistments, which provided that all persons of African decent, who may have been mustered into the military service of tlie United States shall receive the same uniform, clothing, arms, equipments, camp-ec[uipage, rations, medical and hospital attendance, pay and emoluments, as other soldiers of the regular and volunteer forces of the like arm of the service. After a spirited contest in the Senate, the bill as above proposed in substance was adopted in that body ; and on the 30th of April, Mr. Stevens called it up in the Lower House of Congress. The measure likewise met the approbation of the House, and colored soldiers were placed on an equality with white from January 1st, 1864. " The Attorney- General has finally decided, that colored soldiers are in all respects entitled to the same compensation as white soldiers." * * Henry Wilson's Anti-Slavery Measures in Congress, p. 313, • 866 A REVIEW OF THE The most persistent efforts were made by tlie radicals in the first session of the 38th Congress, in both the Senate and Honse of Representatives, to allow the negro to grow to the fnll stature of free manhood, with which he, however, was but simply in the process of being endowed. lie was clothed by Act of Congress Avith the right of appearing in all the courts of the United States as a witness, not so much because this privilege was then espe- cially demanded, but rather because it was believed that it would aid in the final extirpation of slavery, the first grand object of the revolutionists. The repeal of the law, which precluded ne- groes from carrying the mails, was also strongly m'ged during this session, chiefly for the same reasons. In this session of Congress, a Bill was prepared in the House, providing for the organization of the Territory of Montana, and having passed the same in the usual form, was remitted to the Senate for its approval. When the Bill came up for consideration in this body. Senator Wilkinson, of Minnesota, moved to strike out of section five, of the organizing Act, which prescribed who should be voters, the words " white male inhabitant," and insert " male citizen of the United States, and those who have declared their intention to become such." The undenied object of th^ amendment, was to secure the organization of the new Territory in accordance wdth the principles of the avowed Abolitionists, who already were beginning to urge that the right of suffrage should be extended to the negro race. Prominent members of the party in different sections of the ITorth, had already given ntterance to tliis recent demand of Abolitionism, The amendment met with a considerable opposition from Republicans themselves, chiefly because they feared to encounter in the coming Presidential canvass the opposition that would array itself against the principle of negro suffrage. The majority of the Senators, however, all Republicans, showed themselves as favorable to universal suffrage by supporting the amendment. It was carried in the Senate by 22 yeas to 17 nays. Several of the Senators who supported the amendment made no conceal- ment that they heartily favored the principle which it expressed ; its adoption by the Senate, however, was admitted to be a pure abstraction, as not one negro inhabitant at the time was found in the new Territory. And of those also, who deemed it impolitic to agitate the question of suffrage at the time, in view of the POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 367 appi'oacliing Presidential election, were some who declared them- selves as not opposed to granting negroes the right of Toting. The submission and support of the amendment in the Senate, was the first clear proof that the Republican leaders were ready, when a fair opportunity would present itself, to extend the right of suffrage to all races of men, Uj) to this period they had studiously sought to elude the avowal of this principle, and pos- itively averred that no such design was at all entertained by them. In the most solemn assurances, they declared that the emancipa- tion of the negroes from the chains of slavery, would be the ulti- mate limit of humanitarian eifort in behalf of the degraded ]"ace. It was even resented, as offensive, that they should be accused of the design of intending to open the ballot to ignorant African menials. But before the inauguration of the war, and for a time afterwards, had not they in equally strong terms re- sented the imputation, that the emancipation of slavery in the Southern States was designed by them ? The House of Representatives, however, declined to concur in the Senate's Amendment, because they saw clearly that negro suffrage would be too heavy a burden to carry in the Presidential contest of 1864. But enough was disclosed, from its adoption by the Senate, and from the sentiments that were beginning to be uttered by conspicuous radicals, favorable to this principle, to satisfy reflecting men, that it formed the main part of the great conspiracy that was rapidly revealing itself in its fullest extent. The full comj)letion of the conspiracy required the repudiation of the Fugitive Slave Laws, and also of that provision of the Federal Constitution which supported the Acts of 1793 and 1850. A bill for this purpose having been referred to the Ju- diciary Committee of the Senate, was reported back adverselj^ Repeated efforts were made, prior to January 11th, 1804, to effect the repeal of the Act of 1850, and also that of 1793. At the latter date, on motion of Charles Sumner, the question of the repeal of the Fugitive Slave Laws was referred to a commit- tee of seven Senators, the majority of whom reported favorable to the measure. The Repealing Act received the approbation of the members of the revolutionary party in Congress, and was approved by President Lincoln, June 28th, 18G4, The bill was stubbornly resisted by the Democrats of both Houses of Congress, because of the violation which the repeal 868 A REVIEW OF THE inflicted upon tlie Federal Constitution. The passage of tlio Repealing Act, in Democratic opinion, was aii open and palpable infraction of the bond of covenant, according to the terms of which the States had united to form the Union ; and for the preservation of which the radicals claimed that the war was being waged by the General Government. It was also argued by the Democrats that no practical good could result from the repeal at that time, as the slaves in the Border States were already in such a state of insubordination that they were free to go where they chose. All State control over the slaves had for months, prior to this period, almost entirely ceased in the Border States ; and it was only in these States that the law could be considered as of anv avail. But, besides, the ISlorthern people at that time would not have permitted any fugitive slave to be reclaimed in their midst by any Southern master, however loyal to the General Government he may have been. But in truth, the repeal of the Fugitive Slave Acts was simply a part of the programme which the revolutionary leaders, from the origin of their party, had designed, viz : to destroy slavery- regardless of every guarantee which the Constitution contained. The report was really nothing, save an Act of the purest des- potism and revolution, of which history affords an instance. It was utterly unwarranted and unjustilied; and altogether as great a violation of civil right as w^ould communism be guilty of, should it ultimately assume to wrest all property from its possessors, and distribute the same as its principles would dictate. The plan of reconstruction, submitted by President Lincoln, in December, 1863, although in entire accord with the principles hitherto acted on and approved by every branch of the Federal Government, could not, as we have already observed, meet with the approval of the radical leaders of his party. It was not upon its face, sufficiently revolutionary to meet the approbation of men, utterly regardless of all constitutional restraint whatso- ever. Members of Congress who were ready to avow that the war was carried on outside of the Co7istitutwn, as they viewed it, were not likely to agree with the Presidential plan of restoring the seceded States, to their Federal status in the Union. The main reason why the Executive plan of reconstruction did not meet radical approval, was as before remarked, because the principle of negro suffrage had been entirely ignored. Salmon POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMEEICA. SCO P. Chase, a member of the President's Cabinet, in his letter to GerrrTSniTni, of March 2d, 1864, fpeaking of the plan submitted by the head of tlie J^ation, said : " The Amnesty Proclamatiou seems to fail. I don't like the qualifica- tion in the oath required, nor the limitation of the right of siilfrage to those who take the oath, and are otherwise qualified, according to the State laws, in force before the rebellion. I fear these are fatal conces- sions. Why should not all soldiers who fight for their country vote for it ? Why should not the intelligent colored man of Louisiana have a voice, as a free citizen, in restoring and maintaining loyal ascendency." j From the identity of sentiment tliat pervades this letter of fUe •■ Secretary, and that of President Lincoln, to Michael Halm, of Louisiana, before quoted, they would both seem to have flowed from the same school of abolition thought. And, although the Executive preserved himself before the country as the apparent conservative, his views j^ermitted him to drift beneath the cur- rent as an unseen revolutionist and a radical amongst his brethren. The question of reconstruction during the iirst session of the Thirty-eighth Congress, was viewed as a favorable one for agita- ting purposes. It was regarded as very different when Mr. Asliley introduced the same question in the early part of the Th rty-seventh Congress. The revolution, however, had now advanced so far that but little fear was entertained to discuss in Congress the most radical topics. The most extreme revolu- tionists were able, at length, to promulgate their views on the question of suffrage ; and so long as both Houses did not agree upon a measure, of this kind, the leaders had it in their power to deny that sucli opinions would ever be adopted by the Adminis- tration. On the 4th of May, 1864, Mr. Davis, of Maryland, Chairman of the Committee of the House, to whom had been referred the President's views upon the restoration of the rebel States, sub- mitted a Bill, embodying a fixed and elaborate plan of reconstruc- tion. This also, like the President's plan, was revolutionary as it assumed, without warrant and contrary to the former avowed policy of the Government, that the statehood of the seceded Commonwealths wei'e altogether overthrown. The war for the repression of the rebellion, from its outbreak, had been waged \ipon the principle that the rebellious States were still in the Union ; and that no act of secession could loosen the cords that held together the members of the old Confederacy. And the 370 A EEVIEW OF THE policy of the Government, for a long time after tlie outbreak of the war, was so shaped, lest something might be done or omitted, which would operate as an admission that the rebel States had in law seceded. The bill prepared by the Keconstruction Committee of the House, provided for the appointment of a Provisional Governor by the President in each State declared to be in rebellion, to serve until a State Government should have been organized and recognized by the General Government. On the suppression of military resistance to the authority of the United States in any such State, an enrollment of white male citizens was to be made, and a convention was to be called, when a majority of them should have taken the oath of allegiance, to act upon the re-es- tablishment of a State Government. All persons having held any office in the rebel service, civil or military, State or Confede- rate, and all those having borne arms in such -service, were to be prohibited from voting for, or being elected as delegates to the State Convention, The convention was required by the bill to insert in the new Constitution to be formed by it, provisions dis- franchising those who " held or exercised any civil or military office, (except offices merely ministerial, and military offices below the grade of colonel) State or Confederate under the usurping power;" also, prohibiting slavery, and repudiating all debts created by or under sanction of the usurping power, State or Confederate. The State Government, thus created, was to be recoo-nized by the President after obtaining the assent of Con- gress, and only after such recognition was it allowed for the State to be represented in Congress and in the Electoral College. Slavery was further formally declared to be abolished in all tlie States in question, with remedies and penalties to give this decla- ration effect. Those rebels, holding any civil or military office with the conditions above stated, after this bill should become a law were declared not to be citizens of the United States.* The bill having passed the House of Eepresentatives, was sent to the Senate for its concurrence, and after some debate and interchano-e of sentiment between the two Houses, was finally adopted by the latter body. The President could not approve the reconstruction plan of Congress, without too openly exposing * Barrett's Life of Abraham Lincoln, p. 503. POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA, B71 himself to the charge of puerile vacIUation and breach of plighted faith ; for he was already fully committed to the recognition of the new State Governments of Louisiana and Arkansas. These States, in accordance with his own plan, had chosen Governors, changed their State Constitutions, and done whatever else was enjoined upon them to regain their lost Statehood in the Union, lie had likewise appointed Military Governors for other Southern States. Besides, no essential abolition advantage would be gained, even should the President append his signature to the Reconstruction Bill. He, therefore, shrewdly withheld it The culminating movement in the great conspirac}'', was that instituted to effect the final overthrow of Southern slavery, under the appearance of an apparent amendment to the Federal Con- stitution, This was an adroit, woli-planned scheme of the revo- iutionists, to obtain in the midf^t of and by means of revolution, the object of abolition zeal, the eradication of the hated institu- tion. The Constitution provided for an amendment, when the same having been proposed by the two-thirds of each House of Congress and submitted to the States, should be ratified by three- fourths of these. Shortly after the assembling of the Thirty-eighth Congress, with other revolutionary measures, an amendment to the Con- stitution abolishing slavery in all the States was proposed by James M. Ashley, the super-serviceable member of the Lower House of Congress from Ohio. And as evincing concert of action, a proposition with like design not long afterwards was also submitted in the Senate, and referred to the Committee on the Judiciary. After a time, the amendment having been matured, a joint resolution was offei-ed that the same be submitted to the States for ratification. The resolution aroused a spirited opposition upon the part of the Democrats, who saw nothing in it save a subtile and crafty method of subverting that very Constitution whicii the revolutionists, hypocritically, were preparing in name to amend. For did not the amendment propose to interfere with the social economy of the States, even of the unrebellious States, and with affairs over which the General Government had no authority to legislate or interfere ? It was in violation even of that resolution of the Chicago Convention of 1S60, M'hich de- clared that " the maintenance, inviolate of the rights of the States S73 A REVIEW OF THE and especially the right of each State, to order and control its own domestic institutions, according to its own judgment ex- clusively, is essential to that balance of power on which the per- fection and endurance of our political fabric depends." The Democrats took the position that changing the fundamen- tal charter of a country, was an action demanding so great solemnity that it should never be undertaken during a period of effervescence and civil commotion. Besides, no such pressing haste required an amendment to the Constitution to obliterate slavery, as the institution would prove well nigh invnlnerable, so long as Southern armed resistance was not overcome upon the l)attle held. But slavery being the mark of abolitionism, it was :iot to be expected that men deeply indoctrinated with its fanatical views could rest, save in exerting to the utmost their strenofth in one or other method for the extinction and destruc- tion of their hated foe. Statesmen of balanced minds, saw how- ever, the inutility of all such maddened legislation, provided the restoration of the Union was the object to be achieved. It was also argued that as the amendment proposed to interfere with social interests, its character was revolutionary. It was the introduction of a principle antagonistic to that wdiicli underlies all republican government. The Union was made for the polit- ical government of its members ; and only for certain specified objects of a very general nature. The management of domestic affairs, according to the letter and spirit of the compound system of the United States Government, was remitted entirely to the States and to their people. The General Government, by the Constitution, was entrusted wdth no control over the marital or religious relations of the people of the States, or with the right of eminent domain within their limits. All these w^ere social and State relations ; so also was the institution of slavery. Again, the Democrats view^ed the effort to destroy slavery by an amendment to the Constitution, as at variance with its spirit, as a breach of good faith, and wholly unjust in its method. It was a breach of faith, because the war had been prosecuted upon the assumption that the seceded States yet formed integral parts of the Union ; and being such, the Government was bound to see that the private property, at least of all loyal citizens, be pre- served unharmed. For even in a pure monarchical government, it is deemed due to all adherents of the crown, that they suffer POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 873 no loss in person or estate by reason of others in their midst having rebelled. How then, in the rej)ublic of the United States, could such be deprived of their property, unless a fair compensa- tion were first made to them by the Government ? The leading Democrats of both Houses lirmly contended that the Constitution, could not legally be so amended, as to destroy slavery in the States without the unanimous consent of those States. Senator Saulsbury, of Delaware, in his speech of March 31st, 1864, spoke as follows : "I firmly believe in the truth, that if the Senate of the United States were to adopt this joint resolution, and were to submit it to all the States of this Union, and if tliree-fourths of the States should ratify the amend- ment, it would not be binding upon any State whose interest was affected by it, if that State protested against it." *' I know that die popular theory is that a convention can frame a Constitution, and if three-fourths of the States ratify it, it is obligatory in reference to everything and anything they do. * * * * jf that be so, then I ask you, could three-fourths of the States say that you should have no manufactories, that you should plant no corn, that you should not have property in anything else which is the subject of property. "Sir, property is not regulated, and was not intended to be regulated by the Constitution of the United States. Property is the creature of the law of the State, and whenever this Government undertakes either by legislative enactment, or operating through and by three-fourtlis of the States to say to the people of any State, "we ivill lohat shall be property and what shall not be property in your midst ; that subject shall be regulated by a Federal Constitution or by a Federal law,''' they viorate the purposes and objects for which the Constitution was framed ; and do that which, if they had proclaimed had been their objoct in the beginning, would have prevented the formation of that Constitution, and of the Union. "Can Congress propose an amendment to the Constitution which, being ratified by three-fourths of the States, shall become the supreme law of the land, by Avhich there shall be an equal distribution of property throughout the United States? " - Senator Hendricks, of Indiana, on the same subject, in his speech of April 7th, 1864, said : " I am not satisfied that this proposed amendment is one that can be made to the Constitution. The institution of slavery is a domestic insti- tution. It exists not by virtue of the Federal Constitution, not by virtue of any law passed pursuant to the Constitution of the United States, but it had its existence before the formation of the Federal compact, before the establishment of the Federal Constitution. It was the Constitution of the Colonies." George H. Pendleton, of Ohio, a member of the House, in his speech of June 15th, 1864, said 374 A REVIEW OF THE "There is in three-fourths of the States neither the power to estahlisli nor to abolish slavery in all the States. The Federal Government has power over the relations of the States with foreign nations, and over the relations of the States as between and among themselves. It has no power over tlie purely internal affairs of the State. This principle was aa familiar as household words three years ago. Every power delegated to the Federal Government, relates either to the inter-national or the inter- State relations of the United States. The domestic internal affairs of a State having no connection with the Federal Government, or with for- eign nations or with the other States, are reserved to the absolute, ex- clusive, sovereign power of the States respectively, and to the people thereof. The other States are not affected by them, and have no interesc in thein. The Federal Government has no cognizance of thein. The power of amendment, which is confided to thi-ee-fourtlis of the States, does not reach them nor the jiower to regulate them, but is limited to the subjects and powers delegated to the United States." The resolution pre posing' the submission to the States of the constitutional amendment, which should abolish slavery through- out the Union, passed the Senate April 8th, 18G4, by the strong vote of 38 yeas to 6 nays. The question was also considered in the House and a vote taken upon it June 15th ; but there was a failure to secure two-thirds of this body in its favor. The vote in the House was 95 yeas to 6G nays, the Democrats in general opposing the resolution. Four Democrats, however, believing a further defence of tlie Constitution hopeless^ voted with the majority. POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 875 CHAPTER XXIII. THE POLITICAL CAMPAIGN OF 1864. The Presidential campaign of 1864, was an anomalous one in tLe history of the American Union. It was to be conducted during the existence of the most gigantic revolution which free govern- ment had ever experienced, since the commencement of time. The sectional party whicli had grasped the reins of Administration in 1860, had as before shown, been the result of the long period of agitation which had cemented together the fanatical elements of the ISTorth, and made the ruling aggregation of this section, a somewhat homogenous compound. But the long period of turbulence and civil war which had separated the sections of the country, had proved an eliminatino- process whicli had more and more strongly placed fanaticism and reason in opposition to each other. From the time when it was discovered, after the secession of the Cotton States, that the Eepublican leaders would not consent to settle the difficulties between the North and South by fair and honorable compromise the reasoning classes began to enter their protests; and, although this protesting was chiefly in. silence, it nevertheless had its influ- ence in molding the aspect of the parties of the country. From that period, reflective, men* began to drop their connection with the Republican, and become quietly absorbed in the Democratic party. And from the beginning of the war, during its whole progress, this process of separation was going on, and a counter elimination was likewise all this time taking place, which was drawing the most corrupt and selfish material from the Democratic into the so-called loyal party of the country. Fanaticism had at length become profitable ; and it was not unusual to find men who had figured as conspicuous friends of peace and compromise *It is not meant, however, to assert that all the reflecting men deserted the Republican paity ; but that many did so is undeniable. Interest and other motives detained sagacious men in the Republican party who could not be ranked as Abolitionists. 376 A REVIEW OF THE turn out to be the most blatant advocates of the wai' and Southern subjugation. When the time approached that candidates should be selected for a Chief Magistrate of the United States to succeed Abraham Lincoln, the two parties of the country had become more dia- metrically antagonistic than had ever before been witnessed in the countr3^ The boiling caldron of war had stirred society to its foundation ; and its sedimentary dregs that heretofore had remained quiescent, were cast to the surface, and were exerting an influence not felt on former like occasions. The enthusiastic mob, the fanatical agitators, and the intolerant clergy of the North, found themselves in the so-called Republican party, which was bent upon crushing out all resistance to the Federal despot- ism reared by them ; and against these were arrayed the calm, considerative classes, who could only see destruction to free gov- ernment in the policy and movements of the party that sustained the war and its further prosecution. Never in the history of the country did the people's goveni- ment exhibit itself in such odious features. Its like had alone been seen during the dark and bloody epoch of the French revo- lution. The preservation of republicanism had ever, to thinking men, seemed problematical ; and the old Federal Union was believed to have afforded the most perfect illustration of a repre- sentative Republic which was anywhere to be found upon the globe. But all through th o representative system of the American tjnion, a necessary substratum of intellectual and cultivated society, from the formation of the Constitution, had firmly held the helm of State ; and cautiously guided it amidst the rocks and quicksands of social disorder, upon which like forms of gov- ernment had been wrecked. An intelligent and polished class of society existed in the Southern States, from the peculiar race subordination of that section, wdiich produced a succession of clear-headed statesmen, in whose estimation honor and integity formed guiding stars. The plan of the Federal Union itself was the conception of these eminent men ; and its unclouded pros- perity, until 1860, was owing to the influence they exerted in the maintenance of order and the repression of corruption. But, whilst Southern statesmen formed a Union with slavery it remained as the task of the intelligence of New England and the North to form a more perfect Union, where men of all POIUITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 877 races should be equal, both socially and politically. J^orthern fanaticism, by means of the free school system, conceived this to be attainable, although in direct contravention to all anterior po- litical philosophy. Sound reason would rather have dictated a method of instruction, which would render each individual bet- ter fitted for the task and station of society, for which God and nature had chosen him ; for the statesman and the religious pre- ceptor, the highest grade of moral and scholastic culture, but for him chosen to fill the humble walks of life, the plainest elements of knowledge. Human equality was first promulgated by the Redeemer of men, in a spiritual sense, and by Thomas Jefferson, in the Declaration of Independence, as the deduction of the thought of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries^' in an ethical and philosophical sense ; yet contradistinguished from a natural and political sense. For no man of the keen sagacity, and intuition of the Virginia statesman would have been willing to stultify himself in the eyes of the scientific and philosophical world by asserting what his unclouded reason must have assured him was untrue, viz ; That all men are created equal ; as he could not but see that all men are created unequal, intellectually, physically and politically. The Hyder Alls and Pontiacs of their times are born unequal to any of their subjects ; and though devoid of all save nature's education, exert a political power that their innate superiority alone accord them. Could it be proven that the author of the declaration meant to teach the entire equality of men, he would forever stand in the light of reason and common sense, as the purest demagogue that ever attempted to delude mankind. Such a conclusion is not, however, to be assumed, without the clearest evidence to sustain it. iTatural and political inequality obtains amongst all men, because of the original endowment of creation ; and it does not disappear in a representative republican govern- ment, when it is abstractly said, that all men are born equal. Democratic equality is purely speculative, and brings to the great body of the people no greater power than the same class enjoy imder a monarchy. Power in an inertial condition, inheres, it is true, in the mass of society, but like the human body, It is ever exerted by the head of the body politic, those possessing the capacity '■Speech of R. M. T. Hunter, at the University of Virginia, on the 30th of June, 1865, p. 16. S73 A REVIEW OF THE to direct tlie social organism. It is so in all society, monarchical, aristocratical and democratical ; and this was as clearly seen by Aristotle, the philosopher, over two thousand years ago, as at the present day. But for the men whose thought controls commu- nities, eternal anarchy would reign. Political power is simply the effort of intellect directing society ; and a few thinkers per- form the task in every subdivision of government. The very superior minds control the aggregated whole of society, and the body of voters exert no more authority than the same number in the purest despotism of Asia. All the people can have, is the liberty for each individual to iill up and enjoy the full measure of his being. Good government does not depend, therefore, upon the general intelligence of the masses, but upon the supe- rior intellect, culture and virtue of the few, who are by nature fitted for rulers. The first successful effort of the abolitionized North, inde- pendent of the cultured South, to select a President, had resulted in a concession to the equalizing ideas of that section. Instead of an erudite, high-toned and honorable scholar, a tricky, jocular, village politician of mediocre capacity, was chosen to fill the seat that the most eminent citizens and educated Statesmen alone had heretofore graced. A boorish President was acceptable to parti- sans, who believed in the full equality of all men ; and, although men are necessitated to qualify themselves for the ordinary avo- cations of life, a rail-splitter and flat boatman was deemed equally as competent for President of the United States, as the most acute logician and finished Statesman. Indeed, it may be averred, as a political axiom, that modern fanaticism can neither produce nor secure the services of a Statesman of Hamiltonian or Websterian calibre. This declaration finds support, wlicn reference is made to the class of men elevated by the revolu- tionary party to Congress, and to other governmental trusts. Charles J. Ingersoll, a modern thinker, says : '* "We know, and only a great public change can account for it, that in the Revolution of 1776, a country of some three millions of people pro- duced illustrious men ; and in that of 1860 the same country, ten times as populous, did not produce one." * The unnatural, equalizing tendency of the Republican party, having originally secured a President of ordinary ability and low * Fears for Democracy, p. 121-3. POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMEEICA. 379 tastes, and a Congress likewise of nearly the same grade ; it was not to be expected that higher aspirations would guide the party in 1864 ; inasmuch as the whole social structm^e was in a condi- tion of turbulence and revolution. But, common and revolu- tionary as Abraham Lincoln had exhibited himself during his administration, he yet lacked some of the qualities that were considered at that time desirable to be possessed by the President of the United States. He did not have the lightning celerity of movement, and that utter disregard of the whole spirit of the . Constitution which the radicals desired. His common sense assured him that too great haste spoils the worh / and he waited to see the currents of opinion, before too clearly disclosing his own views. The radicalism of the President was intense, in the highest degree ; but he caused it to be temj^ered with a greater degree of caution than the extreme revolutionists desired. In pursuance of a movement inaugurated, in the winter of 1863-4, a convention of extreme radicals, who were opposed to the re-nomination of Abraham Lincoln, for President, met at Cleveland, May 31st, 1864 ; and after the adoption of a platform of principles, named John C. Fremont, as their candidate for the Presidential Chair. .And in order, the more fully, to place them- selves, in direct opposition to the President's policy, they an- nounced the doctrine, that the reconstruction of the Southern States, was a question for the consideration of Congress, rather than the Federal Executive. The extreme revolutionary charac- ter, of the sentiments of the members of this convention, was also displayed in the endorsement of the principle of confiscatino- the lands of the rebels, regardless of law and the express words of the Constitution. In this convention, Thaddeus Stevens Charles Sumner, and men of their revolutionary principles, if true men, should have been found, either in person, or by letters. Being deceivers however, they waited the assembling of another convention, which feared to avow, what its real leaders intended to carry into execution. Great numbers of the radicals, no doubt, strongly sympathized with the Cleveland convention movement ; and wished it success but were too timid, openly to commit themselves to it. They altogether doubted that it could accomplish any potent result inasmuch as the popular current in the Republican party seemed too strong in favor of Abraham Lincoln to be diverted from him 380 A REVIEW OF THE by any effort that could be made. They surmised correctly, for the Cleveland Convention scarcely produced more than a passing ripple upon the surface. The President had a large army of subordinates, who were all interested in his re-nomination ; and besides his skillful knowledge of the politician's art had enabled him to appear before the country as the man of all others, who was believed to be fitted to carry his party onwards to victory. His own remark, that it is never safe to change horses in crossing a stream, served to coin an impress upon the public mind that was now craftily utilized by him. The Republican politicians assembled at Baltimore, June 7th, 1864, to make Presidential nominations for their party, and amongst these Thaddeus Stevens appeared as a delegate to the convention. And, in order to appear consistent before the country, in view of the contemplated plan of reconstruction, which was now the kernel of radical policy, Mr. Stevens strove to the utmost of his power to exclude all delegates to the con- vention from any of the rebel States. " He declared that he had never recognized Yirginia as -being in the Union, since she passed the Ordinance of Secession ; and the applause which had greeted the delegates from those States that had spoken in the convention to-day, was to him a more dangerous element than armed rebels in the field."* In spite of the commoner's pro- test, the delegates from Tennessee, Louisiana and Arkansas, were admitted to seats in the convention, and accredited the full priv- ileges of members from other States. The Republican represe^itatives in the Baltimore Convention, announced their platform as demanding the unconditional aband- onment of all resistance to the Government, without any tender of compromise, and that slavery should no longer be tolerated by the Federal authorities as an institution of the country ; the •Emancipation Proclamation of the President, and the employ- ment of African soldiers were also approved by the party leaders. An amendment to the Constitution was likewise recommended, BO ?s finally to put an end to slavery in all of the States. But althouo-h President Lincoln had made the subject of reconstruc- tion, the capital topic of his message in December, 18GS, and, although his plan was already scouted and derided by a large section of his party, a cowardly hypocritical silence was main- *New York World, June 8th, 1864. POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 8S1 tained upon this most important point. This was the cardinal question of the time, whicli underlay all others, and which tread- ing close on the heels of military success, was first in the order of importance. It especially deserved to be unfolded by honest men, who desire nothing but the advancement of justice. The truth, however, was that the Republicans were so divided on this • subject, that any attempt to define a policy would have cleft the party asunder, and fixed a great gulph between the two seg- ments, the warm adherents of Lincoln, and the Stevens and Sumner extremists. The nomination of Abraham Lincoln, as Robert Breckenridjre, the temporary Chairman of the Baltimore Convention substan- tially expressed . it, was ^me fait accomjM, even before the assembling of that body. It simply registered the paKy determi- nation, as it had generally been arranged and understood through- out the ISTorth ; inasmuch as no other candidate could be substi- tuted, who would so heartily unite all classes of Republicans in his support. Being a man of no positive ideas, he could permit his opinions to be shaped to suit the popular gale. He, there- fore, admirably suited as the Presidential foot-ball to be played by the revolutionists, who could propel him in whatever direction they chose. A man of fixed principles was by no means a suitable instrument of the existing emergency. Besides, Abra- ham Lincoln had the sobriquet of '■'' honesV '^ appended to his name, which was well calculated to catch the unthinking herd of voters. The nomination of a candidate for Yice-President, was a mat- ter that likewise called for shrewdness at the hands of the Re- publican managers in the Baltimore Convention. Three men of early democratic faith — Andrew Johnson, of Tennessee, Han- nibal Hamlin, of Maine, and Daniel S. Dickinson, of l^ew York — were the prominent candidates for this position. The first named of these received the endorsement of the convention, in the face of the protest of Thaddeus Stevens, who saw in the *Dr. Orestes Brownson, the clear-headed thinker and philosopher, him- self a member of the Republican party, had the sagacity to perceive what the title of " honest" in American politics indicates. In a speech made by him, June 2Tth, 1864, he i-emarked that he had no confidence in any man wlio had the appendage of "honest''' to hi.'^ name, as he will in- variably be found to be '"a cunning man, a canny man, a foxy man." He also added, " There is not a more cunning man in this country than Abraham Lincoln." — New York World, June 2Sth, 1864. 883 A REVIEW OF THE nomination of this candidate a stab at his favorite tlieory of re- construction. But the valuable services to the cause of aboli- tionism, rendered by the Military Governor of Tennessee, could not be overlooked by party manipulators, who more highly prized the ignoble surrender of life cherished principles than the manly performance of honorable duty. This nomination was but in keeping with the promotion of Callicott* and others of like antecedents, who were rewarded in proportion to the low obeisance they had made to the corrupt beast of infamy that had been set up for universal homage. The selection of rulers by universal suffrage, to govern man- kind, is a republican process. It is the result of modern thought, in opposition to the piinciples of monarchy ; and designed to bestow upon all classes of men as large an amount of liberty and power as may be compatible with moral and governmental in- tegrity. Philosophical reflection, in its desire for the elevation of general humanity, up to the period of the French revolution, liad concurred in the justice of the effort to equalize men as much as possible in their social and political relations. The boil- ing, however, of the French caldron, upset the hopes of many- calm European thinkers in the capacity of man for self-govern- ment; and from that period absolutism in the old world has been surrounding itself with strong barriers, so as to prevent further outbreaks of incendiary madness and lawless revolution. But the Federal Union was the product of mod:rn thono-htj as it was molded prior to the French revolution. This Conf ederacv having been early grasped from the hands of the monarchical faction, that for a time controlled it ; under the administrations of wise rulers it was rendered the model republic of both the ancient and modern world. The extraordinary jDrosperity which it enjoyed under the principles of Democracy, was because wis- dom kept in harmony the complicated machinery of the whole system, based upon tacit, universal consent. During all this time, the turbulent, lawless and fanatical elements of societv were kept in due subordination by that succession of wise and eminent Statesmen who stepped to the helm of Government in 1800, and held the ship steady for sixty years. But the violent * Salmon P. Chase appointed ex-Speaker Callicott to official position little doubt in consideration of his base desertion of democratic princi- ples. — New York World, April 2Wi, 1864, ^ POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 883 rocking of the vessel began almost instantaneously to sliow itself with the departure of the great helmsmen, Clay, Webster and Calhoun. The false doctrine of equality had become so impressed upon the poj)ular mind, that with the retirement of these dis- tinguished Statesmen, nearly every newspaper reader conceived himself as equally competent to rule the nation as the elected representatives of the people. Free schools in the iTorth had done their fancied work ; they had educated a nation of States- men ; and the millennial days of freedom were yet in store for the republic With such thoughts, the Korthern people having originally elevated Abraham Lincoln to the Presidencj'', not because of his intellectual superiority, but because of liis representing the ruling sentiments of his section ; it was uot to be expected that another than he or his like, would be the Presidential nominee of the Kapublican party in 1864. Reason had be3n discomiite 1 in the election of 1860, and being fully dethroned, was in banishment in 1864. Popular election being the mode during pacific times, which wise men in State and Federal compacts had agreed upon for the choice of rulers, to whom the reins of power were to be entrusted, would this same method promote liberty and equity when these Constitutions were overthrown, and a period of dis- order had seized the country ? Such was the condition of affairs, when Lincoln and Johnson were nominated at Baltimore, as candidates for President and Vice-President of the United States. Republican success in 1860, was due to the political prostitution of former Whig and Demo- cratic leaders to the abolitionized sentiments of the North, already pregnant with revolution and constitutional downfall. But as the pretended foes of slavery extension, and the courtiers of popular opinions, had been exalted to high seats in the temr)le of Mammon, was it probable thit in 1861, they would abandon their seats, after having caused hundreds of thousands of deluded soldiers to be drowned in seas of blood and carnage, to sustain the non-compromise policy of knaves and madmen. Again, the party that had grasped power in 1860, under the watchwords of economy and reform, was now necessi- tated to defend, not the annual expenditure of seventy mil- lions of dollars for the support of the Government, but of one thousand millions. Delightful economists and reformers in 884 A REVIEW OF THE truth ! The party also, that had through the thousands of utter- ances of its leaders, proclaimed that no danger was to be appre- hended from the secession of the Sonthern States, was now compelled to face an unsubdued rebellion of near four years duration. And the men who came into power vituperating and vilifying Democratic Administrations as having been dishonestly conducted, were since their advent to place, busily engaged in rearing a pagoda of fraud, iniquity and corruption, such as the civilized world had never before contemplated. The Eepublican party, although boasting itself of its Christian designs and moral purposes, was the great destroyer of principle amongst the American people. Its organization rested upon the perversion of man's moral nature, the basis of which is truth. Its secret, but unavowed objects, had attracted to its folds, the infidel clergy and statesmen of the Korth, whose numbers are legion and whose God is humanity. The party from its orio-in, was the emboa.iment of conscious untruth in pretend- ino- that its only object war. to prevent the extension of slavery into free territory ; whereas, from ita organization, it aimed at the complete extirpation of the institution, even where it had a constitutional existence. The personal liberty bills also had been enacted upon the pretence that these were for the protection of the citizens of the free States ; yet, the sole object of these, though violating the Constitution, was to prevent the return of fugitive slaves. During the war again, the Republican party pretended to regard the emancipation of the slaves as a military necessity, when in truth it only meant to take advantage of th<^ war to accomplish its original object. It also pretended to regard Dei^ocrats as traitors ; but this was assumed simply to render them odious, and drive them from power. This method of ostra- cism, proved indeed a valuable aid to the revolutionists. During the whole war, indeed, falsehood colored the utterances of the Republican press, so as to delude the people concerning the pro- gress and movements of tl;e national arms. Oaths were not bindino- upon the consciences of the President, Cabinet Ministers, Senators or Congressmen, who subscribed to a higher law than the Constitution. Plighted faith was no longer required to be observed, according to the principles of those who sought by all means the eradication of the hated Southern institution. From the head of the nation, therefore, to the lowest party subaltern, POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 385 almost, deception and fraud were employed to further the cause for which war had been made against the South. These and other influences necessarily germinated the festering corruption and demoralization, that arose all over the J^orth in gigantic forms, after the installation of the Republican party ; and which threatened to bury humanity in a night of universal gloom. But the deluge had come ; the foundations of the great deep of society were broken up, and coustitutional ruin and prostration were everywhere visible. The anarchical mob of the North was ruling the nation, both in the Cabinet and upon the field. The Baltimore Convention was its selection, and the candidates its choice. Law, liberty and order were subordinated to the dictates of fanatical propagandism and revolutionary freedom. And it even militated nothing adversely to Abraham Lincoln, the favor- ite of the social dregs, that he had the courage at length to avow his infamous conduct in violating the Federal Constitution. In his letter of April 6th, 1864, to Colonel Hodges, he said : *' I felt that measures, otherwise unconstitutional, might become law- ful by becoming indispensable to the preservation of the Constitution, through the preservation of the nation. Right or wrong, I a isumed this ground, and now avow it." Society being at this time, in a condition almost of chaotic anarchy and tumultuous disorder, public opinion was no fair index of the intelligent reflection of the reasoning classes, who must always guide the ship of government, or ruin invariably ensues. And as occurred in the French revolution, in the change of attitude by Mirabeau, La Fayette and others, the thoughtful men of the North, who could descry the maelstrom of social overthrow that the vessel of State was- approaching, left (as before remarked) the Republican party in considerable numbers, after the commencement of the war ; but for every one of this character that deserted the organization of fanaticism, two of an opposite kind came to it from the Democracy, now likewise become imbued with the spirit of revolution. A bitter partisan press was all the time fanning the flames of hatred against the South, and urging onwards the Northern armies to finish the work of destruction in which they were engaged. The anti-war Democrats were pointed out as sympathisers with the Southern rebels, who were drenching the fields of the Republic in the best blood of its citizens, patriotically fighting in defence of the life 286 A REVIEW OF THE ©f the nation. The unreflecting democrat, whose son had fallen at Chancellorsville or Getttysburg,. was stirred to rage when told that his party friends were opposed to the war against the peo- ple's eneniiesv He conld not see that it was the wicked refusal of the Kepublican leaders to compromise the difiiculties with the Southern people, which had impelled the sections into deadly conflict, and the same which had prolonged it, and flooded the land with blood. In tills state o-f sentiment, there existed but little probability that the Democrats could do more than protest against the acts and policy of the Administration party. But that they should resist, was in the nature of things ; for do not all oppose those injuring them, if they have the power to do so I The Democratic party perceived that war was anti-republican and suicidal to the principles of free government ; and they should have been false to the instincts of humanity not to have expressed their disap- probation of a further prosecution of the war. Accordingly, on the 29th of August, 1864, the ISTational Convention of this party assembled in Chicago, and resolved in favor of a cessation of hostilities, in order that peace and the Union might ultimately be restored by pacific remedies. And as the dictate of reason and true republican sentiment, tliis resolution must ever stand justi- fied before the world and the intelligence of coming ages. The large majority of the members of this convention, were decided peace men, and made but little concealment of their views. But a portion of the delegates viewed the platform as entirely too strong a committal in favor of peace ; and to coun- terbalance this, they insisted upon the expediency of nominating a war Democrat, as the party candidate for the Presidency. The name of General George B. McClellan was presented to the con- A^ention, amidst great applause ; and being known to be very popular with the masses of the party, he received the nomina- tion. This candidate was, however, by no means the choice of the avowed peace men, and was accepted by them with considerable reluctance. Could the reverse of that have been expected, when the peninsular hero's participation in the illegal arrest of the Maryland Legislature was as yet unforgotten. George H. Pen- dleton, a peace man, was settled by this convention as the Demo- cratic candidate for Yice-President. General McClellan'a letter of acceptance had the effect of POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 387 deadening Democratic enthusiasm in his support. The military chieftain carried his martial autocracy with him in his letter accepting the nomination ; and laid down an interpretation of the platform of his party which was agreeable to himself. But his letter evinced a base truckling to the corrupted war sentiment of the ]N"orth ; and the party should at once have repudiated him as its nominee, and selected a true representative of Democratic principles, who could have aroused Avarm enthusiasm in his sup- port. There were indeed mutterings heard ; but the Democracy had become too far demoralized under the guidance of selfish leaders to be capable of bold action. There were yet Spartan bands in its ranks in abundance, but competent leaders were wanting to unite and lead them to victory, or even honorable defeat. But even the apparent united array of the old party, that had so long borne victory upon its banners, was terrifying to the enemy. A closing up of ranks was at once ordered. Fremont and his retiring followers deemed it also prudential to return to the fold in order that fanaticism united, might be able to grapple with the common foe. The campaign was short and spirited upon one side alone. Genuine enthusiasm was lacking in the breasts of the Anti-war Democracy. The candidate was tar- nished in the eyes of true men, having fought the battles of the wicked despotism that was overthrowing the liberties of the country. The Republican leaders, on the contrary, were buoyant with en- thusiasm in anticipation of the victory of might over right. The legions of infidelity, malice and rapine, were moving their serried columns to the battle that was to crown them victors over equity and plighted compact. The spirit of intuition appeared to the Demo- cratic freemen of the North, and audibly whispered in their tents, before the onset began, " I will meet the at PMllippiP On November 8th, 1864, the battle was fought, and constitutionalism was prostrated upon the Western continent. Abraham Lincoln was again elected President, carrying the electoral vote of every State considered in the Union, except three — New Jersey, Delaware and Kentuckyr Over four hun- dred thousand of a popular majority endorsed his election. The anarchical mob-spirit of the North had again triumphed over reason and reflection ; and the party, which was regardless of 388 A REVIEW OF THE law and order, had anew seized the hehn of Government. The exhausted youth of the South, now alone stayed the oppressor's advance. Should their resistance at length be fully overcome, the Juggernaut of Northern incendiary fanaticism, would then roll its hideous figure over the prostrate form of constitutional government. POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 380 CHAPTER XXIV FANATICISM TRIUMPHS. The tide of warfare and invasion still continued to swell, and was rapidly submerging in a sea of blood, section after section of the Southern States. The available military strength from the old Dominion to Texas, had been conscripted to repel the hated Yankee invaders ; the chiv^alric armies of defense were greatly reduced in numbers, and still further melting away in daily colli- sions with the enemy ; and no avenues now remained open that promised replenishment to the i-apidly exhausting Confederacy- The spirit and courage that had shown themselves upon a hun- dred battle-fields were yet unconquered, but the rolling waves of fresh levies from the Korth were advancing with steady move, and promised to prostrate in a general overthrow the still struggling remnants of the Southern armies. Cut off from the outside world, the Confederate defensive strength must alone be raised upon their own soil, and their armies replenished from their own citizens. The American sectional struggle, being the commencement upon the Western Continent of the great battle of Communism with capital and stable government, the Red Republicans of the old world lent all their influence to the cause of the revolution- ists, throwing their weight into the abolition scale by enlisting themselves in tens of thousands in the Northern armies. Europe imported its exuberant sans culotU population upon our shores ; fanaticism turned the negro slaves of the South into conscripting fields; and from these two sources, the Northern military strength in a large measure was steadily replenished. But the conquest of the Southern rebels had not taken place in sixty days, as had been promised. The negroes of the South now proved a valua- ble reserve, upon which the war party of the Korth could fall back, and red republicanism also arose in demand to assist in the 890 A REVIEW OF THE completion of the work that had at first been sneered at as a matter of insignificance. That abolitionism and communism should have united in our sectional struggle, was altogether natural, inasmuch as they had like aspirations, being sisters of a common patronage. Both followed the movement of modern free thought, which for ages had desired to reach in governmental spheres, the practical equali- zation of humanity. To strive, however, for full human equality was to endeavor to remove what the inscrutable wisdom of Diety, for certain reasons, had implanted in nature. And those who did so, influenced by logical reasoning, were they for the most part, who were unwilling to recognize the existence of a Supreme Creator and ruler of men ; and their desire was to remo^^e all the inequalities, which the creative mind had left upon the face of universal being. They were those who officiously set themselv^es up as wiser than the Divine Lawgiver, and as competent to rec- tify the work of His hands. Freedom itself has been the conception of the philosophical thought of the world ; and an attribute of those alone who have been able to comprehend and enjoy it. It has been the birth- right of the few in all ages and countries ; and so will it ever remain. The great mass of mankind are born either tyrants or slaves, both being endowed with like characteristics. For the slave becomes the most unrelenting task-master, when circum- stances have elevated him from his former menial condition ; and the tyrant, in turn, readily sinks to a state of servitude, when reverses of fortune have overtaken him. It is only he whom nature has endowed v/ith the principles of freedom, who stubbornly resists the condition of slavery, in • which his birth may have placed him ; and who makes incessant effort to relieve himself from the chains of bondage. The great bulk of man- kind do not realize the bondage of their creation ; and hence thay make no effective effort to relieve themselves from it. Freedom does not consist in being relieved from the necessity of manual labor, but in the right to think, speak and act as a moral intelligence. Esop and Epictetus, the philosophers, were free men, though occupying the condition of slavery. He alone is a free man, whom his moral and intellectual qualities make free. And he is one, again, who only asks from others what he would be willing to extend were circumstances changed ; but seeing the POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA, 391 inequality implanted upon the face of creation, wisdom admon- ishes him to permit the laws of destiny to remain unquestioned as thej are fixed. Free government, likewise being the product of philosophical thought, has hitherto sunk, because too large a proportion of mankind have ever permitted themselves to be made the shaves of designing tyrants, who care alone for their own promotion and success. The .ancient Republics of Greece and Kome disap- peared, because their freemen were too few in numbers to defend them a,gainst the natural foes of their existence. Centralization, the antipodal force to freedom, from the origin of governi;^en't, has been active and has alwa,ys succeeded in submerging free institutions in the abyss of des2X>tism, During the middle ages, also, the Teutonic intellect succeeded in establishing free repub- lics and an enlargement of freedom in different pai'ts of Europe ; but all thesp were overthrown in the centralizing movements that reared absolute monarchies in France, Spain, England and elsewhere, about the close of the fifteenth century. The tyrants pretended to enlarge the liberties of the lower classes, in order' to entice them to their support ; and by means of the aid thus obtained they were enabled to prostrate freedom in one common ruin, and ride in triumph over those whose services they had so treacherously subsidized. And in the alliance between abolitionism and the communistic element of Europe, free government in the Western world was again assailed by enemies who appeared in the habiliments of Con- federates. These foes stood forth as the friends of freedom and universal humanity; and professed the most sincere love for America and her institutions. The attitude, however, which these assumed, clearly demonstrated that their zeal outstripping their wisdom, rendered them like Matthison and John of Leyden, the enemies of social order and constitutional law; and that their efforts to extend freedom beyond its natural limits, would in the end turn out to be labor in vain and purely abortiva And worse than this would follow, as it was perceived, that these super- serviceable efforts would prove the suicidal, and destroy even liberty of those worthy of it ; and as had happened in other ages, aid in centralizing all the power of the government, and ultimately lead to the establishment of an empire where the peace- ful and prosperous Republic of America had flourished. Zd2 A REVIEW OF THE A tendency to ccntralizatian, as before observed, had existed from the origin of the Federal Union ; and it was one, which of all others, distinguished the Federal party and its successors from their opponent, through all the periods of our history. Against this trait of Federalism, the Democratic party early arrayed itself, and steadfastly adhered to this position ; and, although it was the party of the humble classes, and the one wliich might have been supposed most likely to sympathize in all efforts to elevate mankind ; yet comprising in its ranks a body of philosoph- ical thinkers, whom principle alone detained, it was not strange that it ever remained the Constitutional party of the country, whit'li was opposed to all useless aims of fanatical zeal. The Democratic party was indeed, from its origin, the exponent of the most enlarged freedom of which men are capable. It was the one that made our country the home of the oppressed of all nations, and which strove by means of constitutional law to afford them all the means by which they might uninterruptedly work out their own destiny. It, however, never accepted the theory of the universal equality of all races of men. But Cau- casian equality, in a certain sense, having been the established theory upon which the government was framed, this was accepted as the embodiment of the largest practical liberty that was attain- able. The Democratic was, therefore, simply the Constitutional parly of the nation. Having been such, then, rather than a sans culotte Democracy ^ v/hich its name might have implied; when the fanatical and rev- olutionary element of the country had developed itself to strength, and, like the tyrants of Europe, sought to subvert the funda- mental theory of government, under the hypocritical cry of universal Democracy, it was natural that the party of Jefferson should stand by the constitutional institutions of the Republic. It thus exhibited itsolf as consistent with its early record, and opposed to the destructive principles of fanaticism and com- munism ; both of which ever lie in wait for the overthrow of all established government when an opportunity presents itself. The uneasy, agitating and revolutionary elements of Europe, led by Victor Hugo, Garibaldi, and others of like character, were very naturally, therefore, in sympathetic accord with American fanaticism. The British Eed Eepublican classes were so grati- fied with the re-election of Abraham Lincoln, that a large body POLITICAL CONFLICT IN AMERICA. 393 of tliem in a letter, promptly congratulated the successful can- didate upon his political success. Fanaticism in America, fortified as it was, therefore, in the affections of the unreflecting millions of Europe, was a force of nearly invincible power. It is ever such in its nature, being propelled by the emotions rather than by the reason of mankind. What else furnished the crusaders the material, that j^rolonged for centuries their struggles for the conquest of the holy land I The thirty years' war of Germany was inspiritea by that ever living principle of the human breast ; and the blood that flowed on Saint Bartholomew's night, and which moistened the soil of Prance, Spain and the Netherlands for ages, was siied by this active enemy of human repose. Did not, indeed, leading Abo- litionists openly declare that nothing could justify the flooding of American fields with crimson gore, except the principle which had produced the war ? And what was that principle, as they themselves confessed it, but that urging of the equality of all mankind ? In behalf of this, then, European and American fanatics were united. This union could not, therefore, be but almost omnipotent and resistless. Fanaticism was the ruling force during the middle ages, and down to the peace of Westphalia. But philosophic reason rose to the helm about this period. The principles of Des Cartes and Bacon, taught men that when two religious parties of antago- nistic principles live in the same country, it is the dictate of wis- dom, that the one do yield to the other, so far as that they can live together in peace, rather than in a state of perpetual war- fare. It was perceived that conquering a people does not lead to the change of their opmions, but rather intensifies them in their former notions. Fanatical and religious wars disappeared as the consequence of such views, from the face of Europe; and the adjudication of questions of this nature, was remitted to the forum of reason and sound iudgment. The peace of Munster inaugurated in government the era of religious .oleration. Compromise, from this period, settled what before had been re- ferred to the arbitrament of arms. But as Christianity, the religion of peace, haa been perverted by fanaticism into one of enthusiastic zeal and bloodshed, so was tiie philosophy of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries changed by the like influence into revolution and governmental 394 k REVIEW OP THE rnin. Tlie same classes of men who, Tipori the religious arena, had converted the divine love of the master into bloody fervor, novs?^ entered the department of social life, and corrupted the princij)les of pure thought in the furnace of the French revolu- tion. Excessive zeal and fanatical ardor, threatened during this eventful period, to overturn all sound government in an abyss of social destruction ; and it was simply owing to the sagacious wis- dom of European Statesmen, that the current of fanaticism, now found in the new channel, was able to be successfully stemmed. The stream of fury, crime and madness was at length stopped, but numerous lessons were written by the hand of destiny for the edification of future ages. Fanaticism ever perfoims acts of kindred character. Doing the bidding of emotion, it never consults reason, and hence its work is hastily and imperfectly executed. Being the quality of feminine minds, it moves without the guidance of reflective thought, which is needed to direct human action. American ab- olitionism being of like quality with other fanaticisms, its move- ments in the war against the South must likewise be similar. And so indeed did it show itself. Having refused all tenders of amicable settlement and compromise between the sections, before the outbreak of hostilities, it was not to be supposed these pa- cific modes would be embraced after the demon of battle had lit up the flames of sectional strife. Death must continue his work of destruction, or the zeal of the invaders would not be satisfied. Instead of terms of adjustment being considered, the c