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 6 70 
 
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nECOBD OF THE NEW lOflK DEMOCBATIC tONVEIIIlO 
 
 TREASON AND DEMOCRACY 
 
 ONE AND INDIVISABLK" 
 
 WHO ARE THE LEADERS ? 
 
 PUBLISHED BY THE UNION REPUBLICAN CONGRESSIONAL COVMlTTEE, WASHINGTON. D, 0. 
 
 PRELUDE. 
 
 The character of the Democratic Na- 
 tional Convention has often been com- 
 mented on. In the following summary of 
 the histories of the leading delegates 
 therein will be found a concentrated ex- 
 hibit pf their treason and treachery to 
 American liberty and nationality, which 
 must convince all who read that out of the 
 success of their policy no result can come 
 other than a renewal of civil war, and if 
 successful, a restoration of slavery, with, 
 finally, the overthrow of the Republic. 
 
 ALABAMA 
 
 Had eighteen delegates, among them C. 
 C. Langdon, of Mobile, member of the 
 Confederate Congress, editor of one of the 
 bitterest rebel sheets in the South, who was 
 chairman of the Committee of Platform. 
 In a speech, delivered at Mobile, he called 
 upon "God to pity the Southern man who 
 should take the test oath." A bitter and 
 unrepentant rebel, who has done and is i 
 doing his utmost to provoke another war. 
 
 Lewis E. Parsons was another. Parsons 
 is an original "carpet bagger," from Massa- , 
 chusetts. A professed Unionist when the ' 
 rebellion begun, he was soon after a Sen- i 
 ator in the rebel State legislature, and I 
 while there introduced and carried bills i 
 confiscating the property and outlawing 
 the persons of the Union men of the i 
 State. After the surrender he was made 
 Provisional Governor by Mr. .Johnson, 
 and was one of his faithful henclimen. 
 Parsons has netted considerable by pardon 
 brokerage; is a notorious breeder of strife, 
 
 and would, if his courage equalled his de- 
 sire, like to reinaugurate civil war. 
 
 Reuben Chapman, an ex-Governor of 
 Alabama, was an original secessionist; is 
 still a bitter rebel, and when the late "on- 
 pleasautness" occurred, declared that he 
 would himself drink, all the blood to be 
 shed. He was one of the Convention's 
 vice-presidents. 
 
 John A. Winston commanded a regiment 
 of rebel inHintry; was an original sup- 
 porter of Yancey, and went to Arkansas 
 as commissioner from Alabama, to induce 
 the former State to join the secession 
 movement. 
 
 J. T. H'^ltzclaw was a brigadier in the 
 rebel 9-iiny- W. C. Gates was a rebel 
 colonel. W. A. Barnes was a member of 
 the Alabama convention and signed the 
 ordinance of secession. M. J. BuJger was 
 a rebel colonel. 
 
 J. H. Clanton was a rebel general. He 
 is a leader in the "Young Democracy," as 
 those rebels arc termed who favor renewed 
 civil war. He is active, violent, foul- 
 mouthed, ''.nd has recently declared in a 
 public speech that he was going "to head 
 another rebellion." 
 
 Samuel Rofiin was a rebel officer. John 
 J. Jolly was a rebel colonel. William M. 
 Lowe was a rebel conscript oflicer, and the 
 bitterest persecutor of the Unionists of 
 Northern Alabama known to them. He 
 is known to have made frequent use of 
 bloodhounds in following lleeing Union 
 men. James L. Sheffield voted for seces- 
 sion as a member of the State convention, 
 
 V- 
 
 ^n 
 

 and afterwards fought for it as colonel of a 
 jebel regiment. 
 
 R. O. Picket was a colonel in the rebel 
 'army, employed in the conscript bureau, 
 and is now an open advocate of another re- 
 bellion. He declares that he will "not live 
 under the United States Government." He 
 was in charge of conscription in Northern 
 Alabama, and committed outrageous and 
 infamous cruelties. 
 
 Thomas McClellen was a member of the 
 Tebel State legislature, and afterward in the 
 rebel army, losing an arm in the attempt to 
 destroy the Union. 
 
 ARKANSAS 
 
 had ten delegates in the convention. A. 
 H. Garland has been a Representative in 
 the United States Congress, was a member 
 of the rebel Congress, and a brigadier gene- 
 ral in the conf'e-derate army. He was 
 elected to the United States Senate by John- 
 son's provisional government. 
 
 E. C. Boudinot is a Ciierokee Indian. 
 Outlawed with his fiimily by tbat nation on 
 account of murder and treachery to their 
 interest, he became a citizen of Arkansas; 
 was secretary of tlie secession convention, 
 and was afterward a delegate in the con- 
 federate Congress from the rebel Cherokees. 
 
 J. S. Dunham was an active secessionist, 
 and Robert A. Howard is a Northern "car- 
 pet-bagger," who claims to have been a cap- 
 tain in'^the regular army, but is charged 
 with never having reported to his regiment 
 for duty. 
 
 DELAWAllE'S 
 
 Senator James A. Biiyajd, was a member 
 -of the Committee onTlatform, and claims 
 •to have urged the declaration that the re- 
 construction acts are "unconstitutional, 
 revolutionary, and void." He left his seat 
 in the Senate rather than take the test- 
 oath. On the 30th of March, 1861, Mr. 
 Bayard offered the following: 
 
 Rewlved by the Senate of the United States, 
 That the President, by and with the advice 
 and consent of the Senate, has full power and 
 authority to accept the declaration of the 
 seceding States that they constitute hereafter 
 an alien people, and to negotiate and conclude 
 a treaty with the confederate States of America 
 acknowledging their independence as a sepa- 
 rate nation. 
 
 Before that, on the ICth of January, 1861, 
 Mr. Bayard voted against a resolution de- 
 claring that any hopes of constructing a new 
 government were "dangerous, illusory, and 
 destructive," and that "to the maintenance 
 of the existing Union and Constitution 
 should be directed all the energies of all 
 the departments of the Government and 
 and the eiTorts of all good citizens." To j 
 prove that he was not such a one he voted 
 no. On the 17th of July, 1863, he voted 
 against an important war measure, and 
 continued in the same spirit while he re- 
 mained in the Senate. Re has returned to 
 the Senate, having taken the test oath; but 
 
 is as bitterly pro-rebel in sentiment as ever. 
 
 FLORIDA 
 
 sent as delegates, among others, A. J. 
 Peeler, who was a captain in the rebel 
 army; F. R. Cotton, a rebel commissary; 
 Wilkinson McCall, rebel adjutant general; 
 J. P. Sanderson, author of Florida seces- 
 sion ordinance, and always a prominent 
 fire-eater. 
 
 C. E. Dyke, rebel captain, in command 
 of garrison at Andersonville. He gave his 
 soldiers thirty days' furlough for every pris- 
 oner shot. Under him the guards were per- 
 mitted to fire into the stockade upon our 
 defenceless men. He allowed his men to 
 rob the prisoners when brought in. He 
 stole the provisions and supplies sent from 
 the North by the Sanitary and Christian 
 Commissions and the friends of prisoners. 
 
 He was also the proprietor of a Florida 
 paper, and wrote to it after the evacuation 
 of Rome, Georgia, by our troops, on seeing 
 some captured Union soldiers hung, that 
 "it did a patrioVs heart good to see their 
 stinkinrj carcasses' hanging to the limbs of 
 trees.'" He is a friend of Seymour and 
 Blair. 
 
 W. L. Barnes, a rebel major. R. H. 
 Smith, a captain of rebel cavalry. The 
 balance of the delegation were all in the 
 rebel army. One surgeon, W. H. Robinson, 
 is noted for refusing to let wounded Union 
 soldiers be cared for. One, E. C. Love, 
 was a rebel circuit judge, and a relentless 
 persecutor of the Florida Unionists. 
 
 GEORGIA'S 
 
 delegation was abodyof pronounced rebels 
 and reactionaries. Their leading man was 
 Judge Benjamin H. Hill, a former membei 
 of Congress, and of the confederate house 
 of representatives. Of all the prominent 
 leaders of the Rubel Democracy, Hilt is the 
 most intolerant, bitter, proscriptive, denun- 
 ciatory, and violent. He is more responsi- 
 ble than any other man in Georgia for the 
 the spirit now displayed there. J. B. Gor- 
 don was a rebel major general. He was 
 the Democratic candidate for Governor re- 
 cently. A. R. Wright was a member of 
 the rebel congress. 
 
 KENTUCKY 
 
 had a delegation of bold and defiant advo- 
 cates of a new rebellion. W. B. Machen 
 claimed to be a member of the rebel con- 
 gress, having first voted for an ordinance 
 of secession at a peripatetic convention 
 which tried to take Kentucky out ot the 
 Union. William Preston was a rebel gen- 
 eral, and also in the civil service of the 
 confederacy. He enthusiastically seconded 
 the nomination of Frank P. Blair, Jr , for 
 the second Democratic nomination, B. F. 
 Buck-ner, a rebel major general, captured 
 at Fort Donelson, by U. S. Grant and the 
 Federal troops under him, now editor of 
 the Louisville Courier, and a violent reac- 
 
lionary. Lucius Desha was a rebel briga- 
 dier. 
 
 MAKYLAND 
 
 liad amoDg her delegates Iliram McCul- 
 lougli, Representative in Congress On 
 the 19lh of December, 1865, he voted "no" 
 on a proposed amendment prohibiting the 
 laying of a tax or impost by any State or 
 by the General Government for the pay- 
 ment of liabilities incurred in any rebel- 
 lion against the Union, On the 30th of 
 April, 18GG, he voted against a similar 
 proposition, and on the 11th of June, 18G0, 
 against a resolution directing the retention 
 in custody of Jefferson Davis. 
 
 Stevenson Archer, a rebel sympathizer, 
 was a delegate. Ho is a member of Con- 
 gress, and has always voted in the pro- 
 rebel interest. 
 
 MJSSISSIPPI 
 
 sent a delegation intensely disloyal in 
 character. Every member of it was in 
 the rebellion. All are actively employed 
 • in the service of the one led by Blair, 
 Wade Hampton & Co. 
 
 W. S. Featherstone, always a prominent 
 Southern States rights advocate, was rebel 
 commissioner to Kentucky in 1861 for the 
 purpose ot urging secession upon that State. 
 
 E. M. Yerger was a colonel in the rebel 
 army ; is now editor of the Jackson 
 Clarion, the leading Seymour and Blair 
 organ in Mississippi. Yerger was a mem- 
 ber of the secession convention, and is 
 altogether a good representative of the 
 Southern politician. He was a promi- 
 nent member of the Johnson-Doolittle 
 Philadelphia Convention of 1860, and was 
 equally so at Tammany Hall. In a ratifi- 
 cation at New York this rebel colonel 
 said : " We fought you four years on the 
 battle-field, and were honest ; but, when 
 we tendered you the hand of friendship, it 
 was not grasped in that spirit. On the 
 contrary, I am now under the most dam- 
 nable despotism ever borne by men, and, 
 as for your Union of blood and plunder , of 
 oppression and tyranny, a Union headed hy 
 the nsurpimj cabal called Congress, why I 
 hate it! I spit upon it! ^'' The best evidence 
 of the tyranny he denounced so savagely 
 being lound in his ability to do it unmo- 
 lested, and in the fact that the unhung 
 traitor lives to plot new treason. 
 
 Edward Barksdale is a former and fore- 
 sworn member of Congress, a rebel general 
 and member of the confederate Congress, 
 and is still a violent opponent of the peace- 
 ful reconstruction of a Union he for a life- 
 time labored to destroy. 
 
 LOUISIANA 
 
 had a full delegation of rebels. Durant 
 Duponte was a rebel officer on the staff 
 of Magruder. He is a lawyer by pro- 
 fession, and a shining light in the radical 
 Democracy of that State. Louis St. Martin 
 is one of the original secessionists. The 
 
 remaining delegates were all active seces- 
 sionists, and most of them served the rebel- 
 lion in the field. 
 
 KORTH CAROLINA 
 
 had a full delegation of rebels. Z. B. Vance 
 is the most virulent and best known. He 
 was formerly in Congress, left his seat to 
 go into the rebellion, and was the first 
 rebel governor. Under his administration 
 the Union men were pursued with bitterest 
 malignity; hundreds were imprisoned and 
 many killed; the conscription was merci- 
 less. He is known as the most vindictive 
 "rabble rouser" in the South. In a speech 
 to rebel soldiers he told them to "ram hell 
 so full of Yankees that their feet would 
 stick out of the windows," an infernal 
 sentiment, most appropriately expressed. 
 After the Democratic nominations, Vanoe 
 said, at a ratification meeting in Richmond, 
 Virginia, that "lohat the confederacy fought 
 for xoould be won by the election o) Sey- 
 mour and Blair.'''' As it appears that the 
 real object was to "ram hell full of Yan- 
 kees," according to Vance, at least, so 
 the triumph of Seymour and Blair must 
 necessarily result in an indefinite prolonga- 
 tion of that nouthern pastime. 
 
 W. H. N. Smith was a member of Con- 
 gress when rebellion begun, and left his 
 seat to support treason. M. W. Ransom 
 and W. L. Cox were rebel major generals. 
 The first resigned the attorney generalship 
 of the State to enter the rebel army. 
 
 D. M. Carter was a rebel colonel and a 
 military judge. Under his direction scores 
 of Union men were hung. After reconstruc- 
 tion begun he iavored it, but having been 
 unable to win the confidence of the loyal 
 voters, like other dogs, he returned to his 
 disloyal vomit. 
 
 Delegates P. H. Winston, R. II. Smith, 
 Robert Strange, W. A. Wright, John F. 
 Hoke, W. J. Green, R. B. Haywood, I. M, 
 Leach, Thomas L. Clingman, were all olfi- 
 cers in the rebel army, and most of them 
 prominent. J. F. lloke was a major gen- 
 eral. He captured four hundred Union 
 soldiers belonging to a North Carolina regi- 
 ment, and ordered most of them shot as 
 deserters. The orders were carried out. 
 
 Clingman was United States Senator, 
 and left the capital to precipitate his State 
 into rebellion. Before doing so he had the 
 impudence to offer, on the 20th of March, 
 1861, a resolution declaring it to be expe- 
 dient for the President to withdraw ail 
 troops from the seceding States, and to re- 
 frain from all attempts to collect revenue 
 in their midst. Leech, meutioi.ed above, 
 was a rebel colonel, dismissed from the 
 service on account of cowardice. 
 
 SOUTH CAROLINA— WADE HAMPTON DIC- 
 TATES THE UEMOCKATIC POLICY 
 
 led, in Tammany Hall, and leads in the 
 new as she did in the former rebellion. 
 Wade Hampton, author of the chief plank 
 
in the Democratic platform, was an active 
 and prominent reljel soldier from the first 
 Bull Run battle until after the surrender. 
 He was a dashing cavalry general, but is 
 best known for his infamous violation of 
 the laws of war in hanging captured forag- 
 ers of Sherman's army during the march 
 through South Carolina. He refused to 
 give his parole until long after other rebel 
 commanders retired from the field. When 
 Hampton and his colleagues were on their 
 way to New York a visit was made to Lee, 
 at his college. At a banquet given them, 
 the South Carolinian said : " The cause for 
 which Stonewall Jackson fell cannot be in 
 vain, but will yet in some form triumph." 
 At New York he served on the Committee 
 on Platform, and introduced and carried 
 the declaration, "That we (the Demo- 
 cracy) regard the reconstruction acts (so 
 called) of Congress as usurpations and un- 
 constitutional, revolutionary, and void." 
 At a ratification mee'.ing in the metropolis, 
 he urged his hearers to declare "that these 
 votes (meaning those of the rebels alone) 
 shall be counted, and if there is a majority 
 of white votes that you will place Seymour 
 and Blair in the White House in spite of all 
 the bayonets that shall be brought against 
 them." Since he returned to South Caro- 
 lina, this Hotspur has been engaged in mak- 
 ing moderate (?) speeches, of which the fol- 
 lowing, with reference to colored voters) 
 is a fair specimen : 
 
 Try to convince the negro that we are his 
 real friends; but, if he will not be convinced, 
 and is still joined to his idols, convince him at 
 least that he must look to those idols whom 
 he serves as his gods to feed and clothe him. 
 Agree among yourselves, and act firmly on 
 this belief, that you will not employ any one 
 who votes the Radical ticket. 
 
 How like old times that sounds ! when 
 Governor Pickens, of the same State, de- 
 clared, in the House of Representatives, 
 that " all society settles down into capital- 
 ists and laborers. The former will own 
 the latter, either collectively through the 
 government or individually through a state 
 of domestic servitude;" when Governor 
 McDuffie declared that "the four recurring 
 subdivisions," into which he said free 
 .society branched, consisted of "the hire- 
 ling, the beggar, the thief, and the prosti- 
 tute,"— classes which had no existence 
 "unless there had been a commencement 
 of emancipation. " Wade Hampton's ad- 
 vice is a piece of the same insolence that 
 made Governor Hammond declare our 
 Northern mechanics to be but the "mud- 
 sills of society," and allowed Keilt to 
 affirm, in the Plouse of Representatives, 
 that "free society was a failure." Work- 
 ing men will not fail to see that Wade 
 Hampton's mode of advocating Seymour 
 and Blair is in direct and legitimate suc- 
 cession to the bold declaration that "capi- 
 tal should own labor," made by the oli- 
 garchy when in their zenith. 
 
 B. F. Perry was chairman of the Pal- 
 metto State delegation. He is more no- 
 torious for his latter day advocacy of trea- 
 son than for his support of the rebellion, 
 though he has boasted of having given 
 son, horse, and fifty dollars to the confed- 
 erate cause. He served as a rebel judge 
 and chief of the rebel impressment bureau, 
 but was made, by Andrew Johnson, Pro- 
 visional Governor of South Carolina. He 
 has been a prominent pardon broker, as 
 well as constant mouther of sedition. 
 Perry, more than any other man in the 
 South, except B. F. Hill, of Georgia, is re- 
 sponsible for the rebel revival there. 
 
 James Chesnutt was United States Sena- 
 tor when secession begun. He was also 
 a confederate senator. J. A. Inglis framed 
 the ordinance of secession. W. L. Bon- 
 ham, an original secessionist, was a rebel 
 general. J. S. Preston was a rebel general, 
 and took an early and active part in bring- 
 ing on hostilities. He was also chief of the 
 confederate conscription bureau. At the 
 Lee banquet, before referred to, Preston 
 said, "that Virginia depended upon her 
 son's to avenge the wrongs of their fathers;" 
 referring, doubtless, to the deaths they met 
 in defending the slaveholders rebellion. 
 
 Wiliam A. Burt is one of Johnson's "un- 
 reconstructed" satellites. He was chair- 
 man of the South Carolina House Ju- 
 diciary Committee, who under the pro- 
 visional government framed the infamous 
 "Black Code," designed to carry out, with 
 the sanction of the President, the doctrine 
 enunciated by Governor Pickens, that labor 
 should be owned "collectively by the Gov- 
 ernment" when the laborer was not in a 
 state of individual servitude. Onr bayonets 
 having rent asunder the fetters of the slave, 
 Mr. Burt attempted, with his colleagues, to 
 frame laws by which the freedman would 
 be practically made the slave of society. 
 
 The code which this Democrat framed 
 provided, among other things, that no col- 
 ored person should not be allowed to trade 
 in any farm produce if working on a 
 plantation, without a permit from his 
 employer. It provided that they should not 
 be part of the militia of the State, nor be 
 allowed to own fire-arms or other weapon 
 without a magistrate's permit, the penalty 
 being a fine, and if that is not paid, a public 
 whipping. Persons of color were not to be 
 allowed to buy, sell, or trade in spirituous 
 liquor under penalty of hard labor, fine, or 
 whipping. They were not to be allowed to 
 live or migrate into the State, except bonds 
 for good behavior to the amount of $1,000 
 were given. A system of compulsory ap- 
 prenticeship was a leading feature, and a 
 heavy and distinct license was required of 
 a colored person, not required of the 
 whites, before they were to be allowed to 
 practise "any art, trade, or business," 
 
 Congress, representing the loyal masses, 
 having wiped tbis code out of existence by 
 
making the freedman a citizen, "Mr Burt 
 and his allies are now endeavoring to or- 
 ganize a new rebellion, hoping thereby to 
 undo what the bayonet, the bullet, and the 
 law has accomplished. 
 
 John Fluncle, J. B. Bonham, A. L. Man- 
 ning, and W. L. Simpson were all promi- 
 nent rebel officers. The last -was also a 
 member of the confederave congress. All 
 of them were active Democrats and seces- 
 sionists, and were prominent in the move- 
 ments that precipitated war. S. B. Camp- 
 bell was one of the peace commissioners 
 that were sent to Washington to bully 
 Buchanan into acciuiescence. 
 
 TENNESSEE 
 
 had the glory, as it would appear to be from 
 the reception he met with, of including 
 that representative Democrat, N. B. For- 
 rest, in its delegation. It also had a colored 
 delegate, one Williams, who, having been 
 drummed out of the Union army, has now 
 taken refuge with the Kuklux Klan. For- 
 rest was a rebel lieutenant general. Before 
 the war a slave trader, and during the war 
 he made himself infamous as the murderer 
 of the people in whose flesh aad blood he 
 could no longer trade. Under his com- 
 mand the Union garrison at Fort PiUow, 
 Memphis, was massacred after surrender. 
 Over three hundred men were thus butch- 
 ered, nearly all after capture, and many 
 after being removed from the fort itself. 
 Many other acts of cruelty are charged and 
 proved against this butcher, who, instead 
 of having been shot by order of a drum- 
 head court-martial, as he should have been, 
 is now engaged in threatening the over- 
 throw of the State government of Ten- 
 nessee by means of the Kuklux, of which 
 organization of rebel assassins in that State 
 there can be little doubt he is the chief. 
 
 Judge T. A. R. Nelson is best known as 
 the eulogizer of Andrew Johnson on the 
 impeachment trial. lie was a McClellan 
 elector in ISHi, und a violent opponent of 
 Mr. Lincoln's emancipation policy. He 
 was one of those Union men who were for 
 the Union with slavery, but against it 
 without it. W. B. Bates was a rebel gen- 
 eral. So, also, was John F. House. A. 
 W. Campbell was another rebel general. A 
 majority of the delegates were in the mili- 
 tary or civil service of the confederacy. 
 
 J. W. Lcftwick was a Representative in 
 the Thirty-Ninth Congress. He recently 
 made a speech at Memphis, urging the 
 Democracy "to forbear with Ratiical rule 
 — at least until after the election — and thm, 
 if need be, settle old scores with interest." 
 
 TEXAS 
 
 was well represented — we mean by rebels. 
 Colonel Ashbel Smith was colonel of the 
 2d Texas, (rebel.) F. S. Stockdalc was 
 rebel lieutenant governor, and an extreme 
 secessionist. lie was one of the signers of 
 the Lee-Rosecrans letter — a new outburst 
 
 of the "Let us alone" demand which 
 characterized the early hours of the rebel- 
 lion. John Hancock is a Johnson Unionist, 
 who traded his reputation for a brigadier 
 gcneralcy, without ever having a com- 
 mand. Since the war, on the question of 
 enfranchisement he joined the party which, 
 in Texas, have murdered in cold blood 
 2,900 Union men. George H. Giddings 
 was a confederate colonel. So also was 
 James M. Burroughs. George H, Sweet, 
 a Yankee "carpet-bagger," raised a con- 
 federate regiment, but took care to do but 
 little service. 
 
 VIRGINIA 
 
 sent a delegation of old-style "F. F. V.'s," 
 men yet not forgetful of their ancient arro- 
 gance, now rendered more distasteful to the 
 loyal people by the memory of their un- 
 provoked treason. T. L. Bacock was a 
 member of the rebel congress; so also was 
 Thomas Goode, F. McMullen, and James 
 H. Barbour. 
 
 Robert Ould was a rebel brigadier 
 and commissioner of exchange for priso- 
 ners of war. He has recently exhibited 
 a peculiar rebel disregard for the 
 truth, l)y a statement that General Grant 
 was responsible for the delays in exchang- 
 ing prisoners, and couseciuently for the 
 terrible sufferings at Andersonville. Quid 
 is the author of a letter widely circ.rdated, 
 writ<;en to his subordinate, the rebel Winder, 
 in which he closed with the following atro- 
 cious sentence: "jT/ie arranqcment I liaise 
 made toorks largely in ortr favor. We get- 
 rid of a set of miseraMe wrefcJies, and 
 receive some of the best material I ever 
 saic.'" Robert Y. Conrad, J. B. Baldwin, 
 and others, were in the Virginia rebel legis- 
 lature. All were early and persistent 
 rebels. They remain of the same opinions 
 still. A Virginia Democrat is the best 
 representative of the Bourbons known to 
 our times. 
 
 THEIR COPPERHEAD ALLIES. 
 
 The detailed record of the Southern de! 
 cgates closes here. The facts given show 
 what manner of men controlled the Tam- 
 many Convention. The rebel leaders dic- 
 tated the second nomination — that of Gen- 
 eral Blair — avowedly basing their support 
 of him on his announced revolutionary 
 policy. They dictated the platform, at 
 least all that is of vital importance therein. 
 Over one hundred of the Southern Demo- 
 crats present served with prominence in 
 the rebel army, and twenty at least were in 
 the Confederate Congress, wkilo others 
 were in the State governments. 
 
 Their Northern allies dicta'e>l the first 
 nomination, and the Copperhead leader, 
 most notorious for his avowed sympathy 
 with the rebellion, engineered the nomina- 
 tion of Horatio Seymour, a man best 
 known for his friendly collusion with the 
 New York draft rioters and murderers, who 
 
6 
 
 formed the reserve of Lee's array when 
 invading Pennsylvania in 1863. 
 
 THE NORTHERN REBI5L LEADER. 
 
 Clement L. Vallandigham is a known 
 and acknowledged traitor. So notoriously 
 seditious was he that Mr. Lincoln sent him 
 South, whence he returned as the agent of 
 the confederate government to incite riots, 
 &c., in the Northern States. Vallandig- 
 ham was a delegate from Ohio, and was 
 the leading spirit among Northern mem- 
 bers in that convention. As a Represen- 
 tative .'n Congress he steadily voted against 
 all war measures. 
 
 In a speech at Cooper Institute, New 
 York, November 2, 1860, a short time 
 before South Carolina seceded, he said: 
 
 "If any one or more of the States of this 
 Union should at any time secede — for rea- 
 sons of the sufficiency and justice of which, 
 before God and the great tribunal of his- 
 tory, they alone may judge — much as I 
 should deplore it, I never would, as a 
 Representative in the Congress of the 
 United States, vote one dollar of money 
 whereby one drop of American blood 
 should be shed in a civil war." 
 
 Soon afterward he declared, in presence 
 of several of his colleagues in Congress, 
 "that the troops of Ohio, before they should 
 march through his district to coerce the 
 South, would have to march over his dead 
 body." 
 
 In a letter dated May 13, 18G1, addressed 
 to Richard H. Hendrickson, and others, of 
 Middletown, Ohio, speaking of the Presi- 
 dent's proclamation calling out 75,000 
 volunteers to put down the rebellion, Val- 
 landigham said: 
 
 "The audacious usurpations of President 
 Lincoln, for which he deserves impeach- 
 ment, in daring, against every letter of the 
 Constitution, and without a shadow of law, 
 'to raise and support armies,' and 'to pro- 
 vide and maintain a navy,' for three or five 
 years, by mere Executive proclamation, 
 I will not vote to sustain or ratify — Never! 
 Millions for defence, not a dollar or a man 
 for aggressive or ofFdnsive civil war." 
 
 In a speech at Dayton, August 3, 18G1, 
 giving an account of his stewardship in 
 Congress, Mr. Vallandigham said : 
 
 " I have not voted for any army bill, or 
 any navy bill, or army or navy appropria- 
 tion bill since the meeting of Congress on 
 the 4th of July, 1861." 
 
 Alter his sentence of banishment he left 
 the South and went to Canada to stir up 
 riots in the North. At Niagara Falls, July 
 15, 1863, he issued an address, in which he 
 declared that the South would never yield, 
 and that, if subdued by force, we should 
 never see the end of the struggle that 
 would ensue. As recently as August 27, 
 1868, in a speech in Ohio, he declared : 
 
 "I would not alter anything I have 
 done, or any vote I ever cast. No, gen- 
 
 tlemen, each and every one shall stand 
 emblazoned on the pages of history, to 
 await the judgment of posterity, if those 
 things shall interest posterity." 
 
 This is the man who nominated Horatio 
 Seymour. He was a traitor during the 
 war, and is so still, as his own avowal 
 shows. He is a representative man, and 
 as such is now running for Congress in 
 Ohio. 
 
 NORTHERN REBELS. 
 
 Among the prominent rebel sympa- 
 thizers in Congress were George H. 
 Pendleton, Daniel W. Voorhees, James 
 A. Craven, and Henry W. Harring- 
 ton, delegates from Ohio and Indr 
 ana at Tammany Hall. Pendleton was 
 the Copperhead favorite for President. 
 Bayard, of Delaware; Bigler, of Pennsyl- 
 vania; and J. D. Fitch, of Indiana, were 
 members of the convention. When in the 
 United States Senate they voted against all 
 war measures, beginning on the 16th ot 
 January, 1861, when they voted "no" oa 
 a resolution opposing secession. On the 
 9th of January, 1861, the House passod 
 resolutions of inquiry, asking Mr. Bu- 
 chanan to inform them if any Federal offi- 
 cers were aiding in or colluding with the 
 secession leaders, then actively engaged in 
 robbing the mints, arsenals, custom-houses, 
 and post offices of the United States, 
 Among those voting no, who were promi- 
 nent at New York, were Niblack, of Indi- 
 ana; Vallandigham, Ohio; and Pendleton, 
 their first choice. On the 28th of January 
 the House adopted a form of oath to be 
 administered to the militia of the District 
 of Columbia. This oath set forth the para- 
 mount nature of the allegiance due ^ the 
 Union. Among the negatives is the name 
 of -Gerge II. Pendleton. 
 
 On the 7th of January, 1864, the House 
 of Representatives passed resolutions de- 
 claring their determination not to treat with 
 representatives, as such, of the rebel gov- 
 ernment, or in any way to recognize their 
 validity. Among the negatives are Henry 
 W. Harrington, Indiana; "W. H. Miller, 
 Pennsylvania ; W. R. Morrison, Illi- 
 nois, (the latter was connected with 
 the rebel movement known as the "North- 
 west conspiracy,") and George H. Pendle- 
 ton. The first three were delegates at 
 New York. Daniel W. Voorhees was also 
 charged with complicity with the aforesaid 
 conspiracy. He is a notorious Copperhead, 
 and, as a member of the House of Repre- 
 sentatives, voted against all war measures, 
 and since his votes have been in favor of 
 destroying the national credit and other- 
 wise treading the Republic down. So with 
 others. Another Indiana delegate, J. A. 
 Craven, voted "no" in the House of Rep- 
 resentatives, December 17, 1864, on resolu- 
 tions declaring for a vigorous prosecu- 
 tion of the war and returning thanks to the 
 soldiers. So also did F. C. Le Blond, of 
 
 ) 
 
7 
 
 Ohio; Francis Kernan, of New York, James 
 F. McDowell, of Ohio, and D. W. Voor- 
 hees, of Indiana. Representatives Boyer, 
 of Pennsj'lvania, and W. E. Niblack, of 
 Indiana, voted "no" to resolutions amend- 
 ing the Constitution so that no State or the 
 United St es should ever provide for the 
 payment of debts incurred to sustain the re- 
 bellion. This was offered June 11, 18G6. 
 On the 13th the same men voted against 
 another amendment afflrming the validity 
 of the national debt. So also did Repre- 
 sentative J. L. Dawson, of Pennsylvania, 
 a delegate to New York. 
 
 One of the bitterest Copperheads in Con- 
 gress was Judge Woodward, of Pennsyl- 
 vania. He was a delegate. In the House 
 of Representatives, February 24, 1868, he 
 said : 
 
 "If I were the President's counsellor, 
 which I am not, I would advise him, if 
 you prefer articles of impeachment, to de- 
 mur, both to your jurisdiction and that of 
 the Senate, and to issue a proclamation 
 giving you and all the world notice that, 
 while he held himself impeachable for mis- 
 demeanors in office before the constitu- 
 tional tribunal, he never would subject the 
 office he held in trust for the people to the 
 irrerjular, unconstitutional^ fragmentanj bo- 
 dies who propose to strip ?iim of it. Such a 
 proclamation, with Uhe army and navy in 
 hand to sustain it, icould meet a popular re- 
 sponse that would malce an end of impeach- 
 merit and impeachers.'''' 
 
 CONCLTJSION— Wn.A.T IT MEANS. 
 
 These are but gleamngs from the records 
 of the sympathy with and participation in 
 rebellion of all the leading members and 
 most of the rank and file of the New York 
 Democratic Convention. They prove that 
 treason and hatred of the Republic was the 
 controlling force among them. They show 
 that sympathy with slavery, oligarchy, 
 and imperialism controls tlie Democratic 
 party. The Union means liberty. The 
 Republic sustains equal rights. Tne Dem- 
 ocratic party, under its rebel and Copper- 
 liead leaders, are the enemies of these - 
 
 Therefore, they are the enemies of the na. 
 tlon, and can only succeed by destroy- 
 ing its credit, its power, distract- 
 ing its counsels, and dividing its 
 territory. To do this and to maintain 
 slavery the rebel Democracy inaugurated, 
 after thirty years' conspiracy, a formidable 
 rebellion, controlling eleven States and 
 continuing four years, during which a 
 million of lives were sacrificed on both 
 sides, a national debt incurred amounting 
 to three thousand million dollars, besides 
 causiog the destruction of property to a 
 much greater amount. They were de- 
 feated, thanks to the patriotism of the peo- 
 ple, the valor of our volunteers, the faith- 
 fulness of the administration of Mr. Lin- 
 coln, and the generalship of Ulysses S. 
 Grant, General of the Army and Republi- 
 can cindidate for the Presidency. Now 
 they muster for a new etFort. This time 
 the purpose is to divide the Government, 
 to make the contest really internecine, and 
 not sectional alone. 
 
 In the convention where this new rebel- 
 lion obtained its first direct impetus there 
 Avere, among the Southern delegates, over 
 one hundred leading rebel soldiers and 
 twenty members of the rebel congress. 
 
 The people know these men; they know 
 their allies in the adhering States; they 
 know what their treason and sympathy- 
 cost, and they will not give them the op- 
 portunity, through possession of the Exu 
 ecrjilive office, to first nuUily laws, the 
 destroy the national credit by repudiation 
 of its debt, and thus pave tliC way for a 
 disintegration of the Union and a destruc- 
 tion of the Republic. The people will not 
 do it Vermont's Green Mountains thun- 
 dered forth the first denial, Maine reechoes 
 it from pine forest and rocky shore, Colo- 
 rado and New Mexico replies from the 
 Snowy Ranges of the Rocky mountains, 
 the valleys of West Virginia will next take 
 up the indignant negative, and Pennsyl- 
 vania, Ohio, and Indiana wait to tell how 
 they resist treason and despise is sup 
 porters. 
 
 Chronicle Print. 
 

 
LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 
 
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