Iiitiiiiiiiii' illiiliiiill.,. iiiliiiiiipiiiiih 'ill' iiiilitisiiii mm mm mmmm. sill iijiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiii ; Ihhv iiiiii iiiiiiffiifflii^ i' liiiHiiiltlili lliffiii; WMWf i'iiiim\i{ikim\Ui MM <*- ;x^- . \<^- '^^.,/ %4 ^ " ■^/>,^' '%<^^^ \ "^':s-4> -\^ ^' ., ^. .-O' -., A^ ^0^ '^ >^ : ^ '^0^ :^ •■^- v^ ■^" o- ''S- -.X^^-^*\-^ .. ,.<:.''^";>V , .A. ^^^^^ .^"^^ P. •>* ci- '7- & :>_ ■<= ^0 0^ , i ,•% -7*; 5^ > v'^ 'tr. "■'■ tr^ ,^^ -''^^ \^^^r. ^z- '^^'^^' A- ,\ vV- ."\ -r, ,0 o -^y^ c^ \^ - V c ^^^ ■J- ■^' ,N^^' ^._. C^'' .> -u s\- C> c^. ,v^ U ■-:s- .^ ^-^ ,-\- V .^^ -^^ .,"^' ^^^ ■'^>. ,>■ y^a a..- ^i£C^s>-!:Ji'— ■ TOMB OF WASHINGTON. T& MM oy .^j,^:Kisr^t'aa^ n A']\' ^^0^yap rp^j;^/ ^) 7\/^/^ JV^ PHIL AD EI. PIT FA, (\ii*r\' (V ll.Ji't;. ir, If). n/m/fet/^^Tr^fiu^'f .'/r.. ! ''u-./yy/y. 'A:. /"/// ^-4- \H{\\\ am ikV TOMB OF WASHINGTON, AT MOUNT VERNON PHILADELPHIA: CAREY AND HART. 1840. Entered, according to tlie Act of Congress, in the year 1840, by Carey AND Hart, in the Clerk's Office of the Eastern District of Pennsylvania. C. Sherman & Co. Printers, 19 St. James Street. TO THE HON. HENRY CLAY. It is with great pleasure that I dedicate to you a detailed account of the removal of the remains of WashinGi-ton, from their orifrinal frail tenement at Mount Vernon, to an imperishable sarcophagus, composed of a solid block of Pennsylvania marble. I am very happy in making you the depositary of this event, which, even in the course of a few years, I should have remembered but indistinctly, and which, I trust, will be interesting to you, and to all who venerate the character of this truly great man. In making the communication public, I have thought •proper to prepare the following pages in the form of a souvenir; which embraces, with other subjects, copies of the correspondence between the late Major Law- rence Lewis and Mr. John Struthers the sculptor and donor, and what will perhaps be as acceptable as any of the documents, an accurate view of the sarcophagus and of the family vault at Mount Vernon. With great esteem and regard. Yours sincerely and truly, WILLIAM STRICKLAND. CONTENTS. Correspondence . . . . .9 Tomb of Washington .... 21 Washington's Farewell Address . . .41 CORRESPONDENCE RELATING TO A MARBLE SARCOPHAGUS, IN WHICH TO DEPOSIT THE REMAINS OF WASHINGTON. CORRESPONDENCE. I.AAVRENCR LEWIS, ESQ. TO JOHN STRUTHERS. Audlcy, February 22d, 1 837. DEAR SIR, I have to acknowledge the receipt of yours of the 7th inst. In reply to it, I can say, being the only surviving executor of General Washington, I have only my own feelings to consult ujjon a refusal or acceptance of your very liberal and polite oiler of a stone coffin as a depository for the remains of him " who was first in war, first in peace, and first in the hearts of his countrymen." The manner of making your ofler, the delicacy with which it is proffered, forbids a refusal to accept it, 12 CORRESPONDENCE. and I tender you, in behalf of every relative of this distincruishcd man, the most cordial and sincere thanks for the kind feeling which has actuated you upon this occasion. I leave it to your experience to make it in form and manner as you may think best. I am, dear sir, Very respectfully yours, LAWRENCE LEWIS. It is suggested the following, or something similar, should be put upon the marble coffin : THIS SARCOPHAGUS, CONTAININC, THE REMAINS OF GEORGE WASHINGTON, FIRST PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES, WAS MADE AND PRESENTED FOR THE PURPOSE, BY JOHN STRUTHERS, OF THILADELPHIA, THIS DAY OF A. D. 1H37. CORRESPONDENCE. 13 JOHN STRUTIIERS TO LAWRENCE LEWIS, KSa. I'hiladolphia, March 4th, 1337. DEAR SIR, It is with sincere pleasure I acknowledge the receipt of your favour, granting me permission to execute the Sarcophagus. I have only to request that you will send me, as soon as convenient, the dimensions of the coffin which it is to contain. With sentiments of esteem, I remain, your most obedient, JOHN STRUTIIERS. JOHN STRUTHERS TO LAWRENCE LEWIS, ESQ. Philadelphia, August 15th, 1837. DEAR SIR, In the course of the ensuing week I shall have the Sarcophagus for your deceased relative finished, and ready for shipment. Will you oblige me by your 14 CORRESPONDENCE. opinion as to the safest mode of forwarding it, and to whom you wish it consigned. I am entirely ignorant of the different routes, and being anxious that as httle transhipment may be made as possible, I trouble you for this information. I will also suggest the propriety of having a foundation built upon which to place the Sarcophagus, as the marble work is very heavy. The most convenient, and I believe the best plan would be, to sink four walls deep enough to prevent the action of the frost, and the possibility of their sinking any deeper after they are built; if they are made of bricks, nine inches will be wide enough for them, and as the base is seven feet, ten inches long, by three feet, one inch, in width, it will be necessary to have the walls near that size ; this is, however, left entirely to yourself On the receipt of your answer, I will take immediate measures to forward the work. Most respectfully yours, JOHN STRUTHERS. CORRESrONDEiNCE. 15 LAWKENCE LEWIS, ESQ. TO JOH^' STRLTUEiiS. Audley, August 20th, 1837. DEAR SIR, Your esteemed favour of the 15th inst. only reached me last evening, owing to my visiting this upper country for air and exercise. I think it best for the Sarcophagus to be shipped from Philadelphia direct to Alexandria, District of Columbia, to the care of Mr. Edward Daingerfield, merchant of that place ; to him I have written requesting his particular attention to it, and the landing of it, which I feel confident he will do. I will thank you to give me the height of it, as I have now some doubts whether the door of the vault is suflicicntly large to admit it ; in this event, I shall have to enlarge it, and so soon as all is ready I will give you notice, and shall then be truly gratified by your presence when the remains of my illustrious relative and friend are placed in your liberal present. A IC CORRESPONDENCE. foundation shall be laid such as you recommend, and that without delay. I am truly and respectfully yours, LAWRENCE LEWIS. Please direct to me, Berry ville, Clark County. When you inform me of the height of the Sarcopha- gus, be pleased to give me some description of the ornamental part of it ; Doctor Coxe, in his letter to his daughter, says it is very handsome. This request is made to enable me to give some account of it to the many inquiries made of me respecting it. JOHN STRUTHERS TO LAWRENCE LEWIS, ESa. Philadelphia, September 18th, 1837. DEAR SIR, On Saturday last, the Sarcophagus was finished, and I took the liberty of inviting a few of my friends to see the carving, and they having mentioned it to others, I found that thousands flocked to see it. It CORRESPONDENCE. 17 has also been noticed in the newspapers, which I exceedingly regret, but of course could not prevent. There will be no opportunity of forwarding it before Saturday next, as the packets sail but once a week. I will send it on that day. My friend, William Strick- land, who gave the design, will accompany me, and we will endeavour to be at Alexandria when the vessel arrives. Most respectfully yours, JOHN STRUTHERS. JOHN STRUTHERS TO LAWRENCK LEWIS, ESQ. I'hiladelphia, k?eptembpr — tli, 1837. RESPECTED SIR, I have this day shipped the boxes containing the Sarcophagus to Alexandria, care of Mr. E. Dainger- field, according to your directions, and have forwarded to him a bill of lading. It is shipped on board the sloop Johnston, Captain C. F. Norton, owned by Cap- tain Joseph Hand, of this city, who, when he under- 3 18 CORRESPOXDEXCE. Stood for whom the Sarcophagus was intended, promptly dechned any remuneration for its trans- portation, and, with Captain rsorton, he has made such arrangements as will effectually prevent its taking any injury on board of the vessel. The sloop will probably arrive on Saturday or Sunday next, and my friend and myself will leave here on Friday or Saturday, and hope to have the pleasure of seeing you on the Monday following. I will remain in Alexandria until the boxes are unloaded from the vessel, and on their way to Mount Vernon. Believe me, as ever, Your most obedient servant, JOHN STRUTHERS. LAWRENCE LEWIS, ESQ. TO JOHN STRUTHERS. Audley, September 26th, 1837. DEAR SIR, Your favour of the 18th inst. only reached me this moment. I hasten to acknowledge it. The delay CORRESPOXDE.VCE. 19 arises from my being still at this place, detained by unavoidable circumstances, but hope to reach Alex- andria in time to receive the Sarcophagus, and have it conveyed to Mount Vernon. So soon as all is ready I will give you information of it, and I can truly say it will afford me much pleasure to sec 3Ir. Strickland with you. I have seen the account given of the Sarcophagus in the Philadelphia Inquirer ; it would appear from it that the Executive of the United States made the first appUcation to you for tlie cost of the work. This, I presume, must be a mistake of the printer. Will it not be well to set him right in this matter ? he could have had no knowledge of the transaction until its appearance in the Inquirer. Your favour, enclosing me a sketch of the Sarcopha- gus, came safely to hand, for which accept my thanks. Most respectfully yours, LAWRENCE LEWIS. TOMB OF WASHINGTON. ^ ^ n r la « H S ail iaSii-i'jf^tL^^ tts»'SB!* ■ ■■®<'"'S«i'' ■=•!«>' ^ ifl ^$')m.:Ci53ii:irj:t0u'v£)j?r. TOP VIF-W. uJ 7) WASHINGTON'S FAREWELL ADDRESS. FAREWELL ADDRESS. FELLOW-CITIZENS, The period of a new election of a citizen to admi- nister the executive government of the United States being not far distant, and the time actually arrived when your thoughts must be employed in designating the person who is to be clothed with that important trust, it appears to me proper, especially as it may con- duce to a more distinct expression of the public voice, that I should now apprise you of the resolution I have formed, to decline being considered among the number of those out of whom a choice is to be made. I beg you, at the same time, to do me the justice to be assured, that this resolution has not been taken with- out a strict regard to all the considerations appertaining 44 Washington's farewell address. to the relation which binds a dutiful citizen to his country ; and that, in withdrawing the tender of service which silence in my situation might imply, I am influ- enced by no diminution of zeal for your future interest; no deficiency of grateful respect for your past kindness; but am supported by a full conviction that the step is compatible with both. The acceptance of, and continuance hitherto in the office to which your sufii'ages have twice called me, have been an uniform sacrifice of inclination to the opinion of duty, and to a deference for what appeared to be your desire. I constantly hoped, that it would be much earlier in my power, consistently with motives which I was not at liberty to disregard, to return to that retirement from which I had been reluctantly drawn. The strength of my inclination to this, previous to the last election, had even led to the preparation of an address to declare it to you ; but mature reflection on the then perplexed and critical posture of our affairs with foreign nations, and the unanimous advice of persons entitled to my confidence, impelled me to abandon the idea. WASIimCTON S FAREWELL ADDRESS. 45 I rejoice that the state of your concerns, external as well as internal, no longer renders the pursuit of inclination incompatible with the sentiment of duty or propriety ; and am persuaded, whatever partiality may be retained for my services, that in tlie present circumstances of our country, you will not disapprove my determination to retire. The impressions with which I first undertook the arduous trust, were explained on the proper occasion. In the discharge of this trust, I will only say, that I have, with good intentions, contributed towards the organization and administration of the government, the best exertions of which a very fiiUible judgment was capable. Not unconscious, in the outset, of the inferiority of my qualifications, experience in my own eyes, perhaps still more in the eyes of others, has strengthened the motives to diflidence of myself; and every day the increasing weight of years admonishes me more and more, that the sliade of retirement is as necessary to me as it will be welcome. Satisfied that if any circumstances have given peculiar value to my services, they were temporary; I have the con- 46 Washington's farewell address. solation to believe, that while choice and prudence invite me to quit the political scene, patriotism does not forbid it. In looking forward to the moment which is intended to terminate the career of my public hfe, my feelings do not permit me to suspend the deep acknowledg- ment of that debt of gratitude which I owe to my beloved country, for the many honours it has con- ferred on me ; still more for the steady confidence with which it has supported me ; and for the oppor- tunities I have thence enjoyed of manifesting my inviolable attachment, by services faithful and per- severing, though in usefulness unequal to my zeal. If benefits have resulted to our country from these services, let it always be remembered to your praise, and as an instructive example in our annals, that under circumstances in which the passions, agitated in every direction, were liable to mislead, amidst appearances sometimes dubious, vicissitudes of fortune often dis- couraging, in situations in which not unfrequently want of success has countenanced the spirit of criti- cism, the constancy of your support was the essential Washington's farewkll address. 47 prop of the efforts, and a guarantee of the plans by which they were effected. Profoundly penetrated with this idea, 1 shall carry it with me to the grave, as a strong incitement to unceasing vows that Heaven may continue to you the choicest tokens of its beneficence ; that your union and brotherly affection may be per- petual ; that tlie free constitution, which is the work of your hands, may be sacredly maintained ; that its administration in every department may be stamped with wisdom and virtue ; that, in fine, the happiness of the people of these states, under the auspices of liberty, may be made complete, by so careful a pre- servation, and so prudent a use of this blessing, as will acquire to them the glory of recommending it to the applause, the affection, and adoption of every nation which is yet a stranger to it. Here perhaps I ought to stop. But a solicitude for your welfare, which cannot end but with myself, and the apprehension of danger, natural to that solicitude, urge me, on an occasion like the present, to offer to your solemn contemplations, and to recommend to your frequent review, some sentiments which are the result 48 Washington's farewell address. of much reflection, of no inconsiderable observation, and which appear to me all-important to the perma- nency of your felicity as a people. These will be offered to you with the more freedom, as you can only see in them the disinterested warnings of a parting friend, who can possibly have no personal motives to bias his counsel. Nor can I forget, as an encourage- ment to it, your indulgent reception of my sentiments on a former and hot dissimilar occasion. Interwoven as is the love of liberty with every liga- ment of your hearts, no recommendation of mine is necessary to fortify or confirm the attachment. The unity of government which constitutes you one people, is also now dear to you. It is justly so ; for it is a main pillar in the edifice of your real independence, the support of your tranquillity at home, your peace abroad ; of your safety, of your prosperity ; of that very liberty which you so highly prize. But as it is easy to foresee, that, from different causes and from different quarters, much pains Mdll be taken, many artifices employed to weaken in your minds the con- viction of this truth ; as this is the point in your Washington's farewell address. 49 political fortress against which the batteries of internal and external enemies will be most constantly and ac- tively (though often covertly and insidiously) directed, it is of infinite moment that you should properly estimate the immense value of your national Union to your collective and individual happiness ; that you should cherish a cordial, habitual, and immovable attachment to it ; accustoming yourselves to think and speak of it as of the palladium of your poHtical safety and prosperity ; watching for its preservation with jealous anxiety ; discountenancing whatever may sug- gest even a suspicion that it can in any event be abandoned ; and indignantly frowning upon the first dawning of every attempt to alienate any portion of our country from the rest, or to enfeeble the sacred ties which now hnk together the various parts. For this you have every inducement of sympathy and interest. Citizens, by birth or choice, of a com- mon country, that country has a right to concentrate your affections. The name of American, which belongs to you, in your national capacity, must also exalt the just pride of patriotism, more than any appellation de- 7 50 Washington's farewell address. rived from local discriminations. With slight shades of diflerence, you have the same rehgion, manners, habits, and political principles. You have, in a com- mon cause, fought and triumphed together : the inde- pendence and liberty you possess are the work of joint councils and joint efforts, of common dangers, suffer- ings, and successes. But these considerations, however powerfully they address themselves to your sensibility, are greatly out- weighed by those which apply more immediately to your interest. Here every portion of our country finds the most commanding motives for carefully guarding and preserving the union of the whole. The North, in an unrestrained intercourse with the South, protected by the equal laws of a common government, finds, in the productions of the latter, great additional resources of maritime and commercial enter- prise, and precious materials of manufacturing indus- try. The South, in the same intercourse, benefiting by the agency of the North, sees its agriculture grow, and its commerce expanded. Turning partly into its own channels the seamen of the North, it finds its par- Washington's farewell address. 51 ticular navigation invigorated ; and while it contri- butes, in diflerent ways, to nourish and increase the general mass of the national navigation, it looks for- ward to the protection of the maritime strength to which itself is unequally adapted. The East, in a like intercourse with the West, already finds, and in the progressive improvement of interior communications, by land and water, will more and more find a valuable vent for the commodities which it brings from abroad, or manufactures at home. The West derives from the East supplies requisite to its growth and comfort ; and what is perhaps of still greater consequence, it must of necessity owe the secure enjoyment of indispensa- ble outlets for its own productions to the weight, influ- ence, and the future maritime strength of the Atlantic side of the Union, directed by an indissoluble com- munity of interest as one nation. Any other tenure by which the West can hold this essential advantage, whether derived from its own separate strength, or fi'om an apostate and unnatural connexion with any foreign power, must be intrinsically precarious. ■"• While, then, every part of our country thus feels an 52 Washington's farewell address. immediate and particular interest in Union, all the parts combined cannot fail to find in the united mass of means and efforts greater strength, greater resource, proportionably greater security from external danger, a less frequent interruption of their peace by foreign nations ; and, what is of inestimable value, they must derive from Union an exemption from those broils and w-ars betw^een themselves, which so frequently afflict neighbouring countries not tied together by the same government ; which their own rivalships alone would be sufficient to produce, but which opposite foreign alliances, attachments, and intrigues would stimulate and embitter. Hence, likewise, they will avoid the necessity of those overgrown military esta- blishments, which, under any form of government, are inauspicious to liberty, and wdiich are to be regarded as particularly hostile to Republican Liberty ; in this sense it is that your Union ought to be considered as the main prop of your liberty, and that the love of the one ought to endear to you the preservation of the other. These considerations speak a persuasive language Washington's farewell address. 53 to every reflecting and virtuous mind, and exhibit the continuance of the Union as a primary object of pa- triotic desire. Is there a doubt whether a common government can embrace so large a sphere ? Let ex- perience solve it. To listen to mere speculation in such a case were criminal. We are authorized to hope that a proper organization of the whole, with the auxiliary agency of governments for the respective subdivisions, will afford a happy issue to the experi- ment. 'Tis well worth a fair and full experiment. With such powerful and obvious motives to Union, affecting all parts of our country, while experience shall not have demonstrated its impracticability, there will, also, be reason to distrust the patriotism of those, who, in any quarter, may endeavour to weaken its bands. In contemplating the causes which may disturb our Union, it occurs as matter of serious concern, that any ground should have been furnished for characterizing parties by geographical discriminations, " Kortliern and Southern, Atlantic and Western;''^ whence designing men may endeavour to excite a belief, that there is a real 54 Washington's farewell address. difference in local interests and views. One of the expedients of party to acquire influence, within par- ticular districts, is to misrepresent the opinions and aims of other districts. You cannot shield yourselves too much against the jealousies and heart-burnings which spring from these misrepresentations ; they tend to render alien to each other those who ought to be bound together by fraternal affection. The inhabi- tants of our western country have lately had a useful lesson on this head : they have seen in the negotiation by the Executive, and in the unanimous ratification by the Senate, of the treaty with Spain, and in the uni- versal satisfaction at that event, throughout the United States, a decisive proof how unfounded were the sus- picions propagated among them, of the policy in the general government and in the Atlantic states un- friendly to their interests in regard to the Mississippi ; they have been witnesses to the formation of two treaties — that with Great Britain, and that with Spain — which secure to them every thing they could desire, in respect to our foreign relations, towards confirming their prosperity. Will it not be their wisdom to rely, Washington's farewell address. 55 for the preservation of these advantages, on the Union by which they were procured'/ Will they not hence- forth be deaf to those advisers, if such there are, who would sever them from their brethren, and connect them with aliens 1 To the efhcacy and permanency of your Union, a government for the whole is indispensable. No alli- ances, however strict, between the parts, can be an adequate substitute; they must inevitably experience the infractions and interruptions which all alliances, in all times, have experienced. Sensible of this mo- mentous truth, you have improved upon your first essay, by the adoption of a constitution of govern- ment, better calculated than your former for an intimate union, and for the efiicacious management of your common concerns. This government, the offspring of our own choice, uninfluenced and unawed, adopted upon full investigation and mature delibera- tion, completely free in its principles, in the distribution of its powers, uniting security with energy, and con- taining, within itself, a provision for its own amend- ment, has a just claim to your confidence and your 56 Washington's farewell address. support. Respect for its authority, compliance with its laws, acquiescence in its measures, are duties en- joined by the fundamental maxims of true Liberty. The basis of our political system, is the right of the people to make and to alter their constitution of govern- ment ; but the constitution which at any time exists, till changed by an explicit and authentic act of the whole people, is sacredly obligatory upon all. The very idea of the power and right of the people to establish govern- ment, presupposes the duty of every individual to obey the established government. All obstructions to the execution of the laws, all combinations and associations, under whatever plausi- ble character, with real design to direct, control, coun- teract, or awe the regular deliberations and action of the constituted authorities, are destructive to the funda- mental principle, and of fatal tendency. They serve to organize faction, to give it an artificial and extra- ordinary force ; to put in the place of the delegated will of the nation, the will of a party, often a small but artful and enterprising minority of the community ; and according to the alternate triumphs of difterent Washington's farewell address. 57 parties, to make llic public administration the mirror oi' tiie ill-concerted and incongruous projects of faction, rather than the organ of consistent plans digested by common councils, and modified by mutual interests. However combinations or associations of the above description may now and then answer popular ends, they are likely, in the course of time and things, to be- come potent engines, by which cunning, ambitious, and unprincipled men will be enabled to subvert the power of the people, and to usurp for themselves the reins of government ; destroying afterwards the very engines which lifted them to unjust dominion. Towards the preservation of your government, and the permanency of your present happy state, it is requisite, not only that you steadily discountenance irregular oppositions to its acknowledged authority, but also that you resist with care the spirit of innovation upon its principles, however specious the pretexts. One method of assault may be, to eflect in the forms of the constitution alterations which w ill impair the energy of the system, and thus to undermine what cannot be directly overthrowui. In all the changes to which you 8 58 Washington's farewell address. may be invited, remember that time and habit are at least as necessary to fix the true character of govern- ments, as of other human institutions ; that experience is the surest standard by which to test the real tendency of the existing constitution of a country; that facility in changes upon the credit of mere hypothesis and opinion, exposes to perpetual change, from the endless variety of hypothesis and opinion ; and remember, es- pecially, that for the efficient management of your common interest, in a country so extensive as ours, a government of as much vigour as is consistent with the perfect security of liberty is indispensable. Liberty, itself, will find in such a government, with power properly distributed and adjusted, its surest guardian. It is indeed little else than a name, where the govern- ment is too feeble to vv^ithstand the enterprises of fac- tion, to confine each member of the society within the limits prescribed by the laws, and to maintain all in the secure and tranquil enjoyment of the rights of person and property. I have already intimated to you the danger of parties in the state, with a particular reference to the founding WASHINGTON S FAREWELL ADDRESS. 59 of them on geographical discriminations. Let me now take a more comprehensive view, and warn you in the most solemn manner against the baneful effects of the spirit of party generally. This spirit, unfortunately, is inseparable from our nature, having its root in the strongest passions of the human mind. It exists, under different shapes, in all governments, more or less stifled, controlled, or repressed ; but in those of the popular form, it is seen in its greatest rankness, and is truly their worst enemy. The alternate dominion of one faction over another, sharpened by tlie spirit of re^'enge, natural to party dissension, which in different ages and countries has perpetrated the most horrid enormities, is itself a fright- ful despotism. But this leads at length to a more formal and permanent despotism. The disorders and miseries which generally result, gradually incKne the minds of men to seek security and repose in the absolute power of an individual ; and, sooner or later, the chief of some prevailing faction, more able or more fortunate than his competitors, turns this disposi- 60 Washington's farewell address. lion to the purposes of his own elevation, on the ruins of pubUc Uberty. Without looking forward to an extremity of this kind, (which nevertheless ought not to be entirely out of sight,) the common and continual mischiefs of the spirit of party are suiiicient to make it the interest and duty of a wise people to discourage and restrain it. It serves always to distract the public councils, and enfeeble the public administration. It agitates the community with ill-founded jealousies and false alarms ; kindles the animosity of one part against another ; foments occasionally riots and insurrection. It opens the door to foreign influence and corruption, which find a facilitated access to the government itself, through the channels of party passions. Thus the policy and the will of one country are subjected to the policy and will of another. There is an opinion that parties, in free countries, are useful checks upon the administration of the government, and serve to keep alive the spirit of liberty. This, within certain limits, is probably true ; and in governments of a monarchical cast, patriotism washii\gton's farewell address. 61 may look with indulgence, if nol with favour, upon the spirit of party. But in those of the popular character, in governments purely elective, it is a spirit not to be encouraged. From their natural tendency, it is cer- tain there will always be enough of that spirit for every salutary purpose. And, there being constant danger of excess, the effort ought to be, by force of public opinion, to mitigate and assuage it. A fire not to be quenched, it demands a uniform vigilance to pre- vent its bursting into a flame, lest, instead of warming, it should consume. It is important, likewise, that the habits of thinking in a free country, should inspire caution in those in- trusted wath its administration, to confine themselves within their respective constitutional spheres, avoid- ing, in the exercise of their powers of one department, to encroach upon another. The spirit of encroach- ment tends to consolidate the powers of the depart- ments in one, and thus to create, whatever the form of government, a real despotism. A just estimate of that love of power, and proneness to abuse it, which predominates in the human heart, is sufficient to satisfy 62 Washington's farewell address. us of the truth of this position. The necessity of re- ciprocal checks in the exercise of political power, by dividing and distributing it into different depositories, and constituting each the guardian of the public weal against invasions by others, has been evinced by ex- periments ancient and modern: some of them in our own country and under our own eyes. To preserve them must be as necessary as to institute them. If, in the opinion of the people, the distribution or modifi- cation of the constitutional powers be in any particular wrong, let it be corrected by an amendment in a way which the constitution designates. But let there be no change by usurpation ; for though this, in one instance, may be the instrument of good, it is the customary weapon by which free governments are destroyed. The precedent must always greatly overbalance in permanent evil, any partial or transient benefit which the use can at any time yield. Of all the dispositions and habits which lead to po- litical prosperity, Religion and Morality are indis- pensable supports. In vain would that man claim the tribute of patriotism, who should labour to subvert Washington's farewell address. 63 these great pillars of liuQian happiness, these firmest props ol" the duties of men and citizens. The mere politician, equally with the pious man, ought to respect and cherish them. A volume could not trace all their connexions with private and public felicity. Let it simply be asked, where is the security for property, for reputation, for life, if the sense of religious obliga- tion desert the oaths, which arc the instruments of investigation in courts of justice ? And let us with caution indulge the supposition, that morality can be maintained without religion. Whatever may be con- ceded to the influence of refined education on minds of peculiar structure, reason and experience both forbid us to expect that national morality can prevail in ex- clusion of religious principle. 'Tis substantially true, that virtue or morality is a necessary spring of popular government. The rule indeed extends with more or less force to every species of free government. Who that is a sincere friend to it, can look with indifference upon attempts to shake the foundation of the fabric 1 Promote, then, as an object of primary importance. 64 WASHINGTON S FAREWELL ADDRESS. institutions for the general diffusion of knowledge. In proportion as the structure of a government gives force to public opinion, it is essential that public opinion should be enlightened. As a very important source of strength and security, cherish public credit. One method of preserving it, is to use it as sparingly as possible ; avoiding occasions of expense by cultivathig peace ; but remembering also, that timely disbursements to prepare for danger, fre- quently prevent much greater disbursements to repel it ; avoiding likewise the accumulation of debt, not only by shunning occasions of expense, but by vigo- rous exertions, in time of peace, to discharge the debts which unavoidable wars may have occasioned, not un- generously throwing upon posterity the burthen which we ourselves ought to bear. The execution of these maxims belongs to your representatives ; but it is necessary that pubHc opinion should co-operate. To facilitate to them the performance of their duty, it is essential that you should practically bear in mind, that towards the payment of debts there must be reve- nue ; that to have revenue, there must be taxes ; that WASHINGTON S FAREWELL ADDRESS. 65 no taxes can be devised whicJi are not more or less inconvenient and unpleasant ; that the intrinsic embar- rassment inseparable from the selection of the proper ol)jects, (which is always a choice of diflicultics,) ought to be a decisive motive for candid construction of the conduct of the government in making it, and for the spirit of acquiescence in the measures for obtaining revenue, which the public exigencies may at any time dictate. Observe good faith and justice towards all nations : cultivate peace and harmony with all : religion and morality enjoin this conduct ; and can it be, that good policy does not equally enjoin it ? It will be worthy of a free, enlightened, and at no distant period, a great nation, to giv^e to inankind the magnanimous and too novel example of a people always guided by an exalted justice and benevolence. Who can doubt, that in the course of time and things, the fruits of such a plan would richly repay any temporary advantages which might be lost by a steady adherence to it ? — Can it be that Providence has not connected the permanent fe- licity of a nation with its virtue ? The experiment, at 9 66 Washington's farewell address. least, is recommended by every sentiment which en- nobles human nature. Alas ! is it rendered impossible by its vices ? In the execution of such a plan, nothing is more essential than that permanent, inveterate antipathies against particular nations, and passionate attachments for others, should be excluded; and that in the place of them, just and amicable feehngs towards all should be cultivated. The nation which indulges towards an- other an habitual hatred, or an habitual fondness, is in some degree a slave. It is a slave to its animosity or to its affection, either of which is sufficient to lead it astray from its duty and its interests. Antipathy in one nation against another, disposes each more readily to offer insult and injury, to lay hold of slight causes of umbrage, and to be haughty and untractable, when accidental or trifling occasions of dispute occur. Hence, frequent collisions, obstinate, envenomed, and bloody contests. The nation, prompted by ill-will and resentment, sometimes impels to war the government, contrary to the best calculations of policy. The go- vernment sometimes participates in the national pro- Washington's farewell address. C7 pensity, and adopts, through passion, what reason would reject ; at other times it makes the animosity of the nation subservient to projects of hostihty, insti- gated by pride, ambition, and other sinister and per- nicious motives. The peace often, sometimes perhaps the Hberty of nations, has been the victim. So hkewise, a passionate attachment of one nation to another, produces a variety of evils. Sympathy for the favourite nation, facilitating the illusion of ima- ginary common interest, in cases where no real com- mon interest exists, and infusing into one the enmities of the other, betrays the former into a participation in the quarrels and wars of the latter, without adequate inducement or justification. It leads also to conces- sions to the favourite nation of privileges denied to others, which is apt doubly to injure the nation making the concessions, by unnecessarily parting with what ought to have been retained ; and by exciting jealousy, ill-will, and a disposition to retaliate, in the parties from whom equal privileges are withheld ; and it gives to ambitious, corrupted, or deluded citizens, who devote themselves to the favourite nation, facility to betray or 68 Washington's farewell address. sacrifice the interests of their own country, without odium, sometiuies even with popularity ; gilding with the appearances of a virtuous sense of obligation, a commendable deference for public opinion, or a laud- able zeal for public good, the base or foolish com- pliances of ambition, corruption, or infatuation. As avenues to foreign influence in innumerable ways, such attachments are particularly alarming to the truly enlightened and independent patriot. How many op- portunities do they afford to tamper with domestic factions, to practise the arts of seduction, to mislead public opinion, to influence or awe the public councils! Such an attachment of a small or weak, towards a great and powerful nation, dooms the former to be the satellite of the latter. Against the insidious wiles of foreign influence (I conjure you to believe me, fellow-citizens) the jealousy of a free people ought to be constantly awake; since history and experience prove that foreign influence is one of the most baneful foes of republican government. But that jealousy to be useful, must be impartial ; else it becomes the instrument of the very influence to be WASHINGTOi\'S FAREWELL ADDRESS. 69 avoided, instead of a defence against it. Excessive partiality for one foreign nation, and excessive dislike for another, cause those whom they actuate to see danger only on one side, and serve to veil, and e\'en to second the arts of influence on the other. Real patriots, who may resist the intrigues of the favourite, are liable to become suspected and odious; while its tools and dupes usurp the applause and confidence of the people, to surrender their interests. The great rule of conduct for us, in regard to foreign nations, is, in extending our commercial relations, to have with them as little political connexion as possible. So far as w^e have already formed engagements, let them be fulfilled with perfect good faith. Here let us stop. Europe has a set of primary interests, which to us have none, or a very remote, relation. Hence, she must be engaged in frequent controversies, the causes of which are essentially foreign to our concerns. Hence, therefore, it must be mnvise in us to implicate ourselves, by artificial ties, in the ordinary vicissitudes of her 70 Washington's farewell address. politics, or the ordinary combinations and collisions of her friendships or enmities. Our detached and distant situation invites and enables us to pursue a different course. If we remain one peo- ple, under an efficient government, the period is not far off, when we may defy material injury from external annoyance ; when we may take such an attitude as will cause the neutrality, we may at any time resolve upon, to be scrupulously respected ; when belligerent nations, under the impossibility of making acquisitions upon us, will not lightly hazard the giving us provocation; when we may choose peace or war, as our interest, guided by justice, shall counsel. Why forego the advantages of so peculiar a situa- tion 1 Why quit our own to stand upon foreign ground ? Why, by interweaving our destiny with that of any part of Europe, entangle our peace and prosperity in the toils of European ambition, rivalship, interest, humour, or caprice? It is our true policy to steer clear of permanent alii- Washington's farewell address. 71 ances, with any portion ol' tlic foreign world ; so far, I mean, as we are now at liberty to do it : for let me not be understood as capable of patronising inildelity to existing engagements. I hold the maxim no less appli- cable to public than to private afiairs, that honesty is always the best policy. I repeat it, therefore, let those engagements be observed in their genuine sense. But, in my opinion, it is unnecessary, and would be unwise, to extend them. Taking care always to keep ourselves, by suitable establishments, in a respectable defensive posture, we may safely trust to temporary alliances for extraordi- nary emergencies- Harmony and a liberal intercourse with all nations, are recommended by policy, humanity, and interest. But even our commercial policy should hold an equal and impartial hand; neither seeking nor granting ex- clusive favours or preferences ; consulting the natural course of things ; diffusing and diversifying by gentle means, the streams of commerce, but forcing nothing ; establishing, with powers so disposed, in order to give trade a stable course, to defend the rights of our mer- 72 Washington's farewell address. chants, and to enable the government to support them, conventional rules of intercourse, the best that circum- stances and mutual opinion will permit, but temporary, and liable to be from time to time abandoned or varied, as experience and circumstances shall dictate ; con- stantly keeping in view, that it is folly in one nation to look for disinterested favours from another ; that it must pay with a portion of its independence for whatever it may accept under that character ; that by such accep- tance it may place itself in the condition of having given equivalents for nominal favours, and yet of being reproached with ingratitude for not giving more. There can be no greater error than to expect or calculate upon real favours from nation to nation. It is an illusion which experience must cure, which a just pride ought to discard. In offering to you, my countrymen, these counsels of an old and affectionate friend, I dare not hope they will make the strong and lasting impression I could wish ; that they will control the usual current of the passions, or prevent our nation from running the course which has hitherto marked the destiny of nations. But, if I Washington's farewell address. 73 may even flatter myself, that they may be productive of some partial benefit, some occasional good ; that they may now and then recur to moderate the fury of party spirit, to warn against the mischiefs of foreign intrigue, to guard against the impostures of pretended patriotism ; this hope will be a full recompense for the solicitude for your welfare, by which they have been dictated. How far, in the discharge of my official duties 1 have been guided by the principles that have been delineated, the public records, and other evidences of my conduct, must witness to you and the world. To myself, the assurance of my own conscience is, that I have at least believed myself to be guided by them. In relation to the still subsisting war in Europe, my proclamation of the 22d of April, 1793, is the index to my plan. Sanctioned by your approving voice and by that of your Representatives in both Houses of Con- gress, the spirit of that measure has continually governed me; uninfluenced by any attempts to deter or divert me from it. After deliberate examination, with the aid of the 10 74 Washington's farewell address. best lights I could obtain, I was well satisfied that our country, under all the circumstances of the case, had a right to take, and was bound in duty and in interest, to take a neutral position. Having taken it, I deter- mined, as far as should depend upon me, to maintain it wath moderation, perseverance, and firmness. The considerations which respect the right to hold this conduct, it is not necessary, on this occasion to detail. I will only observe, that according to my understanding of the matter, that right, so far from being denied by any of the belligerent powers has been virtually admitted by all. The duty of holding a neutral conduct may be in- ferred, without any thing more, from the obligations which justice and humanity impose on every nation, in cases in which it is free to act, to maintain inviolate the relations of peace and amity towards other nations. The inducements of interest for observing that con- duct, will best be referred to your own reflections and experience. With me, a predominant motive has been to endeavour to gain time to our country to settle and mature its yet recent institutions, and to progress Washington's farewell address. 75 without interruption to that degree of strength and consistency, which is necessary to give it, humanly speaking, the command of its own fortunes. Though, in reviewing the incidents of my adminis- tration, I am unconscious of intentional error, I am nevertheless too sensible of my defects not to think it probable that I may have committed many errors. Whatever they may be, I fervently beseech the Al- mighty to avert or mitigate the evils to which they may tend. I shall also carry with me the hope that my country will never cease to view them with in- dulgence ; and that after forty-five years of my life dedicated to its service, with an upright zeal, the faults of incompetent abilities will be consigned to oblivion, as myself must soon be to the mansions of rest. Relying on its kindness in this as in other things, and actuated by that fervent love towards it, which is so natural to a man, who views in it the native soil of himself and his progenitors for several gene- rations; I anticipate with pleasing expectation, that retreat, in which I promise myself to realize, without 76 Washington's farewell address. alloy, the sweet enjoyment of partaking, in the midst of my fellow-citizens, the benign influence of good laws under a free government ; the ever favourite object of my heart, and the happy reward, as I trust, of our mutual cares, labours, and dangers. G. WASHINGTON. United States, Sept. 17th, 1796. ^ ■4 ^^ ■<^ ■'■-:. - 0^% :- ■'^■'■-. :>% •^■% J""^^ 00 '^" '^ ^ -^ • ^/. ^^^^ % ^ rO- t.' 'y ^\ /-^ v^"^ "t.. ■^^ ^^ , ,■; <•■ , ^. ^A \^^ .. , •^. . *«^ ^' ,\^ C- \' ' / , . ^' \' . ^ "^V, A^ '^^ c,^ V, a'' A. .- >. ^- ,^ 'i ''J- vOC ^-x ^r ^>. 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