A ■ few 1 /~4d 1 ^^ ■ ^M ■ H ^^^^^^H^^^^^^^l ■ ^^^^^^^^^^^^ 1 GOV. ALEXANDER RAMSEY, Gov. Ramsey Tendered the Regiment to the United States for Service in the Civil War. ^ 4'^oA HISTORY » 0\F THE FIRST REGIMENT MINNESOTA VOLUNTEER INFANTRY 1861-1864 WITH MAPS AND ILLUSTRATIONS EASTON & MASTERMAN PRINTERS STILLWATER, MINN. 1916 CONTENTS Chapter. Page. I. ORGANIZATION OF REGIMENT 1 II. FIRST SERVICES IN MINNESOTA 15 III. ORDERED TO WASHINGTON 21 IV. AT WASHINGTON AND ALEXANDRIA 31 V. BULL RUN 36 VI. UPPER POTOMAC AND CAMP STONE 58 VIL BALL'S BLUFF, BATTLE OF 74 VIII. BACK TO CAMP STONE 80 IX. SHENANDOAH CAMPAIGN 84 X. PREPARING FOR THE PENINSULA 94 XL THE PENINSULAR CAMPAIGN 100 XIL THE BATTLE OF WILLIAMSBURG 110 Xin. ON THE CHICKAHOMINY Ill XIV. SEVEN PINES AND FAIR OAKS 121 XV. CAMP AT FAIR OAKS 134 XVI. DOWN THE PENINSULA TO HARRISON'S LANDING 138 XVII. ALLEN'S FARM OR PEACH ORCHARD 145 XVIIL BATTLE OF SAVAGE'S STATION 147 XIX. RETREAT ACROSS WHITE OAK SWAMP... 153 XX. BATTLE OF GLENDALE 156 XXI. MALVERN HILL 161 XXII. HARRISON'S LANDING 167 XXIIL ARMY LEAVES HARRISON'S LANDING 173 XXIV. VIENNA AND FLINT HILL 174 XXV. THE ANTIETAM CAMPAIGN ISO XXVI. BATTLE OP ANTIETAM 191 XXVIL FROM ANTIETAM TO LOUDOUN VALLEY.. 223 XXVIII. BURNSIDE SUCCEEDS McCLELLAN 240 XXIX. BATTLE OF FREDERICKSBURG 246 XXX. THE REGIMENT AT FREDERICKSBURG 264 XXXL IN CAMP AT FALMOUTH 276 XXXII. HOOKER SUCCEEDS BURNSIDE 27S XXXIIL CHANCELLORSVILLE AND SECOND FRED- ERICKSBURG 285 XXXIV. SECOND FREDERICKSBURG 294 XXXV. CAMP ON STAFFORD HEIGHTS 300 XXXVL GENESIS OF GETTYSBURG CAMPAIGN 304 XXXVIL FREDERICKSBURG TO HAYMARKET 312 XXXVIIL HAYM.'^RKET TO GETTYSBURG 317 CONTENTS Chapter. Page. XXXIX. GETTYSBURG 321 XL. GETTYSBURG, FIRST DAY'S BATTLE 324 XLL GETTYSBURG, SECOND DAY'S BATTLE 327 XLIL "CHARGE" THAT MADE MINNESOTA FAMOUS 342 XLIIL COL. COLVILL UNDER ARREST 349 XLIV. GETTYSBURG, THIRD DAY'S BATTLE 351 XLV. THE REGIMENT THE THIRD DAY 363 XLVL MEAD FOLLOWS LEE ACROSS POTOMAC... 380 XLVIL BACK TO THE RAPPAHANNOCK 383 XLVIIL ENFORCING DRAFT IN N. Y. CITY 387 XLIX. CAMPAIGN OP MANEUVRES 393 L. THE BRISTOE CAMPAIGN 398 LL MINE RUN CAMPAIGN 411 LIL TALK OP RE-ENLISTING 419 LIIL HOME — HONORABLE DISCHARGE 423 APPENDICES. Chapter. Page. I. ADDRESS OP SEN. C. K. DAVIS 432 IL ADDRESS OF HON. J. B. GILFILLAN 439 IIL ADDRESS OF CAPT. J. N. SEARLES 443 IV. ADDRESS OF J. J. HILL 446 V. GEN. SANFORD'S BATTERY 452 VI. ' ROSTER OF REGIMENT 455 INDEX 503 FOREWOKD. nnO PREPARE a history of the ''First Minnesota," •*■ after the lapse of more than half a century, is, in many respects, a hopeless task. So many of the members of the regiment have died since the war that a great mass of personal data, which would have greatly enriched this historical narrative, is no longer available, but such incidents as are recalled by the few survivors whom it has been possible to consult, have been preserved. Such a work as this should have been prepared at least forty years ago, when a comparatively com- plete collection could have been made of the various data that constituted the life of the regiment as an organization, and its members as individuals. If relatives or personal friends of members of the regiment shall close the volume with regret that some incident, specially worthy of mention in con- nection with their soldier dead, is not to be found in it, we beg them to remember that it has occurred from the inability of the compilers to obtain the in- formation. Under these circumstances, this work will be found to concern itself, chiefly, with the work of the regiment as an organization. The reader will observe that considerable space has been given to operations of other troops, but it has been our effort to avoid extended notice of such events where not required to properly frame the THE FIRST ]\IINNESOTA actions or services oF tlu> roo:iinent. We have been especially anxious to avoid critic- ism (vf officers or movements of either army— Union or Confederate. The true basis for a correct .iudgment of a com- mander is to place one's self in his place— consider what he actually knew of his own and his adver- sary's situation. Since the war there has been published, or other- wise rendered available, so much additional inform- ation of the entire situation at any given time, that to measure a general's conduct on a given occasion by what has since come to be well known, Avould, in many instances, be very unjust. Consequently, we have studiously aimed to avoid criticisms of commanding officers— preferring to ob- serve the old maxim. ''Say nothing of the dead, un- less it be good." Moreover, the regiment was made up of men of all creeds and parties, who, for the time, had laid aside all prejudices and had united in a great effort to save their country. Their partisanship was held in abeyance. They promised faithful service and obedience for three years. This record is designed to preserve a truthful account of what they did in fulfillment of that promise. The body of this text was originally prepared by Mr. R. I. Iloleombe. a nd he has earned the thanks of ' 'the suvvivoTs of "the regiment for his industry in collecting the various data indispensable to the work — deficient as it may be. Since the preparation of this volume was under- FOREWORD taken by the Colvill Commission, the membership of the commission has been reduced by the death of Maj. C. B. Heffelfinger, Capt. Richard L. Gorman and Henry T. Evans, leaving the undersigned as the only remaining members, who thus become responsible for this volume as it appears, although it should be said that ?>ra.jor Heffelfinger examined the manu- script, and his suggestions have been adopted in the text as it now appears. "We desire to add, that this work, concerned as it is with the one regiment, has been prepared without a thought that this particular organization comprised men of courage or other soldierly qualities superior to other organizations. The men of this regiment claimed no superiority, and both during and after the war cheerfully acknowledged the brilliant achievements and soldier- ly qualities of other regiments. The fact that this regiment was the only body of Minnesota troops in the Ann}'' of the Potomac — ex- cept the sharpshooter companies m.entioned, and the First ^linnesota Battalion, that was organized after the regiment was discharged — ^brought to it more notice than it would have received if the state had been represented, in that army, by other regiments. That particular service which crowned the regi- ment and state with the deserved plaudits of the world — the "charge" on the second day of the battle of Gettysburg — was a sen-ice in which the regiment took pride, not so much for the courage and discip- line displayed, for it is readily conceded that many if not most other regiments would have done the THE FIRST MINNESOTA same, but for the simple fact that the regiment there had the OPPORTUNITY to ''show what they were there for," and they seized the opportunity to show themselves fit for the task. This psychological atti- tude has no element of vanity or superiority over other brothers in arms. ■ Finally, we dedicate this work to the memory of those noble men, living and dead, who stood to- gether in the "First Minnesota" on many of the most bitterly contested battlefields of the Civil war; and we commend it to the charitable consideration of all others who shared in the toil and turmoil of that great struggle, whether at home or in the field, or who rejoice in the inheritance bequeathed to them and their posterity by those who gloriously main- tained the UNION. JASPER N. SEARLES, Capt. Co. C, 1st. Reg. Minn. Vol. Inf'y. MATTHEW F. TAYLOR, Corporal Co. E., 1st. Reg. Minn. Vol. Inf'y. Commissioners. Dated, Dec. 31, 1915. Stillwater, Minn. HISTORY OF THE FIRST MINNESOTA VOLUNTEER INFANTRY CHAPTER I. ITS ORGANIZATION. THE record of the First Regiment of Minnesota Volunteer Infantry, commonly known as the "First Minnesota" begins with the opening scenes of the Civil War and, as to its actual military services^ that record ends with the expiration of its three years enlistment in the spring of 1864, just as. General Grant took command of all the Union armies. After heroic resistance Fort Sumter was sur- rendered to the Confederates Saturday, April 13, 1861. The next day President Lincoln issued a proclamation calling for 75,000 volunteer soldiers to serve, in con- junction with the 10,000 regulars then composing the army, for three months, "unless sooner dis- charged." It 'was hoped that such a force would manifest the determination of the Government and bring to their senses the misguided Confederates, al- though they already had 200,000 men ready for the field, had formed a confederated government of sev- eral millions of people, and were swearing to fight to the last ditch. Gov. Alexander Ramsey, of Minnesota, chanced to be in Washington when Fort Sumter fell. The next morning, about 9 o'clock, after a night of restless- ness and anxiety over the sistuation, he went to the 1 THE FIRST MINNESOTA War Department and sought the Secretary, then Hon. Simon Cameron, of Pennsylvania, (Ramsey's native state) whom he well knew. He encountered the Secretary as that officer, who was dressed for a walk, and carrying bundles of papers was leaving his office, apparently wrought up to strong tension and bent on important business. "What do you want?" asked the Secretary, im- patiently; "I am in a great hurry to attend a meet- ing in the White House." The Governor replied: "I simply want to tender you a thousand men to help defend the country and suppress this — treason." "Good!" replied the old Secretary, almost exultantly; "sit down and put your tender in writing and leave it here." And then the rugged old War Secretary hastened away. (Ramsey's Journal). In a few minutes the tender was written and laid on Secretary Cam- eron's table. These facts have been published often and con- spicuously, and never disputed; and they prove that in the great war Minnesota, then the youngest State in the Union, made the first offer of men to defend and preserve it. Secretary Cameron readily accepted Governor Ramsey's tender and formally acknowledged it. The acceptance was published Monday morning; probably it was written Sunday night. On IMonday, April 15, the President made requisi- tions for troops upon the Governors of all the states not then in secession. The executives of Virginia, North Carolina. Tennessee, Arkansas, Missouri and Kentucky refused; and shortly thereafter the first four named had joined the Confederacy. Governor Ramsey, still detained in Washington, promptly telegraphed the acting Governor of JMinnesota. Lieut-Gov. Ignatius Donnelly, instructing him to issue an immediate call for volunteers, an instruction to the pugnacious and 2 ITS ORGANIZATION patriotic Donnelly's liking, and straightway lie obeyed it. The first Minnesota newspapers issued after the receipt of Ramsey's order appeared on Tuesday morn- ing and contained the formal call of Lieutenant-Gov- ernor Donnelly for volunteers. (See Minnesota in the Civil and Indian Wars, Vol. 2, pp. 1-3.) By Chap. 77, Laws of 1858, the legislature had provided for the enrollment as militia of "all able- bodied white male citizens residing in the state, be- ing eighteen years of age and under forty-five years, excepting persons exempt by law". At the outbreak of the rebellion there existed, un- der the authority of this law, various company organ- izations, but they had never been consolidated into a regimental organization except on paper. In St. Paul, Company A of the 23rd. Regiment of this militia was an efficient organization. It was armed, uniformed and M^ell drilled, and the personnel of its members was of a high order. It had been organized in territorial days (1856) and was called the "Pioneer Guard", and in the first part of April. 1861, it was commanded by Capt. A. T. Chamblin. On Monday night (preceding the Tuesday publi^^ cation of the call issued by Lieut-Gov. Donnelly) the Pioneer Guard assembled at its armory and a num- ber of its officers and many other patriotic citizens signed as volunteers under the call. The first man to sign was Josias R. King, a Virginian who had lived some years in Minnesota. As the signing was i- virtually an enlistment he has always claimed, witli reason, the distinction of having been the senior vol- unteer in the United States service in the war of the rebellion. He rose from an orderly sergeant to a Captaincy, then became a Lieutenant Colonel in the U. S. Vol- unteer forces and was appointed a second lieutenant 3 K THE FIRST MINNESOTA in the U. S. Second Infantry, where he served fivQ years, including three years at Lebanon, Ky., in com- mand of a detachment of 50 mounted men engaged in the suppression of Ku IQux organizations and illicit distilleries. — He still lives in St. Paul respected and honored, not alone for his distinction as a first volunteer, but for sterling qualities as a citizen. The war feeling in the young pioneer state had been gradually increasing for months as preparations for hostilities by the South went forward, and thf^ firing upon Fort Sumter fanned this feeling into flame, as this assault on the integrity of the Union became known. Another company had been organized, known as the "Stillwater Guard," at Stillwater, and reached a very efficient state of drill and discipline, which be- came the nucleus of Co. B. of the new regiment. There was only one telegraph line in Minnesota. This had been put up the previous year and its single wire connected St. Paul with La Crosse. But with almost incredible swiftness the thrilling war news flew through the State. In a few days every town, hamlet and neighborhood was stirred to action. It was as if a Malise had been sent with the fiery torch into every district to rally the clans and bid them repair in instant time to Lanric Mead. In an eloquent and inspiring proelamatioi"' Lieutenant-Governor Donnelly had, on Tuesday morn- ing, April 16, called for one regiment of ten com- panies of infantry to report to the Adjutant-General of the State, Wm. H. Acker, of St. Paul, for service of three months. He announced that this requisition was made pursuant to the call of the President for "troops to support the Government." Each of the ten companies was to be composed of a captain, two 4 ITS ORGANIZATION lieutenants, four sergeants, four corporals, one bugler and sixty-four privates. The call met with enthusiastic response from every occupied portion of the State. Hon. Clement C. Clay of Alabama, which State had seceded, was in St. Paul on private business at the time. Returning to his home at Huntsville, in a public address he warned his fellow-citizens that the war they had undertaken would be a bloody one and might last five years. He assured them that the North would fight to the death and was thoroughly aroused, that in far-off primitive Minnesota, from whence he had just come, the pioneers and frontiersmen of that young, poor, and scantily- populated commonwealth were thronging forward to fight for the Union and with earnest zeal were de- manding to be led to the battlefield. Public meetings were at once held in all the larger towns — and by the census of 1860 the population of St. Paul, the largest town in the State, was but 10,279 — and these meetings were attended by all classes "and addressed by many prominent citizens. All political party lines were wholly ignored. ''Then none was for a party; then all were for the State." In St. Paul, Stillwater, St. Anthony, Minneapolis, Winona, Faribault, Mankato, Hastings, Red Wing, Wabasha, and many smaller towns and villages, there were enthusiastic and inspiriting war meetings. Every able-bodied man that could volunteer as a soldier was willing to do so; he who could not, devoutly wished he could. The people were mostly newcomers and nearly all were poor. Many a man, though patriotic as a Spartan, could not enlist without abandoning wife and little ones to peril and privation on a lonely frontier, but others were more fortunately situated, and equally brave and eager. The result was natural. The enrollment went on THE FIRST MINNESOTA rapidly. On Monday, April 29, the ten companies that had been called assembled at Fort Snelling, the designated rendezvous, as directed by Adjutant- General Acker. That day General Acker resigned his position in the State militia to become a captain in the First Minnesota Regiment. To succeed him Governor Ramsey appointed Hon. John B. Sanborn, then a St. Paul lawyer, who had been chairman of the committee on military affairs in the Senate branch of the preceding State Legislature. He often said that when appointed to this highly-important military position he hardly knew gunpowder from black sand and had never seen a musket cartridge in his life ; yet he learned fast and when the war closed he wore the twin stars of a major-general, and had won them by service in the field. Many of the ten companies had been organiza- tions in the State militia, but each of them had re- ceived recruits and accessions from those who had never been in the State service, and was therefore practically a new organization. The titles of the companies, the localities Avhere they were organized, their commissioned officers, and the number of men in them were as follows : Company A, Pioneer Guard, St. Paul. Captain, Alexander "Wilkin; First Lieutenant, Henry C. Coates; Second Lieutenant, Chas. Zierenberg. Num- ber of men, 96. In the re-organization of this com- pany Captain Wilkin had succeeded Captain Cham- blin. Company B, Stillwater Guard, Stillwater. Captain. Carlyle A. Bromley; First Lieutenant, Mark "W. Downie; Second Lieutenant, Minor T. Thomas. Num- ber of men, 99. Company C, St. Paul Volunteers, St. Paul. Cap- tain, Wm. H. Acker; First Lieutenant, Wilson B. 6 ITS ORGANIZATION Farrell; Second Lieutenant, Samuel T. Raguet. Num- ber of men, 75. Company D, Lincoln Guards, Minneapolis. Cap- tain, Henry R. Putnam; First Lieutenant, Geo. H. Woods; Second Lieutenant DeWitt C. Smith. Num- ber of men, 98. Company E, St. Anthony Zouaves, St. Anthony. Captain, Geo. N. Morgan; First Lieutenant, John B. Gilfillan; Second Lieutenant, George Pomeroy. Num- ber of men, 86. Company F, Red "Wing Volunteers (also called Goodhue County Volunteers), Red Wing. Captain, Wm. Colville ; First Lieutenant, A. Edward Welch ; Second Lieutenant, Mark A. Hoyt. Number of men, 100. Company G, Faribault Guards, Faribault. Captain, Wm. H. Dike; First Lieutenant, Nathan S. Messick; Second Lieutenant, Wm. E. Smith. Number of men, 101. Company H, Dakota County Volunteers, Hastings. Captain, Chas. Powell Adams; First Lieutenant, Orrin T. Hayes; Second Lieutenant, Wm. B. Leach. Num- ber of men, 83. Company I, AVabasha Volunteers, Wabasha. Captain, John H. Pell; First Lieutenant, Joseph Har- ley; Second Lieutenant, Chas. B. Halsey. Number of men, 82. Company K, Winona Volunteers, Winona. Captain, Henry C. Lester ; First Lieutenant, Gustavus Adolphus Holtzborn; Second Lieutenant, Joseph Perriam. Num- ber of men, 79. Total number of men, exclusive of field and staff officers, 899. The companies had been "accepted" but not mus- tered into service as follows : Company A, April 19 ; Company B, April 20; Company C, April 22; Com- 7 THE FIRST MINNESOTA pany D, April 23; Companies F and G, April 25; Companies H, I, and K, April 26. The assembling of the companies at Fort Snelling was for the purpose of muster in and the re-organiza- tion of the regiment in the volunteer service of the United States. The companies all reached the Fort the same day. The first company on the ground was the Winona company, which arrived early in the morning on the steamer Golden Era. At 10 o'clock came the two St. Paul companies, the Red Wing, Faribault, and Hastings companies, all on the steamer Ocean Wave. The Faribault Company had been transported in wagons from Faribault to the river. At 11 o'clock came the Minneapolis and St. Anthony companies, which had made a practice march from their homes and were cheered by the other companies as they entered the Fort. The Stillwater company came over in wagons, arriving at 5 o'clock. The Wabasha company arrived at 7 o'clock in the even- ing on the Key City. At 12 o'clock, high noon, the flag was raised on the old Fort flagstaff. As the colors ascended and a strong April breeze flung them out, the cannon fired the national salute of thirty-four guns and the multitude cheered. (See Winona Daily Republican, May 1, 1861.) Then came the first dinner, served on tables of rough boards, with a service of tin cups and tin plates, but really relished by the volunteers and many visitors that were invited guests. The rough and primitive features only added a peculiar relish to the feast. (Lochren.) At 1 o'clock the mustering began. Captain Ander- son D. Nelson, of the regular army, had been detailed as the mustering officer, with Lieutenant Sanders as assistant. Dr. J. H. Stewart, of St. Paul, had been ITS ORGANIZATION appointed examining surgeon. The officers did their work in the presence of many spectators, "about as many citizens as soldiers," said the St. Paul Pioneer. The process was sufficiently thorough. Each com- pany was ordered into line separately. Then the mustering officers and Dr. Stewart walked along in front and rear, cursorily examining the men. After- wards each man's name was called and he was in- spected closely. Nearly all were accepted. Then the oath of muster was taken by companies. The men uncovered their heads, held up their right hands, and Captain Nelson administered the oath, the same obligation which soldiers of the United States had taken for eighty years, "that you will bear true allegiance to the United States of America and that you will serve them honestly and faithfully against all their enemies and opposers whatsoever," etc. The enlistment was for but three months. Only seven companies were mustered the first day. The "Wabasha company (I) did not arrive at the Fort until late in the evening and the Hastings and Winona companies (respectively H and K) were not quite full and were allowed time to fill up to the maximum number. It is asserted that all three of these companies were mustered the following day. !i(Lochren.) Governor Ramsey, Adjutant-General Sanborn, and the acting adjutant of the regiment, Jacob J. Noah, were at their posts early and all day. In the after- noon the Adjutant-General announced the field offi- cers of the regiment. The appointments had already been agreed on and privately made known, but they were received with apparent surprise and delight and heartily cheered. Nearly everything that happened was cheered, and so there was much hurrahing and enthusiasm. The field officers, by appointment of the 9 THE FIRST MINNESOTA Governor, were: Colonel, Willis Arnold Gorman; Lieutenant-Colonel, Stephen Miller; Major, Wm. H. Dike. Colonel Gorman appointed as the regiment's staff officers, Geo. H. "Woods, quartermaster, and Dr. Jacob H. Stewart, surgeon. The next day Dr. Chas. W. LeBoutillier was made assistant surgeon and Lieut. "Wm. B. Leach became adjutant. Rev. Edward Duffield Neill was appointed chaplain. The non-com- missioned staff was subsequently appointed. Col. Willis A. Gorman was at the time pre- eminently the man best fitted to command the regi- ment. He had ability, experience, and the complete confidence of his men. He was born in Kentucky in 1816, but removed to Indiana in young manhood and became a practicing lawyer. He served in two In- diana regiments during the Mexican War, first as major in the Third Indiana, and during the battle of Buena Vista was severely wounded; later was colonel of the Fourth Indiana and participated in several en- gagements in Mexico. He was elected to Congress from Indiana in 1848 and again in 1850, serving two terms. In 1853 he was appointed Territorial Governor , of Minnesota and came to St. Paul, which city was ^ ever afterward his home. At the time he became colonel of the First Minne- sota, Governor Gorman was forty-five years of age, in the prime of manhood, looked every inch the sol- dier and man, and it was felt that under his leader- ship the First Minnesota would make an honorable record, if not a distinguished one. He was promoted ' to brigadier-general October 1, 1861. General Gor- man died in St. Paul in May, 1876. Lieut.-Col. Stephen Miller was born in Pennsyl- vania, in 1816. He edited the Harrisburg Telegraph, a Whig journal, in 1853-55, and came to Minnesota in 1858, locating at St. Cloud. He was a prominent 10 BRIG. GRN. WTTvT^TS A. GORMAN, The First Colonel of the Regiment. ITS ORGANIZATION Republican and knew little of military matters in 1861, but he learned fast. He was promoted to col- onel of the Seventh Minnesota in August, 1862; be- came brigadier-general in October, 1863, and resigned in January, 1864, to assume the duties of Governor of Minnesota. He died at "Worthington, Minn., in August, 1881. Major Dike was a Vermonter. He was at first captain of Company G, the Faribault company. On his promotion he was succeeded in the captaincy by Hon. Lewis McKune, who had been a member of the State constitutional convention. Colonel Gorman was a staunch Democrat in politics and Lieutenant-Colonel Miller and Major Dike were Republicans, so the field organization of the First Minnesota was non-partisan. With Colonel Gorman went his two sons, James W. Gorman, who was commissioned captain and served as assistant adjutant-general on his father's staff from September, 1862, until his death in Febru- ary, 1863, and Captain Richard L. Gorman, who was with the regiment in and after the battle of Bull Run, then became a captain in the 34th New York In- fantry, and was also for several months on the staff of his father when the latter became a brigadier- general. At once the military education of the regiment was begun and squad, company, and battalion drills were had daily. Hardee's tactics constituted the drill system then in vogue. Perhaps most of the men had undergone some experience on the drill ground, for a majority of the old militia companies had received more or less instruction in the manual of arms and in the ''school of the company." The inexperienced soon learned their duties, and within a few days the regiment was not in any respect a green one. The officers were all intelligent men and many 11 THE FIRST MINNESOTA of them good drill masters before they received their commissions. The men were fairly well provided with arms. Many of the militia companies had been supplied with muskets "complete," and some of the new volunters who had belonged to these companies brought their guns, cartridge boxes, etc., with them into the First Minnesota. Some of these guns were the (then) new pattern of Springfield percussion- rifled muskets, not the altered flint-locks, many of which were used by the volunteers in 1861, but new bright-barreled rifle guns, which shot minie bullets and were considered the best infantry guns in the service. Others were Mississippi rifles, caliber 54, with sword bayonets. The irregularly armed were supplied with pieces of various patterns from the State's arsenal. Those who had Springfield rifled muskets were allowed to keep them, but all others were soon supplied with the 69-caliber musket, a larger, and in fact a formidable and very effective arm, that discharged a missile as big as a man's thumb. (Lochren.) No uniforms had been provided, but the State soon furnished each private and non-commissioned officer with a shirt, a black felt hat, a pair of black pants, and a pair of socks. Other articles of clothing were supplied from time to time, either by the men or their friends. The shirts were woolen, but of various colors, red predominating. Generally the shirts were of the kind then affected by steamboat men and men of the frontiers, and some of them were very fancifully ornamented with crescents, stars, tre- foils, etc. Company K had gray suits presented by the citizens of Winona. The State gave every man a blanket and supplied the bunks in the barracks with plenty of good clean straw. Cooking utensils 12 ITS ORGANIZATION were furnished in proper quantities. At this time the population of Minnesota was sub- stantially confined to the valleys of the Mississippi and Minnesota rivers and their tributary streams. The public lands were open to settlement under the pre-emption laws of the national government, only, except with such scrip as could be obtained for loca- tion. The vast prairies of the state had not yet dis- closed their true value for settlement, except where they were within a reasonable distance from bodies of timber, as coal was, as yet, an unknown fuel so far west. Practically, the entire population consisted of young men, mostly unmarried, who had come west to establish homes, and the outbreak of hostilities found them more or less free to take an active part in the coming struggle. They were mostly natives of the country, or descendants of families who had long been in the country, and had been born to re- gard the country with all the affection of native land. The laws in force under which they expected to build up their fortunes, such as the land laws of the United States, and the broad and comprehensive pro- visions of the United States constitution which se- cured to them the protection of the general govern- ment in all that concerned the most vital concerns of their lives, assured their steadfast loyalty to the general government. Those who traced their origin to foreign lands represented all Western European countries — Eng- land, Ireland, Scotland, Wales, France, the so-called "low countries," the German and Austrian states, Switzerland, Russia, Spain, Italy and Scandinavia. It was realized that if the secession germ was al- lowed lodgment in the body politic, and this united country was divided into two, it would lead to further 13 f THE FIRST MINNESOTA divisions that would destroy the prosperity of the na- tion and the peace and happiness of the people. Those who tendered themselves to the government in this spontanous movement were fit, physically and intellectually to be moulded into soldiers of the first class. The various elements, in point of nationality, that composed the regiment can be understood from the different nationalities in Co. B, which included 16 Swiss, 18 Germans, 14 Scandinavians, 5 Irish descent and the remainder Americans. The men of the regiment always remembered gratefully their first days as soldiers at Fort Snell- ing. Their condition then was far superior to what it was ever afterward. They cleaned out and soon had cozy and neat the old quarters in the old Fort which had been occupied by the regular soldiers forty years before, when Colonel Snelling was in command, and thirty-two years before, when Zachary Taylor was in command. Visitors in bevies, swarms, and crowds came up every day ''to see the soldiers." The ladies brought unsubstantial sweetmeats and knick-knacks of every sort, and also fair words and bright smiles, and were always welcome. Then there were social occasions of a military sort. On May 1, Colonel Gorman was presented with a fine sword by his friend and compatriot, Maj. "W. J. Cullen, of St. Paul. The ceremony of presentation was witnessed by a big crowd. That day also ex- Governor Sibley sent the regiment one hundred dol- lars as a contribution to its emergency fund. The next day the first regimental dress parade was held, witnessed by a great multitude of men, women and children. 14 CHAPTER II. FIRST SERVICES IN MINNESOTA. THE first services performed by any of the com- panies of the regiment were rendered in Minne- sota at the Government's forts in the State. These military posts (or "forts," as they were officially termed) were Fort Ridgely, on the Minnesota, in Nicollet County, a hundred miles west of St. Paul; Fort Ripley, on the upper Mississippi, in Crow AVing County, a hundred miles northwest of St. Paul; and Fort Abercrombie, on the North Dakota bank of the Red River, fifteen miles above the present site of Wahpeton, and nearly two hundred and twenty- five miles northwest of Fort Snelling. Fort Ridgely, the oldest post, was built in 1853, and Ripley and Abercrombie were constructed later. The Government forts in Minnesota, in the first part of April, 1861, were garrisoned by detachments of the Second United States Infantry. About May 1, these were ordered to Washington and on May 4, General Scott directed Governor Ramsey to send at once six companies of the First Regiment, two to each fort, to relieve the companies of the Second Regular Infantry at Ridgely, Ripley, and Abercrom- bie. The movement was to be made as soon as the companies were fully armed and equipped and the remaining companies were to remain at Fort Snelling and await further orders. The men of the companies likely to be affected by this order were greatly disappointed and disconcerted upon its being made known. They had enlisted to fight for the preservation of the Union, not to dry up and shrivel away under the lonely and dispirit- 15 THE FIRST MINNESOTA ing conditions at the isolated frontier posts, ''yet if Uncle Sam says so, we must obey orders, and it's all right." But when they realized that several days must elapse before the order could be carried out, and that in the meantime it might be countermanded and the regiment sent to the front, the men became reconciled to the situation. The companies sent to Ripley and Abercrombie had to be provided with wagons for the transportation of commissary and quartermaster's supplies. To manage the wagons there had to be a wagon-master, so the noted and noble old pioneer, Anson Northrup, was appointed to the position. The date of the complete organization of the regi- ment was April 30, 1861, for on that day Colonel Gorman notified Governor Ramsey that the regiment had been mustered into service, was ready for duty, and awaited the orders of the Secretary of War, say- ing: "The First Regiment of Minnesota Volunteers, nine hundred and fifty men strong, is fully organized and mustered into service and awaits your orders." And yet the regiment was hardly ready for active duty. Three days later the colonel notified Governor Ramsey that immediate provision must be made for uniforming the men, who, he said, numbered eight hundred and sixty-seven; that they needed shoes, shirts, caps and socks of the regular army pattern; that they were without proper camp and garrison equipage and had no knapsacks, canteens, tents, cook- ing utensils, axes, spades, or picks, A regiment with- out these articles could hardly be considered ready for active duty. It was six days after the colonel's notice, or on May 9, when black hats and black trousers were given the men. Then, with their red shirts, or the blue ones with the pictures on them, the men were picturesquely (if not fashionably) ar- 16 FIRST SERVICES IN MINNESOTA rayed, but that did not disturb them or impair their capacity for service. The men of the Winona com- pany, however, continued to wear their neat gray uniforms. But May 4 the Secretary of War suggested to Governor Ramsey that the regiment re-enlist and be mustered into service for three years, instead of serving for but three months. It seemed probable now that it would take longer to suppress the great rebellion than was at first thought ! The Secretary said that no more three months' men would be ac- cepted from any source ; that the First Minnesota, not having taken the field, would, if its members con- sented, be mustered out and re-enlisted for three years. The re-enlistment would be voluntary, and the places of those declining to serve longer were to be filled by new recruits. The sentiment for re-enlistment was practically unanimous, even with the possible contingency of having to serve for three years. The desires of the men were ascertained, and May 10 a communication signed by every officer in the regiment was sent to Governor Ramsey, tendering through him to the President the regiment for a service of "three years, or during the war." The tender was accepted and the next day, pursuant to the order of the Secretary of War, Captain Nelson re-mustered the men for three years from May 11, 1861, though their term of service really began — and was so accounted — April 29. Governor Ramsey was then in Washington, and though the tender had been addressed to him, it was received by Lieutenant-Governor Donnelly and duly forwarded. The next day the Governor telegraphed that the men of the First Regiment must know that their being permitted to enlist for three years was "a favor which had been extended to no other regi- 17 THE FIRST MINNESOTA ment. " A year later the obligation was reversed, and it was the Government that felt itself "favored" when a regiment enlisted for three years ! Not many men declined to re-enlist. The vacancies occasioned by those who did decline were very promptly filled. More occasions (social and otherwise, but all en- joyable), were now indulged in. On the 14th of May the friends of Colonel Gorman presented him with a fine horse, saddle, bridle, etc. A week later, in re- sponse to an invitation from the ladies of Minneapolis and St. Anthony, the regiment marched up to the Falls and was banqueted in the fine grove then on Nicollet Island. May 24, when the regiment had been filled to the maximum, it went to St. Paul and at the east front of the State capitol building received the State flag which it carried through its term of service. The flag had been made by the ladies of St. Paul and on their behalf was presented in a finished speech by Mrs. Anna E. Ramsey, wife of the Governor. Colonel Gorman received the banner in an eloquent and even grandiloquent speech and gave it to Sergt. Howard E. Stansbury of Company A, with earnest instructions to bear it aloft, and if he should "fall in defense of it," his last words were to be, "Save the colors of the First Regiment."* Following, there were rousing cheers, thunders of cannon, etc., until the air was filled wih enthusiastic patriotism and patriotic en- thusiasm. The regiment then marched to the Wins- low House, on upper Third Street, and enjoyed an elaborate and sumptuous banquet. It was then taken back to Fort Snelling on the fine steamboats *Sergeant Stansbury did not care for the flag very long, although it was given to him under such solemn and impressive circumstances. A few days later he was made a lieutenant in the regular army and left the regiment, 18 FIRST SERVICES IN MINNESOTA Northern Belle and Hawkeye State. These days were afterward vividly recalled when the regiment was floundering in the mire of the Chickahominy and the mud of Falmouth or march- ing on scanty rations and weary feet over the red clay roads of "old Virginia." Referring to them, Lochren says: "During this period, and indeed as long as the regiment remained there, Fort Snelling was daily thronged by visitors from all parts of the State — the soldiers' relatives, friends and neighbors, who were often charged with distributing articles of comfort and convenience prepared by the ladies of different localities throughout the State." The design that detachments of the First Regi- ment should constitute the guards and garrisons of the three Government forts in the State for a time, was neither abandoned nor changed. May 28 Major Dike, in command of Company B, the Stillwater com- pany, and Company G, the Faribault company, set out on the steamer Franklin Steele, via the Minne- sota River, to relieve the garrison at Fort Ridgely, then composed of two companies of the Second United States Infantry under Major Patton. At that period, and for years later, the Minnesota was navig- able for light draught steamboats in the boating season as far up the river as the Lower Sioux Agency, six miles below Redwood Falls, and often far beyond. The day after Major Dike's command left, Com- pany A. Captain Wilkin, marched for Fort Ripley to relieve the companies of the Second Infantry under Colonel Abercrombie. A week later Company E, Captain Morgan, marched also for Ripley and en route met Colonel Abercrombie with the former gar- rison, coming down. June 10 Company C, Captain Acker, and Company D, Captain Putnam, with 19 THE FIRST MINNESOTA Lieutenant-Colonel Miller in command of the bat- talion, set out on a long march for Fort Abercrombie, two hundred and twenty-five miles to the northwest. It now seemed altogether probable that the regi- ment was doomed to spend a great deal of time away from the seat of war, where glory and fame were to be had for the plucking, and the war might be over before it would be given a chance to dis- tinguish itself. Meanwhile, on May 28, at the close of dress parade, the ladies of Winona, through Capt. Henry K. Lester, presented the regiment with a fine national flag, the regimental colors, the Star Spangled Banner — and long may it wave. This beautiful standard did not last long. It was virtually shot to pieces at the first battle of Bull Run, was unfit for service thereafter, and was returned to the Minnesota State Capitol, where its tattered but revered fragments still are. 20 CHAPTER III. THE REGIMENT ORDERED TO WASHINGTON. MEANWHILE, "to oblige the boys," Governor Ramsey and Senators Rice and Wilkinson had been endeavoring to have the First Minnesota re- lieved from garrison duty in the State and taken to Washington City, where it would be handy in ease of a fight. On June 12 Senator Rice telegraphed the Governor that Secretary of War Cameron refused to order the regiment on to Washington "in consequence of the departure of several companies for the forts." As early as May 13 Adjutant-General Sanborn had telegraphed the Governor — then temporarily in Washington — that the Twenty-third Regiment of Minnesota Militia, Col. D. A. Robertson, had the full regimental complement of men, and tendered its services to the Government "for three years or dur- ing the war." So, when it seemed that the First Regiment could not be sent to the front, the alterna- tive of calling out Colonel Robertson's regiment and having it forwarded to Washington was seriously considered. (See War Records; also "Vol. 2 Minn, in Civ. and Ind. Wars; also newspapers of June, 1861.) But on receiving Senator Rice's telegram June 12, Governor Ramsey at once telegraphed Secretary Cam- eron bluntly and to the point: "Do you want Minnesota Regiment or not? If so. Colonel Gorman's is well drilled and armed and can be in Washington in ten days. A full regiment could not be got up in ten days, but I can have the forts relieved in less time. Answer." The old War Secretary took his time about the 21 THE FIRST MINNESOTA (< answer." Senator Rice got after him, however, and June 14 he sent it to Governor Ramsey and it read: "Send to Harrisburg, to await further or- ders, Colonel Gorman's regiment. Replace the companies at the forts with companies of the Second Regiment. Report day the regiment will be at Harrisburg." He supplemented this telegram the same day with another, directing that if the regiment had been mustered for three years it should come at once to Washington by way of Harrisburg and presumably need not stop at the latter place. Responding to the first telegram, the Governor directed Adjutant-General Sanborn to order Colonel Gorman to report himself and his command "forth- with at Harrisburg." As soon as a swift messenger could carry it, the Colonel received the order and broke the official envelope as eagerly as a boy lover opens a letter from his sweetheart. The St. Paul Pioneer and Democrat of June 16 described what followed the reception of the order at Fort Snelling: "The news that the First Regiment was ordered to Harrisburg was transmitted to Fort Snelling about ten o'clock Friday night. Almost everybody, save the sentinels, was asleep. The Colonel and staff had the in- formation first, and it was received with every demonstration of delight. Our inform- ant says the Colonel fairly howled with joy. "The news soon spread to the quarters of the company officers and then to the men, and such rejoicing took place as had never before occurred since the regiment was mustered in. The men did not stop to put on their clothing, but rushed around hurrah- ing and hugging one another as wild as a 22 THE REGIMENT ORDERED TO WASHINGTON crowd of school boys at the announcement of a vacation. "There is no sham gratification at being ordered forward. The men enlisted for actual service in the field, and not to gar- rison forts. Many of them are farmers and would much prefer being at home this busy season than to spend the summer anywhere in the State." And Lochren says that, although the men realized that their time thus far had been well employed in the drill and discipline necessary to fit them for their duties as soldiers, and that in going to the seat of war they would lose many of their accustomed com- forts and fare harder than at Fort Snelling, yet they had enlisted to fight to put down the rebellion and they did not wish to be disappointed. They did not want their experience in the war to be confined to garrison duty in local forts, for a comparatively brief time, when — the war being over(!) — they would be relieved by returning regulars who had composed the former garrisons. They did not want their mili- tary experience to be a bloodless one. Oh, if they could have foreseen their future ! Almost with the speed of a blizzard wind, couriers with return orders rode after the companies that had been sent out to the forts. Those dispatched to Ridgely and Ripley had reached their destinations and were about their duties. But Companies C and D, under Lieutenant-Colonel Miller, were toiling along under the blazing skies of a Northwest June, amid myriads of Minnesota mosquitoes, on the weary march to Abercrombie. The dispatches of the Colonel, ordering the com- panies back to Fort Snelling preparatory to speedy departure for the front, were received by them with great joy and exultation. Good news is always 23 THE FIRST MINNESOTA greeted more heartily when received under dis- appointing conditions. With such alacrity were the return orders obeyed that in a week (or by the morning of Friday, June 21) all the companies were back in Fort Snelling except Company A, which had to remain at Fort Ripley, and 25 men of Company G, under Captain McKune, who had to stay at Ridgely and guard valuable Government property there until relieved by companies of the Second Regiment then being made ready. Therefore Com- pany A and the detachment of Company G did not reach Snelling until after the Regiment proper had left the State, and caught up with it at Washington. A rumor reached Company E at Ripley that the Regiment would leave Snelling Friday morning, and so eager were the men not to be left that they cheer- fully obeyed Captain Morgan's order to march all night long and were very happy when they got into the Fort at sunrise and learned that the regiment would not depart until the next day. At 5 o'clock on the morning of Saturday, June 22, the regiment, except Company A, Captain Wilkin, and part of Company G, Captain McKune, was formed on the parade ground at Fort Snelling preparatory to setting out for the front. Colonel Gorman reported its numerical strength to be 1,023. probably 900 men or more were in line. Religious services were held and a brief address bj'- Chaplain E. D. Neill, learned scholar and divine, accomplished historian, and earnest patriot. He cut the service short, as the men were restless, and the good steam- ers Northern Belle and War Eagle, lying at the Fort's wharf, just under the bluff, had steam up ready for departure. . • The services over, the men by companies were marched down the bluff road to and on the boats, 24 THE REGIMENT ORDERED TO WASHINGTON well crowding them. In a few minutes the fine palatial-like crafts cast off their shore lines, turned their prows outward and were swiftly gliding over the broad, deep bosom of old Father Mississippi. On reaching the upper levee in St. Paul at the foot of Eagle Street, the boats landed and the regiment by previous arrangement, disembarked and marched through the city to say farewell and to receive God speed. It was only 7 o'clock, but the streets were thronged by a sympathetic and enthusiastic multitude. There was short time for leave-taking, though hearts were sore and fears brooding, and in half an hour the men were aboard the boats again and sweeping down the river, the Northern Belle for La Crosse and the War Eagle for Prairie du Chien. Fifty years later the event was properly celebrated. Only brief halts Avere made en route. At Hast- ings, Red Wing, Lake City, Wabasha, and Winona the companies organized at these places were allowed to land for fifteen minutes for parting with relatives and friends. At each stop there was a quarter of an hour of sighs, tears, and sad hearts, mingled with pride, hope and fond wishes. The women of Minnesota had full sympathy for their soldiers. The fair have always loved the brave. Our yvomen and girls loved the soldier boys and gave their feelings practical expression. They fed them dainties and supplied them with comforts when they could. They knit socks and made shirts for them, and when the regiment left St. Paul for Wash- ington nearly every soldier had a havelock made for and given to him by the women of the cities and towns where the companies were organized. Of course, after a little while havelocks went out of popularity and style. The boys didn't care whether or not the back of their necks were sunburned; other 25 THE FIRST MINNESOTA things were of more importance. Minnesota matrons and maidens did their full duty by their soldier fathers, husbands, brothers, and sweethearts, actuated as much by love of country as by natural affection and sympathy. They were as patriotic and self-sacrificing as the Spartan women of old, who in time of war gave their girdles for sword belts, their hair for bow-strings, and while their heart-strings were breaking with love, pushed from their embraces their dearest ones and sent them forth to fight for the country. The Northern Belle reached La Crosse about midnight and the "War Eagle got to Prairie du Chien at 3 o'clock in the morning. Notwithstanding the unseasonable hour, the people of each little city turned out in great numbers to welcome the Minne- sotians. At Prairie du Chien nearly the entire population of the modest but patriotic town came forth from beds and home and received them with an artillery salute and the most profuse hospitality. It must be borne in mind that at that time, and for more than a year later, the nearest railroad depots to Minnesota were La Crosse and Prairie du Chien. The railroads they represented were in im- perfect condition and had but limited facilities. Neither the La Crosse nor the Prairie du Chien depot could entertain 900 men on a single train or a single day. For this reason, both depots and their roads had to be utilized in transporting the First Regiment from the Mississippi River to Chicago. Luckily both roads made connection at Janesville, Wis., and there was good solid roadbed thence to Chicago. From both La Crosse and Prairie du Chien, rail- way transportation in first-class passenger cars was furnished the Minnesotians. Many of these men had never ridden on a railway ear before and the sensa- 26 THE REGIMENT ORDERED TO WASHINGTON tion was as novel as it was pleasant. Moreover, both detachments were given bountiful and sumptuous dinners the next day as the guests of the railroad company. The junction at Janesville was made on time and the regiment arrived in Chicago at 6 o'clock on the evening of June 23. The entire trip through Wisconsin was really a great continuous ovation. "Brave boys are they; gone at their coun- try's call; And yet — ah! yet, We cannot forget That many brave boys must fall." At the depot of the Northwestern Railroad Com- pany in Chicago a great crowd had assembled to greet the regiment with hearty and enthusiastic cheers. The mayor of the city, "Long John" Went- worth, the old friend and associate of Governor Sib- ley and a long-time friend of Minnesota,* made the men a short but very complimentary speech of wel- come. Then he rode with Colonel Gorman at the head of the regiment, as it marched through crowded and cheering streets, to the Pittsburg & Fort Wayne depot. Although it was near sunset, thousands were on the streets to see the volunteers from Minnesota whose coming had been announced. On the morning of the 24th all the Chicago newspapers made a news feature of the passing of the regiment through the city, although it had been preceded by several other regiments. The Tribune said: "Our city has been for some time on a qui vive to see the first installment of troops from loyal Minnesota pass through the streets en route to the seat of war. Their arrival last evening was heralded by a dispatch *He was a member of Congress when Minnesota was organized as a territory. 27 THE FIRST MINNESOTA from our special reporter at Janesville and a bulletin from the Tribune office. An im- mense concourse of spectators greeted their arrival at the Chicago & Northwestern Rail- . road depot, where they debarked from the cars at 6 o'clock. Gallant Minnesota de- serves high credit for her noble sons and their appearance yesterday. They have en- joyed in their makeup that rare and excel- lent process of selection and culling from the older states which has thrown into the van of civilization the hardy lumbermen and first settlers in the Northwestern wilds. There are few regiments we have ever seen that can compare in brawn and muscle with these Minnesotians, used to the axe, plow, rifle, oar, and setting pole. They are un- questionably the finest body of troops that has yet appeared on our streets." The regiment arrived in Chicago at 6 p.m. and at 10 o'clock, in the first-class cars of the Pittsburg, Fort "Wayne & Chicago Railway, departed for Harris- burg. Good meals were furnished by the railroad company and everything possible done for their com- fort. Pittsburg was reached at midnight. At Hunt- ingdon, in the mountains of Pennsylvania, just as the sun was rising, the train halted for fifteen minutes; but early as it was, the ladies were waiting and as soon as the train stopped they boarded it laden with hot and delicious coffee, pastry, etc., and gave the men a bountiful luncheon. Harrisburg was reached at 10 o'clock in the forenoon of the 25th. The regiment left the cars and went into a "camp of instruction" recently established, and where there were already several other new regiments in tents. The entire trip from Fort Snelling had been practically a grand junket. Companies A and K, which had been temporarily left 28 THE EEGTMENT ORDEEED TO WASHINGTON behind in Minnesota, were commiserated because they had missed such a good time. The men of the regiment expected to remain in the Harrisburg instruction camp for some time and be drilled and otherwise prepared for further duties, although Colonel Gorman had fairly drilled their legs off at Fort Snelling. But at the unseasonable hour of 3 o'clock on the morning following their arrival, they were called out of their sleeping quarters and rushed aboard a train of cattle cars bound for Balti- more. While these cars were less comfortable than upholstered passenger cars, yet it was realized that no other transportation was available, and everyone was satisfied to accept such as the government could furnish. Soon the train left Pennsylvania and entered Maryland. All along the railroad the people were Unionists and by waving flags and handkerchiefs let the Regiment know their sentiments. A large ma- jority of the people of the State were loyal to the old flag, although two months before as the work of rabid secessionists the blood of Union soldiers had "flecked the streets of Baltimore." Nearing that city the men were greeted with the first hostile demonstration, when an old woman angrily shook a broom at them. At Baltimore — as in nearly every other city of that day and for years later — different systems of railroad did not connect their depots. There were few union depots. A depot of one road might be on the north side of a town, and the depot of an- other road might be on the south side. The regiment had to march through Baltimore from Pittsburg depot to that of the Baltimore & Washington. Two months before, the Sixth Massachusetts, while passing quietly through the streets, had been fired 29 THE FIRST MINNESOTA ■upon by a mob and a few of its men were killed and others wounded. The First Minnesota did not invite such a demonstration, but the men were ready for it. They loaded their muskets and fixed their bayonets, and would have used them to effect had the frowning, scowling fellows they passed on the sidewalks even snapped a cap. Baltimore was left late in the afternoon and Washington City reached at 10 o'clock at night. Quarters for the night were obtained in the Assem- bly rooms, and Hon. Cyrus Aldrich, one of Minne- sota's Congressmen, furnished a supper. The first stage of the journey was over. 30 CHAPTER IV. AT WASHINGTON AND ALEXANDRIA. THE next morning, June 27, after its arrival in Washington, the regiment went into camp a short distance east of the Capitol building. The camp was a fine one, well furnished, and the sur- roundings were all that could be desired. But daily and tiresome drills were resumed during the stay of a week, although the men had become fairly proficient in these exercises before they left Minnesota. They were told that the object of so much training was to make them disciplined and capable, so they would stand the severest shock of battle without breaking and do their whole duty as soldiers. This theory was to be put to the test and all were anxious for it. General Winfield Scott, the grand old hero of many wars, was now in general command of the armies of the United States. He was 75 years of age, but possessed a vigorous mind, was a true pa- triot, and had the confidence of the people. In April he had offered the active command to Lieut-Col. Robert E. Lee, but Virginia seceded April 17 and Lee chose to go with his State. Eventually General Scott gave the command of the forces in and about Wash- ington to Gen. Irvin McDowell, a West Pointer, who had served with credit in the Mexican War and on General Scott's staff, and had been made a brigadier early in May. The authorities of the Confederacy had removed its capital from Montgomery, Ala, to Richmond, Va., 100 miles from Washington. It was a popular idea that the objective of operations in the East would be the capture of Richmond, the rebel capital, both 31 THE FIRST MINNESOTA for its effect on the South as well as on foreign opinion. For weeks Horace Greeley in the New York Tribune, and many other wiseacres in the North had been crying out, ' ' On to Richmond ! On to Richmond ! "Why doesn't our army move upon the rebel forces and the rebel capital at once?" Virginia had not fairly seceded until the forces representing the rebellious States were along the Potomac and elsewhere on Virginia borders prepar- ing to defend her "sacred soil" from invasion by the "Northern hordes." Confederate flags were soon flying within plain sight of Washington, and Confed- erate troops were defending them. The Confederate authorities had sent Gen. Pierre Gustavo Toutant Beauregard to command their forces in front of Washington. Gen. Joseph E. Johnston was the supreme commander of the Confederate forces in all Virginia ; but he was over in the Shenandoah valley with a snug little army of some 10,000 men, and had left the Confederate situation in Virginia south of Washington in charge of General Beaure- gard. To watch General Johnston and keep him from coming to Beauregard's help (if the latter should need it) was the duty of Union Gen. Robert Patterson with a force nearly all three months' men. General Patterson was an old man almost to the point of infirmity. Very soon after a military situation and condition was established in Washington, General McDowell began dispatching small parties of Union troops into Virginia to learn the situation and "feel of the enemy." The Confederates, too, were reconnoitering and scouting about their side of the Potomac. On the 24th of May 5,000 Union troops moved over from Washington and occupied the town of Alexandria. There was no resistance on the part of the Confed- 32 THE KEGIIMENT ORDERED TO AVASHINGTON erates, save that Col. Elmer E. Ellsworth, of a noted regiment, called the Fire Zouaves, was shot and killed by a hotelkeeper named Jackson, whose secession flag the Union colonel had pulled down and was carrying away. The Virginia Confederates, 500 in number, under Col. Geo. H. Terrett, according to orders, retired without resistance. The First Minnesota crossed the Potomac and first pressed the soil of old Virginia at the ancient town of Alexandria, July 3, 1861. The regiment was brought doAvn the river from Washington by steam- ers from the navy yard and landed at the Alexandria wharf at noon. The little but historic old town was silent; grass was growing in the streets and all the residence houses seemed deserted. This was George Washington's town, and not far away rest his re- mains. He it was who helped to create and who more than anyone else maintained the flag of the stars and stripes at most critical periods, and now in his former home town were none to do it reverence ; ev- eryone was its enemy. As the regiment marched through the streets the men cheered, but there was no response. The only living persons in the place seemed to be negroes, who stood in flocks at the street corners looking upon the soldiers in dead silence and blank astonishment. The regiment was inspected by General IMcDowell, then marched a mile west of Alexandria and went into camp in a twenty-acre field. All about were the camps of comrade volunteers. In their new camp in what was fairly a tented field, the regiment resumed drilling. There were daily details for guard dut5^ Posts were established on the railroad to guard that thoroughfare, and the telegraph. There were guards on all the roads and especially at every cross road. Corp. Sam E. Stebbins, 33 THE FIRST MINNESOTA of Company K, wrote to the Winona Republican : "We do not let anybody pass the lines without a written pass signed by the proper army officers. Even the folks that live on one side of the road and have land on the other cannot pass without showing a writ- ten permit. There are lots of ladies going visiting, and we have to stop them and examine their passes, and if they have no pass it is our duty to arrest them and send them to headquarters. As we are only a mile from the city of Alexandria, we have plenty to do. We have a little shed right at the junction of the roads to sit under when not engaged in active duty. Before long we expect to move forward to attack the rebels, and if they don't run we shall have some fun. We are anxious for a chance to meet the scamps on an open field." Within a fortnight after writing, Corporal Steb- bins had his wish granted. He met the "scamps" and had "some fun" with them. The meeting ended in his receiving a lump of lead in his body which put him out of the fight. He was a good soldier and bravely stuck to his post as long as possible, but was finally discharged for disability in the fall of 1862. While at the Alexandria camp the regiment was sent out to the west and south on scouting expedi- tions "feeling for the enemy." Two or three times it was called out under arms late in the night to repel an imaginary attack. These false alarms were then considered essential to correct military training. Also while at Alexandria the regiment became part of its first brigade organization. With the Fifth and Eleventh Massachusetts regiments and Battery I, First U. S. Artillery, it constituted Gen. W. B. 34 THE REGIMENT ORDERED TO WASHINGTON Franklin's First Brigade of Gen. Samuel P. Heint- zelman's Third Division of General McDowell's Army of Northeastern Virginia. All these generals were regular army officers of long service. General Heintzelman had served on the Northwest frontier, and for a long time had been stationed at Mackinaw and Fort SneUing. 35 CHAPTER V. BULL RUN. BY the middle of July the Confederate position in northern Virginia was well established, and well known. General Beauregard had selected the now famous little stream called Bull Run as the line which he proposed to defend against attack, or from which he might advance upon the enemy, according to circumstances. Bull Run is a small watercourse, in its largest division of the dimensions of a medium creek, in ex- treme length about 25 miles from source to mouth. Its source is in the highlands near the village of Aldie, Loudoun county. It flows in a general direc- tion southeastwardly around ]\Ianassas Junction and five miles below this point empties into the Occo- quan, which stream in turn falls into the Potomac about fifteen miles below Alexandria. The term ^'run" as applied to a watercourse is a Southern and "Western idiom denoting a stream larger than a brook and smaller than a creek. It is said that Bull Run takes its name from a prominent English planter who lived near the mouth of the stream in Colonial times. Manassas Junction is four or five miles southwest of Bull Run. In 1861 it was the junction of the Ma- nassas Gap and Orange & Alexandria railroads, which jointly used a single track from thence to Alexandria. General Beauregard had established the Confed- erate position along Bull Run at a distance of four or five miles northeast of ^Manassas Junction, con- venient for the transmission of supplies, etc. The 36 BULL RUN Confederate forces were drawn out along a line about eight miles in length. The banks of Bull Run were lined with scrubby timber and were high, steep, and abrupt. The stream could not readily be crossed except by the fords, and there were several of these. From Union Mills Ford northwesterly or up stream, they were Mc- Lean's, Blackburn's, Mitchell's, Island, Ball's and Lewis's. Northwest of the stone bridge and the Warrenton turnpike was Sudley's Ford, high up the stream. Wilmer jMcLean, owner of the farm opposite the ford of that name, was also the owner of the house at Appomattox C. H., in which Lee sur- rendered to Grant. At Bull Run his house was General Beauregard's headquarters. Along the Run, on its right or southerly bank, at these fords. General Beauregard prepared good breastworks with abatis and with the Run in front as a ditch. At each ford he placed a strong force of artillery. The intervals between the fords were weakly manned. The idea was that the stream could not be passed, except at the fords, by cavalry and artillery, and with difficulty by infantry. On the 16th of July General McDowell moved his army from the banks of the Potomac towards the enemy. The First Division was commanded by Gen. Daniel Tyler, the Second by Col. David Hunter, the Third by Col. Samuel P. Heintzelman and the Fifth by Col. Dixon S. Miles. Colonels Hunter, Heintzelman, and Miles were colonels in the regular army. The Fourth Division, commanded by Gen. Theodore Run- yon, was left in the works on the south bank of the Potomac. The forces reached Fairfax Court House, sixteen miles south of west of Washington, at 3 o'clock on 37 THE FIRST MINNESOTA the afternoon of the 17th and Centerville, four miles from Fairfax, the next day. Centerville is six miles eastwardly from Bull Run. A few scattered Con- federate scouts were encountered, resulting in the wounding of three Union soldiers. The men were unused to marching, the weather was hot, the roads dusty, and the movement was attended with some personal discomfort and much loud complaint. Two years later the march would have been easily and indifferently made. One of the Union spies with the army was Matthias Mitchell, who lived on a tract which became part of the battlefield of Bull Run. As soon as Beauregard was well satisfied that McDowell was moving against him with superior force, he called earnestly for help. He telegraphed Jeff Davis and the other authorities at Richmond, and Gen. Joe Johnston, over at Winchester. General McDowell's first plan was to attack the Confederates on the south or right of their line, not- ably at Blackburn's and Mitchell's Fords. Good roads from Centerville crossed Bull Run at each ford, but as Blackburn's was farthest down stream and at the more vital point of the Confederate flank, it was thought probable that the main Union attack would be made there. This was McDowell's opinion, and also Beauregard's. General Beauregard, there- fore, strengthened the defenses of Blackburn's Ford to meet the emergency. Gen. James Longstreet's brigade constituted the defenders. The real movement of General McDowell was a flanking movement by General Heintzelman around the enemy's left wing and this regiment participated in that flanking operation. The First Minnesota left its camp near Fort Ellsworth on July 16 and joined in the general advance of the army. Ten men from each company (mostly sick or ailing ones, making 38 BULL RUN 100 in all) were left behind to care for the camp. The march that day was a slow one and the regiment only reached the near vicinity of Fairfax Court House, a few miles from Fort Ellsworth. Camp was made in a jack-pine thicket on a ridge. The next day Sangster's Station, on the Orange & Alexandria Rail- road, (locally called Sangster's Cross Roads) was reached early in the afternoon and the Regiment went into camp in a region abounding with ripe black- berries. The soil of the country was thin and worn out by more than a hundred years of cultivation. The farmers were not progressive and their crops were always scanty; but fruits, especially small fruits, both wild and cultivated kinds, grew bounti- fully. Of the march to Sangster's Station Chaplain Neill, under date of July 17, wrote : ''I slept under the hospital ambulance. During the night another regiment, the 11th Massachusetts, joined our brigade. Before sunrise we were all on our winding way, the artillery immediately in front of our regiment. We travelled all forenoon through a wooded country, with here and there a clearing, and with a poor log farmhouse and an apology for a barn in the shape of a few pine logs loosely put together and half de- cayed. The inmates are what the Virginians call "poor whites." The mother stands at the door, a tall, vacant, gaunt, care-worn woman ; the children pale and buttonless; the father ill clad and looking as if he were half ashamed to hold up his head in the presence of decent people. "Two miles after we began our march this morning, we passed an aguish-looking, badly frightened man whose horse had been shot last night by our pickets and who had received a wound himself. Two women were 39 THE FIRST MINNESOTA by his side, one white and coarse-featured, the other more refined, a plump matronly quadroon, who seemed to show quite a con- jugal interest in the man. She told me that he was hunting for a colt when our soldiers challenged him, and not understanding them, he did not stop and they fired on and wounded him and killed the horse. "While standing at the farm gate of a Union family originally from New York, news came that the enemy was in force at Fairfax Station and his pickets near by. Axmen soon went forward to cut away the obstructions the enemy had placed in the road. The Zouaves were hurried up and went by us jumping like squirrels, to strike the railway near the supposed rebel camp, while we moved along with the Massachu- setts 5th and the battery to attack the left flank. We soon came to deserted picket posts, and in a little while at an abandoned camp ground there was a great dense smoke and we learned that the rebels had left in haste this morning, burning up all the stores they could not carry with them. We hastened on until we reached a high pla- teau overlooking the valley through which the railways pass and also looking over to- ward the Blue Ridge Mountains. We again saw smoke ahead and in half an hour ar- rived at Sangster's Station, six miles south- west of Fairfax Court House and only eight from Manassas Junction, headquarters of Beauregard. The rebels retreated and in passing down from Fairfax Court Plouse to- day they burned all railroad bridges. Had we been here four or five hours sooner we could have caught them all. We tramped sixteen miles today under a hot sun." The following day, July 18, occurred the affair at Blackburn's Ford, under General Tyler. That day Lieutenant-Colonel Miller, with Companies A and B, 40 BULL RUN made a reeonnoissance five miles to the front, nearly to the Confederate lines. On their return the men of the party said to their comrades, *'The rebs are out there all right, and they'll fight, too." July 19 the regiment and Heintzelman's Division marched to the vicinity of Centerville and united with the main army. Centerville (commonly spelled Centreville) was a little hamlet on one street with half a dozen or more houses. Its principal building was a small one-story stone church. The most abun- dant and cheapest building material in the country was stone, which was much used in construction work. Centerville was on the Warrenton turnpike, ''a good broad highway leading down" from Wash- ington to Warrenton a southwest course of some fifty miles almost as straight as the crow flies. It was a fine thoroughfare, for plenty of stones had been used in its construction and it was firm and strong. July 19, the Chaplain wrote from Centerville a letter filled with interesting items : ''A three days' march brought us to this place, where we found the rear of General McDowell's Division. The first day we ad- vanced from Alexandria to Pohick Creek ; the second day sixteen miles to Sangster's Sta- tion, on the Orange railway, twenty miles from Alexandria. "Yesterday morning Captain Wilkin was sent up the railway with twenty men to scout. He returned in about two hours with the intelligence that three miles distant he perceived about 500 of the enemy on a hill commanding the road. In the afternoon, Lieutenant-Colonel Miller, with Companies A and B was ordered to proceed on the railway and discover if the bridge over Bull Eun at Union IMills was burned. They pro- 41 THE FIRST MINNESOTA eeeded about the same distance, and with the aid of a field glass Colonel Miller and Lieu- tenants Downie and Thomas distinctly saw a battery of five or six guns where Captain Wilkin saw the enemy in the morning. ''While they were absent the long roll was sounded and the brigades of Colonel Heintzelman's Division were quickly on the march again. Just at dark, not far from Centerville, we heard that there had been a bloody engagement at Bull Run where a de- tachment under General Tyler had been mowed down by a masked battery. Shortly after the rumor came, it began to rain and we were drenched. Without provisions, sur- rounded by twenty hungry and wet regi- ments and with nothing but bad news of the afternoon fight* to digest, we went sup- perless to bed, if sleeping in the open air can be called going to bed. "This morning, amidst anathemas fierce and loud from long lines of Zouaves and others, a band of eight rebel soldiers was marched through the camp up to General McDowell's tent. They were a picket sta- tioned near Fairfax Court House, which the rebels in their hasty departure had forgotten to call in. Their uniform was rather Fal- staffian. Their heads were covered with apologies for hats and caps. Two wore dark brown blouses and the rest were dressed in iron grey satinet with green trimmings. They belong, I believe, to an Alabama regiment." The next day, Saturday, July 20, was a gala day in McDowell's camps. The mustering officer came to the regiment and mustered in several recruits, who had been on duty several days, withovit having been *Reference is made to the affair at Blackburn's Ford, already referred to. 42 BULL RUN sworn in. Visitors, officials, and private citizens came out from Washington in carriages, bringing their own supplies (including plenty of liquors) and bound for a good time. They were under no military restraint and were so numerous that as they thronged the streets and passed to and fro among the troops, the camp fairly resembled a monster military picnic ground. (Fry, Batts, and Leads, p. 183.) Many of these visitors (to their subsequent humiliation and sorrow) remained over in camp until and including the greater part of Sunday. The troops were en- camped at various distances from Centerville. General Tyler's big division next morning, Sunday, July 21, made another demonstration, this time against the Stone bridge, only a few miles away on the Warrenton Pike. While Tyler's Division was cannonading and other- wise demonstrating against the Stone bridge, two miles below, Hunter and Heintzelman crossed the Run, moved down the little valley, and fell upon the rear of the Confederate forces at the bridge. It was expected that Tyler's operations would so distract their attention that Hunter and Heintzelman would have no difficulty in taking the defenders by sur- prise and defeating them. Then when the Second and Third Divisions had attacked, Tyler's would cross the Run and co-operate and the three Divisions would make summary disposition of Beauregard's army. Johnston's "Army of the Shenandoah" was supposed to be a hundred miles away. After a march of ten or twelve miles, Heintzel- man 's Division came up to the ford at 11 a. m., having been enlivened and inspirited for an hour or so by the sound of battle in front. Franklin's Bri- gade (to which the First Minnesota belonged) crossed the ford at about 11 :30 and Colonel Franklin, by 43 THE FIRST MINNESOTA direction of General McDowell, sent the regiment forward a few hundred yards to re-inforce the flank- ing force. It was brought on the field first under the guid- ance of Captain Wright, of Colonel Heintzelman's staff, as a flanking force. It moved at quick time until it arrived at an open field which overlooked the battlefield. Here the regiment remained for several minutes. Some of the men wandered about and amused and refreshed themselves by gathering black- berries, which were somewhat plentiful, others picked flowers that abounded. In a little while, however, it was ordered through the woods to a position near the front and center of the Confederate line. This was the first position, and it was in an open field and under the direct fire of the enemy's batteries. (Gorman's report). After ten minutes in the field, it was ordered by both Colonels Franklin and Heintzelman to the sup- port of Ricketts' Battery. To obey this order the regiment had to pass in front of the enemy's line, a mile or more to the extreme right of the Union line. The movement was executed in quick and double-quick time. It was a July day under a Vir- ginia midsummer sun and the march was very try- ing. IMany of the men threw away blankets, haver- sacks, and even their indispensible canteens in order to run with swiftness the race set before them. (Gor- man.) This was to be the regiment's first fight. It had not yet been in a skirmish fight — never under fire. There were no braver spirits, physically and morally than the men of the First Minnesota. They were al- so finely drilled and well disciplined. But to march into a fierce battle, "into the jaws of death", for the first time without perturbation, misgivings, and ner- 44 BULL RUN vousness, is a march that has never yet been made. Of course the men knew their danger, but bravely they faced it. As they marched into position on the brink of the Henry Hill, they passed a small stream flowing in a shallow valley and as they ascended saw the dead bodies of a few Zouaves that had been killed a few minutes before, their gaudy uniforms now dabbled with blood, their forms and faces distorted by an agonizing death, and their glassy eyes staring up into the sk3\ The spectacle was not encouraging or inspiring. The regiment came up and Colonel Gorman quickly put it into battle line. It was in advance of all the other Union troops. Colonel Gorman says the position was ''within 50 or 60 yards of the enemy's line of infantry." "When General Heintzelman rode between the lines "within pistol shot of each," Colonel Gorman says the circumstance "staggered my judgment whether those in front were friends or enemies. But in a few minutes they displayed the rebel and we the Union flag." The Confederates soon destroyed the battery and had time to reload and drive away the Zouaves (who had been sent in at this point) and were crouching in the jungles of scrub oaks and pines waiting for the Union attack. Companies A and F, the right companies of the regiment, were two rods from the Henry wood when Colonel Heintzelman rode along and gave the order to "feel in the woods for the enemy." Captain Colvill of Company F saj^s the order was promptly~responded to by the two com- panies, "first by volleys and then by a continuous fire." By giving way to the right and left to allow Riek- etts' battery to pass through, the regiment had be- come divided into two wings. Lieutenant-Colonel ]\[il- 45 THE FIRST MINNESOTA ler was present with and commanded the detached portion of the right wing. Colonel Gorman says the division was caused by "the configuration of the ground and the intervening woods." Lochren says the left companies were separated from the right companies when Ricketts' guns "were taken back through the center of the regiment." Others say the division occured when Ricketts w:ent forward from his first stand with his battery to his new position. But Lochren further says that in moving the regiment "by companies into line" in the brush, as it neared the top of the hill the left companies were the last to get into line at the edge of a narrow clearing in- to which the batteries had "just" passed. Lieutenant- Colonel Miller wrote to the New York Tribune, re- ferring to Colonel Gorman at Bull Run, as follows : "Our wings were necessarily separated by the battery of Captain Ricketts, so that Gorman and I and our respective wings could not see each other until the conclu- sion of the conflict." (Bloomer's Scrap Book, p. 20.) This would indicate that the wings of the regi- ment were placed on either flank of the battery. At no time was any part of the regiment on the left of the battery. First Lieut. Myron Shepard states as his recollec- tion: "It is my opinion that Ricketts' battery operated entirely to the left of the regiment. The wrecked battery, dead horses, etc., lay 30 or 40 yards to the left of Co. B. during the latter part of the action. Of this I am positive. Ricketts' battery was wrecked and mostly abandoned before the regiment was half through fighting. I explain as fol- lows: While we were forming line of battle, 46 BULL EUN we had to give way, right and left, for Rick- etts' battery to pass through and to its posi- tion on our left. Fighting followed instant- ly. The interval (in our line) could not be closed at once, and so the regiment fought in two battalions, and Ricketts' battery was destroyed almost instantly." Captain Searles, in Loyal Legion "Glimpses"; second series, on this point writes: "One wing hav- ing been partly separated from the other by Ricketts' Battery as it went into action, the regiment gradually became separated into two portions, one body under Colonel Gorman and the other under Lieutenant- Colonel Miller." The weight of testimony is that the division was caused by the passage through it of Ricketts' Battery on its way to its last position. Lochren says that soon after the regiment was in line, "there was already firing at the right of the regiment, but the occasion was not understood." This would seem to have been the firing of Companies A and F mentioned by Colvill and which was ordered by Heintzelman. As if in response to this firing, Lieutenant-Colonel Boone* of Colonel Falkner's regi- ment, the Second Mississippi, rode from the Confed- erate position to that of the two right companies of the First Minnesota. He had seen the red shirts of the regiment and thought it was the Fourth Ala- bama, many of whose men Avere similarly garbed. He came to caution the Minnesotians not to fire on their "friends!" Mr. Javan B. Irvine, who was serv- ing with Company A, promptly made a prisoner of Colonel Boone (to the latter's great astonishment) and he was sent to Washington. He was the officer of highest rank captured and retained by the Union troops that day. The incident made Mr. Irvine an *Colvill calls him "Col. Coon of a Georgia regiment." 47 THE FIRST jMINNESOTA officer in the regular army for the rest of his life.* The Confederates were near enough to witness the capture of Colonel Boone. They now knew that the forces in front of them were Union troops, and not the Fourth Alabama. Suddenly from the entire Con- federate line came another terrible explosion of ar- tillery and musketry and another volley of iron and lead swept the Henry house plateau. The deadly storm, with its fierce red lightning and crashing thunder, struck the Minnesotians squarely in their faces, and the shock was as if there had been a great explosion of dynamite before their eyes. Only for a second were the Minnesotians stag- gered or stunned. Then Colonel Gorman gave the order to fire, which was obeyed on the instant. For a few minutes it was give and take between the forces. Owing to the very short distance between the contending lines, the fighting was very hot and deadly. Volley after volley followed. The Confeder- ates had by far the greater volume of fire, and after again sweeping the ground occupied by the batteries, they seemed to concentrate it upon the First Minne- sota. They had another decided advantage in that they outnumbered the Minnesotians very largely. While not behind artificial breastworks, they were really intrenched in the thickets of jaekpine and scrub oaks and the natural ditches and gullies of that hilly site. The Minnesotians were fairly in the open with the Confederate artillery "en enfilade" and hurling death into them from a position only 350 yards away, *A few weeks after his capture, Colonel Boone took the oath of allegiance to the United States, renounced the Confederacy, and was released from the Old Capitol prison at Washington. During the reconstruction period he was made a District Judge in the Booneville district of Mississippi. He resided at Boonevlle, where he died in 1880. 48 BULL RUN and the infantry volleying at them from the front. Colonel Gorman saw that under the forbidding circimistances his men could not accomplish any good purpose in their perilous position and if they re- mained longer they would be involved either in ter- rible destruction or hopeless confusion. Seeing also that the greatest part of the Union forces present were apparently falling back, he gave the order to retire. The regiment moved back in the best order in which any command left that part of the field during the battle. "While falling back, however, the ground passed over was contested by desultory firing for four hun- dred yards, until the small stream formerly men- tioned, called Yqun^'^ Branch, was reached and the men supplied themselves with water, of which they Vv^ere in great need. Eeforming, the regiment marched northward on the Sudley road, the route over which they had come to the battle field. The men who were in the ranks recrossed Bull Run at the Sudley Ford and then followed the road they traversed in the morning down to the Warrenton Pike and thence east. Those who had broken ranks crossed the Run wherever they came to it and took what route seemed safest. The division in the Regiment continued until after Bull Run was crossed. Lochren says that after it retired from the battle line it remained for some time at the foot of the hill on whose crest it had fought and then went back to Buck Hill, where the knapsacks had been left. From thence it went to the Sudley Ford and re-crossed the Run and "here we were joined by a considerable part of the right companies of our regiment." From Buck Hill to Sud- ley Ford is fully two miles, a long distance to march before the two divisions could be united. This in- 49 THE FIRST MINNESOTA dicates the general state of disorder at the time. Half a mile below or south of the Sudley Ford, very near the Sudley spring and in the Sudley church, a Union field hospital was established, and here the severely wounded of the regiment were left with Surgeon J. H. Stewart and Assistant-Surgeon C. W. LeBoutillier in charge. The name Sudley was of much geographic prominence in this immediate sec- tion and became noted. The Sudley road, the Sud- ley Ford, the Sudley spring, the Sudley house, the Sudley mill, the Sudley church and the Sudley hospi- tal all became historic. The regiment moved from Sudley Ford toward Centerville next to the rearmost regiment, the First Rhode Island of Burnside's Brigade, temporarily commanded by Governor Sprague, the plucky gover- nor of the plucky little state. The First Minnesota marched first by platoons, but some demoralized cav- alry came rushing to the rear and threw them into confusion and the men "did not afterward try to keep in order." Nearing Centerville, the route over which they passed was under fire of Kemper's Virginia Battery, from Alexandria, which had crossed Bull Run below the Stone bridge and was shelling the retreating, straggling Unionists. (Kemper's report.) The First Minnesota passed through Centerville and at the close of that long, hot, terrible, but eventful day, stumbled into its camp of the night before and what men were present dropped to the ground and went instantly to sleep without eating. They expected that the fighting would be renewed the next morning at Centerville, when they would be on the defense and the Confederates on the aggressive and they wanted to be rested and refreshed for the encounter. Half an hour later they were called up by the cooks 50 BULL EUN for hot coffee and to receive an order. General McDowell found himself at sundown with a defeated and badly broken army. Many of his best officers and men were killed or wounded, hundreds of others were either prisoners or fugitives in the wastes of the country, more than half of his cannon had been lost, and the morale of his army was gone. Then came word that the Confederates, flushed and glowing with victory and with a very strong force, much of which was quite fresh, were advancing to attack him at Centerville. The dark hour was on Saul. He at once issued orders to the men left him, though they were in sad plight, to continue the re- treat to Alexandria, back under the shelter of the guns and forts defending Washington. This was the order the Minnesotians received with their coffee. The order meant to men already exhausted the march of a distressed army for 25 miles amid the gloom of a black darkness and a crushing defeat. Lochren says: ''How it was accomplished cannot be told. The writer, carrying knapsack, haversack, musket and complete soldier's outfit, was on this march several times awakened from deep sleep by stumbling against some obstruction. In the forenoon of the next day we were back in our tents at Alexandria, thoroughly exhausted and soon asleep ; but in the after- noon we were called up and marched to "Washington, six miles or more, in a heavy rain, by way of the Long bridge." After the First Minnesota retired from the battle- field at perhaps 2 :30 p. m., the fight was practically over at that part of the field. WHAT THE COMMANDERS SAID. The First Minnesota's Division commander, Heint- 51 THE FIRST MINNESOTA zelman, and its Brigade commander, Franklin, were both officers in the regular army. They were strict disciplinarians, without fear or favor, and praised good conduct sparingly but denounced bad conduct unmercifully. Of the work of the regiment at the Henry house plateau, Colonel Heintzelman in his official report, describing his attempts to capture the plateau, said: "Franklin's Brigade was posted on the right of a woods near the center of our line and on ground rising toward the enemy's position. In the meantime I sent orders for the Zouaves to move forward to support Ricketts' Battery on its right. As soon as they came up I led them up against an Ala- bama regiment partly concealed in a clump of small pines in an old field. At the first fire they broke and the greater portion fled to the rear, keeping up a desultory firing over the heads of their comrades in front. * * * The regiment as a regiment did not appear again on the field. I then led up the Minnesota regiment, which was also repulsed, but retired in tolerably good order. It did good service in the woods on our right flank and Avas among the last to re- tire, coming off the field with the Third U. S. Infantry. Next was led forward the First Michigan, which was also repulsed and retired in considerable confusion. * * * The Brooklyn Fourteenth then appeared on the ground, coming forward in gallant style. * * * Soon after the firing commenced this regiment broke and ran; I considered it useless to attempt to rally them. During this time Ricketts' Battery had been taken and retaken three times by us, but was finally lost, most of the horses having been killed. Captain Ricketts was wounded and taken prisoner and Lieutenant Ramsey killed. Lieu- tenant Kirby behaved with great gallantry 52 BULL RUN and succeeded in carrying off one caisson." It will be noted that of all the four regiments that Colonel Heintzelman names as having been sent forward to support or retake the battery, the First Minnesota is the only one that retired in good order. Colonel Franklin, the Brigade commander, reported: "The First Minnesota Regiment moved from its position on the left of the field to the support of Ricketts' Battery and gallant- ly engaged the enemy at that point. It was so near the enemy's lines that friends and foes were for a time confounded. The regi- ment behaved exceedingly well and finally retired from the field in good order. The other two regiments of the brigade (the Fifth and Eleventh Massachusetts) retired in confusion, and no effort of myself or staff was successful in rallying them." The First Minnesota had one commissioned of- ficer killed and five officers wounded. Capt. Lewis McKune of Company G, the Faribault company, was the officer killed. He was a prominent citizen of Faribault, had been a member of the Republican wing of the State Constitutional Convention in 1857 and was highly esteemed. He was 39 years of age. The officers wounded were : Capt. "Wm. H. Acker and 2nd. Lieut. Samuel T. Raguet of Company C, one of the St. Paul companies; Capt. H. R. Putnam of Company D, the Minneapolis company; First Lieut. A. E. Welch of Company F, the Red Wing company, and First Lieut. Joseph Harley of Company I, the Wabasha company. A fortnight later Captain Acker was transferred to the Sixteenth U. S. Regular In- fantry and April 6th, following, he was killed at the battle of Shiloh. Captain Putnam was after- wards made a captain in the Twelfth U. S. and was 53 THE FIRST MINNESOTA duly transferred. Lieutenant Welch became major of the Fourth Minnesota and died at Nashville, February 1, 1864, at the early age of twenty-four. Lieutenant Harley resigned ten days after he was wounded. The two commissioned officers reported missing in the official records were Surgeon J. H. Stewart and Assistant Surgeon C. W. LeBoutillier. They were in attendance upon the wounded when the Confederates came upon them, made no resistance, and it cannot be well said that they were captured; they simply fell into the hands of the enemy and became prison- ers. Lochren well says of them : ''They remained in attendance upon the wounded on the field when they might have escaped with the retreating troops, and were detained as prisoners. Their skillful care of our wounded doubtless saved many lives and alleviated in many ways the condition of their wounded comrades." They never returned to the regiment. Their posi- tions had to be filled before their release, and for the time they were nominally transferred to other organizations. After being exchanged Dr. Stewart remained in St. Paul, connected with the mustering of troops. After the war he was elected to congress. He died in St. Paul in 1884. Dr. LeBoutillier became surgeon of the Ninth Minnesota and died in the service in 1863. According to the official reports of the com- manders made soon after the battle and published in Volume 2 of the War Eecords, in the Union army the regiment suffering the greatest loss in killed was the Eleventh New York, the Fire Zouaves, with 48. Then came the First Minnesota with 42, the Sixty- 54 BULL RUN ninth New York with 38; and the Seventy-ninth New York with 32. The regiment losing the greatest number of killed and wounded was the First Minnesota, with one officer and 41 men killed and eight officers and 100 men wounded, a total of killed and wounded of 150. It seems probable, however, that the number of wounded given is too small and was only estimated in the first reports. Loehren, however, adopts the above figures. The nominal list of killed and wounded, as pub- lished in Volume 2 of "Minnesota in the Civil and Indian Wars," does not agree with the official re- ports. That list gives one officer and 31 men killed and 4 died of wounds, a total of 36. The list, how- ever, gives the name of John 0. Milne, Company I, as killed, when he was wounded and made a prisoner. The number of wounded by the list was 5 officers and 119 men, 124 in all, making a grand total of 160 killed and wounded. The War Records (Heintzel- man's report) gives 28 as the number of the regi- ment missing. Two days after the battle of Bull Run, the regi- ment was again encamped on its former ground, the first occupied when it came to Washington, and was fairly comfortable in its new quarters a little east of the capitol. About July 24 drilling was resumed. Before going to Bull Run, when the regiment was camped back of Alexandria, Colonel Gorman had writ- ten to Governor Ramsey: ''I say to you sincerely, we are the best drilled and best disciplined regiment in the service, and such is the judgment of the regu- lar officers that have seen us." (Minn, in Civil and Indian War, Vol. 2, p. 29). But perhaps the battle convinced the Colonel that there still remained some- thing to be taught the men. 55 THE FIRST MINNESOTA Lochren says that while in this camp the regiment — for the only time in its history — manifested some discontent and lack of morale. The men did not soon recover from the depression that followed Bull Run, and they alleged many other causes of dissatis- faction which they would have afterward considered too trival to notice. They said the mess beef and the hardtack were not tender and toothsome. They had received no pay, and many things were to be had in Washington for money. They had received no new uniforms and were still wearing the red woolen shirts and black pants. The men wrote back to Min- nesota about their hardships. Ten letters from the St. Anthony company were received in one week. The ten recipients and others appealed to Governor Ramsey and he took the matter up with Adjutant- General Sanborn and Colonel Gorman. General Sanborn rushed to Washington and reached the regiment's camp July 29, finding that a full supply of coats, blouses and pants had been dis- tributed among the men two days before, and that previously they had been provided with shoes and caps, so that he "found the regiment fully provided with all needed clothing." (Minn, in Civil and Indian Wars, Vol. 2, p. 32.) Quartermaster Geo. H. Woods wrote to General Sanborn: "Our regiment has always had, since we came to Washington, the full amount of rations." Chaplain Neill wrote: "I have no idea that there has been any suffering among the regiment for lack of proper clothing. With a few exceptions the men have appeared tidy and not 'all tattered and torn' in their dress of blue pants and red shirts. This week they have received the blue uniform of the United States. From the first, in tidiness and general appearance, they have appeared well in the clothing which they obtained in Minnesota." Colonel 56 BULL RUN Gorman wrote: "No man has suffered for want of cloth- ing. Complaints may be (and very likely have been) made by soldiers that wished to run around the city and their pride prevented their doing so, owing to the looks of their clothes. Our army is better fed, better clothed, and better cared for than the army of any other government in the world.*** If their friends at home listen to the idle tales that are told, insubordination and ulti- mate dishonor must come to us. We have been in service three months and our men have been supplied with three shirts, two pairs of pants, one dress coat, one blouse, one cap, one hat, three pairs of socks, two pairs of shoes, two pairs of drawers, two blankets and full army rations." Very soon the kickers were silenced and their friends at home satisfied. The great majority of the men never murmured at conditions, no matter how severe. They expected toil, hardships, and even suffering, and were ready to bear them at all times. A superb body of men physically, the First Minne- sota always looked well. Even when it wore red shirts and black pants, it seemed more fit for service than the fancifully dressed regiments — the Zouaves, garbed to resemble Turcos, Arabs or French troops. 57 CHAPTER VI. THE UPPER POTOMAC AND CAMP STONE. SOON after the battle of Bull Run the Confederates advanced their outposts from Centerville and Fairfax Court House to Munson's Hill, in the Vir- ginia environs of "Washington and almost to the banks of the Potomac. This movement was of no real military value to their cause, but it gave them the prestige (of which they were very vain) of flaunting their new flag of the stars and bars within view of President Lincoln, the U. S. Congress, and the people living in the national capital. In a little time, however, General Johnston set his men at work more practical than flaunting a flag be- fore the capital. He caused them to erect several bat- teries on the Virginia side of the Potomac, with a view of obstructing the navigation of that river. This work was quite successful. Early in October the great water highway by which a large part of the supplies for the Union army around Washington was brought forward from the North, was effectually closed. This actual ''blockade of the nation's capital" by the Confederates produced a deep feeling of humiliation throughout the North and bitter com- plaints against the military authorities and their policy. The day after the battle of Bull Run, Gen. Geo. B. McClellan was telegraphed to come immediately from "West Virginia and take command of the dis- comfited and disorganized army at "Washington, and instantly he obeyed. General McDowell vacated the command very willingly and gracefully and without 58 THE UPPER POTOMAC AND CAMP STONE any sort of ill feeling. He seemed heartily glad to get rid of his job. General McClellan at once began to organize his army and plan his future movements. He was deter- mined not to fight another battle until he was good and ready. When there was a clamor that the Con- federate blockade of the Potomac be removed by an assault on the rebel batteries from the Maryland side, or by a movement by the right bank of the Potomac, he refused to allow the movement for the reason that it would bring on a general engagement, for which he was not ready. After Bull Run the Confederates sent detach- ments to occupy positions on the Virginia side of the upper Potomac, so that they might facilitate the crossing of their own forces into Maryland and get in the rear of Washington City, or prevent the Union troops from crossing the Potomac to the Virginia side and turning the Confederate flank. To meet this movement General McClellan sent forces up the Potomac on the Maryland side. Gen. N. G. Evans, the alert and plucky Confederate commander at the Stone bridge and who opened the ball at Bull Run, had been sent to Leesburg, county seat of Loudoun County, Va., 35 miles northwest of Washington and five miles back from the Potomac, to keep watch and ward over that part of the river. To confront him and counteract his operations, General McClellan sent up a force on the Maryland side opposite Lees- burg. The First Minnesota was one of the regiments sent up the river. August 2 the regiment broke camp and marched for the upper Potomac. Four or five miles out they halted at Brightwood, a suburb practically of Washington. Here the following day came a paymaster and gave the men three months' 59 THE FIRST MINNESOTA pay in gold and treasury notes. The privates re- ceived pay then at $11.00 a month, which rate was soon after raised to $13.00 a month. When the men received their pay and heard the gold and silver jingling in their pockets, Lochren says "discontent vanished at once." The march was then resumed, and on the evening of August 5, Rockville, the county seat of Mont- gomery County, was reached. At this time Rockville was a "pleasant village, but with rather a disloyal population." The truth was, Bull Run made many Marylanders and other border state men disloyal. On the evening of the 7th, Seneca Mills, on Seneca Creek, was reached and here the regiment began its picket duty on the upper Potomac and remained nine days. August 16 Seneca Mills was abandoned and a per- manent camp established in a slightly sloping field about midway between Poolsville and Edwards Ferry over the Potomac, and about a mile and a half from each of these points. Poolsville was a little village five miles back or east of the Potomac. Edwards Ferry was at or near the mouth of Goose Creek, thirty miles northwest of Washington. The camp be- came the permanent locale for the regiment for more than six months, or until the latter part of February, 1862. In honor of the brigade commander, Gen. Charles P. Stone, the camp was called Camp Stone. General Stone had long been an officer in the reg- ular army. He was very prominent, active and useful in the operations to prevent Washington City from falling into the hands of the secessionists in the win- ter and early spring of 1861, and commanded a bri- gade in Patterson's army. August 4 he was given a brigade in the "Division" of the Potomac, as it was then called. This brigade was composed of the First Minnesota, the Fifteenth Massachusetts, the Second 60 THE UPPER POTOMAC AND CAMP STONE Regiment N. Y. State Militia (Eighty-second Volun- teers) and the Thirty-fourth Regiment of New York Volunteers. Upon the organization of the army of the Potomac (Oct. 15, 1861) General Stone was given a division composed of three brigades, viz : His old brigade, now under General Gorman, and to which had been added Kirby's Battery; Lander's Brigade of Michigan and Massachusetts regiments, and Vaughn's Battery B, First Rhode Island Artillery, and Baker's Brigade of Pennsylvania Volunteers, (chiefly) including the Seventy-first Pennsylvania command, called the California Regiment, and Bunt- ing's Sixth New York Battery. Kirby's Battery was the old Ricketts' Battery (I, First U. S.)* reorganized and now under Lieut. Ed- mund Kirby, who at Bull Run brought away three limber chests and 56 horses, and all the battery that was saved, doing this while his face was covered and streaming with blood from wounds. (See How- ard's report Vol. 2, War Recs., p. 418). A number of the men from the infantry regiments of this bri' gade were transferred at their request to this bat- tery. August 8, while at Seneca Mills, John Thorp of Company K, Winona company, wrote his father at Rollingstone as follows : ''I wish we could stay here for two or three weeks, as this is a beautiful country and there is plenty of good spring water, which we prize more than anything else. The health of the camp is a great deal better than it was when we Avere in Virginia. Some of our men are pretty Avell used up by ex- posure and fatigue, but I have stood it first- *Somehow many of the Minnesotians came to believe that Kirby's Battery of the First Artillery was identical with the old Sherman Battery of the Third Artillery, and even with the old Fort Ridgely Battery of the Second U. S. 61 THE FIRST MINNESOTA rate so far, and so have all the Rollingstone boys." (Bloomer's Scrap-book.) August 18, a member of a St. Paul company wrote to the Pioneer: "Scarcely had we become familiar with the scenery and associations around Seneca Falls before we were again ordered to move. On the 13th the Red Wing, Hastings and Wabasha companies proceeded to Edwards Ferry and two days later the remaining companies followed them. Our march this time led by Senaca Mills up a steep hill and thence through a fine wooded country bor- dered on both sides with waving fields of corn and rich orchards, while elegant dwell- ings dot the landscape. In some places, where orchards lined the sides of the narrow road, the branches (drooping under the heavy load of apples and peaches) formed natural arches of foliage and fruit. About noon we passed through Poolesville, a little village of about 150 inhabitants. Here Ricketts' Battery was re-organized after the late battle. Dr. Murphy, from St. Anthony, is now our surgeon and with zealous devotion attends to the suffering of our sick and dis- abled. Dr. Hand acts as assistant surgeon." Camp Stone was the one particular bright spot of all the many camps sojourned in by the First Minne- sota. The site was fine and healthy, and the country as beautiful as any in all bonnie Maryland. Loyal people abounded, the young ladies were attractive, and everybody was friendly — even the "secesli" of the country. More clothing was issued, pay day came again, a sutler arrived with a big stock of notions and other supplies, the men built good cookhouses and bake ovens, and by drawing rations of flour instead of hardtack, and buying corn meal at a neigh- 62 THE UPPER POTOMAC AND CAMP STONE boring mill, greatly improved their fare, so that (as they expressed it) they lived like "princes and fighting cocks." Being well fed, well cared for and well exercised, the regiment became more efficient and contented than ever before. (Lochren). Only the proper amount and the right kind of exercise were practiced. There were daily drills, of course — would they never have done with them? — and picket duty down along the Potomac. The latter was performed readily. There was just enough dan- ger about it to give it sufficient spice and relish. The Confederates from Leesburg were performing similar duty along the opposite shore (the Virginia side) and there was danger of great bodily harm to a Union picket if he wasn't careful. The Minnesotians com- posed the Union pickets for some distance up and down the river on either side of Edward's Ferry. Sam Stebbins, although still suffering a little from his Bull Run wound, was back on duty and August 24 wrote about life at Camp Stone to the Winona Daily Republican : "We are stationed about two miles from the Potomac river, 30 miles from Washington, and form a line of guards from Harper's Ferry to Washington. I like this guard duty first-rate. There is something excit- ing about it. It takes three companies for picket guard at a time. The companies whose turn it is to go on duty put their knapsacks in a wagon, take two days' ra- tions in their haversacks and march down to the Ferry, which is headquarters for the guards. Then we are distributed to the posts, six or seven in a place except at the Ferry, where besides the guard there are twenty or thirty men left as a reserve. The posts are half a mile apart. In the daytime we can all sleep except one at a time, but 63 THE FIRST MINNESOTA at night we all have to keep awake, with our eyes and ears wide open. The river here is about 80 rods wide and the enemy has pickets on the other side ; but there are trees and brush on the banks of both sides, so we can keep out of sight of one another, save when we go down to the water. We have a little skirmish almost every day, but as yet there have been none of our regi- ment killed or wounded, although there have been several narrow escapes. "We can see our enemies every day and sometimes we can talk with them. The other day some of our boys were working in the river when two of the rebels came along on the other side and asked them where their guns were. Our boys replied that they had them close by, and inquired what kind of gun the others had. The rebels responded that they had the Minie rifles, and one of our boys told them it was 'a d — d lie.' The rebels thought that was an insult, so they instantly fired at our boys, and then ran in- to the bushes out of sight. At the Ferry our boys have a swing put up among the trees and I have often seen them sit and swing for a long time right in sight of the enemy. In fact, none of us would take any pains to keep out of sight of them if it were not for the strict orders of General Stone. We are told by the men on the other side of the river that they have the same orders over there, so all of our little battles must com- mence in disobedience to orders." Thus it will be seen that the mode of warfare practiced by the contending forces in the neighbor- hood of Edwards Ferry was a most comfortable and exemplary one, and entirely appropriate to the con- duct of a war between fellow-citizens of the United States. But, however commendable it was in that respect, it was not practical in results, and did not 64 THE UPPP:R POTOMAC AND CAMP STONE hasten the close of hostilities. Eougher work had to be done, and it was done. The duties of a day in permanent camp were reg- ulated by a prescribed program. If they were such as required the co-operation of more than one com- pany, or called for similar action of all the companies at the same time, although acting independently, the command was given by the bugler stepping to the center of the parade ground and sounding the ap- propriate "call." Thus there was the "reveille," which waked the soldier in the morning. The men readily came to set appropriate words to the music of the first and last call of the day as well as some others. The words which seemed to flow from the bugle at "reveille" were: "I CAN'T wake 'em up, I CAN'T wake 'em up, I CAN'T wake 'em up in the morning. (Repeated.) "The corporal's worse than the private, the sergeant's worse than the corporal, "The lieutenant's worse than the sergeant, and the captain's worst of all! "I CAN'T wake 'em up, I CAN'T wake 'em up, I CAN'T wake 'em up in the morning." By the time this call ended, anyone who still slumbered was rudely awakened by some comrade, for it meant to turn out to first roll call. The last call of the day — "Taps" — seemed to say: "Put out the lights. Go to sleep. Go to sleep. Go to sleep. "Go to sleep. Put out the lights. Go to sleep. Go to sleep."* pmrn i ' f' l ^miUiSh *Se6 brochure, "Two Bugle Calls," by O. W. Norton, The Neal Pub. Co., New York City. 65 THE FIRST MINNESOTA The hunting horn quality of the bugle made its tones reverberate throughout the camp. There were calls for breakfast, dinner and supper; sick calls; calls for sergeants, reports to the adjutant, officers report to the colonel, companies to form (or "fall in") for roll call, for mounting guard, for companies to form in line for dress parade and various calls for use in company and battalion drill. But the use of the bugle in the various evolutions of the company and battalion in drill maneuvers as well as in battle Avas mostly confined to the cavalry and artillery. On the 24th of August there was a skirmish at Conrad's Ferry, five or six miles above Edward's Ferry, and thereafter the situation was no longer "all quiet along the Potomac." The Tammany regiment was stationed on the Maryland side, at Conrad's and a detachment from Leesburg was stationed back from the river on the Virginia side. The Confederates were not much in evidence at Conrad's as were their brothers down at Edward's, and on the 23d, to ascer- tain if they were there at all, two Tammany officers crossed the river and reconnoitered. It seemed that the Confederates kept close watch on the river only at night. Their headquarters were in an abandoned house, half a mile from the river. Back at Leesburg was a fortified position which they called Fort Evans, for their commander. In Fort Evans was a battery, Captain McCarthy's Richmond Howitzers, six 12- pounder Napoleons. The captain of the battery fre- quently resorted to the headquarters called the Daly house, and the Tammany officers visited it and found evidences that the artillery officers frequented it, and left their cards, on which were written invitations to return the call. (Stebbins.) The next morning the Richmond Howitzers moved down to the river and cannonaded the position of the 616 i THE UPPER POTOMAC AND CAMP STONE Tammany regiment for an hour or more. (Stebbins.) The regiment at the time was armed with what were known as Harper's Ferry muskets, old smooth- bore guns, altered from flint-locks to percussion at the Harper's Ferry arsenal, and which had doubtless seen service in the Mexican AVar and elsewhere. The Tammanyites had them in the battle of Bull Run. Now they had them at Conrad's Ferry, but they were not effective against artillery at a distance of half a mile, since they could not be depended upon to carry a ball more than 400 or 500 yards. After a time, finding that they were only wasting ammuni- tion, the Confederates went back to Leesburg. One Tammany man had been slightly wounded. (Ibid.) Alarmed at the cannonading, Lieutenant-Colonel Miller, then temporarily in command of the Regiment at Edward's Ferry, sent out a detatchment of 42 men, six from each of the seven companies not on active duty — under Lieut. Gus. Holzborn, of the Winona company — to see what the trouble was. The lieutenant marched his men up to Conrad's and encamped there for the night. The next morning the Richmond Howitzers came down and resumed the cannonading, this time coming closer to the river. The 42 IMinne- sotians returned the fire with their Springfields, which carried well into the Confederate line and perhaps did some damage. At all CA^ents, the battery retired after an hour or so, and Lieutenant Holzborn marched his detachment back to Edward's Ferry and reported. The men had been sheltered in a ditch and were un- scathed. (Ibid.) Firing now began at all the other stations up and down the river from Edward's Ferry. At the latter post, however, the Minnesotians soon arranged a truce with the Nineteenth Virginia, on the opposite side of the river. The conditions were, ''I'll let you 67 THE FIRST MINNESOTA alone if you'll let me alone," and they were relig- iously observed for many days. Frequent conver- sations, friendly enough, were held between the op- posing factions, even with the consent of the officers. General Stone, who was in command, did not for- bid these courtesies. In fact, he was all courtesy, kindness, and chivalry himself toward the Virginia people. He gave numerous passes and permission for men and women (chiefly women) to cross the river each way. It was claimed that his good nature was imposed upon and that many a pretty woman who was allowed to pass upon some plausible excuse, sweetly and irresistibly alleged, was really a Con- federate emissary or spy. The Confederates were stricter. Stebbins says that on one occasion, about the first of September, a woman with a little girl came to the Ferry with a pass from General Stone and wanted to cross over into Virginia. A man was with her, and the Con- federates made them wait until they sent back five miles to General Evans and obtained permission for them to enter the lines and go to Leesburg. The first Minnesota had a fine time at Camp Stone during the month of September. That month is generally ideal weather in Maryland. The skies are clear, the temperature agreeable, apples and peaches abound and sweet potatoes are ready for the digging. At one time Stebbins wrote, "The condi- tion of the regiment seems to be in many respects better than it ever was before. Many peddlers come into camp every day, bringing in for sale vegetables, butter, pies, cakes, family bread, etc. I have gained eight pounds since pay-day." These good halcyon days continued until late in October, when they were rudely disturbed. 68 BVT. MAJ. GEN. NAPOLEON J. T. DANA, The Second Colonel of the Regiment. THE UPPER POTOMAC AND CAMP STONE CHANGES IN THE OFFICIAL ROSTER. While at Camp Stone there were many shiftings and changes among the officers and men of the regi- ment. A squad was transferred to the Western gun- boat service and a few sent to the U. S. Signal Corps. Of the latter, Asa T. Abbott, of the St. Anthony company, became a lieutenant in the regular army. October 1, Colonel Gorman was appointed a briga- dier-general of volunteers and duly assigned to the command of a brigade in General Stone's Division. The brigade had been commanded by General Stone who was now promoted to Division Commander. To succeed General Gorman as colonel of the First Minnesota, it had been arranged to appoint Napoleon Jackson Tecumseh Dana. His commission was dated October 2 and he joined the regiment ten days later. Colonel Dana was then practically a Minnesotian. He was born in Maine, in 1822, graduated from West Point in 1842, served in the regular army nearly fif- teen years, was in the Mexican War and wounded at Cerro Gordo, came to Fort Snelling as quartermaster in 1852, and subsequently selected the sites of Forts Ridgely and Ripley, building the latter post. He left the army in 1855, and for some time engaged in banking in St. Paul. He had been of much service in raising the First Regiment, and it was contem- plated that Gorman would soon be made a general and that Dana would succeed him as colonel. Colonel Dana was with the regiment but four months when he too became a brigadier, Feb. 2, 1862, and took Lieut. Wm. B. Leach, adjutant of the regi- ment, with him as aide. General Dana was wounded at Antietam and a month later was made a full major-general of volunteers. Lochren says that he was a model officer. Always calm, temperate and 69 THE FIRST MINNESOTA gentlemanly in demeanor, he enforced the strictest discipline without causing any friction or complaint or giving rise to any dissatisfaction. His long daily drills, with packed knapsacks (still drilling) made the regiment perfect in the execution of all battalion evolutions and Lochren saj^s "developed the muscle." He adds, "The men became devoted to him.*" Gen- eral Dana died in 1905.** Other changes in the official roster of the regi- ment were made while at Camp Stone. Maj. Wm. H. Dike resigned, Capt. Geo. N. Morgan, of the St. An- thony company, succeeded him and Lieut. George Pomeroy became captain of Company E. Capt. Alex. Wilkin, of Company A, of St. Paul, was commissioned major of the Second Minnesota (then being organ- ized) and was succeeded in the captaincy by Lieut. Harry C. Coates. Major Wilkin afterward became colonel of the Ninth Minnesota and was shot dead *Lochren wrote so admiringly of Dana in 1889. When Dana was colonel Loehren was a sergeant in the St. An- thony company. In 1893 Lochren was U. S. Commis- sioner of Pensions, and General Dana was a subordinate under him. **0n Feb. 3, 18i61, Colonel Dana received a telegram from Senator Rice that he had been confirmed by the Senate as Brigadier General. Of course the regiment felt it necessary to ratify. And it did. A band serenade with most of the officers and men present gathered in front of headquarters, and finally Colonel Dana appeared and made a soldierly little speech, in which he promised never to be separated from the Minnesotians if he could help it. Officers and men were happy. Later the officers made him a present — ^I think — of sword, belt, epaulettes and sash. The men, not to be outdone, raised $210.00 for a saddle, saddle blanket, bridle, holsters, spurs, etc., and Sergeant Shepard was selected to make the present- ation. But orders came from Washington to General Gorman to send two select sergeants to Washington to assist at the Capitol in a formal presentation to Congress of captured rebel flags, on Feb 2 2d. So Sergeant Price of Company I , and Sergeant Shepard of Company B, (right general guide, and left general guide, respectively) of the First Minnesota were ordered away, and the eloquent presentation speech had to be made by another. 70 THE UPPER POTOMAC AND CAMP STONE from his saddle at tlie battle of Tupelo, Miss., in July, 1864. Lieut. Minor T. Thomas, of the Stillwater com- pany, was promoted to major of the Fourth Minne- sota and finally became colonel of the Eighth Minne- sota. Capt. William H. Acker, of Company C. of St. Paul, had been transferred to the regular army and was succeeded by Lieut. Wilson B. Farrell. Capt. H. N. Putnam, of the Minneapolis company, was transferred to the Twelfth Regulars, and Lieut. De- Witt C. Smith became captain of Company D. Lieut. Geo. H. Woods of the Minneapolis company, regi- mental quartermaster, was made a commissary captain and became a lieutenant-colonel, and Lieut. J. N. Searles of Company H was made regimental quarter- master. Private Wesley F. Miller, of the Minneapolis company, and a son of Lieutenant-Colonel Miller, was made a lieutenant in the regular army and was subse- quently killed at Gettysburg. Capt. Henry C. Lester, of the Winona company, was promoted to the colonelcy of the Third Minne- sota, and Lieut. Gustavus A. Holzborn succeeded to the captaincy of Company K. While in the First Regiment, Colonel Lester made a good record. Lochren says he "was efficient and very highly re- garded." His conduct as captain of Company K in the battle of Bull Run was extolled and he was heartily recommended for promotion to the colonelcy of the Third. But while in command of that regi- ment at Murfreesboro, Tenn., in July, 1862, he had the misfortune to encounter the redoutable Confederate leader, Nathan B. Forrest, pronounced by many the greatest genius of the war, and the result was that Colonel Lester surrendered himself and his men as prisoners. There were extenuating circumstances. The Confederates greatly outnumbered Colonel Les- ter; Forrest had captured the Third's comrade regi- 71 THE FIRST MINNESOTA ment, the Ninth Michigan; the colonel and other officers of that regiment and General Crittenden, com- mander of the post, and a majority of his regimental line officers all counseled Colonel Lester to surrender; yet when he did so he was dismissed from the service, went into obscurity, and Minnesota never forgave him. Lochren notes,* and many will remember, that up to this time (and even later) vacancies in company commissioned officers in volunteer regiments were filled by elections held by the enlisted men of the companies interested. The result was often not for the good of the service and the practice was discon- tinued. The colonel of the Regiment named the en- listed men for promotion to the Governor and after the first year promotions were made strictly by seniority. The officers of the First Minnesota, with scarcely an exception, justified their selection. Shortly after the battle of Bull Run, when Sur- geon Stewart and Assistant Surgeon LeBoutillier re- mained with our wounded and became prisoners, a report came that Dr. LeBoutillier had died from wounds received. To fill his place Dr. D. W. Hand of St. Paul was commissioned assistant surgeon and immediately came on and assumed his duties. Not long afterward this eminent medical man was made a brigade surgeon, and Dr. John H. Murphy, one of the very earliest physicians in Minnesota, came on and performed the duties of surgeon for some months without being commissioned. Lochren says his great humor and love of fun worked many cures, especially among malingerers and pretenders. He pretended to *Generally the commissioned officers met and desig- rated the person who should be made second lieutenant. After Antietam that choice was, most always, the Senior Sergeant. 72 THE UPPER POTOMAC AND CAMP STONE believe the doleful tales of misery and suffering en- dured by these characters, and then blistered, starved, or physicked them unmercifully. His favorite remedy for a simulated case of sickness was, castor oil taken on the spot ! He always effected a cure in such cases. In December he left the First to become surgeon of the Fourth Regiment and was subsequently surgeon of the Eighth. He died in St. Paul in 1894. The pleasant sojourn at Camp Stone lasted well through the golden days of October with their many delightful features to be seen only in the mountain districts of the Border States. The camp was located near the foothills of the Blue Ridge Mountains and spurs of that elevated range penetrated all the region round about. The foliage of the trees in the Indian summer time was red, yellow, and green in all shades. The lowlands and dales were spread with autumn blooms. Gazing over them and the beautiful vari- colored woodlands, one could see the line of the Blue Ridge lying like a low storm-cloud on the horizon, and imagine that just beyond that line was the Land of Beulah. But about the 20th of October a storm- cloud spoiled that picture ! 73 CHAPTER VII. THE BATTLE OF BALL'S BLUFF. GENERAL MeCLELLAN finally decided to clear the west shore of the Potomac of the Confeder- ate forces that were giving so much annoyance. Gen. Geo. A. McCall's Division of Pennsylvanians was sent up the river on the Virginia side. October 19 it advanced nearly to Drainesville, a small village on the northwest border of Fairfax County, twenty miles northwest of Washington, and ten miles southeast of Leesburg, county seat of Loudoun County. General McCall's movement was ordered for the purpose of covering reconnaissances in all directions to be made the next day (the 20th) preparatory to driving away the Confederates from the Potomac. (McClellan's Own Story.) The reconnaissances were successfully accomplished. General McClellan believed that these demonstrations would cause the enemy to evacuate Leesburg and directed General Stone, whose headquarters were then at Poolesville, to ''keep a good lookout upon Leesburg" and suggested a "slight demonstration" as likely to help force the evacuation. (Ibid.) General Stone admitted that McClellan did not positively order him to cross the river. On the 20th General Stone ordered General Gor- man to take his brigade, with the exception of the Forty-second New York and the Fifteenth Massachu- setts, to Edwards Ferry and make a "display of force." The Fifteenth Massachusetts, under Col. Chas. Devens, was sent to Harrison's Island, in the Potomac, near Conrad's Ferry, four miles above Ed- wards and about the same distance due east from the Confederates at Leesburg. 74 THE BATTLE OF BALL'S BLUFF General Gorman marched the First Minnesota and the Eighty-second New York down to the Ferry on the afternoon of the 20th and "displayed" these regiments in all their imposing strength. Kirby's Battery shelled the Virginia woods for a time with- out response. Then the St. Anthony and Winona companies were sent across the river, and drove back the enemy's pickets and reserves, a company of Mis- sissipians and a detachment of Jenifer's Cavalry. After scouting about on the Virginia side for some time, they recrossed to the Maryland side and then both regiments returned to their camps. Colonel Devens 'went to Harrison's Island, sent to the Virginia side a rather small scouting party at dark and directed it to push out to Leesburg and dis- cover the position of the enemy. The party went out, and Captain Philbrick said the position was a small camp of tents easy to approach and as easy to sur- round, and this camp he said was only a mile from Leesburg. The next morning, October 21, at the "unholy hour" of 1:30, raw and chilly and dark as pitch, the First Minnesota was routed out of their tents, took a hasty and illy-relished breakfast, and then, accom- panied by the Eighty-second New York, with knap- sacks and other equipment, marched down to Ed- wards Ferry again. The two regiments reached the Ferry at daybreak, and immediately began to cross the Potomac in flat-boats previously provided, two companies at a time. In a little while the regiment was in line. Two companies were sent out as skir- mishers, covering the advance on the Leesburg road of Major ]\rix's detachment of thirty-five men of the Third New York Cavalry, that went up the road two miles but were finally driven summarily back by de- tachments of the Thirteenth Mississippi and Jenifer's 75 THE FIRST MINNESOTA Cavalry. At 11 o'clock the Thirty-fourth New York came over from Seneca Mills. The Seventh Michigan, of Lander's Brigade, also came. The muskets of this regiment were worthless and it was made to dig rifle pits, and Gorman's command, 2,250 strong, remained here all day and the ensuing night. The Fifteenth Massachusetts and the Forty-second New York did the fighting for the brigade elsewhere. While this movement at Edward's Ferry was be- ing prosecuted, the main action was being waged at a point higher up known as Ball's Bluff. At this i:>oint Colonel Devens had crossed from Harrison's Island over to the Virginia bank and had there en- gaged the Confederate force under Gen. N. G. Evans. The account of this disastrous contest forms one of the saddest and most unfortunate conflicts of the war, but the limits of this work preclude a detailed state- ment. It was in this contest that Col. Baker, com- manding the Seventy-first Pennsylvania — commonly known as the "California" regiment — was killed. Gorman's Brigade, at Edwards Ferry, would glad- ly have gone to the assistance of their comrade regi- ments at Ball's Bluff, the Tammany, the Fifteenth Massachusetts, and the " Calif ornians. " General Gor- man was ready and eager to be ordered in, but no order came. Yet the First Minnesota was destined to exchange shots with the enemy and smell his powder before the affair at Ball's Bluff was entirely over. General Banks had come up in the night and assumed command over General Stone, who had con- ducted both operations at Edwards Ferry and Ball's Bluff. Just across the river he had his division of 10,000 men, but only General Abercrombie 's Brigade crossed to the Virginia side. General Banks put General Gorman in command of the position at Ed- 76 THE BATTLE OF BALL'S BLUFF wards Ferry and in charge of the ferriage over to the Virginia side. By 10 o'clock on Tuesday, the 22d, General Gorman had crossed 4,500 men, HO of Van Alen's cavalry, and two 12-pound howitzers of Kirby's Battery, formerly Ricketts.' Watching Edwards Ferry, Colonel Barksdale dis- covered that the big force had been crossed and General Evans ordered him to move down with his Thirteenth Mississippi and reconnoiter, Barksdale promptly moved about 3:30 that afternoon and sent forward Randell's and Eckford's companies as skir- mishers. These soon ran against the Union picket lines and began skirmishing. Colonel Barksdale soon moved up the remainder of his regiment and the engagement became general. It did not last very long. The Union forces were largely in the majority and had artillery. The Confederates had only mus- kets, and but one regiment. They went forward a considerable distance, notwithstanding the heavy fire poured upon them, but Colonel Barksdale finally withdrew them from the field. The First Minnesota bore the brunt of the fight at Edwards Ferry. It was on the firing line and the Jnen behaved splendidly. The regiment had the only private soldiers hit by Confederate bullets in the engagement. Lewis F. Mitchell, of Company I, the Wabasha company, was killed and another man of the same company severelj^ wounded. General Lan- der, of the Second Brigade, was wounded while on the skirmish line. Total Union loss, 1 killed, 2 wounded. On the evening of the 22d, General McClellan came to Edwards Ferry and looked over the situ- ation. He did not consider the Union position on the Virginia side of the Ferry '' tenable." It was occupied now by 6,500 Union troops, with two good 77 THE FIRST MINNESOTA pieces of cannon in line and four full batteries across the river with a range of at least a mile into Vir- ginia, and supporting these batteries were practically 5,000 more infantry. Lochren's account of the re- crossing of Gorman 's command is as follows : ''As soon as it was dark General Gorman launched several canal l^oats into the river and manned them with lumbermen (mainly from the Stillwater, Minneapolis and St. An- thony companies) who with poles handled the boats expertly.* General Stone attended personally to the withdrawal of the troops and the writer (Loehren) was detailed to act as his messenger or orderly and carried ver- bal messages from him and made reports to him personally during the entire night, and can vouch for his constant, watchful per- sonal supervision of every movement, and his solicitude and care that no munitions, provisions, or materials of any kind should be destroyed or abandoned; and the writer can also testify to the great skill exhibited in conducting the withdrawal as rapidly as the boats could carry the men, but without chance of disorder or panic. "The First Minnesota, reduced by the de- tail handling the boats, was selected and placed in position to become the rear guard. All the other troops were new and such with- drawal in the night (after knowledge of Baker's disaster) might easily have been so mismanaged as to cause trepidation and dis- order. But the movement was effected in perfect quiet and order. The troops nearest the river were first crossed, then others apprised of the retreat only as they received orders to move to the boats at once and in *In his report General Gorman says that there were added to the Minnesota detail 100 men from Colonel Kenly's First Maryland, 100 from the Thirty-fourth New York, and 150 from the Seventh Michigan. 78 THE BATTLE OF BALL'S BLUFF silence. There was no crowding and no de- lays. "When nearly all had crossed, the picket was withdrawn, the writer traversing its length in the darkness and timber and communicating the order to each reserve. As the picket, fell back, the First Minnesota alone was left and it was also called in and crossed as light began to dawn in the east, General Stone being the last man to embark. Not a man or a pound of material was left behind." Corp. M. F. Taylor of Company E (one of the Commission preparing this publication) had a per- sonal experience which shows that General Stone was not the last man to cross. He says : "I was on detail and worked on the canal boats during the night when the troops crossed. As the last canal boat was loaded I was ordered to go back among the dif- ferent fires that were burning to see if I could find anyone who had not been called. I found none. On returning to the river bank, there were two members of the First just recrossing who took me in their boat, but hearing a call, I recognized Thos. Galvin of Company H, running down the bank of Goose Creek, followed by two or three rebel cavalrymen, but they abandoned the pursuit and Galvin was brought back safely. The detail from our regiment that had been left removed the rations that had been left and remained until the work was completed, and I am positive General Stone was not there." 79 CHAPTER VIII. BACK TO CAMP STONE. AFTER recrossing Edwards Ferry to the Mary- land side, the troops generally went to their former camps. The First Minnesota returned to Camp Stone and resumed its picket service and constant or daily drilling. It was said that the drill was more necessary for exercise than anything else. Every man in the regiment now could execute the manual of arms, the facings, etc., as well as an expert drill master, and the officers were proficient in the "school of the company" and the "school of the battalion," and there was really no need of further practice in this direction. The men were idle a part of the time, notwith- standing the drills and picket duty and the Enemy of Souls found "some mischief still for idle hands to do." Lochren records that there was a great deal of illicit and illegal liquor selling, or "boot-legging," at Camp Stone. General Gorman took stringent measures to suppress this evil. Colonel Dana seized and destroyed some bottles of "schnapps," stomach bitters, and brandied cherries which the sutler of the First Minnesota was vending. General Gorman had the sutler of the Thirty-fourth New York drummed out of camp for liquor selling. Lochren relates that, in endeavoring to put down boot-legging in his brigade, General Gorman had trouble with some of the negro slaves of the region. Two slaves of a planter living not far from Camp Stone were noted boot-leggers. Patronized liberally by certain soldiers, they plied their reprehensible traffic most industriously. At last they were "caught 80 BACK TO CAI\IP STONE in the act" and arrested. General Gorman sent for their master and asked his advice as to what ought to be done with the culprits. The master said he didn't like to meddle with military matters (even though his own slaves were concerned) but he thought the best thing to do with the "black rascals" was to have them soundly whipped by the soldiers who had been their last customers. General Gorman adopted the suggestion and the soldiers gave the negroes a moderate "switching." The soldiers prob- ably suffered as much from the mortification at having to inflict the punishment as the negroes did from having to suffer it. The months of November and December, 1861, and January and the greater part of February, 1862, were spent very pleasantly by the First Minnesota at Camp Stone. The men had constructed comfortable quar- ters ; they were given plenty to eat and wear ; they were paid off; the mail of over 1,800 letters weekly, was regular and sanitary conditions were excellent. February 6 Medical Director Triplett reported that of 960 men on its rolls the First Minnesota had but 32 sick, and only a few of this number seriously so. These conditions were maintained throughout, and to the men of the First Minnesota, soldiering went very well then. January 16, 1862, General Stone having been re- moved, General John Sedgwick assumed command of the division to which the First Minnesota belonged. February 3, Colonel Dana was appointed a brigadier- general and assigned to a brigade in Sedg^vick's Division. Adjutant Wm. B. Leach was promoted to the rank of captain and assigned to duty as assistant adjutant-general of General Dana's brigade. Febru- ary 1, Dr. Wm. H. Morton, of St. Paul, was commis- sioned surgeon of the First Minnesota. 81 THE FIRST MINNESOTA As has been noted, many enemies of General Stone waged a vindictive and personal warfare against him when he was in command on the Potomac. At last they succeeded in having him arrested and impris- oned, practically under charges of treason to his coun- try. One of the charges was that he had permitted communication between the Confederates of Mary- land and those of Virginia. Near Edwards Ferry, on the Maryland side, lived -a planter named "White. He had a number of slaves, and with their aid kept up his farming operations in the midst of the military movements about him. The spies upon General Stone reported that the Confed- erates were using White's house as a sort of signal station for communication with one another back and forth across the Potomac. It was alleged that every morning before daylight mysterious lights were observed flitting to and fro across the windows of the upper rooms of the White home. It was believed that these flittings and flashings constituted signals which were being observed by Confederate scouts in hiding on the opposite bank of the river and who conveyed their meaning to the Confederate military authorities as soon as possible. It was further al- leged that General Stone knew about these treason- able doings and permitted them — for big Confederate pay, of course. Sergt. Chris B. Heffelfinger, of Company D, of the First Minnesota, was promoted to second lieutenant about the 1st of December. A few days after his promotion he was officer of the guard at Edwards Ferry, including White's house. He was ordered to ferret out the real meaning of the alleged rebel signal lights in the house. In a corn-crib and in a barn within good view of the house, he stationed a squad of men one night, with instructions to watch the 82 BACK TO CAMP STONE house carefully for the lights until daylight. The next morning the sentinels reported that they saw nothing of a suspicious character, until a little while before daybreak, when the mysterious lights ap- peared, passing in front of the windows, etc., as seemed to be their reported custom. But when they investigated more particularly, it was revealed that the lights were burning candles in the hands of the negroes of the household, who had to rise before day- break and prepare their breakfasts and perform other household tasks, in order to be engaged in the farm work by sunrise. 83 CHAPTER IX. THE SHENANDOAH VALLEY iCAMPAIGN. BY THE middle of December, 1861, the Union troops had the Potomac River reasonably safe for navigation from its mouth to Washington, and this was of great advantage. They now sought to re-open the Baltimore & Ohio Railroad, a great com- mercial artery, connecting Washington and Pittsburg, making it possible for supplies to be sent to the na- tional capital directly from the West and Middle West without going the round-about route by way of Baltimore. The Confederates had broken this great iron thoroughfare in many places, at Harper's Ferry and elsewhere, and were determined that it should be kept broken. The divisions of Gen. Stone- wall Jackson and Gen. W. W. Loring had been sent up into what was called the Valley of Virginia, mean- ing the district of country through which flowed the Shenandoah and the Potomac and especially the terri- tory between these two streams, which unite at Harper's Ferry. After the battle of Bull Run the suddenly famous Stonewall Jackson was made a major-general. He remained with his brigade in the vicinity of Center- ville until October 4, when he was detached from it and sent to command the Confederate forces in the Valley of Virginia, and with them to keep out the Union troops and make war on the Baltimore & Ohio. He made his headquarters at Winchester. In the early part of December he was joined by his old brigade and by General Loring and his division. About the 20th of February General McClellan deemed it necessary to take additional measures to 84 THE SHENANDOAH VALLEY CAMPAIGN secure the re-opening of the Baltimore & Ohio, which was not yet in complete operation, Stonewall Jack- son having burned some important bridges in the Harper's Ferry region. The general thought it might be necessary to fight a battle to secure the re- construction of the road. (McClellan's Report, Vol. 5, War Recs., p. 48.) General Jackson and General Loring, with their divisions, were now at "Winchester and they had made all the trouble. They must be driven out of the Valley of Virginia or destroyed. Then Win- chester and Strasburg must be held by the Union forces to protect the Baltimore & Ohio on the South. General Banks' and General Sedgwick's Divisions were ordered to Harper's Ferry and from thence to go up the Valley and drive away the Confederates. tt The First Minnesota belonged to Sedgwick's Division. IJ On the morning of February 25, 1862, the regi- ment left Camp Stone for what was called the Shenandoah Valley Campaign. With the whole di- vision it marched up the Potomac and went into a cold, snowy, frozen camp or bivouac near the Monocacy River. What a change from the comfortable quarters at Camp Stone the previous evening! The next day the regiment crossed the Monocacy at Win- field Mills and marched to Adamstown, a station on the Baltimore & Ohio. Here the division entrained * and was taken by rail to Sandy Hook, a suburb of \ Harper's Ferry. The First Minnesota crossed the Potomac on a pontoon bridge. Its quarters that night were in some of the partially-destroyed Govern- ment buildings formerly connected with the Harper's I Ferry Arsenal.* These were examined with interest, *Lochren says the men were quartered in the build- ings in which John Brown and his partisans "had at- tempted defense" at the time of their famous raid. But 85 THE FIRST MINNESOTA especially those said to have been connected with John Brown's raid, in October 1859.** At the beginning of 1861, Harper's Ferry had a population of about 5,000. A great many of the people were connected with the historic United States' arsenal there. In June, 1861, this important factory was nearly destroyed by General Joe John- ston and his Confederates. They sent most of the arsenal property further south, set fire to the build- ings and the great railroad bridge over the Potomac, and then set out for "Winchester. "When the First Minnesota came, solid piers of blackened masonry I showed where the magnificent bridge had stood. The calcined and crumbling walls of the armory and arsenal buildings and the fire-stained ruins of other structures destroyed in the great Confederate con- flagration gave an air of utter desolation to the deserted town. Harper's Ferry was a strikingly picturesque place. Its site was a sort of triangle of which the Potomac and Shenandoah (which here united their waters) formed two sides, and an elevated plateau in the rear made the third. Its weakness as a military post was that it was exposed to enfilade and reverse fire from the lofty ridge across the Potomac called Maryland \ Heights, and could easily be turned by an army crossing the river above or below. only Brown and six or seven of his raiders "attempted defense," from the inside of a small brick house used to shelter a fire engine, which perhaps would not have furnished quarters for a single company of Minnesotians. .The greater part of John Brown's "nineteen men so true" /did their fighting behind walls outside of any building. Five were not in the town. **One devoted adherent of "Old John Brown" loaded bis knapsack with bricks, as souvenirs for his home friends of the "very building where that martyr fought his last battle." But, alas! These sacred relics soon had to give way to grub and clothing! 86 THE SHENANDOAH VALLEY CAMPAIGN When General Sedgwick's Division reached Har- per's Ferry, it had 9,400 men, 18 field guns, and 3 batteries. Two brigades of Sedgwick's and the whole of Banks' Division were thrown to the south or Vir- ginia side of the Potomac, one brigade of Sedgwick's was left on the Maryland side to guard the Potomac and the Baltimore & Ohio Railroad from Great Falls to the mouth of the Monocacy. A day or two after its arrival at the arsenal the regiment was moved to higher ground and more comfortable buildings. About the 1st of March General McClellan divided his forces into army corps. General Banks was made commander of the Fifth Army Corps and given charge of affairs in the Shenandoah Valley Sedg- 1 wick's Division was in Banks' command. Very soon, with a force of perhaps 18,000 men of all arms, General Banks moved up the Shenandoah Valley towards Winchester, where Stonewall Jackson was stationed with about 4,000 men, including 300 cavalry and Chew's horse artillery, under Turner Ashby, and the Rockbridge and Waters' batteries. , Winchester is the county seat of Frederick County, ' is thirty miles southwest of Harper's Ferry, and a few miles west of Opequan Creek. As has been said, the place was the key to the Valley of Virginia. During the w^ar the town was fought for again and again. It was the initial point of one of the military routes to Richmond, 135 miles away. A railroad connected it with Harper's Ferry, and 75 miles south another railroad, in almost constant operation, ran to Richmond, with Gordonsville, in Orange County, -the nearest and most important station to Winchester. Friday, March 7, the First Minnesota, as part of \Banks' army, marched from Harper's Ferry nine miles to Charlestown, the county seat of Jefferson County, where John Brown was tried and hung. 87 THE FIRST MINNESOTA Harper's Ferry is in Jefferson County, now in West Virginia. At Charlestown the regiment remained two days. On Sunday, the 9th, many of the men attended religious services, which were held in the Presby- terian Church and conducted by Chaplain Neill. Monday, March 10, the regiment had the advance of the Division in the march to Berryville, the county seat of Clarke County, and 12 miles southwest of Charlestown. The march was over a fine macadam- ized road known as the valley "stone pike," but it rained that day and conditions were not altogether pleasant. If the turnpike had been a dirt road, the mud would have been knee deep. As it was, the walking was good, though the stones were a little rough on the men's army shoes. On nearing Berryville the Stillwater and Winona companies, B and K, were advanced as skirmishers. A section of artillery was also sent forward and fired a few shot, and then the Minnesotians, pre- ceded by a detachment of cavalry, dashed into the town. A company of Ashby's cavalry, in the place as a corps of observation, galloped away to carry the news to Jackson at Winchester that the Yankees were at Berryville, twelve miles southwest. Entering Berryville, the first thing the Union troops did was to pull down from a liberty pole a small white flag marked "C. S." and then hoist the Stars and Stripes over the Clarke County Court House, thus bringing the county back into the United States, as it were ! The flag hoisted was the Old Glory of the First Minnesota, given by the ladies of the State. The entire Regiment was very proud of the distinction given its colors.* *Lieut. Myron Shepard says: "Although my place was as Left General Guide of the regiment, I left it, and joined the Co. B skirmishers, and with my guide flag, 88 THE SHENANDOAH VALLEY CAMPAIGN The Regiment had representatives of every voca- tion in life, from statesmen and professional military men down to common laborers, trappers, and a man milliner. Of course there were printers, and good ones, too. Some of these ascertained that there was a printing office in Berryville^ from which was issued a weekly newspaper called the Berryville Conservator. The editor and proprietor, H. K. Gregg, had run away. The Minnesota printers visited the office, found that one side of the paper for the week had been printed, went to work to get up the other side, and issued the paper the following morning. It was a four-page sheet of five columns to the page. Two of the pages, the ''seeesh" side, constituted the Berryville Conservator; the other two, the Union side, made up "The First Minnesota." A large edi- tion was issued- and quickly sold. The printers pub- lishing the Union side were Ed A. Stevens, Thos. H. Pressnell, 0. Nelson, Chas. S. Drake, Frank J. Mead, Julian J. Kendall, and Henry W. Lindergreen, who styled themselves the "Typographic Fraternity of the First Minnesota Regiment." As shown by the copy preserved by Mrs. Sam Bloomer in her scrapbook, now in the Stillwater Public Library, the Union side of the paper was filled with humorous melange of patriotism, satire, jibes, jokes, and censure. The "secesh" side was and still is interesting. Berryville was a small town and there were but few local advertisements. The bulk of the advertising claimed to be the first man to enter Berryville, and my flag to be the first Union flag. But my glory was short- lived, for General Gorman rode up and took my flag from me, flourished it, and placed it as stated here. I thought it robbery after my great eifort to be dis- tinguished, and the comments in my diary would have raised a blister at brigade headquarters if known. I also wrote two or three short articles for the 'Berryville Con- servator,' having had some experience as an editor." 89 THE FIKST MINNESOTA came from Winchester, ten miles away. The people in both towns had come to be violent, vindictive, and even venomous Confederates. E. B. Rouss, of Win- chester, appended to his advertisement the following offer, then peculiar to the degenerate and un- scrupulous element of the Confederates : "We take this occasion to renew the offer of $20,000 for the head of Lincoln, or $1,000 for either of his pet kangaroos and satellites, Scott, Seward, Greeley, Butler & Company. Also to say that we are selling goods very cheap, and expect a little lot this week from the Abolition devils." The greater part of this advertisement was made up of the vilest abuse of President Lincoln. "He has done more harm than any other man since the Crea- tion. He has, with a fiendish malignity unsurpassed by savage or barbarian, brought a calamity upon a happy country and a mighty people, amounting to universal destruction. Talk of Arnold or Judas; why, they were white men compared to this scoundrel. ' ' There were advertisements of runaway slaves. "A girl who calls herself Mary Randolph" and who was "a bright mulatto, about 18 years old, tall and slender, hair quite straight, teeth a little decayed in front, no mark save a mole near the right eye," had run away, taking with her a boy of 15 years, "her brother, Frederick Randolph, also a bright mulatto, with a low forehead, hair growing closely around it; is not very intelligent and stammers slightly." A reward of $50 each was offered for their return, if taken in Clarke County, "or what the law allows" if taken outside. Another slave, James Johnson, 20 years old, 5 feet 4 inches high, "of copper color," had also run 90 BRIG. OKN. ALFRED SULLY. The Tliiiil Colonel of the Regiment. THE SHENANDOAH VALLEY CAMPAIGN away and the same reward as for the Eandolphs was offered for his return. John G. Morris, of Win- chester, wanted to purchase "any number of negroes," for which he "will pay the highest market price in cash that the market will justify." These ads were strange and suggestive literature to the Minnesota boys. March 13, the regiment set out, with the Division, for Winchester, 10 miles west of Berryville. Stone- wall Jackson was reported to be still at Winchester ready for a fight, and the First Regiment wanted to balance the account it had against him for Bull Run. But, when within two miles of Winchester, it was learned that Jackson had retreated on the night of the 11th and was now miles away to the southward, in Page County, and in almost inaccessible positions in the spurs and ranges of the Blue Ridge Moun- tains. The forenoon of the 11th he had fought with Banks' advance, on the Martinsburg road, six miles out from Winchester, and been compelled to fall back. The Regiment turned back when within two miles of Winchester and returned to Berryville. This was pursuant to an order issued that day by General Banks, directing General Sedgwick to return at once with his division to Harper's Ferry. On the 14th the regiment returned to Charlestown and on the 15th encamped on Bolivar Heights, in the rear of and commanding Harper's Ferry. On the 13th, when leaving camp at Berryville for Winchester, the new colonel of the regiment, ap- pointed to succeed Colonel Dana, took command. This was Col. Alfred Sully, who had been appointed February 22, while engaged in the defense of Wash- ington, and had been unable to join his new com- mand earlier. There was some disappointment that 91 THE FIRST MINNESOTA Lieutenant-Colonel Miller had not been promoted to the colonelcy, but no ill-feeling. It seemed best that an officer of long experience should command the regiment, a West Pointer preferred, one that could fill Dana's shoes. — Colonel Sully was a son of Thomas Sully, the noted English-American painter, and was born in Philadelphia. He graduated from West Point in 1841, served as a lieutenant in the Second U. S. In- fantry against the Seminole Indians, in the Mexican War, and as captain in the Second U. S. Infantry was stationed at Fort Ridgely, Minn., in 1854-56 and again in 1857-59. In 1861, still with the rank of captain in the regular army, he served in North Missouri, at Fort Leavenworth, and in the defenses of Washington. While stationed in Minnesota, he had become acquainted with many prominent men and was a frank and open aspirant for the colonelcy of the First Minnesota after Colonel Dana was pro- moted. He had accompanied Sedgwick's Division from Harper's Perry, expecting his commission every day. Lochren says of Colonel Sully: "He manifested from the first perfect reliance on the honor and good conduct of the Regiment and never placed a regi- mental guard about camp or bivouac. The men appreciated his confidence and no instance occurred of any abuse of the privileges accorded, nor did any of them leave camp without permission." The regiment remained in camp on Bolivar Heights for a week. And this was a week of typical stormy, wet, equinoctial weather. A beating rain or a driving snow fell every day. On the 22d the regi- ment crossed the Potomac to Sandy Hook and took the B. & 0. cars for Washington. It reached the \ capital at midnight and was given hot coffee and 92 THE SHENANDOAH VALLEY CAMPAIGN shelter from a most disagreeable storm at a place of refuge called the Soldiers' Retreat, which had been established for such and other emergencies. Going to the old camp ground near the capital, the regiment — to give Col. Sully's friends an oppor- tunity to see his new command — was arrayed in dress parade and there remained three days, or until the night of the 26th. Then, crossing the famous long bridge into Virginia, it was conveyed by railroad to Alexandria, which was reached after midnight. A cold drenching rain was again falling, but because "someone had blundered" the men had to stand in the street under the ^pitiless pouring until daylight. Then they were marched out to the old grounds near "Camp Ellsworth," occupied before the march to Bull Run. Lochren says: "The men, wet and shivering, quickly resurrected a barrel of sutler's whisky, which they had purchased and buried the year before and its contents, fairly distributed, were probably beneficial in counteracting the effects of the exposure. ' ' 93 CHAPTER X. PREPARING FOR THE PENINSULA. THE First Minnesota was ordered from the Valley of Virginia to Washington for a purpose. For many weary and trying months after August, 1861, General McClellan had been preparing the Union Army for offensive operations against the Confeder- ates. He had now a stronger military force than ever before assembled in the country and it was com- pletely equipped. At this period of the war the capture of Richmond, the Confederate capital, was considered the most important objective, principally for the effect it would have abroad in preventing recognition of the Southern Confederacy, as well as the disaster such a blow would inflict on the hopes and confidence of the South. Two plans for accomplishing the result were open for choice. The army might move overland directly toward Richmond, driving the Confederate army be- fore it ; or it might take transport to Chesapeake Bay and move up to Richmond along the peninsula be- tween the Rappahannock and York rivers. There was much to recommend the latter course. The flanks of the army would be protected by navigable streams and these would enable transports to support the movements of the land force by transporting troops and supplies and, to a greater or less extent, enable the navy to support the entire operation. The latter plan was adopted by General McClellan. The Rappahannock was to be ascended to Urbana, and then an army was to march from that town across to "West Point at the head of York river, which is formed by the union of the Mattapony and 94 PREPARING FOR THE PENINSULA Pamunkey rivers. That army was to unite with an- other, which should come up the big York River to West Point, after demolishing the Confederate forti- fications at Yorktown, near the mouth of the river, where Washington had forced Cornwallis to surren- der eighty years before. The armies united, they would set out for Richmond, following the Richmond & York Railroad. West Point is twelve miles west of Urbana and the latter place is about the same distance from the proper mouth of the Rappahan- nock. Both rivers empty into Chesapeake Bay. Lincoln's plan was to move the army directly against the enemy in front of Washington, and strike his line first at a point on the Orange & Manassas Railroad, southwest of Manassas Junction, not far from the Bull Run battlefield. McClellan's plan was conceived by him as early at least as January 1, 1862. On the 10th of that month General Shields wrote him regarding it. Shields approved it, suggesting some modifications and changes. (War Rees. Vol. 5, p. 700). Among other things Shields wrote the following, which read like axioms: "Richmond, in the East, and Memphis, at the West, are the two dominating objective points of the Southern Confederacy in this war. The posses- sion of these points will break the power of that Confederacy." If only Richmond had been captured as soon as Memphis was (and might it not have been?), how glorious the result! Eight of McClellan's twelve generals approved his plan. The other four and the President, stoutly con- tended against it. Meanwhile the Confederates knew practically all that was going on and governed them- selves accordingly. The controversy over the plans was protracted from the 3d of February until March 9. On the lat- 95 THE FIRST MINNESOTA ter date the Union authorities learned that General Johnston had evacuated Manassas and gone south- ward with all his army and material, except some of the latter which he had to destroy, and leaving be- hind, as previously stated, some big logs with round black spots painted on the ends, to resemble holes to an observer at a distance, and these logs were laid across breastworks with the black spots or "muzzles" facing Washington. This ruse was well known in the Union army. Of course, the Confederate abandonment of Man- assas necessitated a change in McClellan's program. His favorite point for his new base of operations, as has been said, had been Urbana on the lower Rappa- hannock. Now the Confederates were south of the Rappahannock — even south of the Rapidan, near Cul- peper and Gordonville — and Urbana and the Rappa- hannock River route had to be eliminated from the plan, and only the York River route considered. General Johnston divined the plans and almost the details of General McClellan's scheme for captur- ing Richmond by way of the Peninsula. It was natu- ral that his spy work and secret service should be much superior to those of General McClellan, inas- much as the city of Washington and surrounding country abounded with Southern sympathizers who were constantly alert to any political or military movement. Johnston was as well prepared as he could be to thwart the plans of McClellan before that general began to execute them. He withdrew his army from Manassas to Gordonville and the Orange County country, because here were supplies and a good railroad running sixty miles to Richmond and here he could better organize and prepare his army to meet McClellan's and any other Union force sent out to divert his attention. 96 PEEPARING FOR THE PENINSULA After Johnston's withdrawal from in front of Washington, General McClellan made new plans for his advance against Richmond. The Rappahannock River route was entirely discarded, and the route by the York River and Virginia Peninsula definitely substituted. Fortress Monroe was to be the base of operations instead of Urbana. The Union forces were to be transported by water, and 127 transports were collected to convey them. On the 8th of March President Lincoln divided the organization of the Army of the Potomac into four army corps. The First Corps was to be com- manded by General McDowell; the Second by General Sumner; the Third by General Heintzelman, and the Fourth by Gen. Erasmus D. Keyes. Of General Sumner, the commander of the corps to which the First Minnesota was assigned, Swin- ton says: "He was the ideal of a soldier, but had few of the qualities that make a general." At the time he was made commander of the Second Corps he was past 65 years of age, but vigorous in mind and body and capable of good work, as he demonstrated. He was not a West Pointer, but had served in the regu- lar army for forty-three years, or since 1819. On the 11th of March General McClellan was re- moved from the general command of all the armies of the United States and his authority confined to the Army of the Potomac. After McClellan had obtained the assent of the administration to his plans, he was eager for their fulfillment. The order to furnish water transportation for his army to the Peninsula was issued February 27 and on the 17th of March it was ready — four hun- dred steamers and sailing craft. On the evening of March 29 the First ]\Iinnesota embarked at Washington for the Peninsula. The 97 THE FIRST MINNESOTA regiment went on board two small steamers, the Golden Gate and the Jenny Lind, with transports in tow and early next morning the boats moved. The Regiment was still in Gorman's Brigade, with the 15th Massachusetts, the 34th and 82d (2d State Mili- tia) New York and Kirby's Battery I, First U. S. Sedgwick's Division was composed of Gorman's Burns' and Dana's Brigades, with four batteries. Sumner's Corps was composed of I. B. Richardson's and John Sedgwick's Divisions. Down the Potomac, past river forts, Mount Ver- non, abandoned Confederate fortifications, and a great many scenes strange but of interest to the Minne- sota boys, went the vessels. That evening they cast anchor off Smith's Point, where the waters of the Potomac are lost with those of Chesapeake Bay. Many of the Minnesota men now saw the "salt water" for the first time. The next day and night the vessels voyaged southward sixty miles down Chesapeake Bay, then thronged with army transports of all kinds. On the morning of April 1 the regiment halted for some hours at Fortress Monroe, the base of operations. Here among the other objects of interest they saw the Monitor, which three weeks before in its fight with the Merrimac, had distinguished itself and revolution- ized the construction of war A^essels and naval war- fare. Upon it now rested General McClellan's hopes for the safe landing of his army on the peninsula. If there was nothing to prevent her, the big, solid iron- clad Merrimac was at liberty to come down and play havoc with his transports, as it had with the Cumber- land and Congress. Of the Monitor, Lochren writes : "It lay quietly among a crowd of vessels, so small and unlike anything ever before imagined as a water craft and yet so powerful and impregnable, we could 9S PREPARING FOR THE PENINSULA not study it enough." Moving out from Fort Monroe, the Regiment fi- nally disembarked at the ruins of the town of Hamp' ton, which had been destroyed the previous spring. Here now is the site of a national soldiers' home. The men were glad to be on shore again, for some of them had been seasick and the quarters on the ship had been cramped and uncomfortable. But conditions on shore were not much improved, for that night the Regiment went into camp in a low field without wood and good water. The water was brackish from the salt and iodine of the sea. Lochren remembers that at this camp the Minnesota boys had a new exper- ience in hunting for grub oysters. These oysters bury themselves in the mud and are not found in sea beds. They are obtained generally by digging or "grubbing," as the natives call it, hence the local name. The Minnesota boys, who had been "put wise" by some old sailors, hunted this luscious sea food in their bare legs, wading through the cold mud and finding the oysters with their toes. They were very fine oysters, too, and much relished. Lobsters were a novel addition to the menu, being caught by dangling a piece of salt pork on a cord. Dropped a few minutes in a kettle of boiling water, they proved most delicious morsels. 99 CHAPTER XI. THE PENINSULAR CAMPAIGN. THE region of Virginia known as the Peninsula (on which McClellan's army landed) is in the southeastern part of the State. It is from seven to fifteen miles wide and fifty miles in length. The country is low, flat, and generally wooded, but with many marshes. Looking toward the sea, the Penin- sula has the big York river on the northeast or left side and the James River on the right or southwest side. As has been stated, the York river is formed by union of the Mattapony and the Pamunkey at the town of West Point, and the James River has its source in the mountains of Virginia, near Lynchburg. Portress Monroe, at the lower extremity of the Peninsula, is about 75 miles southeast of Richmond. General McClellan designed to approach Richmond up the Peninsula, keeping open the James River on his left flank for the transportation of supplies. The York River could also be used for that purpose, and the railroad from West Point westward utilized when a certain obstacle was removed. That obstacle was a rather strongly-fortified position at Yorktown, on the York River, nearly ten miles from its mouth. The Confederates had begun to fortify this position the previous fall and had made it strong against infantry and cavalry. The artillery with which its defenses were supplied was generally old and obsolete, big smooth-bore guns taken from, the Norfolk navy yard and intended for service on shipboard. The position was not defensible against the Union artillery, with its large calibered and skillfully rifled long range guns. 100 THE PENINSULAR CAMPAIGN The chief constructor of the Yorktown defenses and their commander afterward, was Gen. John Bank- head Magruder, a West Pointer and a soldier with a dashing record, and then 52 years of age. He had many military qualities, was a fine civil engineer, a good tactician, a safe commander for a division of infantry or cavalry, a dashing and very brave fighter and an expert at planning and executing ruses to de- ceive his enemy. In front of Richmond, by dragging brush up and down a dusty road and raising great clouds of pulverized Virginia dirt, he made the Union generals believe a large rebel force was present. General Magruder's fortifications that girdled Yorktown about were practically on the site of those built and occupied by Lord Cornwallis' army during the War of the Revolution, eighty-one years before. On the northeast side of the town was the big wide York River, virtually an arm of Chesapeake Bay, Across the river from Yorktown was Gloucester Point, also fortified. On the west was the Warwick River, a small stream, heading a mile from Yorktown and running nearly across the Peninsula, fourteen miles from the York to the James and emptying into the latter river. The line of the Warwick was well defended. Its source was commanded by the guns of the Yorktown forts and its fords had been replaced by dams which were defended by artillery and which raised the water in the stream till it could not easily be waded or forded anywhere. Moreover, the approaches to the stream on either side were through dense forests and swamps. McClellan's scouts had given him a very imperfect idea of the country of the Peninsula through which he would pass and very scanty knowl- edge of the enemy opposing him. 101 THE FIRST MINNESOTA McClellan had now admittedly 85,000 men, but the Confederates thought he had 110,000 and they wanted to be prepared to meet a force of that size behind their breastworks or in the field in front of their capital. They would be compelled to bring up troops from as far away as Charleston, S. C, and the mountains of Kentucky and West Virginia, and the Federal approach must be delayed, and Magruder was instructed to cause that delay as long as was safe and practicable. Magruder appreciated the importance of the delay. He was a great bluffer, and showed fight from the first as if he had plenty of men. This boldness de- ceived McClellan and made him stop to besiege, in- stead of merely halting to assault, the Confederate position at Yorktown. April 5 at 1 o'clock in the morning the Regiment broke camp and marched that day about ten miles to the northeast, to Big Bethel. The march was try- ing on the men. The country was generally flat with- out hills, and the weather had changed to sweltering heat. Before they had walked many miles, many of them had thrown away their overcoats, dress coats and even their blankets to lighten the loads they were compelled to carry. Previously when marching through the Valley of Virginia or about Camp Stone, the weather had been cool and the loads carried were not uncomfortable. The roads were very poor and muddy from recent rains. Now they were crowded with the material of the great army which was slowly creeping through the mud over the flat wooded country. The grass was quite green, the buds of the trees were unfolding into leaves as large as swallow's wings, and in the branches the birds were nesting and singing. At first the march was orderly, the men in four 102 THE PENINSULAR CAMPAIGN ranks with files well aligned, and the route step ob- served. But under the hot sun and the unaccustomed burden of the heavy equipments, the men disregarded the knowledge they had obtained by so much drill- ing and "disciplining" and straggled along the roads almost at will. Lochren relates that on this route General Mc- Clellan and his formidable staff and escort rode by the First ]\[innesota in a hurry to get to the front. The general and Colonel Sully had served together in the regular army before the war. Now, as the com- manders passed, came first the formal military salute and then the informal cheery greetings: "How are you, Alf?" and "How are you, George?" At that time General McClellan appeared strong, athletic, a splendid horseman, a beau sabreur, and in perfect health. He was a month or two past 35 years of age, just as old as Napoleon when, after well-nigh con- quering the world, he was crowned emperor of the French. His uniform was neat and well-fitting, but plainer than that worn by any member of his staff. He was already popular with his soldiers, who called him "Little Mac", and thought him a gallant spirit and a great general. And this opinion the Army of the Potomac, as an army, always held. As he swept by the straggling ranks of the First Minnesota on this occasion, the men got into some semblance of order and gave their general three loud and hearty cheers. The regiment resumed its march toward York- town at 5 o'clock on the morning of April 6. It was raining and the mud worse than ever. Two miles out from Big Bethel the sound of cannonading was heard in front. The Union advance had come up with Stuart's cavalry and there was skirmishing. Desultory fighting was kept up at intervals during 103 THE FIRST MINNESOTA the day whenever Stoneman's cavalry came in contact with Stuart's. Sometimes the infantry on both sides become slightly engaged. Often the regiment halted for several minutes. Then it hurried forward, as if it were about to rush the Confederates with a bayo- net charge. Eeally at times it seemed that the Min- nesotians would soon become actively engaged. But the Confederates retired steadily, yet slowly, and at nightfall had gone into shelter behind the strong walls of Yorktown or the good breastworks strung along Warwick Creek. And all the time it rained. The First Minnesota, as part of Gorman's Brigade, Sedgwick's Second Division of Sumner's Second Army Corps, marched to Yorktown with Heintzelman's Third Corps and went into camp with that corps. The other Division, General Richardson's, had not yet arrived on the Peninsula and General Sumner had been appointed by General MeClellan his second in command and was seeing to things generally in front of Yorktown. After the 6th of April he commanded the Union left wing, composed of his own and Keyes' Corps. Gorman's Brigade was encamped about two miles south of Yorktown in what was known as Headquar- ters Camp No. 1 for some days. The First Minnesota was set at work cutting out and building corduroy roads over which supplies could be hauled from Hampton or Fortress Monroe. The camp was in a low muddy flat, and it rained all the time. The men jcalled it "Camp Misery."* April 11, Sedgwick's en- *Lieutenant Shepard says: "My diary is quite full of accounts while we were before Yorktown. Being a civil engineer, I was ordered by Downie, and then by Sully, and later by General Sedgwick, to visit and sketcli roads, positions of headquarters, batteries, etc., along our front, and between our lines and those of the enemy. This exposed me to much picket firing from the enemy — once, a rebel battery near Yorktown opened on me — ^and I was 104 THE PENINSULAR CAMPAIGN tire Division was moved a mile away to Camp Win- field Scott. The division's camp was on the left of Gen. C. S. Hamilton's of Heintzelman's Corps, and extended down to the Warwick Creek bottom, in front of Wynn's Mill, three miles south of York- town. Lochren notes that on the morning of this removal a Union balloon was sent up from York River to take a bird's-eye view of the Confederate situation. It went up in plain sight of all the camps and was an object of interest. It had lines attached to it and was to be drawn back to earth when a good view of the enemy's position had been obtained. On this oc- casion the lines broke and the balloon went where it pleased, for it was not of the dirigible kind. It drifted over the Confederate lines and there was some anxiety lest it should go to earth there, but it finally floated back and descended at the camp of the "First." Among the occupants of the balloon was Gen. Fitz John Porter, then commanding a division in Heintzelman's Corps. The balloon was part of the equipment of the army serving against Yorktown and was often used to observe the enemy. Camp Winfield Scott was a great improvement over Camp Misery. It was on higher and dryer ground and in a good piece of woodland which fur- nished abundant shade and fuel. Shelter tents, big enough for only two on a campaign were issued to arrested as a spy several times and so, much delayed in my work. Finally, I was taken by a strong guard to Brig. Gen. W. S. Hancock of "Baldy" Smith's Division, who read my pass from Colonel Sully and ^promptly released me, giving me another pass, and saying I would have no further trouble. I thought Hancock the finest and best looking officer I had ever seen, and felt that he would make his m.ark in the war. Colonel Sully thanked me and showed me how well one portion of my work agreed with a sketch he had made. I was told that General Sedgwick made use of my work." 105 THE FIRST MINNESOTA the men and found to be just suited to their purpose. Here the Regiment spent the remainder of the month of April, from the 11th to and through the 30th. It was a twenty days' season of hard work. Ev- ery second day the men were on picket duty along the "Warwick, with the Confederate pickets just across the stream, hidden in the woods 300 yards away. AVhen they were not on picket they were building fortifications or corduroy roads or being routed out of their beds by musketry firing on the picket lines and made to double-quick out to some point sup- posed to be threatened by an assault from the enemy. And all the while it rained. The men went about commonly wet to the skin, for even when not on duty, they had no water-proof shelter. The little "dog tents" leaked like sieves, there was a scarcity of rubber blankets and ponchos, and the only relief was when the rainclouds drifted away and the sun shone out — and then it was insufferably hot. All through the siege of Yorktown, night and day, there was cannon firing both by the besiegers and the besieged. It was quite ineffective; nobody was hurt. The Confederates did not dare use the big old cast- iron guns within the fortifications lest they burst. They had a few rifled pieces and these were so over- worked that some of them burst. (Magruder's report) General McClellan brought down and mounted some very heavy modern guns, including 100-pound and even 200-pound riflled pieces. Saturday evening. May 3, the Confederate bat- teries in Yorktown kept up a fire of shot and shell on the Union lines until after midnight. Nobody hurt. It was all a bluff. At daybreak the next morning, General Heintzelman, at his headquarters, heard what he thought was skirmishing in Yorktown and saw a bright light there. Professor Lowe, the noted aero- 106 THE PENINSULAR CAMPAIGN naut, immediately went up in his balloon and re- ported that the light was a burning vessel at York- town wharf, and it was subsequently learned that the noise like a skirmish was caused by the explosion of several thousand musket cartridges and shells of small caliber which the Confederates were destroying in one of their magazines. Then General Heintzelman got a telegram from Fitz John Porter that the enemy was abandoning Yorktown. Heintzelman immediately went up in the balloon with Professor Lowe and saw enough to con- vince him that the telegram was true. Descending he ordered Generals Hooker and Kearney to prepare their divisions, and Colonel Averell to prepare his Third Pennsylvania Cavalry, to march immediately. (Heintzelman 's Eeport, War. Recs., Vol. 11, p. 456). On that Sunday morning (May 4) the Regiment, as usual when its turn came, went on picket before daylight. But after daylight word came that the Confederates had ''skedaddled", and then the men went back to camp for their tents and knapsacks preparatory to marching. But they did not march far, only to the Confederate entrenchments at Wynn's Mill and along the Warwick thereabouts. Lochren says that Dana's Third Brigade of Sedgwick's Di- vision was first in the enemy's abandoned works and Gorman's was next. Seemingly the Confederates had leisurely made up their minds about evacuating, but when they did decide they stood not on the order of their going, but went at once. About the 1st of ]\Iay General Magruder's spies and field glasses told him that the Union troops were ready to begin the long-threatened bombardment and at once he began to retreat. (Magruder's Report; al- so Jonhston's Narrative, p. 111). The line of retreat 107 THE FIRST MINNESOTA was already fixed, there was nothing to do but fol- low it. At Wynn's Mill, where the First Minnesota was, the Confederates left in a hurry. Their breakfasts, such as they were (and they were not very luxurious) were still in the frying pans, skillets, pots and bake kettles. They abandoned quite a stock of provisions and camp equipage. In a plantation store house near by was a good supply of delicious smoked hams and bacon. The men secured a large supply of frying pans and bake kettles. The brigade remained in the enemy's abandoned works at "Wynn's Mill until on the morning of the 6th, when it marched three miles to the northeast — in deep mud and pouring rain. The fortifications at Yorktown were of much in- terest to the Minnesota boys. They were scientifically constructed of dirt walls and sand bags, with timber re-inforcements, etc., and their armament was a mis- cellaneous collection of old United States naval guns which had been taken from the Gosport Navy Yard the previous spring. More than seventy pieces of these archaic, inefficient pieces of ordnance were left in the works. It was believed that a majority of them would burst, though they could throw a ball or shell weighing 64 to 100 pounds. McClellan's and Commodore Goldsborough's 125-pounder steel rifled Parrotts would have knocked them all to pieces in ten minutes or less. The works at Yorktown were for the most part built by negro slaves, impressed from their masters by the Confederate authorities. To re-inforce the front walls or glacis of the works, in case of an assault, and to make an approach to them in any part dangerous, the Confederates had planted a great many loaded shells, generally 8-inch and 10-inch mortar shells, so arranged as to explode when trod on or otherwise disturbed. This was 108 THE PENINSULAR CAMPAIGN against tlie laws of war and the Union commanders and some of the Confederate leaders protested against it. It was an ugly thing for men to do that prided themselves on their "chivalry." 109 CHAPTER XII. THE BATTLE OF WILLIAMSBURG. WHEN the Confederates evacuated Yorktown and the line of the Warwick they struck straight up the Peninsula for Richmond and the James river val- ley. Their route lay through the historic old town of "Williamsburg, once the capital of Virgina and now the county seat of James City County. Williamsburg is tweh^e miles west of Yorktown, but the Confederate fortifications were two or three miles nearer. Stoneman and his cavalry followed hard after Jeb Stuart's cavalry and Longstreet's infantry, constituting the Confederate rear, and nine miles out, at a fortification called by the Confederates Fort Ma- gruder, brought the latter to a stand. They were too strong for his cavalry alone and Stoneman waited for the Union infantry. Hooker's and Kearney's Divisions, which he knew were coming on through the mud. On the morning of the 5th the battle of Williams- burg began and it lasted all day. There was some very bloody fighting. On the Union side Hooker's Division bore the brunt. Gen. Winfield Scott Hancock won great renown, at the battle of Williamsburg. He was then in com- mand of the First Brigade of W. F. Smith's Division of Keyes' Fourth Corps. Hancock had the key to complete victory. Next morning, if the fight should be reneAved, the Confederates would be disastrously defeated. Their commanders realized this, and that night Longstreet left the field and set out for the Chickahominy. The Confederates did not want to fight at Williamsburg; they did not want to fight anywhere until they got in front of Richmond. 110 CHAPTER XIII. ON THE CHICKAHOMINY. THE First Minnesota was Avithin the fortiiications at Yorktown that 5th day of May when the bat- tle of Williamsburg was being fought. It was twelve miles away, but the heavy atmosphere carried the sound well, and the noise of the battle was plainly heard. Troops were moving out in the direction of the firing as rapidly as the terrible conditions of the roads would permit, and the men thought a terrible conflict was raging. About dark General Gorman's Brigade set out to- wards Williamsburg. Though short, it was a terrible march. It was raining, of course, and the roads had been almost impassable for a long time, and so the mud, slush, ruts and quagmires were now something frightful. A black, impenetrable darkness added to the discomforts. Other troops were marching ahead, toiling along with frequent halts. The Regiment ran into their wagons, artillery and troops, and there was great confusion and disorder. Though it had left Yorktown three hours before, the regiment had compassed only about one mile when it was ordered to countermarch and return to the starting point. Welcome news ! The return march was made in far less time than the outward and at midnight the men were safely sheltered within Magruder's fortifications back of Yorktown. Mc- Clellan had ordered up the naval vessels of Flag Officer Goldsborough and some transports to convey Franklin's Division and other troops up the big broad York River to its head, at West Point. The First Minnesota had been ordered back from 111 THE FIRST MINNESOTA the route to "Williamsburg to follow with its Division that of General Franklin by water to West Point. General McClellan sent not only Franklin's of Mc- Dowell's Corps but Sedgwick's and Richardson's Di- visions of Sumner's and Fitz John Porter's of Keyes' Corps up the York River in transports to "West Point and the right bank of the Pamunkey. The other Di- visions, the wagon trains, and the reserve artillery moved subsequently by land. The First Minnesota left Yorktown in the afternoon of May 7, on the steamer Long Branch. "While an enemy that could be met and contended with was getting ready to meet McClellan 's army at Richmond, there was a more dangerous enemy await- ing the Northern forces, and this enemy could not be met and fought outright. This was the deadly malaria of the low, swampy, miasmic marshes and flats of the James and Chickahominy Rivers. Upon these flats and through these marshes and swamps the Union troops would have to go and if they waited until near the first of June, the regular annual fever sea- son would be on in all its terror and deadliness. McClellan started the movement of his troops from "Williamsburg on the 8th, Keyes' Fourth Corps in advance, following Stoneman's cavalr3^ which soon opened communication with General Franklin at Eltham, a little town two miles from "West Point, but on the south side of the Pamunkey. On the retreat of the Confederates from "Williams- burg, TIeintzelman 's and Keyes' Corps pushed for- ward as fast as they could, not especially after the fleeing enemy (who could not be overtaken) but to make haste and form a junction with Franklin's, Sedgwick's and Porter's Divisions, then near "West Point or Eltham. This was soon accomplished. But the very next day "White House Landing, on 112 ON THE CHICKAHOMINY the south bank of the Pamunkey, fifteen miles up the river on a straight line from West Point, and twenty-two miles almost due east of Richmond, was selected as the permanent base. "White House Landing took its name from White House, a very fine plantation running along the south bank of the Pamunkey and owned by inherit- ance from her mother's family by the wife of Gen. Robert E. Lee. It was a very historic site, formerly owned by Widow Martha Custis, and was her resid- ence when she married George Washington. The ceremony took place near the White House in St. Peter's Episcopal Church, an unpretentious building, isolated and still standing in 1862. General Lee's wife was a granddaughter of Martha Custis. The First Minnesota remained in camp near West Point until May 9, when it moved up the Pamunkey two miles or so to Eltham Landing. It was on ship- board en route to West Point when the so-called battle of West Point was being fought between Whiting and Franklin, or rather between Hood and Newton. When it arrived at Eltham and went into camp, pickets were constantly kept out as if there were the greatest danger. The most advanced regi- ments were thrown back and kept near the river and so the Confederates continued their march toward Richmond without being further troubled. The Regiment remained in camp at Eltham for about a week, or until May 15. Then, when a rain the day before had softened the roads, and another soaking one was falling, it set out on the march again, going directly westward towards New Kent Court House. It rained all day and a march of only about eight miles was made, the command go- ing into camp in a yellow pine grove, two miles east of New Kent, where a stop of three days was made. 113 THE FIRST MINNESOTA May 18 the regiment moved again, encamping on the farm of Dr. May, then a surgeon on the staff of General Lee. After a rest of three days it again moved and made a march of eight miles. This day, according to Locliren, it passed AVhite House "and the church where "Washington was married." At night it encamped on the York and Eichmond Rail- road three miles from the Chickahominy, connecting the right wing of the army with the left. On the 23d it went forward four miles and camped on the left bank of the Chickahominy. Eltham Landing was so named from a large fine old estate near by. Here was a large though some- what dilapidated old brick mansion, with large wings and other appointments. In connection was a high- walled family cemetery with numerous monuments. Many of the Minnesota boys visited the historic old mansion and one or two wrote to the home papers about it. For several days the regiment was encamped on the plantation of Dr. Wm. Mayo, whose sister was \ the wife of General Scott. Unlike his loyal brother- j in-law. Dr. I\Iayo was a "secesh" and in May, 1862, was with the Confederate army. His plantation was about two miles from Cumberland Landing. General McClellan now had the James River to rely upon as a highway for the conveyance of his supplies, if the York River and the York & Rich- mond Railroad should fail him. On the 10th the Confederates evacuated Norfolk. The next day Tat- nall blew up the Merrimac. On the 12th a Union fleet composed of the Monitor, Galena, Aroostook, Port Royal, and Naugatuck, under Commodore Rodgers, ascended the James to within twelve miles of Richmond, when they were checked by the guns 114 ON THE CHICKAHOMINY of Fort Darling, on Drewry's Bluff, and compelled to return to Fort Monroe. The march of the Minnesota boys from Eltham to the Chickahominy was a memorable one — memor- able because so miserable. First, the roads were almost untraversable and the weather extremely dis- agreeable. It is a military adage that in time of war all roads are bad and all weather disagreeable, and the rule certainly applied to the Peninsula of Virginia in the spring of 1862. That is an old coun- try and the roads are worn down well into the tough clay subsoil. The soil back from the streams was unproductive and its occupants were poor. Along the rivers there were some good plantations but not many. Live stock of any kind was scarce. From this it will be understood that it w^as quite a poor country for foraging and adding fresh provisions to the soldiers' stale rations. But even if the country had been as fair as a garden of the Lord's and as rich withal, that fact would not have helped the soldiers much. General McClellan sternly forbade all unauthorized foraging, and enforced his orders, too. The excess of precau- tion and the severity of his measures to preserve from trespass and injury every species of property belonging to the people were felt by the soldiers as a grievance. Every farmhouse and cottage was fur- nished with a guard by the army provost guard of Gen. Andrew Porter, of Bull Run fame, who was Provost Marshal; and this provost guard went ahead of the main army, so that the column, when it came up, found the sentinels on duty, with strict orders to protect not only the persons and household goods, but to watch over the farm-yards, stables, forage, wells, and even the rail fences of the people. By the 24th of May, General McClellan had his 115 THE FIRST MINNESOTA ^ army in front of Eichmond. The First Minnesota \ was encamped near the north bank of the Chicka- j hominy, about three miles up the stream from where it was crossed by the Richmond & York River rail- road and ten miles due east of Richmond. The Chiekahominy like the Warwick and other so-called rivers, is only a creek. It drains a long, swampy and marshy district. It rises fifteen miles north of Richmond, flows southeastwardly and fin- ally empties into the James River, 40 miles below that city. Opposite where the First Minnesota was camped the river, in its ordinary stage, was only about 40 feet wide. But this was the bed of the river. It was fringed with a growth of rather heavy forest trees, and bordered on either side by low, marshy bottom lands varying from half a mile to a mile in width. There was then no place where the high ground came near the stream on both banks. But above the First Minnesota's position, five miles up stream, where 1 the Gaines mill road crossed, at the New Bridge, and four miles further up, where the Virginia Central Railroad crossed at the Mechanicsville Bridge, and two miles still further up, at the Meadow Bridge, the west bank of the river (the Confederate side) opposite each bridge was bordered by high bluffs; but the east side was flat. The bluffs afforded Gen- eral Johnston fine positions on which to build his breastworks and place his batteries. McClellan, there- fore, was obliged to select other and less dangerous crossings of the Chiekahominy in order to come in contact with his enemy. (Own Story, p. 362.) From West Point, by way of Tunstall's Station — the latter the most beautiful camp of the campaign — the army had followed along or near the Rich- 116 ON THE CHICKAHOMINY mond & York Eiver Railroad, which was repaired and put in running order as progress was made. Locomotives and cars were brought from New York to equip the road and it was put in good condition. This road crossed the Chickahominy two miles above Bottom's Bridge and from thence the distance to Richmond was 12 miles due west. Three miles west of the Chickahominy, on the rail- road, was Savage's station, so called because a farm- er of that name lived near. The next station to- wards Richmond, four miles, was called Fair Oaks. Near the station was a farm that was so called. Many Virginia farmers, being of English descent, followed the customs of the landed gentry of Eng- land and named their residences and farms for cer- tain characteristics or some fancy. Thus there were Westover, Brandon, Malvern, Fair Oaks, Briarwood, Seven Pines, etc. On retiring to the west bank of the Chickahominy the Confederates destroyed all the bridges except Bottom's. This bridge was where the "Williamsburg stage road crossed the Chickahominy. As early as May 20, General Naglee's brigade, of Keyes' Corps, crossed the river here and pushed forward to near the James River, some miles below Richmond, with- out finding the enemy in force. The rest of the Fourth Corps, under Keyes, crossed on the 23d. By the 25th McClellan had his army astraddle of the Chickahominy, Keyes' and Heintzelman's Corps on the west or right bank and Sumner's, Porter's and Franklin's on the east side. On the 24th, 25th and 26th Naglee's Brigade made another reconnaissance, going this time out along the Williamsburg stage road eight miles to the Seven Pines — seven tall, slender yellow pine trees, on the 117 THE FIRST MINNESOTA Williamsburg road, a mile southeast of Fair Oaks station. Near by was the house of a Mr. Allen. On the 25th the entire Fourth Corps was ordered to take up and fortify a position near the Seven Pines. Here was a cross roads ; the "Williamsburg road ran east and west and what was called the Nine Mile road crossed it here, running southeast and northwest. Keyes at once dug a strong line of rifle pits, and built good breastworks, with abatis in front, in the rear of the point where the Nine Mile road crosses the Williamsburg. On the 24th, also, a detachment of Porter's Coi'ps, with three batteries, drove out a rather light force that had been holding Mechanicsville, which was a small hamlet (now extinct) but was where three roads met. It was a mile north of the Chick- ahominy and ten miles or so north of Richmond. The Confederates retreated across the river over what was known as the Mechanicsville Bridge and burned the bridge after them. It was three days later when Porter defeated Branch's Brigade at Han- over Court House. The Confederates knew every move that McClel- lan made. General Johnston was simply waiting to make one battle complete his work. He knew that McClellan had straddled the Chickahominy and he tells us (Battle & Leads. Vol. 2, p. 211) that he wanted the distance between the two Corps on the west side of the river and the three on the east side to be increased as far as possible. Gen. J. R. Anderson, in front of Fredericksburg with his Division, sent word on the 24th to Johnston that the advance of McDowell's Corps had left Fred- ricksburg for Richmond. At once General Johnston summoned his generals in council preparatory for 118 ON THE CHICKAHOMINY battle the next day, before McDowell could come within 20 miles of McClellan. The council was al- most ready to adjourn, when a messenger came from ''Jeb" Stuart saying that it was certain that Mc- Dowell's advance had returned to Fredericksburg and that the whole Corps was to be sent to the Shenan- doah Valley. Then the battle was postponed. (Ibid p. 212.) As previously stated the Confederates had des- troyed the bridges over the Chickahominy except Bottom's bridge, opposite the lower extremity of the Union line. It was incumbent on General McClellan to replace these structures as soon as the work could be done, working night and day. It is a military proposition that if a stream divide an army, it should be spanned as soon as possible by as many new bridges as practicable so that troops and guns may be readily passed from one side of the stream to the other. r On the 27th of May the Fii^st Minnesota was or- dered to the Chickahominy to build a bridge for the crossing of Sumner's Second Corps. The Corps was to have two bridges, called Sumner's Upper and Sum- ner's Lower; the First Minnesota built the Upper bridge, the one farthest up stream. This bridge was built of logs cut near the banks by the men and it was completed before sunset, except a part of the corduroy approach. The work was superintended by the army engineers and executed in good style by the experienced woodsmen of the regiment detailed from Co. B^^under command of Captain Mark W. Downie, and from Co. D. under command of Lieut. C. B. Heffelfinger. To bind the cross logs of the bridge in their places, grapevines were cut and used. These vines 119 THE FIRST MINNESOTA were abundant on the shores of the stream and easily procured. They answered their intended purpose only fairly well. Grapevines were also used in the construction of the Sumner's Lower bridge, built by Richardson's Division, and since the war there have been frequent controversies over which was the real Grapevine bridge and who built it. The bridges were serviceable only part of the time; they failed when badly needed. A heavy rain fell, the Chickahominy went out of its banks, the Lower bridge was washed away, and the Upper was in a very precarious con- dition at a very critical time. "While the Regiment was at work on the Grape- vine bridge, the men heard the sound of the fighting at Hanover, C. H., twelve miles to the northwest. The First Minnesota with other troops were sent to reinforce the Union troops at Hanover Court House where General Porter was engaged with the enemy. It marched from the Chickahominy to Hanover on the 28th, and returned the next day. Among the Union troops engaged at Hanover was Captain Rus- sell's Second Company of Minnesota Sharpshooters, although they were not sent on the field in time to do conspicuous service. They had one man wounded. 120 CHAPTER XIV. SEVEN PINES AND FAIR OAKS. ON the 30th of May the positions of McClellan's troops on the southwest, or Richmond side of the Chickahominy were as follows: Casey's Division was on the right of the Williamsburg stage road ex- tending from that road north to the York River Rail- road at Fair Oaks Station. Couch's Division was at the Seven Pines, a mile southeast of Fair Oaks. These two Divisions belonged to Keyes' Fourth Corps. The two Divisions of Heintzelman's Third Corps were placed in the rear or east of Keyes'. Kearney's Division was on the York Railroad, strung along from Savage's Station to Bottom's Bridge over the Chickahominy, and Hooker's was from two to four miles south of Kearney's, along what was known as the White Oak Swamp. This swamp extended from Casey's Division several miles in a southeast direction to the Chickahominy. The two Divisions of Casey and Couch were with- in seven miles of Richmond and the two Divisions supporting them, Kearney's and Hooker's, were dis- connected and strung out. It almost seemed as if Casey and Couch were in a condition inviting cap- ture or destruction; and General Keyes had frequent- ly called General McClellan's attention to the dan- ger. If the condition was meant as an invitation, General Johnston promptly responded to it. The night of the 30th of May another heavy rain fell. All the Chickahominy bottoms were afloat. The grapevine bridges were in peril. About 8:30 the next morning, the 31st, General Johnston moved 121 THE FIRST MINNESOTA eastward from his fortifications at Eichmond to as- sault and destroy Keyes' isolated divisions. He had in all about 38,000 men and his force was divided into two wings. Longstreet commanded the right wing, which would operate mainly on the southern half of the Union line, and Gen. Gustavus W. Smith commanded the left wing, which was to assault the northern half of the Union position, Johnston's advance struck the Union skirmish line about 11 a. m., but the fighting did not get good and hot until 12:30. Casey's Division was the first struck and was crushed and thrown back easily, as far as Couch's position at Seven Pines. This w^as afterward called the ''Second line of defense." Couch's Division fought with bravery and tenac- ity, for Darius N. Couch was brave and tenacious, and like master like man. Rather early in the action General Keyes had sent back to General Heintzelman — Avho was really in command of both the Third and Fourth Corps, the left wnng of the army — for re- enforcements from Kearney's and Hooker's Divi- sions. But the message did not reach Heintzelman until 2 o'clock and it was after 4 o'clock before Phil Kearney, with his foremost brigade arrived at "the second position" where Couch's men and the wreck of Casey's Division were fighting for their lives — and more than their lives. ]\Ieanwhile Longstreet 's and Hill's Divisions, con- stituting the Confederate right wing, had been push- ing forward on the Williamsburg road and doing all the fighting on their side. Gen. Gustavus Smith's left wing, which was to perform an important flank- ing operation, had not been heard from. General Johnston was with this column, waiting to hear the fighting of Longstreet and Hill and to watch for 122 SEVEN PINES AND FAIR OAKS the approach of McClellan's three corps from the east bank of the Chickahominy. "Owing to some peculiar condition of the atmosphere the sound of the musketry did not reach us until late," he says, and it was after 4 o'clock before Smith's Division came upon the field. Couch was back on "the second line," struggling to relieve the pressure on him, and Kearney was helping all he could, when suddenly Smith's advance brigades came on Couch's right by the rear of the Nine-Mile road and also by the road toward Fair Oaks Station. Couch had two fresh regiments of Kearney and some of his own men, but Smith sent a force between him and his little command and cut him off from the main part of his Division. (Couch's report. War Recs.) It was now between 5 and 6 o'clock, and it seemed that all of McClellan's army across the Chickahominy was doomed. Casey's Division had gone to pieces; Couch's was bisected; Berry's and Jameson's brigades of Kearney, which had gone up on the left, had been thrown back on the "White Oak Swamp, and they only got back to the army late that night under cover of darkness ; the Union center was struggling to escape. Just at this crisis, when the fate of the day and of McClellan's army was trem- bling in the balance, relief appeared, and the action was determined by the sudden and inspiriting advent of a stray Union column from the north bank of the Chickahominy. General Sumner had come ! At about 1 o'clock that day, when the Corps was in camp on Tyler's farm, back from the upper Grapevine Bridge, the men of Sumner's Corps first heard the fighting across the river between Long- 123 THE FIRST MINNESOTA street and Keyes. It had been going on since 11 o'clock, but had not been heard. Simultaneously with the sound of battle came an order from Mc- Clellan to Sumner saying in effect: "Hold your command in readiness to move at a moment's warn- ing." General Sumner prepared to move by moving at once! In 15 minutes his two Divisions, Sedgwick's and Richardson's, were under arms and marching down to the Grapevine bridges, getting ready to move! While waiting for the order, the Grapevine bridge which the First ]\Iinnesota had built four days before was examined. The heavy rain of the pre- vious night had set it afloat! At least the corduroy approaches were under water and the bridge itself was, "precarious." Swinton says: "The rough logs forming the corduroy approaches over the swamp were mostly afloat and only kept from drifting off by the stumps of trees to which they were fast- ened. The portion over the body of the stream was suspended from the trunks of trees by ropes, on the strength of which depended the possibility of passage." (Swinton, p. 137.) In 1864 Colonel Alexander, of the Engineer Corps, wrote an article describing the battle of Fair Oaks, and this article was published in the Atlantic Month- ly for March of that year. Describing the crossing of Sumner's Corps on this occasion, the article says: "The possibility of crossing was doubted by all present, including General Sumner himself. As the solid column of infantry entered upon the bridge, it swayed to and fro to the angry flood below or the living freight above, settling down and grasping the solid stumps by which it was made se- 124 SEVEN PINES AND FAIR OAKS cure as the line advanced. Once filled with men, however, it was safe until the Corps crossed; it then soon became impassable." It was the only bridge left intact. The rains descended and the floods came, and beat upon that bridge, but it fell not, because it was built by Min- nesotians who knew their business. Sedgwick's three brigades crossed over it and two of Richardson's brigades followed them. The bridge which Richard- son's men had built was partially washed away. In his report General Richardson says his men "had to wade to their middles in water" before they could reach the part that was left. French's brigade crossed this bridge, after great difficulty, but Meagher's and Howard's went up and crossed at the Minnesota-built bridge. Richardson had to leave all his artillery in the mud, and then he did not get to the firing line till after 6 o'clock, "it then being dark." (Richardson's report, War Recs. Vol. 11, p. 764.) Sedgwick's Division got the order to cross at 2 :30 and almost at once obeyed it, although all condi- tions were forbidding. Striking the west bank of the river, the Division set out at quick time, the men walking as fast as they could pull their feet out of the mud. ' The First Minnesota had the post of honor. It was the regiment in the lead. Gorman's w^as the leading brigade, and right behind it came Kirby's battery, I, First U. S., which its commander, Lieut. Edmund Kirby had much trouble in getting to the front, by reason of the mud, etc. "I was obliged at times to unlimber and use the prolonge, the can- noneers being up to their waists in water." (Kirby's. report.) After Kirby, came in order Burns' and 125 THE FIRST MINNESOTA Dana's brigades, followed by Tompkins,' Bartlett's, and Owen's batteries. The Regiment, heading its Brigade, Division, and Corps, pressed well along the road to Fair Oaks. Reaching a point near Fair Oaks Station after 5 o'clock Sedgwick found Couch with a small force still battling, but bleeding at every vein. Upon de- bouching into the open wheatfield near the house of a Mr. Adams about a mile northeast of Fair Oaks, General Abercrombie 's Brigade, of Couch, was under- going an attack which had been protracted for hours and had been hot and heavy from the first; the Brigade was about all in. How they cheered when the Minnesotians came on the field ! The First Minnesota was promptly formed in battle line, under a sharp fire, and sent into a wheat field to the right of Abercrombie 's Brigade to pro- tect that flank. The w^heat field belonged to a Mr. Courtney and his house was a point where there was danger that the enemy would place a strong flanking force. Colonel Sully placed the Regiment near the Courtney house, behind a rail fence. There was some danger that he would be set upon before his supports could be placed, and General Sedgwick commended him for his "admirable coolness and judgment." (Sedgwick's report. War Rec, Part 1, Vol. 11, p. 791.) The remainder of Gorman's brigade, the Fifteenth Massachusetts and the Thirty-Fourth and Eighty- Second New York, led by General Gorman in person, was hurried to the left of Abercrombie 's position. At 5 :30 three of the mud-covered 12-pound Napoleons of Kirby's Battery came up. The other three were in the rear, buried in the mud, but were being extri- cated. General Sumner immediately ordered them 126 SEVEN PINES AND FAIR OAKS into position, the right piece resting on a strip of woods and the left gun about 70 yards from the Adams house, and facing south towards Fair Oaks Station. The Fifteenth Massachusetts was support- ing the battery. Just in time ! General Gorman had not placed his men ten minutes, when Gen. Gustavus Smith's big Confederate Division burst forth upon them. General Johnston had been holding back this wing of his army, and the men were all fresh and in fine condi- tion. The Division was temporarily commanded by Gen. W. H. C. Whiting and it had five brigades, Law's, Hood's, Hampton's, Hatton's, and Pettigrew's. Law's Brigade was the old Barnard E. Bee's brigade (that fought the First Minnesota at Bull Run, and here were the Fourth Alabama, Second Mississippi, Eleventh Mississippi, and Sixth North Carolina, all waiting to be paid for what they gave the IMinne- sotians at the Henry house. The Confederates under the immediate eyes and direction of General Johnston and Gen. Gustavus Smith, soon charged the Union troops. General Couch, out of all his Division, had left but four regi- ments, two companies, and Brady's Battery. These had the center, and Sedgwick's Division was on both flanks; Richardson's had not yet arrived. Here came the enemy on the old rebel charge and with the old "rebel yell." Law's and Pettigrew's brigades were to the left front of the First Minne- sota and directly opposite Couch's regiments. The Minnesotians had an oblique fire on the Fourth Alabama, Second Mississippi, and their comrade regiments of Law's Brigade and briskly they kept it up. The entire Union line delivered concerted and frightfully destructive volleys upon their assailants 127 THE FIRST MINNESOTA as they advanced. Kirby's Battery added to the destruction with spherical case shot and shell from its three 12-pound Napoleons, and soon the gray masses fell back and took shelter in the woods on the right. Kirby now had to turn his battery toward the west. Just then Lieutenant "Woodruff came up with two of Kirby's guns that had been swamped, and Kirby put that section on the left of his other three guns and began firing away with all five into the woods where the enemy was forming for another charge. A few rounds had been fired when Lieut- enant French came up with the remaining gun. Un- luckily just then a trail to another piece had broken, so that it was useless, and the supply of spherical case and shell had given out. Kirby cast the dam- aged piece to one side and sent two limber chests to the rear, where his caissons were buried in the mud, for more case shot and shell. The Confederates were now moving, but were beyond canister range, and Kirby had to throw solid shot among them, just to "occupy them," he says. The First Minnesota was on the right of General Couch's little force, and the other three regiments of Gorman's Brigade were to the left of Couch. Burns' Brigade was on the right of the First Minnesota, its left regiment, Colonel Baxter's Seventy-Second Penn- sylvania (Zouaves) overlapping a part of the Minne- sota right. The brigade was under fire and lost 5 killed and 30 wounded. At midnight General Burns took the Seventy-First Pennsylvania — the "California Regiment," of Ball's Bluff fame — and two regiments of Dana's Brigade back to the Chickahominy to pro- tect the line of communication; his three other regi- ments remained at Fair Oaks. His brigade was com- posed of four Pennsylvania regiments. 128 SEVEN PINES AND FAIR OAKS During the fighting a section, two pieces, of Bat- tery A, First Peuns3'lvania Heavy Artillery, Capt. James Bracly commanding, which belonged to and had been serving with Abercrombie's Brigade, was sent to the right and support of the First Minnesota. Captain Brady, who was in charge of the guns, at once opened on the enemy with shell and case shot, and kept up the firing till the victory was gained. When the Confederates were for the second time showing themselves, General Gorman was ordered to throve first the Eighty-Second, then the Thirty- Fourth New York, and then the Fifteenth Massachu- setts upon the enemy's flank and front. The Eighty- Second, Lieutenant-Colonel Hudson commanding, went quickly forward, through garden fences and other obstacles, until it reached a line 100 yards from the Confederates, when it opened a galling fire upon them. Then, by Sumner's and Sedgwick's orders. General Gorman sent up the Thirty-Fourth, Colonel Suiter commanding, to strengthen the Eighty-Second. Then he sent up Lieutenant-Colonel Kimball with the Fifteenth ^Massachusetts, from Kirby's Battery, to support the two New York regiments. The Confederates and the Unionists were each side pressing forward to meet the other, firing as they ad- vanced. When the lines v/ere about 50 yards apart, General Sumner shouted to General Gorman : ''Charge 'em with the bayonet. General Gorman!" Then he gave the same command to the Thirty- Fourth New York. The New Yorkers threw themselves headlong into the woods directly against the enemy. The Fifteenth Massachusetts came in support in the center. Two regiments of Dana's Brigade, the Nineteenth Massa- chusetts and the Tammany Regiment (42d New York) had been left back on duty at the Chickahominy ; 129 THE FIRST MINNESOTA the other two, the Seventh Michigan and the Twen- tieth Massachusetts, were up and Sedgwick ordered them to assist Gorman's regiments in the charge, and they did so, acting on Gorman's left. The charging promised at one time to be a very fierce and bloody affair. But the Confederates were receiving such crushing volleys from the five infantry regiments, and Kirby with his five good Napoleons was fairly blowing them to pieces with his fresh supply of spherical case and shell, that they were in no mood to receive the cold steel in their anatomies. Prom say 6 o 'clock to 7 :30 there was some of Phil Kearney's '' beautiful fighting" on that Allen farm in the environs of Fair Oaks. And to this fighting the First Minnesota contributed. It was well pro- tected, had a good enfilading range, and fought the Fourth Alabama and Second Mississippi under about the same conditions as those regiments fought it at Bull Run, — giving plenty without taking any. The Confederates began to shrink away from the bayonet fighting. All but Hampton's South Carolina Legion. It stood before the Thirty-Fourth New York and lowered its bayonets to receive the charge. But Avhen the New Yorkers had reached ten paces from the South Carolinians the latter excused themselves and hurriedly left the field. And now the Confederates were driven from the field in the greatest confusion and wildest consterna- tion. They left the ground well covered with their dead and wounded, and among them was some of the best blood of the South. They had no cannon with them as they could not be handled in the woods. They lost over 100 unwounded prisoners. Their shattered battalions were driven clear away from the field and Sedgwick's Division occupied it that night and until after daylight next morning. 130 SEVEN PINES AND FAIR OAKS About 7 o'clock in the evening, or near sundown, General Johnston was wounded. General Hatton had just been killed by his side, and General Johnston was encouraging the men of the Tennessee brigade. The five regiments under General Gorman were com- ing, firing as they came, and Kirby's Battery was pouring in case shot and shell. Suddenly General Johnston got a musket ball in his right shoulder. Before the shock had passed, a shell from Kirby's Battery burst in front of him and a considerable fragment struck him in the breast, crushing it in and knocking him from his horse. He was borne on a litter to the rear and placed in an ambulance. Jeff Davis and General Lee, who were in the rear, came up and saw the wounded general before he was taken to Richmond. There he remained, often near death, until the 12th of November, nearly six months, before he was able for light service. (Johnston's Narrative.) The First Minnesota, in its sheltered position, had but 2 men killed and 4 wounded. Henry Arnsdorf, of Company C, was killed early on the morning of 1 June 1, while on picket, and Nicholas Hammer, of Company F, of Red Wing, was killed on Saturday. The wounded Avere Sergt. Chas. M. Tucker, of Com- pan H, and Privates Geo. W. Patten, of Company D, James Cannon of Company I, Alexander Shaw and Andrew J. Truesdale of Company K. Sunday morning, June 1, the fighting was resumed at Fair Oaks, running down to the Seven Pines. The Confederate right wing, Longstreet's and Dan Hill's i Divisions, had suffered terribly on Saturday in de- jfeating and driving Casey and Couch, but they were re-enforced that night by Huger's Division composed of 16 regiments of infantry and six batteries which were distributed among the three brigades of Gen- 131 THE FIKST MINNESOTA erals Mahone, "Wright, and Armistead. To these were added Pickett's, Pry or 's, and Wilcox's Brigades of QDongstreet's Division. General Smith's Division was not engaged that day. This force mider Gen. Dan Hill, attacked Richard- son's Division, in position near Fair Oaks Station and below the railroad, but parallel with it, at 6 :30 in the morning. In the severe fighting that ensued. General How- ard, while leading his brigade and pressing back the enemy, (Pickett's Brigade), lost his right arm. The Confederates were driven from the field at last and retired towards Eichmond. They were not pursued. That Sunday night, by order of their new com- mander. General Lee, they began to retire to their fortifications in front of Richmond. IMonday morn- ing they were all gone from the battlefield. General Gorman's Brigade took a creditable part in this day's engagement. Plardly had it begun when the General was ordered to leave the First Minnesota in its position on the right flank, the Fifteenth ]\Iassachusetts on the right front, and then to take the two New York regiments to the assist- ance of Richardson's Division. The troops that became engaged did splendid work and General Gorman praised them highly. V Before noon the fighting was all over and the Con- federates had retreated, leaving their dead and the greater part of their wounded in the hands of the Union troops. Just at the close of the battle Capt. "W. F. Russell's Second Company of ^Minnesota Sharp- shooters came upon the field and reported to General Gorman. The General sent them at once to the firing line, where they did good work during the half hour they were engaged. The Company had one man wounded, Chris. J. Lind, whose trigger finger was 132 SEVEN PINES AND FAIR OAKS shot off, necessitating his discharge. The Union victory at Fair Oaks was won by General Sumner and the two divisions of his Second Corps, with Heintzelman 's Corps contributing. All military writers of authority agree upon this point. The great expert, ~Wm. Swinton, whose opinion was a composite of the judgments of the leading generals of the Army of the Potomac, says : "Thus, when all was lost, Sumner's , , promptitude saved the day. * * * The brave old Sumner now sleeps in a soldier's grave, but that one act of heroic duty must embalm his memory in the hearts of his countrymen — Camj)s. Ar. of Pot., p. 138." 133 CHAPTER XV. CAMP AT FAIR OAKS. AFTEE the baftle of Fair Oaks— or Seven Pines, as the Confederates called it, perhaps because they won the tight at the latter locality and lost it at the first named — the general attitude of McClel- lan's army was not imposing or promising. The Corps on the west side of the Chickahominy re- mained there and the army was still astride the stream, dangerously divided. The First Minnesota and the other regiments of Sedgwick's Division went into camps on or near Sumner's and Smith's battlefields in the vicinity of Fair Oaks, with Richmond only se^yen miles away — so near and yet so far! Great earthworks were built and supplied with cannon. Long lines of strong in- trenchments were constructed and the position made so strong that it was practically impregnable to a direct attack from the enemy. But a fortified posi- tion does not always have to be directly attacked to be carried. During the remainder of the month of June, ex- cepting the last two days, the First Minnesota was kept almost constantly on picket or fatigue duty. It helped cut and build numerous corduroy roads, — for every road after it was cut out had to be corduroyed — and it felled acres of woodland in front of the fortifications. The Regiment was encamped in an angle which had a strong breastwork with traverses to protect the men from enfilading artillery. For some time after the battle the officers of the Regi- ment had their quarters in a good two-story farm 134 CAMP AT FAIR OAKS house near Fair Oaks. But this house had a strong breastwork about it, with four pieces of cannon to defend it, and the ground was well cleared in front. Day and night the Minnesotians had to be ready for battle. The picket lines were fired on every day by cavalry, infantry, and artillery. There were frequent alarms that ''the Rebs are coming." Scarce- ly a night passed that the Regiment was not called into line to repel a supposed attack. Sleeping or waking the men had to keep their cartridge boxes belted about them and have their guns where they could instantly reach them. The weather was general^ hot ; heavy rains were frequent. The land was low-lying. "Water could be obtained by digging a shallow well, but to the un- acclimated it was very unhealthy — practically pois- onous. Nobody knew enough then to boil it to kill the disease germs. Disinfectants and antiseptics were practically unknown. The surface water, which, from the rains, was always abundant, was more healthful than the well water. But the surface water came through swamps and marshes wherein dead men and dead horses lay, putrid and horrible ; and where there were always miasma and malaria. But the First Minnesota was remarkably healthy during this period. The Regiment lost less than thirty men by disease during its entire term ; other regiments, especially some in the AVestern army, lost 200 men and even 300. The Third Minnesota lost 119 of its men by death from malarial fever in tlie two months of i\ray and June, 1864, while in camp at Pine Bluff, Arkansas. Nearly every day there was cannonading and affairs between the outposts. Confederate scouting parties approached the Union picket lines and banged away with cannon for an hour or so. The next day 135 1 THE FIRST MINNESOTA Union parties would return the visit and repeat the performance of the previous day. The object was to "develop the enemy's position" and see what he was doing. While the weather was hot and sultry, there were exceptional and remarkable days. The latter part of the month of June was very warm; the 26th was the- hottest day, 96 in the shade. The next day was hot and the battle of Gaines' Mill was fought under a broiling sun. There was a light rain on the 29th, the day of the engagements at Allen's Farm, the Peach Orchard, and Savage's Station. The night of the battle of Malvern Hill, July 1st, the rain poured in torrents and so continued through the next day. Thereafter until the army left the Peninsula for Washington, from August 10th to August 20th, the days were almost alternately hot, rainy and pleasant; the nights invariably cool. The defeat of the Confederates at Fair Oaks greatly demoralized them. Their military men were disconcerted and Davis and his cabinet Avere greatly alarmed. It was believed that naturally JMcClellan would follow up the victory. All the church bells of Richmond rang wild alarms calling out the able- bodied citizens to be organized as militia and home guards for the defense of the city against the sup- posed attack. The citizens of Richmond were recom- mended to leave the city and go to safer places in the state, and the Legislature of Virginia, then in session, appropriated $200,000 to aid them in fleeing to cities of refuge. Fitz John Porter, McClellan's closest confidante, urged the commander to attack Lee's outer line of works, held by shaken troops, while he would come down on their flank from Mechauicsville way. But the proposition was at once rejected. Meanwhile many citizens had fled from 136 CAMP AT FAIR OAKS i Richmond and many of the public records were sent - away. Mrs. Jefferson Davis had been sent under ] escort of Senator Wigfall to North Carolina. | And all this had been accomplished by the Second j Corps, under command of General Sumner, whose prompt forward march to Fair Oaks had resulted in j the Union success. And he was past 65 years of age. I 137 CHAPTER XVI. DlOWxN THE PENINSULA TO HARRISON'S LANDING. GENERAL Lee at first expected McClellan to at- tack him. After some days Lee, having received re-inforcements from Charleston and elsewhere, de- termined to himself take the offensive and renew the attack on the Union army, notwithstanding the ill success of Johnston at Fair Oaks. He wanted to learn the exact situation in McClel- lan 's rear, to the east of the Chickahominy, and he sent Gen. Jeb. Stuart to inspect and report. With some 1,200 cavalry and two light cannon, Stuart started on the 13th of June to ride around McClel- lan 's army. He rode north from Richmond, crossed the upper Chickahominy, skirted McClellan 's line in the rear, rendezvoused at Hanover C. H., and with detachments of three regiments of Virginia cavalry — the 1st, 4th and 9th — swept southeast to Tunstall's Station and Garlick's Lauding on the Pamunkey. At Tunstall's he burned the railroad station and some supplies; at Carlick's he killed some soldiers and teamsters and burned two schooners laden with for- age. Then he turned westward, crossed the Chicka- hominy beloAv McClellan 's army, and came up the James river road to Richmond. He reported that General McClellan 's right and rear were unprotected by works of any strength. If General Lee desired to attack in that quarter, there Avas nothing in the natural situation to prevent. Stuart's raid decided Lee to attack McClellan 's divisions on the east side of the Chickahominy. Lee had called all his available forces to him, 138 BACK DOWN THE PENINSULA inclnding Stonewall Jackson, who had been doing splendid work for the Confederacy up in the Valley of Virginia. Lee's plan contemplated that as soon as Jackson, by his maneuvers on the north bank of the Chicka- hominy, should have uncovered the passage of the stream north of Richmond, at the Meehaniesville and Meadow Bridges, his divisions on the south side should cross and join Jackson's column. Then the united army would sweep down the north side of the Chickahominy towards the York river and event- ually lay hold of McClellan's line of communications at the White House. (Lee's report. War Recs., Vol. 11, part 2.) On the afternoon of Thursday, June 26, Gen. A. P. Hill and his division crossed the Chickahominy at Meadow Bridge, high up the Chickahominy, west of Meehaniesville, swept down and captured the Meeh- aniesville Bridge — driving away the regiment and battery guarding it — and then the Divisions of Long- street and Dan Hill crossed and joined with A. P. Hill. At once the three divisons marched down the north bank of the Chickahominy for two miles, when they encountered part of Fitz John Porter's Corps in position on BeaA'er Dam creek, a small stream flowing southward into the Chickahominy, but big enough for Porter's purpose. The fight was a glorious victory for General Porter. The Confederates charged his position again and again, and each time were repulsed. Their losses were heavy. In some instances the killing was fearfully sickening. The Confederates retired a little after dark. At 4 o'clock on the morning of the 27th McClel- lan ordered Porter to retire to Gaines' Mill and take up another position, and Porter did so. Here at 139 THE FIRST MINNESOTA 12:30 he was attacked and the battle of Gaines' Mill (or Chickaliominy or Cold Harbor as the Confederates called it) was fought. It Avas a bloody victory for the Confederates. Porter had a good position and fought desperately. But the heavy and repeated charges on the weakest part of his lines defeated him. The Union troops retired fighting (except at one point) turning from time to time to beat back the enemy. General Porter rode among his men in the thickest of the fight. "When they were retreating he said to those of IMor- ell's Division: "Retreat like men; don't run like sheep." He fought from half past 12 until half past 8, or eight good long hours. Porter's loss at Gaines' Mill was large in prison- ers taken when the Confederates swept over the lines and when the wounded were abandoned on the field. He had 894 killed, 3,107 wounded, 2,836 missing; total, 6,837. On the Confederate side the total estimated loss was 7,784. The total Confederate missing did not amount to more than 300, so that the aggregate of killed and wounded Avas about 7,800 Confederates to 4,000 on the Union side. Yet Porter lost 14 pieces of artillery and was driven from the field and so Gaines' Mill was a Con- federate victory. That night Porter was called to McClellan's headquarters, which had been removed to the west side of the Chickahominy, near the upper Grapevine Bridge, at the two-story house of Dr. Trent. Here all the Corps' commanders had been summoned. McClellan announced to them that he had determined to retire southward with the whole army to Harrison's Landing, on the James River, where he could receive supplies and have the protec- 140 BACK DOWN TPIE PENINSULA tion of the gunboats. He said it was dangerous for Porter to remain longer on the north bank of the Chickahominy, and he was ordered to withdraw to the south bank and destroy the bridges after him. The plans to retreat to the James River were then explained and orders given for their execution. With the transfer of the right wing, now only Porter's Corps, to the south side of the Chickahominy, the Army of the Potomac turned its back on the Confederate capital and the army defending it, and all the high hopes that they would be captured, which the loyal people of the country had so fondly held, were blasted. Porter withdrew his corps the night of the battle of Gaines' Mill, by the assistance of French's and Meagher's brigades, which Sumner had sent, and crossed the Chickahominy by New Bridge safely. Some of Sykes' regulars were the extreme rear guard and burned the bridge next morning at daylight. The Confederates strongly believed that McClel- lan would renew the battle at Gaines' Mill the next morning and they feared the result, so severely had they suffered. A council of officers was held the night of the battle and Dr. Dabney in his life of Stonewall Jackson, p. 473, says: "After many pain- ful details of losses and disasters, they all concurred in declaring that IMcClellan would probably take the aggressive in the morning and that the Confederate army could not resist him." But the next morning IMcClellan was retreating. oMcClellan 's line of retreat toward his proposed new base on the lower James passed between that river and the Chickahominy. South from the Williamsburg road and the West Point railroad it crossed the big White Oak Swamp, heretofore men- tioned. This SAvamp headed just south of the Seven 141 THE FIRST MINNESOTA Pines, ran southeast for about nine miles to White Oak Bridge, then turned to the northeast for four miles and emptied into the Chickahominy two miles below Bottom's Bridge. It was a deep marsh in the woods, and was from half a mile to a mile wide. Through the center ran a considerable stream which was its drain or outlet. This stream had no banks. Numerous roads crossed the SAvamp in various direc- tions, but it was seldom passable by them. McClel- lan's main line of retreat was over a good road and bridge and the Confederates could not flank it. Keyes' Fourth Corps, Avhich had been stationed on the northern margin of "White Oak Swamp, was naturally given the advance of the retrograde march. By noon of the 28th, it had seized strong positions on the south side of the swamp to cover the passage of its comrade Corps and their impedimenta. Then followed McClellan's long train of 5,000 wagons and a herd of 2,500 beef cattle, all of which had to trav- erse that great morass by a single narrow road. The passage was successfully accomplished, however, in 24 hours. The night of the 28th Fitz John Porter's Fifth Corps was heading for the swamp en route to the new base. Meanwhile, in order to allow the trains and the cattle to get well on their way, Sumner's Second, Heintzelman's Third and ''Baldy" Smith's Division of Frankln's Sixth Corps had been ordered to remain on the Richmond side of the White Oak Swamp during the whole day and until after dark of the 29th. Their positions were arranged to cover the roads from Richmond and also Savage's Station on the Railroad. General Lee soon discovered that McClellan was retreating, but he was not certain by what route. McClellan could throw all his force across the north 142 BACK DOWN THE PENINSULA side of the Chiekahominy and fall back by way of the York River railroad and the White House, or he might retreat down the Peninsula over the same route by which General Johnston, in May, had retreated up the Peninsula. But he had chosen neither of these lines. And so when on the 28th Lee threw out Ewell's Division and Stuart's Cavalry to seize the York River Railroad, he had his trouble for his pains. For MeClellan had abandoned his line of supplies by the York River railroad two days before. A great part of the stores at West Point had been sent to Savage Station, and the rest burned; the water transportation had been sent from the White House around and up the James River. General Casey con- ducted proceedings at the White House, and it was during the conflagration which consumed the Union stores there that the White House itself, owned by Mrs. General Lee, was burned. General Casey said he did not know who set the house on fire and that it was "against my express orders." (War Recs., Vol. 11, part 2, p. 483.) Upon learing definitely the route MeClellan was taking, Sunday morning, May 29, General Lee put all his columns in pursuit on parallel roads. Magruder and Huger were ordered out from Richmond to fol- low up on the Williamsburg and Charles City roads, the latter leading southeast below AVhite Oak Swamp ; Longstreet and the Hills were to hurry across the Chiekahominy at New Bridge and move by flank routes near the James and try to intercept the re- treat ; Stonewall Jackson, crossing the Chiekahominy at the Grapevine Bridge, was to sweep down the left bank of the river, crossing White Oak Swamp near its mouth and get on MeClellan 's left flank. (War Recs. ; Swinton, p. 155 ; Cooke, Life of Lee, p. 89.) 143 THE FIRST MINNESOTA Early on the morning of Saturday, June 28, the wagons of the Union army, laden with supplies, be- gan moving south. In the afternoon the Minnesota men were ordered to pack up and get ready to move. At night even the shelter tents were packed and the boys bivouacked in the open air; there was no telling what moment the order to march would be given. At about 4 o'clock next morning, (Sunday, June 29), the order came. There were some unpleasant features connected with the movement. The breastworks and forti- fications which had cost much time and labor to build, and which were well nigh impregnable, were abandoned. The sick and disabled were sent to the general hospital at Savage Station, and surgeons and ample medical stores were left with thenv Scarcely had McClellan's movement to the rear begun when the Confederates on the Chickahominy side were upon him. At Golding's farm two miles north of Fair Oaks, W. F. Smith's brigades, of Franklin's Sixth Corps, were stationed. The Confed- erates could cannonade them from Gaines' Mill bat- tle ground. Gen. D. R. Jones' Confederate Division crossed the river and the Seventh and Eighth Georgia regiments charged on the Thirty-third New York of Davidson's and the Forty-ninth Pennsylvania of Hancock's Brigade, which were on picket line, and the Georgians got badly licked. They lost over 100 killed and wounded and Colonel Lamar, Lieut- Colonel Tower, and 50 officers and men were taken prisoners. The Minnesotians heard the sound of this fight and knew the Confederates would give them trouble shortly. 144 CHAPTER XVII. ALLEN'S FARM, OR THE PEACH ORCHARD. VERY early on that Sunday morning, General Sumner began the lead of his Corps eastward from and near Fair Oaks, on a parallel road with the York River road, in the direction of Savage's Station. At Allen's Farm, some two miles east of Fair Oaks, the Corps halted and made a temporary bivouac. There was trouble in the rear. The Con- federates were following closely. General Magruder had run out of his works in front of Richmond the moment he heard the Federal troops were retreating. He had five brigades under Generals Robert Toombs, Howell Cobb, J. B. Kershaw, Paul Semmes and Richard Griffith, and several bat- teries. He also had what was called a ''railroad battery," which was a 32-pound rifled cannon with a sloping iron shield in front and mounted on a flat car which was moved by a locomotive over the York River road out from Richmond. This gun was in charge of a Lieutenant Barry, and made to do good service. Coming up with Burns' Brigade, which was the rear guard, at Allen's Farm, Magruder at once at- tacked, with Griffith's and Kershaw's Brigades in front and the railroad battery well advanced. The little fighting done was in a peach orchard on the Allen farm, which comprised a part of the Fair Oaks battlefield. General Griffith was killed and per- haps 20 more Confederates. Tompkins' (Battery A, First Rhode Island) marched with the brigade from Fair Oaks to Allen's Farm, or the Peach Orchard, and went into position 145 THE FIRST MINNESOTA to the right of the Nineteenth Massachusetts, of Dana's Brigade. The First Minnesota supported this , Battery during the principal part of the action until the battery itself was divided. On the Union side, the fighting at the Peach Orchard was done principally by the batteries and Burns' Brigade, of Sedgwick's Division. The Seven- ty-First Pennsylvania (the "California Eegiment") did the greater part of the infantry fighting. General Sumner was on the field and had charge of the Union side of it. He delayed Magruder's advance for about three hours. At this time General Gorman had been stricken with malarial fever and Colonel Sully was command- ing his brigade. Lieut-Col. Stephen Miller had com- I mand of the First Minnesota. The Fifteenth Massa- chusetts had been sent forward to Savage's Station, with Meagher's Brigade of Eichardson's Division, to destroy the immense stocks of stores which had to be abandoned. The remainder of the Corps soon followed. The amount of stores which McClellan was forced to destroy at Savage's Station was something enor- mous. They were largely ordnance stores, but there were all kinds. Some trains M^ere loaded with ordnance and then exploded; others were loaded, set on fire, and run eastward to Bottom Bridge, where they plunged, locomotive, cars and all into the Chiekahominy. The fighting at the Peach Orchard (or Allen's Farm) was not very serious on the Union side. In two hours General Sumner was on his way to Sav- age's Station and Magruder was closing up his ranks to follow. 146 CHAPTEE XVIII. THE BATTLE OF SAVAGE'S STATION. IT will be understood that at noon on that Sunday, June 29, all the Union Corps were retreating southward toward McClellan's new base. Porter's and Keyes' were across AVhite Oak Swamp and well on their way. Sumner's, Franklin's and Heintzel- man's Avere marching toward the Swamp. Sumner's Second Corps, with the First Minnesota, arrived at Savage's Station at about 2 P. M. The situation topographically cannot well be described without a map. On the north side of the railroad there was a cleared field full of hospital tents, laid out in rows, each tent containing 15 to 20 men on comfortable, clean cots, with the necessary surgeons and attendants. South of the railroad and between it and the Williamsburg stage road was another clearing. East of this clearing was a ravine running obliquely across the railroad, its edges skirted by trees, and the ravine itself filled with undergrowth. This latter clearing was nearly square and nearly half mile in length and breadth. In front of the brushy ravine were some small hills which made fine shelter for the troops. "West of the clearing was more timber, and here Sum- ner and Franklin thought (for some time) that Heint- zelman was lying with his corps. On the left or south of the Williamsburg road was timber also, and here was Gen. "Baldy" Smith' of Franklin's Corps in position; General Franklin's other Division, Gen- eral Slocum's, M^as across White Oak Swamp. Sumner's Corps took position in the clearing be- tween the Williamsburg road and the railroad. Burns' 147 THE FIRST MINNESOTA Brigade, of Sedgwick's was in front, Sully's and Dana's behind it. Eiehardson's three brigades were farther to the rear but more to the right. ■ Pettit's, Hazzard's and Osborn's batteries were posted toAvards the left, near the front of the brushy ravine. (War Recs.) It rained a little at intervals, but generally the day was hot and sultry and wore away slowly but excitedly as the men waited either to be attacked by Magruder's forces during the day, or when night came to start for the White Oak Bridge. About 4:30 Magruder's advance appeared in front of the Union pickets at Savage's Station. It pushed Kemper's Alexandria (Va.) Battery well forward and opened on the Union position suddenly and savagely. The artillery car halted in a cut of the railroad a little distance from the station and began to shell Sumner's Corps in the clearing. General Franklin relates (Batts. and Leads, p. 373.) that he and Greneral Sedgwick were looking for General Heintzelman when the Confederate guns opened on them so startlingly that they had great difficulty in riding away with the dignity and deliberation due to brigadiers ! The infantry soon were in support of the artillery. The Confederate force was commanded by General Magruder and Gen. Lafayette McLaws in person. It consisted of five brigades. Those that did the fight- ing were Kershaw's, Semmes' and the Seventeenth and Twenty-first Mississippi of Barksdale's (formerly Griffith's); the artillery consisted of Capt. Del. Kem- per's, Alexandria Battery, of Kershaw's Brigade; Moody's Louisiana of Toombs' Brigade, and Brown's Wise (Va.) Artillery, and Hart's Washington (S. C.) Artillery of Colonel Anderson's Brigade. Toombs,' Cobb's, and Anderson's infantry were in line north of 148 THE BATTLE OF SAVAGE'S STATION the railroad but took no part in the battle. The Union troops engaged were Sedgwick's three brigades — Sully's, Burns', a part of Dana's — and Brooks' Vermont brigade of "W. F. Smith's Division of the Sixth Corps. Yet nearly all the fighting was done by Sully's and Burns' Brigades and the three batteries, so that it was a fair fight, with the actual contending forces about equal. General Sumner had been up nearly all the night before and had been very busy during that Sunday morning. About 3:30 P. M. he lay down for a little rest at the Station and was soon sound asleep. He was "dead to the world" when the firing began and General Franklin so found him and awakened him. The old warrior, accustomed to all sorts of surprises and always ready for any emergency, sprang to his feet, called for his horse, and in less than five minutes was galloping to the firing line. Kershaw's South Carolinians were advancing and peppering away at the Union skirmishers. General Sumner rode into Burns' Brigade and quickly sent two of its regiments forward nearly half a mile to hold the woods between the AVilliamsburg road and the railroad. Kershaw's men were advancing through these woods. General Burns saw that his two regi- ments were in danger of being flanked and he called for his other tv/o regiments to protect his left. The First Minnesota was in front of them. ''Take the Minnesota men up first and let the Pennsylvania regiments follow," ordered Sumner.* Colonel Miller took the regiment into the fight. It arrived in good time, before the enemy attacked him formidably, *"The First Minnesota, of Gorman's Brigade, being most handy, was first sent, my two reserve regiments fol- lowing." — General Burns in Battles and Leaders, Vol 2, p. 374. 149 THE FIRST MINNESOTA says General Burns. It was thrown into the woods across the Williamsburg road, with the left companies retired a little to protect the flank. General Burns saw that even with the Minne- sotians his line was not long enough to confront the enemy. So he hurried up his two reserve regiments. Before these regiments could get up, the firing began, Kershaw's infantry opening in good style. The Confederate batteries had been at work playing with shot and shell on the field as the troops crossed it. The First Minnesota men kept well in line, loaded and fired rapidly, and did good execution. No thought of giving way now. Semmes' Brigade had been at work on the extreme left of the Union line, where Brooks' Vermonter's were, but it was now moved up to help Kershaw's. During the Seven Days' Battles fully one-third of the Confederates were armed with smooth-bore mus- kets which fired a cartridge composed of a round ball and three buctehot, a most effective weapon at short range. Nearly all the rifled muskets they had were Enfields, imported from England, and Union I Springfields, picked up on battlefields. There were two weak points in General Burns' position, the center and the Williamsburg road. Two more regiments were needed to fill these gaps and they were sent for. Before they could come Kershaw charged the center with the Second, Third and Seventh South Carolina. They shot General Burns' in the face with a minie ball, killed Captain McGon- igle, of Baxter's Seventy-second Pennsylvania, forced through to the fence surrounding the cleared fields, and waved their flags across the rail panels. But neither Burns' regiments nor the First Minnesota offered to run, though their line was cut in two, but ikept on fighting. The "First" was under heavy fire 150 THE BATTLE OF SAVAGE'S STATION and lost many men in killed and wounded. General Sumner : Here he comes to the rescue : He is a second Blucher, the old "Marshall Forwarts," who at 71, in 1813, led the charge of the Prussian cavalry that defeated Macdonald with the French chasseurs at the Katzbach. "When Burns sent the third time for help, the old hero seized the first two regiments he saw, and they happened to be Colonel Baker's Eighty-eighth New York, of Meagher's Bri- gade, and the Fifth New Hampshire, of Caldwell's. These he led forward in person, waving his hat as a flag, his good gray head held proudly, his eyes full of battle light, his gray hair and beard blowing backward in the wind.* How those Irish in the Eighty-eighth New York did yell! Arriving at the firing line, the two fresh regiments, by General Sumner's shouted order, charged into the woods and speedily drove back the picked troops of the Palm- etto State, the chivalry of Charleston, the very first troops of the state to volunteer. At the same time Kemper's battery went back with a rush. Then here came the remaining regiments of Sully's Brigade. The Fifteenth Massachusetts relieved the One Hundred and Sixth Pennsylvania and the Twen- tieth Massachusetts replaced Baxter's Seventy-second. Colonel Hudson's Eighty-second New York was the first to arrive, and it was sent to fill the gap in the line. But it wouldn't stay behind, and rushed on with its comrade regiments as long as it could see a "Johnny" with a gun in his hand. The Sixty-ninth Pennsylvania was sent to the left of the First Minnesota, though it was all over now but the shouting and a great deal of that was being done. Semmes' Brigade seemed to want a share of *See Franklin's article, Battles and Leaders, Vol 2, p. 373. 151 THE FIRST MINNESOTA what Kershaw's was receiving so it came up in front of the First Minnesota and the Sixty-ninth Pennsyl- vania and got it. Then it went off after Kershaw's Brigade. 152 CHAPTER XIX. THE RETREAT ACROSS WHITE OAK SWAMP. HALF an hour after the fight was over at Savage's Station, and darkness had settled down thick and black over the scene, General Sumner having received no order to the contrary, wished to remain and further test the strength of the enemy without — or before — crossing White Oak Swamp in further re- treat, but General Franklin, under General McClel- lan's order, moved on to close up on the retiring Union Army and this compelled General Sumner to do likewise. The Compte de Paris, in his History says: ''It required a positive order from General MeClellan to determine Sumner to cross the White Oak Swamp." General Walker, in his "History of the Second Army Corps," p. 70, says: "The approach of night on the 29th found Sumner victorious and happy, Magruder having been completely repulsed and driven off the ground. The old general was well content with his position and would have been willing to stay there a week. His blood was up, and of his own motion he was little likely to take a backward step." The First Minnesota never forgot that night march across White Oak Swamp. After crossing the swamp at White Oak Bridge, the regiment marched about two miles and halted. The night march was attended with casualties. Stragglers ! For some unaccountable reason many of the Union soldiers fell out of ranks in the dark- ness and cast themselves down by the roadsides, where they were picked up the next morning by the pursuing Confederates. Gen. Dan Hill says his divi- 153 THE FIRST IMINNESOTA sion picked up 1,000 of these stragglers and they had to spend long terms in Confederate prisons. On the muster rolls these fellows were reported as "missing in action at Savage's Station," along with their faithful comrades who were really captured against their will. Stonewall Jackson came up to AVhite Oak Bridge about 11 o'clock and essayed to cross it to the south side, where the divisions of "Baldy" Smith and Sedgwick with General Franklin in command barred the way. The situation now was this : Jackson, Ewell and Dan Hill were following directly after McClellan's retreating army. Longstreet and A. P. Hill — and with them General Lee — were coming down the Union right flank over the Charles City road; they had come to the west of the White Oak Swamp, and had not been troubled by crossing that great morass, hav- ing kept it to their left flank all the way down. They were straining every nerve to cut in two McClellan's retreating line — which was now the Quaker road — and capture the rear half, Sumner's and Franklin's Corps and part of Heintzelman's. To this end they strove to throw themselves across the Quaker road at a locality called Glendale and intercept the three Corps named, while Jackson and Hill should come up in the rear and help effect their capture and destruc- tion. The First Minnesota did its full share in pre- venting this casualty. Jackson came up to the north end of White Oak Bridge and sent Munford with the cavalry to see if the swamp could be crossed elsewhere. The jaded Union troops had been massed on the ground beyond the SM^amp without any attempt at concealment or to form them in order. All, fairly numb with fatigue, 154 THE RETREAT ACROSS WHITE OAK SWAMP had thrown themselves on the ground and had fallen soundly asleep. Suddenly 31 pieces of cannon opened on them from the Confederate side of the Swamp. For awhile there was a scene of dire confusion, enlivened, how- ever by some ridiculous and laughable incidents, re- sulting from the big scare. The fighting at White Oak Swamp was almost altogether by the artillery. It was hot and heavy for half an hour, and was re- sumed at intervals during the day. Up the stream, perhaps two miles, from White Oak Bridge was Braekett's ford, where the Sw^amp was erossable sometimes, but was not in very good condition now. Munford's Virginia cavalry, hunt- ing for other crossings than the White Oak Bridge, came upon Braekett's Ford, which some of them crossed, though General Franklin says they ''retired much faster than they advanced." General Franklin at once saw the perilous condition at Braekett's Ford. Jackson might cross a part of his force there, join Long-street and Plill, and turn the Union right flank. So Franklin sent to General Sumner for re-inforce- ments and Sumner sent him Sully's and Dana's Bri- gades. General Sully was sick and stayed behind, but his brigade including the First Minnesota, was temporarily in charge of General Dana. When the two brigades got up to command Braekett's Ford, the Confederates made no further attempt to cross. Southern critics have scored Stonewall Jackson be- cause he didn't push across at all hazards. There was nothing for the First Minnesota to do at Braekett's but to keep in line and ready to spring to action in a moment. But this was enough. The Confederates with their field glasses could see the situation, and knew that if they attempted to cross the attempt would be a bloody failure. 155 CHAPTER XX. THE BATTLE OF iGLENDALE. WHILE General Jackson was trying to cross White Oak Swamp and General Franklin (the First Minnesota helping) was preventing him, there was "something doing" about two miles to the south- east, Longstreet and A. P. Hill had come up over the Charles City road, running southeast from Richmond to Charles City, where that road was crossed by the Quaker road running southward from Glendale, south- west of White Oak Bridge. The road from New Market northeast to Glendale also crossed here. The cross roads was on the farm of a Mr. Frayser, but just south of his farm, on the Quaker road, and near the Willis Southern Methodist church, was the farm of a Mr. Nelson. The battle fought here this day appears in history by at least five names — Glendale, Frayser 's Farm, Nelson's Farm, Charles City Cross Roads, and the Quaker Road; rarely it is called the "action near Willis's Church." The position at the cross roads was defended by the Union Divisions of McCall, of Porter's Corps, and Kearney's of Pleintzelman's. McCall was in the cen- ter and Kearney was at his right. Sumner's Corps at some distance to McCall's left and rear. Hooker's Division of Heintzelman was on Sumner's left. Mc- Call's Division (Pennsylvania Reserves) was formed at right angles, facing west, across the New Market road and parallel, or north and south, with the Quak- er road. This Division had to sustain the brunt of the attack, which was a very formidable and deter- mined one. Longstreet and Hill opened the attack at about 156 THE BATTLE OF GLENDALE 3. P. ]\r., while Jackson was booming away trying to cross White Oak Swamp. Longstreet was on the right and Hill in reserve on the left. General Lee directed the battle, and Jeff Davis was also on the field during the fight. Each Division had six strong bridges with plenty of artillery. The fight lasted until after dark. The Union forces managed to hold the position, but it was a hard job. McCall's Division suffered severely. Its loss in killed and wounded, and even prisoners, was heavy. Cooper's Pennsyl- vania and Kandol's First U. S. Batteries were cap- tured; Gen. Geo. G. Meade was severely wounded. Just after dark General McCall ran into some Con- federates in a road in a fine wood. "AVhat troops are these?" asked the general. "General Field's," was the ans^ver. "General Field? I don't know him," returned the general. "Quite likely, mister; he don't belong to your side." In another moment General McCall was a prisoner. His staff tried to ride away, but were fired on and Captain Biddle, who was McCall's adjutant general, was killed. The result of the battle of Glendale, was favor- able to the Union army. Longstreet and Hill failed to cut it in two. Its rear guard was safe and could keep on retreating to the James River. True, it had lost two good batteries and hundreds of good men; but its regiments had fought bravely, even desper- ately and gloriously, and much honor was- theirs. The First Minnesota in the battle of Glendale was under fire and held a prominent position. The Regi- ment was always ready. Its year of service had seasoned and experienced it and it was most effective. Its two fights at Fair Oaks and Savage's Station had tried it in the fire and it had come forth tempered for work. About 5 o'clock in the afternoon, when the Regi- 157 THE FIRST BIINNESOTA ment, with Sully's and Dana's Brigades, was lying at Brackett's, keeping back Jackson and Dan Hill, things were going badly with the Union forces that were contending with Longstreet and A. P. Hill. General Sumner sent for Sully's and Dana's Brigades and directed that they march at quick time to the rescue. The march of a mile and a half was made in good time, a part of the way at the "double quick." Arriving on the field, Sully's Brigade was put on the extreme right of Sedgwick's Division, in the rear of the center of McCall and Kearney's line, and al- most directly behind Taylor's Brigade, of Franklin. The Confederate commands directly confronting were the brigades of Wilcox and Featherston. Heavy firing was in progress and the First Minnesota, ex- hausted by its long, hot running, lay down to recover breath and to avoid the swarms of bullets passing over the heads of the men. They could not return the fire, for their comrades of Taylor's Brigade were between them and the enemy. Finally the men were given a chance. A portion of McCall's line had been receiving the concentrated fire of Wilcox's Alabamians and Featherston 's Mis- sissippians and being nearly out of ammunition, was retiring. The men of Seymour's Pennsylvania Bri- gade were retreating in disorder and fast going to pieces. Colonel Sully, who had remained on the field all day, tried hard to rally them. Colonel Sully asked General Sumner: "What can I do, General?" Instantly the old general answered: "Do? There'll be plenty for you to do in a minute. Colonel. I've sent for your Brigade and it's coming on the double quick, and it is near here now. I want you to put it into that gap and drive back the rebels. Leave your First Minnesota in reserve in case it is needed." 158 THE BATTLE OF GLENDALE Then came the Minnesotians, the last in the line, and as soon as they had "recovered their wind," General Dana took charge of them and led them for- ward to fill np the gap, saying to General Sumner: "I will place my old regiment, General." As the men passed the old general he called out: "Boys, I may not see all of you again, but I know you will hold that line." (Lochren.) And they did hold it. Luckily it was not a very hard job. Wilcox's and Featherston's men were about "all in," and Kearney and Hooker made a flank attack upon Longstreet and made him pause and order A. P. Hill, with a reserve, to the rescue. Very soon the firing slackened on their part, and then the Minnesotians ceased, and darkness closed the conflict. General Longstreet, in "Battles and Lead- ers," p. 401: "The battle was continued until we encountered succor from the corps of Generals Sumner and Heintzelman. * * * Finally McCall's Division was driven ofiP, but fresh troops came in to their relief. * * * We did not occupy all the field until we advanced in pursuit the next day." Only a few men of the First Minnesota were wounded at Glendale. Among them was Capt. Wm. Colville, of the Red Wing Company. He was shot in the left breast, and the wound was severe; but he was such a Spartan that according to Lochren he gave no sign of being hurt. He quietly turned over the command of his company to his senior lieutenant, saying, "I am wounded," and left for the rear. Next morning he was heard from in the field hospital at Malvern Hill, whither he had walked, unaided, the evening before. In an important respect the battle of Glendale was a Union victory. Longstreet and Hill failed to cut the line of the retreating forces, to destroy their 159 u^ THE FIRST MINNESOTA trains, or to bring general confusion upon them. They captured two Union batteries, but their loss in killed and wounded was the equal of the Union loss. That night and early the next morning Sumner's and Heintzelman's Corps and Franklin's single Division (Smith's) of his Corps, and all the trains passed on unmolested and in due time reached Malvern Hill, but on the way the regiment was pounded by an enemy battery, wounding and rendering unmanage- able IMajor Morgan's horse. At Glendale, as the regiment was about to move forward in support of the Union line it was ordered to throw their knapsacks in a pile to relieve them on their double quick forward movement, and assured that a guard would protect them, but on returning no knapsacks were found. This was a most grievous loss. It was stated that they had been burned, but were probably looted by other troops or stragglers. 160 CHAPTER XXI. MALVERN HILL. WHEN General McClellan began his retreat from in front of Richmond, he directed General Couch, of Keyes' Corps, and Gen. Fitz John Porter, then just across the Chickahominy from Gaines' J^.Iill, to repair to the lower James and select a defensive point behind which the army could retire in safety to Harrison's Landing. The point selected was Mal- vern Hill. At nearly the same time General Lee con- cluded that McClellan needed Malvern Hill and had designs upon it, and the Confederate commander at once dispatched General Holmes with 6,000 men to seize and occupy the Hill in advance of the Union forces. The advance of General Porter's command did not reach Turkey Creek just below IMalvern Hill, until 9 o'clock on the morning of the '30th. Porter was up in good time, bvit had not much to spare. At 11 o'clock General Holmes came up. He might have taken the Hill then, for only 1,500 Union troops were upon it ; but he hung around until 3 o 'clock, w^hen he attacked Warren's Brigade and the 11th U. S., in all 1,500 men, with 30 pieces of artillery. The latter were under Colonel Hunt, chief of artil- lery, who had not attempted to mask them but had placed them where General Holmes did not see them. General Porter was an accomplished engineer, and his selection of Malvern Hill as a defensive position has always been approved by both Union and Con- federate commanders. Porter now put upon and around the hill, at points where they would do the most good, the three Divisions of his own Corps. 161 THE FIRST MINNESOTA McCall's (now commanded by General Seymour), Morell's, and Sykes,' Hunt's 100 pieces of reserve artillery, including Tyler's Connecticut siege guns; and also Couch's Division, which was sent two miles below to Haxall's, on the James. At dark, however, Couch was sent back to Glendale, seven miles, to re- enforce the retiring troops under Sumner and Frank- lin. At 2 o'clock on the morning of July 1 Couch returned to ]\Ialvern Hill and later was given charge of the Union firing line. McCall's Division was in reserve in front of the Malvern House. Malvern Hill was named for the estate to which it belonged. The Malvern House (or simply Mal- vern) was a story-and-a-half dwelling erected in Colonial times. It was built of imported English brick of a dark but vivid red. A frame addition on the west end of the building was placed in about 1820. The house is upon the crest of a hill facing south. North of the house for half a mile is the plateau called Malvern Hill. At the north end of this tableland the hill dips down into a meadow or flat land. On the crest of this latter hill and part way down its north side the Union batteries were placed. The infantry was partly behind them and partly between them. Back, just north of the Malvern House, were the ten big Connecticut siege guns. The Confederates assaulted the Union position at the north end, coming over the meadow, the wheat fields and the flat lands and trying to climb the hills where the batteries were. At the extreme left of the Union battery line, just west of the Quaker road, was the Crew House; direct- ly west from Crew's, just across the Quaker road, on the east side, was the West House. On the extreme right of the Union battery line was the house of J. 162 MALVERN HILL "W. Binford; half a mile south was the house of his brother. G. Binford. On the morning of July 1 came Sumner's two and Heintzelman's two Divisions and went into position in the rear of Porter's battle line. The line was be- ing formed as the First Minnesota came up to Turkey Creek. The position of Sully's Brigade and that of the Regiment was changed several times. At first it was well up to the front and near the center of the Union line, when the enemy was shelling the position — "feeling it," is the expression. This was about 10 o'clock. The shells burst well over the Brigade and the fragments wounded a few of the men. At noon Sully's Brigade was moved to the rear and marched some distance to the right of the Malvern plateau, to the right-rear of the battle line and of Smith's Di- vision. The Minnesota station was in G. Binford 's oatfield and northeast of his house. The advance of the Confederate army came up on the Quaker or "Willis Church Road and also on the Richmond branch of the Long Bridge road at about 9:30 o'clock. After reconnoitering the field, General Lee determined at once to attack. He had but little doubt of success. He felt that McClellan was badly demoralized and he thought his army was as badly off as its commander. So confident was he of suc- cess that he kept the greater part of Longstreet's and A. P. Hill's commands back on the Richmond road and they took little part in the fight.* The Confederates cannonaded the Union position for a time and late in the afternoon assaulted. The assault was bravely made by Stonewall Jackson's command, and by D. H. Hill's, Magruder's, and *"It was his belief in the demoralization of the Federal army that made our leader risk the attack." — D. H. Hill, in Battles and Leaders. 163 THE FIKST MINNESOTA Huger's Divisions. It was a horribly bloody failure. The Union artillery blew the assaulting lines to pieces at a distance and when they came closer the Union infantry shot the pieces to fragments. The Confeder- ates estimated their loss at fully 6,000. General Long- street writes: "We were repulsed at all points with fearful slaughter, losing 6,000 men and accomplish- ing nothing." (Battles and Leaders.) The Union loss was never definitely ascertained. From partial reports it was estimated to be about 1,500 in killed, wounded, and missing. General Lee made the mistake that he repeated at Gettysburg, and that Burnside made at Fredericksburg, in at- tacking a naturally difficult position which is amply and well defended. The victory was Fitz John Porter's. He placed his men and guns and commanded generally in the fight; his lieutenant. General Couch, took charge of the firing line. He rode among the men who were lying in reserve behind the front lines and were getting killed and wounded without being able to fire a shot, and he encouraged them to hold on a little longer. He even rode among the batteries when they were working. Bullets passed through his clothes but he was unhit. Before the fight began Sumner conferred with him and just as it com- menced brought up Caldwell's Brigade, saying to Porter: "You may need it; and there are more where it came from." Later in the fight, when it seemed that his extreme left under ]\Iorell, near the Crew house, would be driven back. Porter asked Sumner for another bri- gade, and was sent Meagher's Irish, who went up at a double quick. General Porter placed himself at the head of 164 MALVERN HILL Meagher's Brigade and led it rapidly to the Crew house. Finding that Griffin and Butterfield had at last cheeked the enemy, General Porter took the Irish Brigade and charged into the Confederate lines. Be- fore starting he tore up his diary and dispatch book, lest he and they be captured — and this hasty action he long lamented. Fifty yards away the Brigade halted and received a terrific volley. It returned one of equal destructiveness. In a few minutes the Sixty- ninth and the Eighty-eighth New York charged again, broke up Semmes' Brigade, captured Lieut. - Colonel Waggaman, of the Tenth Louisiana, and a lot of his men, and drove the rest of the Brigade clear away. JMeagher then held his position till midnight. The Confederates were wont to attribute the suc- cess of the Union defense at Malvern Hill to the co- operation of the gunboats in the James river, only two miles away. The truth is the gunboats did more harm to the Union side than good. At the crisis of affairs on the Union left, when Meagher and Sickles were sent for, the gunboats — with the good intent of aiding General Porter, no doubt — opened fire on Malvern Hill. But their shot all landed among or close to Tyler's big guns near the Malvern House, killing and wounding some of Tyler's men. Probably the guns of the boats could not throw their projec- tiles farther, or the gunners may have thought Tyler's guns were the enemy's. At any rate the signal men dispatched the boats: "For God's sake stop firing," or there is no telling the damage they would have done. The large projectiles, Vv^hich the Confederates called ''lamp posts," and of which they complained, must have been thrown by Colonel Tyler's heavy guns. General Porter was ordered to withdraw his own 1165 THE FIRST MINNESOTA Corps and tell Sumner and Heintzelman to withdraw theirs, and to direct Couch to retire his Division and all move south to Harrison's Landing. Harrison's Landing was only eight miles from Malvern and the Confederates had retired some miles to the northward ; they were astonished when the scouts of Stuart's Cavalry brought word that the Federals had run away. The Confederates came back to the battlefield, gathered up prisoners, arms, and other spoil, and Lee followed MeClellan to within sight of his new position. All during the lightnings and thunders of that fearful death storm at Malvern Hill the First Minne- sota lay in Binford's oatfield. Though the men were out of danger, they were nervous and excited and expected every minute to be called into the fight. They were ready and willing to go, and fully expect- ed to be called upon. They were doing their duty faithfully, for "they also serve who only stand and wait." Toward morning the Regiment was withdrawn and with the rest of Sedgwick's Division ascended to the Malvern plateau. Nobody there. Nobody any- where on the field but the dead and wounded and their attendants. The rest had gone on to Harrison's Landing. The First Minnesota followed. It descend- ed Malvern Hill down its steep face to the low ground along the James river. Then it set out to the southward over an indescribable roadway. Na- turally it was a good road, but drenching rain had been falling since midnight and the preceding passage of so many, artillery, and wagons had reduced it to a great river of mud paste through which the men plunged and wallowed all the way to Harrison's Landing, the new base. 166 CHAPTER XXII. AT HARRISON'S LANDING. DURING the night of Jiily 1 and on July 2 a copions rain fell throughout the lower James region, and when the columns arrived at Harrison's Landing all the ground was well soaked. Sedgwick's Division encamped in a wheat field in which the wheat was yet standing. This field was near the old mansion house called Berkeley, (local pronunciation Barkly) the historic home of the Harrison familj'. The house was built by Benjamin Harrison, a signer of the Declaration of Independence, and here was born his son AVilliam Henry Harrison, afterwards President and grandfather of Benjamin Harrison, who also became President. The boat landing was named for Benj. Harrison, the first of the name. General McClellan established his headquarters in Berkeley, a great and ample two-story brick, then more than a hundred years old. Harrison's Landing was, in a direct line, about twenty miles southeast of Richmond; by the w^agon roads it was farther. The growing wheat was soon trampled into the soil, or cut and used as bedding to keep the men from the Avet ground. Neither wood nor boards were to be had, and the men were very uncomfortable and many became diseased. One thing lightened the gloom. The men had been without food for 24 hours and the transports in the James landed plenty of good rations which were speedily issued. The rain continued all night and the flimsy wheat straw floors were soon fairly afloat in pools of water. The soil Avas so soft that it Avould not hold the tent pins, and in the morning many of the tents were 167 THE FIRST MINNESOTA down, exposing the men to the pelting rain when already their beds were half sunk in the mud. At about 8 o'clock while some of the men were yet asleep, and others went growling and grumbling about, attempting to get some sort of a breakfast, the whole camp was startled by a sudden outburst of artillery fire, and shells came whistling over some of the Divisions. Jeb Stuart, the bold rebel raider, had slipped up and planted a howitzer of his battery (Pelham's) near Westover Church across Herring Creek, which flowed north of Harrison's Landing The howitzer banged away till 2 o'clock, when it had exhausted its ammunition and a Union battery was in position to knock it out. Stuart retired, taking with him 30 mules and 134 prisoners, stragglers, which were coming towards camp from the rear. (McClellan's Stuart's Campaigns, p. 83.) The army of the Potomac spent five rather un- eventful weeks at Harrison's Landing, from the 2nd of July forward. The Fourth of July w^as celebrated by a parade and review of the army, and General McClellan thanked the soldiers for their gallant and good conduct throughout the campaign which had just closed. On the 8th President Lincoln visited the army at Harrison's Landing and spent some time in examining the situation for himself and in conference with Mc- Clellan. On the 9th he, wdth Generals McClellan, Sumner, Sedgwick, and others, rode along the lines reviewing the troops. On the 22d Sumner's Corps was formally reviewed by General McClellan, and the regiments in line care- fully inspected. The next day General Sumner, in orders, complimented the First Minnesota and the Nineteenth Massachusetts, of Dana's Brigade, as the two model regiments of the Corps. 168 AT HARRISON'S LANDING On the 28th General Lee sent Gen. Dan H. Hill down the west side of the James to reconnoiter General JMcClellan's position at Harrison's Landing, across the river. As a result of his reconnaissance, General Hill put French's Confederate Division, with 41 pieces of artillery, in position at Coggins' Point, opposite Harrison's, and at midnight on the 31st all these cannon opened on the Union shipping and Mc- Clellan's camp. In the darkness the cannonading awakened everybody and caused a lot of ridiculous fright and consternation to the soldiers among whom the shells fell. A few were wounded, still fewer killed, and' some horses were killed. The shipping was not much hurt. The gunboats returned the fire and soon drove the Confederates away. General French reported one man killed and three men wounded. The next morning General McClellan sent a force across the river, occupied and fortified Cog- gins' Point, which he ought to have done weeks before, and thereafter was not troubled from that quarter. From August 2 to the 8th reconnaissances were made by Hooker's Division, of the Third Corps, Sedgwick's, of the Second, and other commands to and beyond Malvern Hill. Emory's Cavalry went back to the "White Oak Swamp and skirmished with "Wade Hampton's troopers. Monday, Aug. 5, Sedgwick's Division, including the First Minnesota, and Hooker's, Kearney's, and Birney's Divisions, with Emory's Cavalry, went up on a big reconnaissance. The next morning they were on Malvern Hill battle ground, and Lee sent down Longstreets, ' McLaw's, Ripley's, and D. R. Jones' Divisions and Hampton's Cavalry to meet them. General Lee at first thought McClellan was advancing on Richmond, but McClellan said he was 169 THE FIRST MINNESOTA only trying to ascertain whether or not the Con- federates had left Richmond and gone north against Pope's new army. There was some skirmishing with very slight damage to either side; unfortunately the Confederates captured a few prisoners who informed Lee what Union divisions were present. Baker's First North Carolina Cavalry and Young's Georgia Legion skirmished on ]\Ialvern Hill, but the important work was done with artillery. McClellan said he was satisfied that Richmond was "not evacuated." Lochren gives this account : On August 4, our Division and some other infantry, with cavalry and artillerj^ moved by a circuitous route to the rear of JMalvern Hill and advanced to that field the next day over the same road as when coming from Glendale. The rebels, after brief resistance, were driven from the field and we bivou- acked on that part of the battle-field where the severest fighting between Porter's and IMagruder's forces had taken place. The pits where the dead had been buried in piles had sunk and bones were protruding. We now hoped that this movement was the beginning of a new advance on Richmond. On the 11th of July Gen. Henry W. Halleck, then at Corinth, Miss., was placed in chief command of the armies of the United States and on the 23d, at "Washington, assumed his authority. On the 25th General Halleck too came to liarrison's Landing, saw the situation, talked with McClellan, and returned to Washington, "fully convinced," he said, that the Army of the Potomac had not done, and under General McClellan would not do, any good in front of Richmond, and that it should be brought away and its command given to another general. Sickness broke out among the soldiers soon after 170 AT HARRISON'S LANDING their arrival at Harrison's Landing. The malaria of the Chickahorainy swamps and the region about Richmond, and the malaria and miasma of the lower James, the midsummer heat, and the natural un- healthiness of army life, prostrated thousands. Ac- cording to the report of Medical Director Letterman, (War Recs., Vol. 11, part 1, pp. 210-220) about 6,000 sick were sent away soon after the army reached Harrison's Landing, leaving 12,795 other sick in camp. July 30 there Avere 12,000 on the sick list, but of these 2,000 could do light duty in a few days and might be returned to their regiments. It was at Harrison's Landing that the ambulances of the army were vvathdrawn from the direct but irregular oversight of the medical corps of the army, and organized into an Ambulance Corps, under officers assigned to that service. On the separate organization of this service Second Lieutenant Searles of Co. H was assigned to command the Ambulance Corps of the First Brigade, Second Divison, Second Army Corps.* *This officer was employed in so many different posi- tions — both with and detached from the regiment — that it will be well to note them here. On being appointed Second Lrieutenant at Camp Stone, Jan. 10, 1862, he was appointed Acting Quartermaster of the regiment when it broke camp to accompany General Banks up the Shenandoah in the spring of 1882, and continued in that position until just before the battle of Fair Oaks, when he rejoined his company and there re- mained through the battles of Fair Oaks, Peach Orchard, Savage's Station, White Oak Swamp, Glendale and Mal- vern Hill. At Harrison's Landing he was assigned, as already stated, to command the Ambulance Corps of the brigade and continued in that position until July 8, 1863, when he was commissioned First Lieutenant of Company K and assigned to command the Ambulance Corps of the Second Division, Second Army Corps. He remained in that position until the regiment was sent to New York City during the riots, when he a.cted as adjutant of the regiment until the regiment rejoined 171 THE FIRST MINNESOTA This branch of the service comprised two anibiil- ances for each regiment. These vehicles were spring wagons for two liorses, liaving -wide upholstered benches on each side of the box, with steps at the rear to get into them. Each regiinciil detailed its quota of men to handle them — a driver and two iiu-ii to handle a stretcher. These stretcher men were required to go on the battle field during an engagement and bring off the wounded and put them in the ambulances, which were then driven to the Held hos[)ital where the wounded were left to the care of surgeons. On the march the ambulances furnished transport- ation for the sick and such men as the regimental surgeons gave permits for riding. The men carried no arms, but were under fire in picking up the wounded. Their anibidance train on the nuirch took position in I'mc immediately follow- ing the troops. Its formor l)riij;aclo in the Army of the Potomac, and afterwards until after Brlstow Station ensa.wment. On Oct. 7, 18G;>, he was commissioned Captain of Company C and assigned to command the Ambulance Corps of the Second Army Corps and continued in that position until he rejoined the regiment as It was ordered home to be mustered out. In these various positions he was in all the battles and campaigns in which the regiment was engaged, although mostly on detached service. 17 CTFAl^TF.R XXTTT. THE AltMY LEAVES HARRISON'S liANDINO. ON THI<: 'M of Aiifjfust (ilcucnil IIulhHfk tclcKnipluMl (iciici'jil I\l('(!l('ll;iii : "II, is (Ictcniiiiicd lo willi- draw your {iriiiy rioiii the IN'iiinsiila lo Acciuiji (h'Ci^k. You will take iniiiicdialc iiiciisurcs lo olT(u;t lliis, coveriu}? Ilic movciiiciil, I he best you can." Slrikitiji,' across the t'ountry, ihc iiriiiy }j:(»I into llic Willifiiiishucfjf roiul, the?! piisscd down ovci* iroint/cliiiairs and Kc^ycs route of llifcc iiionllis be- fore lo old liisloric Williamsburg'. h'roiii Williams- burg; il, went back to Yorktovvu, and I'l'om Yoi'ktowu to Newport News and Fortress Monroe. TFcn'e ships were taken Tor Ae(|uia, Creek and Alexarulria. Tlic Fifth and Third Corps end)arked August 20 and 21; th(^ Sixth tlirec days later-, and the Second (llie P"'ii-st Minnesota's (!()r|)s) and the l*\»urth (except INick's Division) 7\nfj;iist 2(1. As fast as tlu^ tirst two (.orps of the Army of the Totomae rejiched Alexandria they were pushed out to (ilenei-al Pope; and placed ntid(M' his command. Reynold's Division, of MeC-all's, joined him at Rappa- hannock Station as early as Aufz,usl; 2'], and TTeintzel- irian's Third and h'itz; violin I'ortc^r's l^'iflh were* at Warrenton dnnetion on the 2()th and 27th. Mc- Clellan hirns(!lf was nftnined at Washington with no other duties than to dispatch his troops to Pope. Sumner's Second arxl l^'raid did regiment, nearly 900 strong. It was badly needed by the Brigade, which had lost nearly 800 of its members at Antietam. Twenty-one other new in- fantry regiments came to McClellan's army about this time. On the 26th of October the extreme advance of that part of McClellan's army on the Maryland side of the Potomac began crossing that river on a pon- toon bridge at Berlin, five miles below Harper's Ferry. The crossing was well under way on the 29th. The Sixth Corps was the last to cross on November 2. The Second Corps, to which the First Minnesota belonged, and which formed the head of McClellan's great infantry column, crossed the Shenandoah at Harper's Ferry, October 30, and, passing around the base of Loudoun Heights in Loudoun Valley, moA^ed southward nearly to Hill Grove, encamping that night in the woods. This first day of the march was very hot. The Nineteenth Maine, inexperienced in campaigning, had an uncomfortable experience. Its men were newly recruited and had large outfits of clothing. Their knapsacks were stuffed on the inside and covered 231 THE FIRST MINNESOTA with articles strapped and tied on the outside. As the march progressed the burdens grew heavier, and finally, in order to lighten them so as to be able to march at all, the men began throwing their clothing away to the sides of the road. First the overcoats went, then the extra blankets, then trousers, etc., un- til finally the men were in good sensible marching order. The First Minnesota and the other older regiments had gone through about the same experience that the Maine boys now met, and had profited by it. Loch- ren says: "As our regiment marched next behind the Maine regiment, with light knapsacks, and were well seasoned to fatigue, the men picked up the discarded new overcoats and much other clothing and before night were fully supplied for the cold weather which set in a week afterward." The Maine boys soon learned, as their older comrades had,, not to draw clothing when expecting marching orders. The last day of October was spent pleasantly by the greater part of the Brigade in picket duty and scouting up among the Blue Ridge mountains. Mc- Clellan made shrewd demonstrations against the gaps in the Blue Ridge mountains as if he meant to pass them and go westward and attack Lee and Jackson on the Occoquan. The passage of the Blue Ridge range could be made only at the gaps, which were not plentiful or always where they were desired. Every important gap was now defended by a detach- ment of Stuart's cavalry, with occasionally a small party of infantry. November 1 Gorman's Division occupied Gregory's Gap in the Blue Ridge, 13 miles south of Harper's Ferry. Sunday morning, November 2, the Brigade marched on and bivouacked in line of battle during the night in front of Snicker's Gap, which is 18 miles 232 FROM ANTIETAM TO LOUDOUN VALLEY south of Harper's Ferry. A part of Hancock's Di- vision held the Gap. At first the Confederate Cavalry did not offer much opposition to the capture of the Gap, but after it was occupied they came back to regain it; a few rounds from two batteries drove them away. At the east of Snicker's Gap is the little hamlet of Snickersville, named for its founder, Col. George Snicker, who graded and improved the gap under a charter from the Virginia Legislature in Colonial times. On the 3d the Division moved about ten miles south to Upperville, four miles east of Ashby's Gap, another noted pass through the Blue Ridge, 28 miles south of Harper's Ferry. Hancock's Division was left at Snickersville. On the 4th Sully's Brigade moved westward from Upperville to Paris, a little village at the east end of Ashbj^'s Gap. Upperville now has a population of 350 and Paris of 168; each was nearly as large during the war. The Confederates were preparing for a fight at Ashby's Gap and Gorman's Division and some cavalry moved against them. Approaching the Gap a line of battle was formed and skirmishers were thrown out. The batteries shelled the woods in front, the Fifteenth Massachusetts rushed and carried an im- portant hill, and it seemed as if a battle were im- minent. A heavy reserve occupied the hill and the pickets were thrown out half a mile beyond. The small Confederate force retired after developing the Union force and the next morning at 9 o'clock the Division was in unopposed and undisputed possession of Ashby's Gap. These demonstrations of McClel- lan against the gaps were, as has been said, merely deceptions. Gorman's Brigade stayed in Paris until Novem- ber 6. After the train had passed, the brigade fol- 233 THE FIRST MINNESOTA lowed as rear guard. Some sutlers that remained at the Gap to trade with the citizens were captured and their possessions confiscated by a dash of Stuart's Cavalry that had lurked in the rear watching for an opportunity to damage the Yankees without much risk to themselves. The Brigade remained in a com- manding position, only a few miles from Ashby's Gap until November 8. The march of the Brigade and Division, after it passed the Blue Ridge to the east near Harper's Ferry, down to Upperville and Paris, was through the famous Loudoun County. This county is nearly 30 miles long by from 20 to 25 miles wide, and its northern and northeastern boundary is the Potomac. i Leesburg, near Edwards Ferry and Ball's Bluff, is J the county seat. The great Loudoun Valley was then a beautiful and fertile country with pleasant villages and thrifty farms. It had never been overrun by the Union troops, but the Confederates had made fre- quent requisitions upon it. The people were mainly of Confederate sym- pathies and hated Yankees intensely although a ma- jority of them had never seen one in all their lives. Nearly all the able-bodied men were in the Con- federate army either as volunteers or conscripts. The county is largely hilly and mountainous, and in the mountain districts were plenty of Union men, most- ly of the poorer class. About 200 citizens of Loudoun County served in the Union army, and Capt. Sam Means' company, the ''Loudoun Rangers," performed valuable services as scouts and raiders, frequently routing Confederate detachments and on two or three occasions defeated Mosby's men. In 1863 and 1864 Loudoun County was the scene of almost daily raids and encounters between Mosby's and other Con- federates and detachments of Union cavalry. 234 FROM ANTIETAM TO liOUDOUN VALLEY South of Loudoun, with the boundary running east and west a few hundred yards north of Paris and Upperville, is Fauquier County, whose county seat, about the center of the county, is "Warrenton. Fauquier is largely a replica of Loudoun County, and it too in 1862 had fine farms with bountiful supplies for an army. These counties were often bragged about by the Confederates as examples of the high state of civilization generally prevalent throughout the Confederacy. The country was well enough, but not nearly so finely developed, attractive, and pros- perous as scores of the older counties of Minnesota today. The so-called "plantations" were not so well kept and so valuable as thousands of farms in the North Star State have been for twenty years, and the dwelling houses of the wealthiest planters were not superior in any respect to very many of the residences of our Minnesota farmers. The ideal and much written of "magnificent plantations and pala- tial residences" in the South were almost mythical, and at least few and far apart. But Loudoun and Faquier Counties abounded in things more attractive to McClellan's soldiers than fine plantations and attractive manor houses. The farms still maintained fat cattle, pigs, sheep and poultry, all belonging to the enemy and fair spoil for the Union soldiers — as fair as was the property of the L^nion Marylanders to Lee's men. In particular the country abounded in nice fat sheep, to the rais- ing of which the rolling and hilly country was well adapted. There were stringent orders against foraging on the country, notwithstanding it was as Confederate in sympathy as South Carolina. Nothwithstanding any of the owners of these flocks and herds would have exultantly shot the general or any of his men 235 THE FIRST MINNESOTA in the back if they could have done so without dis- covery; and notwithstanding the Confederate forces had been and would continue to be supplied with meat from Faquier and Loudoun, yet the Union soldiers were forbidden to take any sort of supplies from the hostile people through whom they marched. This order was made to preserve the discipline of the troops, rather than to protect the property of Southern people. But these orders were not invariably obeyed. In particular there was a craving for the savory and fresh mutton so plentiful in the country and so easily obtained. In his history of the Second Army Corps, (p. 134) referring to the situation at this time, Gen. Francis A. Walker says : "Although this Avas one of the best dis- ciplined commands of the army, with a high repute for good order, a mania now seized the troops for killing sheep. When the fat and fleecy flocks of the country through ^ which we were now called to pass came in sight, discipline for the moment gave way, at least so far as mutton was concerned. In vain did officers storm and swear; in vain was the saber used freely over the heads of the offenders who were caught; in vain, even, did the provost guard of one division fire ball cartridges from the road at their comrades crossing a field on a sheep foray. By order of General Couch, every evening upon coming into camp three courts, one in each division, were in session with sheep raiders before them. Sharp and summary Avere the punishments inflicted but the sheep killing went on as bad as ever." Loehren relates an incident of sheep foraging at this time, when some Minnesota men, by their pres- 236 FROI\r ANTIETAM TO LOUDOUN VALLEY enee of mind, escaped punishment for cold-blooded sheepieide and put the offense upon some of the un- sophisticated Nineteenth Maine : "One of our men, an incorrigible forager, at the close of a day's march, with the as- sistance of two or three comrades, captured a fat sheep in the edge of the wood, and while they were dressing it some members of the Maine regiment came up and watched the proceedings. The chief forager chanced to see what no one else saw — a squad of the provost guard approaching stealthily through the brush. Speaking quickly, but in low tones, to his comrades, he said: "Boys, that other sheep we got is enough for us ; let us give this one to those JMaine boys." His comrades knew there was no "other sheep," but also knew there was good reason for his sudden generosity. They replied, "all right," and all four of them hurried away. The Maine men had begun to divide the car- cass when the provost guard pounced upon them., and in spite of their protests marched them away. Passing Division headquarters later in the evening, the Minnesota forager saw the luckless Maine boys tied up to cross bars and added insult to their injuries by calling out to them: "Say, boys, how did you like your mutton?" Lochren further says that the people of the country were all staunch Confederates, but w^ere willing and even anxious to sell their produce to the soldiers for Confederate paper currency. At this time a certain Philadelphia concern was flooding the army with counterfeit Confederate notes, and a large volume of this spurious paper was soon cir- culating among the people of Loudoun and Faquier. But the U. S. authorities soon stopped the manu- 237 THE FIRST MINNESOTA faeture and passing of the bogus "rebel money." To make or pass it was made a crime of equal gravity Avitli tlio crinie of making or passing spurious U. S. money. The Aveathor in the Valley during the first days of the mareliing was changeable. Some days were hot. The 7th of November there was a chilling wind and the air was full of frost and flying snow the greater part of the day. But the men were well supplied with clothing, tents, and other necessary articles and there was not much discomfort. jMcClcHan's movement down Loudoun Valley, east of the Blue Ridge IMountains and between Lee's army and AVashington, was as has been previously stated, another movement on Richmond. His primary destination was Culpeper C. H., 60 miles south of Harper's Ferry, and his secondary objective point was Gordonville, 25 miles south of Culpeper. En- route he meant to occupy Warrenton, at the southern end of the famous turnpike from Washington, and the terminus of a branch of the Orange & Alexandria Railway; Warrenton is the county seat of Faquier County. Culpeper and Gordonville are both on the Orange «& Alexandria Railway, which line General ]\[cClellan expected to use to draw his supplies from Washington. New enlistments under President Lincoln's call and other re-enforcements had increased McClellan's army very largely after the battle of Antietam. October 25 he said it nundiered 116.000 men ; by Nov. 1 he had sent a brigade back to IMaryland and the Twelfth Corps, under Slocum. was left at Harper's Ferry. He probably invaded Virginia with 100,000 oflicers and men and 6,000 were cavalry, under Gen. John Buford. The President had by this time become greatly 238 FROM ANTIETAM TO LOUDOUN VALLEY dissatisfied with General McClellan. He had little faith in the General's plan of invasion. He had no faith that Lee would be fooled by McClellan 's demon- strations against the Blue Ridge gaps as if he meant to suddenly go through them and fall on the Con- federate forces about Winchester and Occoquan. He feared that after the Union army had proceeded 50 miles or so it would find the Confederates in its front disputing every inch of the way to Richmond. So Lincoln said, after consenting to trust ]\IcClellan once more: "If he shall permit Lee to cross the Blue Ridge to the east, and place his army between Rich- mond and the Army of the Potomac, I shall remove him from command." (Nic. & Hay, Vol. 6, p. 188.) And on the 5th of November Lincoln learned that Longstreet's Corps had crossed the Blue Ridge and was firmly fixed at Culpeper C. H., squarely across McClellan 's front and at the first objective point the Union general aimed. He had reached Culpeper the evening of the 3d, the day after McClellan 's rear guard crossed the Potomac. Lee and his generals soon perceived McClellan 's plans. Stonewall Jackson with his Corps of 30,,000 was left back in the Shenandoah Valley. He took position on the road from Berryville to Charlestown, about twelve miles west of Snicker's Gap. If Mc- Clellan should pass through that Gap and come to- ward Berryville, Jackson would meet him and cheek him till Longstreet could come to his assistance. 239 CHAPTER XXVIII. BURNSIDE SUCCEEDS MeCLELLAN. ON the night of November 7th, when General Mc- Clellan was at Rectortown and Sumner was there and Hancock's Division was there and Gor- man's old brigade was out near Ashby's Gap, an order came from the Secretary of War "by direction of the President" relieving McClellan of the command of the Army of the Potomac. General Burnside was appointed his successor. Burnside protested vigorous- ly for a long time against accepting the command. He said frankly and earnestly : "I am not competent to command such a large army as this." He wanted McClellan left in command and said that, "if things could be satisfactorily arranged," that officer could command the army better than any other general in it. Lochren says that when the news of McClellan 's removal reached Gorman's Division, "officers and men were stunned and exasperated almost to the point of mutiny.***Deepest sorrow and despondency prevailed on November 10, when the army was drawn up to take leave of McClellan. Strong men shed tears. A majority of the line officers of the First Minnesota sent in their resignations," etc. The resignations were soon recalled, however, and the men had to accept the situation. The army of the Potomac loved and had great confidence in General IMcClellan. Officers and men felt that he saved the Capital, if not the country, on two occasions — after McDowell's defeat at Bull Run and Pope's defeat at the second Bull Run. They knew of his skillful change of base at Harrison's 240 BURNSIDE SUCCEEDS McCLELLAN Landing, his victory at Antietam. All in all, Nov. 10, 1862, was one of the darkest days for the Army of the Potomac. General Burnside ivas thoroughly loyal and patriotic. He was sincere, honest and frank. Having had the command of the army virtually forced upon him. General Burnside assumed it reluc- tantly. He gathered up the greater part of the divi- sions that McClellan had scattered about, and con- centrated them about Warrenton. Here he spent ten days. In order to get the reins of the army well into his hands, he divided it into three teams which he called Grand Divisions. These were the Right Grand Division, commanded by General Sumner and composed of the Second Corps under General Couch and the Ninth Corps un- der General Orlando B. "Wilcox; the Center Grand Division, commanded by General Hooker and com- posed of the Third Corps under Gen. George Stone- man and the Fifth Corps under Gen. Dan Butter- field ; the Left Grand Division, commanded by General Franklin and composed of the First Corps under Gen. John F. Reynolds and the Sixth Corps under Gen. Wm. Farrar Smith. Distributed among the Grand Divisions were 15 cavalry regiments organ- ized into four brigades, the whole commanded by Gen. Alfred Pleasanton. General Hancock still commanded the First and General French the Third Division of the Second Corps, while the Second Division was now com- manded by Gen. 0. 0. Howard, General Gorman hav- ing gone to the West. The First Minnesota was still in Couch's Second Corps, and in the Second Division and in that Division's First Brigade, now commanded by General Sully. The other regiments of the bri- gade were the old comrades, the Fifteenth Massa- 241 THE FIRST MINNESOTA chusetts, Maj. Chase Philbrick; the Thirty-fourth New York, Col. James A. Suiter; the Eighty-second New York, Lieut. Col. James Huston, and the new Nineteenth Maine, Col. Fred D. Sewall. There were attached to the Brigade two companies of sharp- \ shooters, the First Company of Massachusetts, Capt. ' "Wm. Plumer, and the Second of Minnesota, Capt. W. F. Russell. General Burnside resolved to abandon offensive action on the Gordonville line and make a change of base from "Warrenton to Fredericksburg. The latter is on the Rappahannock River, 35 miles or so south- east of "Warrenton, and 12 miles southwest of the Potomac River, the eastern terminus of the Fred- ericksburg & Potomac Railroad. General Burnside thought Fredericksburg would make an admirable base for his operations against Richmond. The ground was high, dry and easily defended and his supplies could be brought by water up the Potomac to Ac- quia Creek Station and from thence by rail over the Fredericksburg & Potomac Railroad to Fred- ricksburg, Avhich is on the south side of the Rappa- hannock, in Spotsylvania county, and nearly 40 miles due north of Richmond. Swinton tell us (p. 233) on the authority of one of Burnside 's Corps commanders ''then most inti- mate in his confidence" that General Burnside did not intend to try to reach Richmond until the next spring. He meant to pass the winter at Fredericks- burg and in the spring set out for Richmond, via the Peninsula and the James River, McClellan's old route. But he must first capture Fredericksburg and that place was on the south side of the Rappahannock, where the stream was troublesome to cross. The project of changing the line of operations to 242 BURNSIDE SUCCEEDS McCLELLAN the Fredericksburg route was not thoroughly ap- proved at Washington, but was finally assented to. Lincoln had removed McClellan because he would not march rapidly and give battle to the enemy. But Lincoln did not want to change commanders every week, and so on the 15th of November General Burn- side put his troops in motion from Warrenton for Fredericksburg. It was determined to march to Fal- mouth, a little hamlet on the north bank of the Rap- pahannock, a mile or so above Fredericksburg, and cross the river by a pontoon bridge and seize the high bluffs on the south bank. Burnside had no pon- toons with him ; they were to be sent to him from "Washington. Sumner's right guard division led the van and after a two days' march arrived at Falmouth on the afternoon of the 17th. Fredericksburg was then oc- cupied by Colonel Ball's Fifteenth Virginia Cavalry, four companies of Mississippi infantry from Barks- dale's Brigade, and Lewis's Virginia battery. When the head of Sumner's column reached the bluff over- looking the river, Lewis's battery opened fire. Sum- ner ordered up the nearest Union battery, Pettit's B, First New York, and in a few minutes silenced the Confederate guns. Sumner was for dashing across the river at once. The river was fordable then, four miles above at Banks' Ford, and could be easily waded by infantry and crossed by the batteries. There was also another practicable ford between Banks's and Fredericksburg. General Sumner was very impatient to cross at once and take possession of Fredericksburg and the heights in the rear, but Burnside would not allow him to. In his testimony before the Committee on the Con- duct of the War, General Sumner testified on this point : 243 THE FIRST MINNESOTA My orders were not to cross; but the temptation was strong to go over and take these guns the enemy had left. That same night I sent a note to General Burnside ask- ing if I should take Fredericksburg in the morning, should I be able to find a practic- able ford, which, by the way, I knew when I wrote I could find (having already found it.) The General replied that he did not think it advisable to occupy Fredericksburg until his communications were establishecl. — Report, p. 657. Burnside 's delay proved disastrous to his army and the Union cause. On the 19th and 20th Hooker's and Franklin's Grand Divisions came up, but no move was made to cross the river. LEE MOVES TO MEET BURNSIDE. When Burnside 's army began its march from "War- renton, Longstreet's Confederate Corps was at Cul- peper. Jackson's Corps, except one division, was west of the Blue Ridge and in the Shenandoah Valley. As soon as Burnside had developed his intention of occupying Fredericksburg, Stonewall Jackson was directed to bring his Corps from the Shenandoah Valley down to Orange Court House, Avhich is 40 miles west of Fredericksburg and be prepared to join Longstreet at the latter town. Jackson came by slow marches, for the roads were rough, the weather in- clement. Jackson reached Fredericksburg about December 1st, having been for some days watching the lower Rappahannock, for Burnside pretended that he was about to cross the river at Fort Royal, which is 20 miles below Fredericksburg. Burnside did not try to cross the river until December 11, three weeks after his arrival, and by that time the Confederates had been able to build such strong fortifications to shelter themselves that 244 BUKNSIDE SUCCEEDS LIcCLELLAN they had no fears whatever of the result of any at- tack. General Burnside was not blamable for some days of this delay. General "Walker says, in his his- tory of the Second Corps, (p. 141) that the author- ities at Washington had promised General Burnside that pontoon boats to enable him to cross the Rap- pahannock should be sent to Falmouth and arrive there as soon as the army. General Sumner's ad- vance reached Falmouth, November 17th, the whole army was up on the 20th ; the pontoons did not come until the 25th. General Burnside 's first care was for his supplies, and these were soon arriving regularly. A great de- pot was built at Acquia Creek Station where that stream empties into the Potomac, and big sea-going vessels could land or dock at that station. Then the railroad between the station and Fredericksburg was soon put in full running order, and supplies reached Burnside 's army as regularly as if it had been en- camped at Washington. After thorough consideration, involving several days. General Burnside decided to cross the river and attack the Confederates on the high ridges west of Fredericksburg. 245 CHAPTER XXIX. THE BATTLE OF FREDERICKSBURG. PASSING over many of the preliminaries to the battle of Fredericksburg, it is necessary, in or- der that the great conflict be intelligently understood, to describe briefly the natural situation. At Fred- ericksburg the Eappahannock flows through a huge trough-shaped valley, resembling portions of the Min- nesota Valley in our own state. A high ridge runs along either side, the river flowing in a general di- rection from northwest to southeast. On the south or west side, the ground at the river is flat and slopes gradually back to the crest of the ridge. A portion of this crest is called Marye's Heights (local pronunciation, Maree's Heights) or Marye's Hill, because the ground was then owned and partly occupied by the fine house and premises of a Colonel Marye. On these heights and the crest of the ridge were the Confederate positions and fortifications. Between the river bank and the crest, on the level and sloping land, was built the town of Fredericks- burg. On the north or east side of the river was another high and commanding ridge called Stafford Heights, because that side of the river is in Stafford County. Along this ridge, which equaled in height the west ridge, was disposed the army of General Burnside whose artillery perfectly commanded the plain of Fredericksburg. On the 21st of November General Sumner de- manded of the mayor and council of Fredericksburg the surrender of the city. He said his troops had been fired upon from it, and that it was and would 246 THE BATTLE OF FREDEKICKSBURG. continue to be occupied by detachments of the Con- federate army and that the whole town was in gen- eral rebellion, etc. If the demand was refused, the general said he would, after 16 hours, shell the town. In great alarm Mayor Slaughter ran to General Long- street and the latter said: "Answer General Sumner that we shall not occupy the town, for he would drive us out of it in five minutes with his artillery." When the mayor told the general this, the latter said he would not shell the town. But eventually Long- street's troops did occupy the town and Sumner shelled it. The scope of this history does not warrant an extended survey of the entire field of operations known as the "Battle of Fredericksburg," conse- quently that portion with which the regiment was not connected can be given a more general treatment. Especially is this so in view of the great amount of war literature — Union and Confederate — that has been published, bearing on this contest. Generally it may be said that General Burnside's artillery under its Chief — Col. Henry J. Hunt — con- sisting of 147 cannon, was posted on Stafford Heights where they had the range of Fredericksburg and the crossing place for the Union troops opposite the city. The effort of the engineer troops to lay the bridges, was for a time defeated by enemy riflemen posted in buildings and cellars along the river front of the city. Nine unsuccessful attempts were made. Most of the inhabitants had left the city and the crossing being hotly contested, the Union guns were opened on the river front of the city, but without driving away the enemy. Therefore it was deter- mined to send a body of troops across the river in pontoons, and this being done, the enemy was driven oft' the river front and the bridges were successfully 247 THE FIRST MINNESOTA laid, being completed about sundown. That evening Howard's Division crossed over into the city. The next day, Hancock's and French's Di- visions of Couch's Second Corps, and the Ninth Corps (Gen. 0. B. AVilcox) crossed, thus placing Sumner's Right Grand Division in the city. During these operations Franklin's Left Grand Division had crossed over bridges he had constructed about a mile below the city limits. Hooker's Center Grand Division still remained on the north side of the river. Howard's Division occupied the town of Freder- icksburg the night of the 11th and many of the men slept on feather beds. For the houses and their ordinary contents were abandoned by the owners and were rapaciously looted by the soldiers. The whole 'day of the 12th was spent in bringing over the re- mainder of the troops, the batteries, the hospital stores, etc., in reconnoitering the Confederate posi- tions, and in general preparation for the awful kill- ing of the next day. That night the troops lay on their arms under a cold December sky and under depressing conditions, but all seemed cheerful and unapprehensive. Then came the morning of the 13th, and this was to be the day of battle. During the forenoon of the 12th a thick fog, like a great heavy gray veil, hung over Fredericksburg and shielded from the observation of Lee, Longstreet and Jackson the Union troops as they crossed the river and sat down in the town. The weather dur- ing the last week in November was unusually cold and some snow fell, and the same temperature pre- vailed during the first week in December. On the 5th several inches of snow fell. On the 7th it was as cold as the same day in IMinnesota. The ground was frozen on the 10th and the artillery passed over with- 248 THE BATTLE OF FREDERICKSBURG. out breaking it. But the 11th and 12th, though too cold for comfort, were a little milder, causing heavy fogs to rise from the river and its low banks. The battlefield of Fredericksburg presents the character of a broken plain stretching ba^k from the southern bank of the Rappahannock from 600 yards to two miles. At these distances the field rises into a bold ridge that forms a slight angle with the river, and is itself commanded by an elevated plateau. This ridge, from opposite Falmouth down to where it touches Massaponax Creek is about six miles long. For its six miles it constituted the natural vantage ground which the Confederates had strengthened with earthworks and crowned with artillery. On Marye's Hill the cannon were so thickly and so well placed that General Alexander, the Confederate Chief of Artillery, declared to General Longstreet : ' ' They will rake the hillside as close as a fine-toothed comb ; a chicken cannot live down there when the assault is being made." (Batts. & Leads., p. 79.) Between the rear of the town and the main hill there then ran a canal which by the prolongation of a mill race, extended from a bend in the river above the town, southward nearly to the extreme southern limits of the town, when it turned eastward and emptied into Hazel Run ; this canal turned a paper mill in the northwestern part of town. It had to be crossed by an assaulting party before the hill could be fairly attacked. At noon of the 12th, by order of General Patrick, the Provost Marshal, Captain Cum- mings' Company Eighty-second New York (Sully's Brigade) went out to the paper mill, chased away the Confederate pickets, and turned off the water of the mill race that emptied into the canal. From the center of the town westward ran two prominent roads. The northern or plank road ran 249 THE FIRST MINNESOTA northwest to Culpeper Court House ; the southern, called the Telegraph road, ran almost due south to- wards Richmond. It had been used so long and washed out by heavy rains so frequently that its bed was from two to three feet below the surface, and certain writers call it the "Sunken road." Both roads ascended the ridge and crossed the Confeder- ate works at right angles. By the first mile of these roads and over the intervening ground the Union as- sault was to be made on the high ridge called IMarye's Heights. This position formed the left of the Confederate line, and here General Lee disposed Longstreet's Corps, 30,000 men whose infantry was behind a good stone wall on the east side of the Tele- graph road.* It was these heights which General Sumner's Right Grand Division was to assail. The left of the Union line, composed of Franklin's Grand Division, was two miles below Fredericksburg proper, opposite the right of the Confederate line, held by Stonewall Jackson's Corps, 28,000 strong. Jeb. Stuart, with two brigades of cavalry, 3,500 men and 18 pieces of horse artillery, formed the extreme right, extending down to Massaponax Creek, five miles below Fredericksburg. Under the plan of the coming battle Franklin was not to make an effective attack, but to put in ''one division, at least," and try to carry the enemy's position. The order said: "You will send one di- vision, at least, to seize, if possible, the heights near Plamilton's Crossing and take care to keep it well supported and its line of retreat open." The rest of the Grand Division was to be held in reserve, "in position for a rapid movement down the old Rich- *There was a wall on both sides of the road, but that on the east side, which was breast high, was the one mostly used. (Longstreet.) 250 THE BATTLE OF FREDERICKSBURG. mond road," a road running west from the extreme Union left well around Jackson's flank, including Stuart's Cavalry and crossing the Massaponax. General Sumner's instructions were of like tenor. He was to extend the left of his Grand Division to Deep Run, to connect with Franklin's. Then he was to get "a division or more" in readiness to move "along the plank road and the telegraph road with a view to seizing the heights in the rear of the town;" but he was not to move this division until ordered by General Burnside, which meant that he must wait until Franklin's movement had succeeded. The details of this movement under Franklin are foreign to our present purpose, and it is sufficient to say that it failed and at its close the enemy remained in its position, and General Franklin withdrew to the position he occupied south of the river before the battle commenced, and afterward recrossed the river to the left flank. While Franklin was occupying the attention of the Confederate right wing under General Jackson General Sumner's troops engaged the enemy on Marye's Hill. At the time Burnside 's attack on the Union left was fully developed, General Sumner, on the right, was ordered to assail Marye's Heights. General Burnside forbade General Sumner from crossing the river to direct the assault of his, men, for fear that he would do ''something rash." (Batts. & Leads., p. 110.) From the north side of the river, where he couldn't even smell the powder. General Sumner had to give his orders and do his fighting. As per Burnside 's orders, Sumner directed Couch to "form a column of a Division" and push out along the plank and telegraph roads and "seize the heights." Another division was to be "held in 251 THE FIRST MINNESOTA readiness to advance in support of this movement." In sending the order to Couch for the movement, Colonel Taylor, Sumner's Chief of Staff, added the following postscript: "The major-general (Sumner) thinks that as Howard's division led into the town it is proper that one of the others take the advance." General Couch directed General French to prepare his division in three brigade lines for the advance ; Hancock was to follow with his division in the same order. Toward 10 o'clock the cold, dense fog began to lift. The bluff but truly loyal old Marylander, Gen- eral French, signaled, "I am ready." General Couch passed the signal on to Sumner, and about 11 o'clock the advance was ordered. French threw out a strong line of skirmishers and his brigades filed out of town on the quick step, by two parallel streets, Hanover on the right and Charlotte on the left. Han- over street ran into the telegraph road, which ran directly along the base of Marye's Hill, the strong- hold of the Confederates. On the outskirts of the town French's men struck the canal or ditch before mentioned. It was quite deep and though but 18 or 20 feet wide was hardly passable except at the street bridges. The floor of the Charlotte street bridge had been torn up and the advance men had to cross single file on the stringers. The advance was so delayed that the rear brigades were made to jump into the ditch, hurry across and then scramble out again. Thus much time was spent. Luckily the canal was nearly empty, Company H, of the Eighty-second New York, having turned off the water 24 hours before. Once across the canal, the division deployed under the bank bordering the plain over which the men were to charge. This plain was obstructed here and 252 THE BATTLE OF FREDERICKSBURG. there by houses and fences, notably at a fork made by the telegraph and plank roads. In the narrow angle of this fork was a cluster of houses and gardens ; on the parallel road just south stood a large square brick house. The cluster of houses and the brick house became rallying points for the disordered troops re- turning from the attack. The fork in the telegraph road and the brick house were less than 150 yards from the stone wall, behind which Longstreet's in- fantrymen were posted, and which extended along the edge of the plain in front of the brick house for half a mile. A little in advance of this brick house a slight rising ground afforded some protection for the musketry behind the stone wall, but not against the combined and converging fire of the Confederate artillery on the heights. It must be borne in mind that the stone wall was at the base of the hill; the batteries were on the crest, 100 yards back of and 50 feet higher than the wall. Now, the Confederate force on the heights and Marye's Hill was of Longstreet's Corps. General Mc- Laws (in Batts. & Leads.) says that the heights above these troops were crowned with 18 rifle guns and 8 smooth bores; the of^cial records confirm this and al- so show that there were present Colonel Walton's Washington Artillery, nine guns, and Alexander's Artillery Battalion, four batteries, "with a number of smooth bores from the reserve artillery." These guns being 100 yards back of and 50 feet higher than the stone wall (behind Avhich the infantry lay) could easily fire over that infantry without danger to them. French's Division had to squarely assault Mc- Laws' and Ransom's and indirectly attack Pickett's Division, and Featherston's Mississippi brigade of Anderson's Division. In all French's men had to 253 THE FIRST MINNESOTA undergo the fire of 20,000 infantry and at least 53 pieces of artillery. The Division went into the charge with less than 2,800 officers and men. It was composed of eleven old and two new regiments, and the old regiments averaged less than 200 men apiece. A few minutes after noon French's Division charged, Kimball's brigade leading, and a part of his brigade getting into the cluster of houses, which General Kimball in his report calls "a small village." No sooner had the Division burst upon the plain than from Longstreet's 53 cannon and Longstreet's, 20,000 infantry came terrible and horrible volleys. The shot and shell opened gaps in the ranks, but the gaps were closed, and the constantly thinning lines pressed bravely on. They nearly reached the stone wall when Cobb's brigade and all the infantrj' within range opened upon them. Let us hasten with the story. The shattered and broken brigades, having lost nearly half their num- ber, fell hastily back, amid the shouts and yells of the Confederates. Back they went to the brick house and the cluster of houses, where they reformed and held their ground under a continuous artillery fire. The Division had lost 1,160 in killed and wounded out of about 2,750. Among the killed was Colonel Zinn, of the One Hundred and Thirtieth Pennsylvania, a new regiment; this brave officer fell while carrying the flag of his regiment. Following French's came Hancock's Division, with Zook's, Meagher's Irish, and Caldwell's brigades in that order. Zook's and Meagher's got nearer to the stone wall than any who had gone before except a few of Kimball's men, and nearer than any brigade that followed them; this was what the burial parties reported. Half a dozen of Meagher's Irishmen and a like number of Zook's Fifty-third Pennsylvania 254 THE BATTLE OF FREDERICKSBURG. were picked up within 50 feet of the wall. Hancock's men were driven back as French's had been. Hancock took in 4,834 officers and men and lost 2,021 in killed and wounded, including 34 officers killed out- right. General Couch now ordered out Colonel Owen's and Colonel Hall's Brigades of Howard's Division. Luckily he did not call for Sully's Brigade. General Couch's first intention was to send these brigades to the right to make a flank attack, instead of pushing them as a forlorn hope over the ground where French and Hancock had gone. But Hancock and French called earnestly for help and Couch countermanded the first order and sent General Howard with the two brigades mentioned to support Hancock. How- ard left Sully's Brigade in the outskirts of town ready to support either Owen or Hall. Colonel Owen moved out Hanover street and crossed the canal on the bridge. He began to receive case shot and shell before he got outside of the town. Kirby's battery came up to his support and opened on the enemy at a thousand yards. The Colonel de- ployed the brigade in a plowed field and advanced to within 100 yards of the Confederate "first line," which was the stone wall near the base of the hill. The artillery crowned crest was called the second line. A terrific fire was opened on him and he or- dered his brigade to lie down, which it did, and this saved many men. The brigade fired on the enemy and kept fighting until nightfall. Colonel Owen was a brave man and a skillful of- ficer and knew how to take care of his men and at the same time make them acquit themselves credit- ably. He reported to General Howard while on the field: "I was sent out here to support General Han- cock's Division; but there is not much left of it to 255 Till-: 1s (Sov(Mit.v-s»M'oii(l I'tMHisylvjniiM) lost 71. (\>lon('l lliill. ol" the Scvciilli [\1 it'll iir.MM. coinm.'md- iiur 111*' 'riiird Rriuj.Milc. (Djuin's old cotimiiiiid ) fol- lowed (\iloiit>l OwtMi. lie wi'ul up jiijjnnsl :i pjii't oi* llic sloiu' w.mII iicnr llic fool oi" llic hill iiiid m.'idc two dt'l(>rmiii(Ml jittcmitls to cju'ry it ;md kill idl t lu> "rchs" ill liis front. lli> \\;is dri\(>ii h;ud< both tiiiics. The (Irsl lire on him must lunr bcmi n tcrriblo ou<', Tor it divnc bnck t he S(>v(Mith !M i('liii,';iii. t Ii(> 'Pjimiiiiiuy KojtrinuMil. the I'il'ty ninth New ^'ork. nnd tln> Niiuv ItMMitli IM.'issnclnisotts ; but tli(> br;i\(> Twoutiftli IMassu- cluisclts iu>V(M' budjrcd Mil inch. Ihoujfh it lost 125 of its ;U)0 men. .*iiid Iavo d;iys bcl'orc Ii;id hist !)7 on lluuover street, \\liilt> drixinsx tlu* I\l ississippiiins out. of town. 'The MetMusr reirinuMits soon stoppiMl. roforiuod, nnd e;ime bnek, ;iiid :i!r;iin tried to cjirry the (^on- I'imUtjiIc |>osition. Tht" NiueteiMith Mnssju'liusctts drov(> soiiK' skirmishers out of some liouS(>s, cnpturcd till' buildings, jiiid held them, but h»st st^MTcly. in- elndinijf t\vo coiumMndinii: olVicei's nnd niii(> otVu'(>rs in nil. ("oloiiel llnll reiiorted to (!enern! llownrd: "I enn hold my position, but cnn't nd\nnee." nnd Howard n>pli(Ml: "Hold your position." .\iid Colonel llnll nnd Avlml men h(> lind bd't held tu\ till Inte nt niiilit, whtMi Sykes' Division relieved them, llnll 's n'lximtMits \\(>r(> nil old 1S()1 iiKMi nnd did not nvernfji* 175 nuMi to the rt^jA'imtMit. The h'orty-stM'ond New York (Tnni- mniiy'i lind but 110. Tlu> Tw(>nti(dli IMnssnehusetts had L'<;() and h^st in nil I'JS. (\>lon('l Hall roport od that he to(»k but v^OO in all into llio fiirht and his tola! loss was 515 — niort> than (!l p(>r cent. ( o\(>r )ind relieved I lownrd 's, so lli.'il (he l!il((>r tnifj'hl Join in (In nicr ;i((ii(d<, iind (Jriflin's, «d' HiiKci'lield, hnd come o\-er (o (he snppor( of S(nr!4is. I Iniiiphrcys nnd Sykes \vi(li (heir Divi sion, ol' r.n( (eflield, cnnie 1o Conidrs snppofl. (Jeneriil Conch's Division Inid l»ei-n I'oMjfld (o ;i s(;inds(ill. He asked Suinnei' foi' help, iind Snninei- juiswcrcd Ji( 2:40: "Hooker luis lieen i>rdered (o piil in e\'ery- (liin^jj; yon iiins( hold on nidil he coincs in." I(, will he i-eiiieinl)ered : "I will ;j;o Hn (o confei" wilh (hid, iic(M»in|)lished ffencriil. (Touch in !Wi((s. it Leiuls.) Very or(tMi did ii I'nion {j^cneral in douhl wind (o do, "j?o iind sre iliineoek- iihoid i(." Hooker lel'l word wi(h Hnitiphreys (o (iik-e CoiKdi's orders iind (Jenernl I'ld (eriii'ld (old him (In^ Siniie. There was ii lull in (he (iririfr on tiic (*onredern(e (MMiler, iind (Jeneiid Ciddwcll sent word (o Hnncock (hivi (he riiemy wiis rotrcatiiiK IVoni Maryo's house 2r)7 THE FIRST MINNESOTA Hancock passed the word on to General Couch and Couch said to Humphreys : General Humphreys, it is reported by General Hancock that the enemy is fall- ing back; now is the time for you to go in." Humphreys' Division had but two brigades, eight regiments, all Pennsylvanians, and all new recruits but one, the Ninety-first Pennsylvania. The new regi- ments joined the army the day after Antietam and this was their first battle. Spurring to his work, General Humphreys led his two brigades over precisely the same ground traversed by French and Hancock. There is still a dispute as to which of the three divisions got the nearest to the stone wall on Marye's Heights. The musketry fire on Humphreys' men was very heavy and the artillery fire was terrible. At one time General Couch thought that Hooker's batteries on Falmouth Heights were firing short and dropping shells into Humphreys' Division and sent word to that effect. Humphreys was very gallant. He charged with his men, had two horses killed under him, and then charged on foot. All to no purpose. The Division was driven back to the foot of the hill, but in first-rate order and some of the men were very cheerful. Colonel Clark's and Colonel Allen's regiments, of Colonel Allenbach's brigade, came back hurrahing and singing, and as they went into posi- tion at the foot of the hill some of them were heard to call out exultingly: ''Well, we had a h — of a time, didn't we?" (Humphreys' report.) The Division went in with 3,500 men and lost 1,020. Just after Humphreys' charge was made, Grif- fin's Division of Butterfield's Fifth Corps, three bri- gades, made a charge on the stone wall over the ground where Sturgis' brigades had assaulted, to the left of the main line, and against Hood and Pickett. 258 THE BATTLE OF FREDERICKSBURG. Same result. The Division was repulsed with, a loss of 66 killed, 752 wounded, and 120 missing, or 938 in all. About 5 o'clock, while General Humphreys M^as leading his Pennsylvanians on their hopeless charge, Getty's Division of Wilcox was ordered by General Wilcox to the charge on the left of the route taken by French, Hancock and the rest. It went out Prussia street, the third street south of Hanover, and struck into and upon an unfinished railroad cut and track; when completed this was called the Potomac, Fredericksburg & Piedmont Railroad. Soon after getting out on the unfinished railroad, Hawkins' ad- vance brigade came under a hot fire and was some- what cut up before it had advanced half as far as French and Hancock. Only General Hawkins' First Brigade was con- spicuously engaged. It did not charge very far or very hard, for darkness came on and it soon fell back as General Getty reports, to ''the cover afforded by a depression of ground and the bed of an old canal." From this position the brigade was withdrawn behind the Fredericksburg & Potomac Railroad grade and finally stationed at the slaughter house near the corner of Princess Anne and Prussia streets for the night. General Harland's Second Brigade advanced in the rear of Hawkins' to the railroad and there stayed until next morning, when it returned to its former station on Caroline street. It lost one officer (Colonel Cross, Fourth Rhode Island) and one man killed and 9 wounded. The total loss in the Division was 551. Hawkins' Zouaves (Ninth New York) did not charge — but guarded a battery at a brick kiln. All of Burnside's generals except Sumner had protested against the assaults on Marye's Heights. Sumner supported the idea of a direct assault but not 259 THE FIRST MINNESOTA with only one Division. When Burnside appealed to him he weakened and said: "I always support my commander." And now Burnside was determined to repeat the assault on the 14th. At 11 o'clock the night of the 13th, Hooker, Franklin, and other officers were in consultation at the Phillips House. Burn- side came suddenly in, saying as he entered the door: "Well, it's all arranged; we attack at dawn, the Ninth Corps in the center, which I shall lead in person. The troops that did not fight today will get plenty to do tomorrow." Generals AVilcox, Humphreys, Getty, Butterfield, ]\Ieade, and others had sent Hawkins to the conference to say for them that there must be no more assault- ing. Hooker had been swearing that there had been enough of slaughter and Sumner agreed with him. Af- ter Burnside had made the announcement there was silence for a few moments, and then Hooker arose and pointing his finger at Sumner said: "Sumner, tell him," and then stretched himself on a bed. Sum- ner stated the object of Hawkins' visit and said the troops had met with such disasters, were so fatigued, etc., that they ought not to be required to make an- other assault so soon — "Wait a few days." Burn- side finally consented to postpone the attack and did so. General Couch was not at this council. That after- noon, when Hooker went "to see Hancock," he talked with that general and then went back across the river and saw Burnside. He told Burnside that there had been enough men sacrificed ; that even the stone wall could hardly be carried, but that if it should be, the line of the 53 cannon and the support- ing works on the crest could not possibly be taken. To all this Burnside replied: "That crest must be taken tonight." 260 THE BATTLE OF FREDERICKSBURG. Hooker returned to the battle side of the river in great rage. He was directing the formation of Humphreys' Division when General Couch rode up and again urged that the assault be made far out to the right. Hooker replied very hotly and insolent- ly. He said bitter things. He said that Couch was very ready to suggest where the troops should be sent, but he insinuated that he was unwilling to lead them and afraid to go with them. General AValker, who, as General Couch's Adjutant General, was present at the time, tells the rest of the story in his History of the Second Corps, p. 179 : "Stung by the insults, broken-hearted at the defeat of his Corps and the massacre of his gallant soldiers, and perhaps shrinking from the spectacle of a fresh slaughter. General Couch turned away and dashed up the telegraph road. Passing Hazard's bat- tery, he rode slowly up to Adams' gun, Avhich was being served in the road, and stopped and talked with Adams; then he galloped forward to the extreme advance of the Union line at the end nearest town. Here, while under fire, he stopped and talk- ed with Col. John R. Brooke, of Zook's Brigade, who begged and almost prayed him to retire. Then, turning to the left, he rode slowly down the full line of his Corps, just in the rear of where the men lay, and then rode back again — all the while under a most terrible fire!" After dark Couch was out on the line, having his wounded brought off the plain, when an order came to him from Hooker relieving the Second Corps and putting Sykes' Division of regulars in its place. Instantly and indignantly Couch said to the officer that had brought the order: "No! Say to General Hooker that no men shall take the place of the 261 THE FIRST MINNESOTA Second Corps until General Sumner gives the order. The Corps has fought and gained this ground and shall hold it." But about midnight an order came from Sumner for Sykes to relieve the Second Corps, and Couch assented and French and Hancock came back to town. The repulse of Humphreys and Griffin virtually closed the battle of Fredericksburg. General Hooker, at nightfall, took the situation in hand and stopped the assaulting. To the Committee on the Conduct of the War he said: ''Finding that I had lost as many men as my orders required me to lose, I suspended the attack." (Report, Vol. 1, p. 668.) And General Burnside did not over rule the somewhat presump- tuous action, so far as it affected operations that night. It was later that he threatened to renew the attack in the morning. General Walker says : "General Hooker strenuously opposed the attacks on the 13th. In his report he says : "A prisoner in the morning had given to General Burnside, General Sumner and my- self full information of the position and de- fenses of the enemy; that it was perfectly impossible for any troops to carry the posi- tion; that if the first line was carried, a second line of batteries commanded it. The ■ result of the operations of General Sumner's Corps fully confirmed the statements of this prisoner, a very intelligent man. * * "^ I dispatched an aide to General Burnside to say that I advised him not to attack. The reply came that the attack must be made." "During the two days that followed, General Burnside remained shocked and be- wildered at the disaster which had befallen his army — at one time telegraphing to Wash- ington that though his assault had not been successful, he had gained ground and was holding it; at another time scheming to 262 THE BATTLE OF FREDERICKSBURG. transfer all his troops to the left and again assault where Franklin did; at another time declaring that regardless of what had been said he would form his old Ninth Corps into column and lead it in person up Marye's Heights; at other times plunged in the deep- est distress." During Sunday night, the 14th, General Howard was ordered to relieve General Sykes' Division at the front. General Howard sent five regiments. These were the First Minnesota, the Seventy-first and One Hundred Twenty-seventh Pennsylvania, the Fifteenth Massachusetts, and another. All day of Monday, the 15th, these regiments were under fire from artillery and sharpshooters. They were stationed along the Union reserve line of the preceding days and along the mill race or canal. The right of the line was 100 yards west of the tomb of Mary Washington, the mother of the Father of his country; she died Aug. 25th, 1789, and was buried here at her request.* A fine monument was erected over the grave, in 1894, by the women of America. Between 8 and 9 o'clock p. m. the troops in the town received orders to recross the river to Fal- mouth, and during the night, under cover of the darkness and a driving storm, this movement was accomplished. The desire to criticize the entire movement against the enemy on Marye's Heights is strong, but ad- hering to the plan of this work, we forbear. Pos- terity has assigned the responsibility of the disastrous movement. *Though born in "Westmoreland county, on the south- ern Potomac, George Washington was reared to manhood in Stafford county, on a plantation a few miles from Fredericksburg. 26; CHAPTER XXX. THE FIRST MINNESOTA AT FREDERICKSBURG. EARLY on the morning of December 11, the First Minnesota left its camp east of the Rappahan- nock and marched about two miles to near the river opposite Fredericksburg. The entire Division halted for the day under the shelter of a hill. There was no possible danger except from Confederate artillery away across the river on Marye's Heights, and not much from that. The pontoon bridges were com- pleted at sunset, and soon after Howard's Division crossed upon them under the enemy's fire. There were still some Confederate skirmishers in the houses and elsewhere among the back streets and Owen's and Hall's Brigades were looking after them. Also there were two batteries at work a mile back from the riv- er and they were throwing shot and shell at the ad- vancing Union troops all the time. Sully's Brigade crossed the river with 2,211 of- ficers and men. It bivouacked on Sophia street, the street directly in front and parallel with the river.* And here it remained till morning. Only Howard's Division crossed that night, so that General Howard was in command of Fredericksburg. Hall's Brigade *At that time the streets of Fredericksburg running north and south, or parallel with the river, were in order, commencing on ihe river front, Sophia, Caroline, Princess Anne, Charles, Prince Edward, Winchester, and Barton. Hanover was the principal street running perpendicular to the river, or east and west. The streets north of it were in order George, William (or Commerce), Amelia, Lewis, Faquier, and Hawks. Those south of Hanover were Charlotte, Wolfe, Prussia, Frederick, and Princess Elizabeth. The court house faced west on Princess Anne, between Hanover and George. Directly at Fredericksburg the river and the streets ran from northw^est to southeast. 264 THE FIRST lillNNESOTA AT FREDERICKSBURG advanced skirmishing from the river along George and Commerce streets two blocks, or to Princess Anne, but the Twentieth Massachusetts had charged and driven back the Mississippians two blocks farther to Prince Edward street. Owen's Brigade got only- one block from Sophia, or to Caroline street, but it skirmished all the way and captured 21 prisoners, mostly from the Twenty-first Mississippi. The Bri- gade bivouacked on Caroline. Howard's Division contained about 3,500 officers and men. When faint daylight came on the 12th Owen's and Sully's Brigades, of Howard, and Hawkins' Bri- gade, of the Ninth Corps, were ordered to advance upon the back streets of the town and clear them of the enemy's troops, who were supposed to have been re-enforced during the night and to be fortified in some manner. All preparations were made for a hot time, but when the advanced skirmishers went out they found that the Confederates had retired from the town during the night. Then Howard's three brigades were ordered into various positions, some inside and some without the city, to cover the crossing of the remaining troops. Sully's Brigade was moved out and disposed among several positions in the western suburbs of the city to the north of Hanover street. The First Minnesota was along or near the upper part of the canal and not very far from I\Iary Washington's grave, which is about half a mile back from the river. The regiment was on picket duty during the day and the night following and throughout the entire time was under a very dangerous artillery fire from Marye's Heights. There was good shelter, how- ever, and the boys found it, and only two men were wounded. On the night of the 11th, while Owen's and Hall's THE FIEST MINNESOTA men were skirmishing with the Mississippians, only two blocks away, and the bullets were whistling in every direction, the looting commenced. The citi- zens had abandoned their houses after having foolish- ly held to them until it was too late to remove their contents and had left, bearing with them but few of their possessions. The contents of the stores had been for the most part taken away, but scores of boxes of tobacco had been left. Lochren says : "Some of our boys made their way to the houses and stores and returned laden with provisions, wines, liquors, tobacco and a violin. Soon quadrilles and contra dances were under way, the melody of the fiddle be- ing often varied by the hissing of passing bullets. The next morning early we moved into one of the principal streets, and because the houses had been used as cover by the enemy, the men ransacked them and the stores, from which the owners had fled. Provisions were found in abundance and boxes of tobacco were thrown out on the sidewalk that all might help themselves. The men were not allowed to quarter in the houses, but fences and outhouses were broken up for little fires in the street and over these they boiled coffee and fried bacon. Many carried out furniture and ate their suppers from sofas and upholstered chairs. * * * * General Sully took possession of a handsome residence that chanced to be near the place occupied by the regiment, and when it was invaded by a. squad of the boys, told them to help themselves freely, as the place be- longed to his brother-in-law, ad — rebel."* *Lochren also notes that there were several excellent portraits in this house, which, he says, were painted "by the General's father, the eminent painter, Thomas Sully." It is more probable that the pictures were made by the General's sister, Mrs. Jane Darley, wife of John C. Darley, the owner of the house. Mrs. Darley was a very talented 266 THE FIRST MINNESOTA AT FREDERICKSBURG The boys took nothing and kept off the other marauders. Other troops than those of Howard's Division were now in town. Hancock's and French's men w^ere the first to come that morning. In his "History of the Second Army Corps," (p. 153) General Walker says : Much of the plundering was done in a spirit of fun rather than of hatred. The writer recollects seeing one gigantic private of the Irish Brigade wearing the white satin bonnet of some fair secesh bride, while an- other sported a huge "scoop" bonnet of the olden time. One man had a coffee pot that would hold ten gallons; another was stag- gering under a featherbed which he had carried from a house and meant to sleep on that night in the open air; the Inspector General entered a house on the outskirts occupied by the picket reserve and every man was wearing a lady's chemise over his uniform. But many things were done which could not be excused as frolics. In this near vandalism there was, strictly speak- ing, nothing contrary to the laws of war. The people of Fredericksburg were ardent Confederates, deadly enemies of the Union army. They urged Mayor Slaughter not to surrender the town; they refused to remove their property, and to remove themselves un- til the last moment, when Union bullets were flying through the streets ; their town was captured by fierce and deadly fighting, street by street, and some troops would have stripped it of everything they could carry off and then destroyed every house in the place — and the laws of war would have justified and skillful artist as was her brother, Thomas Sully, Junior. 267 THE FIRST MINNESOTA them. All the same it would be pleasanter to re- member Fredericksburg had there been no looting by any Union soldiers. About 48 hours afterward many that participated in it were lying cold in death out on the slopes below ]\Iarye's Heights. At 8 P. ]M. of Friday evening, the 12th, the First Minnesota went out and relieved the Eighty-second New York, on the elevated ground in the western suburbs of toAvn, near the tomb and the unfinished monument of Mary Washington. The Regiment spent the night of the 12th in cold, comfortless vigil on the picket line, having been moved out from downtown just after nightfall. In the morning of the 13th Howard's Division was moved to the right rear of Fredericksburg again, this time to be ready for action at any moment. Sully's Brigade was on the right flank and the First Minnesota was on the extreme right of the Brigade. Kirby's Battery was ordered up to this quarter, but as no position could be found for the guns "in battery," the three sections were placed in the ends of the streets, Lewis, Faquier and Hawke. The regi- ment was sent to support the battery. It was on a ridge in full view of the enemy's batteries on the crest of the ridge in front. They seemed to concen- trate their fire on the Regiment and Kirby and gave them a tremendous cannonading. But the Minne- sotians found good shelters of one kind or another, lay close to the ground, and lost but 7 men wounded; Kirby had 4 wounded. While the Regiment lay here it saw — imperfectly, yet plain enough — the terribly bloody and wholly futile attempts made by the Divisions of French, Hancock and Humphrey, and their comrade bri- gades of Owen and Hall to carry the Confederate positions behind the stone wall on the telegraph road 268 THE FIRST MINNESOTA AT FREDERICKSBURG and the batteries on the crest of Marye's Heights. The field was less than a mile away. The men mo- mentarily expected orders to move out and partici- pate in the charges and every man was ready. No- body sought to slink away. At 2 :30 the Nineteenth Maine was sent to the extreme right of the Brigade and the Union line near the paper mill at the upper end of the canal, 250 feet north of IMary "Washington's tomb. (American soldiers engaged in fratricidal war and killing one another almost over the grave of the mother of Wash- ington.) The Fifteenth ^Massachusetts came up from down town and was sent out to relieve the pickets of Owen's Brigade, which was getting ready to charge. En route Surgeon Haven, of the Fifteenth, was killed by an exploding shell from a Confederate battery on the ridge, "When night came on the First Minnesota was ordered to the front as a reserve and support to the picket lines and remained on this duty till day- light of the 14th, when it was moved back to Prin- cess Anne street, where it remained quietly during the day. The position was under shell fire from the batteries on Marye's Heights. The Confederate gun- ners seemed to follow the rule of Donnybrook Fair and whenever they saw a Yankee head they tried to hit it with a solid shot or shell. They had a good range and command of the streets running east and west and could send shots down them with great ac- curacy, and Avould do so whenever a bunch of "Feds" attempted to cross them. Lochren says he saw a young lady ("the only woman I saw in the place") walking along the sidewalk of a street leading to- wards the river while a bunch of soldiers was start- ing to cross at a corner in front of her. Instantly half a dozen shells came shrieking down the street 269 THE FIRST MINNESOTA and exploded near the corner. The soldiers ran or threw themselves on the ground, but the brave Southern maiden continued her walk, apparently un- afraid and undisturbed. It was soon after dark of the 14th when, as prev- iously noted, the five regiments of Howard's Division were ordered to the front to relieve a portion of General Sykes' regulars. These regiments were for the time under the command of Colonel Morgan, of the First Minnesota, Avhich regiment was one of them. The regiments w^ent out along the Telegraph road and were stationed for a considerable distance along a line in front of Avhere the regulars had been posted, and which ran over a part of the ground where the hardest fighting had occurred. Only a few rods to the front were the Confederate rifle pits, now formidable in character and strongly manned. The picket regi- ments of Cobb's Georgia Brigade, McLaws' Division, occupied them the first part of the night, but after midnight they were relieved by the four Georgia regi- ments of Paul Semmes' Brigade. Featherston's Mis- sissippi Brigade had its pickets out to the right front. (See reports of McLaws, McMillan, command- ing Cobb's Brigade, Semmes, and Featherston.) During the night, when it was intensely dark, the clinking of picks and shovels was heard to the front, indicating that the Confederates were either strength- ening the positions they occupied or digging new rifle pits in front. The guide furnished to Colonel Morgan had left and nobody knew the topographical situation in front. Colonel Morgan greatly desired to know what the enemy was doing. Lieut. Chris. B. Heffelfinger, of the Minneapolis Company (D) volunteered to try and find out. He took Corporal William N. Irvine, (commonly called Newell Irvine) with him. Irvine was also a Company 270 THE FIRST MINNESOTA AT FREDERICKSBURG D man. The two crawled carefully out to the front and wriggled themselves along until they discovered what the "Johnnies" were up to. They were busy at work on their rifle pits. Nearing the enemy's position the lieutenant and the corporal separated, so as to hear and see as much as possible. Lieutenant Heffelfinger got along all right, but Corporal Irvine did not get very far until a big Georgian called out in the Southern vernacular, "Who comes thar?" In a trice the luckless corporal was a prisoner,* but Lieutenant Heffelfinger crawled back in safety and reported. It was a hazardous exploit but of great value. Colonel Morgan at once sent to the rear for in- trenching tools and by working hard the remainder of the night a good trench and breastwork were made amply sufficient to shelter the men. If this pro- tection had not been secured, the Union line at the front would not have lasted half an hour after day- light the next morning. The enemy's rifle pits were not a hundred yards away, their heavily intrenched lines were only a short distance to the rear of the pits, several buildings within easy range were filled with sharpshooters, while the Union line would have been comparatively unsheltered and in the open. If that line had been driven back, a Confederate assault would have followed, and the greater part of the Union positions then being held, and the greater part of those defending them, were not in condition to resist an assault. In his official report General McLaws, in front of whose Confederate Division the First IMinnesota was *Corporal Irvine got back in a few days on parole all right. He veteranized and enlisted in Company B, First Battalion, and was made a sergeant. He was killed in front of Petersburg in June, 1864. 271 THE FIRST MINNESOTA on December 15, says: "On the 15th it was dis- covered that the enemy had constructed rifle pits at the edge of the ravine to our front." Only the First Minnesota and the Fifteenth ]\Ias- sachusetts were present on the Union picket line from Sully's Brigade at this time. But on ]\Ionday, the loth, the firing at the front began to be pretty severe, indicating that the Confederates were try- ing to break the line preparatory to an assault. Then General Sully brought up the Nineteenth Maine and the Eighty-second New York to re-enforce their two comrade regiments. The Thirty-fourth New York was down town on Prussia street, near the Richmond railroad. When it came up the Nineteenth Maine was sent to the right under cover of some houses. The Eighty-second was placed behind some houses to the front. Lieutenant Murphy, of the Eighty-second was sent by General Sully, with a few men, to occupy a house on the right of the First Minnesota. The devil-may-care Irishman thought he had been sent on a picnic. He and Lieutenant Huggins took but five men and ran out laughing and cheering, under heavy volleys from the enemy, which somehow failed to kill anybody, and got safely into the house and began peppering away from it. In a few minutes Colonel Huston sent up Company C to re-enforce the seven brave spirits and the house was held until 8 o'clock that night. In his report* Colonel Huston says : "The occupying of this house was the most hazardous undertaking we had to per- form. The lieutenant-colonel commanding *General Sully says in his report that he sent "Lieutenant Murphy in command of two companies" to take the house, but Colonel Huston reports the facts as stated above. 272 THE FIRST MINNESOTA AT FEEDERICKSBURG the regiment feels grateful to Lieutenants Murphy and Huggins for the accomplish- ment." In the afternoon the enemy on the Confederate left — H. H. Anderson's Division — gave the regiments on the Union skirmish line much annoyance and un- easiness. Frank Huger's Virginia Battery, belonging to Mahone's Brigade, got a position on the heights a mile above the Marye House from whence it had a good enfilade range on the Union line. General Mahone himself, whose brigade was on the northern section of the Confederate ridge, assisted in putting the guns, four in number, in position. They opened and sent solid shot, shells and case-shot down the line in fair range and with most uncomfortable ac- curacy. Even though the men were lying down, they were in great danger from the hurtling and screaming projectiles coming from the right ; but if they rose and sought shelter by running to the left they would be under almost perfect range and in deadly peril. So Sully's Brigade lay low and mighty still. There were two regiments, the Seventy-first and One Hundred and Twenty-seventh Pennsylvania, of Owen's Brigade, on the right of the First Minnesota. (Lochren terms them "a brigade") They too, came under the fire of Mahone's artillery. The position of the two Pennsylvania regiments was untenable and they were compelled to retire to a more desir- able location, but in some disorder as they were ex- posed to a very destructive shell fire from the enemy. General Howard, who witnessed their retirement, turned to General Sully and said: "Sully, your First Minnesota doesn't run." General Sully afterward said that he had really been afraid that the Regi- 273 \ THE FIRST MINNESOTA ment might run, but now he turned to Howard and said proudly: "General, the First Minnesota never runs." In an address to the Regiment a few days later and in general orders General Howard compli- mented it for its conduct on this occasion. The position occupied by the First JMinnesota at Fredericksburg was a trying one. The long hours spent under a deadly fire, without opportunity or permission to fire a shot in return, constituted an ordeal through which no body of men may desire to pass. The time was spent under great and ex- haustive strain, which called for the exercise of the greatest fortitude. The men would really have pre- ferred to spring up and out into the open, fight it out with the enemy and have done with it, but their ability to hold the position was, doubtless, owing to their foresight in entrenching during the previous night, and this was done on their own initiative. Burnside declared that he would hold Fredericks- burg, and Sully's Brigade had been ordered to build intrenchments where they were, commencing that Monday night ; but at sundown the General changed his mind and all of Howard's Division was with- drawn, recrossed the Rappahannock and got back in- to the old camps in the rear of Falmouth by daylight the next morning, Monday, December 16. The loss in the First Minnesota was slight, only \ two officers and 15 men wounded, as reported by Lochren, two officers and 10 men wounded, and two men missing as reported by Colonel Morgan. The nominal list shows two officers and 13 men wounded, as follows : Capt. John J. McCallum, and Priv. Wm. M. Herbert, of Company F, and E. B. Robinson, of Company B, were hurt so badly that they were transferred to the Invalid Corps. John M. Darms, 274 THE FIRST MINNESOTA AT FREDERICKSBURG of Company B, Thomas Kelly, of Company D, James E. Russell and B. K. Soule, of Company G, were dis- charged from service on account of their wounds, while Chas. W. Savage, of Company D; Chas. A. Berdan, Daniel Bond, Almerson Davis, and Josiah Richardson, of Company F; Chas. B. Boardman and Alex Shaw, of Company K, were severely wounded, and Lieut. C. B. Heffelfinger of Company D, was slightly wounded. 275 CHAPTER XXXI. IN CAMP AGAIN AT FALMOUTH. UPON returning to its former camping ground in the rear of Falmouth, practically in fair view of the Confederate positions still on the Marye's Heights ridge, the First Minnesota resumed the ordi- nary routine of camp duties. And for more than four months the regiment was practically inactive, and so was the army to which it belonged — at least the few movements it made were ineffective. There was a great deal of discontent in the army after Fredericksburg. Both officers and men were bitterly dissatisfied with General Burnside. They blamed him wholly for the loss of the battle, and ( his want of tact. They clamored to have McClellan restored to command. General Sumner said there was "a great deal of croaking" am.ong the officers. The privates knew that they had not had a fair chance at Fredericksburg, and in their minds they had dismissed General Burnside long before Presi- dent Lincoln had. A few days after the battle there was a grand review of the Second Corps at which both General Burnside and General Sumner were present. The I troops marched by Burnside in freezing silence. The situation was very embarrassing, and to relieve it General Sumner directed General Couch to call for "three cheers for General Burnside." The Corps and Division commanders and their staffs rode along the lines, waving their caps or swords. General Burnside began immediate preparations for crossing the Rappahannock again and giving battle to Lee, Jackson, and Longstreet. He meant 276 IN CAMP AGAIN AT FALMOUTH to snatch victory out of defeat. But this time he would not cross directly at Fredericksburg. On the 29th of December his plans were prepared for cross- ing the river with a large force seven miles below Fredericksburg with a view of turning Lee's right position. At the same time he would send a cavalry expedition to the Confederate rear to cut the Rich- mond railroad. The latter movement had already begun when, December 30, the General received an order from the President directing him not to make a general movement of the army ''without letting me know all about it." This movement, known as "Burnside's Mud March" was abandoned, owing to the condition of the roads caused by unexpected storms. The troops engaged in that movement returned to their former positions. 277 CHAPTER XXXII. GENERAL HOOKER SUCCEEDS GENERAL BURNSIDE. ON the evening of January 23d, the next evening after his return from the Mud March, General Burnside issued "General Orders No. 8" dis- missing from the service General Hooker, as "unfit \to hold a commission at a crisis like the present"; /dismissing Gen. W. T. H. Brooks, for "complaining of the policy of the government and for using lan- guage tending to demoralize his command," and dismissing Gens. John Newton and John Cochrane, "for going to the President with criticisms upon the plans of their commanding officer." The order also "relieved from duty" with the Army of the Potomac, (directing them to report to the Adjutant General for orders) Generals Franklin, "Baldy" Smith, Sturgis, Ferrerro, and Lieut. Col. J. H. Taylor, the Adjutant General of the Right Grand Division. The last named officers, he said, "can be of no further \ use to this army." Armed with this order and with his own letter of resignation from the command of the army and from the service. General Burnside repaired to "Wash- ington on the 24th and demanded that President Lincoln approve either the order or the letter. The President declined to endorse either in full. He would not remove the generals and he would not accept Burnside 's resignation from the service. He promptly told Burnside, however, that he would relieve him from the command of the Army of the Potomac as soon as he could decide upon his suc- cessor, but that he was "too good a soldier" to lose entirely from the service. 278 HOOKER SUCCEEDS BURNSIDE The next day, by "General Orders No. 20" the President relieved General Burnside from command of the Army of the Potomac ''at his own request." He also relieved General Sumner from command in that army, also ''at his own request." He relieved General Franklin with no reason given. The same order directed, "That Maj. Gen. J. Hooker be assigned to the command of the Army of the Potomac." Both Sumner and Franklin outranked Hooker at the time, but were willing to get out of the way, for they were tired of serving in that army.] Franklin, however, was under a cloud of censure by the Congressional Committee and by some of his associates, who said that he did not do all that he could and should have done with his Left Grand Division at Fredericksburg. Not long after Franklin was sent to Louisiana and Sumner was given com- mand of the Department of Missouri. Burnside was given a rest of 30 days and then Lincoln gave him command of the Department of Ohio, with head- quarters at Cincinnati, so that he could keep watch over the rebels in Kentucky and at the same time repress Vallandigham and the other "Copperheads" of Ohio. Burnside was loyal to the core. He unselfishly said to the President that Hooker's appointment was "the best solution of the problem possible," and that no one would be happier than himself if General Hooker should lead the Army of the Potomac to victory. (Nic. & Hay.) His order taking leave of the army manfully and chivalrously commended the "brave and skillful general" who was to succeed him to that "cordial support and co-operation" which he alleged he had ahvays received — but which he and everybody else knew he had not. . General Burnside had important commands in 279 THE FIEST MINNESOTA the army until the close of the war, but never dis- tinguished himself except in his defense of Knoxville, Tenn., against Longstreet, in November, 1863. General Hooker at once instituted and enforced vigorous measures of reform. He greatly checked desertion and absenteeism; he did away with "Grand Divisions," he infused vitality into the gen- eral administrative service ; he instituted a system of granting furloughs for meritorious conduct; he con- solidated the cavalry instead of leaving it scattered by brigades among the Grand Divisions, and he gave distinctive badges to the different Army Corps. The badges were greatly admired by the men. They became general throughout the entire army. Gen. Dan Butterfield, who became Hooker's Chief of staff, originated the idea and devised the badges in detail; but Swinton says the germ of the badge designation was the happy thought of Phil Kearney, who, at Fair Oaks, ordered the soldiers of his Divi- sion to sew pieces of red flannel to their caps, so that he could recognize them in the tumult of battle. The badge of the Second Corps was a trefoil, or three-leaved clover, which came to be designated by other Corps as the shamrock, the ace of clubs, etc. General Hooker had been a good officer under McClellan, although he was not fortunate at An- tietam. Yet he was said to be a "dashing" general and he had somehow gained the sobriquet of "Fight- ing Joe." The latter title he always rejected. "It sounds as if I were a pirate," he said. He was really an affable man and made friends readily. Yet he had a petulant temper and indulged it frequently. He always seemed anxious to fight the Confederates, yet he tried to repress foraging by his soldiers, whom he reminded in a general order that "this is a war between fellow citizens of a common country and 280 HOOKER SUCCEEDS BURNSIDE should be conducted accordingly. It will end in the triumph of the Union cause and then our present foes will be our warm friends." The Army of the Potomac had a fairly comfort- able season during its encampment on the Rappa- hannock, opposite Fredericksburg during the winter and spring of 1863. The troops constructed for themselves comfortable quarters, which were gen- erally small log cabins with wedge-shaped tents for roofs, and each cabin had a fireplace which answered very well to warm the little room. All kinds of supplies came up regularly from Acquia Creek Station, mails were received, visitors came from the North, and although there were many cold days and nights they were easily endured and the world went very well then. On the 5th of February, General Hooker issued an order abolishing the Grand Divisions and adopted in its stead a Corps organization of the Army, as follows : First Corps, General Reynolds ; Second Corps, General Couch; Third Corps, General Sickles temporarily; Fifth Corps, General Meade; Sixth Corps, General Sedgwick; Eleventh Corps, General Sigel; Twelfth Corps, General Slocum, In April General Howard, who had commanded the First I Minnesota's Division (Second of the Second Corps) so long and so ably, was made a major general and given command of General Sigel's Eleventh Corps. He was succeeded in the command of the Division by Gen. John Gibbon, from the First Corps, who had greatly distinguished himself on the left, under Franklin, at Fredericksburg. There were re-organ- izations from time to time, January 27 President Lincoln and Mrs. Lincoln visited the army and spent a few days at Falmouth. General Hooker gave them a dinner at the Lacy 281 THE FIRST MINNESOTA House. The Corps Commanders were present. The President confined the table talk chiefly to a dis- cussion of getting the better of "those fellows on the other side of the river" — Lee and his army. When taking leave of Generals Hooker and Couch, the President said very earnestly: "Gentlemen, in your next fight don 't send in a few at a time ; put in all your men." (Couch in Batts. & Leads.) On the 8th of April the President again visited the army and had a long and earnest consultation with Hooker and Couch and again besought them to "put in all your men" in the next battle. On both visits there was a grand review of the Second Corps. All the time the Confederate pickets were on the opposite bank of the river confronting the Union sentinels for several miles. For some time the per- sonal relations of the two picket lines were not especially cordial; but as the weeks passed the men became somewhat acquainted and very friendly. Some of the men of the respective armies covertly carried on quite a trade with the enemy. The Union pickets exchanged "sure-enough" coffee for genuine Virginia leaf tobacco and swapped New York and Washington newspapers for those of Richmond and Charleston. Bits of news were freely exchanged, and some items were sent from each side that were not news. In April, while Lincoln was on a visit to the army, the Confederates hallooed across the river: "You all have taken Charleston!" The report was believed by many and caused some excitement. But finally calling across to the Confederates was forbidden under severe penalties, but the friendly intereouse did not entirely cease. Then was tried the device of making miniature boats and rafts, equipping them with sails and loading them with articles of barter. The sails would be properly set 282 / . HOOKER SUCCEEDS BURNSIDE by experienced sailors, and quite often a kind breeze wafted the little crafts safely across to their destin- ations. But quite oftener the sail would slew around or the wind change and the craft drift away and never be heard of. The First Minnesota encamped and waited for over four months on the east or left bank of the Rappahannock river on what are yet called the Staf- ford Heights, because in Stafford County. The ex- perience was only the routine of camp life and was comparatively uneventful. The drills were resumed and there was a dress parade every evening, as in the regiment's first days. The weather was disagree- able. January 29, fully five inches of snow fell, but it all melted away in a few days. The coldest day was February 3, but five days later the weather was warm and springlike. A heavy guard was constantly kept out and picket duty along the river was kept up but under discomforts and difficulties. April 2 Governor Ramsey paid the Regiment a visit, and was enthusiastically welcomed. He brought , a new flag for the Regiment, presented by the ladies 5 of Minnesota and inscribed upon it were the battles jin which the First Minnesota had then been en- gaged. On the 8th when President Lincoln was on his visit to General Hooker, he went through all the camps, not omitting the camp of the First Minne- sota. Gibbon's division, to which the First Minnesota belonged, was in camp just below '^ Chatham," com- monly called the Lacy Jlouse, which was so often the headquarters of the Union generals. The camp was near the river and within direct range of the 300 Confederate cannon in battery along the Marye's Hovise heights ridge, only a mile away. Just across the then narrow and fordable river were camps of 283 THE FIRST MINNESOTA Confederate infantry, within easy musket shot, and the opposing pickets were almost within a stone's throw of one another. Loud conversation was easily heard and though talking was strictly forbidden by each side, there was a great deal of good natured badinage indulged in between these deadly enemies. On May 10, General Sully was sent to Dakota to fight Indians. He was the best beloved of all its colonels by the First Minnesota, whose members, a short time before he left his brigade, presented him with a fine dress sword. 284 CHAPTER XXXIII. THE BATTLES OP CHANCELLORSVILLE AND SECOND FREDERICKSBURG. A DAY or two after the first battle at Fredericks- burg, General Lee visited Richmond and Jeff Davis and his Cabinet informed him that the war was practically over, the North was discouraged, and the Southern Confederacy would probably be recognized and complete peace come within 60 days. (Batts. & Leads., Vol. 2, p. 84; Longstreet, Man. to Appo., p. 317, etc.) Davis directed Lee not to "harass the men" by hard duties, as they would soon be sent home. But peace did not come and General Lee was forced to "harass the men," by making them dig and build breastworks in freezing weather all along the right or south bank of the Rappahannock from below Fredericksburg to the United States Ford 25 miles above. The Confederate army was strung along this line. General Hooker determined to turn Lee's left flank by going far up the Rappahannock, above its confluence with the Rapidan, and crossing each stream separately, getting well around and in the rear of Lee and cutting him completely off from Gordonville. He began operations as soon as spring opened. Fredericksburg is in the same latitude as St. Louis, and spring weather is established April 1. Prof. Lowe, in his fine war balloon, made successful daily ascensions above the Confederate camps and then made safe returns, reporting all conditions favorable. April 13, General Hooker directed Gen. George Stoneman to cross the Rappahannock with 8,000 285 THE FIRST MINNESOTA cavalry and go southward toward Richmond and cut off Lee's Gordonville line of supply. Heavy rain- storms prevented this movement until April 29. General Hooker decided to accomplish his turning movement by sending a strong column which should go 27 miles up the river to Kelly's Ford, cross there and go south to Ely's and Germanna Fords over the Rapidan, cross them and go southeast to Chancellors- ville. Now this famous "ville" was simply a tine two-story brick farmhouse, the residence of a farmer named Chancellor. It was on a fine macadamized turnpike road running west from Fredericksburg and ten miles west of that town. At this house there was an important cross roads, composed of the turnpike and a road running north to the U. S. Ford over the Rappahannock. All about the Chancellors- ville house — except immediately around it — ^were dense brush thickets, and to the south and west was that vast jungle of scrub-oaks and jack-pines called the Wilderness. To conceal his movement up the river General Hooker put three Corps — the First, (Reynolds), the Third (Sickles) and the Sixth (Sedgwick) under Gen. John Sedgwick, and directed him to cross be- low Fredericksburg and make a demonstration against the enemy's position as soon as the flanking force was well under way. Gibbon's J3ivision, of the Second Corps, was to act under Sedgwick's orders, but because its camp was in plain sight of the Con- federates it was not to move until the other troops crossed the river; for the Confederates could easily see them taking down their tents and marching out of camp and would know that "something was going on." The turning column left Falmouth, Monday, April 27. It was composed of three Corps — the Fifth, 286 CHANCELLORSVILLE AND FREDERICKSBURG (Meade) and Eleventh (Howard) and the Twelfth, (Sloeum.) It crossed the Rappahannock at Kelly's Ford on the night of the 28th and the morning of the 29th on a canvas-covered pontoon bridge. It crossed the Rapidan by the Germanna and Ely's Fords by wading and reached Chancellorsville on the 30th, where General Hooker established his head- quarters that evening. French's and Hancock's Di- visions of the Second Corps also came up that even- ing, having crossed the Rappahannock at the U. S. Ford; Gibbon's Division remained at Fredericks- burg. The resulting battle at Chancellorsville was not participated in by the ]\Iinnesota regiment as it re- mained with that part of the enemy left with General Sedgwick, consequently any extended account of the struggle between Lee and Hooker at Chancellorsville proper is not pertinent to this history. That part of the grand operation called the battle of Chancellors- ville which was conducted by the troops under General Sedgwick directly concerned this regiment as it formed a part of the body of troops under General Sedgwick's command. When, on Saturday night, General Hooker saw that his right wing at Chancellorsville was smashed and his whole army imperilled, he sent orders to General Sedgwick, opposite Fredericksburg, to occupy the town, to seize Marye's Heights, move out over the turnpike road to Chancellorsville and attack Lee from the east. General Sedgwick now had un- der him his Sixth Corps and General Gibbon's Divi- sion of the Second. But the Sixth Corps numbered of infantry, and artillery 23,563 men, "present for duty and equipped," and belonging to it were 54 pieces of artillery. Gibbon's Division had about 5,000 men; but "Paddy" Owen's Pennsylvania bri- 287 THE FIRST MINNESOTA gade was left on the north side of the river and the two brigades in Fredericksburg numbered all told about 3,300; so that Sedgwick had nearly 27,000 men. As has been stated General Lee had left to de- fend Fredericksburg Early's Division of four bri- gades of Jackson and Barksdale's brigade of Mc- Laws' Division of Longstreet, General Wilcox's Ala- bama Brigade was four miles above watching Banks' Ford. Early's Division had about 8,200 men, Barksdale's Mississippi Brigade (four regiments) about 1,200, and in the 20 or more batteries there were perhaps 1,200 — or in all 10,600 men to fight General Sedgwick's nearly 27,000. But the Confeder- ates were in those strong positions of awful memory; Marye's Heights and the stone wall at their base which had resisted Burnside's mighty attack the previous December. General Barksdale's Brigade occupied the heights immediately in rear of the town, including Marj^e's Hill and the stone wall at its base. Early's Division held the right, below town, where Franklin had attacked. Three companies of the Washington Artil- lery, from New Orleans, were stationed on the crest, and Sunday morning General Early sent Harry Hays' Louisiana Brigade to re-enforce Barksdale. The sunken road behind the stone wall was then success- fully defended by Cobb's Georgia brigade and three other regiments, with later four more regiments to help, while the crest was held at its front by nine guns of the same Washington Artillery (that was now stronger here by four guns,) and it had Han- son's Brigade (under Cooke) and a part of Ker- shaw's on its right and left. General Sedgwick first felt of the extreme lower end of Early's position with Howe's Division and found it strong. He had ordered Gibbon's two bri- 288 CHi^NCELLORSVILLE AND FREDERICKSBURG gades across, and now he sent them cautiously and tentatively against the Confederate left or north. Gibbon took the brigade out to near Mary Washing- ton's tomb, where they were stopped for a time by the greater canal. Then a "feeling" attack was made, and the result of the three investigations con- vinced General Sedgwick that the heights could only be carried by direct assault, involving brave and gal- lant conduct on the part of a strong force. About 11 o'clock (Sunday, May 3) General Sedg- wick began his movement to carry the Heights of Fredericksburg, Marye's Hill and the elevation to its south now called Lee's Hill, the latter defended by Early's three divisions. To carry the works held by Early, Howe's Division of the Sixth Corps was as- signed; to take the sunken road and Marye's Hill, there were elaborate preparations. The attack on Marye's was made under the di- rection of General John Newton and regiments from his division made it. The order to advance was given at 11 o'clock. Generals Sedgwick and Newton watched the attack from the garden of a brick residence on the left of the Telegraph road on the outskirts of town. The Confederates repeated the tactics used in repelling the charges the previous December. The Washing- ton Artillery opened as the column emerged from town. The Confederate artillery increased its fire and the roar of cannon was continuous. Barksdale's Mississippians, behind the stone wall, held their fire until the line and columns got up close, when they gave a murderous volley and the Washington Artil- lery poured a great storm of canister and grape upon the assailants. For a moment the heads of the columns and the front of the battle line wavered, 289 THE FIRST MINNESOTA and Sedgwick and Newton, back at the brick house, were greatly alarmed. Then the "line of battle" advanced towards the crest and the skirmish line of the Fifth Wisconsin was the first to reach that long coveted position. All three batteries of the Washington Artillery did not have time to get away, and Captain Richardson's battery was captured, the captain surrendering and handing his sword to Col. Tom Allen of the Fifth Wisconsin. Then the columns came up and the whole crest of Marye's Heights was occupied, after months of waiting and effort, by the Union troops. What was left of Barksdale's Brigade and the Confederate artillery fell back down the telegraph road south- ward, two miles, to the Cox house and farm, where they took up a new position. Lee, feeling assured that Hooker would not take advantage of the Confederate withdrawal, sent for- ward with all speed towards Fredericksburg Ma- hone's Brigade of Anderson's Division and the three brigades of McLaws to join their comrade brigade of Barksdale and to help AVilcox check Sedgwick. They hurried down at quick time, notwithstanding they had been fighting hard the night before and all that morning, and when they came to where Wilcox's brigade was in line Mahone went to its left and Ker- shaw on its right; then when General McLaws came up he sent also Semmes' brigade to the left and Wofford's to the right, and then five good brigades were in line in the woods awaiting Sedgwick's ap- proach and attack. The attack was soon on. Brooke's Division came up about 5 P. M., and Brown's New Jersey and Bartlett's mixed brigade plunged at once into the thick brush copses on both sides of the road. Some 290 CHANCELLORSVILLE AND FKEDERICKSBURO writers are of the opinion that on this Sunday even- ing, May 3, at Salem Church, occurred the hardest and bravest fighting of the war. Frank Wheaton's brigade of Newton's Division went to the extreme right. These three brigades went bravely forward through the brush and thickets and drove back the Confederates to the crest of a hill in the rear where Salem Church stood and where there were some rifle pits. The crest was afterward called Salenj Heights. The brush only served to conceal the Con- federates; the tree growth was so small that it was no protection from their well-delivered volleys. The attacking forces lost heavily. At the crest and rifle pits there was plenty of desperate and bloody fighting for some minutes. Then the Union troops were driven back. Again they rallied, advanced, fought, and were driven back; and yet again they rallied, advanced and were driven back. Then darkness came on and they gave o'er; but it had taken five of the best brigades in Lee's army to make them do it. Monday morning. May 1, found each of the con- tending armies cut in two, and the opposing halves were deadlocked. Hooker had assumed the defensive, and Lee feared to attack him with less than the whole Confederate force, and this force could not be concentrated until Sedgwick was disposed of. Sedgwick felt able to hold his own, but not strong enough to now attack the enemy in his front. Wil- cox had been re-enforced by Early's Division and Barksdale's Mississippi and Harry Hay's Louisiana brigade which had come up from the Cox farm and re-occupied the Fredericksburg heights and were demonstrating against the Union rear; they put hundreds of skirmishers in the streets of Fredericks- burg. 291 THE FIRST MINNESOTA Early that Monday morning, too, General Lee came up from Chancellorsville, with R. H. Anderson's big division, and took charge of movements designed to cut off Sedgwick from Banks' Ford and either capture or destroy him before he could re-cross the Rappahannock. General Sedgwick, now with less than 20,000 men and nine batteries, fought his way to Banks' Ford against 24,000 Confederates (Early's, McLaws, and Anderson's) and 17 batteries which were in the presence and under command of General Lee him- self, and then did not re-cross the Rappahannock until he received Hooker's positive orders to do so. As soon as it was dark Newton's and Brooks' Divisions, with Burnham's Light Brigade, fell rapidly back upon Banks' Ford, took position on the heights and in the rifle pits there, and were ready to fight again. Howe 's Division came back at 10 :30 and every wagon, cannon carriage, and other wheeled vehicle was brought back. At 2 o'clock the next morning Hooker ordered Sedgwick to recross the river with all his force and then take up the bridge. The order was splendidly obeyed, under a brisk shell- ing from the Confederate batteries, and everything was across in two hours but the last regiment of the rear guard, and it was on the bridge, when another order came from General Hooker countermanding the order to cross. It was then near daylight, the Confederates were crowding down to the river with their batteries. Sedgwick went into camp on the north side of the river in the vicinity of Banks' Ford, watching it and guarding it. It was not the Union army that was beaten at \ Chancellorsville, but its commander, and his conduct on this occasion severely and permanently injured 292 CHANCELLORSVILLE AND FEEDERICKSBURG his reputation. His officers ridiculed his generalship; \ his rank and file swore at him, and tens of thousands of them could not understand how they had been defeated in a battle in which they had not fired a shot. His cruel conduct in trying to make General Sedgwick the goat of the unfortunate battle was ignominious. Sedgwick's brilliant exploit in carry- ing Fredericksburg Heights, and his victorious de- fense of Banks' Ford are yet the only bright places in the gloomy history of Hooker's hapless Rappahan- J nock campaign. OQ o ^ t7 o 1 CHAPTER XXXIV. AT SECOND FREDERICKSBURG. T was not until Saturday, May 2, when Gibbon's Division began its part of the Chancellorsville campaign. Then Owen's Pennsylvania Brigade was ordered up to Banks' Ford, to protect that cross- ing. That night General Gibbon received orders to cross the two remaining brigades of his division and occupy Fredericksburg, and this involved laying pontoon bridges. The brigades appeared at division headquarters, near the Lacy house, at 1 a. m., Sun- day, ready for work. Colonel Hudson, of the Eighty-second New York, had commanded the first brigade until the 2d, when he was succeeded by Col. Byron Laflin, of the Thirty- fourth New York. Ever since April 29th the bri- gade had been kept ready to move, every soldier with eight days' rations and 140 rounds of ammunition. On the night of the first the Ninteenth Maine was ordered away to guard the military telegraph, from Falmouth up to the U. S. Ford, so that the brigade now was composed of the four old regiments, First Minnesota, Fifteenth Massachusetts, and the Thirty- fourth and Eighty-second New York. At the Lacy House a call was made for 100 volunteers from the brigade — 25 from each regiment — to cross the river as a storming party to dislodge the enemy in the town. It was supposed that this would be a very tough job, for it was well remem- bered what the experience of the Seventh Michigan and the other regiments of Hall's Brigade was when they performed a similar task the previous December. But now so many men volunteered from this brigade 294 AT SECOND FREDERICKSBURG for the perilous duty that not one in fifteen could be accepted. Luckily the brave 100 had no serious fighting to do ; the Confederate skirmish line retired before they could get across, after fighting with them and the bridge party for an hour or so. Then the 100 went forward to the skirmish line and fought the enemy all day under Colonel Hall, of the Third Brigade. It was after daylight on Sunday morning, May 3, before the brigade crossed on the pontoon. Colonel Laflin moved forv/ard and formed it on Princess Anne street, the third from the river, the left on the right of Hall's brigade. General Sedgwick now ordered General Gibbon to take the two brigades out, cross the mill race near Mary Washington's tomb, and attack the left of the enemy's works above the town and carry them, thus turning Marye's Heights. These works were occupied by General Wilcox's brigade of five Alabama regiments. Colonel Hall at once moved out and Colonel Laflin followed him with the First Brigade. At half the distance from the river to the enemy's works a broad and deep canal lay at the foot of the hill on the crest of which Wilcox had his breastworks. Colonel Hall, under direction of Gen- eral Warren, chief engineer, repaired a bridge over this canal, under the fire of two guns from Frank Huger's Confederate battery. (See Wilcox's report.) The mill race ran from the canal and the canal was distinct work from the race. The two brigades crossed the canal and Laflin 's marched across an open field and went into position, with the left of the brigade connecting with Hall's and the right resting on the Rappahannock. Colonel Laflin now sent out skirmishers up a road running 295 THE FIRST MINNESOTA back from the river and they soon found Wilcox's brigade on the crest of the ridge in front of Dr. Taylor's house and behind strong fortifications. The entire movement was performed under constant fire from Lewis' and Huger's batteries. "Wilcox was watching an opportunity to participate in the Con- federate movements to keep Sedgwick from carrying Marye's Hill. But for the presence of Laflin's Bri- gade, he would have marched eastward and been under the hill, in the outskirts of the town, in a position to fall on the flank of Newton's columns when they were preparing to make their successful charge. The march of the brigade to the canal was a great surprise to General Wilcox. In his report (War Recs.) he says: "My command was being formed to march to Chancellorsville, when one of my pickets came running from the canal in front of Dr. Taylor's to report to me that the enemy were advancing up the road between the canal and the river. Gathering up my pickets I deployed them as skirmishers along the crest of the hill in front of Dr. Taylor's and near the canal. Two rifled pieces of Huger's battery were ordered in- to position in the battery across the road from Dr. Taylor's. * * * Huger's pieces opened with a fire of shell upon the enemy who had halted in the road upon the display of our skirmishers." After resting for a time in front of Wilcox's position, and under constant fire from it, the two brigades were ordered away. Newton's columns and the other assaulting Union forces were storming the Fredericksburg heights and Gibbon's brigades were needed as supports. Hall's brigade, being in the lead, marched first and going eastward soon reached 296 AT SECOND FREDERICKSBURG the rear of the right charging column which it was ordered to support. At double quick the brigade advanced and crossed the stone wall position, but kept on toward the crest, which it reached just after the storming columns had driven the Confederates away. At the stone wall Colonel Hall sent forward the 100 men of the storming party of the First Brigade as skirmishers, and followed behind them with his brigade in line of battle. The gallant 100 were under command of Captain Ryerson, of the Eighty- second New York. They attacked the enemy's skirmishers to the right, charged them and drove them to the crest of the ridge and kept after them. They chased the fleeing Confederates nearly a mile, and came back with 90 prisoners, nearly a "Johnny" for eA^ery man of the 100. And not a man of the gallant phalanx was killed and only a few wounded. Laflin's Brigade followed Hall's from the canal to the second heights, where it remained in position for some time and then, under orders, returned to the streets of Fredericksburg, and from thence at about 4 p. m. re-crossed the river, half by the Lacy House pontoon and the other half by the lower bridge, with orders to protect both bridges until they were re- moved. In his report Colonel Laflin complimented the entire brigade on its good conduct, saying among other things that there had been but four stragglers, and that only 16 men had been wounded. He made especial reference to Lieut. Josias R. King, of the First Minnesota, whose good services, he said, were highly appreciated and commended. In the movements of Gibbon's Division and Laf- lin's First Brigade at Second Fredericksburg, the First Minnesota was commanded by Lieut. Col. Wm. 297 THE FIRST MINNESOTA Colville. Colonel Morgan had tendered his resigna- tion on account of ill health, and was not fit for duty ; the resignation was accepted May 5 and Colonel Morgan given a position in the Reserve Corps. When the brigade crossed the canal and con- fronted General Wilcox, Colonel Colville observed \^ the Confederates placing some of the guns of Lewis' Virginia Battery in position to enfilade not only the First Minnesota, but the Thirty-fourth New York as well. Colonel Laflin, the brigade commander, gave Colville permission to place the First Minnesota in the intrenchments constructed and abandoned by Wilcox's men, and which ran along and parallel with the Rappahannock. No sooner had the Minnesotians settled down in these rifle pits than Wilcox's bat- teries opened on them and gave them a vigorous shelling; but the protection was too good and the artillery fire was quite ineffective and in a few minutes it was stopped. Of this incident General Wilcox reports : "The enemy halted in the road upon the display of our skirmishers and our ar- tillery fire. The advanced one of these regi- ments moved down the river in front of Falmouth and sought shelter from our artil- lery fire in the rifle pits along the river; the other regiments remained in the road, lying down; the stone knolls on either side of the road gave them good protection." The Regiment bade good-bye to Wilcox's Brigade (to meet it two months later) and marched with its own brigade to the crest of Marye's Heights, then back to town, arriving at 3 p. m., and then re-crossed the river. Arriving on the north bank it guarded the lower pontoon bridge that night and all day Monday; then it moved up and guarded the Lacy 298 AT SECOND FREDERICKSBURG House bridge until Tuesday evening. Both bridges having been removed safely, the regiment went into camp. The First Minnesota had nine men wounded, Benj. Fenton, of the St. Anthony company; Almeron Davis of the Red Wing company; Ed. P. Phillips, Albert Johnson, and Reed, of the Faribault company; Greenhalt Hess, of the Hastings company; C. B. Boardman and A. Shaw, of the Winona com- pany; Nicholas Guntzer of Company A, St. Paul. 299 CHAPTER XXXV. IN CAMP ON STAFFORD HEIGHTS. FOR a month the First Minnesota, with the rest of the army, remained in camp on Stafford Heights, immediately opposite Fredericksburg. Gib- bon's Division encamped just below the Lacy House, ("Chatham") near the river. The camps were with- in a mile of Marye's Heights, now in possession of the enemy whose guns were stuck along the crest as thickly, almost, as pins in the original rows. If so disposed, the Confederates could easily send shells into the tents or down the streets of the Union camps. Confederate infantry, too, were encamped across the river Avithin plain sight, and almost di- rectly under the Union batteries on the heights. The situation was somewhat curious. Here were deadly enemies within striking distance of one an- other, with all of the means and appliances of war- fare, and yet no man offering to fire a shot. There Avas a tacit understanding betAveen the soldiers of the respectiA'e armies that an armed truce Avas on. Lochren notes that the pickets on each side of the narrow river, then fordable, stood picket and were regularly relicA^ed Avithin a stone's throAv. On both sides the men were mostly seasoned soldiers, who Avould have fought one another to the death in battle or under orders, but Avho noAV considered that to shoot a man in the opposite army Avould be prac- tically an act of assassination, a species of Avarfare to AA^hich they Avere not inclined. LoAver down the river the Confederates made a seine, and as the Rappahannock was then shallow and fish were abundant, they had fine times seining 300 IN CAMP ON STAFFORD HEIGHTS the river and drawing out fine catches of shad, perch and other fish. Nothing could prevent the Yankee soldiers from slipping across after dark and joining these fishing parties and sharing in the catch. This unauthorized communication with the enemy irri- tated General Hooker to such an extent that he wrote General Lee about it in protest, and saying that he must endeavor to "put a stop to the practice of seine fishing from the south side of the river." (War Bees., Vol. 25, part 2, p. 521.) But General Lee paid no attention to the protest ; the fish helped out the scanty rations of his men, and the seining parties were occasions of a peculiar enjoyment which did no harm to either army. Up at the town, opposite Sophia street, communi- cation between the two armies was more ' restricted and guarded. The soldiers were forbidden to talk to their enemies, or to halloo across to them. But Lochren says the Minnesota men constructed minia- ture boats and rafts out of juniper (red cedar) fitted them with sails and rudders and sent them safely over the river laden with Northern newspapers, cof- fee, and salt ; the Confederates sent back similar crafts with cargoes of Eichmond papers and Virginia leaf tobacco. Although conversation between the hostile ranks was strictly forbidden, the men improved every op- portunity to talk to one another, orders or no orders. The pickets were the most frequent violators of the rule. "Say, Yanks," the Confederates would sudden- ly cry out; "our officer of the day has gone up town ; if yours is there, buck and gag him. How are you all this mawnin?" Then would follow a conver- sation on miscellaneous subjects. Quite often there was sharp badinage. It was a favorite theory of the Confederates that every Union soldier was a "black 301 THE FIRST MINNESOTA Abolitionist," or a "nigger lover," of various shades of ebony, in proportion to the intensity of his regard for the negro. "What have you all done with McClellan? Why did you remove him? Wasn't he black enough for you?" This from the Confederates. The Yankee reply was: "Little Mac is all right; his only fault is that you like him too well." "Hev ye got the nigger gal picked out that ye are goin' to marry and take back up Nawth?" "Well, I picked out a yaller gal the other day but she turned out to be your half-sister and I won't have her." "When are you all comin' over to whip us agin?" (This very sarcastically.) "0, we will come some day, and when we do, you'll get your licking all right." The Union boys asked questions, too, and often embarrassing queries. They delighted to confuse the Confederates by asking what they were fighting for — what rights of theirs were in danger, how many negro slaves they owned, or ever expected to own, etc. Of course there had to be drills and reviews and fatigue duty and the other routine of a soldier's camp life ; but the time passed very well. On the 10th of June General Couch, the Second Corps' very excellent leader, was after repeated requests, relieved from the command of that corps and transferred to the head of the new Department of the Susquehanna, and Major-General Hancock, the superb soldier, so long in command of the First Division became the commander of the trefoil corps. General Sully got a command in Dakota to fight the Sioux, and May 10 bade the First Regiment good- bye and set out for his new field, followed by the good wishes of every man in the regiment. Gen. Wxn. 302 BVT. BRIG. GEN. WILLIAM COLVILL, The Fifth Colonel of the Regiment. m Cr.lntiel ,.r ill, ■R,'f;iini-r'it IN CAMP ON STAFFORD HEIGHTS Harrow succeeded to the command of the former Sully's Brigade. General Harrow had been colonel j of the Fourteenth Indiana and won his stars fairly | under Shields in the Shenandoah Valley and in j French's Division at Antietam. j Colonel Morgan's resignation as Colonel of the j First Minnesota became effective May 5 and Lieut. Col. Wm. Colvill became colonel in his stead. Maj> Chas. Powell Adams became Lieutenant Colonel, and , Capt. Mark Downie became Major. All the new field officers took rank from May 6, 1863. 103 CHAPTER XXXVI. GENESIS OF THE GETTYSBURG CAMPAIGN. AFTER Jackson's death at Chancellorsville, Lee had reorganized his army by dividing it into three Corps. The First he left with his "old war horse," Longstreet ; the Second, Jackson's old corps, was given to Gen. R. S. Ewell, and the Third was created for Gen. A. P. Hill. Gen. Dan H. Hill was a better general than either Ewell or A. P. Hill, but Longstreet says, "not being a Virginian he was not as well advertised," and not in so much favor with what was called "the Virginia ring," Avhich always. got Virginians promoted when possible. Both Ewell and A. P. Hill were Virginians. There were three divisions to the corps and four brigades to the division, except Richard H. Ander- son's, Rodes' and Pickett's, each of which had five brigades. General Lee's preparations for his march north- ward, began June 3rd, when he started Longstreet 's Corps from Fredericksburg. Within a day after, the scouts and balloon ob- servers of the Union army "had discovered signs of activity on the other side of the Rappahannock — troops in motion, dust rising from roads in rear of Lee's encampments and other tokens which indicated a forward movement, which, on various grounds Hooker had surmised might at any time be under- taken, and accordingly he was not even for a day nonplussed." (Young, "Battle of Gettysburg," p. 90.) Hooker had in mind a possible movement against the enemy's rear, if the latter inaugurated another movement toward the north. Such a movement he 304 GENESIS OF THE GETTYSBURG CAMPAIGN suggested to President Lincoln on the 5th day of June, (Off. Rec. XXVII, 1:30.) On the same day Hooker sent an engineer force and the Second Bri- gade of Howe's Division, commanded by Col. Lewis A. Grant (now Gen^ L^wis A. Grant residing at Minneapolis) leading the way, across the Rappa- hannock at Franklin's former crossing, and found Hill's Corps in position. Hooker was not permitted by the President and General Ilalleck to undertake the movement across the river on Lee's rear. The communications between Hooker and his superiors continued until the 10th of June, but in the meantime he had broken up his permanent camps and prepared to move his army as occasion demanded. On June 9th Hooker ordered his Cavalry under General Pleasanton to develop the situation on his right. This brought on the Cavalry engagement at Kelly's Ford. In General Stuart's baggage, captured in this en- gagement, were found letters and orders showing that Lee was moving to the north, and this advised Hooker that he must move his army to prevent his right flank being turned and a possible attack on Washington. The real beginning of Lee's movement (after his concentration at Culpeper) was on June 10th, when Ewell's Corps started for the Shenandoah val- ley. Hooker moved his army to Manassas and there- after kept his forces at all times safely between Lee's army and Washington as both armies advanced across the Potomac to the field of Gettsyburg. As soon as A. P. Hill was Avell in the Shenandoah Valley and prepared to care for it. General Ewell resumed his march northward with his Corps. June 22d he crossed the Potomac at Shepherdstown and 305 THE FIRST LIINNESOTA Williamsport and marched by way of the Antietam battleground to Ilagerstown. He sent General Im- boden, with a brigade of cavalry, westward to des- troy the Baltimore & Ohio railroad and the Ches- apeake & Ohio canal. Gen. A. G. Jenkins, with his brigade of Virginia cavalry, was pushed swiftly up to "chambersburg, Pennsj^lvania, which he occupied on the 23d. Nearly the whole of "W^estern Pennsyl- vania, up to the Susquehanna, was now open to Ewell's men to come and go, to forage at will, to have the time of their lives, with none to molest them or make them afraid. A majority of the Confederate soldiers were poor men, lived in poor districts amid poor surroundings and had never before traveled far from home, and they were simply astounded at the prosperity and the magnificent bounties possessed and enjoyed by the Pennsylvania farmers. Col. John C. AVest of the Fourth Texas, writes in his little book ("A Texan in Search of a Fight) "The pig-pens and hen-houses of the farmers of the region were far more stylish and comfortable than the residences of the average Texas farmer, Avhile I never saw finer private resi- dences in any southern city than those of many of the Pennsylvania farmers. As to agricultural stores, live stock, etc., I never before thought that any region on earth could be made to produce so abun- dantly." T\^ith no hostile force to interfere with him but the not very formidable "green" Pennsylvania mili- tia, General Ewell's movements were practically un- restricted. From Chambersburg he moved his corps northward, sending Rodes' Division northeast to Carlisle and Early's Division eastward to York, by way of the South Mountain ridge and Gettysburg. Then from York Early dispatched Gordon's Brigade 306 GENESIS OF THE GETTYSBURG CAMPAIGN eastward to Wrightsville to seize the fine bridge over the Susquehanna there. Wrightsville is on the west side and Columbia on the. east side of the Susque- hanna at that point. Early meant to cross the river, go eastward a few miles and capture Lancaster, then go up northward and capture Harrisburg, the state cai^ital. ^ But the battalion of Pennsylvania militia at AA^rightsville won a great victory for the Union cause. They skirmished with Gordon's Brigade until they sustained a small loss, then they retreated across the bridge, having first set it on fire so thoroughly that it burned up despite General Gor- don's efforts to put out the fire. This saved Lancas- ter and Harrisburg. General Ewell's command spent several days in riotous living in Pennsylvania. They fairly reveled in good eating and drinking. They gathered up 3,000 head of good fat cattle which they sent down to Longstreet and A. P. Hill's hungry men, and they informed them where in Maryland 5,000 barrels of flour could be had. (Longst. Man. to Appo., 345.) Gen. elubal Early was a cheerful and very enterpris- ing robber. He commanded a diA'ision of E^vell's Corps and made the most of his position and power. This is his report (War Recs.) of what he did to the town of York : "I made a requisition on the authorities for 2,000 pairs of shoes, 1,000 hats, 1,000 pairs of socks, $100,000 in monev and three days' rations of all kinds. Subsequently about 1.500 pairs of shoes, the Iiats, socks and rations were furnished, but only $28.- 600 in money was furnished, the mayor and other authorities protesting their inability to get any more money, as it had all been run off previously. * * * i determined to 307 THE FIRST MINNESOTA cross over the Susquehanna, march upon Lancaster, and lay that town under contri- bution * * * i3^t this prospect was thwarted by the destruction of the bridge over the Susquehanna." The authorities of the town of York had the al- ternative of seeing their town burned in case they did not comply with General Early's chivalrous requistion; he plainly told them so. The Confederate invasion of Pennsylvania pro- duced intense excitement and alarm throughout the North. The southern half of the Keystone State trembled through and through; bankers, merchants, and many others sent off their money and valuables for safe keeping ; thousands of farmers, with their live stock and household goods, hastened to the north of the Susquehanna, yet leaving plenty behind; Philadelphia, Baltimore, and Washington were con- sidered in extreme peril, and even New York City was not thought to be beyond the danger line. As early as June 15th, President Lincoln, fore- seeing this invasion, had called out 100,000 militia from Pennsylvania, Ohio, Maryland, and AVest Vir- ginia, to serve six months unless sooner discharged. The governors of all these states soon had their respective quotas at the places of rendezvous. Gov. Horatio Seymour of New York, and Gov. Joel Parker, of New Jersey, both ardent "War Democrats, voluntarily called upon the citizens of their states to go to the assistance of their neighbors. Cordially were these calls responded to and thousands of New York and New Jersey militia and unorganized citi- zens were soon swarming upon all railroad trains running to the Susquehanna, furnishing their oWn arms and rations. With their Corps, A. P. Hill and Longstreet 308 GENESIS OF THE GETTYSBURG CAMPAIGN crossed the Potomac into Maryland June 24 and 25, Hill at Sheplierdstown and Longstreet at Williams- port, and both followed Ewell's paths into Penn- sylvania. No further danger to the National Capital being apprehended, Hooker gathered up the forces that had been protecting it — and which were dis- tributed over a considerable region — and crossed his entire army over the Potomac at Edwards Ferry, on the 25th and 26th, and made a movement to con- centrate his forces at Frederick. From Frederick General Hooker meditated a movement against Lee's rear and right flank. He ordered Slocum's Twelfth Corps to Plarper's Ferry and he proposed to make the movement with that corps and the 11,000 men at Harper's Ferry under General French. On the 26th he telegraphed Halleck : "Is there any reason why Maryland Heights should not be abandoned after the public stores and prop- erty are removed?" The next day he again tele- graphed Halleck, giving some excellent reasons why Harper's Ferry should be abandoned and its garrison put into the field. Halleck answered that Maryr land Heights (Harper's Ferry) had always been regarded as an important point, that much expense and labor had been spent in fortifying them, and that he would not approve their abandonment, ''ex- cept in case of absolute necessity." Without assur- ing Halleck that the "case of absolute necessity" was present, Hooker — did something else. General Hooker was not solely dependent on the troops at Harper's Ferry to make his contemplated movement on Lee's rear; he had plenty of others that were not needed elsewhere. So important was that movement that he should have made it at all hazards. There is not room here to give all the reasons why it would have succeeded, but General 309 THE FIRST MINNESOTA Longstreet, in his "Manassas to Appomattox," (p. 348) says: "If General Hooker had been granted the authority for which he applied, he would have struck our trains, which were wholly exposed from Chambersburg to the Poto- mac, without even a cavalryman to ride m and report the trouble. General Stuart was riding around Hooker's army, Robertson was in Virginia, Imboden at Hancock, and Jen- kins with General EavcII. With our trains destroyed the army would have been in a ruinous condition." An hour after sending his reasons why Harper's Ferry should be abandoned, General Hooker, from Harper's Ferry, telegraphed General Halleck that he wished to be relieved from the command of the Army of the Potomac. The President, who had ap- pointed him, promptly accepted his resignation and appointed General Meade, then at Frederick, to suc- ceed him. General Hooker did not allege in his telegram that his resignation was caused by Halleck 's refusal to order the evacuation of I^Iaryland Heights. He said: "Mv original instructions require me to cover Harper's Ferry and M^ashington. I have now imposed upon me. in addition, an enemy in my front of more than my number. I beg to be understood, respectfully but firm- ly, that I am unable to comply with this condition with the means at my disposal, and I earnestly request that I may at once be re- lieved from the position I occupy." For some time it was thought that General Hooker would be removed, but it was believed that General Reynolds would be his successor. Indeed Reynolds half expected this; but when the real commander 310 I GENESIS OF THE GETTYSBUEG CAMPAIGN was announced he put on his best uniform and rode over and took Meade's hand in both of his, con- gratulated him most heartily, and swore to serve him most loyally. General Meade received the highest assurances from all the other generals. He had grown up, as it were, in the Army of the Potomac, having entered it in August, 1861, as a brigade com- inander, and had actually won the place by merit- orious service. Like Burnside, General Meade protested against ])eiug given the command. He, too, alleged his own unfitness and urged that it be given to Keynolds. General Hooker tried to get a subordinate com- mand under ]Meade and Lincoln was anxious to give it to him, but General Meade protested. (Nie. & Hay, Vol. 7, p. 227.) He was finally given command of the troops sent to Chattanooga after Chickamauga, and Avhen the Eleventh and Twelfth Corps were con- olidated into the Twentieth, he was given com- mand of that Corps. He was a fine soldier, and a loyal and patriotic man. He won great reputation at Lookout Mountain and on the Atlanta campaign; but when General Howard was given command of the Vrmy of the Tennessee by General Sherman, Hooker sked to be relieved from command and his request was granted. 311 CHAPTEE XXXVII. FROM FREDERICKSBURG TO HAYMARKET. ALL through the month of May and until in the second week of June the First Minnesota re- mained in its camp on Stafford Heights. Rumors of marching orders were circulated almost every day. And at last marching day came. The Third, First and Eleventh Corps began the movement of Hooker's army northward June 11 ; these corps constituted the Right Wing of the army, which was commanded by General Reynolds, and they, with the Fifth, moved toward Manassas. On the 13th the three other corps, the Sixth, Twelfth and Second, began their; march ; the Second acted as rear guard and was the last to leave the camps. The First Minnesota, with other regiments of Harrow's brigade, moved out on the evening of the 14th, marched a few miles, halted for an hour, faced about, marched back to the Rappahannock, arriving at midnight, and was sent out on picket. Early on the morning of the 15th, the march was resumed, and passing over the farm where George Washington spent his youth and early manhood, the brigade reached Stafford C. H. at about 9 a. m. Here the court house was in flames, having been fired by some wretches from the preceding column. At 2 o'clock, under an almost scorching sun, the march was re- sumed and continued northeast to a camp a mile beyond Acquia Creek, which empties into the lower Potomac. Particular mention is made of this day's march because it was probably the hottest that the First Minnesota ever underwent. Although the distance 312 FROM FREDERICKSBURG TO HAYfilARKET traveled was only about 18 miles, thousands of men in Gibbon's Division were completely exhausted. There were numerous cases of sunstroke and three deaths reported in the division. Every regiment had more or less stragglers who fell by the wayside from heat prostration and came forward as best they could as soon as they recovered. The First Minne- sota had its quota of these. General Gibbon was un- duly stirred up about the inability of the men to undergo the unusual hardship and fatigue. To avoid the intense heat the brigade marched at 3 o'clock in the morning of the 16th and arrived at Dumfries, on Quantico Creek, at about 8 a. m. It was now out of Stafford and into Prince AVilliam county. Continuing northward, it marched to the Occoquan by 6 o'clock and the brigade bivouacked on its banks at the Wolf Run Shoals. The next day Sangster's Station, on the Orange & Alexandria Railroad, was reached in the evening, after another hot march, during which several men were disabled by sunstroke. The regiment was now back on the scene of its first operations in July, 1861, near the Bull Run battle ground; it first saw Sangster's Sta- tion July 17. June 19, a march was made to Center- ville, well known and not pleasantly remembered. Passing through the little hamlet of Gainesville, near where the hard battle of August 28, 1862, was fought, the brigade reached Thoroughfare Gap about midnight, and here it remained four days, watching the pass and furnishing details for train guards. Thoroughfare Gap is the pass through the Bull Run Mountains which (by withdrawing Ricketts' Division) General Pope left open for Lee and Long- street to pass through and join Jackson just before the Second Bull Run. THE FIRST MINNESOTA JEB STUART'S ATTACK AT HAYMARKET. In the forenoon of June 25, Gibbon's Division was the rear guard of the Second Corps Avhich that day marched from Thoroughfare Gap towards Ed- Avards Ferry, where it was to cross the Potomac. In front of the Division Avas the Corps' long train of supply wagons. This had to be carefully guarded, for Mosby's band and Stuart's Cavalry were in the neighborhood, very much in want of supplies and A'ery bold and daring. It chanced that, just as the Corps was withdraw- ing from the Gap, General Stuart and his cavalry were passing through the hamlet of New Baltimore toward Gainesville. They were on the famous raid which caused them to be absent from Lee's army at the battle of Gettysburg and to this absence General Lee attributed the disaster Avhieh befell him. At the little town of Haymarket where General Hancock turned his corps northwards, Stuart came upon Gibbon's Division and saw the train. At once he opened vigorouslj^ v.nth his horse artillery, Breathed 's and Chew's Batteries, and moved for- ward some caA^alry skirmishers and captured some prisoners, including Captain Johnson, General Han- cock's escort, and some couriers that Hancock had started to General Zook who v\dth his bri- gade was at Gainesville. General Zook was ordered to move up and join tlie Corps and told the route it would take, and Stuart read and mastered the dispatches. The exploding shells * put to flight and into a. great panic a crowd of sutlers, negroes, and other camp followers that were lingering in the rear of Gibbon's Division, and it is said that there were some ludicrous scenes. Colonel Colville had * Adjutant Earle, Fifteenth Massachusetts, says: "I never saw so hard shelling before." FROM FREDERICKSBURG TO HAYMARKET liis horse killed under liim by one of Stuart's shells, and two men of the First Minnesota, Joseph Walsh, of Company B, and George A. Kinney of Company G, and several other men of the division were wounded. The forming of Harrow's brigade and the advance of "Webb's caused Stuart to leave the field .iud retire towards the Occoquan. Now, this little affair at Haymarket turned out to )e of great influence on Lee's final defeat. Stuart was on a raid around that portion of Hooker's forces then in the vicinity of Bull Run, intending to cross the Potomac above Edward's Ferry and join Lee in Pennsylvania. Had he done so, he could have ^Tept Lee informed of the movements and where- abouts of the Union armies, and it was the lack of information on this point which Lee says caused his defeat. At the Haymarket, from Hancock's dispatches to Zook and from the prisoners, Stuart learned that ^lancock's Corps and other troops were to be west- ward of him, and would remain in that direction for some time, and so he could not cross the Potomac ;bove Edward's Ferry, but must pass lower down. Then, after crossing, he must get to Lee's army — which was west of the Union line — the best way he could. Had he not stopped to fight at Haymarket, he could have got to the westward of Hancock's line of march, and soon been in communication with Lee. Stuart crossed the Potomac at Rowser's Ford, op- posite Drafiesville, and then went to Rockville. Here,, within sight of the spires of Washington, he captured 125 six-mule wagons laden with supplies for Meade's army. These wagons hindered his marching rapidly, and wdien he got into Pennsylvania he rode hard night and day trying to find Lee and connect with him, and once he parked the wagons, meaning to burn them. Then, June 30, he had a fight with 315 THE FIRST MINNESOTA Farnsworth's cavalry brigade near Hanover, Pa., four miles southeast of Gettysburg, and he came near being captured. He did not join Lee's army until the evening of July 2, and then connected with its left on the battlefield of Gettysburg. The next day Robertson's Cavalry division came into Cashtown. Meanwhile Lee had been getting along the best he could with two small commands of cavalry, (Jenkins' brigade and "White's battalion) but they were not nearly so good at obtaining inform- ation as was Stuart and his accomplished scouts. If Stuart had not tried to capture Hancock's wagon train at Haymarket, Lee might have done better in Pennsylvania. (For a full understanding of this subject, see Lee's official report in the A¥ar Records; Longstreet's "Manassas to Appomattox," McClellan's History of Stuart's Cavalry, Cooke's Life of Lee, Jones' Life of Lee, etc.) 316 CHAPTER XXXVIII. FROM HAYMARKET TO GETTYSBURG. AT nightfall ou the evening of the Haymarket affair, Harrow's Brigade went on to Gum Springs and went into bivouac in a drenching rain. Rains are usually disliked by soldiers on a ' march, but this one was welcomed. It cooled the air and made marching possible without seeing men prostrated by the heat all along the road, with occasionally the corpse of a man who had died from sunstroke. At Gum Springs the corps was re-enforced by General Hays' New York Brigade under Colonel Willard. General Hays was now the commander of the third division, to which the new brigade was attached. These new regiments more than made up in numbers for the loss of the Thirty-fourth New York, which had enlisted for only two years, its time expiring about June 1. It left the army at Stafford Pleights June 9. The First Minnesota es- corted it to the railroad station, gave it three rous- ing cheers as the train moved and parted with its old comrades with sincere regret. Another change in the official make-up of the Division occurred at Thoroughfare Gap. Gen. J. T. Owen, who had been in command of the Pennsylvania Brigade for some time, was put under arrest by General Gibbon. The vacancy so created was filled by the appointment of Gen. Alex. S. Webb, a most accomplished officer, who had been serving on staff duty and with the artillery, but who was destined to become an efficient commander. Old "Paddy" OAven went back to Philadelphia. The brigade crossed the Potomac at Edward's 317 THE FIRST MINNESOTA Ferry June 26, and halted near the old camp. This was familiar ground to the First Minnesota. On the 27th Poolesville and Barnesville were passed and camp made at the base of Sugar Loaf Mountain. The First Minnesota had to send 160 men out on jDicket. June 28 Urbana was passed and camp made in the beautiful A'allev of the IMonoeaey, within sight of Frederick. The great hosts of the Union army fairly filled the valley. Here the news was received that General Meade had superseded General Hooker in command of the army. At the time General Meade took command, the Army of the Potomac was lying around and near Frederick, Md., about twenty miles south of the Pennsylvania line and twenty-six miles south of Gettysburg. He knew that Ewell's Corps had oc- cupied the town of Carlisle, and York, and Avas threatening to cross the Susquehanna . at Columbia and Harrisburg; he knew also that Longstreet and A. P. Hill's Corps were somewhere in southwestern Pennsylvania, and that General Lee was with them. At once General Meade got busj^ to make the Con- federates loose their hold on the Susquehanna, for if they succeeded in crossing that river, there would be serious trouble. The very next morning after his appointment, General IMeade began gathering up his Corps, and the next day, the 29th, put his army in motion due northward in his endeavor to overhaul Lee. The army moved in three columns, all east of the South j\rounta in range, and covering completely Lee's pos- sible approach to Baltimore and "Washington. Han- cock's Second Corps was sent to Frizzelburg, Md. "Meade spread out his Corps on different roads like the ribs of a fan, but kept them well in hand so FROM HAYMARKET TO GETTYSBURG that he could concentrate them in a short time. The rib of the fan on which the Second Corps moved was the extreme eastern one. On the night of June 30, after his army had marched two days, Meade fully believed that Lee had loosed his hold on the Susquehanna and was com- ing to meet him, concentrating his forces the while. The Union general was conVinced that the Confeder- ates would attack him and he set about selecting a position where he could best receive them. The selection he made was along the dividing ridge or watershed between the Monocacy, (which flows south into the Potomac) and the Avaters running into Ches- apeake Bay. The line of defense ran parallel with Pipe Creek, a little stream wholly in Maryland, • and which flows southwest into the Monocacy. It was a splendid line for defense. Orders were issued that night for the concentration of the Union Corps, on and about the Pipe Creek line, the concentration to be the next day, July 1. Pursuant to these orders General Reynolds was sent vfith the First, Third and Eleventh Corps up to Gettysburg — not to fight a battle there, but locate the enemy, hold Gettysburg if it could be done without being involved with a superior force and mask and conceal the concentra- tion on Pipe Creek. The Second Corps and head- ([uarters were sent to Taneytown, practically on the creek. The other Corps within easy marching dis- tance. Owing to the absence of Stuart's Cavalry, with its sharp, news-gathering scouts, it was not until June 28 when Lee became aware that the Army of the Potomac had crossed into Maryland and was at Frederick. That day he was at Chambersburg, Pa., with Longstreet and A. P. Hill and Ewell's Corps was at York and Carlisle. He feared that General 319 THE FIRST :MINNES0TA Meade would move westward across the South Moun- tain range and cut off the Confederate communication with Virginia. He was, according to his report, upon the point of moving his whole force northward to cross the Sus(|uehanna and strike Ilarrisburg, then defended by only a few thousand hastily levied militia under General Couch. Harrisburg in his possession, he might move towards Philadelphia (100 miles distant) or Baltimore, or whither he pleased. But now this movement must be abandoned. To save his communi- cations he must push his army eastward and draw General Meade after him, away from his line of retreat. He thought Meade would follow him where- ever he went. So, instead of sending Longstreet and Hill to join Ewcll on the intended invasion, Lee ordered them to march from Chambersburg eastward through the South Mountain range to Gettysburg, 20 miles dis- tant. Then he instructed Ewell to countermarch southward with his Corps from Yorlc and Carlisle to Gettysburg also. These movements were begun Monday morning, June 29. The march was made very leisurely, for after two days of it Hill's Corps bivouacked six miles w(!st, and Ewell's was at Ileid- lersburg, nine miles north of Gettysburg. Lee se- lected Gettysburg as his point of concentration, not to fight a battle there, but because there were more roads running southward to the Potomac from that town than from any other in the region. 320 CHAPTER XXXIX. GETTYSBURG. TIIP] great battle of Gettysburg, the mightiest ever fought on the American continent, was not deliberately designed by either of the contending armies; it was brought on practically by accident. General Lee set out for Gettysburg only to concen- trate his army preparatory to moving and fighting somewhere else, and to establish a base of operations. General Meade sent a portion of his army there merely to mask his concentration on Pipe Creek, where he expected — or at least hoped — that Lee would attack him. The gigantic conflict was brought on in the manner to be described. "While Meade's army was marching northward, Gen. John Buford's cavalry division was thrown well out to the left or west flank. June 29, the division passed through Gettysburg and pushed out reconnaissances west and north. That very morning Lee had i)ut bis columns in motion for the town. But June 26, on the way to WrightsviJle and Columbia, (where it was expected to cross the Sus- quehanna) Early's Division had occupied Gettysburg, after breaking up the Twenty-sixth Pennsylvania militia, which made a pretense of defending the place. General Early, of course, made a demand on the authorities for supplies, but they responded that they had nothing that he demanded. Whereupon this chivalric, high-minded leader proceeded to plun- der the town. In his report, however, he regretfully says: "A search of the stores resulted in securing only a very small quantity of supplies, and only about 2,000 rations were found in a train of cars, 321 THE FIRST MINNESOTA and issued to Gordon's Brigade." The ears and a railroad bridge were burned, but no thought was given of fighting a battle there. On the night of June 30, Buford's cavalry was at Gettysburg, with scouts well out to the west and north. General Reynolds, with his own First Corps, was bivouacked on Marsh Creek, four miles south of town, with orders to go into Gettysburg next morning. Howard's Eleventh was at Emmittsburg, ten miles southwest of town; Sickles' Third and Slo- cum's Twelfth Corps were within call, but Sedgwick's Sixth, was further off. A. P. Hill's Confederate Corps was camped six miles to the west, and Ewell's was six or eight miles north, at Heidlersburg, both Corps headed for Gettysburg. A collision was cer- tain and imminent. The two armies were two great storm-clouds charged heavily with thunderbolts, and swiftly approaching each other. Their collision meant a dreadful and frightful convulsion. Each storm cloud meant to receive the assault ot the other. General Lee had promised Longstreet and Hill that he would be cautious and careful andt not assault the Union forces if they were strong and in good position; but he did not keep his word. General Meade was determined to place his army in such a way that Lee would be compelled to attack it ; and so he had gone into position on the Pipe Creek line to meet his enemy. Lee had been greatly relieved when he learned that Meade was east of the South Mountain or Blue Ridge Range ; he knew then no attempt would be made to the west of that range to cut off the Confederate rear. Neither Lee nor Meade knew anything about the topography of the land at Gettysburg. General Meade expected, and really hoped, that Lee would occupy the town, for then, in a few days, he would 322 GETTYSBURG be compelled to attack the strong Union breast- works on Pipe Creek. Lee determined to occupy and hold Gettysburg as a base, for that town was the meeting place of seven great roads coming in from as many different directions and important points — from Chambersburg, to the west; from Hagerstown and Harper's Ferry, to the southwest; from Carlisle and Harrisburg, to the north; from York to the east ; from Emmittsburg and Washington City, to the south, and from Taneytown and Baltimore, on the southeast. These roads were in effect the spokes of a wheel, of which Gettysburg was the hub. The town had about 3,500 inhabitants. Lee felt sure that, when he had established himself at Gettysburg, Meade would attack him. Each cloud, therefore, expected to stand still, and let the other blow itself against it. The Southern cloud was coming up slowly, but none the less portentously. CHAPTER XL. THE FIRST DAY'S BATTLE. TEIE battle of Gettysburg has been so often des- cribed in both popular and technical literature, that it is not desirable to undertake a repetition, except in a general way, of operations that did not immediately concern the First Minnesota. As already stated, both armies were looking for each other, and on the evening of June 30th, General Buford with his division (Gamble's and Devin's brigades) of Union cavalry, reached Gettysburg and there met confederate infantry entering the town from the west. Buford drove them toward Cush- town over the Chambersburg pike about four miles. The next morning the Confederates — Hill's Corps composed of Anderson's, Heth's and Pender's Divi- sions, comprising about twenty thousand men and twenty batteries with 92 guns — drove Buford toward Gettysburg. General Reynolds sent Wadsworth's division forward to support Buford 's cavalry, and himself accompanied those troops, in the meantime ordering up Doubleday's and Robertson's Divisions. Reynolds' Corps, comprising "Wadsworth's, Rob- inson's and Doubleday's divisions consisted of 10,- 355 men of all arms and 28 guns. At about noon Howard's Eleventh Corps came up with 10,000 men, but about the same time Ewell's Confederate corps came up to strengthen the enemy with an additional 19,763 men. By four o'clock p. m. the Confederates with over 40,000 men had com- pelled the two Union corps of 20,000 men to fall back through Gettysburg and take position on Cemetery 324 THE FIRST DAY'S BATTLE Eidge, an elevated ground south of the village of Gettysburg. During the contest of that day, General Reynolds had been killed and Gen. 0. 0. Howard had assumed command of the Union troops consisting of the First and Eleventh Corps. General Doubleday took command of the First Corps on General Reynold's death and Gen, Carl Schurz took command of the Eleventh corps, and POSITION OF FEDERAL AND CONFEDERATE ARMIES, JUNE 30, 1863 (Federal, i=i Confederate, ^^) General Howard was thus in command of both corps at the close of that day's fighting. General IMeade was at Taneytown, Md., 12 miles south of Gettysburg, when he heard that General Reynolds was killed. Immediately he dispatched General Hancock of the Second Corps, to ''repre- sent me on the field" (Meade's report) and take charge of the situation at Gettysburg. 325 THE FIKST MINNESOTA , The gallant Hancock came galloping up to Gettys- burg just as the shattered and confused troops of the defeated First and Eleventh Corps were coming through the eastern part of town. Steinwehr's Divi- sion, of Howard, on Cemetery Hill, and Buford's cavalry, on the northern outskirts, were the only sound and stable forces to rally upon. The duties were now upon Hancock, to halt and straighten up the demoralized troops and to select a safe position for them. By riding among the men and letting them see him, he soon had them in fairly good order. Hancock sent word to General Meade that Gettys- burg was a good place for the coming battle, and that evening went back to Tanneytown to report in person on the situation at Gettysburg. Although General Meade had contemplated con- centrating at Pipe Creek, and there awaiting General Lee, he received such information from various sources that day, that at six o'clock that evening (July 1st) he sent a message to Hancock and Double- day at Gettysburg, saying "A battle is now forced on us at Gettysburg." An hour and a half later he dispatched to Sedgwick "A general battle seems to be impending tomorrow at Gettysburg." (Young, Batt. of Gettysburg, p. 212; Off. Eec. XXVHI, 3; 466, 467.) 12G CHAPTER XLI. TPIE SECOND DAY'S BATTLE. ' I 'HE locality known as the battlefield, has been ■* well described by Jesse Bowman Young in his re- cent work on the "Battle of Gettysburg" as follows: "The line of battle, laid out by the topo- graphy of the region, and impressed upon the landscape indelibly for all time, is in the form of a fish hook. The end of the handle is Little Round Top, the extreme Union left flank. "From this point the line runs north for two miles or more to Cemetery Hill, oc- cupying, for most of that distance, an ele- vated backbone of rocky land, below and east of which, through its entire extent, runs the Taneytown road, which unites at an acute angle with the road from Emmitts- burg near the point wh^ere the line of battle bends to climb Cemetery Hill." "Here at the cemetery, the ground is high, overlooking the town and the terri- tory beyond the village, as one glances to the north. The line then inclines to the right (east) running along an elevated ground, back of which runs the Baltimore pike, one of the chief lines of communication leading to the Union rear, which elevated ground finally circles around to the point of the fish hook, where is located the rough, wooded, precipitous height known as Culp's Hill. "The length of the line is nearly five miles, the distance across, from point to end of handle, half that distance. "The Confederate line was of similar shape, opposite the Union line at the dis- tance of half a mile to a mile, along Semi- 327 THE FIRST MINNESOTA nary Eidge, on which it ran from north to south for three miles ; at the Seminary it left the ridge, ran (east) through the town and swung around to envelope Gulp's Hill." The crest of the ridge between Little Round Top and Cemetery Hill had been cleared for agriculture, and comprised several cultivated fields, occasional groves of small timber, a good slope both east and west. The amphitheater to the east between the two wings of the Union army furnished fine ground for the handling of ambulances and artillery. The space between Seminary ridge, occupied by the Confederates, and Cemetery ridge occupied by the Union army, was an undulating region about one mile wide, devoted to farming. Midway between these two ridges — starting at the village and running southwest, was the Emmittsburg road occupying a minor ridge or elevation, except at a point opposite the junction of Little Round Top and Cemetery ridge, where there was a depression which would have been dominated by an enemy oc- cupying this road at that place. This depression in the Union position was one great cause of General Sickles moving his Corps for- ward onto the Emmittsburg road, as we shall here- after note. During that night and the following forenoon (July 2nd) both commanders were occupied in bring- ing into position their respective forces. The first disposition of the Union army was as follows: General Sickles' Corps — comprising Hum- phreys' and Birney's divisions — constituted the Union left, starting from Little Round Top and extending north along Cemetery Ridge and connecting with Hancock's Corps. Beyond Hancock, running around to the extreme right of Gulp's Hill, were the Corps 328 POSITIONS OF FEDERAL AND CONFEDERATE FORCES, JULY 2, ABOUT 3.3O P.M.. WHEN LONGSTREET's ATTACK OPENED ^:^. •■^. ■ ^or ^ THE SECOND DAY'S BATTLE of Newton, Howard and Slocum, in the order named. The Fifth Corps (Sykes) was held in re- serve, and the Sixth Corps (Sedgwick's) did not arrive until late in the day and was then held in reserve. The Confederate forces, beginning with the right wing, were in the following order : Longstreet's Corps, Hill's Corps, and Ewell's Corps which extended around to Culp Hill. It must be remembered that an army Corps in the Confederate army was fully twice as large as one in the Union army, and the brigades and divisions were of corresponding size. Different estimates by careful judges of the re- spective strength of the two armies are as follows : Meade. Lee. Longstreet 75,568 Century War Book 93,500 70,000 Civil War in America (Formby) 82,000 73,000 The Civil War (Comte de Paris) 84,000 69,000 Numbers and Losses (Livermore) 83,289 75,054 NcAV York at Gettysburg (Fox) 85,674 71,675 (Young, Battle of Gettysburg, p. 173.) In comparing the strength of the two armies, it should be understood that with the Union Army the basis rested on the report of the First Sergeant "All present or accounted for." This included those absent on detail, fatigue duty, etc., whereas in the Confederate army, the re- port covered only those present with the colors and under arms. As stated. General Sickles, with the Third Corps, was placed on Cemetery Ridge and Little Round Top, and his position constituted the extreme left or south of the Union line. A part of the ridge where he was is not very elevated, and the ground falls off to the 329 THE FIRST MINNESOTA west into a considerable hollow. But 500 yards to the west, across a wheat field, a peach orchard, etc., the ground rises again and forms quite a ridge run- ning north and south, and along the crest of this ridge runs the Emmittsburg road. Now, General Sickles thought that if the Con- federates should come forward and occupy this ridge along the Emmittsburg road, it would be very bad for him. So he concluded to occupy it first. His Corps Avas not put in its first position until about daylight of the 2nd, and at noon he advanced it to the ridge mentioned. The Corps had two divisions, Humphreys' and Birney's, each with three large brigades. Humphreys' Division formed on the Emmittsburg pike and Birney's Division was "refused," or bent backward through a low ground of woods, a wheat- field, and then another piece of woods, towards Little Round Top. The apex of the angle formed by these two Divisions, was Sherry's peach orchard on the Emmittsburg road, and from here Birney's "refused" line began to run back eastward toward Round Top, near which elevation and in front, in a rocky ravine, the left flank rested. The angle, apex, or "salient" at the peach orchard was the key to Sickles' position, and was exposed to an enemy's cross fire and correspondingly weak. General Lee saw the weak salient of Sickles' position and determined to attack it; "for" as he says in his report, "it appeared that if the position held by it could be carried, its possession would give us facilities for assailing and carrying the more elevated ground and crest beyond." It was the only weak point in the Union line, and when it was broken, the Union army — and per- haps the great Union cause — was saved from great 330 THE SECOND DAY'S BATTLE disaster only by some of the bravest and best fight- ing ever done on a battle field. To the averting of this disaster the First Minnesota contributed its full share. Neither General Meade nor any other of the Corps generals knew of the bad break in the line until 4 o'clock in the afternoon, when Meade came upon the ground. It was then too late to order Sickles back, for the Confederates had begun the attack; all that could be done was to support and re- enforce him. It is foreign to the purpose of this work to undertake a statement of the controversy between Sickles and Meade and their respective friends over the question of the propriety of this forward movement by General Sickles. They are both remembered as men of undoubtedly loyalty and posterity has no criticisms for either. It was nearly 4 o'clock in the afternoon of July 2nd (Thursday) when General Lee had completed his dispositions for a formidable attack upon the Union line on Cemetery Ridge. By 7 o'clock of the even- ing of July 1st, it was evident that the Confederates would be the aggressors the next day. Early in the morning it was apparent that Lee meant to use Swell's Corps in the capture of Gulp's Hill at the north end of the Union line. To defend those positions, there were the Eleventh and First Corps, both somewhat weakened by the previous day's fighting. Lee contemplated that Ewell should attack, or at least, demonstrate, against the north end of the Union line, and thus prevent re-enforcements from being sent to the south end, where he proposed to make his main attack. Of course, if Ewell could carry the two hills and then roll back the right of the Second Corps, so much the better. Lee designed 331 THE FIRST MINNESOTA to have Longstreet make his main attack on the Union left wing. General Ewell was not to make his attack until Longstreet, on the Confederate right, or south, should open his attack, but atmospheric conditions were such that Longstreet 's cannon were not heard by Ewell, and so it was nearly 5 o'clock before Ewell's Divisions, Early's and Johnson's, began their assaults. Meanwhile Sedgwick's Sixth Corps arrived, after a long, hard march from IManchester, 35 miles to the southeast, and this arrival was of great help to the Union line. The Fifth Corps (Sykes) had been in reserve on the Union right, but General Meade now took it and placed it on the left, in reserve, to help defend the Round Tops, and Sedgwick's Corps took its place to help defend the big hills. Thus the Union left was re-enforced without weakening the right. Of course all this while, the skirmishers of both sides, infantry, artillery, and cavalry, had been very busy. About 4 o'clock in the afternoon, Longstreet 's two divisions, those of Hood and McLaws, attacked the salient of Sickles' position in Sherfy's peach orchard, and soon met with success. Then the greater part of Hood's Division fell upon the left of Sickles' line, (Birney's Division), that part of his Corps line which stretched back eastward from the Peach Orchard to the Round Tops. Hood's line now faced northeast and began the demolition of Birney's Divi- sion ; but at the same time he was thrusting his extreme right between Sickles' extreme left and Round Top. The situation was of great peril to the Union line — and indeed to the Union cause. The Confederate possession of the Round Tops would have taken 332 THE SECOND DAY'S BATTLE Meade's line in reverse — that is to say, in the rear — and ordinarily this would mean its destruction. Big Round Top had a small Union force upon it, but Little Round Top, about three hundred yards to the north, was unoccupied, save by a few men of the Union Signal Corps and Gen. G. K. "Warren, the army's chief engineer. Had General Hood known the nakedness of this rocky hill at this time and pushed his whole division for it, breaking down the well-nigh shattered brigades of Sickles as he came, he would have almost ended the battle. Swinton says: "He would have grasped in his hand the key of the battle ground, and Gettysburg might have been one of those fields that decide the issues of wars." General AA^arren saved Little Round Top ; what else he saved cannot certainly be said. Seeing that Hood's men were fast advancing, and fearing that they would soon be surrounded, the signal men began to fold up their flags preparatory to leaving. But General Warren bade them continue the waving of the signals, as if the summit were occupied, while he sent his aide. Lieutenant McKenzie, to the Fifth Corps for help. That officer met the Corps not very far away, and obtained Vincent's Brigade and Hazlett's Battery and conducted them to Little Round Top. He reached the little mount just in time. As Vincent's men ascended to its summit. Hood's Texans were coming against its rugged side on the west. Hazlett's Battery, guns, caissons and all, had to be dragged by hand to the crest ; the horses left in the rear. Later O'Rorke's One Hundred and Fortieth New York arrived to re-enforce the Union troops, and finally all of AVeed's Brigade. Then issued a most terrible and savage fight between Robertson's THE FIRST MINNESOTA Brigade of three Texas and one Arkansas regiments and Law's five Alabama regiments that fought against Vincent's four (Sixteenth Michigan, Forty- fourth New York, Eighty-third Pennsylvania, and Twentieth Maine), though after a time Vincent's Brigade and the One Hundred and Fortieth New York of Weed's Brigade. The Confederates were re- enforced on their left or north by "Tige" Ander- son's and Benning's Brigades. In the end the main forces of the Confederates were driven back to the Emmittsburg road, where they remained, still keeping up a skirmish line until the evening of the 3d. General Weed, Colonel Vin- cent, Captain Hazlett, and Colonel O'Rorke were all killed; but Little Round Top was safe in Union hands. Losses on both sides were very heavy. Gen- eral Hood had his right arm shot off, and a number of officers were killed. When Hood's Division broke in the "salient" at Sherfy's Peach Orchard and pushed on for Little Round Top, a part of the division, aided by McLaws' Division, fell upon Humphreys' Division. Really this attack was made against the center and left (or south) of the Third Corps as well as upon the left of Humphreys' Division. Longstreet had extended his line too far to the south to cover the entire north front of Sickles' Corps and his extreme right lapped over Birney's extreme left and enabled the Confederates to hold the base of Big Round Top. Connecting with the left of Longstreet 's line, and prolonging it to the north, was A. P. Hill's Corps, and Humphreys had a part of this Corps in his front. When Hood and McLaws were crushing Ward's and De Trobriand's brigades of Birney's Division, Barnes' Division of Sykes' Fifth Corps came to their assistance, as did Burling 's Brigade, sent by General 334 / THE SECOND DAY'S BATTLE Humphreys. All were defeated and driven by the Confederates. Burling 's regiments were distributed among the other brigades. And now the heaviest attack was made upon the Sherfy Peach Orchard, and upon Abraham Trostle's premises, just east of it. Here were Graham's Bri- gade of Birney and a portion of Humphreys' Divi- sion. They were assailed by Kershaw's and Semmes' brigades of McLaws and two brigades (Perry's and Wright's) of Anderson's Division of Hill's Corps. The Union troops fought well, but they did not have an equal chance, and were driven back. The entire salient was now smashed in and the confederates I held and maintained the key point. The original front of Birney 's Division had dis- appeared. The Confederates burst through the center of the Third Corps and fairly rioted in assailing the disrupted wings of Sickles' Division. The brigades of Tilton and Sweitzer of Barnes (Fifth Corps), which had been sent to help Birney, were driven back. Then General Hancock sent in General Caldwell's First Division (formerly Hancock's own) of the Second Corps to check the Confederates. It had four fine brigades, Colonel Cross', Colonel Kelly's, General Zook's and Colonel Brooke's. The division met the fate of its comrades. Colonel Brooke drove Kershaw's Brigade away from the base of the Round Tops and along Plum Run, which was a rocky stream, but he could not keep them away. General Ayres, with two brigades of regulars (of Sykes' Fifth Corps), was sent to check Hood's men who were occupying the ground originally held by the left of Birney, not far east of the Emmittsburg road. But now Hood's and Anderson's Brigades — "Wil- cox's of Anderson having come up — had penetrated the wide interval made by the bursting open of o o cr o o THE FIRST MINNESOTA Sickles' center at the Peach Orchard, thus dividing the Union forces, and had them at their mercy. They enveloped Caldwell's right and penetrated almost to his rear, and this soon forced him back after the awful sacrifice of one-half his division. General Zook / and the intrepid Colonel Cross, of the Fifth New / Hampshire, were killed and Colonel Brooke seriously wounded. Then Hood's men threw back Sweitzer's Brigade; and Ayres' two brigades of regulars, being struck on their right and rear, had to fight very hard to cut their way through the enemy to safety. Graham's Brigade had been holding the Peach Orchard, but, as has been said, at the Confederate on- set the orchard was captured and its defenders driv- en back. General Graham was seriously wounded simultaneously by a bullet and a picee of shell and fell into Confederate hands. Almost at the same time, or about 6 o'clock. General Sickles, while try- ing to encourage his shaken men, received a severe wound in his right leg and left the battlefield on a litter, and the command of the Third Corps now fell to General Birney. Before he was attacked General Humphreys had called for re-enforcements and to support his flank General Hancock had sent from his Second Corps two regiments from Harrow's Brigade, the Fifteenth Massachusetts, under Colonel Ward, and the Eighty- second New York, under Colonel Huston. These regi- ments fought well, as they always did, but were pushed back with the regiments of Humphreys, though the Eighty-second rallied, came back and did most gallant work. Both colonels were mortally wounded, dying the next day. To cover a gap on the left of Humphreys' line, Hancock sent TVillard's New York Brigade, of Hays' Third Division. Later he sent two regiments of Hall's Brigade, the Nine- 336 THE SECOND DAY'S BATTLE teentli Massachusetts under Colonel Devereux and the Forty-second New York (Tammany) under Colonel Mallon. They hardly reached the field when they met Humphreys' men running in disorder to the rear. They formed a line and fought for ten minutes against overwhelming odds and then retired. The Confederate advance in front of the Second Corps line continued. The Third Corps, since the wounding of Sickles, had been added to Hancock's command and General Gibbon now directly com- manded the Second Corps. General Harrow com- manded the division and Colonel Heath, of the Nine- teenth Maine, was temporarily in command of the old Gorman Brigade. The Confederates followed those they had driven from the field and soon began to beat against the walls of the main Union positions on Cemetery Kidge. In front of Gibbon's (or Harrow's) Division the at- tack was menacing. Hall and AVebb and Willard straightened up their brigade lines, determined that the big ridge should fly as soon as they. Barksdale's IMississippi brigade confronted Hall's and a part of "Willard 's. Semmes' stood face to face with Webb's. There was great fighting. The Confederates seemed determined to take the ridge. In waves of brigades, en echelon, they dashed up against the Union rocks and broke into sprays of disorganized squads. General Barksdale led his brigade square against Wil- lard 's and Hall's and when within 20 yards of the line of the Seventh ]\Iichigan was shot from his sad- dle and mortally wounded, dying on the third day. (See Colonel Hall's report.) His body was picked up, and near it tAvo Confederate flags, and event- ually was taken charge of by a former acquaintance, Col. C. E. Livingston, of General Doubleday's staff. "His dying speech and last messages for his family, 337 THE FIRST MINNESOTA together with the valuables about his person, were entrusted by him to Colonel Livingston." (Double- clay's report.) Colonel Willard bravely charged the enemy as they came towards him, but he too was killed and the brigade checked. General Hancock now rode along the line straightening it up and putting it in order. At one point (which, as near as can be now determined, was to the north of Willard 's position, and the south of a part of Humphreys' disordered line) he saw an unprotected interval towards which the Confederates of Wilcox's Brigade were advanc- ing, with Barksdale's Brigade on their south. The First Minnesota chanced to be near on the hillside, and, throwing it into the breach, the regiment made its celebrated charge by which the Confederate onset was checked, although at frightful loss to the little regiment. (See subsequent pages.) Other troops and batteries were rapidly brought up and the battle for that day victoriously closed. In this final struggle Colonel McGilvery of the First Maine Light Artillery, massed thirty pieces on the crest of the ridge and administered the final blow to the Confederate hopes for that day. In the meantime Ewell had succeeded in obtaining a lodgment on the extreme right of the Union line, which had been weakened by withdrawing troops to assist the Union left wnng. This advance the Confederates maintained until about noon the next day, when the Union troops re- took the position and restored their line. But no substantial Confederate success had "been gained when the sun Avent down. Longstreet had failed to capture the Round Tops or to turn the south end of the Union line. Longstreet and A. P. Hill had failed to break the Union center or to gain 338 THE SECOND DAY'S BATTLE the crest of Cemetery Ridge in that quarter. The only part of the Union line in real jeopardy was that part held by Stuart's Confederates at Culp's Hill. But General Lee had the supremest confidence that ^ next day he would win a great victory. He felt sure that he would carry Culp's Hill the next morning, assault and capture Cemetery Ridge during the fore- noon, and ruin Meade's army by nightfall. However, that night Meade and his generals met in council and voted unanimously to await an attack. The old First Brigade, to which the First Minne- sota belonged, while nominally under command of General Harrow, had for some days, during the General's illness been commanded by Colonel "Ward of the Fifteenth Massachusetts. But this morning, just as the brigade got into position on Cemetery Ridge, General Harrow resumed command and Colonel AYard went back to his regiment. The Gen- eral was not a well man by any means, but he said he would not "play sick" in a fight. Colonel Ward went into the hottest of the fight later in the day and fell mortally wounded on the battlefield, while trying to help Sickles' men down by the Cordori house. Harrow's Brigade was pulled to pieces that day in efforts to relieve different commands and portions of the Union line. In the afternoon Captain Berger's (formerly Russell's) Second Minnesota Sharpshooters (attached to the First Minnesota and often called Company L) was sent up to the north, near the cemetery, to support the old Ricketts-Kirby battery, now commanded by Lieut. Geo. A. Woodruff, who lost his noble life the third day of the battle. Later Company F, the Red Wing Company, under Capt. John Ball, was sent as a skirmishing force down in the vicinity of the Round Tops. Company C, under 339 THE FIRST MINNESOTA Capt. Wilson B. Farrell, was serving as Division pro- vost guard, and so the regiment had three companies less than its ordinary strength and only eight com- panies in line of the regular organization. The Brigade lay in reserve just over the east side of the ridge for several hours, being under an almost constant artillerj^ fire. The shells of the enemy killed one man of the First Minnesota and severely wounded Sergt. 0. M. Knight, Co. I, the Wabasha company. About 4 o'clock in the afternoon General Hancock pulled out the Fifteenth Massachusetts and Eighty-second New York and sent them westward to the right or north of Humphreys' Division, front- ing the Emmittsburg pike. In the aggregate the two regiments had about 700 men. They formed a line, with the Eighty-second on the left, near the Cordori house, and the Fifteenth on the north or right of the Eightj'-second. Then Hancock drew out the Nineteenth IMaine and sent it to the left front in the bottom to support Lieut. Fred Bunn's battery, B, First Ehode Island. The First IMinnesota was all that was left in line of the First Brigade, and at 5 p. m. it was sent to the center of the line (from north to south) to support Lieut. Evan Thomas' Battery, C, Fourth U. S. Early in the morning, just after the First Min- nesota reached the battlefield, Colonel Colville was .released from arrest and resumed command of the regiment, relieving Lieut. Col. Ad^ms.* In the support of Thomas' battery the regiment was on the high ground of Cemetery Ridge, a short distance to the left or south of Gibbon's Division line of battle. The other regiments of the brigade fought in their respective positions. In the advance of the Confederates on the Third Corps, portions of the *See the circumstances of Col. Colvill's arrest infra. 340 THE SECOND DAY'S BATTLE brigades of Wright and Perry attacked the right of Humphreys' Division and fell upon the Fifteenth Massachusetts and Eighty-second New York. As has been said, these regiments were to the north and west of the First Minnesota, with the left or south of the Fifteenth connecting with the Cordori house, on the Emmittsburg road. The two regiments fought well, as usual, but the superior force against them and the fact that the right of the Eighty-second was ''in the air," making a turning movement easy, caused them to be driven back with heavy loss. The Fifteenth was not able to return to the fight, but the Eighty-second was. At the first line, half way up the ridge, it reformed under fire, charged down upon Wright's brigade. It captured the colors of the Forty-eighth Georgia. Wright's Georgia bri- gade fought against three regiments of the old Gor- man Brigade, the Fifteenth, the Eighty-second and the Nineteenth Maine. General Wright says in his report that in his fighting that evening he lost 688- men. In this day's fight the Eighty-second New York, lost 153 officers and men. The Nineteenth Maine, Col. Francis E. Heath, went down to the left to support Brown's Rhode Island battery, which belonged to Hays' Division. At a little past 6 that evening the Twenty-second Georgia attacked Colonel Heath. After firing ten rounds on the defense, the regiment charged and drove back the Georgians. 341 CHAPTER XLII. THE "CHARGE" THAT MADE MINNESOTA FAMOUS. IT is now due to mention and imperfectly describe the memorable charge of the First Minnesota at Gettysburg, which made the regiment renowned and rendered the Union soldiery of the state famous. At the dedication of the monument at Gettysburg on July 2nd, 1897, to commemorate the services of this regiment, on this 2nd day of July, 1863, Lieut. "Wm. Lochren delivered an address, which being mainly historical, and a duplicate of matter included in this history, is not given in full, but we quote from that address the account given of the services rendered by the regiment on the second day of the battle. Lieutenant Lochren says : "On July 1st, 1863, our army was seek- ing that of Lee, which had penetrated the beautiful and fertile region of this great state, levying contributions and threatening the capital of the nation and the commercial cities of the north. Our corps lay near Uniontown, Md., about fifteen miles south of this place when about noon the distant sound of artillery announced the beginning of the conflict, and under the leadership of Hancock we were quickly marching where that sound called us. Hancock, under orders, left us on the way and hurried to the battle. We bivouacked long after nightfall about three miles south of this place, and about sunrise the next morning, were in our assigned place, at the left of the cemetery, our regi- ment being placed in reserve. "Company L, was detached to support Kirby's battery in front of the Cemetery. Company F was sent on skirmish duty in 342 POSITIONS OF FEDERAL AND CONFEDERATE FORCES, JULY 2, AT DUSK ^ 15 •J / ''CHARGE" THAT MADE MINNESOTA FAMOUS front or to the left of Sickles. Company C was at headquarters as Provost guard of the Division. About noon Sickles' third corps, which had occupied this part of the ridge, advanced across the swale to near the Emmittsburg road on yonder ridge, and our remaining eight companies consisting of two hundred and sixty-two men were sent to ■, this spot to support Battery C of the Fourth U. S. Artillery. ''The other troops were then near us, and we stood by this battery in full view of Sickles' battle on the opposite ridge, and watched with eager anxiety the varying for- tunes of that sanguinary conflict, until at length with gravest apprehension we saw Sickles' men give way before the heavier forces of Longstreet and Hill, and come back slowly at first and rallying at frequent inter- vals, but at length broken and in utter dis- order, rushing down the slope by the Trostle house, across the low ground, up the slope on our side, and past our position to the rear, followed by a strong force — two Con- federate brigades — in regular lines, moving steadily in the flush of victory and firing on the fugitives. They had reached the low ground, where there were then no trees, and but very low brush, which did not inter- rupt the view nor impede their advance, and in a few moments would be at our position, piercing our line which they could roll up as Jackson did that of the Eleventh Corps at Chancellorsville. "There was no organized force here to oppose them ; nothing but our handful of two hundred and sixty-two men. Most soldiers in the face of the near advance of such an over-powering force, which had just taken part in the defeat of an army corps, would have caught the panic and joined the re- treating masses. But the First Minnesota had never yet deserted any post; had never 343 THE FIRST MINNESOTA retired without orders, and desperate as the situation seemed, and it was, the regi- ment stood firm against whatever might come. "Just then Hancock with a single aide rode up at full speed, and for a moment vainly endeavored to rally Sickles' retreat- ing forces. Reserves had been sent for, but were too far away to reach this critical position before it would be occupied by the enemy, unless that enemy were stopped. "Quickly leaving the fugitives, Hancock spurred to wiiere we stood, calling out, "What regiment is this?" "First Minne- sota," replied Colvill. "Charge those lines," commanded Hancock. Every man realized in an instant what that order meant. Death or wounds to us all — the sac- rifice of the regiment to gain a few minutes' time and save the position and probably the battlefield, and every man saw and ac- cepted the necessity for that sacrifice, and responding to Colvill's rapid orders the regi- ment in perfect line, with arms at right shoulder shift was in a moment down that slope directly upon the enemy's center. "There was no hesitation, no stopping to fire, though the men fell fast at every stride before the concentrated fire of the whole Confederate force directed upon us as soon as the movement was observed. Sil- ently, without orders and almost from the start double quick had changed to utmost speed for in utmost speed lay the only hope that any of us would pass through that hurricane of lead and strike the enemy. "Charge:" shouted Colvill, as we neared their first line, and with leveled bayonets at full speed rushed upon it, fortunately as it was slightly disordered in crossing a dry brook at the foot of the slope. "No soldiers will stand against leveled bayonets coming with such momentum and 344 ''CHARGE" THAT MADE MINNESOTA FAMOUS evident desperation. The first line broke as we reached it and rushed back through the second line, stopping the whole advance. "We then poured in our first fire, and availing ourselves of such slight shelter as the banks of the dry brook offered, held the entire force at bay for a considerable time and until our reserves appeared on the ridge. Had the enemy rallied quickly to a counter charge, its great numbers would have crushed us in an instant, and we would have made but a slight pause in its advance. But the fero- city of our onset seemed to paralyze them for the time, and although they poured up- on us a terrible and continuous fire from the front and enveloping flanks, they kept away from our bayonets until before the added fire of our fresh reserves they began to retire, and we were ordered back. "What Hancock had given us to do was done thoroughly. The regiment had stopped the enemy; held back its mighty force and saved the position. But at what sacrifice. ( Nearly every officer lay dead or wounded upon the ground; our gallant Colonel and every field officer among them. Of the two hundred and sixty-two men who made the charge, two hundred and fifteen lay upon the field. Forty-seven men were still in line and not a man was missing." Among the casualties of this day were Capt. Louis MuUer, late of Co. B., then commanding Co. E., who was killed; Capt. Joseph Perrian, of Co. K, and Lieut. David B. Demerest were mortally wounded, and Col. Wm. Colvill, Lieut. Col. Charles P. Adams, Major Mark Downie, Adjt. Pell, Capt. Davis, and Capt. Thomas Sinclair, were wounded and well nigh 150 of their comrades were killed or seriously wounded. The greatest fatality to the officers resulted from an oblique fire from the enemy, on both flanks 345 THE FIRST MINNESOTA as they gradually worked past the position of the regiment. At last, after perhaps fifteen minutes of this terrible ordeal it became apparent that the reg- iment could no longer maintain its position, and Colonel Colvill ordered the remnant of his command to the rear, but owing to his wounded foot, was un- able to accompany them, and Captain Messick took command as the senior officer and moved the regi- ment back to its former position. Forty-seven men were found to be in line. After Adjutant Pell was wounded, Lieutenant Lochren acted as Adjutant of the regiment, and he gives the strength of the eight companies making the charge at 262 officers and men. This shows a loss of 82 per cent, which is believed to be the highest ratio of loss of any single com- mand in any one battle of the war. By reason of its seniority, the position of the regiment in the brigade line was on the right, and in line of battle it was on the extreme right flank. And so at Fair Oaks, Antietam, and Fredericksburg, its three greatest battles before Gettysburg, it was out on the flank and had mostly an oblique fire on the enemy, while it was not within its main line of fire; therefore the losses were comparatively light. But in the charge at Gettysburg there was prominence of position and losses enough to satisfy the most exacting. After nightfall very many of the men temporarily joined the ambulance corps to assist their wounded comrades. A beautiful full moon shone over the battlefield in the earliest part of the night, and it was comparatively easy to find the stricken heroes; the wounded were all found and gathered up but six and sent to the Leitner house and orchard and the other field hospitals east of Cemetery Ridge. The six men were reported by Captain Coates as missing, 346 "CHARGE" THAT MADE MINNESOTA FAMOUS but they were finally found where they had crawled into thickets and other retreats and become un- conscious or fallen asleep. Then their records were changed from ''missing" to "wounded." Nearly ev- ery dead man was left on the field where he fell until July 4; a few were buried by company com- rades before morning "Neath the struggling moonbeams' misty light." And near where they fell, in the beautiful Nation- al cemetery, are still the last bivouacks of those of the First Minnesota, who, when the roll of the regiment was called on the morning of July 3, were recorded as "Dead on the Field of Honor." During the night orders were sent out by Captain Messick, under instructions from the brigade com- mander, calling back to the regiment all outserving detachments, except the company of sharpshooters. Those on extra duty were called in and furnished with muskets and cartridge boxes. Early the next morning Captain Ball brought Company F, the Red , Wing company, back from down Little Round Top way, where it had been on skirmish line nearly all day of the 2nd and had three men badly wounded. Company C, the St. Paul Company, commanded by Capt. "Wilson B. Farrell, was considered a "crack" company in point of drill, discipline, and general efficiency. For some time it had been on duty at division headquarters as provost guard, and Captain Farrell had been serving as Division Provost Marshal. It was brought back to the firing line the next day. Company L, the sharpshooters, was absent from the ' regiment until after the battle. "This regiment was made a stop gap in a critical hour late Thursday afternoon by Hancock in person, 347 THE FIEST MINNESOTA in the attempt to arrest the charge of the Confeder- ates against the Union line. The command was liter- ally cut to pieces." (Young, "The Battle of Gettys- burg" 393, (1913) (Jesse Bowman Young.) 348 CHAPTER XLIII. COLONEL COLVILL UNDER ARREST. "^ THREE hours out from Monocacy, the First Min- nesota had a disagreeable adventure which the men afterward well remembered. Colonel Colvill was placed under arrest. Corps and division orders were that on the march the men should not break ranks or leave the line for any cause unless specially ordered and staff officers were continually riding back and forward to see that the orders were obeyed. At the time mentioned, the regiment came to a small creek called Linganore, a tributary of the Monocacy. The water was not much more than knee deep, but yet that depth was enough to soak the men's feet, and the hot day would scald and blister them when the march was continued. On one side of the cross- ing was thrown two big logs with a hewn surface, covered with plank, over which the footmen might cross the stream dry shod. This primitive bridge was called a foot-log. At the ford, sitting on his horse, was Colonel Charles H. ]\Iorgau, General Hancock's inspector general, who was watching to see that the men plunged into and waded the Linganore without using the bridge. When the First Minnesota came up, Col- vill at its head, Morgan called out: ''Colonel, keep your files closed up and march through the water; don't let the men straggle." Leaving the ranks some of the men skipped nimbly over the foot-logs, rejoined the ranks on the other side of the stream Avith dry feet and footwear and without delaying the march a second or confusing the line a "bobble." Colonel Morgan was a strict disciplinarian. 349 THE FIRST MINNESOTA Straightway he reported to General Harrow who was in command of the division at the time — and that officer placed Colonel Colvill under arrest. Lochren says that Colonel Morgan was provoked at Colvill for another reason. The Fifteenth Massa- chussets was marching just behind the Minnesotians. Morgan had trouble to make them "bulge" through the stream. Later the brigade halted and while the men were resting on either side of the road the irate staff officer trotted between the lines. The Massa- chussets groaned him somewhat vociferously. He thought the groans came from the First Minnesota, and he galloped forward, indignant and mortified, had Colvill placed in arrest and deprived of com- mand. Lieut. Col. Adams then assumed command of the regiment until the morning of July 2nd, when Colonel Colvill, at his own request, was restored to command of the regiment, and was in command during the battle of the 2nd, when he was wounded. 350 MONUMENT RUKCTED ON GETTYSBURG BATTEE FIELD TO COMMIOMOKATE THE "CHARGE" OF THE REGIMENT ON JULY 2ND, 1863. CHAPTER XLIV. THE THIRD DAY'S BATTLE. SO FAR the battle had been indecisive. The Con- federates had driven Sickles' Corps from its posi- tion at the Peach Orchard, but they had failed in attempting to turn the Union left flank, failed in their attempt to carry the Round Tops, failed to carry and hold any part of Cemetery Ridge proper, the position of the main Union line, and they had lost heavily, including some of their best generals. But General Lee was still confident of victory. He knew that the Union losses had been heavy. Gen- eral Ewell's troops had a good broad lodgment on Gulp's Hill, which was the Union right. General Lee determined to capture the whole of Gulp's Hill, and thus break the Union right and roll back the entire line. Gen. Edward Johnson's Confederate Division was holding the captured portion of the hill, and on the night of the 2nd and early morning of the 3d Lee re-enforced it and demanded that it carry the uncaptured portion of the hill at daylight. But Gen. Harry Slocum, with his two divisions of the Twelfth Corps, was looking after Gulp's Hill for the Union side. He did not sleep a wink that night. He had returned from helping Sickles down on the left and prepared to help General Greene, one of his best brigade commanders, out of his perilous predica- ment. When the mist began to fall, he brought up 14 pieces of cannon and put Geary's Division in shape to assault, with Williams in support, and Shaler's Brigade of Sedgwick afterward came up. At 3 :30 in the murky morning the artillery opened and at 4 Geary charged, and the fighting continued 351 THE FIRST MINNESOTA until 10:30. The result was that the Confederates were driven completely away and every effort made by them to re-oecupy the ground was repulsed with great loss to them. So that at last General Slocum held tight hold of the curve of the fishhook, barb and all. General Lee was greatly disappointed at the re- sult of the fighting at Gulp's Hill. He was confident that the hill would be carried by Ewell's men, and then he would quickly assault the Union center and break through it. Now, his first attempt failing, he at first thought of attacking the Union left (down by the Round Tops) and center, but soon gave over this idea and determined to attack the center— or rather the right center. After about 11 A. M., when the fighting ceased at Gulp's Hill, there was a deep silence on the Gon- federate side. And because it was deep, it was suspicious. The Union generals divined what it meant. Lee was preparing to charge the Union line on Gemetery Ridge, and before he charged he would cannonade heavily, and now he was getting his can- non ready. They thought they knew where that point was, and they prepared to protect it. And so when at noon General Alexander and General Pendle- ton had placed 145 guns in position on Seminary Ridge, a mile away, General Hunt, the Union chief of artillery, had 80 guns ready to answer them, and General Hancock had gathered up a lot of infantry and stationed them, some on either side and some behind the guns, to meet a charge when it should come. At 1 o'clock the ominous silence was broken by a terrible outburst from the Confederate artillery, 180 guns, none less than a 12-pounder, all roaring at once. Imagine 180 peals of thunder from a storm 352 THE THIRD DAY'S BATTLE cloud only a mile away! The line of fire was some- what concentrated, the center of the objective being a point west of General Meade's headquarters (on the Taney town road) a mile south of Gettysburg. The firing was incessant, at least three guns per second, and nothing but shells, ease shot and cannon balls was used. The effect was distressing. The gunners soon got the range and landed their death- dealing missiles fairly among the Union troops. General Hunt's batteries replied immediately. While he had but 80 guns in battery, he had plenty more belonging to the Reserve Artillery, which was just to the rear, or under Cemetery Ridge. In the Cemetery itself, near the north end of the Ridge, he had six batteries; on the Ridge to the south of the Cemetery, he had five of the Second Corps batteries, Woodruff's, Arnold's, Gushing 's. Brown's, and Rorty's. At about 1:30 General Hunt gave the signal and all his 80 guns opened with the explosion of a volcano. Then ensued an artillery combat such as was never before or since seen on the American continent. The solid hills seemed to shake; the air was filled with flashes of lurid and crimson fire and rolling clouds of smoke. The thundering and crash- ing of the engines of battle, and the bursting of the inissiles they hurled were deafening and appalling. During this frightful outburst the infantry of both sides crouched behind such cover as they could find; but every man tightly grasped his musket, for he knew what was coming — a less noisy but more deadly shock of men of his arm of the service. The Confederate knew that he must soon charge and the Union soldier knew that he must soon be charged upon. General Lee determined to make the assault with fresh troops. Pickett's Division of Longstreet had 353 THE FIRST MINNESOTA just reached the battlefield that morning. Heth's old Division (now under General Pettigrew, for Heth was wonnded) and Pender's old Division (now under General Trimble, for Pender was mortally wounded) both of A. P. Hill, had not been much hurt by the fio-hting of the preceding days, and the commander determined to send them with Pickett 's men. Picke .t s Division had three brigades and 5,000 men; each of the other two divisions had four ^^-gf^^^/^^^ ^* least 5,000 men in each division. In ^ Battles and Leaders," page 342, General Longstreet says that at 12 o'clock that day General Lee said to him: -I want vou to take Pickett's Division and make the attack. I will J^-enforce you with two divisions, Heth's and Pender s, of the Third Corps." "That will give me 15,000 men," I replied. Then I continued: -I have been a soldier, I may f y'/^'^^m Jhe ranks up to the position I now hold, i.i^a^e been inVetty much all kinds o skirmishes from those of two or three^ soldiers iip to those of an Army Corps, and I think I can safelv say there never was a body of lo,OUU / men who could make that attack success- ^""-The General seemed a little impatient at mv remarks, so I said nothing more^ As he showed no indication of changing his plan, I went to work at once to arrange the troops for the attack." Subsequently Wilcox's Brigade, the First Minne-] sota's antagonist of the previous day^ ^^^^^f 7!fJ to support and assist in the charge, first as a sup I port to the artillery, and afterward to participate in the assault proper. , . -, . . i.o++ip ni The terrible incident of the third day s battle o Gettvsburg, when the Confederate divisions ol Pickett, Pettigrew and Trimble and the brigade ot 354 THE THIRD DAY'S BATTLE Wileox, assailed tlie Union position on Cemetery Ridge, is commonly known as "Pickett's Charge." The inference wouldT naturally be that the charge was made by Pickett's Division alone. The truth is that the cold facts and unimpassioned records show that only about one-third of the bloody and dis- astrous work was performed by Pickett's Virginians, and only a little more than one-third of the loss was sustained by them. Pettigrew's North Carolinians went farthest and his division sustained within 36 the loss of as many men as Pickett's. The total loss , of Pickett's Division was 2,863, and of the rest of the assaulting force 4,955, viz.: Pettigrew's, 2,827; Trimble's, 1,924, and Wilcox's Brigade, 204. 'The total strength of the three divisions and one brigade in officers and men when they entered on the charge was about 16,500. Wilcox says he took in 1,200 and lost 204. He lost July 2, 573, making his total loss ni the battle 777 or 65 per cent of his force. After nearly two hours of the terrific cannonading, when General Lee thought the Union lines were sufiSeiently shaken and unstable by the severe pound- ing they had received, and when his artillery am- munition had run very low, the Confederate fire slackened until finally it almost ceased. General Hunt found that his ammunition Avas nearly run out, save for what was in the Reserve, and he ordered his batteries to cease firing and some of them to be replaced from that reserve. While this was being done, the Confederates were seen forming for the charge in the edge of the woods on Seminary Ridge. The great Confederate assault has been often described. As has been stated, the attacking force numbered (according to Confederate authorities) more than 16,000 men. The distance charged over was about three-fourths of a mile, from the east side 355 THE FIRST MINNESOTA of Seminary Ridge down to the level ground, across the valley to the foot of Cemetery Ridge, then up the western slope of that ridge to its crest. Inter- vening between the bases of the two ridges were stone walls, farm fences, little pastures, a corn field, a wheat field, and other enclosures, a little swale running down the valley, and some little ravines or ''washes." The charge began about 3 P. M. Pickett's and Pettigrew's Divisions were in the front, with Petti- grew 's to the north or left of Pickett's. Behind them came Pender's Division, now Trimble's. Piekett had two Brigades (Garnett's and Kemper's) for his front line, with Armistead's in their center rear. Pettigrew had his old brigade of North Carolinians (now under Colonel Marshall) and Archer's (now under Colonel Fry) in his front line, with Broecken- brough's Virginia behind Marshall's and Jo Davis' Mississippi behind Fry's Brigade. Trimble's com- mand was only half a division and composed of Lane's and Scales' North Carolina brigades, which stretched across the entire rear of both Pickett and Pettigrew. The columns were well and compactly formed and the entire force was a magnificent battle array. As the line advanced, it directed its center toward a clump of trees on the crest of Cemetery Ridge where Webb's Second and Hall's Third Brigade of Gibbon's Division were posted. Harrow's First Bri- gade, to which the Minnesotians belonged, Avas in line to the south. The whole length of the Union line charged upon was about half a mile. General Gibbon had been commanding the Corps, General Harrow the Division, and Colonel Heath, of the Nineteenth Maine, had temporary command of the Brigade, but at 1 o'clock General Hancock resumed 356 J THE THIRD DAY'S BATTLE command of the Second Corps, General Gibbon came back to the Second Division, and General Harrow to the First Brigade. Later in the day, when Hancock was wounded, the commanders again exchanged. The Confederate charging front covered the line of Gibbon's Second and Hays' Third Divisions of the Second Corps. When the charging Confederates had come within easy reach of case shot, the Union artillery opened on them a terrible volley which cut down the ranks fearfully but did not stop them. The survivors came on all the faster, but now they were obliquing to the left or north in an instinctive effort to avoid the fierce fire of McGilvray 's eight batteries in front and Rottenhouse's guns on Round Top. When the hostile lines were within 400 yards of each other, the infantry of Hays' and Gibbon's Divisions would no longer hold their fire, but de- livered a volley upon the enemy that cut down the front lines as if by the sweep of great sabres; and this volley was repeated again and again. A charge in the face of such deadly volleys is a fire which tries every soldier's work "of what sort it is," and tests him whether he is iron or whether he is clay. The men composing the Confederate charging column that day proved to be iron. When the half mile front of Hays' and Gibbon's Divisions burst into a sheet of fierce flame and the carnage among their assailants was redoubled, the desperate Southerners seemed to receive the new disaster as a signal and every man of them rushed forward. It is probable that Pettigrew's North Carolina brigade first reached the Union position at Hays' Division line, where Hays had but two brigades, 357 THE FIRST MINNESOTA Smith's and AYillard's. Willard had been killed the day before, and Colonel Sherrill was in command that morning, but he, too, was killed a few minutes after Pettigrew's men came up, and Lieutenant Colonel Bull then commanded the brigade during the remainder of the battle. Colonel Smyth was wounded by Pettigrew's men and Colonel Pierce commanded the Second Brigade thereafter. Carroll's, the First Brigade of Hays, was still stationed about Culp's Hill, There were no better troops in the Second Corps than the Smith and Willard Brigades. Petti- grew's men had been told that they would have nothing but green Pennsylvania militia to fight when they reached the crest, but they soon saw Hays' seasoned veterans with their stars and stripes and trefoil badges. In a little Avhile the two gallant brigades had routed Pettigrew's entire division of four brigades and sent it flying back down Cemetery Ridge, and held in their hands 2,000 Confederate prisoners and fifteen Confederate battle flags. Now came Pickett's charging force, to the south of Hays' line and against the clump of trees. This force was a great battle-bolt, all of Virginia iron, which had been tempered in the fires of many battles until it was considered as invincible as a thunder- bolt of Jupiter. It first struck Webb's Brigade of Gibbon, and Gibbon's Division was to be very prominent in this day 's fight ; but it had first aimed at the old Gorman Brigade (now Harrow's) lying to the south of "Webb's men. It had been turned from its course by a flank fire of Stannard's Ver- mont brigade, which had changed front to the right and thus delivered a direct fire on Pickett's right flank. Pickett's men struck AVebb's head-on, and such was the momentum of the Virginians that they 358 THE THIRD DAY'S BATTLE thrust themselves through the Union line. Webb's was the old Burns' Pennsylvania brigade and now had but three regiments, the Sixty-ninth Pennsyl- vania, and the California Regiment (Seventy-first) in the front line and Baxter's Fire Zouaves (Seventy- second) in reserve. Garnett's and Kemper's brigades struck the two Pennsylvania regiments so hard that the Union line was broken ; the two weak regiments were pushed back; Gushing 's battery was taken after Gushing was killed; General Gibbon was down, badly wounded; but Hancock was there, for he was always where he ought to be, and Webb stood by, and the Penn- sylvanians were doing well. At this time the momentum of Pickett's front brigades had about spent itself. Two-thirds of them i Avere killed and wounded ; General Garnett Avas killed, and General Kemper was down. And so Armi- stead's Brigade came forward, and it was General Armistead with his cap on his sword and his men with their wild rebel yells that crossed the Union lines, on "the high tide of the Rebellion" and set up the Confederate flags and the Virginia State banners almost even with the colors planted by Petti- grew and his men. And dreadful and sickening had been the killing. "A thousand fell with Garnett, dead; A thousand fell where Kemper bled ; Through blinding flame and strangling smoke, The remnants thro' the batteries broke, And crossed the works with Armistead." But just as they reached the goal for which they I had striven so hard, General Armistead and scores of his men fell dead and mortally wounded and hun- dreds of their comrades were grievously wounded and became prisoners. 359 THE FIRST MINNESOTA General Pickett now threw in Trimble's (Pen- der's) Division of North Carolinians and a portion of Joe Davis' and Brockenbrough's Brigades that had not been engaged. He thought to hold the ground that Armistead had gained. Hancock sent Harrow's Brigade, which was to the south, and Hall's Brigade, which was to the north, to help Webb's three Penn- sylvania regiments against half a dozen Confederate brigades. Then there ensued some of the bravest and hardest fighting ever done by soldiers. It was any sort of fighting that would kill or disable an enemy. The American soldier always fights well, but never so well as when he meets his equal, a foeman worthy of his steel and proper for his prowess, and that was the situation that day on Gettysburg Heights. Even the officers fought. Every field officer in Pickett's Division had fallen except Maj. C. S. Peyton, Fif- teenth Virginia. The losses among the Confederates were very heavy, but they were not all on that side. While so many of them were going down, the Union ranks were bleeding. General Hancock was wounded, and at the close of the fighting turned over the com- mand of the Second Corps to General Hayes. Gen- eral Gibbon and General Webb were wounded. Of the five commanders of the Second Corps batteries, Woodruff, Gushing, and Rorty were killed, Brown was wounded, and Arnold alone was unhit. But in a little time the fighting was nearly over. Gibbon's and Hays' Divisions, re-enforced by fresh batteries and other troops, fell upon the Confederates so fiercely that a majority of those not killed or wounded surrendered. Those who escaped death, dis- ability or capture, fled wildly down the hill in an effort to regain their former position on Seminary Ridge. 360 THE THIRD DAY'S BATTLE They were not permitted to retreat undisturbed. They were fired at by Hays' and Gibbon's men as long as they were in gunshot, and the Second Corps bat- teries, now re-enforced by Weir's, Wheeler's, and Kinzie's, rained case-shot and canister among their shattered and scattered ranks. Of the 15,000 that left / Seminary Ridge on the charge, hardly 5,000 returned./ The two divisions of the Second Corps had some- thing to show for their hard fighting and their vic- tory. By actual count they took 33 flags (of which Gibbon's Division got 16) and 3,876 unwounded prisoners. But they had won something better, greater, nobler — imperishable renown in stemming the "high tide of the rebellion." Under cover of night General Lee's army took a defensive line on Seminary Ridge, with its right or south flank retired westward behind Willoughby Run, a mile west of the Ridge. This bending back of Longstreet's Corps was to better defend the Con- federate right flank in case of attack, and also to protect Lee's trains, Avhich during the night were pushed back of the protecting brigades. General Meade and most of his generals thought it best to let well enough alone, although General Hancock and General Butterfield advised an immedi- ate assault on Lee's lines after Pickett's repulse. Some military writers have criticised General Meade for not pressing Lee on the heels of his de- feat on this afternoon, but IMeade was to some ex- tent, yet unfamiliar with his own strength, as well as the strength of the enemy, and he realized that if he should assume the aggressive there and lose the benefit of the victor}^ already gained, it might prove fatal to the Union cause. In weighing the importance of this victory of the Union arms, it must be remembered that on this 361 THE FIRST MINNESOTA field the strength of the tAVO armies was about equal. The time had not come, when, as under General Grant in his Eastern campaign against Lee, the strength of the Union army had increased and that of the Confederate army had decreased to such an extent that the Union commander had at command a marked superiority in men and material. For the first time in its history the Union army was commanded by an officer who did not hesitate to use his reserves, and this may be said to have been the first field when both contending forces em- ployed their full strength. According to Colonel Livermore's recently pub- lished "Numbers and Losses in the Civil War." a work very carefully prepared and which has been accepted as authoritative and Avell nigh conclusive by both sides, the respective losses were : Union — Killed, 3,155; wounded, 14,529; captured, 5,365; total, 23,049. Confederate— Killed, 3,903; wounded, 18,735; captured, 5,425; total, 26,703. On the retreat of the Confederates to the Potomac they had 316 killed and wounded and 1,360 cap- tured; Union loss, 462 killed and wounded and 516 captured. These figures are not included here in the Gettj'sburg casualties, although they sometimes are by other writers. The Union array had Maj. Gen. John F. Reynolds, Brigadier Generals Elon J. Farnsworth, Stephen H. AVeed, and Samuel K. Zook killed and Brigadier General Strong Vincent mortally wounded. The Con- federates had killed or mortally wounded Maj. Gen. Wm. D. Pender, Brig. Generals Lewis A. Armistead, R. B.. Garnett, "Wm. Barksdale, and Paul J. Semmes. Each side had a proportionate number killed of colonels commanding brigades, lieutenant colonels and majors commanding regiments, etc. 3'62 POSITIONS OF FEDERAL AND CONFEDERATE FORCES, JULY T,, ABOUT 4.3O P.M. (At the climax of the final charge) CHAPTER XLV. THE FIRST MINNESOTA ON THE THIRD DAY. FROM under their bloody encounter with the Ala- bama brigade on July 2nd the remnants of the First Minnesota came out in fine form and fettle. Captain Messick soon had the men in a line which he called a regiment, but as a regiment it was a most melancholy sight. The monthly report of the regiment for the month of May, still on file in the State Adjutant General's office, shows that on May 31st the Regiment had "present for duty" 24 officers and 318 men in the regular organizations; Captain Berger's company of sharpshooters had 3 officers and 28 men; total in the regiment and sharpshooters, 373. . The report for June, when the regiment mustered for pay near Uniontown, showed that, excluding the sharpshooters, the regiment had "present for duty" the day before the battle began, 27 officers and 358 men, a total of 385. And yet in his report of the battle Captain Coates says the regiment had "less than 330 men and officers engaged." At the end of July there were present for duty 14 officers and 130 men, total 144 in the regiment proper. Captain Coates says there were 232 officers and men killed and Avounded in the two days of battle and this number deducted from 385, the strength June 30, leaves 153, with but nine men unaccounted for; deducting the loss stated in the nominal list in the Adjutant General's office (237) leaves 148, or only four unaccounted for. Early on the morning of Friday, July 3rd, Captain ]\ressick mustered his little band, on what is now "Hancock Avenue," about 400 feet to the left of 363 THE FIRST MINNESOTA ''high water mark" on Cemetery Ridge, ready for the work of the day. Company F, the Red Wing Company, returned from skirmishing down towards Round Top and some special duty men were called in and given muskets to handle ; but with all these, the once form- idable First Minnesota now had but about 140 of- ficers and men. Company C, Captain Farrell's St. Paul company, did not come from division head- quarters until Pickett's advance was within 400 yards of our position, and after the regiment had moved from its position to the right. Soon after sunrise the little battalion called by courtesy the First IMinnesota, was moved up to its place in Harrow's Brigade line. In appearance it resembled one of the many skeleton Confederate regiments after the battle of Antietam. Gibbon's Division was formed to the south of Hays' along the ridge, with Webb's Brigade next to Hays,' Hall's next to Webb's and Harrow's next to Hall's. In Harrow's Brigade the Nineteenth Maine was first, then in order to the left, the First Minnesota, the Fifteenth Massachusetts, and the Eighty-second New York. The regiment's position was on the crest of the ridge — the line running north and south — a little south of the clump of trees, the "high water mark" where the proud waves of the rebellion were stayed. Upon their arrival the men set to work to erect a little line of miniature breastworks behind which they might find some shelter from the storm which they knew would soon burst upon them. They had no regular intrenching tools, and made a slight barri- cade of loose stones and fence rails picked up nearby, and used tin plates as shovels in scooping up sand. The fire of Stannard's brigade, as previously stated, caused the Confederate force to give way or 364 THE FIRST MINNESOTA ON THE THIRD DAY oblique to the north, so that instead of striking Harrow's Brigade as they set out to do, they fell against Webb's. Two regiments of Stannard, the Fourteenth and Sixteenth, drove back Wilcox's Bri- gade when it came up later. General Hancock was wounded while instructing Colonel Randall about fighting his regiment. In his report Colonel Randall says : "General Hancock was wounded while sitting on his horse giving nie some direc- tions. I was standing near him and as- sisted him from his horse. General Stannard was also wounded soon after and compelled reluctantly to leave the field, since which time I have been in command of the bri- gade." In ]\Irs. Hancock's "Reminiscences" it is stated by Gen. C. H. Morgan, that General Hancock was wounded by "a wrought-iron ten-penny nail bent double, which entered the leg near the groin. The surgeons extracted several pieces of wood splinters from the saddle which had been driven into the wound. During the forenoon while the regiment lay be- hind the molehill line which passed for a barricade, there was skirmishing on the hillside to the front. Some scattered farm buildings, deserted by the own- ers, had been occupied by the Confederate skirmish- ers that w^ere making it unpleasant for some of Hays' division. A charge upon the buildings by the Union skirmishers drove the Confederates away; the buildings were then burned, and the trouble they caused was not repeated. During the racket this incident created, most of the ]\Iinnesotians lay behind their frail little wall. When the tremendous cannonading began at 1 365 THE FIRST MINNESOTA o'clock, the men thought they heard such cannonad- ing at Antietam and Fredericksburg as they would never hear again, but that noise would have been smothered by the volume of sound created by Hunt's and Alexander's cannons at Gettysburg. It seemed that nothing four feet from the ground could live in the pathway of the rushing battle-bolts, the scream- ing shells, the hustling shot, the whirring grape. And yet the Lord of Battles put up His shield in front of many a man on the Union line and turned the deadly missiles aside. The men Avere somewhat dis- couraged when it was plain that the Confederate firing was the heavier, and when a Union caisson full of ammunition was struck and exploded with a frightful shock. But occasionally they heard to the v\'est a great explosion and saw a big bunch of smoke arise, and then they knew that caissons were being blown up on both sides. After an hour or so the Union cannons stopped firing, while the Confederate batteries still flamed and roared. At last the Confederate batteries were silent, and then over to the west, on Seminary Ridge, regiments and brigades were seen aligning, gun barrels and bayonets gleaming, and red flags em- blazoned with blue crosses waving over them, as Pickett's and Pettigrew's divisions with their sup- ports formed for the charge. Then the grey columns moved and soon de- bouched from the woods, three-fourths of a mile away, into the Valley of Death. The force had near- ly half a mile of front and it Avas in fine order, not- Avithstanding it had to leap across ditches and climb OA'er stone fences and pass rough ground. It certainly seemed very determined and A^ery formidable. As the Confederate column adA'anced it came un- der the terrible fire of the Union batteries on the 366 THE FIRST .MINNESOTA ON THE THIRD DAY crest,* which had been cooling their guns and saving their ammunition for just such an emergency. They rained case shot, shells and canister upon their as- sailants in a fiery shovrer that opened great gaps in their columns as if lava and thunderbolts were being hurled upon them. A few Confederate batteries hav- ing rifled guns and expert gunners kept up a fire on the Union position until the Confederates came close to it. The gunners had the range well and burst tlieir shells squarely over the Union barricades. Hays' Division (Smyth's and Willard's Brigades) took care of Pettigrew's force, nothwithstanding it crossed the Union wall and that the North Caro- linians came ''farthest north."** To repel the charge General Webb had placed the "California regiment" and three guns of Cushing's Battery at the stone Avail, to the right or north of the Sixty-ninth, which was an Irish regiment, (Colonel Dennis O'Kane) and which lay behind an improvised fence like that built by the First Minnesota. The Fire Zouaves were held in reserve just over the crest of the hill. Pickett's Division of Virginians now came up and drove against the wall behind which was the "Cali- fornia Regiment" and Cushing's three guns. General Armistead's Brigade now had the advance and Armi- stead led it.*** The other brigade commanders were *Tlie batteries of Gibbon's Division did the greater part of this firing. They were Woodruff's (formerly Kirby's) in Ziegler's Grove, at the north of the Corps line; Arnold's with Smyth's Brigade of Hays; Cushing's, with Webb's Brigade; Brown's with Hall's Brigade, and Rorty's (N. Y.) with Harrow's Brigade. At 2 p.m. Cowan's New York replaced Brown's. **0n the monument at Raleigh to the Confederate North Carolina troops is this inscription: "First at Big Bethel, farthest at Gettysburg, last at Appomattox." ***As a captain in the Tenth U. S. Infantry before ithe 367 THE FIEST MINNESOTA stretched on the hillside. Armistead had only about 500 men with him when he came up to the wall. He put his cap on his sword and held it up high as a sort of gonfalon for his men to follow. Every man in the little battalion followed the colors and upon the enemy. O'Brien was soon pros- trated with a grievous wound and Corporal W. N. Irvine, of the Minneapolis company, snatched the Hag from his hands and bore it until victory came. This was the same gallant Corporal Irvine that had the perilous adventure at Fredericksburg. Of course the Virginians fought bravely and des- perately but without avail. Here the tide turned, definitely for the Union cause. Gibbon's and Hays' divisions captured 33 flags and with them 3,186 pris- oners. Harrow's Brigade got four flags. Marshall Sherman, a St. Paul man, (Company C) took from its bearer the flag of the Twenty-eighth Virginia, of Garnett's Brigade of Pickett. General Garnett, com- manding the brigade, and Col. R. C. Allen, command- ing the regiment, were both killed. The flag is now in the Minnesota State Capitol building. In a few seconds General Armistead had been mortally wounded and 42 of his 150 followers lay dead within the Union lines. Nearly all of the re- mainder of the 150 were wounded or prisoners. The Union loss was not so large, but it was large enough, This state of affairs could not last long. The work of death could not go on much longer, for the supply of material to work upon was fast being exhausted. The Confederates that had not cared to cross the war, Armistead served for some years in the Northwest. He was a member of the garrison of Fort Ridgely for abdult two years, and for a time was stationed at Fort Snelling. It is said that he had no real sympathy with the Southern rebellion, but fought because of regard for his family and his State, Virginia. 368 THE FIRST MINNESOTA walls but stood on the outside, soon stopped shoot- ing. Many lay down dead or wounded and many othere prostrated themselves and feigned death be- cause they wanted to be taken prisoners. The remainder of the assaulting force — probably one-third of that which started from Seminary Ridge — retreated hurriedly, and in great heart-sickness and distress, down the slope, across the valley, and back to Seminary Ridge. But one-third of this one- third never reached safety. Stormed at with shot and shell and musketry as they ran, hundreds of them were prostrated in death or by wounds; others, over- come by fear and horror, dropped in sheltered places and were as easily gathered up as if they had been children. Nearing their former positions they came upon General Lee, sitting on his horse and reviewing them as the}' passed by him. For their comfort he kept calling out: "It is all my fault, men; you are not to blame. It is all my fault; but we will do better next time." He had persisted in ordering the as- sault. Longstreet and the other generals opposed it — except Pickett, who was a madcap sort of a fel- low and delighted in daring deeds. But Avhen he was ready to charge, Pickett asked Longstreet: "Shall I move forward now, sir?" and Longstreet could ut- ter no word of reply, but only bowed his head slightly. Then Pickett called out cheerfully: "I shall move." In the fighting on July 3, the First Minnesota had in all perhaps 150 men. Its loss was 3 officers (Cap- tain Messick, Captain Farrell and Lieutenant Mason) and 23 men killed or mortally wounded ; three of- ficers, (Lieutenants Harmon, Heffelfinger and May) and 29 men wounded not mortally. Total killed and mortally wounded, 23; total wounded, 32; grand 369 THE FIRST MINNESOTA total killed and wounded, 55. This is what the nom- inal list shows, as it is still preserved and of record. Yet in his historical sketch Lochren says the total killed and wounded was but 17. He seems to have reached this conclusion after stating that the regi- ment's loss in both days was 232, and that 215 were j lost July 2. He forgot that a few days after the battle he made a different report which is still on file in his own writing. One man of Company L (Sylves- ter Brown) was killed away from the regiment July 3. The Sharpshooters were generally accounted sep- arately from the Regiment ; but if their loss at Gettysburg is included, the Regiment had one officer, Captain Messick, and 11 men killed outright July 3. Captain Farrell died in the evening of July 4. In the report dated July 5, written by Adjutant Loch- ren, but signed by Captain Coates, it is stated : "Capt. W. B. Farrell, Company C, was mortally wounded and died last night." Lieutenant Mason had his arm amputated and died from the shock at Har- risburg, August 18th. Both Captain Messick and Captain Farrell were members of General Gorman's Indiana regiment in the Mexican war. The wounded were conveyed to the hospitals on the Baltimore pike the Taneytown road, and in the valley of Rock Creek. Afterward they were distri- buted among the great general hospitals at Harris- burg, Philadelphia, Baltimore, and some were sent to New York City. Lieutenant Lochren 's account of the regiment's participation in the third day's battle, as given in his Gettysburg address, is as follows : "The next morning the few survivors, re- enforced by Company F, took our place in the line of the division near the Cemetery. 370 THE FIRST MINNESOTA ON THE THIRD DAY The forenoon passed quietly with a little skirmishing and the burning of some build- ings in our front. But suddenly about one o'clock a tremendous cannonade opened along Seminary Ridge, all converging on our position and speedily responded to by our artillery on the higher ground behind us. More than one hundred and fifty cannon on each side were firing rapidly, the missiles mostly passing over us. After about two hours our artillery ceased, and the enemy's soon ceased also. We knew well what was coming and strained our eyes toward the wood nearly a mile away where the Con- federate infantry were emerging in heavy . force and forming in two lines with flank supports. At the time we estimated the force as twenty thousand, as it moved for our position with firm step although our ar- tillery had opened on them with telling ef- fect, and we could not repress expressions of admiration at the steady stride with which they closed up their ranks and pressed forward. When they came within musketry range they got the fire of our whole corps and the slaughter was great, but the step was changed to double quick and they rushed to the charge. "Here Hancock wheeled Stannard's bri- gade of Vermont troops at our left to en- filade them and their line parted. Perhaps one quarter deflecting to their right and soon overcome by the Vennonters. At the same time the rest defiled more to their left and passing from our front and that of Hall's bri- gade struck Webb's on the right of our di- vision overrunning a battery in his front and pushing back his regiments. But our bri- gade had at the same time run by the right flank in rear of Webb, our regiment being just then joined by Company C and mingled with Webb's men, made a counter charge 371 THE FIRST MINNESOTA overcoming the Confederates in a hand to hand struggle in which bayonets and even stones were used. Here the regiment lost seventeen more men including two captains successively in command, who were killed and a Confederate flag was captured by one of our men. This ended the severe fighting on the field, turned back the invasion of the North, and turned forever the tide of ] victory. ' ' No sooner had the Confederates passed beyond musket shot on their retreat than the regiments were drawn up ready to follow them. Darkness fell while the troops were momentarily expecting the order to advance, and they lay down to sleep with accoutre- ments on, expecting to be called up to fight at any moment. After nightfall there was still danger. The moon had changed and with it the weather. The sky soon became overcast. From Harrow's Brigade the entire Fifteenth Massachussetts was sent forward on picket duty, or rather on the skirmish line, for they and the *'rebs" kept picking away at one another all night, and until noon of the next day. Toward morning came on a terrible rain storm, another instance where rain followed a battle. In this case the downpour was proportioned to the tremen- dous cannonade of the previous afternoon. Only a very few of the troops were in tents and the soldiers were drenched in an instant. Sudden torrents swept over the hills and poured down the hillsides. The field hospital of Hays' Division was in a valley on a level with Rock Creek. It was flooded in a few min- utes. Hundreds of Confederate wounded had been collected there, and some of them Avere really saved from drowning by being hastily carried to higher ground. 372 THE FIRST MINNESOTA ON THE THIRD DAY Out on the battlefield lay hundreds of the dead, the downpour washing their bloody wounds and stark faces, as if preparing them for sepulture. The morning of July 4 was still rainy. It was Independence Day. The Union soldiers celebrated it by caring for the dead and wounded and by gather- ing up the muskets and accoutrements left on the field, by the dead, the wounded and the prisoners. The bayonets were fixed on the muskets and then stuck in the ground, and in a little time there were acres of muskets as thick as young trees in a nur- sery. The First Minnesota, Fifteenth Massachusetts and Nineteenth Maine, gathered up 1,740 guns and 600 sets of accoutrements, according to General Harrow's report. The Confederates over on Seminary Ridge ob- served the day by building good breastworks, which extended clear around the north end of the Ridge, and by preparing as best they knew how to resist a confidently expected attack from the Yankees. But the repulse of Pickett's and Pettigrew's charge vir- tually ended the three days' battle of Gettysburg. There was a little skirmishing and artillery firing on the 4th, but it amounted to nothing. Lee was busy all the afternoon in sending off his trains and pris- oners and that night the army followed, taking the Cashtown and Fairfield roads towards Harper's Ferry. NOTES ON THE REGIMENT AND THE BATTLE. General Hancock made a singularly incorrect re- port of the conduct of the First Minnesota on July 2, and his statement has been made the basis of and the authority for many incorrect versions of the ex- perience of the regiment on that day. The General dictated his official report some weeks after the 373 THE FIRST MINNESOTA battle, before his wound had entirely healed, and perhaps did not remember the incidents of the day very clearly. At all events, when he came to describe what the First ]\Iinnesota did, he wrote : "Proceeding along the line, I met a regi- ment of the enemy, the head of whose col- umn was about passing through an unpro- tected interval in our line. A fringe of undergrowth in front of the line offered facilities for it to approach very close to our lines without being observed. It was advancing firing and had already twice wounded my aide. Captain Miller. The First Minnesota regiment, coming up at this mo- ment, charged the regiment in handsome style capturing its colors and driving it back in disorder. I cannot speak too highly of this regiment and its commander in its at- tack, as well as in its subsequent advance against the enemy, in which it lost three- fourths of the officers and men engaged. One of the regiments of the Vermont Brigade afterwards advanced upon its (the First Min- nesota's) right, and retook the guns of one of the reserve batteries, from which the cannoneers and supports had been driven."* General , Hancock evidently did not see all of Wilcox's Brigade which was "advancing firing," or he would not have called it a "regiment." The bri- gade numbered, according to General AVilcox, 1,200 men. The First Minnesota was not "coming up" when it prepared to charge; it had been "up" for *After the war General Hancock was in Minneapolis and there met many of the survivors of the regiment, and he stated among other things, that his first report on the battle of Gettysburg never reached the War De- partment, and that in that report he had made special mention of the charge of the First Minnesota the second day. (C. B. Heffelfinger. ) 374 THE FIRST MINNESOTA ON THE THIRD DAY some time. It did not capture any colors at the time of its charge or on that day. Evidently General Hancock had in mind the work of the Regiment on July 3, when he mentions its "subsequent advance against the enemy," although it did not lose "three- fourths of the officers and men engaged" on that day, which was the day when it captured the flag. The General has given the Regiment deserved praise for the work it performed, even if his itemized state- ment as to when the work was done is lamentably confused. Describing the engagement of his brigade after the defeat of Sickles' Corps, July 2nd, General Har- row, who commanded the old Gorman Brigade, re- ported : "The Nineteenth Maine, Colonel Heath commanding, were moved to the left and front of the division line, and placed to the right of Lieutenant Brown's Battery. * * * As the enemy advanced, the first of the di- vision to become engaged were the Eighty- second New York and the Fifteenth ]\Iassa- chusetts, in the aggregate not more than 700 strong and without support. * * * "They were forced to retire after heavy losses, including their respective Colonels, Houston and Ward, both of whom were mortally wounded and each since dead; also many line officers killed and wounded. The enemy continued to advance until they attacked with great fury the com- mands of Colonels Colvill and Heath, en- deavoring to take the batteries under their protection. In this assault Colonel Colvill, Lieutenant Adams and IMajor Downie of the First Minnesota, were shot down, the two former severely and I fear mortally, wounded; but the command main- 375 THE FIRST MINNESOTA tained its position until supplanted by the arrival of other troops." At an Old Settlers' Association banquet held in St. Paul some years since, J. J. Hill was present and being called on to speak, he said — among other things : "Many do not know and perhaps many of you do not know that the First Regiment of Minnesota Volunteers holds the record for individual bravery in the history of the wars of the world since Thermopylae. They lost 83 per cent of their men in dead and wounded. Hancock sent them to stop the advance of a Confederate division, to attack the head of the column and capture the col- ors. And Colonel Colvill took this handful of men into that attack and literally cut off the head of the marching column, and did capture the colors. That charge has no parallel in the history of warfare. "At Balaklava, in the charge of the Light Brigade, immortalized in poetry by Tenny- son, the loss was only 36 per cent and there was no doubt that many of these were killed by running to get away. "And in the German Guards at Gravel- otte the mortality did not approach the per- centage of our First Regiment. In Berlin about a year ago, a German general asked me why it was that the United States was entering on a war. 'Why,' he said, 'you have no army.' I quoted this charge to him, and he said it could not be possible. On my return I sent him a copy of 'Fox's Llilitary Losses,' and sent one also to the commander-in-chief of the British army in India. From the latter I received the reply: 'Those figures were a revelation to me. Every man must have been a hero'." Maj. Edward Rice, Nineteenth Massachusetts, of Hall's Brigade, and who was a friend of the lament- 376 THE FIRST MINNESOTA ON THE THIRD DAY ed Captain Farrell, writes in "Battles and Leaders" (Vol. 3, p. 389) of the part taken by his regiment and the Forty-second New York (Tammany) in re- pelling Pickett's charge: "Our two regiments were ordered forward to the clump of trees. The ad- vance was rapidly thinned by the hostile fire on the flank and in the clump of trees as we came to the line. Captain Farrell, of the First Minnesota, with the com- pany, came in on my left. As we greeted each other, he received his death wound and fell in front of his men, who now began firing." While lying under Confederate artillery fire just before the great charge on the 3rd, the Fifteenth Massachusetts was in line to the left of the First Minnesota. A Confederate shot passed just under a Fifteenth man, and in plain view of the Minne- sotians threw him into the air and backward some ten feet. As he alighted an officer of the Fifteenth walked over where he lay and on his return sentent- iously remarked: "He has passed over." General Hunt, the Union Chief of Artillery, was riding along at the time, saw the incident and thus (in Battles and Leaders) narrates it : "As I passed along, a bolt from a rifle- gun struck the ground just in front of a man of the front rank, penetrated the sur- face and passed under him, throwing him over and over. He fell behind the rear rank, apparently dead; a ridge of earth where he had been lying made the incident remind me of the backwoodsmen's practice of 'barking' squirrels." On the morning of July 4 the ranks of the shat- tered First Minnesota were straightened up and it was made ready for the next battle, which it was believed was only a day or so away. The first thing 377 THE FIRST MINNESOTA to do was to mend the shot-severed flag-staff and the color guard at once undertook the work of repair. The lower part had been lost, and the upper was only two feet long below the ragged, bullet-rent banner. Corp. Newell Irvine of Company D was now in charge of the flag, having received it on the battlefield from Harry O'Brien, then staggering un- der two cruel wounds. Somebody brought a piece of Confederate flagstaff that belonged to a captured flag, and Irvine said: "We can use this all right enough, for it has been captured from the 'rebs' and is now a Union stick." And so the Union piece and the Confederate piece were spliced and formed an indissoluble union, and thus united held aloft the Union colors thereafter, and still hold them in their place of honor in IMinnesota 's new Capitol. And this splicing of the pieces of flagstaff fore-shadowed the time when Union and Confederate should unite in upholding the colors of the old Union forever. Then when the flagstaff was mended and ready to go forward again, there had to be an official re- organization of the regiment. Capt. Harry C. Coates, of one of the St. Paul companies (Company A) be- came, by virtue of the seniority of his commission, (dated Sept. 18, 1861) acting colonel of the First Minnesota. He appointed Lieut. Wm. Lochren adju- tant, in place of Lieut. John Peller, who had also been wounded when so many others were, on July 2. On the 5th Captain Coates made his report to Governor Ramsey of the part taken by the regi- ment in the battle on both days, (See Minnesota in Civil and Indian AVars, Vol. 2, p. 372) signing him- self ^'Captain Commanding First Regiment Minne- sota Volunteers," though Lochren says that he, as adjutant, made out the document. In his report of the services of the regiment in 378 MONU.MENT KUKCTKD (JN GETTYSBURG BATTLE FIELD TO COiAEMEMORATE THE SERVICES OF THE REGIMENT IN REPELLING "PICKETT'S CHARGE" ON JULY 3RD, 1863. THE FIRST MINNESOTA ON THE THIRD DAY the two days' fighting at Gettysburg, Captain Coates says it lost 4 commissioned officers and 47 men killed, 13 officers and 162 men wounded, and 6 missing, a total loss of 232, which he says was "out of less than 330 men and officers engaged;" this report was made July 5. The nominal list made out August 31 to accompany the monthly report shows however that there were 7 officers and 88 men killed and mortally wounded and 9 officers and 141 men wounded not mortally, a total of killed, mortally wounded and wounded of 245 ; mising none. 79 CHAPTER XL VI. MEADE FOLLOWS LEE ACROSS THE POTOMAC. ON July 6 a large part of the army moved from Gettysburg toward Emmittsburg, and the re- mainder followed the next day, July 7. Meade 's head- quarters were at Frederick, on the 8th at Middleton, on the 9th at the South Mountain House, and on the 10th at Antietam Creek, three miles north of the battle- ground. On the 11th a new bridge was put over Antietam Creek, and on the 13th General Meade had his forces in front of the position taken up by Lee at "Williamsport to cover his passage over the Potomac. But in the meantime Lee's army had reached Williamsport on the evening of the Tth, had been there six days waiting for the high water in the river to fall, having in the meantime fortified him- self with a strong line of breastworks. General Lee fortified himself behind good breast- works in the southern angle formed by the conflu- ence of the Conococheague and the Potomac, the south end of his line resting on the Potomac near Downsville covering Falling Waters, three miles be- low Williamsport. The position was a strong one. General IMeade arrayed his army in front of Lee's breastworks on July 12, and the next morning called a council of his generals to decide whether or not the enemy should be attacked. A majority of Meade's generals voted that it was better not to attack. Owing to the nature of the ground in their front, an attack on Lee's breastworks at Williams- port would probably have resulted as did Burnside's assaults on the Confederate leader's Avorks at Marye's Heights. (See Meade's report. War Recs.) 380 MEADE FOLLOWS LEE ACROSS THE POTOMAC Both Lochren and Captain Coates reported one man missing at Gettysburg, but this was a mistake. The man they named was Michael Devlin, a plucky young Irishman of St. Paul in Company A. He was badly wounded on the 3d and reached another divi- sion hospital and so was lost for some time. He re- joined his company as soon as he could, and when his time was about up, he re-enlisted in the First Battalion for three years more, and finally died in a St. Louis hospital a few days before Lee surrendered. The Second Corps started with the rest of the army in pursuit of Lee on the afternoon of July 5 while the trail was fresh, Brig. Gen. Wm. Hays, of the Third Division, in command of the Corps; he was senior to General Caldwell, whom Hancock had selected. General Harrow took command of the divi- sion. The only colonel in the Gorman Brigade was Colonel Francis E. Heath, of the Nineteenth Maine, and he assumed its command. Two captains were regimental commanders now in the brigade. Capt. Harry Coates led the First Minnesota and Capt. John Darrow commanded the Eighty-second New York. The First Minnesota marched out of Gettysburg on the pursuit of Lee's army with about 150 officers and men equipped and ready to fight. It was a small regiment, yet a proud one, for two strenuous trials in the hot, red fires of battle had demonstrated that it was all good steel, without a particle of dross — not a man "captured or missing in action." The evening of the first day's march, a place called the Two Taverns was reached, and here the troops spent the 6th ; the next day they marched to Taneytown, Md., 15 miles southeast of Gettysburg. The next day, however, the distance compassed was 24 miles from Taneytown southwest to Frederick. 381 THE FIRST MINNESOTA , Lochren notes that on this day's march they passed \the aristocratic Seventh New York militia regiment ! resting by the side of the road. Its officers and men /were of the wealthy classes of New York City. It was said that the wealth owned by one company alone aggregated $20,000,000. The regiment was of the New York militia and only sent out of the state on extraordinary occasions such as the big scare caused by Lee's invasion. Lochren says the dandy soldiers had to undergo all manner of jibes and jeers from the lines of the dusty and rough-and-ready veterans that marched by them. On the 9th the command marched through the South Mountains to Rohrersville and Keedysville, near the Antietam battle-ground, and on the lOtli to the hamlet of Tighlmanton. It was now near Lee's army at Williamsport. On the 11th the Corps made a short march and took position on the left or south of the Fifth Corps. During the 12th slight changes of posi- tion were made in expectation of the anticipated assault on Lee's breastworks. When on the 14th the skirmishers went out to open the way for the proposed grand charge, they found that the Confederates had skedaddled without a fight. Caldwell's Division of the Second Corps was sent in pursuit and followed Custer's cavalry to the pontoon bridge at Falling Waters. Lee made a very clean retreat. The Confederates did not have much property to spare and they did not leave much. Perhaps 250 muskets, two pieces of artillery, two ambulances stalled in the mud and one wagon broken dowa. were gathered up. A singular thing was that about 350 prisoners, asleep in barns and other out- buildings and in the woods, were made. The poor "rebs" were tired and played out from digging breastworks and almost incessant guard and picket duty for three days. 382 CHAPTER XL VII. BACK TO THE RAPPAHANNOCK. ON re-crossing the Potomac, General Lee fell back into that well-known Confederate harbor of refuge, the Shenandoah Valley, placing his army on the line of Oquequan Creek. This was the same posi- tion his forces had occupied after their retreat from Antietam the previous year. Here he soon revictualed his men and secured for them other supplies, so that in a short time they were comparatively comfortable. He also added to his army several thousand volun- teers and conscripts. The latter class were proving brave soldiers. The army crossed the Potomac on pontoon bridges at Harper's Ferry and Berlin, July 17 and 18, and follow^ed southward, skirting the Blue Ridge on the eastern side. Lee, conforming to this movement, fell back still further up the Shenandoah, passing Win- chester and Kemstown, and sending Longstreet on ahead with his Corps to Culpeper. Mindful of Lin- coln's advice, General Meade was now "stimulated to an active pursuit" of Lee. By the 22d he had reached the Manassas Gap in the Blue Ridge when the long Confederate column was passing on the other side of the mountain range. The two armies had been acting somewhat like two hostile dogs trotting along on either side of a fence, glaring and growling at each other and occasionally stopping to snap and bite. Now here was an opening in the fence ! General ]\Ieade acted promptly. Longstreet had sent a small force into jManassas Gap to hold it ; but Meade's skirmishers soon attacked this force. On 383 THE FIRST MINNESOTA the 22d Meade sent Sickles' Third Corps, now under General French, into the Gap to clean it out. General Meade had determined to attack the Confederates. He directed all five of his Corps upon Manassas Gap, intending to use them all if necessary. General French, with his Third Corps, was to have the ad- vance and bring on the fight. The Confederates, a part of Longstreet's Corps, were known to be in posi- tion on the west side of the Gap, near Front Royal, a little town on the Shenandoah, a few miles west of ]\Ianassas Gap. It must be borne in mind that Manassas Gap is 50 miles westward from Manassas Station, near Bull Run. But when morning came it was found that during the night the Confederates had slipped away and were then moving for Culpeper! By August 3 all three of the Confederate Corps were strung out along the south side of the Rapidan from Orange Court House on the west to Germania Ford on the east, in the vicinity of Chancellorsville, Meade's army was on the Rappahannock, a few miles north of Lee's. July 15, the next day after the Confederates crossed the Potomac, the Second Corps marched to Sandy Hook, near Harper's Ferry. This was familiar ground to the First Minnesota. The Regiment had first visited it two years before, when the war was new, and it had repeated the visit in the fall of 1862, after Antietam. Now it was here for the third time. On the 16th the march was continued five miles through Sandy Hook into Pleasant Valley, and here the command rested for two days and drew new clothing, which was badly needed. On the 18th the Regiment crossed the Potomac over a pontoon bridge to Plarper's Ferry, but with- out stopping went on and crossed the Shenandoah on 384 BACK TO THE EAPPAHANNOCK a new wire bridge, and kept on up the Loudoun Valley for about eight miles. The next day it marched eight miles to near Wood Grove. On the 20th it went about 12 miles to near Snicker's Gap and Bloomfield and then halted for another two days' rest. The men always remembered the Snicker's Gap district and the others on the line of this march for the abundance and lusciousness of the blackberries, now ripe and to be found almost anywhere. The weather was hot, and the roads dusty. Diarrhoea broke out among the men and promised to become a serious matter, when the blackberry patches were encountered. In a few days there was no diarrhoea. The berries, sweetened with the army's brown sugar, constituted a cordial which was a sovereign remedy. The manna and the quails were not more heartily Avelcomed by the Israelites when they were traveling through the wilderness than was this luscious fruit by men of the Army of the Potomac when they were toiling through the Loudoun Valley in July, 1863. On the 22d the command marched from the Snicker's Gap, where it had served in November, 1862. The next day it marched in all 17 miles. It first reached Markham Station, on the Manassas Gap Railroad (running between the Shenandoah Valley and Manassas Junction, near Bull Run), and after a brief halt was ordered on to Manassas Gap, pre- paratory to being engaged in General Meade's an- ticipated battle with Longstreet. The road was rough and it was midnight before the Gap was reached. The men made coffee and bivouacked. The next evening occurred the action at Wapping Heights. The command expected to be ordered through the Gap the next morning and take part in a great battle, but Longstreet retreated the night of the 23d 385 THE FIRST MINNESOTA and the next day the division returned to ]\Iarkhani Station, five miles from the Gap. On the 25th the march was resumed for 20 miles to White Plains, and on the 26th it was continued for 20 miles to "Warrenton. At Warrenton, a town well known to the Army of the Potomac, the Regiment remained in camp until July 30. July 31 the Second Corps marched from its camp on Elk Run to Morrisville, which is 18 miles south of Warrenton, a few miles north of the North Fork of the Rappahannock, and 20 miles northeast of Fredericksburg. Here in camp, which was moved a few times hither and thither in the woods, the First Minnesota remained until August 15. The Regimental monthly returns for July (made on the 31st) showed "present for duty equipped" 14 officers and 130 men in the Regiment proper, a total of 144. The company of Sharpshooters attached to the Regiment numbered 2 officers and 22 men, making a total of the Regiment's strength of 168. Captain Coates was still in command. 386 CHAPTER XLVIII. ENFORCING THE DRAFT IN NEW YORK CITY. AFTER Gettysburg both the Union and the Con- federate authorities were very active in en- forcing their respective conscript laws and orders and drafting men for their armies. The Confederates had been making conscripts since the early spring of 1862, and by the summer of 1863 had a most sweep- ing drafting system. By this means, largely, they were able to replenish their depleted ranks ; there were very few volunteers. The Union authorities avoided this harsh method of raising soldiers for a long time after the Con- federates had adopted it. They substituted the offer of liberal bounties and other inducements, but at last they had to resort to drafting. Lists of able-bodied males over 18 and under 45 residing in the delin- quent districts were made out and the names, written on slips, put into boxes. Then a number of slips corresponding to the number of men required were draAvn out, and the men whose names were on the list, if found eligible, were required to report for duty as soldiers. Each man so drafted, however, was allowed to furnish an altogether acceptable sub- stitute in his stead. The draft was generally well enforced through- out the northern states except in a few of the large cities. Boston and New York were notable excep- tions. In these cities, especially in New York, there were many foreign-born citizens, who were generally willing enough to vote and hold office, but did not want to fight. They had been naturalized almost solely by the influence of politicians who Avanted 387 THE FIRST MINNESOTA their votes. They were without any real love for America and republican institutions, and in the great war then raging hardly cared which side should win; at least they did ijot care enough to go out and fight and turn the scale in favor of the Union. These men were out of all sympathy with the war for the Union; some were opposed to disunion and justified the war but wanted it stopped at the earliest period possible by negotiations and compromise with the Confederates. Another sub-element, composed largely of lawyers, reprobated and condemned seces- sion and the establishment of the Southern Confed- eracy, but objected to the war. They were great sticklers for the forms of law and seemed to want the Confederates suppressed by the force of the civil law. The men in the cities that objected most strenu- ously to being drafted were, nine-tenths of them, foreign-born and most of them lived by their daily labor. They were opposed to the abolition of slavery, because they believed that the freed negroes would come up north and take their jobs. They were told that the negroes caused the war and they hated the poor black people intensely. These misguided men finally declared in mass meetings and otherwise that they would "not fight to free the niggers," that they would not be "dragged off into the nigger war," etc., and that they would fight to the death against conscription. On Monday, July 13, the drawing was resumed and a great riot broke out in New York City. The rioters included most of the scum of the city and the undesirable citizens, nearly all foreigners. The most desperate characters joined and came from their dens armed for fire, pillage, and murder. The con- scription offices Avere attacked, sacked and burned, 388 ENFORCING THE DRAFT IN NEW YORK CITY and those in charge beaten up and a few killed. The rioters seemed transformed into savages. They swarmed through the streets, beating or murdering every negro they caught, assaulting and chasing the conscript officers and others, and went on from bad to worse. They broke open and plundered fine man- sions and houses and also robbed many stores. They burned some public buildings, among which was an asylum for colored orphan children. For three days the city was given over to a terrible condition of things, a series of riots in which at last women and some children engaged in every dis- orderly crime from thieving to murder. The police of the city charged the rioters every- where and as far as was possible protected deserving persons and their property. At the inception of the riots the militia organizations of the city were absent in Pennsylvania and Maryland, being sent thither to resist Lee's invasion. They were sent for and hurried back to the city, and soon after their arrival the rioting and the rioters were suppressed. Col. Robert Nugent, formerly colonel of the Tam- many Regiment, and a ''War Democrat," was provost marshal of the city and kncAV how to handle troops. In two days, by the killing and wounding of 1,000 or 1,200 rioters, order was restored. Only a few of the militia were killed. The most prominent victim of the insanity of the rioters was a Colonel O'Brien who was knocked down in the street and beaten and trampled to death; a priest administered the last sacrament of the church to him as he lay dying on the sidewalk, A company of IT. S. marines was set upon, their arms taken from them, and several of them killed. One provision of the first conscription law exempted a drafted man from service upon pay- 389 THE FIRST MINNESOTA ment of $300. This provision was borrowed from the Confederate law, which exempted a conscript who could pay $200. It caused great dissatisfaction among the poor men who were drafted and were unable to pay the exemption fee. In the South the poor men said: "This is a rich man's war but a poor man's fight," and the Northern poor men endorsed the sentiment. Finally the draft was suspended and the City Council agreed to pay the $300 exemption fee for every drafted man unable to pay it. The city also had to pay afterwards about $1,500,000 for the property destroyed by the rioters. In time the cash exemption was abolished. A drafted man then in a loyal state must either serve himself or furnish an acceptable substitute at his own expense. In the South every fighting man — at last from 16 to 60 — was forced out and made to enter the military service; no substitute and no bounties. The draft worked real hardship in many instances, especially in the Eastern states. When the drawing in New York was ordered resumed, August 19, there was apprehension of further trouble. The New York militia, and even the New York regiments in the army, were believed to be in such sjnnpathy with the drafted men that they could hardly be depended upon to fire on their felloAV citizens that should resist the conscription. Regiments from the Army of the Potomac, but from other states, were to be used to keep the peace and enforce the law if neces- sary. July 30 General Halleck ordered General Meade to send four regiments of infantry — emphasizing the fact that they must be "not Ncav York or Penn- sylvania" — to New York to report to General Canby, to help enforce the draft. Later, on August 15, while the Second Corps was 390 ENFORCING THE DRAFT IN NEW YORK CITY in its camps north of the Rappahannock, near Morris- ville and Elk Run, three additional regiments were ordered sent to New York. These were the First Minnesota, Seventh Michigan, and the Eighth Ohio. The regiments named marched the same afternoon to Bealeton Station, on the Orange & Alexandria Railroad, took the cars after nightfall, and reached Alexandria very early on the morning of the 16th. Col. S. S. Carroll, of the Eighth Ohio, was in com- mand of the three regiments ; for some time he had commanded a brigade in the Third (Hays') Division. Lieut. Myron Shepard, then of the Hastings com- pany (H), was a member of Colonel Carroll's staff. The First lay at Alexandria, with its comrade regiments, until August 20, when the draft had begun. It then went on board the ocean steamer ''Atlantic," and the next morning sailed for New York. During the night, in some unknown manner, Lieut. August Kreuger, of Company A, of St. Paul, fell from the ship into the Potomac and was drowned. The ship was greatly crowded, and the officer was not missed until the vessel was well under way. The body was recovered, easily identified, and subsequent- ly cared for by Chaplain Conwell, who was sent back from New York City on that duty. On the 22d the Regiment was sailing on the Atlantic. The sea was rolling and the ship rolled with it, and nearly every land-lubber was seasick. To the great relief of everybody, the transport entered New York harbor on the morning of the 23d. The First Minnesota was landed and encamped on Governor's Island, and here it remained for five enjoyable days. Truly its lines had fallen in pleasant places. It was not called out to shoot anybody, for the draft proceeded quietly; and it had fine quar- ters, the boys had a little money to spend, and 391 THE FIRST MINNESOTA Captain Coates, the regimental commander, was very liberal in the matter of passes allowing the boys to go out and "see the town." On the 28th the Regi- ment crossed over Buttermilk Channel to Brooklyn and encamped in Fort Greene Park. Companies C and D, under command of Lieutenant Heffelfinger, were detailed to guard the drawing at the City Hall, and reported to the Provost Marshal. The good record of the Regiment seemed to be known to many people in Brooklyn. Its frightful but gallant experience at Gettysburg was fresh in their minds, for the newspapers had told of it. They showed the Minnesotians many flattering attentions. September 4 the ladies of Carlton Avenue ]\I. E. church gave them a sumptuous temperance banquet and feasted and feted them in admirable style. September 6 the command crossed on the ferry to New York City proper, but only marched through a part of the city to a ship wharf. Here it embarked on the steamship "Empire City" for its return to old Virginia and the field of duty and glory. After a very pleasant little ocean voyage the First Minne- sota returned to Alexandria and disembarked on the 8th. Here it remained until the 12th, when it set out for its proper place in the old Gorman Brigade, which it found in camp west of Culpeper Court House, on the Orange & Alexandria Railroad. It joined the brigade on the 16th and went into camp about 12 miles west of its former station. Its excur- sion to New York had been practically a pleasant picnic from start to finish. 392 STATUE OF COL. WILT.IAAr COIA'TT.F. lOIil^CTKI^ AT CANNON FALLS, MINN., WHEIIK H K IS BURIED, AND A REPLICA OF WHICH STANDS IN THE CAPITOL, IN ST. PAUL, MINN. CHAPTER XLIX. THE CAMPAiaN OF MANEUVERS. THE First Minnesota returned to its place in the Army of the Potomac September 16. Captain Coates continued in command of the First Minnesota until October 4, when Ttlaj. j\Iark W. Downie re- turned from the hospital and relieved him. October 3d General Harrow's resignation from the service was accepted, and General Alexander S. Webb, of the Second Brigade, assumed command of the division. The campaign that followed the occupation of the upper Rappahannock country by the armies of Gen- eral Meade and General Lee was practically a series of maneuvers by each army. General Lee soon realized that in General Meade he had a foeman worthy of his steel. The Southern commander frank- ly told his generals, when they were planning the Mine Run campaign, that of all the Federal com- manders that had led the Army of the Potomac, General Meade was the ablest. As the Southern writers quote him (see Major Stiles' "Four Years Under Marse Robert," p. 228; Geo. C. Eggleston's "Rebel's Recollections," etc.) General Lee said: "General Meade is the most troublesome Federal commander we have yet met. He is not only a general of courage, intelligence, and ability, but conscientious and careful. He is not afraid to fight upon an equal chance, and is constantly looking for an opportunity. If we make any mistake in his front, he will be certain to take advant- age of it." General Longstreet says that, before Grant came, General Lee, in referring to the Union generals he 393 THE FIRST MINNESOTA had contended against, said: ''Meade gives me more trouble and uneasiness than any of them." To Prof. Dobney, Lee said of Meade: "He was the ablest commander of the Army of the Potomac." Lee and Meade now sat down to watch each other. A considerable period of repose followed. Scouts were sent slyly out, but no important move- ments were made for some time. Each army was soon largely recruited by conscripts. On the Union side a majority of this element made good, brave and faithful soldiers. A few, however, were only "food for powder." Of the worthless element, half deserted within twenty days after they reached the army. This evil of desertion grew so great that to check it several offenders, when arrested, were sen- tenced by courts martial to be shot, and the sentences carried out. Others were sent to the Dry Tortugas, etc. The Fifteenth Massachusetts had one deserting conscript shot October 30, and the whole brigade was called out to witness the unpleasant spectacle. September 13 the cavalry, supported by the Second Corps, crossed the Rappahannock and at- tacked Lee's cavalry, driving it to the Rapidan and capturing three cannons and a lot of prisoners. The Second Corps occupied Culpeper Court House, taking no part in the fighting, but ready to advance the moment the cavalry cleared the fords over the Rapidan. It must be remembered that the Rapidan is virtually the south fork of the Rappahannock, uniting with the north fork about 12 or 15 miles west of Fredericksburg. Culpeper is on the peninsula between the two streams and scA-en or eight miles north of the Rapidan. The cavalry could not clear the Rapidan fords. Then September 16 General Meade crossed his entire army to the south side of the Rappahannock 394 THE CAMPAIGN OF MANEUVERS and took up positions around Culpeper Court House, with two Corps (the First and Sixth) advanced to the Rapidan. He meant to cross the latter stream and attack Lee, whose army was strung along the south bank, but he found that all crossings were commanded from Lee's side of the river by higher ground and by fortifications, and were impassable ; the works were being made stronger every hour. General Meade then planned a great flanking move- ment to the west part of the stream where the cross- ings were practicable; but just as he was about to put this movement into execution the Eleventh and Twelfth Corps were taken away from him, and he feared to undertake it with his diminished force. General Meade on October 10 sent General Buford with his cavalry division to the westward to uncover the upper fords of the Rapidan. He then expected to move a large force across these fords and attack the enemy in the rear, when the First and Sixth Corps would force the passages in their fronts. But General Meade discovered, when General Buford reached those upper fords, that General Lee, with his army, had already passed them on his way north with the intention of turning Meade's right or north flank ! The advance of the Confederates was well across Robinson's River, a northern tributary of the Rapidan, flowing southeastwardly through Madi- son county, and indeed was driving Meade's cavalry from ]\Iadison Court House, which is 18 miles west of Culpeper. To meet this new danger, General Meade, October 11, hastily withdrew his army north of the Rappa- hannock, abandoning the town of Culpeper. The next day, however, learning that the Confederates were in Culpeper, General ]\Ieade determined to go back and attack them. Accordingly he took the 395 THE FIRST MINNESOTA Second, Fifth, and Sixth Corps and re-crossed the Eappahannock, en route for Culpeper. The infantry got as far as Brandy Station (which is in Culpeper county, on the Orange & Alexandria Railroad, five miles southwest of the north fork and ten miles northeast of Culpeper) and Buford's cavalry drove the cavalry scouts of the enemy back into Culpeper. Meade intended moving to the attack the next morning; but during the night he received a dis- patch from General Gregg, commanding a cavalry division which had been guarding the upper fords of the Rappahannock and Hazel Rivers, and this dispatch said that Gregg and his division had been ''forced back" early in the morning from Hazel River, and in the afternoon from the Rappahannock (North Fork) and that the Confederates were cross- ing the latter stream at Farquier, Sulphur Springs, and "Waterloo, 15 miles north of Culpeper. The Union commander now realized that his right flank had been turned by General Lee, for Cul- peper is only 60 miles southwest of Washington, and Lee, having escaped Meade's forces, and continuing to escape them, could easily reach the capital city in three days. General Meade also realized that General Lee would beat him to Warrenton, northeast of Cul- peper, if he attempted to march for that important point. On the 13th General Meade blew up the railroad bridge over the North Fork, withdrew his army along and broke the railroad, burning bridges and depots, to Catlett's Station, 20 miles northeast of Brandy Station and 15 miles southwest of Manassas Junction, near the Bull Run battle-ground. The next day the advance of the army reached Centerville, 20 miles from Washington. On the morning of that day, near the hamlet of Auburn, Jeb Stuart's cavalry 396 THE CAMPAIGN OF MANEUVERS skirmished with Caldwell's Division, of the Second Corps, suddenly firing shells among Caldwell's men when they had halted and were making coffee for breakfast ; they had made a night march. !97 CHAPTER L. THE BRISTOE CAMPAIGN. ON October 14, A. P. Hill threw Heth's Division and Cook's Brigade against the line of Webb's and Hays' Divisions at Bristoe Station. This station, on the Orange & Alexandria Railroad, is in Prince "William County, eight miles southwest of ^Manassas Junction and 35 miles southwest of Washington. The Second Corps alone was on the rear in the vicinity of Broad Run and Bristoe, the Third was near Bull Run, and the Fifth was a few miles in advance and both were hurrying on towards Centerville. General Hill reports that this day he picked up as visitors 150 men of the Third Corps. The object of the Confederate attack on Bristoe Station was the destruction of Warren's Second Corps, and this great peril was avoided only by the intelligent and brave conduct of General Warren and his officers and men of the three brigades that did the fighting under him. The First, Third, Fifth and Sixth Corps of Meade's army were in front, to the north, and the extreme advance was nearing Wash- ington. The Second Corps was bringing up the rear. If it got into trouble, it was too far behind to be helped by the other Corps. The Confederate line of march was parallel with but to the north or left of the Union route, but only a few miles away. Stuart's cavalry had reported the situation to Lee. The Southern commander now thought he had a fine opportunity to cut Meade's line in two and capture the historic Second Corps with its "three-leafed clover" badges — and the opportunity really was present. The reports for October 10 showed that the 398 THE BRISTOE CAMPAIGN whole strength of the Corps present for duty was 8,830 infantry, 553 artillerymen, a total of 9,383, with 32 pieces of artillery, "and no cavalry^" (See War- ren's report, War Recs.) Hill's Confederate Corps had, October 1, present for duty, 16,297 infantry. On the 14th, at Bristoe, he must have had 16,000 of these, and he also had in his movement Cooke's independent North Carolina brigade of 2,300, or 18,300 infantry and Mcintosh's and Poague's battalions of artillery, eight batteries, with at least 500 more men. Then to help him he had Fitz Hugh Lee's Division of cavalry. (See vol. 29, part 1, War Recs.) In all A. P. Hill had more than 20,000 fighting men to General AVarren's 9,000. The First Minnesota was with the Second Corps every step during the first maneuver of General Meade on the Bristoe campaign. It was in the Vir- ginia-reel movement of "forward and back," when General Meade crossed the Rapidan October 11 and went northward to the Rappahannock, then the next day turned about and went to Culpeper, and then the next day, on the 13th, turned about again and again went northward, crossing the North Fork of the Rappahannock. On the 13th the Regiment marched with the Divi- sion to Bealeton, a station on the Orange & Alex- andria Railroad, a fcAV miles northeast of the North Fork. After resting an hour it fell in again and tramped steadily but slowly the rest of the day along the railroad in a northeasterly direction towards Washington. It could not move very fast because the road was fairly blocked ahead with the trains and the rear guard of General Sykes' Fifth Corps. The Second Corps was the smallest in the army, and on this march it was the rear guard. Caldwell's Division was in the advance, Webb's was in the 399 ' THE FIRST MINNESOTA center, and Hays' was rear guard. Baxter's (the old Burns') Brigade, of "Webb's Division, was now guarding the long wagon train, and General Webb had but two brigades for fight- ing. The First brigade (the old Gorman) was now commanded by Col. Francis E. Heath, of the Nine- teenth Maine, and the Third brigade (the old Dana) by Col. James E. Mallon, of the Forty-second New York, the Tammany regiment. So that on the 14th General Webb's fighting strength, including that of two batteries, w^as only about 2,000 men. Heath's Brigade had probably 1,000 men. The division marched slowly but protractedly. It did not go into bivouack until 9 o'clock the night of October 13. General Meade was marching now as a general that means business should march. He roused up Webb's men at 3 o'clock the next morn- ing, having allowed them but six hours' rest and repose. They went several miles through a dense, chilly fog before daylight. They were marching along the railway to cross Cedar Run — and pass successively Catlett's, Bristoe, and Manassas Junction, and so reach Blackburn's Ford of Bull Run. The marching order for the Second Corps, issued by General Meade the night before, read: 6. General Warren, Second Corps, will move to the railroad, passing by Catlett's house ; keep on the south side of the rail- road ; cross Bull Run at Blackburn Ford, and mass in rear of Centerville, looking towards Warrenton. The divisions had now changed places. Hays' M^as in advance, CaldAvell's in the center, and Webb's to the rear. But just across Cedar Run, north of the railroad, occurred the affair near Auburn be- tween Stuart's cavalry and Caldwell's men. The 400 THE BRISTOE CAMPAIGN divisions were so disposed that Stuart's shot and shells passed over the heads of Hays' men and landed among Caldwell's. Hays' Division was the nearer to Stuart, but the morning was so foggy that the Confederates did not see it. Hays instantly sent two regiments against them. These were re- ceived by Col. Thos. Ruffin and his First North Carolina cavalry. In the skirmish that resulted, the cavalry were driven off and Colonel Ruffin mortally wounded and made prisoner. No sooner did Hays report the way clear than Webb, with the Second Division, took the advance to Catlett's; Hays fell in behind; Caldwell brought up the rear with his division "en potence"— which is to say that it was in the form of a gibbet, or rather a capital letter T, with the shaft representing a column of fours marching up the road and the arms of the top cross-bar representing a regiment marching in line on either side of the road and in the rear so as to be ready for attack. Gregg's two cavalry brigades were with the cross-bar regiments and one on each side of the road to guard the flanks. General Meade was proving not only a sagacious commander, but a wide-awake one. The head of his column, by hard marching, had passed Lee's. He knew it was the military thing to do for Lee to march swiftly across and cut the Army of the Potomac in two, and he knew that Lee had a habit of doing military things. So ]\Ieade, on the morning of the 14th, sent a dispatch to General Warren, then commanding the Second Corps, and besides other directions and information the dispatch contained this warning instruction : ' ' Move forward as rapidly as you can, as they may send out a column from Gainesville to Bristoe." General Warren was also instructed that General 401 THE FIEST MINNESOTA Sykes would wait his arrival at Bristoe before mov- ing forward with the Fifth Corps. But General Sykes was impatient to move, because he was de- termined to reach Centerville with his Corps that night. He was half a mile east of Broad Run where, at the railroad crossing of that stream, was what had been the station called Bristoe, but which was now a small area of fire-blackened chimneys, monuments to perpetuate the memories of the horrors of civil war. Sykes had an aide-de-camp on Broad Run heights, with instructions to let him know the moment the head of Warren's Corps came in sight. A company of Massachusetts cavalry, riding miles ahead of "Warren, deceived the aid, and he told General Sykes that he had sighted the Second Corps. Thereupon Sykes abandoned Bristoe and set out for Centerville as fast as his men could march. At Catlett's the Corps line of march was re- formed. Webb's Division, with two batteries, was put on the northwest side of the railroad. Hays' took the southeast side (the railroad running north- east), the ambulances and artillery and Gregg's cav- alry followed, and Caldwell's Division brought up the rear, still "en potence" in formation. The Corps trains and Gregg's wagons had passed on for Center- ville via Wolf Run Shoals and guarded by Colonel Baxter's Second Brigade. As soon as Caldwell came up, the whole Corps set out for Bristoe. The greater part of the Corps had crossed Kettle Run, a mile and a half west of Bristoe, the men trudging along at a good gait, though footsore and very leg weary, when cannonading was heard ap- parently two miles to the front. Generals Warren and Webb at once galloped forward to see what the trouble was, feeling certain that General Sykes had been attacked in position while waiting for the 402 THE BKISTOE CAMPAIGN Second Corps to come up. The trouble was this : General Lee had sent A. P. Hill across to cut Meade's column in two, and Hill was trying to obey his orders. He sent forward Heth's Division to do the work. Heth came into the big gap in Meade's line at Bristoe and saw a mile to the northeast the rear guard of Sykes' Fifth Corps. He at once concluded that he was too late on the ground — the Second Corps had escaped; that was its rear he could see a mile to the east. Disappointed and angry, Heth brought up Major Poague's four batteries and began bombarding Sykes' rear, thinking he was firing into the Second Corps. As Meade feared he would do, Lee had "sent out a column from Gainesville to Bristoe." General Heth had deployed his infantry, three brigades (Kirkland's, Cooke's and Walker's,) with Joe Davis' in the rear, and was advancing toward the southeast on the fire-blackened chimneys and Dodd's empty house, which constituted Bristoe. Walk- er's Brigade was on the north flank nearest Broad Kun. Heth waited for a few minutes and then Gen- eral Hill ordered him to rush the retiring Union forces, jump on their rear, and hold them until he (Hill) could bring the rest of his corps upon their flank. Heth's skirmish line was near the railroad track, and Walker's Brigade was hastening to cross Broad Eun, when fire was opened on the south end of his skirmish line. Webb's Division, by the absence of Baxter's, now reduced to two brigades — Heath's and Mallon's — was crossing Kettle Run, a mile and a half back, when Poague's batteries opened. The men, weighed down with unusually heavy baggage (five days' rations included) sadly worn from toilsome marching, 403 THE FIRST MINNESOTA loss of sleep, and the almost total lack of cooked food for two days, were laboring along in good temper and spirits, and when they heard the firing, sprang forward like athletes. General Webb hurried back from the front and at once sent out the First Minnesota, under Maj. Mark Downie, as skirmishers to the north side of the road in a scrub-pine thicket, and at the same time turned both his brigades to the road on the south side of the railroad, so that they could have the advantage of the railroad embankment in case of a fight. Hays' Division had been pursuing the route on the south side, and now Webb's men were in front of Hays'. The woods and pine thickets into which the First Minnesota entered came clear down to the roadway on the north side of the railroad track, but did not extend very far eastward. When the remainder of Heath's Brigade cleared the woods to the east, one of Mcintosh's batteries came into position on the left or north and commanded the open ground about Bristoe. Just as the Rockbridge battery came into position, the sharp rattle of musketry in the pine woods was heard. The First ]\Iinnesota had struck General Kirkland's skirmishers and the two parties were "at it." At once General Heth recalled Walker's Brigade and directed Cooke's and Kirkland's to advance in line. General Warren was now on the field, but he told General Webb to "hurry up and fight." Webb hurried Heath's three regiments by the double-quick into position behind the railroad track, facing north. The First IMinnesota was out in front skirmishing when the brigade first took position, but it soon came back. Webb first decided to put his two brigades be- 404 THE BRISTOE CAMPAIGN hind a ridge a few yards south, of the railroad track, but soon saw that behind the track was a bet- ter position and he hurried them to it. Hays was ordered by General Warren to double-quick his di- vision to a railroad cut to the left of Webb, and at once sent General Owen's Brigade, which came up and occupied the cut, which in effect was a great ditch with walls from two to ten feet high. Webb's preparations were not made too soon. It was well that before they were completed Fred Brown, whose Gettysburg wound was hardly healed, dashed up with his battery (B, First Rhode Island, four 12-lb. howitzers) splashed across Broad Run, and went upon an elevation into a position from which he could hit any portion of Hill's army, and as soon as his guns were "in battery" they were in action. Mark Downie had his Minnesotians lying down in a sort of dead furrow peppering away at Kirkland's skirmishers for about five minutes, when he saw be- hind them General Kirkland's formidable line of bat- tle advancing directly upon him. The major saw, too, on the right of Kirkland's men, General Cooke's North Carolina brigade, of four heavy regiments, al- so in motion toward the Union troops at Bristoe. He immediately gave the order for the regiment to fall back, keeping its skirmish formation, to its comrade regiments behind the railroad track. The movement was made under a heavy fire, which prevented the formation of the regiment in a compact line, and it took its position on the firing line in skirmishing order, the men a few feet apart, so that they stretched along the greater part of Webb's Division and of Owen's Brigade, and Major Downie reports that the men fought in that position during the rest of the battle. 405 THE FIRST MINNESOTA Just before the heavy firing began, Capt. R. B. Rieketts' First Pennsylvania Battery, of six 3-inch rifles, came lumbering up and plunged through Webb's line to the ridge mentioned as south of the railroad track, and went into ''battery." It was on an elevation high enough so that it could overshoot Webb's recumbent infantry and at the same time smash the North Carolinians in their faces with case- shot and percussion shells, and if necessary could deluge them with projectiles. A few minutes later Arnold's Battery (A First Rhode Island), the horses covered with sweat and foam from a long run, broke through a pine thicket to the west and came into position and with six 3-inch rifles went into action behind Owen's Brigade, to the left of IMallon's. The Union batteries were hard at work. Brown's battery flung case-shot and canister among the charg- ing ranks of the brave North Carolinians and sent dozens of them to eternity. Rieketts' battery in the rear of Heath's Brigade, showered them with shells. Captain Arnold, behind Owen's Brigade, made it terrible for Kirkland's men. There was no sign of breaking ranks except on one occasion in only one part of the line. When the Confederates of Cooke's Brigade had come within thirty yards of the railroad embankment, the Union fire was too much for them and they turned and fled. On the left of ]\Iallon's and Hays' brigades, fronting the cut in the railway line, Kirk- land's men were being killed and wounded at a frightful rate, and the unhurt felt that they could not return the way they had come without the great- est peril. The railroad cut before them, filled with Owen's Third Division men, seemed a volcanic fis- sure vomiting hot bullets into them. Brown's bat- tery and two guns of Rieketts' had them in direct 406 THE BRISTOE CAMPAIGN range and opened dreadful volleys upon them. The poor fellows were soon being slaughtered in a horrible manner. They were in a death trap from which they could not escape. They called out as loud as they could : ' ' We surrender ! ' ' Many of Kirkland's men threw themselves on the ground and lay till they were picked up as prisoners, but the majority soon fled to the rear. As stated, Cooke's men turned back when within 40 yards of the railroad, though a few came farther forward and mounted the embankment of the Nineteenth Maine ; Sergeant Small, Company I of the Nineteenth, shot one bold Confederate who was trying to cross the embankment. They came close up to the First Min- nesota, too — close enough to stick a bayonet into Sam Pitkin, of Company A, St. Paul. Capt. John Ball, of the Red Wing Company (F), was wounded as he was standing on the embankment, tiring his revolver in the faces of the enemy. Many of Cooke's command threw down their guns and surrendered. The First Minnesota captured and carried away 322 unwounded prisoners, including two field officers and five line officers and men of Company G brought in two guns of a Confederate battery. The prisoners were divided into three companies and each company placed in charge of a Minnesota lieutenant. Lieutenant Lochren (author of the Regi- ment's historical sketch) was one of these lieutenants. Two Confederate regiment flags were captured, one by the Nineteenth Maine and one by the Eighty- second. Both colors were taken in front of the respective capturing regiments. Colonel Heath, the brigade commander, says, in his report: "The First Minnesota Volunteers were deployed as skirmishers in our front and during the engagement captured and brought off two guns." 407 THE FIRST MINNESOTA "With the retreat of the North Carolinians the battle of Bristoe Station ended. When darkness came General Warren buried his 31 dead, loaded up all of his 192 wounded able to be moved, took his prisoners and captured cannon, and set out to join his comrade generals at Bull Run. The casualties of the regiment in this battle were as follows : Capt. John Ball, of Company F, severely wounded in the groin ; Lieut. James De Gray, of Company G was wounded and transferred to Invalid Corps ; Samuel J. Pitkin, Company A, bayonet thrust ; Fred L. Bernds, Company B; Henry Ghostly, Com- pany G; Leonard B. Carter and August A. Goep- pinger, Company D ; Edwin B. Lowell and John W. Pride, Company E ; Chas. A. Berdan and Edrick J. Frary, Company F; Charles Leathers and Henry A. Low, Company H; Balthasar Best and John Thrope, Company K, all wounded. The soldier who had the glorious distinction of being killed on the field was Hans Peterson of the Red Wing company. As soon as darkness protected his movement Gen- eral Warren began leading his men out of their peril- ous position. Utmost silence observed; the troops moved by the flank across the enemy's long front, within plain sight of their twinkling camp fires, with- in 300 yards of their skirmishers, and within half cannon range of their artillery in position. The cap- tured guns were not left or forgotten. Colonel Mor- gan, Inspector General, furnished horses for them and they were hauled away with Hazzard's artillery battalion. Crossing Broad Run, partly by the ford and partly by the railroad, the infantry regiments of Warren's Corps made their way over the great sterile plain stretching from Bristoe to IManassas. At between 2 and 4 o'clock on the morning of the 15th the 408 THE BRISTOE CAMPAIGN wearied and jaded men threw themselves on the ground on a part of the battlefield of Bull Run, near Blackburn's Ford, and at once fell asleep. Of the 69 hours which had elapsed since they left Bealeton, on the 12th, they had been 60 hours either in column marching in the road, or in line of battle, or skirmish- ing with the enemy — only 9 hours for rest and sleep in three days. And when they marched, General "Walker says, "they carried the heaviest loads I have ever known troops to carry on a campaign." The First Llinnesota never forgot that march. But the men did not whine or whimper over it. They were proud of it. The tired and exhausted men were encamped on the left bank or east' side of Bull Run, near enough to General Meade's fortified line. They were here but four days, during which time nothing very event- ful happened. On the day of their arrival, the 15th, Stuart's cavalry made some showy demonstrations from the west side of Bull Run. A battery came up within cannon shot and threw some infernal Hotch- kiss shells into the Second Corps camps, but did no particular damage. The old Gorman Brigade was getting rather feeble in point of numbers, and while it was in camp it re- ceived another regiment, the One Hundred and Fifty- second New York. Here the old brigade lost its time-tried and fire- tested battery — the old Ricketts' Battery, which first fought with the First Minnesota at Bull Run. A num- ber of men from the First Minnesota and other regi- ments of the brigade had been transferred to Kirby's Battery, and the Minnesotians had a strong affection for it. October 19, in a drenching rain, Meade took his army out of its intrenchments and hurried after Lee, 409 THE FIRST MINNESOTA who had left the day before, declining to fight on either side of Bull Run. The regiment marched by way of Manassas Junction to a point back near Bristoe Station, and bivouacked for the night. The morning of the 20th the Regiment moved over its recent battlefield, crossed Broad Run twice and Kettle Run once and then marched westward towards Warrenton, passing through the hamlet of Greenwich and encamping that night near the other hamlet of Auburn. Here the regiment rested three days. On the 23d it broke camp at 7 a. m. and went five miles westward to the "plug" or branch rail- road (of the Orange & Alexandria) running between Warrenton Junction and "Warrenton Court House, and camped near the bridge over Turkey Run. Here the report became current that the army was going into winter quarters. Many of the men began the construction of little log cabins in which they ex- pected to pass the winter in comfort, and some of them completed their houses in quite elaborate fashion. But alas! the rumor was false and baseless. 410 1 CHAPTER LI. THE MINE RUN CAMPAIGN. THE "Mine Run Campaign" need not here be noted, except in a general way, inasmuch as it was productive of no important result. General Meade attempted to cross the Rapidan and turn General Lee's right wing and attack him when a portion of the latter 's wing — Ewell's Corps and A. P. Hill's scattered brigades — were too far south to afford him effective assistance. The movement failed through want of co-ordina- tion of General Meade's various corps. The fault was generally attributed to the failure of General French's Corps and led to his being replaced by an- other officer. But the limits of this work do not per- mit any detailed account, except so far as this regi- ment participated. In this campaign, the last military expedition in which the First Minnesota Regiment was engaged, it followed the movements of the old Gorman First Brigade, the Sedgwick's Second Division, and the Sumner's Second Corps, now commanded respective- ly by Col. D. C. Baxter, Gen. Alex S. Webb and General G. K. "Warren. Major Mark AV. Dowiiie commanded the regiment on this campaign, but unfortunately no report can be found from him detailing its experiences. It is of record, however, that on November 24, when General Meade was getting ready for the movement, Baxter's Brigade, to which the First Minnesota be- longed, reported in front of General Webb's head- quarters at dawn November 25, ready for orders and any duty. The movement not being fully prepared, 411 THE FIRST MINNESOTA the brigade countermarched to its camp. The next morning, with the corps, it marched to the Germanna Ford of the Rapidan. The morning was quite cold and the ground frozen. While waiting for the lay- ing of the pontoon bridge, the brigade was formed in two lines of battle in the woods to the left of the road. When the bridge was finished the command crossed at 2 :30 P. M., marched four miles and bi- vouacked that night on Flat Run. The Corps was clearly on time. At 8 o'clock on the morning of the 27th, the di- vision marched with Baxter's Brigade in the rear, and continued southward to Robertson's Tavern and farm on the Fredericksburg and Orange turnpike. Within a mile of the pike the division skirmishers met the enemy's, Stuart's dismounted cavalry, and drove them back to the woods north of the tavern. Webb's and Hays' divisions were drawn up in line of battle with skirmishers deployed. Baxter's Brigade, being in the rear, was formed in two lines, deployed and held in reserve. At 2 o'clock skirmishing began on the right (it had previously been on the left) and continued until after dark. At 3, the First I\Iinnesota, under Llajor Downie, and the Eighty-second New York, under Colonel Hudson, were deployed on the Fifteenth Massachusetts which was menaced by a large force. The brigade's new regiment, the One Hundred and Fifty-second New York, under Major O'Brien, was taken away from Baxter's and sent to Colonel Dev- eroux's Second Brigade; the Nineteenth Maine, under Lieutenant-Colonel Cunningham, was held in reserve. At this time the skirmishers of Caldwell's First Divi- sion joined on the right of Webb's and completed the right of the line. At 5 o'clock, when it was dark, the direction of 412 THE MINE RUN CAMPAIGN Baxter's skirmish line was changed to the left by throwing forward the right of the line. Just when this movement began the right came upon a bunch of Confederates on the opposite side of the swamp, and at once they fired a volley and then fell back. The swamp was not more than 100 feet wide, but very miry, and in the darkness it would be hard to cross. Yet the skirmishers were about to cross it, when orders came to return to the original line. At 9 o'clock the Nineteenth Maine relieved the First Minnesota, the Eighty-second and the Fifteenth as pickets. The casualties in the brigade this day were : First ]\rinnesota, none ; Fifteenth Massachusetts, ten men wounded, Adjutant Newberry mortally, and Col- onel Joslin and four men taken prisoners. Each of the other three regiments lost three wounded. At 4 o'clock on the morning of Saturday, the 28th, orders were received to prepare to move against the enem3^ At 5 Colonel Baxter was ordered to with- draw the three regiments that were acting as sup- ports to the picket line, and form them in battle line on the right of the division. This was done quickly, and a general advance was made. The line advanced as soon as formed in a di- rection south of the Orange pike a mile or more, or from Robertson's Tavern to the head of ]Mine Run. It was hoped that this head was well below Lee's line, but on reaching it, as previously stated, plenty of Confederates were there in position, on a range of hills on the west side and parallel with the Run. The Sixth Corps soon came up, joined on the north or right end of the Second Corp's line and relieved the skirmishers of the Nineteenth ^Maine. At 4 o'clock in the evening the First IMinnesota was placed on the picket line nearer the enemy. At daybreak on the 29th Baxter's Brigade, which 413 THE FIRST MINNESOTA included the First Minnesota, took up the march with Webb's Division and was the second in the column. It went westward on the old plank road to Orange C. H. about two miles west of old Verdierville, or six miles southwest of Robertson's Tavern. Here it halted and at night bivouacked. The next day was to oc- cur the grand assault on the enemy's lines. At 3 o'clock the next morning the brigade moved forward expecting to go into battle. It did not march far until it went into position and waited for the order to charge. As General Warren had formed his line from north to south, it faced west and was about a mile and a half in length. It extended south below the Orange plank road, below the railroad grade, and below the Catharpin Run road. The Con- federates' ran still farther. In front of Warren's 26,000 men were the Confederates of A. P. Hill's Corps and a great part of Stuart's cavalry, more than 23,000 officers and men, and 42 pieces of artillery in position. (War Rees. Vol. 29, part 1, p. 823.) They were behind breastworks, commandingly situated and as formidable as any they had on Mine Run, and they could be seen digging and placing abatis and making them still more formidable and dangerous. Baxter's Brigade was formed to charge in two lines. The Fifteenth Massachusetts and Nineteenth Maine were in the first line and the One Hundred and Fifty-second and the Eighty-second New York in the second. The First Minnesota was deployed to the front as skirmishers, so that when the charge came across Reynolds' pastures it would not be dis- criminated against, but would undergo its full ex- perience of danger, and receive its full share of the work to do. Skirmishers, handling guns as cold as icicles, with stiffened fingers which ought to be lim- ber and nimble so as to pull a trigger quick as 414 THE MINE RUN CAMPAIGN lightningt. The men realized their peril, but not a man offered to shirk it. Gen. C. H. Morgan, who was still Corps Inspector General, relates this incident : "While on the picket line reconnoiter- ing, my uniform concealed by a soldier's overcoat, I asked an old veteran of the noble First Minnesota, on picket, what he thought of the prospect. Not recognizing me as an officer, he expressed himself very freely, de- claring it, "a damned sight worse than Fredericksburg," and adding, "I am going as far as we can travel, but we can't get more than two-thirds of the way up that hill." To add to the general uncomfortable feeling, the cold, which had been increasing for hours, had now become intense and almost intolerable. The Union soldiers could not help thinking of what had oc- curred at Fredericksburg just a year before, when so many of their comrades were slaughtered in a foolish movement. The trouble was to begin at 8 o'clock that morn- ing, just when it was light enough for the Confeder- ates to see to shoot well. The firing of a cannon was to be the signal for the Second Corps to advance. After it had become well involved Sedgwick, far to the north, was to charge that end of the line. Eight o'clock came, but no signal gun was fired. Then from Sedgwick's position, more than a mile away, came the boom of a cannon — then another — then an- other — to let everybody know that he was ready and waiting. But no gun from the Second Corps. Loch- ren says : ''As the gun was heard on our right, many scanned the sun, the sky and the land- scape as for a last survey. We were nerved up for the rush and the sacrifice and the 415 THE FIRST MINNESOTA suspense was almost painful. Soon curious- ity was aroused as to the cause of the delay, and after a half hour of intense expecta- tion of instant signal to move came the rumor, soon confirmed, that "Warren had de- cided that the assault could not succeed, and that he would not order the slaughter.* This was relief indeed and every man commended the decision. ''We at once cast about to make our- selves as comfortable as might be. In the garden of a large house (Reynolds') on our line we found abundance of nice potatoes covered lightly in piles to protect then from the frost. We found kettles in the house (the family had left) and dry oak bark at a tannery (also Reynolds') close by, and were soon feasting on the potatoes and basking in the heat of the fires. So we spent the rest of the cold day very comfortable, while our friends, the Confederates in the rifle pits — so near that we could have throAvn potatoes to them — looked on curiously, but showed no disposition to disturb our comfort. At night we were relieved and marched back a couple of miles." The Nineteenth Maine relieved the First Minne- sota, and it was 8 P. M. when Baxter's Brigade went to the rear and bivouacked. The next day, Tuesday, December 1, the brigade moved south of the rail- road grade, in prolongation of the division line, and here it remained all day. General Meade greatly dis- liked to retire without a battle, and he hoped either to discover a vulnerable place in Lee's line where an assault could be made, or that Lee and Hill and *It was not General Warren that decided against the asisault, he had not the authority. General Meade had ordered the assault, and 'he alone could forbid it. General Warren called Meade's a'ttention to the great dangers in- volved in the charge; Meade came up, saw for himself, and forbade it. 416 THE J\1INE RUN CAMPAIGN Ewell would come out from behind tlieir works and attack him. But neither alternative appeared. In the forenoon of Wednesday, December 2, Bax- ter's Brigade, with the First Minnesota, re-crossed the Kapidan, this time at Culpeper Ford, according to Colonel Baxter, following Morehead's (formerly Mallon's) Third Brigade. That evening the First Minnesota, after a hard march through a cold rain and deep mud, reached its former camp, near Brandy Station, half way between the north fork and Cul- peper C. H. When the regiment started to ]Mine Run, it left behind good comfortable cabins which it ex- pected to re-occupy on its return. What was its disappointment, disgust and indignation when on its return that cold, rainy evening it found that its cosy little houses had been burned by some worthless, un- regenerate stragglers, v/ho had doubtless set them on fire out of pure recklessness and depravity. It was representatives of this class of scallawags that did most of the burning of dwellings and other private buildings in Virginia during the Avar. The First Minnesota, and other regiments whose cabin quarters had been burned while they were on the Mine Run expedition, soon built other quarters and again settled down. This housebuild- ing proved, however, to be a waste of labor. On the 5th of December the Brigade Avas ordered to remove its camp about four miles to a site a mile north of the little village of Stevensburg, which is still in ex- istence, with a population of 75, in Culpeper county. The new camp "vvas about five miles southeast of Cul- peper C. H. and the same distance north of Rapidan. Again the men built cabin quarters and were fortu- nate in being permitted to occupy them for som*^ months. December 7 Lieut. Col. C. V. Adams. Avho had been 417 THE FIRST MINNESOTA absent from the regiment by reason of his Gettys- burg wounds, returned to the command, relieving Major Downie. For two months during the winter the regiment performed only ordinary camp duties ; no hostile movements were undertaken. The ground was being prepared for a base of operations in the spring against Lee's armj-, which was only a few miles away, south of the Rapidan. Roads leading to various fords of that river were constructed from Cul- peper and other railroad stations on the Orange & Alexandria, and in the spring Grant's immense hosts marched over them. The First Minnesota built and corduroyed roads and performed ordinary guard and fatigue duties during the remainder of its stay. A particular ser- vice was picket duty along the Rapidan, a few miles to the southward. The Confederate cavalry and some infantry were strung along the south bank of the river for twenty miles, and it was well to keep an eye on them. They were keenly watching the Yan- kees, and the Yankees were as keenly watching them. Neither Meade nor Lee proposed to be surprised or caught unaAvares by the other. 418 -I -a < H O Q S J Eh X >3 2; a THE FIRST MINNESOTA at Harrisburg, Pa., the headquarters of the recruit- ing service of the Second Corps. The Governor and the General Avere soon in correspondence. January 16 General Hancock wrote that he was authorized to fill up the Second Corps to 50,000 men, and had been instructed to correspond with the governors of the states to which the regiments of the corps belonged. "The First Minnesota of your state," wrote General Hancock, "is in the Second Corps, and I am anxious to do all I can to fill it up." Governor Miller replied that he would do all he could in the premises, "but the great difficulty is," said he, "that as I am informed, the regiment will not re-enlist unless they be permitted to return to the state as a body and are furloughed for 60 or 90 days, instead of the period now established by the Department." The period referred to was only 30 days. It was now the middle of January; ninety days would earrj^ the men forward until the middle of April; the regiment's three years' term expired April 29 ; if it were furloughed for 90 days, it could not be returned to the field for duty before its term would be out. General BCancock, February 2, called attention to this feature of the regiment's proposition, and said: "The time of the regiment is so near out that it is noAV too late to expect the 60 or 90 days' leave to be granted." At the same time, he said he had "tried hard to get the First ^Minnesota home, believ- ing it to be the only way of insuring the filling up of this distinguished regiment." General Hancock urged the Governor and the other friends of the regiment to make a hearty effort to fill it up, at least to its minimum, so that its organization would be saved and the name of the First Regiment Minne- sota Volunteers be perpetuated. ^Members of the Reg- 420 THE TALK OF RE-ENLISTING iment promised to re-enlist if the 90 days' furlough was granted, and Governor Miller assured General Hancock that if the men were allowed to come home for that length of time there would be "such a state of enthusiasm" as would insure the filling of the Regiment. A thirty days' furlough Avas granted and the Regiment came home, but out of its 571 members only 43 re-enlisted, and only enough new recruits Avere secured in the spring of 1864 to make two companies; so the name of First Minnesota Volun- teers was lost and the title "First Battalion Minne- sota Infantry Volunteers" given to the new organiza- tion. In March and April, 1865, seven new companies joined the Battalion, but the war was over two weeks later, and in July they were mustered out after a brief but honorable service. Unless the men had re-enlisted (in which case they would have been furloughed for thirty days and then returned to duty), the Regiment was as well off, for itself and for the good of the service, in Minnesota as in Virginia. The campaign of 1864 did not open before May 1, and by that time the Regiment's time expired by limitation. In the mean- while there were no military movements made by the Division to Avhich the First Minnesota belonged. All that would have been required of it, had it remained with the Army of the Potomac, would have been the routine duties of camp life, to keep its quarters clean, to perform guard and fatigue duty, and to draw and eat its rations. It was mainly owing to the present- ation of the facts by General Hancock, that no im- portant military movements were imminent, that the First Minnesota's term of enlistment had nearly expired, that its record of service was brilliant with splendid achievements, and that the only hope of 421 THE FIRST MINNESOTA securing its further services was its furlough, that the Regiment Avas allowed to leave the field. Lieutenant Shepard's diary has this notation: "February 4, 1864 — ^Am relieved from duty as aide de camp on Colonel Carroll's staff, to go to Minnesota with the First Regiment to be mustered out. One Lieut. William ]\Ic- Kinley* of the Twenty-third Ohio, was as- signed to take my place. I was his senior in rank at the time, but never since!' *Afteirwards President McKinley. > 5 422 CHAPTER LIII. HOME — HONORABLE DISCHARGE. ON the 5th of February, 1864, the Regiment, pursuant to the orders of the War Department, left its camp near Stevensville and set out for Minne- sota. The other regiments of the old First Brigade turned out in its honor and to bid it God-speed. At this time the veterans of the First Minnesota, Nine- teenth Maine, Fifteenth Massachusetts, and Eighty- second New York regarded one another as brethren dwelling in vmity and with fond memories. That brigade, the old Gorman brigade, was a noble organization. The Thirty-fourth New York and Kirby's Battery should have been with it all the way through, but it was a grand phalanx all the same. It did a great deal for the Union cause. From its camp near Stevensville the Regiment marched to Brandy Station, on the Orange & Alex- andria Railroad, where so much caA'alry fighting was done. Here it embarked on the cars, in a few hours was in "Washington, and before dark was snugly quartered in the "Soldiers Rest," an institution where Union soldiers passing through the city were given food and shelter. Honors were showered upon the Regiment from start to finish of its journey homeward. On the evening of February 6 it was given a grand and sumptuous banquet at the National Hotel in Wash- ington. This mark of honor and distinction was be- stowed by prominent men of the city and nation who knew the reputation of the First Minnesota and thought nothing too good for the men that had made it. The most distinguished men of the country sat 423 THE FIRST MINNESOTA at the table with the 309 members of the Regiment who were present. Colonel Colvill, still lame and sore from his Gettysburg wounds, could not stand upon his feet, and was carried into the banquet hall by Capt. Thos. Sinclair, of the Stillwater Company (B) and Sergt. John G. Merritt, of the Winona Company (K), and was greeted with hearty cheers. The leading notables present were Hon. William Windom, of Winona, then Representative in Congress from the First Minnesota District, and who presided ; Ignatius Donnelly, the other Representative ; Cyrus Aldrich and J. W. Taylor, then prominent officials; Hannibal Hamlin, the Vice President, representing President Lincoln • Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of War; John P. Usher, Secretary of the Interior; James M. Edmunds, Com- missioner of the General Land Offi^ce ; Mr. Morton, the Commissioner of Agriculture; Senators Zach Chandler of Jiliehigan, James Harlan of Iowa, and James H. .Lane of Kansas; John AV. Forney, Secre- tary of the Senate; George A. Brackett and Wm. S. King, postmaster of the House of Representatives. The last two, Geo. A. Brackett and Bill King, as they were familiarly known, were warm friends of the Regiment. They always went out of their way to honor it and to befriend a member of it. On this occasion, too, they were largely instrumental in arranging the striking testimonial. At the heads of the tables were the tattered battle flags of the Regiment, with so much of history within their ragged folds. These were saluted and toasted, as were the men who had borne them and defended them. Fervently patriotic and highly laudatory speeches of the record of the Regiment were delivered by nearly every one of the distinguished guests, and letters full of praise and good words for the men of 424 HOME— HONORABLE DISCHARGE the First Minnesota were read from Secretaries Wm. H. Seward and Salmon P. Chase and from Postmaster General Montgomery Blair. Of course the men were feasted sumptuously and praised almost extravagant- ly, and bidden a hearty God-speed to their homes. From Washington the Regiment came by railroad, via Chicago, to La Crosse. En route the loyal people gave it enthusiastic greetings at every station where ears were changed or a lengthy stop made. La Crosse was then the nearest railroad station to Minnesota of any outside of the state. So far as Minnesota was concerned, there were no inter-state railroads then. The only road it had was intra-state, running between St. Paul and a little beyond Minneapolis. (Anoka.) La Crosse was the ne plus ultra of rail- road transportation to the Northwest. But at La Crosse the foresight and patriotism of Capt. Russell Blakely, then superintendent of the great Northwestern Transportation Company, had prepared for the emergency of conveying the soldiers to their homes. He had a sufficient number of his company's large, comfortable and well-appointed sleighs, staunch and swift-running, to carry every soldier in comfort and by fast time back to Minne- sota. There were plenty of buffalo robes and blan- kets, and no danger of freezing. The air was only sharp and crisp enough to make it inspiriting and blood-tingling to the boys who had stood picket at Mine Run in zero weather. Col. Alveron Allen, the well kno^vn prince of hosts in the Northwest, and so long identified with the Merchants Hotel, St. Paul, had charge of the .joyous caravan. The way was over the ice of the IMississippi, smooth and eas.y as if it had been shaven with a scythe and leveled with a roller. The ice was three feet thick, and would have borne up a railroad 425 THE FIRST MINNESOTA train. And how joj'ous the Minnesota people were "when Johnnie came marching home." The horses that drew the sleighs seemed to know that it was up to them to break the time record between La Crosse and St. Paul, and they ran as if in a chariot race. The Regiment Avas . rapturously welcomed and bountifully feasted at "Winona and Hastings, each of which towns had a company in it, and it was also royally received en route at all the other towns where it halted. Its reception at St. Paul amounted to a magnificent ovation. It was re-quartered in the comfortable barracks at Fort Snelling, and for weeks, notwithstanding the cold weather, the men were visited and entertained by their admiring friends until they were fairly indulged and petted. The ordinary camp duties were made as light as possible, and there was little else for the men to do in a military sense but to rest on the laurels which they had so fairly but so hardly won. About 45 of the men re-enlisted; the remainder were to be discharged April 29, three years from the time of their enlist- ment. April 28 there was a grand review of the Regi- ment at Fort Snelling by Gov. Stephen Miller, the; former lieutenant colonel, v/ho addressed the men in a speech which Lochren has preserved in his history. Lieutenant Colonel Adams, in active command of the organization during Colonel Colvill's disability, made a most befitting response to the governor's address. Colonel Colvill was present, reclining in a carriage, and was affectionately greeted. On May 3d, 4th and 5th, 1864. those whose terms had expired and who had not re-enlisted were honor- ably mustered out of the service. A few days later followed the discharge of those who had filled up the ranks when the First ]\Iimiesota had changed from a 426 HOME— HONORABLE DISCHARGE three months' to a three years' regiment. And here ends the history of the First Regiment of Minnesota Volunteer Infantry. Its members had fought a good fight, they had finished their course, they had kept the faith, and they had made a record that will be glorified by the loyal people of Minnesota as long as heroism is admired and patriotism is cherished and honored. 427 ('APT. C. B. HEFFELFINGRR, CAPT. J. N. SKAKLES AND <'^)RP. M. F. TAYLOR ARE THE MEMBERS OF THE "COLVILI. COAr.AriSSK^X" WHO HAD CHARG^E OF THE PREPA KATTOX OK THIS HTSTOPV. APPENDICES. APPENDICES. WHEN this work was undertaken it was expected to include a short account of the regimental re- unions that the survivors have held since soon after the war; also a number of addresses delivered by distinguished men on those and other occasions. Economical considerations have compelled an abandonment of most of those expectations. There follow, however, certain addresses that it has been possible to preserve in this history. While it may be said that none of these addresses have anything to do with the organization — as a then active body of soldiers — and hence could have been omitted with propriety, still they are so con- nected with occasions, either intimate or official, where the survivors were present, that we feel no hesitation in giving them space. It is more difficult to explain why many addresses not here found, have been omitted. The situation finally led the compilers to confine their selection to the mope important addresses given on OFFICIAL OCCASIONS, except in one instance, where the address was given at a camp-fire. Had the financial situation warranted it, the com- pilers would have most gladly included addresses given by Major j\Iaginnis, Hon. Dan Lawler at the reunion in St. Paul where the citizens of that city organized a grand reception and program, and Hon. Loren Fletcher at Gettysburg, as well as Hon. Wm.. Lochren at the same place. They were all worthy of preservation, and the survivors of the regiment hold those gentlemen in grateful remembrance for their generous treatment on those occasions. 431 THE FIRST MINNESOTA APPENDIX I. Address of Hon. Cushman K. Davis (U. S. Senator from ]\iinnesQta) delivered at Gettysburg battlefield on July 2, 1897, at the ceremonies attending tihe unveiling of the monument erected to commemorate and identify the place of the immortal "charge" made by the regiment on July 2, 1863. LJOW lovingly Peace, enrobed in her imperial man- ^ ■*• tie of golden harvests, reigns over this delicious landscape ! The refulgent armor of ivar now rusts beneath our feet. The cannon that we see here in position among the ranks which sleep in the in- vincible array of death, are silent forever. Peace now holds an unbroken sway over our dear land. And yet thirty-four years ago today she fled affright- ed from this scene. The fiery chariots of Yv'ar were reaping here her fields and were gathering a harvest of men into that tabernacle of never-ending rest, wherein all grains and fruits and flowers and men and all living things must be garnered at last. And you, the gray survivors of one of the most glorious deeds of arms ever wrought by men, have come to this field of your glory and your country's renown, with your wives, your children and your children's children to post upon an everlasting station the bronze soldier, in whom the genius of Fjelde has commemorated your valor in that headlong charge of oh! so few and yet so brave, which stopped, and confused the serried ranks of thousands of valiant men of your own blood, which broke against the bul- warks of the Union like a long and foaming wave from an irresistible and exasperated sea. They num- bered thousands; you but two hundred and sixty- two. AVhen you completed that awful bayonet charge two hundred and fifteen of you lay bleeding on the ground; only forty-seven were unhurt, but they stood in line, and not one man was missing. Nearly 160,000 men fronted each other here. Neither waged a war of foreign invasion. They were brothers, deeply angered. But that brotherhood was an assurance of fraternal reunion at some time when war should cease and the resistless forces of recon- 432 APPENDICES ciliation should assert themselves, as they have done, thanks be to Him who has gnided and protected this nation. These armies were undoubtedly the best the world has ever known. They were commanded with con- summate skill. The individual intelligence of the rank and file was never surpassed. The result was an in- telligent valor of the soldier obeying and executing with the force of co-operative knowledge the trained and instructed genius of his commanders. Neither army was fighting for a monarchy or to establish one. Each was pouring out its blood for its own constitutional government — for the right of man to govern himself in a republic. This fact is ever to be remembered in considering the philosophy of that great war. The irritating cause which pro- duced it never for a moment seduced the men of either side from allegiance to the constitutional con- ception of their forefathers that governments exist only by the consent of the governed, and this right can be most efficaciously established and preserved by an elective republic. That supreme allegiance bound even rebellion by its higher law. And it was this transcendental fealty which so soon reunited us in one family by the combined efforts of men in whom hostility has been appeased, and closed that awful chasm which our evil-wishers abroad predicted would always divide us by a fixed and impassable gulf. The same earthquake force which opened that abyss closed it again, and we stand now, here and everywhere, upon solid ground, — holy ground here, because it is a tomb where the hosts of valor and patriotism have "set up their everlasting rest." It is also a field of resurrection whence has risen the Genius of a restored Union. The request that I should speak here today was sudden and unexpected. It was made only last evening. I had intended to be merely a reverent spectator of this impressive ceremonial. To make my task more difficult I was asked to indicate some of the general bearings of this battle upon our his- tory and destiny. I was entitled to time to prepare THE FIRST MINNESOTA for such a task. Even then it would be difficult to generalize upon an occasion which by its appeals to the feelings and the imagination almost disables one from any attempt at dispassionate speculation. Most battlefields are mere slaughter-places. A few, and they are very few, in the long tract of his- tory, have been the sources of human right and political regeneration. Herein is the difference be- tween mere dynastic massacre and holy sacrifice. It is the difference between the Coliseum and the Temple. We revere Marathon, where the Oriental polity embodied in Persia was forever prohibited from extending its sway over Europe. We see that our present civilization, and, perhaps, Christianity itself, were contended for and there triumphed, al- though they then existed only in the designs of Providence. Pericles at Marathon and Lincoln at Gettysburg are separated by two thousand five hun- dred years ; yet, nevertheless, their matchless orations on those consecrated battlefields are understood in all ages and by all men as the sacred utterances of the great primates of national independence and individual liberty. Over the dead of Thermopylae were inscribed the lines : ' ' Go, stranger, and tell it in Lacedaemon that we died here in obedience to her laws." The same epitaph and message could rightfully be cut in every monument upon this field. We know that religious freedom and personal liberty triumphed at Lutzen by the sacrificial atone- ment of the battle wherein the great Swedish king gave up his life. At Yorktown, where the stars of America shone through the lilies of France, republi- can institutions upon this hemisphere were assured forever, and the foundations of the present French Republic were laid invisibly to the builders. Here and at Vicksburg, on nearly the same day. Justice weighed in her golden scales, w^hich impended over either army, the recompense and trophies of righteous victories by which were confirmed to this people much that had been won in the other fields of which I have spoken. The Fourth of July depended here. Should it 434 APPENDICES ever be observed again was a militant question on that day. The fight was whether such a republic as the United States could endure anywhere upon the earth. The Constitution of the United States was set in the cloudless sky of that July day like the Cross that stood in the heavens over the army of Con- stantine. Every beneficent and indispensable element of self-government was at stake in that great wager of battle. For, although I have said, and said truly, that each army fought for constitutional self-govern- ment as a republic, it is none the less true that the divison of this Union into two republics would have been the precursor of not only their downfall, but of the impossibility of such a form of government any- where. I regret that the limitations of this occasion restrict me to mere assertion of this opinion. I will merely say that this is true, or all history is false, that the Northern and Southern republics would in time have exterminated each other with the assist- ance of those Powers, which, since our Civil War, have made Europe a fortified camp in a time of peace, have created navies that bridge the seas, have appro- priated every island in every ocean, Hawaii excepted, have invaded Mexico, have partitioned Africa, havo subjugated Madagascar, have diminished China, have threatened South America, and of whose hopes and designs your victory on this field was a defeat. Slavery came to an end. It was necessary that it should. Nobody now regrets its extinction. Lin- coln's emancipation proclamation was confirmed and made valid here by blood. Every cannon-shot, every musket-ball, every saber-stroke fell upon four mil- lions of shackles. There was not a slave from the James river to the everglades of Florida and the canefields of Louisiana who did not feel that those blows were shattering the fetters that bound him. The cause of all our woes was nullified and secession seceded from all function in our institutions or our destiny. The full industrial development of our people was fought for and achieved in this battle. The North and the South were distracted as to each other by 435 THE FIRST MINNESOTA contentious social and industrial organizations, which arrested that development in the South and impeded it in the North. Necessarily slavery confined pro- duction to primary articles from the soil. There was and could be, within the area which it cultivated, little or no change of form in the products of the earth before they reached the market. SlaA^es could not be safely trained up to the degree necessary to effect the transformation of the primary product into its ultimate manufactured forms. The result was a changeless simplicity of social and industrial struc- ture. Increase of complexity is an indispensable condition and result of progressive and higher civil- ization. This is true throughout nature — the greater the complexity, the higher the type. It was lacking with us. Another result of these antagonistic elements was a primeval simplicity of commercial exchanges by which the products of the South were marketed. They were exchanged in distant markets and by a system equivalent to barter, wasteful and almost barbaric. It necessarily so resulted. It is so no longer and can never be so again. This nation is now one producing unit and the South is rapidly taking her place as the manufacturer of her own primary products up through all degrees of change in form. With this abolition of contentious and dissociating forces our population has increased to more than twice that of both North and South in 1860. Our physical power has been multiplied much more. As to resources, nothing before the war affords any standard of comparison. It is merely contrast. In- telligence has increased diffusively, and Wisdom has come with it. Inventions that save labor, make common life luxurious, preserve health, extirpate disease, utilize the waste things of other times, and impress the most occult, subtle and powerful forces of Nature into a disciplined service, have added their puissant might to this great development of a fjeople everywhere fitted to receive and use them. Nothing remains that can produce schism as 436 APPENDICES slavery did. There is an aggressive patriotism in the South that delights me, a belief in the power of the United States, a confidence in its expansive destiny, alacrity in maintaining the interests, honor and dignity of the nation. I shall never forget when riot was developing by evolution into treason in Chicago and elsewhere three years ago that there was no dissonance in the universal voice that went up from every part of this nation for the supremacy of the Constitution and the enforcement of the laws, and that after a Northern senator, and Senator Gordon, whose sword fell heavily upon you here, had denounced the violators of public order, an eminent Confederate, who fought on this very field — it was Senator Daniel, of Virginia — rose in his place in the Senate, and offered the resolution which strengthened the hands of the President in repressing the most dangerous attack (excepting one) upon law, order and public and private stability that was ever made in our history. But I must bring these desultory remarks to a close. (Cries: Don't stop; go on.) Well, I will go on briefly upon this same line. I am anxious to impress upon the minds of this audience that civil dissension must end some time if the nation is to endure. AVe can leave censure to the jurisdiction of history. Recrimination and reconciliation cannot co- exist. The victor does not need to recriminate, least of all on this spot. All civil wars end and must end in forbearing reconciliation. It was so in England. It was so in France. So it must be with us. Facing me across the table of the committee on military, affairs were Cockrell, vigilant in peace as in war; Bate, who was grievously wounded at Nashville, I think; "Walthall, who stood between us and the retreating army of Bragg at Chickamauga like a wall of iron. These patriotic statesmen, soldiers, gentlemen, concurred most heartily in the proposi- tion that the United States should buy and adorn this and other historic fields whereon their cause- was lost. I mention these facts because this is an appropri- 437 \ THE FIRST MINNESOTA ate occasion to recognize the accomplished result that this is a reconciled people, a reunited nation. Teach every listener to whom you speak that that is what you fought for here thirty-four years ago and that it has come to pass. It is the greatest of your vic- tories. We stand in the vestibule of the twentieth cen- tury. The last one hundred years measure a human development more vastly expansive than any preced- ing century. The greater part of this has been accomplished since 1865. The entire world has moved forward and upward in this advancing move-, ment. The United States has unquestionably led in this great evolution. That it has done so is largely due to the valor of the Union army, the wisdom of her statesmen, and more than all else combined, to the intelligence and patriotism of a reunited people. The passion and partisanship of politics are no longer sectional. The century into which we are about to enter (and long may you survive to witness its wonders), will bring to man as an individual, greater personal benefits than he has ever yet enjoyed. The efforts of our forefathers were necessarily restricted to securing political independence, and to confirm their glorious success the exertions of their descend- ants have been in the main directed. Everything in that respect is now secure beyond attack, beyond dispute, if not beyond em-y. The twentieth century will concern itself more with the personal well-being of man in his industrial and social relations. In the meantime this nation will grow in power even beyond the precedent of its own example. As that century shall progress men, women and children will stand on this sacred spot among these hallowed graves and speak reverently to each other of the deeds of their fathers here performed, by which human liberty was secured and the Union made perpetual and in- divisible. 438 I APPENDIX II. Address of Hon. J. B. Gilfillan of Minneapolis, at a regimental camp-fire held by the survivors, at Minne- apolis, Minn., 19 06 lyTAJOR MAGINNIS : I take pleasure in now intro- ^^*- dncing another member of the First Minnesota — one whose name is known to yon all. I have the honor of introducing Judge Gilfillan. John B. Gilfillan then spoke as follows : Ladies and Gentlemen, Old Soldiers, and Veterans: It is always with feeling of profound reverence that I come to speak of or to the veterans of our Civil AVar. and I shall not expect, in what I say, in any eulogium I can pronounce — to add one iota to the luster and glory which they have already achieved by their own valor and patriotism. It is over two-score years since the pronounce- ment of war fell upon us like a clap of thunder from a clear sky. Threats had been made, but no one believed that the action would follow. No sooner was Sumter fired upon, however, than we found at once a cordon of citizen soldiery stretching from the Atlantic seaboard to the Mississippi river and beyond, one-half clad in blue, the other half in gray. And whether you speak of the deeds and valor of the one or the other, it matters not ; the whole world looked on and wondered at the achievements which they made. The Federal army had no mean enemy to face. The two armies were of one blood, of one people, of one education, of one civilization, and they both fought as armies never fought before. The splendid moral courage that actuated the Union forces was a spectacle to behold. The task they sought to achieve was declared, by the nations of the earth, impossible of achievement. But the same God of nations that ruled in the days of the Patriarchs is still ruling, and it had been decreed in the wisdom and provid- ence and mercy of the Almighty that the foul blot 439 THE FIRST MINNESOTA which had rested upon our nation's history, and upon its escutcheon, should be wiped out, even if it must be wiped out in blood. This was not thought of in our limited vision at the beginning of the war, but it became an incident in the progress of events. The integrity of the Union, the entity of the nation, was, to those who administered its affairs, the object and end of the war, but its absorbing incident, be- came, seemingly, a necessary means to that end. However, it was decreed that those who fought for freedom and liberty, and this noble government of ours, should win. And their deeds and their valor were ultimately rewarded with victory, and this great tnation was saved a union to us and to our posterity. But we are here tonight to do honor to one single regiment — the regiment of all the regiments that stands nearest to us all in Minnesota, a regiment to which I myself belonged for two months, but the condition of my health at that time forbade enlist- ment for the term of three years, and so I can claim none of the glory which w^as achieved by those who went to the front. AVell do I remember the day that that first regiment rallied at Fort Snelling, the 29th of April, 1861 — a bright clear day, like the one today, and our companies gathered at Fort Snelling, ten in number, composing a full regiment. The mem- bers of that regiment who had volunteered were near to the hearts, not only of the speaker who preceded me, but of everybody. Everybody was determined to do what they could to save this Union from annihilation. Some had been Republicans, some had been Democrats; but we knew no such distinction, for there wasn't any. My friend in the chair (IMajor Maginnis) was a Democrat, I was a Republican. But we didn't know any difference then, and I don't know as there is much difference now, because I have come to the conclusion that about all there is to polities is the question of good government. (Applause.) The regiment went forward as has been described to you, and I will not take the time to go any further into the details of that: but it went for- ward and it fought on over tw^enty battle-fields, and 440 APPENDICES its blood was shed. You see the names of those battles emblazoned upon the walls of this hall to- night. It served through the whole Army of the Potomac, sharing in all the hardships and battles during those three long years to '64, a service which reached its highest culmination, perhaps, at Gettys- burg — a service there which astonished the world. As that Spartan band at Thermopylae glorified the history of Greece and the character of her people, so did that matchless charge at Gettysburg glorify the name of Minnesota and the Minnesota First Eegimeut. (Applause.) The regiment went out with 1,042 men, supplemented later by 243 recruits, and going into that charge with less than 300, it came out of it with less than a tenth of that num- ber. We have reason to believe and claim that their part in that charge was the pivot upon which the success or failure of the battle of Gettysburg was determined, and the determination of that battle virtually determined the Civil "War. There was the pivot upon which the whole clash of arms turned, and from that day forward the Union Army was as a rule successful. Few of the First Minnesota are left to share in the joy of this reunion. The gladness of this occa- sion is chastened by the numerous vacancies by battle and the years since the war, and it will be but a few more years that we can have the privilege of meet- ing in any number, these old veterans, our choice friends and neighbors. They have won a fame to which none can add. Their history and their glories are written in that four years' service, and it will stand as a beacon light in the history of the wars of the world. We cannot add to it. or detract from it, but we can realize this : That they accomplished a greater work, if possible, than they who achieved our independence at the beginning, when they saved to us this united government, our great nation, which has expanded and which will still expand until it shall become the glory of the whole world. (Ap- plause.) We have, thank God, a few of the survivors of 441 THE FIRST MINNESOTA the old First with us here tonight, and to them I wish to say, the country owes you and your com- rades in arms, more than tongue can tell, and as a final word to you on this occasion I wish to say, all hail, and God bless you, all hail and God bless you, one and all. 442 APPENDIX III. Presentation address of Capt. J. N. Searles, in behalf of the Colvill Monument Commissioii, at the unveiling of the Colvill staltue in the capitol, Feb. 25, 1909. Y^UR Excellency the Governor, Mr. Speaker, Comrades and Ladies and Gentlemen: A little over fifty years ago the people of the Territory of Minnesota adopted a state constitution and were admitted, by Congress, into full fellowship with sister states of the Union. Scarcely had the young commonwealth become accustomed to its new relationship, when it was called upon to contribute its quota of men to defend the integrity of that Union, by the outbreak of the Civil War. So rapidly did that contest extend in point of territory and so prolonged was the conflict, that it was found, on the successful termination of the struggle, that this state had furnished over 22,000 men to swell the armies of the Union. It has been the delight of every people, in every age, to recall, for themselves and their posterity, the recollection of any event that reflected honor upon their race or nation. This desire has mainly found expression in the erection of memorials commemorating services of distinguished citizens, or preserving the location or historical significance of important events. In response to this sentiment, the various states contributing, in that critical period of our national history, to the preservation of the national govern- ment, have erected monuments on all the more im- portant battlefields of the rebellion. This state has thus honored itself and dutifully memoralized the sacrifices made by its citizen soldiers on the battlefields of Shiloh, Chickamauga, Vicks- burg, Gettysburg and Mission Ridge. So far, however, little, if anything, has been done within the limits of our state, to perpetuate the 443 THE FIRST MINNESOTA memories of the IMinnesota Volunteers who so gal- lantly sustained the honor of the state in all the decisive confiicts of that momentous struggle. During the period which has elapsed since those eventful days, the state has rapidly developed its natural resources and population to such an extent that longer delay in discharging the laudable duty is no longer necessary. Accordingly, when it was known, upon the completion of this beautiful capitol, that provision had been made for installing therein monuments commemorating the glorious acts of its citizens, it was considered eminently proper for the survivors of the First Eegiment of Minnesota Volunteers to inaugurate a movement to install in this building a monument commemorating the services of that organization. It seemed fit that such movement should be started l)y the first regiment, for it was the first organization sent out of the state to the support of the Union; it was the first regiment tendered to President Lincoln on the outbreak of the Civil War, and its service, during three years in the Army of the Potomac was such as to reflect great credit upon itself and the state. Without assuming any pre-eminence over other gallant organizations that gloriously sustained the honor of the state during that critical period of the national life, the Regimental Association of the First Regiment, at its meeting in 190G, appointed a com- mittee to solicit, from the legislature, an appropri- ation sufficient to erect a monument in memory of the regiment. This monument, it was thought, should be a statue of its commanding officer on the second day of the battle of Gettys1)urg— Col. William Colvill. There was no invidious distinction in this selection, for, although the regiment had, during its service, other distinguished commanding officers, yet this officer was considered the nearest ideal to a IMinne- sota Volunteer. Without military training when he entered the service, he applied himself so conscientiously to the 444 APPENDICES study of his duties, and proved himself on all occa- sions so fit to do the work assigned to him and uniformly conducted himself so free from reproach or fear, that it was the general consensus of opinion that the monument should perform the double function of memoralizing the regiment and its most characteristic commander. In response to the request made by the committee thus appointed, the legislature, most promptly and generously, appropriated the sum of ten thousand dollars, to be expended in installing such a monu- ment in this beautiful capitol and another at the grave of Colonel Colvill at Cannon Falls, and authorized the governor of the state to appoint a commission to carry into effect this plan. This commission was, at the outset, confronted with the problem, of determining who sliould prepare the model for this work. They communicated with artists in the East who had established reputations for successful work of this character, but, when it was disclosed that the monument was to possess portrait characteristics, and the amount of the ap- propriation was limited as stated, it was found im- possible to interest any of them in the undertaking. Accordingly the commission turned their attention to artists nearer home, and with such success that they finally awarded to Mrs. Geo. J. Backus, of ]\Iin- neapolis, the task of preparing this model. This lady has, in the judgment of the commis- sion — in which they are supported by the opinion of experts more competent to .judge — most successfully discharged this task, and her work now stands in one of the niches on this second floor of this building. "We regard her work as a most satisfactory example of portraiture in plastic art, and worthy to stand forth in the future as a memorial of a glorious past and an incentive to posterity to emulate, in its standard of citizenship, the example of the men, who, through the great strife to maintain the Union, on every field of battle, from every loyal state, im- mortalized the citizen soldiery of the Union. 445 APPENDIX IV. Address of Mr. James J. Hill, read at the ceremonies ifor unveiling a statue of the late William Colvill, Colonel of the First Regiment of Minnesota Volunteers, in the state capitol at St. Paul, Minnesota, March 31, 1909. "VY/E have met today to honor the memory of one of ' our country's modest heroes, to commemorate the deeds of his gallant comrades in arms, to recall once more that great occasion which gave to him and those who fought side by side v\'ith him, enduring fame. A nation or a state is at its best upon oc- casions such as this. The strife of party and of per- sons ceases. Selfish interests stand aside. For the moment the things that occupy our days of action are hushed. The patriot whose name this memorial bears was one of those direct and simj^le men who rise so often to the level of great acts. Outside of his military record, the life of Colonel Colvill reads as modestly as even he would have desired. He was born at Forestville, New York, in 1830. He came to Min- nesota in the early fifties, and settled at Red AA^ing in 1854. He was a quiet, scholarly, unpretentious man filled with the faith of patriotic duty. Nowhere did the flame of devotion burn more brightly or more steadily than among the scattered people of the frontier. Minnesota was one of the newest and most sparsely peopled of all the States. Yet the first of- fer of help in the dark days of 1861, the first definite proposal by a State to put men in the field in de- fense of the Union and of human freedom, was made by our war governor, Alexander Ramsey. And among the first to respond was this unknown young lawyer of Red AVing, who raised there a body of recruits, constituting Company F of the immortal First Min- nesota, and he became their captain. The details of his life thereafter are known to you all; part of a proud and grave inheritance. Captain Colvill became Colonel Colvill in 1863. From first to 446 APPENDICES last he took part in more than thirty battles. First wounded in the fiery baptism with which the war opened at Bull Eun, he commanded his regiment from the first battle of Fredericksburg until that bloody charge at Gettysburg left him wounded on the field.. After his days of service were over, he returned quietly to the simple life he loved. When the battle flags were about to be removed from the old capitol to the new, the veterans of the First Minnesota came to escort that tattered ensign to its home in this stately pile. Their old leader met with them, spent the evening with comrades at the Soldiers' Home and when the morning came he had answered another and a final call. His virtues need no other commemoration than this simple statement of facts, and the tried and lasting affection of those who were near to him in life. It was characteristic of him, of his sanitj'' and largeness of mind, that he coveted no public recognition. He declared, when a brevet brigadier generalship was offered to him, that he would rather die as Colonel of the old First Minnesota. It is thus that he lives in history and in the hearts of his fellow men. It is this indissoluble association with the little troop of heroes whose fame can never die, that he chose as his chief title to distinction. This is the proudest word written upon the monument which attests the appreciation and gratitude of an- other generation, knowing only by tradition the stern days through which he lived. His life touched its high tide when he shouted the "Charge" that sent the First Minnesota to death and glory where the Nation's future was wavering in the balance. Today's ceremonies would lose meaning and fail in justice if they did not make that one historic event their center; if they did not reunite the dead and the living by joining in honor and praise the commander in whose name this monument is reared and the men who followed him ; a few of whom, in ranks more fatally thinned by time than by the bul- lets of the enemy, are still with us to live again that day of unfading glory. Time has detracted nothing from the achievement of the First Minnesota. The 447 THE FIRST MINNESOTA further we recede from the moment when they threw themselves without wavering into the jaws of death — the more we compare it with other feats of arms that have been celebrated in song and story — the more distinguished and incomparable it appears. It is unique not only in the history of our nation but in the records of all warfare in modern history. It is not our personal pride, or the disposition to exalt our own, but the official record that gives to the regi- ment which shares with its old leader today the af- fection and reverence of all, its station in the hall of earthly fame. The day was the crisis of the War of the Eebel- lion, and the hour was the crisis of a memorable at- tempt to strike a swift, straight blow through the living body of the Union that should leave it help- lessly dissevered. The whole country thrilled with comprehension of what this battle meant ; of what must follow should Gettysburg have the same ending as Bull Run. Not then would victory have found the forces of the South incapable of utilizing it to the full. Because of the danger of this supreme effort to reach the heart of the nation, Gettysburg is one of the decisive names that these four years of strif*^ wrote indelibly into our history. Equally significant and fateful was the moment that flashes into every man's thought and fills his heart with pride as he realizes the significance of the monument which we are here to dedicate. Like all great things, it and all that it involved were very simple. The corps of Sickles had been defeated and forced backward. To this point of disaster rein- forcements were hurrying, but they would arrive too late unless the oncoming legions could be checked. Were this not done, the Union line Avould be practi- cally cut in two, the army's flank turned and the day's ending could hardly be doubtful. To save it must be the work of a moment. To hold back the v/hole body of the enemy, supported by their batteries and wild with success and the desire of victory, only the handful of men of the First Minnesota were avail- able. On that single chance these men staked their 448 APPENDICES. lives, accomplished the seemingly impossible, and de- cided the fortunes not only of that day but perhaps of years of war. The glory of it is that they went down into the valley of death not doggedly but bravely; holding life cheap in comparison with their duty and their cause. Because of the great courage with which they faced their fate, they accomplished results out of all proportion to their numbers. There was a mental shock from the possibility of such a charge, as ef- fective as the impact of bullet or bayonet. And so moral and physical heroism joined forces and kept the field until the critical moment had passed, the re- inforcements appeared and the day was saved. Then not broken or swallowed up, not yielding themselves prisoners, when their work was done, the small rem- nant of survivors, only forty-seven in all, with their colors still in their possession and their spirit un- subdued, retired because they were ordered back and their task accomplished. On that bloody field they left their colonel and every field officer either dead or wounded. There they left 215 of the 262 men who had followed the command to charge. Not a man was unaccounted for. Not one had flinched upon that terrible day. When we place their act upon a pedestal so high and decorate it with unstinted praise we do not ex- aggerate the bare fact. It has been called "a feat of arms unparalleled in the annals of modern war- fare;" and such it is not only to the partial eye of friends but by the test of actual comparison. The total loss of the First Minnesota at Gettysburg was 82 per cent. The charge of the Light Brigade at Balaklava has stood for most of the English-speaking world as the supreme effort of human valor in a for- lorn hope. The "Six Hundred" of Tennyson's poem lost 37 per cent of their number, more being taken prisoners than were killed or wounded. The Imper- ial Prussian Guards at Gravelotte lost 50 per cent ; the Guarde-Schuetzen 46 per cent at Metz. But never since Thermopylae has there been in a successful ac- tion such a percentage of loss as the First Minnesota 449 THE FIRST MINNESOTA sustained; never, by the most generous estimate of all the brave deeds of the past, has human courage more completely triumphed. In the procession of the heroes of all ages, the First Minnesota will march at the head of the line. Who were these men who wrought a deed so fine and lasting? Most were American-born, but the other nationalities that have contributed most to the strength of our composite race were also represented on this roll of fame. They w^ere men who had learned to labor and to endure. Their virtues were large, simple and candid. They saw things straight and the struggle for existence in their daily life has taught them to do things quickly and well. There was no better making of a soldier. The members of the First Minnesota represented the furthest advance, of civilization in the Northwest. For untold generations it will bring pleasure and pride to our descendents as it does to us all to tell this story that cannot grow old. There is no blood so cold, no heart so immersed in the world's cares that does not thrill to it. But to none can it bring the personal touch contributed here and now by the gray hairs, the bent forms, the symbols of honorable age that greet our eyes in the survivors of what was both an age of heroes and an age of chivalry. As long as the nation lives, the memory of that great sacrifice must lend seriousness of purpose and loftiness of aim to the daily work of those who have entered into an inheritance bought with blood and self-sacrifice. As the strength and beauty of the tree grows out of the root, so from the graves of our heroes, from such memories as we are met today to revive, from such honor as we pay to the leader be- fore whose memorial our heads are bared, arise new civic ideals and a will to serve the Republic and keep it for the blessing of our people and the hope of all the earth. Remembering them and their achievements, we may well be modest. "We may well cultivate the qualities of simplicity and sincerity, without which men or nations may be successful but can scarcely be called great. These carried to its triumphant close 450 APPENDICES. the struggle that convulsed this nation. Thesq especially marked the mightiest leader of them all, who paid to the event this day commemorates, upon the field of Gettysburg, his tribute in vi^ords so lofty in their thought and feeling that they must always remain our model. With another of the great, simple thoughts of Abraham Lincoln we may conclude this day's ceremony, taking them with us as we turn again from the past to the present, confronting the day's work, short or long, that awaits us all: "And, having thus chosen our course, without guile and with pure purpose, let us renew our trust in God, and go forward without fear and with manly hearts!" 451 1 APPENDIX V. GENERAL SANFORD'S BATTERY. N February, 1862, Maj. Gen. H. S. Sanford, our Minister to Belgium, presented through Gov. Alex. Eamsey to the state ''for the First Minnesota Volun- teers" a small battery consisting of three steel rifled cannon, six-pound caliber, with suitable ammunition. At that time no other Minnesota troops had been under fire, and no other troops could be mentioned in the presentation. These guns bear the legend ''To the First Minne- sota Regiment Volunteers, tribute to patriotism and valor. Brussels, 1861." They are now located on the grounds of the (old) capitol, at St. Paul, Minnesota. In his letter of presentation General Sanford said : "The efficiency and discipline of that regi- ment, as detailed in the public prints and the conspicuous valor displayed by it in the field at Bull Run and Ball's Bluff, won my admiration, and my pride was heightened here in a foreign land by encomiums which its conduct dieted from strangers. "In our country we have no titles or decorations to bestow as in monarchies. Merit looks for its reward to an appreciating people, and this tribute to patriotism and valor from a fellow citizen may serve to those brave men as an evidence of apprecia- tion, as an encouragement in this great struggle in which they are engaged, and as a lasting testimonial in after times of the admiration which I doubt not is shared by a large majority of our countrymen." 452 ROSTER ERRATA On pages 4G4 and 480 the head- ing "Out Mustered" should read, "Mustered Out." On page 468 the heading "Mustered In" in the fourth column of roster should read "Mus- tered Out." ROSTER OF THE FIRST REGIIMENT OF MINNE- SOTA VOLUNTEER INFANTRY THE following roster is taken from the records of the Adjutant General's office at the capitol, St. Paul, Minnesota, and is believed to be as complete as can now be made. Captain Hummiston, who has had charge of the military records for the various military organiza- tions of the state, has labored faithfully for years in compiling information of this character for all the Minnesota troops and is entitled to great credit for his industry and perseverance. Owing to names having been spelled, at times, in different ways, the particular spelling here adopted represents his best judgment. At the burning of the old capitol many original records were lost, but from those preserved and other sources, the following is believed to be substantially correct, and in some respects will be found to vary from Lieutenant Lochren's roster of the regiment published in "Minnesota in the Civil and Indian Wars." It Avill be observed that this roster does not, in some instances, make note of services rendered by some officers assigned to staff duty or to some other command not connected with the regiment, but it is hoped that such instances will be found noted in the body of the work. 455 THE FIRST MINNESOTA I— I fe O S s o o o 02 S Pi K Eh o o to 03 o >> C g3 fcJ} ^ e J ° o fa c O Pi H fn -a m S O 03 m «d5 'a.«_ »3 M 03 'd • 03 > >P^ o c be c i: . 6 br 01 o c 3 -« O !- HUM -M 03 d ~t- S *-> • X re's oi kU d- o d^ 1; . a-' O O CIO - o si d^ .7- ^ ^ d-i-M 'C d r— •r-1 brb£b£^ ^ ^ d"^ 0; OJ tr ^«2dbi K K Oj !7' o d o U 3 03 [3 p. O Ki d d t^ . "^ d ^ c o ■w 03 W. 03 0! O t- o "^ 03 d ."dCQ d c CJ3 03 t. 03 03 03° C d ►r 02 f^ o 05 O 03 ,jj Ofe(72 ■;? rt d .=3 c d,. CM -i< 0-3 CQ Cvj +j d ^ C3 03 O ^ Cl3 t ' 03 * (1-^ b£o u 3 03 «! mi ^^ -c ? 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CSOJ WW c^ S; c c -=.00 ■*-' -w CO ^ ^ . *- cS C!3 to^ o c , OJ O !- .EOa: o " T) - -2 0) ^ .C^-J o c^ oi d 490 EOSTER OF TIIE FIRST MINNESOTA .'O — O ^ d U5 oj « '■a a; c 3 S ^ -n CO rTw 3 acac O t. !h t< ri ^ o o O !-. l>UOUH o 3 o ■3C>> 5w ■ 'A m " Opi o o 03 w ni *-» 02 do ^ CO JSi . o ;h d c ■"On? o cc 2 ■c c a oj •- c3 o «r ^ ":j . . " oc oj ■2 .t: t; &jj '^ "^ "t^ .'^ ^ ^ 'w 4_t '^ rf d 03 . _ J, m u: i" o CO U O ■M s 0) -rt ^ o ;o: W r— CO *~^ ..^ F*.^ K Oj CU n to w 3 c c O cti d ^ Sir- C -M -^^-^ •Ho P a.2J o'J(00^"Caraaio i; o o'-^ o . 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OJ3 3 *-> to"^ ^ t>l I>ll ^ 60 o O jU 1) be m -3 W M M '-^ o < o , bet: be o i: "^ te m C K o .2 o O rs 5 o c d CO K n +-"3 3 C C S 3 3 _§oo 3 d ! -S 2 ^ •^■_ -_ 0; CO 01 ) oj ^ be to _ c 3 3'^' 3 3 CO r C o 3 3 3ii 3 3 3 a dtnoOO;;^OOd« be 3-1- to- ._ ■ *^ M ^' C5^- n • •-„ 5^ s- . ^ °m m (^ n > £ f»o„ ^ '3 . ■;; d^ IS *J " o- c OJ -4-» *J o ® r;?r- a2S3 J 3 r CO to -O d 30 3 d be > O .P -= ; .2 to O - O ■-^^c^ 3 3£ 3 ^ r-ii^ 1-5 >-: CO -C 3 -cs-obe cu d c 3 5- tc c? c^^c^ *j 3 20 t-M faO d CD CO CO coiisin odd coco coco (P (U ■ 0) pa :c ■ l-HCO .COCO ■t-*o '. " : "' c' :?d •Ml-5 CO d CO d 4) 3 ■iH-^rHT-HiHi-HTr'.-H,— IrHiHrH'i— li-H«--''^i-tT— ItHi-Hi— It— (i-(T-HrHrHi— IT-^ ::^ 3 3 3 C.S d d o 3 3 3 Qj ?gbe-M ' ^ 3 o : coffi • , .- bej v c c be o o*j '2 r^^ t^-S to 3 d d <1J 0* 3 ^d-«-«jj!t. coMo- " d o o .-._:;: n_ r r *T- ^H ^ ^ ^T- <5 f=5 <5 f5 (=5 r^ «=? O . I-! — 3 O O^d ^0 CO -x 3 3 3 0, ^^3 o .•- 05-3 O r^ 3 a, o m rt.2fc3-rt;3 r CO 3 D 3 3 d — "— " 3^2^tJobe33 "- — ^dcr'fc.i.t.dd §§g^:2;OCOOPu(l, 0)^ ."^ 3 3 CO -O O - 1" S OJ COOS'S" >-; !- o 3--; -3 d 01 (D.3.3 d 5 t. I-: ° d 495 THE FIRST MINNESOTA bo 03 to CC PI o O -4-J -i -*-» aS cS „ cS C3 -M -J-J I— 1 -*-» -3 :/i V3 IQ CO C-1 o o . >■ w . - c o bjo 1. bo u >; +-> O 3 Cm • -*-> O-M O I* O o ^^ O 0) ^- < &•- to aj M oj - ^ o ~ ^ c: ^'t; ri fad " (i) tU fH Lj tJ Ch 73 bfl ^-;^ r- K^ -n^. ci ba« c 3 O 5 5h^ o O "O CCbfl ^ f- "• 3oS^ c w ?• o nS C3 • • .to . ! ^ '. •\^ ! '. =* '. ■r-. • ■ « • -i-H-*c ■ 6 ^J2 ■ 0) W o . ceo oo:^ocricoooootococrocot^ccy?c:crt:r«3«;^c£:cc>«co Oa^^CiO'^Cr-CC(^0-:}-i:C«::^HCCCC<10^'^Cr. 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