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 EDITED BT 
 
 JOHN T. MORSE, JR. 
 
aimerican ^tate^men 
 
 ALBERT GALLATIN 
 
 JOHN AUSTIN STEVENS 
 
 BOSTON 
 HOUGHTON, MIFFLIN AND COMPANY 
 
 85 FIFTH AVENUE, NEW YORK 
 
Copyright, 1883, 
 Bl HOUGHTON, MIFFLIN & COl 
 
 All rights reserved. 
 
 
 
 7%e Riverside Press, Cambridge, Mass., U. S. A. 
 Electrotyped and Printed by H. 0. Houghton & Company, 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER L 
 
 tun 
 
 Early Life • • • • 1 
 
 CHAPTER IL 
 Pennsylvania Legislature 83 
 
 CHAPTER m. 
 United States Senate . . • • • • • 58 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 The Whiskey Insubrection •••••• 69 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 Member of Congress ..••••• 100 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 Secretary of the Treasury . • • • .176 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 In the Cabinet. 289 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 In Diplomacy 313 
 
^ CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 PAOX 
 
 Candidate for the Vice-Presidency • • • • 368 
 
 CHAPTER X 
 Society — Literature — Science . • • • • 374 
 
ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 EARLY LIFE. 
 
 Of all European-born citizens who have risen to 
 fame in the political service of the United States, 
 Albert Gallatin is the most distinguished. His 
 merit in legislation, administration, and diplo- 
 macy is generally recognized, and he is venerated 
 by men of science on both continents. Not, how- 
 ever, until the recent publication of his writings 
 has the extent of his influence upon the political 
 life and growth of the country been to our genera- 
 tion other than a vague tradition. Independence 
 and nationality were achieved by the Revolution, 
 in which he bore a slight and unimportant part ; 
 but, from the time of the peace until his death, 
 his influence, either by direct action or indirect 
 counsel, may be traced through the history of the 
 United States. 
 
 The son of Jean Gallatin and his wife, Sophie 
 Albertine Rollaz, he was born in the city of 
 Geneva on January 29, 1761, and was baptized 
 
2 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 by the name of Abraham Alfonse Albert Galla- 
 tin. The name Abraham he received from his 
 grandfather, but it was early dropped, and he was 
 always known by his matronymic Albert. The 
 Gallatin family held great influence in the Swiss 
 Republic, and from the organization of the state 
 contributed numerous members to its magistracy ; 
 others adopted the military profession, and served 
 after the manner of their country in the Swiss 
 contingents of foreign armies. The immediate 
 relatives of Albert Gallatin were concerned in 
 trade. Abraham, his grandfather, and Jean, his 
 father, were partners. The latter dying in 1765, 
 his widow assumed his share in the business. She 
 died in March, 1770, leaving two children, — Al- 
 bert, then nine years of age, and an invalid daugh- 
 ter who died a few years later. The loss to the 
 orphan boy was lessened, if not compensated, by 
 the care of a maiden lady — Mademoiselle Pictet 
 — who had taken him into her charge at his 
 father's death. This lady, whose affection never 
 failed him, was the intimate friend of his mother 
 as well as a distant relative of his father. Young 
 Gallatin remained in this kind care until January, 
 1773, when he was sent to a boarding-school, and 
 in August, 1775, to the academy of Geneva, from 
 which he was graduated in May, 1779. The ex- 
 penses of his education were in great part met by 
 the trustees of the Bourse Gallatin, — a sum left 
 in 1699 by a member of the family, of which the 
 
EARLY LIFE. 3 
 
 income was to be applied to its necessities. The 
 course of study at the academy was confined to 
 Latin and Greek. These were taught, to use the 
 words of Mr. Gallatin, " Latin thoroughly, Greek 
 much neglected." Fortunately his preliminary 
 home training had been careful, and he left the 
 academy the first in his class in mathematics, natu- 
 ral philosophy, and Latin translation. French, a 
 language in general use at Geneva, was of course 
 familiar to him. English he also studied. He is 
 not credited with special proficiency in history, 
 but his teacher in this branch was Muller, the dis- 
 tinguished historian, and the groundwork of hia 
 information was solid. No American statesman 
 has shown more accurate knowledge of the facta 
 of history, or a more profound insight into its phi- 
 losophy, than Mr. Gallatin. 
 
 Education, however, is not confined to instruc. 
 tion, nor is the influence of an academy to b^ 
 measured by the extent of its curriculum, or thfe 
 proficiency of its students, but rather by its general 
 tone, moral and intellectual. The Calvinism oX 
 Geneva, narrow in its religious sense, was friendly 
 to the spread of knowledge ; and had this not beeik 
 the case, the side influences of Roman Catholicism 
 on the one hand, and the liberal spirit of the age 
 on the other, would have tempered its exclusive 
 tendency. 
 
 While the academy seems to have sent out few 
 men of extraordinary eminence, its influence upon 
 
4 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 society was happy. Geneva was the resort of dis- 
 tinguished foreigners. Princes and nobles from 
 Germany and the north of Europe, lords and gentle- 
 men from England, and numerous Americans went 
 thither to finish their education. Of these Mr. 
 Gallatin has left mention of Francis Kinloch and 
 William Smith, who later represented South Caro- 
 lina in the Congress of the United States ; Smith 
 was afterwards Minister to Portugal; Colonel 
 Laurens, son of the President of Congress, and 
 special envoy to France during the war of the 
 American Revolution ; the two Penns, proprietors 
 of Pennsylvania ; Franklin Bache, grandson of Dr. 
 Franklin ; and young Johannot, grandson of Dr. 
 Cooper of Boston. Yet no one of these followed 
 the academical course. To use again the words 
 of Mr. Gallatin, " It was the Geneva society which 
 they cultivated, aided by private teachers in every 
 branch, with whom Geneva was abundantly sup- 
 plied." " By that influence," he says, he was him- 
 self " surrounded, and derived more benefit from 
 that source than from attendance on academical 
 lectures." Considered in its higher sense, edu- 
 cation is quite as much a matter of association as 
 of scholarly acquirement. The influence of the 
 companion is as strong and enduring as that of 
 the master. Of this truth the career of young 
 Gallatin is a notable example. During his aca- 
 demic course he formed ties of intimate friendship 
 with three of his associates. These were Henri 
 
EARLY LIFE. 5 
 
 Serre, Jean Badollet, and Etienne Dumont. This 
 attachment was maintained unimpaired through- 
 out their lives, notwithstanding the widely dif- 
 ferent stations which they subsequently filled. 
 Serre and Badollet are only remembered from 
 their connection with Gallatin. Dumont was 
 of different mould. He was the friend of Mira- 
 beau, the disciple and translator of Bentham, — 
 a man of elegant acquirement, but, in the judg- 
 ment of Gallatin, " without original genius." De 
 Lolme was in the class above Gallatin. He had 
 such facility in the acquisition of languages that 
 he was able to write his famous work on the 
 English Constitution after the residence of a sin- 
 gle year in England. Pictet, Gallatin's relative, 
 afterwards celebrated as a naturalist, excelled all 
 his fellows in physical science. 
 
 During his last year at the academy Gallatin 
 was engaged in the tuition of a nephew of Ma- 
 demoiselle Pictet, but the time soon arrived when 
 he felt called upon to choose a career. His state 
 was one of comparative dependence, and the small 
 patrimony which he inherited would not pass to his 
 control until he should reach his twenty-fifth year, 
 " — the period assigned for his majority. It would 
 be hardly just to say that he was ambitious. Per- 
 sonal distinction was never an active motor in his 
 life. Even his later honors, thick and fast though 
 they fell, were rather thrust upon than sought by 
 him. But his nature was proud and sensitive, 
 
6 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 and he chafed under personal control. The age 
 was restless. The spirit of philosophic inquiry, no 
 longer confined within scholastic limits, was spread- 
 ing far and wide. From the banks of the Neva to 
 the shores of the Mediterranean, the people of 
 Europe were uneasy and expectant. Men every- 
 where felt that the social system was threatened 
 with a cataclysm. What would emerge from the 
 general deluge none could foresee. Certainly, the 
 last remains of the old feudality would be engulfed 
 forever. Nowhere was this more thoroughly be- 
 lieved than at the home of Rousseau. Under the 
 shadow of the Alps, every breeze from which was 
 free, the Genevese philosopher had written his 
 " Contrat social," and invited the rulers and the 
 ruled to a reorganization of their relations to 
 each other and to the world. But nowhere, 
 also, was the conservative opposition to the new 
 theories more intense than here. The mind of 
 young Gallatin was essentially philosophic. The 
 studies in which he excelled in early life were in 
 this direction, and at no time in his career did he 
 display any emotional enthusiasm on subjects of 
 general concern. But, on the other 'hand, he was 
 unflinching in his adherence to abstract principle. 
 Though not carried away by the extravagance of 
 Rousseau, he was thoroughly discontented with 
 the political state of Geneva. He was by early 
 conviction a democrat in the broadest sense of 
 the term. Indeed, it would be difficult to find 
 
EARLY LIFE. 7 
 
 a more perfect example of what it was then the 
 fashion to call a citoyen du monde. His family- 
 seem, on the contrary, to have been always con- 
 servative, and attached to the aristocratic and oli- 
 garchic system to which they had, for centuries, 
 owed their position and advancement. 
 
 Abraham Gallatin, his grandfather, lived at 
 Pregny on the northern shore of the lake, in close 
 neighborhood to Ferney, the retreat of Voltaire. 
 Susanne Vaudenet Gallatin, his grandmother, was 
 a woman of the world, a lady of strong character, 
 and the period was one when the influence of 
 women was paramount in the affairs of men ; 
 among her friends she counted Voltaire, with 
 whom her husband and herself were on intimate 
 relations, and Frederick, Landgrave of Hesse-Cas- 
 sel, with whom she corresponded. So sincere was 
 this latter attachment that the sovereign sent his 
 portrait to her in 1776, an honor which, at her in- 
 stance, Voltaire acknowledged in a verse charac- 
 teristic of himself and of the time : — 
 
 " J'ai baise ce portrait charmant, 
 Je vous I'avourai sans mystere, 
 Mes filles en ont fait autant, 
 Mais c'est un secret qu'il faut taire. 
 Vous trouverez bon qu'une mere 
 Vous parle un peu plus hardiment, 
 Et vous verrez qu'egalement, 
 En tons les temps vous savez plaire." 
 
 At Pregny young Gallatin was the constant 
 guest of his nearest relatives on his father's side, 
 
8 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 and he was a frequent visitor at Ferney. Those 
 whose fortune it has been to sit at the feet of Mr. 
 Gallatin himself, in the serene atmosphere of his 
 study, after his retirement from active participa- 
 tion in public concerns, may well imagine the in- 
 fluence which the rays of the prismatic character 
 of Voltaire must have had upon the philosophic 
 and receptive mind of the young student. 
 
 There was and still is a solidarity in European 
 families which can scarcely be said to have ever 
 had a counterpart in those of England, and of 
 which hardly a vestige remains in American social 
 life. The fate of each member was a matter of 
 interest to all, and the honor of the name was 
 of common concern. Among the Gallatins, the 
 grandmother, Madame Gallatin- Vaudenet, as she 
 was called, appears to have been the controlling 
 spirit. To her the profession of the youthful 
 scion of the stock was a matter of family conse- 
 quence, and she had already marked out his fu- 
 ture course. The Gallatins, as has been already 
 stated, had acquired honor in the military service 
 of foreign princes. Her friend, the Landgrave of 
 Hesse, was engaged in supporting the uncertain 
 fortunes of the British army in America with a 
 large military contingent, and she had only to ask 
 to obtain for her grandson the high commission 
 of lieutenant-colonel of one of the regiments of 
 Hessian mercenaries. To the offer made to young 
 Gallatin, and urged with due authority, he re- 
 
EARLY LIFE. 9 
 
 plied, that " he would never serve a tyrant ; " a 
 want of respect which was answered by a cuff on 
 the ear. This incident determined his career. 
 Whether it crystallized long cherished fancies into 
 sudden action, or whether it was of itself the in- 
 itial cause of his resolve, is now mere matter 
 of conjecture ; probably the former. The three 
 friends, Gallatin, Badollet, and Serre seem to have 
 amused their leisure in planning an ideal exist- 
 ence in some wilderness. America offered a bound- 
 less field for the realization of such dreams, and 
 the spice of adventure could be had for the seek- 
 ing. Here was the forest primeval in its original 
 grandeur. Here the Indian roamed undisputed 
 master ; not the tutored Huron of Voltaire's tale, 
 but the savage of torch and tomahawk. The 
 continent was as yet unexplored. In uncertainty 
 as to motives for man's action the French magis- 
 trate always searches for the woman, " cherchez la 
 femme ? " One single allusion in a letter writ- 
 ten to Badollet, in 1783, shows that there was a 
 woman in Gallatin's horoscope. Who she was, 
 what her relation to him, or what influence she 
 had upon his actions, nowhere appears. He only 
 says that besides Mademoiselle Pictet there was 
 one friend, " une amie," at Geneva, from whom a 
 permanent separation would be hard. 
 
 Confiding his purpose to his friend Serre, Gal- 
 latin easily persuaded this ardent youth to join 
 him in his venturesome journey, and on April 1, 
 
10 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 1780, the two secretly left Geneva. It certainly 
 was no burning desire to aid the Americans in 
 their struggle for independence, such as had 
 stirred the generous soul of Lafayette, that 
 prompted this act. In later life he repeatedly 
 disclaimed any such motive. It was rather a long- 
 ing for personal independence, for freedom from 
 • the trammels of a society in which he had little 
 faith or interest. Nor were his political opinions 
 at this time matured. He had a just pride in the 
 ) a tt I O S^iss Republic as a free State (Etat libre), and 
 y^ his personal bias was towards the " Negatif " 
 
 party, as those were called who maintained the 
 authority of the Upper Council (Petit Conseil) 
 to reject the demands of the people. To this 
 oligarchic party his family belonged. In a letter 
 written three years later, he confesses that he was 
 " Negatif " when he abandoned his home, and 
 conveys the idea that his emigration was an ex- 
 periment, a search for a system of government in 
 accordance with his abstract notions of natural 
 justice and political right. To use his own words, 
 he came to America to " drink in a love for inde- 
 pendence in the freest country of the universe. 
 But there was some method in this madness. The 
 rash scheme of emigration had a practical side ; 
 land speculation and commerce were to be the 
 foundation and support of the settlement in the 
 wilderness where they would realize their political 
 Utopia. 
 
EARLY YEARS. 11 
 
 From Geneva the young adventurers hurried to 
 Nantes, on the coast of France, where Gallatin 
 soon received letters from his family, who seem to 
 have neglected nothing that could contribute to 
 their comfort or advantage. Monsieur P. M. Gal- 
 latin, the guardian of Albert, a distant relative in 
 an elder branch of the family, addressed him a 
 letter which, in its moderation, dignity, and kind- 
 ness, is a model of well-tempered severity and 
 reproach. It expressed the pain Mademoiselle 
 Pictet had felt at his unceremonious departure, 
 and his own affliction at the ingratitude of one to 
 whom he had never refused a request. Finally, 
 as the trustee of his estate till his majority, the 
 guardian assures the errant youth that he will aid 
 him with pecuniary resources as far as possible, 
 without infringing upon the capital, and within the 
 sworn obligation of his trust. Letters of recom- 
 mendation to distinguished Americans were also 
 forwarded, and in these it is found, to the high 
 credit of the family, that no distinction was made 
 between the two young men, although Serre 
 seems to have been considered as the origina- 
 tor of the bold move. The intervention of the 
 Duke de la Rochefoucauld d'Enville was solicited, 
 and a letter was obtained by him from Benjamin 
 Franklin — then American Minister at the Court 
 of Versailles — to his son-in-law, Richard Bache. 
 Lady Juliana Penn wrote in their behalf to John 
 Penn at Philadelphia, and Mademoiselle Pictet 
 
12 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 to Colonel Kinloch, member of the Continental 
 Congress from South Carolina. Thus supported 
 in their undertaking the youthful travellers sailed 
 from L' Orient on May 27, in an American ves- 
 sel, the Kattie, Captain Loring. Of the sum 
 which Gallatin, who supplied the capital for the 
 expedition, brought from Geneva, one half had 
 been expended in their land journey and the 
 payment of the passages to Boston ; one half, 
 eighty louis d'or — the equivalent of four hun- 
 dred silver dollars — remained, part of which they 
 invested in tea. Reaching the American coast in 
 a fog, or bad weather, they were landed at Cape 
 Ann on July 14. From Gloucester they rode the 
 next day to Boston on horseback, a distance of 
 thirty miles. Here they put up at a French caf^, 
 " The Sign of the Alliance," in Fore Street, kept 
 by one Tahon, and began to consider what step 
 they should next take in the new world. 
 
 The prospects were not encouraging ; the mili- 
 tary fortunes of the struggling nation were never 
 at a lower ebb than during the summer which 
 intervened between the disaster of Camden and 
 the discovery of Arnold's treason. Washington's 
 army lay at New Windsor in enforced inactivity ; 
 enlistments were few, and the currency was al- 
 most worthless. Such was the stagnation in trade, 
 that the young strangers found it extremely diffi- 
 cult to dispose of their little venture in tea. Two 
 months were passed at the cafe, in waiting for an 
 
EARLY LIFE. 13 
 
 opportunity to go to Philadelphia, where Congress 
 was in session, and where they expected to find the 
 influential persons to whom they were accredited ; 
 also letters from Geneva. But this journey was no 
 easy matter. The usual routes of travel were in- 
 terrupted. New York was the fortified headquar- 
 ters of the British army, and the Middle States 
 were only to be reached by a detour through the 
 American lines above the Highlands and behind 
 the Jersey Hills. 
 
 The home-sick youths found little to amuse or 
 interest them in Boston, and grew very weary of 
 its monotonous life and Puritanical tone. They 
 missed the public amusements to which they were 
 accustomed in their own country, and complained 
 of the superstitious observance of Sunday, when 
 " singing, fiddling, card-playing and bowling were 
 forbidden." Foreigners were not welcome guests 
 in this town of prejudice. The sailors of the 
 French fleet had already been the cause of one 
 riot. Gallatin's letters show that this aversion 
 was fully reciprocated by him. 
 
 The neighboring country had some points of 
 interest. No Swiss ever saw a hill without an 
 intense desire to get to its top. They soon felt 
 the magnetic attraction of the Blue Hills of Mil- 
 ton, and, descrying from their summit the distant 
 mountains north of Worcester, made a pedestrian 
 excursion thither the following day. Mr. Gallatin 
 was wont to relate with glee an incident of this 
 
14 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 trip, which Mr. John Russell Bartlett repeats in 
 his " Reminiscences." 
 
 " The tavern at which he stopped on his journey was 
 kept by a man who partook in a considerable degree of 
 the curiosity even now-a-days manifested by some land- 
 lords in the back parts of New England to know the 
 whole history of their guests. Noticing Mr. Gallatin's 
 French accent he said, 'Just from France, eh! You 
 are a Frenchman, I suppose.' ' No ! ' said Mr. Gal- 
 latin, 'I am not from France.' 'You can't be from 
 England, I am sure ? ' ' No ! ' was the reply. ' From 
 Spain?' 'No!' 'From Germany?' 'No!' 'Well 
 where on earth are you from then, or what are you ? * 
 eagerly asked the inquisitive landlord. ' I am a Swiss,' 
 replied Mr. Gallatin. ' Swiss, Swiss, Swiss ! ' exclaimed 
 the landlord, in astonishment. ' Which of the ten tribes 
 are the Swiss ? ' " 
 
 Nor was this an unnatural remark. At this 
 time Mr. Gallatin did not speak English with 
 facility, and indeed was never free from a foreign 
 accent. 
 
 At the little cafe they met a Swiss woman, the 
 wife of a Genevan, one De Lesdernier, who had 
 been for thirty years established in Nova Scotia, 
 but, becoming compromised in the attempt to 
 revolutionize the colony, was compelled to fly to 
 New England, and had settled at Macbias, on the 
 northeastern extremity of the Maine frontier. 
 Tempted by her account of this region, and per- 
 haps making a virtue of necessity, Gallatin and 
 
EARLY LIFE. 15 
 
 Serre bartered their tea for rum, sugar, and to- 
 bacco, and, investing the remainder of their petty- 
 capital in similar merchandise, they embarked 
 October 1, 1780, upon a small coasting vessel, 
 which, after a long and somewhat perilous pas- 
 sage, reached the mouth of the Machias River on 
 the 15th of the same month. Machias was then a 
 little settlement five miles from the mouth of the 
 stream of the same name. It consisted of about 
 twenty houses and a small fortification, mounting 
 seven guns and garrisoned by fifteen or twenty- 
 men. The young travellers were warmly received 
 by the son of Lesdernier, and made their home 
 under his roof. This seems to have been one 
 of the four or five log-houses in a large clear- 
 ing near the fort. Gallatin attempted to settle a 
 lot of land, and the meadow where he cut the hay 
 with his own hands is still pointed out. This is 
 Frost's meadow in Perry, not far from the site of 
 the Indian village. A single cow was the begin- 
 ning of a farm, but the main occupation of the 
 young men was wood-cutting. No record remains 
 of the result of the merchandise venture. The 
 trade of Machias was wholly in fish, lumber, and 
 furs, which, there being no money, the settlers 
 were ready enough to barter for West India goods. 
 But the outlet for the product of the country was, 
 in its unsettled condition, uncertain and precari- 
 ous, and the young traders were no better off than 
 before. One transaction only is remembered, the 
 
16 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 advance by Gallatin to the garrison of supplies to 
 the value of four hundred dollars ; for this he took 
 a draft on the state treasury of Massachusetts, 
 which, there being no funds for its payment, he 
 sold at one fourth of its face value. 
 
 The life, rude as it was, was not without its 
 charms. Serre seems to have abandoned himself 
 to its fascination without a regret. His descrip- 
 tive letters to Badollet read like the Idylls of a 
 Faun. Those of Gallatin, though more tempered 
 in tone, reveal quiet content with the simple life 
 and a thorough enjoyment of nature in its original 
 wildness. In the summer they followed the tracks 
 of the moose and deer through the primitive for- 
 ests, and explored the streams and lakes in the 
 light birch canoe, with a woodsman or savage for 
 their guide. In the winter they made long jour- 
 neys over land and water on snow-shoes or on 
 skates, occasionally visiting the villages of the 
 Indians, with whom the Lesderniers were on the 
 best of terms, studying their habits and witness- 
 ing their feasts. Occasional expeditions of a dif- 
 ferent nature gave zest and excitement to this 
 rustic life. These occurred when alarms of Eng- 
 lish invasion reached the settlement, and volun- 
 teers marched to the defence of the frontier. 
 Twice Gallatin accompanied such parties to Pas- 
 samaquoddy, and once, in November, 1780, was left 
 for a time in command of a small earth-work and 
 a temporary garrison of whites and Indians at 
 
EARLY LIFE. 17 
 
 that place. At Machias Gallatin made one ac- 
 quaintance which greatly interested him, that of 
 La P^rouse, the famous navigator. He was then 
 in command of the Amazone frigate, one of the 
 French squadron on the American coast, and had 
 in convoy a fleet of fishing vessels on their way to 
 the Newfoundland banks. Gallatin had an in- 
 tense fondness for geography, and was delighted 
 with La P^rouse's narrative of his visit to Hud- 
 son's Bay, and of his discovery there (at Fort 
 Albany, which he captured) of the manuscript 
 journal of Samuel Hearne, who some years before 
 had made a voyage to the Arctic regions in search 
 of a northwest passage. Gallatin and La Perouse 
 met subsequently in Boston. 
 
 The winter of 1780-81 was passed in the cabin 
 of the Lesderniers. The excessive cold does not 
 seem to have chilled Serre's enthusiasm. Like the 
 faun of Hawthorne's mythical tale, he loved Na- 
 ture in all her moods, but Gallatin appears to have 
 wearied of the confinement and of his uncongenial 
 companions. The trading experiment was aban- 
 doned in the fall, and with some experience, but a 
 reduced purse, the friends returned in October to 
 Boston, where Gallatin set to work to support him- 
 self by giving lessons in the French language. 
 What success he met with at first is not known, 
 though the visits of the French fleet and the pres- 
 ence of its officers may have awakened some inter- 
 est in their language. However this may be, in 
 
18 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 December Gallatin wrote to his good friend, 
 Mademoiselle Pictet, a frank account of his em- 
 barrassments. Before it reached her, she had al- 
 ready, with her wonted forethought, anticipated 
 his difficulties by providing for a payment of 
 money to him wherever he might be, and bad also 
 secured for him the interest of Dr. Samuel Cooper, 
 whose grandson, young Johannot, was then at 
 school in Geneva. Dr. Cooper was one of the 
 most distinguished of the patriots in Boston, and 
 no better influence could have been invoked than 
 his. In July, 1782, by a formal vote of the Presi- 
 dent and Fellows of Harvard College, Mr. Gal- 
 latin was permitted to teach the French language. 
 About seventy of the students availed themselves 
 of the privilege. Mr. Gallatin received about 
 three hundred dollars in compensation. In this 
 occupation he remained at Cambridge for about a 
 year, at the expiration of which he took advantage 
 of the close of the academic course to withdraw 
 from his charge, receiving at his departure a cer- 
 tificate from the Faculty that he had acquitted 
 himself in his department with great reputation. 
 
 The war was over, the army of the United 
 States was disbanded, and the country was pre- 
 paring for the new order which the peace would 
 introduce into the habits and occupations of the 
 people. The long-sought opportunity at last pre- 
 sented itself, and Mr. Gallatin at once embraced 
 it. He left Boston without regret. He had done 
 
EARLY LIFE. 19 
 
 his duty faithfully, and secured the approbation 
 and esteem of all with whom he had come in con- 
 tact, but there is no evidence that he cared for or 
 sought social relations either in the city or at the 
 college. Journeying southward he passed through 
 Providence, where he took sail for New York. 
 Stopping for an hour at Newport for dinner, he 
 reached New York on July 21. The same day 
 the frigate Mercury arrived from England with 
 news of the signature of the definitive treaty of 
 peace. He was delighted with the beauty of the 
 country-seats above the city, the vast port with 
 its abundant shipping, and with the prospect of 
 a theatrical entertainment. The British soldiers 
 and sailors, who were still in possession, he found 
 rude and insolent, but the returning refugees civil 
 and honest people. At Boston Gallatin made the 
 acquaintance of a French gentleman, one Savary 
 de Valcoulon, who had crossed the Atlantic to 
 prosecute in person certain claims against the 
 State of Virginia for advances made by his house 
 in Lyons during the war. He accompanied Gal- 
 latin to New York, and together they travelled 
 to Philadelphia ; Savary, who spoke no English, 
 gladly attaching to himself as his companion a 
 young man of the ability and character of Gal- 
 latin. At Philadelphia Gallatin was soon after 
 joined by Serre, who had remained behind, en- 
 gaged also in giving instruction. The meeting 
 at Philadelphia seems to have been the occasion 
 
20 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 for the dissolution of a partnership in which Gal- 
 latin had placed his money, and Serre his enthu- 
 siasm and personal charm. A settlement was 
 made ; Serre giving his note to Gallatin for the 
 sum of six hundred dollars, — one half of their 
 joint expenses for three years, — an obligation 
 which was repaid more than half a century later 
 by his sister. Serre then joined a fellow-country- 
 man and went to Jamaica, where he died in 1784. 
 At Philadelphia Gallatin and Savary lodged in a 
 house kept by one Mary Lynn. Pelatiah Web- 
 ster, the political economist, who owned the house, 
 was also a boarder. Later he said of his fellow- 
 lodgers that " they were well-bred gentlemen who 
 passed their time conversing in French." Gal- 
 latin, at the end of his resources, gladly acceded 
 to Savary's request to accompany him to Rich- 
 mond. 
 
 Whatever hesitation Gallatin may have enter- 
 tained as to his definitive expatriation was entirely 
 set at rest by the news of strife between the rival 
 factions in Geneva and the interposition of armed 
 force by the neighboring governments. This inter- 
 ference turned the scale against the liberal party. 
 Mademoiselle Pictet was the only link which bound 
 him to his family. For his ingratitude to her 'he 
 constantly reproached himself. He still styled him- 
 self a citizen of Geneva, but this was only as a 
 matter of convenience and security to his corre. 
 spondence. His determination to make America 
 
EARLY LIFE. 21 
 
 his home was now fixed. The lands on the banks 
 of the Ohio were then considered the most fertile 
 in America, — the best for farming purposes, the 
 cultivation of grain, and the raising of cattle. The 
 first settlement in this region was made by the 
 Ohio Company, an association formed in Virginia 
 and London, about the middle of the century, by 
 Thomas Lee, together with Lawrence and Augus- 
 tine, brothers of George Washington. The lands 
 laid on the south side of the Ohio, between the 
 Monongahela and Kanawha rivers. These lands 
 were known as '* Washington's bottom lands." In 
 this neighborhood Gallatin determined to purchase 
 two or three thousand acres, and prepare for that 
 ideal country home which had been the dream 
 of his college days. Land here was worth from 
 thirty cents to four dollars an acre. His first pur- 
 chase was about one thousand acres, for which he 
 paid one hundred pounds, Virginia currency. Land 
 speculation was the fever of the time. S a vary was 
 early affected by it, and before the new friends left 
 Philadelphia for Richmond he bought warrants for 
 one hundred and twenty thousand acres in Vir- 
 ginia, in Monongalia County, between the Great 
 and Little Kanawha rivers, and interested Gal- 
 latin to the extent of one quarter in the purchase. 
 Soon after the completion of this transaction the 
 sale of some small portions reimbursed them for 
 three fourths of the original cost. This was the 
 first time when, and Savary was the first person to 
 
22 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 whom, Gallatin- was willing to incur a pecuniary- 
 obligation. It was arranged that Gallatin's part of 
 the purchase-money was not to be paid until his 
 majority, — January 29, 1786, — but in the mean 
 while he was, in lieu of interest money, to give 
 his services in personal superintendence. Later 
 Savary increased Gallatin's interest to one half. 
 Soon after these plans were completed, Savary and 
 Gallatin moved to Richmond, where they made 
 their residence. In February, 1784, Gallatin re- 
 turned to Philadelphia, perfected the arrangements 
 for his expedition, and in March crossed the moun- 
 tains, and, with his exploring party, passed down 
 the Ohio River to Monongalia County in Virginia. 
 The superior advantages of the country north of 
 the Virginia line determined him to establish his 
 headquarters there. He selected the farm of 
 Thomas Clare, at the junction of the Monon- 
 gahela River and George's Creek. This was in 
 Fayette County, Pennsylvania, about four miles 
 north of the Virginia line. Here he built a log 
 hut, opened a country store, and remained till the 
 close of the year. It was while thus engaged at 
 George's Creek, in September of the year 1784, 
 that Gallatin first met General Washington, who 
 was examining the country, in which he had large 
 landed interests, to select a route for a road across 
 the Alleghanies. The story of the interview was 
 first made public by Mr. John Russell Bartlett, 
 who had it from the lips of Mr. Gallatin. The 
 
EARLY LIFE. 23 
 
 version of the late Hon. William Beach Lawrence, 
 in a paper prepared for the New York Histori- 
 cal Society, differs slightly in immaterial points. 
 Mr. Lawrence says : — 
 
 " Among the incidents connected with his (Mr. Gal- 
 latin's) earliest explorations was an interview with Gen- 
 eral Washington, which he repeatedly recounted to noie. 
 He had previously observed that of all the inaccessible 
 men he had ever seen, General Washington was the 
 most so. And this remark he made late in life, after 
 having been conversant with most of the sovereigns of 
 Europe and their prime ministers. He said, in connec- 
 tion with his office, he had a cot-bed in the office of the 
 surveyor of the district when Washington, who had lands 
 in the neighborhood, and was desirous of effecting com- 
 munication between the rivers, came there. Mr. Gal- 
 latin's bed was given up to him, — Gallatin lying on 
 the floor, immediately below the table at which Washing- 
 ton was writing. Washington was endeavoring to re- 
 duce to paper the calculations of the day. Gallatin, 
 hearing the statement, came at once to the conclusion, 
 and, after waiting some time, he himself gave the answer, 
 which drew from Washington such a look as he never 
 experienced before or since. On arriving by a slow 
 process at his conclusion, Washington turned to Gal- 
 latin and said, ' You are right, young man.' " 
 
 The points of difference between the two ac- 
 counts of this interview are of little importance. 
 The look which Washington is said to have given 
 Mr. Gallatin has its counterpart in that with which 
 he is also said to have turned upon Gouverneur 
 
24 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 Morris, when accosted by him familiarly with a 
 touch on the shoulder. Bartlett, in his recollec- 
 tion of the anecdote, adds that Washington, about 
 this period, inquired after the forward young man, 
 and urged him to become his land agent, — an of- 
 fer which Gallatin declined. 
 
 The winter of 1784-85 was passed in Rich^ 
 mond, in the society of which town Mr. Gallatin 
 began to find a relief and pleasure he had not yet 
 experienced in America. At this period the Vir- 
 ginia capital was the gayest city in the Union, and 
 famous for its abundant hospitality, rather facile 
 manners, and the liberal tendency of its religious 
 thought. Gallatin brought no prudishness and 
 no orthodoxy in his Genevese baggage. One of 
 the last acts of his life was to recognize in grace- 
 ful and touching words the kindness he then met 
 with : — 
 
 " I was received with that old proverbial Virginia hos- 
 pitality to which I know no parallel anywhere within 
 the circle of my travels. It was not hospitality only 
 that was shown to me. I do not know how it came to 
 pass, but every one with whom I became acquainted 
 appeared to take an interest in the young stranger. I 
 was only the interpreter of a gentleman, the agent of 
 a foreign house, that had a large claim for advances to 
 the State, and this made me known to all the officers of 
 government, and some of the most prominent members 
 of the Legislature. It gave me the first opportunity of 
 showing some symptoms of talent, even as a speaker, 
 
EARLY LIFE. 25 
 
 of which I was not myself aware. Every one encour- 
 aged me, and was disposed to promote my success in life. 
 To name all those from whom I received offers of ser- 
 vice would be to name all the most distinguished resi- 
 dents at that time in Richmond." 
 
 In the spring of 1785, fortified with a certificate 
 from Governor Patrick Henry, commending him 
 to the county surveyor, and intrusted by Henry 
 with the duty of locating two thousand acres of 
 lands in the western country for a third party, he 
 set out from Richmond, on March 31, alone, on 
 horseback. Following the course of the James 
 River he crossed the Blue Ridge at the Peaks of 
 Otter, and reached Greenbrier Court House on 
 April 18. On the .29th he arrived at Clare's, on 
 George's Creek, where he was joined by Savary. 
 Their surveying operations were soon begun, each 
 taking a separate course. An Indian rising broke 
 up the operations of Savary, and both parties re- 
 turned to Clare's. Gallatin appeared before the 
 court of Monongalia County, at its October term, 
 and took the " oath of allegiance and fidelity to 
 the Commonwealth of Virginia." Clare's, his act- 
 ual residence, was north of the Virginia line, but 
 his affections were with the old Dominion. In 
 November the partners hired from Clare a house 
 at George's Creek, in Springfield township, and 
 established their residence, after which they re- 
 turned to Richmond by way of Cumberland and 
 the Potomac. In February, 1786, Gallatin made 
 his permanent abode at his new home. 
 
26 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 Mention has been made of the intimacy of the 
 young emigrants with Jean Badollet, a college 
 companion. When they left Geneva he was en- 
 gaged in the study of theology, and was now a 
 teacher. He was included in the original plan of 
 emigration, and the first letters of both Gallatin 
 and Serre, who had for him an equal attach- 
 ment, were to him, and year by year, through all 
 the vicissitudes of their fortune, they kept him 
 carefully informed of their movements and proj- 
 ects. For two years after their departure no 
 word was received from him. At last, spurred 
 by the sharp reproaches of Serre, he broke silence. 
 In a letter written in March, 1783, informing 
 Gallatin of the troubles in Switzerland, he excused 
 himself on the plea that their common friend, 
 Dumont, retained him at Geneva. In answer, 
 Gallatin opened his plans of western settlement, 
 which included the employment of his fortune in 
 the establishment of a number of families upon 
 his lands. He suggested to Badollet to bring with 
 him the little money he had, to which enough 
 would be added to establish him independently. 
 Dumont was invited to accompany him. But 
 with a prudence which shows that his previous 
 experience had not been thrown away upon him, 
 Gallatin recommends his friend not to start at 
 once, but to hold himself ready for the next, or, 
 at the latest, the year succeeding, at the same 
 time suggesting the idea of a general emigration 
 
EARLY LIFE. 27 
 
 of such Swiss malcontents as were small capi- 
 talists and farmers; that of manufacturers and 
 workmen he discouraged. It was not, however, 
 until the spring of 1785, on the eve of leaving 
 Richmond with some families which he had en- 
 gaged to establish on his lands, that he felt justi- 
 fied in asking his old friend to cross the seas and 
 share his lot. This invitation was accepted, and 
 BadoUet joined him at George's Creek. 
 
 The settlement beginning to spread, Gallatin 
 bought another farm higher up the river, to which 
 he gave the name of Friendship Hill. Here he 
 later made his home. 
 
 The western part of Pennsylvania, embracing 
 the area which stretches from the Alleghany 
 Mountains to Lake Erie, is celebrated for the 
 wild, picturesque beauty of its scenery. Among 
 its wooded hills the head-waters of the Ohio have 
 their source. At Fort Duquesne, or Pittsburgh, 
 where the river takes a sudden northerly bend 
 before finally settling in swelling volume on its 
 southwesterly course to the Mississippi, the Mo- 
 nongahela adds its mountain current, which sepa- 
 rates in its entire course from the Virginia line 
 the two counties of Fayette and Washington. 
 The Monongahela takes its rise in Monongalia 
 County, Virginia, and flows to the northward. 
 Friendship Hill is one of the bluffs on the right 
 bank of the river, and faces the Laurel Ridge to 
 the eastward. Braddock's Road, now the National 
 
28 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 Road, crosses the mountains, passing through 
 Uniontown and Red Stone Old Fort (Browns- 
 ville), on its course to Pittsburgh. The county 
 seat of Fayette is the borough of Union or Union- 
 town. Gallatin's log-cabin, the beginning of New 
 Geneva, was on the right bank of the Mononga- 
 hela, about twelve miles to the westward of the 
 county seat. Opposite, on the other side of the 
 river, in Washington County, was Greensburg, 
 where his friend Badollet was later established. 
 
 Again for a long period Gallatin left his family 
 without any word whatever. His most indul- 
 gent friend. Mademoiselle Pictet, could hardly ex- 
 cuse his silence, and did not hesitate to charge 
 that it was due to misfortunes which his pride 
 prompted him to conceal. In the early days of 
 1786 a rumor of his death reached Geneva, and 
 greatly alarmed his family. Mr* Jefferson, then 
 Minister at Paris, wrote to Mr. Jay for infor- 
 mation. ^ Meanwhile Gallatin had attained his 
 twenty-fifth year and his majority. His family 
 were no longer left in doubt as to his existence, 
 and in response to his letters drafts were at once 
 remitted to him for the sum of five thousand dol- 
 lars, through the banking-house of Robert Morris. 
 This was, of course, immediately applied to his 
 western experiment. The business of the part- 
 
 1 This was Jefferson's first knowledge of the existence of the 
 young man who was to become his political associate, his philo 
 Sophie companion, and his truest friend. 
 
EARLY LIFE. 29 
 
 nership now called for his constant attention. It 
 required the exercise of a great variety of mental 
 powers, a cool and discriminating judgment, com- 
 bined with an incessant attention to details. Na- 
 ture, under such circumstances, is not so attractive 
 as she appears in youthful dreams ; admirable in 
 her original garb, she is annoying and obstinate 
 when disturbed. The view of country which 
 Friendship Hill commands is said to rival Switz- 
 erland in its picturesque beauty, but years later, 
 when the romance of the Monongahela hills had 
 faded in the actualities of life, Gallatin wrote of 
 it that '' he did not know in the United States 
 any spot which afforded less means to earn a bare 
 subsistence for those who could not live by manual 
 labor." 
 
 Gallatin has been blamed for " taking life awry 
 and throwing away the advantages of education, 
 social position, and natural intelligence," by his 
 removal to the frontier, and his career is com- 
 pared with that of Hamilton and Dallas, who, 
 like him, foreign born, rose to eminence in poli- 
 tics, and became secretaries of the Treasury of 
 the United States. But both of these were of 
 English - speaking races. No foreigner of any 
 other race obtained such distinction in American 
 politics as Mr. Gallatin, and he only because 
 he was the choice of a constituency, to every 
 member of which he was personally known. It 
 is questionable whether in any other condition of 
 
30 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 society he could have secured advancement by 
 election — the true source of political power in 
 all democracies. John Marshall, afterwards Chief 
 Justice, recognized Gallatin's talent soon after his 
 arrival in Richmond, offered him a place in his 
 office without a fee, and assured him of future dis- 
 tinction in the profession of the law ; but Patrick 
 Henry was the more sagacious counsellor ; he ad- 
 vised Gallatin to go to the West, and predicted his 
 success as a statesman. Modest as the beginning 
 seemed in the country he had chosen, it was never- 
 theless a start in the right direction, as the future 
 showed. It was in no sense a mistake. 
 
 Neither did the affairs of the wilderness wholly 
 debar intercourse with the civilized world. Visiting 
 Richmond every winter, he gradually extended the 
 circle of his acquaintance, and increased his per- 
 sonal influence ; he also occasionally passed a few 
 weeks at Philadelphia. Two visits to Maine are 
 recorded in his diary, but whether they were of 
 pleasure merely does not appear. One was in 
 1788, in midwinter, by stage and sleigh. On this 
 excursion he descended the Androscoggin and 
 crossed Merrymeeting Bay on the ice, returning 
 by the same route in a snow-storm, which con- 
 cealed the banks on either side of the river, so 
 that he governed his course by the direction of the 
 wind. With the intellect of a prime minister he 
 had the constitution of a pioneer. On one of these 
 occasions he intended to visit his old friends and 
 
EARLY LIFE. 31 
 
 hosts, the Lesderniers, but the diflSculty of finding 
 a conveyance, and the rumor that the old gentle^ 
 man was away from home, interfered with his 
 purpose. He remembered their kindness, and 
 later attempted to obtain pensions for them from 
 the United States government. 
 
 But the time now arrived when the current of 
 his domestic life was permanently diverted, and 
 set in other channels. In May, 1789, he married 
 Sophie Allegre, the daughter of William All^gre, 
 of a French Protestant family living at Richmond. 
 The father was dead, and the mother took lodgers, 
 of whom Gallatin was one. For more than a year 
 he had addressed her and secured her affections. 
 Her mother now refused her consent, and no 
 choice was left to the young lovers but to marry 
 without it.^ They passed a few happy months at 
 Friendship_Uill, when suddenly;^ she died. From 
 this time Mr. Gallatin lost all heart in the west- 
 ern venture, and his most earnest wish was to turn 
 his back forever upon Fayette County. In his 
 suffering he would have returned to Geneva to 
 Mademoiselle Pictet, could he have sold his Vir- 
 ginia lands. But this had become impossible at 
 any price, and he had no other pecuniary resource 
 but the generosity of his family. 
 
 1 Little is known of this short but touching episode in Mr. Gal- 
 latin's life. The young lady was warmly attached to him, and 
 the letter written to her mother asking forgiveness for her mar- 
 riage is charmingly expressed aad full of feeling. 
 
32 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 Meanwhile the revolution had broken out in 
 France. The rights of man had been proclaimed 
 on the Champ de Mars. All Europe was uneasy 
 and alarmed, and nowhere offered a propitious 
 field for peaceful labor. But Gallatin did not 
 long need other distraction than he was to find 
 at home. 
 
CHAPTER II. 
 
 PENNSYLVANIA LEGISLATURE. 
 
 Political revolutions are the opportunity of 
 youth. In England, Pitt and Fox; in America, 
 Hamilton and Gouverneur Morris ; in Europe, 
 Napoleon and Pozzo di Borgo, before they reached 
 their thirtieth year, helped to shape the political 
 destiny of nations. The early maturity of Gal- 
 latin was no less remarkable. In his voluminous 
 correspondence there is no trace of youth. At 
 nineteen his habits of thought were already formed, 
 and his moral and intellectual tendencies were 
 clearly marked in his character, and understood 
 by himself. His tastes also were already devel- 
 oped. His life, thereafter, was in every sense a 
 growth. The germs of every excellence, which 
 came to full fruition in his subsequent career, may 
 be traced in the preferences of his academic days. 
 From youth to age he was consistent with himself. 
 His mind was of that rare and original order 
 which, reasoning out its own conclusions, seldom 
 has cause to change. 
 
 His political opinions were early formed. A 
 letter written by him in October, 1783, before he 
 had completed his twenty-third year, shows the 
 
 2 
 
34 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 maturity of his intellect, and his analytic habit 
 of thought. An extract gives the nature of the 
 reasons which finally determined him to make his 
 home in America : — 
 
 " This is what by degrees greatly influenced my judg- 
 ment. After my arrival in this country I was early 
 convinced, upon a comparison of American governments 
 with that of Geneva, that the latter is founded on false 
 principles ; that the judicial power, in civil as well as 
 criminal cases, the executive power wholly, and two 
 thirds of the legislative power being lodged in two bodies 
 which are almost self-made, and the members of which 
 are chosen for life, — it is hardly possible but that this 
 formidable aristocracy should, sooner or later, destroy 
 the equilibrium which it was supposed could be main- 
 tained at Geneva." 
 
 The period from the peace of 1783 to the adop- 
 tion of the Federal Constitution in 1787 was one 
 of political excitement. The utter failure of the 
 old confederation to serve the purposes of national 
 defence and safety for which it was framed had 
 been painfully felt during the war. Independence 
 had been achieved under it rather than by it, the 
 patriotic action of some of the States supplying 
 the deficiencies of others less able or less willing. 
 By the radical inefl&ciency of the confederation 
 the war had been protracted, its success repeatedly 
 imperilled, and, at its close, the results gained by 
 it were constantly menaced. The more perfect 
 union which was the outcome of the deliberations 
 
PENNSYLVANIA LEGISLATURE. 35 
 
 of the Federal Convention was therefore joyfully 
 accepted by the people at large. Indeed, it was 
 popular pressure, and not the arguments of its 
 advocates, that finally overcame the formidable 
 opposition in and out of the convention to the 
 Constitution. No written record remains of Mr. 
 Gallatin's course during the sessions of the Federal 
 Convention. He was not a member of the body, 
 nor is his name connected with any public act, 
 having any bearing upon its deliberations. Of 
 the direction of his influence, however, there can 
 be no doubt. He had an abiding distrust of strong 
 government, — a dread of the ambitions of men. 
 Precisely what form he would have substituted 
 for the legislative and executive system adopted 
 nowhere appears in his writings, but certainly 
 neither president nor senate would have been in- 
 cluded. They bore too close a resemblance to 
 king and lords to win his approval, no matter 
 how restricted their powers. He would evidently 
 have leaned to a single house, with a temporary ex- 
 ecutive directly appointed by itself ; or, if elected 
 by the people, then for a short term of ofiice, with- 
 out renewal ; and he would have reduced its legis- 
 lative powers to the narrowest possible limit. The 
 best government he held to be that which governs 
 least ; and many of the ablest of that incomparable 
 body of men, who welded this Union, held these 
 views. But the yearning of the people was in 
 the other direction. They felt the need of gov- 
 
36 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 eminent. They wanted the protection of a strong 
 arm. It must not be forgotten that the thirteen 
 colonies, which declared their independence in 
 1776, were all sea-board communities, each with 
 its port. They were all trading communities 
 The East, with its fisheries and timber ; the 
 Middle States, with their agricultural products 
 and peltries ; the South, with its tobacco ; each 
 saw, in that freedom from the restrictions of the 
 English navigation laws which the treaty of 
 peace secured, the promise of a boundless com- 
 merce. To protect commerce there must be a 
 national power somewhere. Since the peace the 
 government had gained neither the affection of 
 its own citizens nor the respect of foreign powers. 
 The Federal Constitution was adopted Septem- 
 ber 17, 1787. The first State to summon a con- 
 vention of ratification was Pennsylvania. No one 
 of the thirteen original States was more directly 
 interested than herself. The centre of population 
 lay somewhere in her limits, and there was rea- 
 sonable ground for hope that Philadelphia would 
 become once more the seat of government. The 
 delegates met at Philadelphia on November 2. An 
 opposition declared itself at the beginning of the 
 proceedings. Regardless of the popular impatience, 
 the majority allowed full scope to adverse argu- 
 ment, and it was not until December 12 that the 
 final vote was taken and the Constitution ratified, 
 without recommendations, by a majority of two to 
 
PENNSYLVANIA LEGISLATURE. 37 
 
 one. In this body Fayette County was represented 
 by Nicholas Breading and John Smilie. The lat- 
 ter gentleman, of Scotch-Irish birth, an adroit de- 
 bater, led the opposition. In the course of his 
 criticisms he enunciated the doctrines which were 
 soon to become a party cry ; the danger of the Con« 
 stitution " in inviting rather than guarding against 
 the approaches of tyranny;" "its tendency to a 
 consolidation, not a confederation, of the States." 
 Mr. Gallatin does not appear to have sought to 
 be a delegate to this body, but his hand may be 
 traced through the speeches of Smilie in the pre- 
 cision with which the principles of the opposition 
 were formulated and declared ; and his subsequent 
 course plainly indicates that his influence was ex- 
 erted in the interest of the dissatisfied minority. 
 The ratification was received by the people with 
 intense satisfaction, but the delay in debate lost 
 the State the honor of precedence in the honorable 
 vote of acquiescence, — the Delaware convention 
 having taken the lead by a unanimous vote. For 
 the moment the Pennsylvania Anti-Federalists 
 clung to the hope that the Constitution might yet 
 fail to receive the assent of the required number 
 of States, but as one after another fell into line, 
 this hope vanished. 
 
 One bold expedient remained. The ratification 
 of some of the States was coupled with the recom- 
 mendation of certain amendments. Massachusetts 
 led the way in this, Virginia followed, and New 
 
38 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 York, which, in the language of the day, became 
 the eleventh pillar of the Federal edifice, on July 
 26, 1788, accompanied her ratification with a circu- 
 lar letter to the governors of all the States, rec- 
 ommending that a general convention be called.^ 
 
 The argument taken in this letter was the only 
 one which had any chance of commending itself 
 to popular favor. It was in these words : " that 
 the apprehension and discontents which the ar- 
 ticles occasion cannot be removed or allayed un- 
 less an act to provide for the calling of a new 
 convention be among the first that shall be passed 
 by the next Congress." This document, made 
 public at once, encouraged the Pennsylvania Anti- 
 Federalists to a last effort to bring about a new 
 convention, to undo or radically alter the work of 
 the old. A conference held at Harrisburg, on 
 September 3, 1788, was participated in by thirty- 
 three gentlemen, from various sections of the 
 State, who assembled in response to the call of a 
 circular letter which originated in the county of 
 Cumberland in the month of August. The city 
 of Philadelphia and thirteen counties were rep- 
 resented ; six of the dissenting members of the 
 late convention were present, among whom was 
 Smilie. He and Gallatin represented the county 
 of Fayette. 
 
 1 The drafting of this letter was, notwithstanding his protest, in. 
 trusted to John Jay, one of the strongest of the Federal leaders^ 
 and a warm supporter of the Constitution as it stood. 
 
PENNSYLVANIA LEGISLATURE. 39 
 
 Smilie, Gallatin's earliest political friend, was 
 born in 1742, and was therefore about twenty- 
 years his senior. He came to the United States in 
 youth, and had grown up in the section he now rep- 
 resented. His popularity is shown by his service 
 in the state Legislature, and during twelve years 
 in Congress as representative or as senator. In 
 any estimate of Mr. Gallatin, this early influence 
 must be taken into account. The friendship thus 
 formed continued until Smilie's death in 1816. 
 From the adviser he became the ardent supporter 
 of Mr. Gallatin. Blair McClanachan, of Phila- 
 delphia County, was elected chairman of the con- 
 ference. The result of this deliberation was a 
 report in the form of a series of resolutions, of 
 which two drafts, both in Mr. Gallatin's hand- 
 writing, are among his papers now in the keeping 
 of the New York Historical Society. The origi- 
 nal resolutions were broad in scope, and suggested 
 a plan of action of a dual nature ; the one of which 
 failing, resort could be had to the other without 
 compromising the movement by delay. In a word 
 it proposed an opposition by a party organization. 
 The first resolution was adroitly framed to avoid 
 the censure with which the people at large, whose 
 satisfaction with the new Constitution had grown 
 with the fresh adhesions of State after State to 
 positive enthusiasm, would surely condemn any at- 
 tempt to dissolve the Union formed under its 
 provisions. This resolution declared that it was 
 
40 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 in order to prevent a dissolution of the Union and 
 to secure liberty, that a revision was necessary. 
 The second expressed the opinion of the confer- 
 ence to be, that the safest manner to obtain such 
 revision was to conform to the request of the State 
 of New York, and to urge the calling of a new con- 
 vention, and recommended that the Pennsylvania 
 Legislature be petitioned to apply for that pur- 
 pose to the new Congress. These were declar- 
 atory. The third and fourth provided, first, for an 
 organization of committees in the several counties 
 to correspond with each other and with similar 
 committees in other States ; secondly, invited the 
 friends to amendments in the several States to 
 meet in conference at a fixed time and place. 
 This plan of committees of correspondence and 
 of a meeting of delegates was simply a revival of 
 the methods of the Sons of Liberty, from whose 
 action sprung the first Continental Congress of 
 1774. 
 
 The formation of such an organization would 
 surely have led to disturbance, perhaps to civil 
 war. During the progress of the New York con- 
 vention swords and bayonets had been drawn, and 
 blood had been shed in the streets of Albany, 
 where the Anti-Federalists excited popular rage 
 by burning the new Constitution. But the 
 thirty-three gentlemen who met at Harrisburg 
 wisely tempered these resolutions to a moderate 
 tone. Thus modified, they recommended, First, 
 
PENNSYLVANIA LEGISLATURE. 41 
 
 that the people of the State should acquiesce in 
 the organization of the government, while holding 
 in view the necessity of very considerable amend- 
 ments and alterations essential to preserve the 
 peace and harmony of the Union. Secondly, 
 that a revision by general convention was neces- 
 sary. Thirdly, that the Legislature should be re- 
 quested to apply to Congress for that purpose. 
 The petition recommended twelve amendments, 
 selected from those already proposed by other 
 States. These were of course restrictive. The 
 report was made public in the " Pennsylvania 
 Packet " of September 15. With this the agi- 
 tation appears to have ceased. On September 
 13 Congress notified the States by resolution to 
 appoint electors under the provisions of the Con- 
 stitution. The unanimous choice of Washington 
 as President hushed all opposition, and for a 
 time the Anti-Federalists sunk into insignificance. 
 The persistent labors of the friends of revision 
 were not without result. The amendments pro- 
 posed by Virginia and New York were laid 
 before the House of Representatives. Seventeen 
 received the two thirds vote of the House. After 
 conference with the Senate, in which Mr. Mad- 
 ison appeared as manager for the House, these, 
 reduced in number to twelve by elimination and 
 compression, were adopted by the requisite two 
 thirds vote, and transmitted to the Legislatures of 
 the States for approval. Ratified by a sufl&cient 
 
42 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 number of States, they became a part of the Con- 
 stitution. They were general, and declaratory of 
 personal rights, and in no instance restrictive of 
 the power of the general government. 
 
 In 1789 the Assembly of Pennsylvania calling 
 a convention to revise the Constitution of the 
 State, Mr. Gallatin was sent as a delegate from 
 Fayette County. To the purposes of this conven- 
 tion he was opposed, as a dangerous precedent. 
 He had endeavored to organize an opposition to it 
 in the western counties, by correspondence with 
 his political friends. His objections were the dan- 
 gers of alterations in government, and the absurd- 
 ity of the idea that the Constitution ever contem- 
 plated a change by the will of a mere majority. 
 Such a doctrine, once admitted, would enable not 
 only the Legislature, but a majority of the more 
 popular house, were two established, to make an- 
 other appeal to the people on the first occasion, 
 and, instead of establishing on solid foundations a 
 new government, would open the door to perpet- 
 ual change, and destroy that stability which is 
 essential to the welfare of a nation ; since no con- 
 stitution acquires the permanent affection of the 
 people, save in proportion to its duration and age. 
 Finally, such changes would sooner or later con- 
 clude in an appeal to arms, — the true meaning of 
 the popular and dangerous words, " an appeal to 
 the people." The opposition was begun too late, 
 however, to admit of combined effort, and was 
 
PENNSYLVANIA LEGISLATURE. 43 
 
 not persisted in ; and Mr. Gallatin himself, with 
 practical good sense, consented to serve as a dele- 
 gate. Throughout his political course the pride 
 of mastery never controlled his actions. When 
 debarred from leadership he did not sulk in his 
 tent, but threw his weight in the direction of his 
 principles. The convention met at Philadelphia 
 on November 24, 1789, and closed its labors on 
 September 2, 1790. This was Gallatin's appren- 
 ticeship in the public service. Among his papers 
 are a number of memoranda, some of them indi- 
 cating much elaboration of speeches made, or in- 
 tended to be made, in this body. One is an argu- 
 ment in favor of enlarging the representation in 
 the House ; another is against a plan of choosing 
 senators by electors ; another concerns the liberty 
 of the press. There is, further, a memorandum of 
 his motion in regard to the right of suffrage, by 
 virtue of which '' every freeman who has attained 
 the age of twenty-one years, and been a resident 
 and inhabitant during one year next before the 
 day of election, every naturalized freeholder, every 
 naturalized citizen who had been assessed for state 
 or county taxes for two years before election day, 
 or who had resided ten years successively in the 
 State, should be entitled to the suffrage, paupers 
 and vagabonds only being excluded." Certainly, 
 in his conservative limitations upon suffrage, he 
 did not consult his own interest as a large land- 
 holder inviting settlement, nor pander to the nat- 
 ural desires of his constituency. 
 
44 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 In an account of this convention, written at a 
 later period, Mr. Gallatin said that it was the 
 first public body to which he was elected, and that 
 he took but a subordinate share in the debates ; 
 that it was one of the ablest bodies of which he 
 was ever a member, and with which he was ac- 
 quainted, and, excepting Madison and Marshall, 
 that it embraced as much talent and knowledge 
 as any Congress from 1795 to 1812, beyond which 
 his personal knowledge did not extend. Among 
 its members were Thomas McKean, signer of the 
 Declaration of Independence and president of the 
 Continental Congress, Thomas Mifflin and Timo- 
 thy Pickering, of the Revolutionary army, and 
 Smilie and Findley, Gallatin's political friends. 
 General Mifflin was its president. 
 
 But mental distraction brought Mr. Gallatin no 
 peace of heart at this period, and when the excite- 
 ment of the winter was over he fell into a state 
 of almost morbid melancholy. To his friend Ba- 
 dollet he wrote from Philadelphia, early in March, 
 that life in Fayette County had no more charms 
 for him, and that he would gladly leave America. 
 But his lands were unsalable at any price, and he 
 saw no means of support at Geneva. Some one 
 has said, with a profound knowledge of human 
 nature, that no man is sure of happiness who has 
 not the capacity for continuous labor of a disa- 
 greeable kind. The occasional glimpses into Mr. 
 Gallatin's inner nature, which his correspondence 
 
PENNSYLVANIA LEGISLATURE. 45 
 
 affords, show that up to this period he was not 
 supposed by his friends or by himself to have this 
 capacity. In the letter which his guardian wrote 
 to him after his flight from home, he was re- 
 proached with his "natural indolence." His good 
 friend, Mademoiselle Pictet, accused him of being 
 hard to please, and disposed to ennui ; and again, 
 as late as 1787, repeats to him, in a tone of sorrow, 
 the reports brought to her of his " continuance in 
 his old habit of indolence," his indifference to so- 
 ciety, his neglect of his dress, and general indiffer- 
 ence to everything but study and reading, tastes 
 which, she added, he might as well have cultivated 
 at Geneva as in the New World ; and he himself, 
 in the letter to Badollet just mentioned, considers 
 that his habits and his laziness would prove insu- 
 perable bars to his success in any profession in Eu- 
 rope. In estimation of this self-condemnation, it 
 must be borne in mind that the Genevans were in- 
 tellectual Spartans. Gallatin must be measured 
 by that high standard. But if the charge of indo- 
 lence could have ever justly lain against Gallatin. 
 — a charge which his intellectual vigor at twenty- 
 seven seems to challenge, — it certainly could never 
 have been sustained after he fairly entered on his 
 political and public career. In October, 1790, he 
 was elected by a two thirds majority to represent 
 Fayette County in the Legislature of the State of 
 Pennsylvania; James Findley was his colleague, 
 John Smilie being advanced to the state Senate. 
 
46 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 Mr. Gallatin was reelected to the Assembly in 
 1791 and 1792, without opposition. 
 
 Among his papers there is a memorandum of 
 his legislative service during these three years, 
 and a manuscript volume of extracts from the 
 Journals of the House, from January 14, 1791, to 
 December 17, 1794. They form part of the ex- 
 tensive mass of documents and letters which were 
 collected and partially arranged by himself, with 
 a view to posthumous publication. Here is an 
 extract from the memorandum : — 
 
 " I acquired an extraordinary influence in that body 
 [the Pennsylvania House of Representatives] ; the more 
 remarkable as I was always in a party minority. I was 
 indebted for it to my great industry and to the facility 
 with which I could understand and carry on the current 
 business. The laboring oar was left almost exclusively 
 to me. In the session of 1791-1792, 1 was put on thirty- 
 five committees, prepared all their reports, and drew 
 all their bills. Absorbed by those details, my attention 
 was turned exclusively to administrative laws, and not 
 to legislation properly so called. ... I failed, though 
 the bill I had introduced passed the House, in my efforts 
 to lay the foundation for a better system of education. 
 Primary education was almost universal in Pennsyl- 
 vania, but very bad, and the bulk of school-masters in- 
 competent, miserably paid, and held in no consideration. 
 It appeared to me that in order to create a sufficient 
 number of competent teachers, and to raise the standard 
 of general education, intermediate academical education 
 was an indispensable preliminary step, and the object of 
 
PENNSYLVANIA LEGISLATURE. 4tJ 
 
 the bill was to establish in each county an academy, 
 allowing to each out of the treasury a sum equal to 
 that raised by taxation in the county for its support. 
 But there was at that time in Pennsylvania a Quaker 
 and a German opposition to every plan of general edu- 
 cation. 
 
 " The spirit of internal improvements had not yet 
 been awakened. Still, the first turnpike-road in the 
 United States was that from Philadelphia to Lancaster, 
 which met with considerable opposition. This, as well 
 as every temporary improvement in our communications 
 (roads and rivers) and preliminary surveys, met, of 
 course, with my warm support. But it was in the fiscal 
 department that I was particularly employed, and the 
 circumstances of the times favored the restoration of the 
 Unauces of the State. 
 
 " The report of the Committee of Ways and Means 
 of the session 1790-91 was entirely prepared by me, 
 known to be so, and laid the foundation of my reputa- 
 tion. I was quite astonished at the general encomiums 
 bestowed upon it, and was not at all aware that I had 
 done so well. It was perspicuous and comprehensive ; 
 but I am confident that its true merit, and that which 
 gained me the general confidence, was its being founded 
 in strict justice, without the slightest regard to party 
 feelings or popular prejudices. The principles assumed, 
 and which were carried into effect, were the immediate 
 reimbursement and extinction of the state paper-money, 
 the immediate payment in specie of all the current ex- 
 penses, or warrants on the treasury (the postponement 
 and uncertainty of which had given rise to shameful and 
 corrupt speculations), and provision for discharging with- 
 
48 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 out defalcation every debt and engagement previously 
 recognized by the State. In conformity with this, the 
 State paid to its creditors the difference between the 
 nominal amount of the state debt assumed by the United 
 States and the rate at which it was funded by the act 
 of Congress. 
 
 " The proceeds of the public lands, together with the 
 arrears, were the fund which not only discharged all the 
 public debts, but left a large surplus. The apprehension 
 that this would be squandered by the Legislature was 
 the principal inducement for chartering the Bank of 
 Pennsylvania, with a capital of two millions of dollars, 
 of which the State subscribed one half. This, and simi- 
 lar subsequent investments, enabled Pennsylvania to de- 
 fray, out of the dividends, all the expenses of govern- 
 ment without any direct tax during the forty ensuing 
 years, and till the adoption of the system of internal 
 improvement, which required new resources. 
 
 " It was my constant assiduity to business, and the 
 assistance derived from it by many members, which en- 
 abled the Republican party in the Legislature, then a 
 minority on a joint ballot, to elect me, and no other but 
 me of that party Senator of the United States." ^ 
 
 The seat of government was changed from New 
 York to Philadelphia in 1790, and the first Con- 
 
 1 Among the reports enumerated by Mr. Gallatin, as those of 
 which he was the author, is one made by a committee on March 
 22, 1793, that they. . . . are of opinion slavery is inconsistent 
 lyith every principle of humanity, justice, and right, and repug- 
 jant to the spirit and express letter of the Constitution of the 
 Commonwealth. Added to this was a resolution for its abolition 
 in the Commonwealth. 
 
PENNSYLVANIA LEGISLATURE. 49 
 
 gress assembled there in the early days of Decem- 
 ber for its final session. Philadelphia was in glee 
 over the transfer of the departments. The con- 
 vention which framed the new state Constitution 
 met here in the fall, and the Legislature was also 
 holding its sessions. The atmosphere was political. 
 The national and local representatives met each 
 other at all times and in all places, and the pub- 
 lic affairs were the chief topic in and out of doors. 
 In this busy whirl Gallatin made many friends, 
 but Philadelphia was no more to his taste as a 
 residence than Boston. He was disgusted with 
 the ostentatious display of wealth, the result not 
 of industry but of speculation, and not in the 
 hands of the most deserving members of the com- 
 munity. Later he became more reconciled to the 
 tone of Pennsylvania society, comparing it with 
 that of New York ; he was especially pleased with 
 its democratic spirit, and the absence oi family in- 
 fluence. " In Pennsylvania," he says, " not only 
 we have neither Livingstons, nor Rensselaers, 
 but from the suburbs of Philadelphia to the banks 
 of the Ohio I do not know a single family that 
 has any extensive influence. An equal distribu- 
 tion of property has rendered every individual in- 
 dependent, and there is amongst us true and real 
 equality. In a word, as I am lazy, I like a country 
 where living is cheap ; and as I am poor, I like a 
 country where no person is very rich." Hamil- 
 ton's excise bill was a bone of contention in the 
 4 
 
60 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 national and state Legislatures throughout the 
 winter. Direct taxation upon anything was un- 
 popular, that on distilled spirits the most distaste- 
 ful to Pennsylvania, where whiskey stills were 
 numerous in the Alleglianies. To the bill intro- 
 duced into Congress a reply was immediately 
 made January 14, 1791, by the Pennsylvania As- 
 sembly in a series of resolutions which are sup- 
 posed to have been drafted by Mr. Gallatin, and to 
 have been the first legislative paper from his pen. 
 They distinctly charged that the obnoxious bill 
 
 ^ was "subversive of the peace, liberty, and rights 
 of the citizen." 
 
 Tax by excise has always been offensive to 
 the American people, as it was to their ancestors 
 across the sea. It was characterized by the first 
 Continental Congress of 1774 as " the horror of 
 all free States." Notwithstanding their warmth, 
 these resolutions passed the Assembly by a vote of 
 40 to 16. The course of this excitement must 
 be followed as it swept Mr. Gallatin in its mad 
 current, and but for his self-control, courage, and 
 adroitness would have wrecked him on the break- 
 ers at the outset of his political voyage. The ex- 
 cise law passed Congress on March 3, 1791. On 
 June 22 the state Legislature, by a vote of 36 to 
 11, requested their senators and representatives 
 in Congress to oppose every part of the bill which 
 " shall militate against the rights and liberties of 
 
 ^^ the people." 
 
PENNSYLVANIA LEGISLATURE. 61 
 
 The western counties of Pennsylvania — West- 
 moreland, Fayette, Washington, and Allegheny — 
 lie around the head-waters of the Ohio in a radius 
 of more than a hundred miles. At this time they 
 contained a population of about seventy thousand 
 souls. Pittsburgh, the seat of justice, had about 
 twelve hundred inhabitants. The Alleghany 
 Mountains separate this wild region from the 
 eastern section of the State. There were few 
 roads of any kind, and these lay through woods. 
 The mountain passes could be travelled only on 
 foot or horseback. The only trade with the East 
 was by pack-horses, while communication with the 
 South was cut off by hostile Indian tribes who 
 held the banks of the Ohio. This isolation from 
 the older, denser, and more civilized settlements 
 bred in the people a spirit of self-reliance and in- 
 dependence. They were in great part Scotch- 
 Irish Presbyterians, a religious and warlike race 
 to whom the hatred of an exciseman was a tradi- 
 tion of their forefathers. Having no market for 
 their grain, they were compelled to preserve it by 
 converting it into whiskey. The still was the 
 necessary appendage of every farm. The tax was 
 light, but payable in money, of which there was 
 little or none. Its imposition, therefore, coupled 
 with the declaration of its oppressive nature by 
 the Pennsylvania Legislature, excited a spirit of 
 determined opposition near akin to revolution. 
 Unpopular in all the western part of the state, 
 
52 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 Hamilton's bill was especially odious to the people 
 of Washington County. The first meeting in op- 
 position to it was held at Red Stone Old Fort or 
 Brownsville, the site of one of those ancient re- 
 mains of the mound-builders which abound in the 
 western valleys. It was easily reached by Brad- 
 dock's Road, the chief highway of the country. 
 Here gathered on July 27, 1791, a number of per- 
 sons opposed to the law, when it was agreed that 
 county committees should be convened in the four 
 counties at the respective seats of justice. Brack- 
 enridge, in his " Incidents of the Western Insur- 
 rection," says that Albert Gallatin was clerk of 
 the meeting. One of these committees met in the 
 town of Washington on August 23, when violent 
 resolutions were adopted. Gallatin, engaged at 
 Philadelphia, was not present at this assemblage, 
 three of whose members were deputed to meet 
 delegates from the counties of Westmoreland, 
 Fayette, and Allegheny, at Pittsburgh, on the first 
 Tuesday in September following, to agree upon 
 an address to the Legislature on the subject of 
 excise and other grievances. At the Pittsburgh 
 meeting eleven delegates appeared for the four 
 counties. The resolutions adopted by them, gen- 
 eral in character, read more like a declaration of 
 grievances as a basis for revolution than a petition 
 for special redress. No wonder that the Secretary 
 of the Treasury stigmatized them as "intemper- 
 ate." They charge that in the laws of the late 
 
PENNSYLVANIA LEGISLATURE. 63 
 
 Congress hasty strides had been made to all that 
 was unjust and oppressive. They complain of the 
 increase in the salaries of oflScials, of the unreason- 
 able interest of the national debt, of the non-dis- 
 crimination between original holders and trans- 
 ferees of the public securities, of the National Bank 
 as a base offspring of the funding system ; finally, 
 in detail, of the excise law of March 3, 1791. At 
 this meeting James Marshall and David Bradford 
 represented Washington County. 
 
 In August offices of inspection were opened. 
 The spirit of resistance was now fully aroused, 
 and in the early days of September the collectors 
 for Washington, Westmoreland, and Fayette were 
 treated with violence. Unwilling to proceed to 
 excessive measures, and no doubt swayed by the 
 attitude of the Pennsylvania Legislature, Congress 
 in October referred the law back to Hamilton for 
 revision. He reported an amended act on March 
 6, 1792, which was immediately passed, and be- 
 came a law March 8. It was to take effect on 
 the last day of June succeeding. By it the rate 
 of duty was reduced, a privilege of time as to the 
 running of licenses of stills granted, and the tax 
 ordered only for such time as they were actually 
 used. 
 
 But these modifications did not satisfy the mal- 
 contents of the four western counties, who met 
 again on August 21, 1792, at Pittsburgh. Of this 
 second Pittsburgh meeting Albert Gallatin was 
 
54 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 chosen secretary. Badollet went up with Gallatin. 
 John Smilie, James Marshall, and James Bradford 
 of Washington County were present. Bradford, 
 Marshall, Gallatin, and others were appointed to 
 draw up a remonstrance to Congress. In order 
 to carry out with regularity and concert the 
 measures agreed upon, a committee of correspond- 
 ence was appointed, and the meeting closed with 
 the adoption of the violent resolutions passed at 
 the Washington meeting of 1791 : — 
 
 " Whereas, some men may be found among us so far 
 lost to every sense of virtue and feeling for the dis- 
 tresses of this country as to accept offices for the col- 
 lection of the duty, 
 
 " Resolved, therefore, that in future we will consider 
 such persons as unworthy of our friendship ; have no in- 
 tercourse or dealings with them ; withdraw from them 
 every assistance, and withhold all the comforts of life 
 which depend upon those duties that as men and fel- 
 low-citizens we owe to each other ; and upon all occa- 
 sions treat them with that contempt they deserve ; and 
 that it be, and it is hereby, most earnestly recommended 
 to the people at large, to follow the same line of con- 
 duct towards them." 
 
 If such an excommunication were to be meted 
 out to an offending neighbor, what measure would 
 the excise man receive if he came from abroad on 
 his unwelcome errand ? 
 
 These resolutions were signed by Mr. Gallatin 
 as clerk, and made public through the press. Res* 
 
PENNSYLVANIA LEGISLATURE. 55 
 
 olutions of this character, if not criminal, reach 
 the utmost limit of indiscretion, and poUtical in- 
 discretion is quite as dangerous as crime. The 
 petition to Congress, subscribed by the inhabit- 
 ants of western Pennsylvania, was drawn by Gal- 
 latin ; while explicit in terms, it was moderate in 
 tone. It represented the unequal operation of the 
 act. "A duty laid on the common drink of a nation, 
 instead of taxing the citizens in proportion to their 
 property, falls as heavy on the poorest class as on 
 the rich ; " and it ingeniously pointed out that the 
 distance of the inhabitants of the western counties 
 from market prevented their bringing the produce 
 of their lands to sale, either in grain or meal. 
 "We are therefore distillers through necessity, 
 not choice ; that we may comprehend the greatest 
 value in the smallest size and weight." 
 
 Hamilton, indignant, reported the proceedings 
 to the President on September 9, 1792, and de- 
 manded instant punishment. Washington, who 
 was at Mount Vernon, was unwilling to go to 
 extremes, but consented to issue a proclamation, 
 which, drafted by Hamilton, and countersigned 
 by Jefferson, was published September 15, 1792. 
 It earnestly admonished all persons to desist from 
 unlawful combinations to obstruct the operations of 
 the laws, and charged all courts, magistrates, and 
 officers with their enforcement. There was no 
 mistaking Hamilton's intention to enforce the 
 law. Prosecutions in the Circuit Court, held at 
 
56 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 Yorktown in October, were ordered against tbe 
 Pittsburgh offenders, but no proof could be bad to 
 sustain an indictment. 
 
 The President's proclamation startled the west- 
 ern people, and some uneasiness was felt as to how 
 such of their representatives as had taken part in 
 the Pittsburgh meeting would be received when 
 they should go up to the Legislature in the winter. 
 Bradford and Smilie accompanied Gallatin ; Smihe 
 to take his seat in the state Senate, and Bradford 
 to represent Washington County in the House, 
 where he " cut a poor figure." Gallatin despised 
 him, and characterized him as a " tenth-rate law- 
 yer and an empty drum." Gallatin found, how- 
 ever, that although the Pittsburgh meeting had 
 hurt the general interest of his party throughout 
 the State, and " rather defeated " the repeal of the 
 excise law, his eastern friends did not turn the 
 cold shoulder to him. He said to every one whom 
 he knew that the resolutions were perhaps too 
 violent and undoubtedly highly impolitic, but, 
 in his opinion, contained nothing illegal. Mean- 
 while Federal officers proceeded to enforce the 
 law in Washington County. A riot ensued, and 
 the office was forcibly closed. Bills were found 
 against two of the offenders in the federal court, 
 and warrants to arrest and bring them to Phila- 
 delphia for trial were issued. Gallatin believed 
 the men innocent, and did not hesitate to advise 
 Badollet to keep them out of the way when the 
 
PENNSYLVANIA LEGISLATURE. 57 
 
 marshal should go to serve the writs, but depre- 
 cated any insult to the officer. He thought " the 
 precedent a very dangerous one to drag people 
 such a distance in order to be tried on govern- 
 mental prosecutions." Here the matter rested 
 for a season. 
 
 At this session of the Legislature Gallatin in- 
 troduced a new system of county taxation, pro- 
 posed a clause providing for " trustees yearly 
 elected, one to each township, without whose con- 
 sent no tax is to be raised, nor any above one per 
 cent, on the value of lands," which he hoped would 
 "tend to crush the aristocracy of every town in 
 the State." Also he proposed a plan to establish 
 a school and library in each county, with a suffi- 
 cient immediate sum in money, and a yearly al- 
 lowance for a teacher in the English language. 
 
CHAPTER III. 
 
 UNITED STATES SENATE. 
 
 The death of the grandfather of Mr. Gallatin, 
 and soon after of his aunt, strongly tempted him 
 to make a journey to Geneva in the summer of 
 1793. The political condition of Europe at that 
 time was of thrilling interest. On January 21 the 
 head of Louis XVI. fell under the guillotine, to 
 which Marie Antoinette soon followed him. The 
 armies of the coalition were closing in upon France. 
 Of the political necessity for these state executions 
 there has always been and will always be different 
 judgments. That of Mr. Gallatin is of peculiar 
 value. It is found expressed in intimate frank- 
 ness in a letter to his friend Badollet, written at 
 Philadelphia, February 1, 1794. 
 
 " France at present offers a spectacle unheard of at 
 any other period. Enthusiasm there produces an energy 
 equally terrible and sublime. All those virtues which de- 
 pend upon social or family affections, all those amiable 
 weaknesses, which our natural feelings teach us to love or 
 respect, have disappeared before the stronger, the only, 
 at present, powerful passion, the Amor Patrice, I must 
 confess my soul is not enough steeled, not sometimes 
 to shrink at the dreadful executions which have restored 
 
UNITED STATES SENATE. 69 
 
 at least apparent internal tranquillity to that republic. 
 Yet upon the whole, as long as the combined despots 
 press upon every frontier, and employ every engine to 
 destroy and distress the interior parts, I think they, and 
 they alone, are answerable for every act of severity or 
 injustice, for every excess, nay for every crime, which 
 either of the contending parties in France may have 
 committed." 
 
 Within a few years the publication of the cor- 
 respondence of De Fersen, the agent of the King 
 and Queen, has supplied the proof of the charge 
 that they were in secret correspondence with the 
 allied sovereigns to introduce foreign troops upon 
 the soil of France, — a crime which no people has 
 ever condoned. 
 
 The French Revolution, which from its begin- 
 ning in 1789 reacted upon the United States with 
 fully the force that the American Revolution ex- 
 erted upon France, had become an important 
 factor in American politics. The intemperance 
 of Genet, the minister of the French Convention 
 to the United States on the one hand, and the 
 breaches of neutrality by England on the other, 
 were dividing the American people into English 
 and French parties. The Federalists sympathized 
 with the English, the late enemies, and the Re- 
 publicans with the French, the late allies, of the 
 United States. 
 
 Mr. Gallatin had about made up his mind to 
 visit Europe, when an unexpected political honor 
 
60 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 changed his plans. The Pennsylvania Legislature 
 elected him a senator of the United States on joint 
 ballot, a distinction the more singular in that the 
 Legislature was Federalist and Mr. Gallatin was a 
 representative of a Republican district, and strong 
 in that faith. Moreover, he was not a candidate 
 either of his own motion or by that of his friends, 
 but, on the contrary, had doubts as to his eligibil- 
 ity because of insufficient residence. This objec- 
 tion, which he hiuiself stated in caucus, was dis- 
 regarded, and on February 28, 1793, by a vote of 
 45 to 37, he was chosen senator. Mr. Gallatin 
 had just completed his thirty-second year, and 
 now a happy marriage came opportunely to stim- 
 ulate his ambition and smooth his path to other 
 honors. 
 
 Among the friends made at Philadelphia was 
 Alexander J. Dallas, a gentleman two years Gal- 
 latin's senior, whose career, in some respects, re- 
 sembled his own. He was born in Jamaica, of 
 Scotch parents ; had been thoroughly educated at 
 Edinburgh and Westminster, and, coming to the 
 United States in 1783, had settled in Philadelphia, 
 where he married a daughter of Governor Mifflin. 
 He now held the post of Secretary of State 
 for Pennsylvania. Mr. Gallatin's constant com- 
 mittee service brought him into close relations 
 with the Secretary, and the foundation was laid of 
 a lasting political friendship and social intimacy 
 In the recess of the Legislature, Mr. Gallatin 
 
UNITED STATES SENATE. 61 
 
 joined Mr. Dallas and his wife in an excursion to 
 the northward. Mr. Gallatin's health had suffered 
 from close confinement and too strict attention to 
 business, and he needed recreation and diversion. 
 In the course of the journey the party was joined 
 by some ladies, friends of Mrs. Dallas, among 
 whom was Miss Hannah Nicholson. The' excur- 
 sion lasted nearly four weeks. The result was 
 that Mr. Gallatin returned to Philadelphia the 
 accepted suitor of this young lady. He describes 
 her in a letter to Badollet as " a girl about 
 twenty-five years old, who is neither handsome 
 nor rich, but sensible, well-informed, good-na^ 
 tured, and belonging to a respectable and very 
 amiable family." Nor was he mistaken in his 
 choice, — a more charming nature, a more perfect, 
 well-rounded character than hers is rarely found. 
 They were married on November 11, 1793. She 
 was his faithful companion throughout his long 
 and honorable career, and death separated them 
 but by a few months. This alliance greatly wid- 
 ened his political connection. 
 
 Commodore James Nicholson, his wife's father, 
 famous in the naval annals of the United States 
 as the captain of the Trumbull, the first of Ameri- 
 can frigates, at the time resided in New York, and 
 was one of the acknowledged leaders of the Re- 
 publican party in the city. His two brothers — 
 Samuel and John — were captains in the naval ser- 
 vice. His two elder daughters were married to in- 
 
62 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 fluential gentlemen ; — Catharine to Colonel Few, 
 senator from Georgia; Frances, to Joshua Seney, 
 member of Congress from Maryland ; Maria later 
 (1809) married John Montgomery, who had been 
 member of Congress from Maryland, and was 
 afterwards mayor of Baltimore. A son, James 
 Witter Nicholson, then a youth of twenty-one, 
 was, in 1795, associated with Mr. Gallatin in his 
 Western Company, and, removing to Fayette, 
 made his home in what was later and is now known 
 as New Geneva. Here, in connection with Mr. 
 Gallatin and the brothers Kramer, Germans, he 
 established extensive glass works, which proved 
 profitable. 
 
 Mr. Gallatin's election to the United States 
 Senate did not disqualify him for his unfinished 
 legislative term, and, on his return to Philadelphia, 
 he was again plunged in his manifold duties. The 
 few days which intervened between his marriage 
 and the meeting of Congress — a short honey= 
 moon — were spent under the roof of Commodore 
 Nicholson in New York. 
 
 On February 28, 1793, the Vice-President laid 
 before the Senate a certificate from the Legisla- 
 ture of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania to the 
 election of Albert Gallatin as senator of the United 
 States. Mr. Gallatin took his seat December 2, 
 1793. The business of the session was opened by 
 the presentation of a petition signed by nineteen 
 
UNITED STATES SENATE. 63 
 
 individuals of Yorktown, Pennsylvania, stating 
 that Mr. Gallatin had not been nine years a citi- 
 zen of the United States, This petition had been 
 handed to Robert Morris, Mr. Gallatin's col- 
 league for Pennsylvania, by a member of the 
 Legislature for the county of York, but he had 
 declined to present it, and declared to Mr. Gal- 
 latin his intention to be perfectly neutral on the 
 occasion — at least so Mr. Gallatin wrote to his 
 wife the next day ; but Morris did not hold fast 
 to this resolution, as the votes in the sequel 
 show. The petition was ordered to lie upon 
 the table. On December 11 Messrs. Rutherford, 
 Cabot, Ellsworth, Livermore, and Mitchell were 
 appointed a committee to consider the petition. 
 These gentlemen, Gallatin wrote, were undoubt- 
 edly, "the worst for him that could have been 
 chosen, and did not seem to him to be favorably 
 disposed." He himself considered the legal point 
 involved as a nice and difficult one, and likely to 
 be decided by a party vote. The fourth article of 
 the Constitution of the first Confederation of the 
 United States reads as follows : — 
 
 " The better to secure and perpetuate mutual friend- 
 ship and intercourse among the people of the different 
 States in this Union, the free inhabitants of each of 
 these States, paupers, vagabonds, and fugitives from 
 justice excepted, shall be entitled to all privileges and 
 immunities of free citizens in the several States." 
 
 Article 1, section 3, of the new Constitution 
 declares : — 
 
64 ALBERT GALLATIN 
 
 " No person shall be a senator who shall not have 
 attained to the age of thirty years, and been nine years 
 a citizen of the United States, and who shall not, when 
 elected, be an inhabitant of that State for which he 
 shall be chosen." 
 
 Mr. Gallatin landed in Massachusetts in July, 
 1780, while still a minor. His residence, there- 
 fore, which had been uninterrupted, extended over 
 thirteen years. He took the oath of citizenship 
 and allegiance to Virginia in October, 1785, since 
 which, until his election in 1793, nine years, the 
 period called for by the United States Constitu- 
 tion, had not elapsed. On the one hand, his actual 
 residence exceeded the required period of citizen- 
 ship ; on the other, his legal and technical resi- 
 dence as a citizen was insufficient. In point of 
 fact, his intention to become a citizen dated from 
 the summer of 1783. 
 
 To take from the case the air of party proscrip- 
 tion, which it was beginning to assume, the Senate 
 discharged its special committee, and raised a 
 general committee on elections to consider this and 
 other cases. On February 10, 1794, the report of 
 this committee was submitted, and a day was set 
 for a hearing by the Senate, with open doors. On 
 that day Mr. Gallatin exhibited a written state- 
 ment of facts, agreed to between himself and the 
 petitioners, and the case was left to the Senate on 
 its merits. On the 28th a test vote was taken upon 
 a motion to the effect that " Albert Gallatin, re» 
 
UNITED STATES SENATE. 65 
 
 turned to this House as a member for the State of 
 Pennsylvania, is duly qualified for and elected to a 
 seat in the Senate of the United States, and it was 
 decided in the negative — yeas, 12 ; nays, 14.^ 
 
 Motion being made that the election of Albert 
 Gallatin to be a senator of the United States was 
 void, — he not having been a citizen of the United 
 States for the term of years required as a qualifi- 
 cation to be a senator of the United States, — it 
 was further moved to divide the question at the 
 word " void " ; and the question being then taken 
 on the first paragraph, it passed in the affirma- 
 tive — yeas, 14; nays, 12. The yeas and nays 
 were required, and the Senate divided as before. 
 The resolution was then put and adopted by the 
 same vote. Thus Mr. Gallatin, thirteen years a 
 resident of the country, a large land-holder in Vir- 
 ginia, and for several terms a member of the Penn- 
 sylvania Legislature, was excluded from a seat 
 in the Senate of the United States. 
 
 Mr. Gallatin conducted his case with great dig- 
 nity. On being asked whether he had any testi- 
 mony to produce, he replied, in writing, that there 
 was not sufficient matter charged in the petition 
 
 1 The yeas and nays being required by one fifth of the senators 
 present, there were : Affirmative. — Bradley, Brown, Burr, Butler, 
 Edwards, Gainn, Jackson, Langdon, Martin, Monroe, Kobinson, 
 Taylor; 12. 
 
 Negative. — Bradford, Cabot, Ellsworth, Foster, Frelinghuysen, 
 Hawkins, Izard, King, Livermore, Mitchell, Morris, Potts, Strong 
 Vinin^j 14. 
 
66 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 and, proved by the testimony to vacate his seat, 
 and declined to go to the expense of collecting 
 evidence until that preliminary question was set- 
 tled. 
 
 Short as the period was during which Mr. 
 Gallatin held his seat, it was long enough for 
 him seriously to annoy the Federal leaders. In- 
 deed, it is questionable whether, if he had delayed 
 his embarrassing motion, a majority of the Senate 
 could have been secured against him. Certain it is 
 that the Committee on Elections, appointed on De- 
 cember 11, did not send in its report until the day 
 after Mr. Gallatin moved his resolution, calling 
 upon the Secretary of the Treasury for an elabo- 
 rate statement of the debt on January 1, 1794, un- 
 der distinct heads, including the balances to cred- 
 itor States, a statement of loans, domestic and 
 foreign, contracted from the beginning of the 
 government, statements of exports and imports ; 
 finally for a summary statement of the receipts 
 and expenditures to the last day of December, 
 
 1790, distinguishing the moneys received under 
 each branch of the revenue and the moneys ex- 
 peyided under each of the appropriations^ and stat- 
 ing the balances of each branch of the revenue re- 
 maining unexpended on that day, and also calling 
 for similar and separate statements for the years 
 
 1791, 1792, 1793. This resolution, introduced on 
 January 8, was laid over. On the 20th it was 
 adopted. It was not until February 10 that a re- 
 
UNITED STATES SENATE. 67 
 
 ply from the Secretary of the Treasury was re- 
 ceived by the Senate, and on the 11th submitted 
 to Gallatin, Ellsworth, and Taylor for consider- 
 tion and report. In this letter (February 6, 1794) 
 Hamilton stated the difficulty of supplying the 
 precise information called for, with the clerical 
 forces of the department, the interruption it would 
 cause in the daily routine of the service, and dep- 
 recated the practice of such unexpected demands. 
 
 With this response of the Secretary the inquiry 
 fell to the ground, but it was neither forgotten 
 nor forgiven by his adherents, and Mr. Gallatin 
 paid the penalty on at least one occasion. This 
 was years later. On March 2, 1803, the day be- 
 fore the adjournment of Congress, Mr. Griswold, 
 Federalist from Connecticut, attacked the correct- 
 ness of the accounts of the sinking fund, and de- 
 manded an answer to a resolution of the House 
 on the management of this bureau.^ Had such 
 been his desire, Mr. Gallatin was foreclosed from 
 Hamilton's excuse. On the night of the 3d he 
 sent in an elaborate statement which set accusa- 
 tion at rest and criticism at defiance. 
 
 Mr. Gallatin's short stay in the Senate revealed 
 to the Federalists the character of the man, who, 
 disdaining the lesser flight, checked only at the 
 highest game. He accepted his exclusion with 
 perfect philosophy. Soon after the session opened 
 he said, *' My feelings cannot be much hurt by an 
 1 Mr. Gallatin was then Secretary of the Treasury. 
 
68 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 unfavorable decision, since having been elected is 
 an equal proof of the confidence the Legislature of 
 Pennsylvania reposed in me, and not being quali- 
 fied, if it is so decided, cannot be imputed to me 
 as a fault." His exclusion was by no means a dis- 
 advantage to him. It made common cause of the 
 honor of Pennsylvania and his own ; it endeared 
 him to the Republicans of his State as a martyr 
 to their principles. It " secured him," to use his 
 own words, " many staunch " friends throughout 
 the Union, and extended his reputation, hitherto 
 local and confined, over the entire land ; more than 
 all, it led him to the true field of political contest 
 — the House of Representatives of the people of 
 the United States. 
 
CHAPTER IV. 
 
 THE WHISKEY INSURRECTION. 
 
 Mr. Gallatin was now out of public life. For 
 eighteen months since he came up to the Legisla- 
 ture with his friends of the Pittsburgh convention, 
 he had not returned to Fayette. His private con- 
 cerns were suffering in his absence. Neither his 
 barn, his meadow, nor his house was finished at 
 the close of 1793. In May, 1794, he took his wife 
 to his country home. Their hopes of a summer 
 of recreation and domestic comfort in the wild 
 beauties of the Monongahela were not to be real- 
 ized. Before the end of June the peaceful country 
 was in a state of mad agitation. 
 
 The seeds of political discontent, sown at Pitts- 
 burgh in 1792, had ripened to an abundant har- 
 vest. An act passed by Congress June 5, 1794, 
 giving to the state courts concurrent jurisdiction 
 in excise cases, removed the grievance of which 
 Gallatin complained, the dragging of accused per- 
 sons to Philadelphia for trial, but was not con- 
 strued to be retroactive in its operation. The 
 marshal, accordingly, found it to be his duty to 
 serve the writs of May 31 against those who had 
 
^ 
 
 70 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 fallen under their penalties. These writs were 
 returnable in Philadelphia. They were served 
 without trouble in Fayette County. Not so in 
 Allegheny. Here on July 15, 1794, the marshal 
 had completed his service, when, while still in the 
 execution of his office, and in company with the 
 inspector, he was followed and fired upon. The 
 next day a body of men went to the house of the 
 marshal and demanded that he should deliver up 
 his commission. They were fired upon and dis- 
 persed, six were wounded, and the leader killed. 
 A general rising followed. The marshal's house, 
 though defended by Major Kirkpatrick, with a 
 squad from the Pittsburgh garrison, was set on 
 fire, with the adjacent buildings, and burned. 
 On July 18 the insurgents sent a deputation of 
 two or three to Pittsburgh, to require of the mar- 
 shal a surrender of the processes in his possession, 
 and of the inspector the resignation of his office. 
 These demands were, of course, rejected ; but the 
 officers, alarmed for their personal safety, left the 
 town, and, descending the Ohio by boat to Ma- 
 rietta, proceeded by a circuitous route to Philadel- 
 phia, and made their report to the United States 
 authorities. 
 
 This was the outbreak of the Western or Whis- 
 key Insurrection. The excitement spread rapidly 
 through the western counties. Fayette County 
 was not exempt from it. The collector's house 
 was broken into, and his commission taken from 
 
THE WHISKEY INSURRECTION. 71 
 
 him by armed men ; the sheriff refused to serve 
 the writs against the rioters of the spring. Since 
 these disturbances there had been no trouble 
 in this county. But the malcontents elsewhere 
 rose in arms, riots ensued, and the safety of the 
 whole community was compromised. The news 
 reaching Fayette, the distillers held a meeting at 
 Uniontown, the county seat, on July 20. Both 
 Gallatin and Smilie were present, and by their 
 advice it was agreed to submit to the laws. The 
 neighboring counties were less fortunate. On 
 July 21 the Washington County committee was 
 summoned to meet at Mingo Creek Meeting-house. 
 On the 23d there was a large assemblage of peo- 
 ple, including a number of those who had been 
 concerned in burning the house of the Pittsburgh 
 inspector. James Marshall, the same who opposed 
 the ratification of the Federal Constitution, David 
 Bradford, the '' empty drum," and Judge Brack- 
 enridge of Pittsburgh, attended this meeting. 
 Bradford, the most unscrupulous of the leaders, 
 sought to shirk his responsibility, but was intim- 
 idated by threats, and thereafter did not dare to 
 turn back. Brackenridge was present to counsel 
 the insurgents to moderation. In spite of his ef- 
 forts the meeting ended in an invitation, which 
 the ofl&cers had not the boldness to sign, to the 
 townships of the four western counties of Penn- 
 sylvania and the adjoining counties of Virginia to 
 eend representatives to a general meeting on Au- 
 
72 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 gust 14, at Parkinson's Ferry on the Monongahela, 
 in Washington County. Bradford, determined to 
 aggravate the disturbance, stopped the mail at 
 Greensburg, on the road between Pittsburgh and 
 Philadelphia, and robbed it of the Washington 
 and Pittsburgh letters, some of which he pub- 
 lished, to the alarm of their authors. 
 
 On July 28 a circular signed by Bradford, Mar- 
 hall, and others was sent out from Cannonsburg 
 to the militia of the county, whom it summoned 
 for personal service, and likewise called for vol- 
 unteers to rendezvous the following Wednesday, 
 July 30, at their respective places of meeting, 
 thence to march to Braddock's Field, on the 
 Monongahela, the usual rendezvous of the militia, 
 about eight miles south of Pittsburgh, by two 
 o'clock of Friday, August 1. It closed in these 
 words, " Here is an expedition proposed in which 
 you will have an opportunity for displaying your 
 military talents and of rendering service to your 
 country." Nothing less was contemplated by the 
 more extreme of these men than an attack upon 
 Fort Pitt and the sack of Pittsburgh. Thoroughly 
 aroused at last, the moderate men of Washington 
 determined to breast the storm. A meeting was 
 held ; James Ross of the United States Senate 
 made an earnest appeal, and was supported by 
 Scott of the House of Representatives and Stoke- 
 ly of the Senate of Pennsylvania. Marshall and 
 Bradford yielded, and consented to countermand 
 
THE WHISKEY INSURRECTION. 73 
 
 the order of rendezvous. But the excited popula- 
 tion poured into the town from all quarters, and 
 Bradford, who found that he had gone too far to 
 retreat, again took the lead of the movement, al- 
 ready be^^ond restraint. 
 
 There are accounts of this formidable insurrec- 
 tion by H. H. Brackenridge and William Findley, 
 eye-witnesses. These supply abundant details. 
 Findley says that he knew that the movement 
 would not stop at the limit apparently set for it. 
 " The opposing one law would lead to oppose an- 
 other ; they would finally oppose all, and demand 
 a new modelling of the Constitution, and there 
 would be a revolution." There was great alarm 
 in Pittsburgh. A meeting was held there Thurs- 
 day evening, July 31, at which a message from 
 the Washington County insurgents was read, vio- 
 lent resolutions adopted, and the 9th of August 
 appointed as the day for a town meeting for elec- 
 tion of delegates to a general convention of the 
 counties at Parkinson's Ferry ; Judge Bracken- 
 ridge of Pittsburgh, a man of education, influence, 
 and infinite jest and humor, was present at this 
 meeting. Of Scotch-Irish birth himself, his sym- 
 pathies of race were with his countrymen, but in 
 political sentiments he was not in harmony with 
 their leaders. They were nearly all Republicans, 
 while he had sided with the Federalists in the 
 convention which adopted the new Constitution 
 of the United States. He was a man of peace, 
 
74 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 and of too much sagacity not to foresee the inev- 
 itable ruin upon which they were rushing. At 
 Mingo Creek he had thwarted the plans of imme- 
 diate revolution. The evident policy of moderate 
 men was to prevent any violence before the con- 
 vention at Parkinson's Ferry should meet, and to 
 bend all their energies to control the deliberations 
 of that body. The people of Pittsburgh were in- 
 tensely excited by the armed gathering almost at 
 their doors. 
 
 Brackenridge felt that the only safe issue from 
 the situation was to take part in and shape the ac- 
 tion of that gathering. Under his lead a commit- 
 tee from the Pittsburgh meeting, followed by a 
 large body of the citizens, went out to the ren- 
 dezvous. Here they found a motley assemblage, 
 arrayed in the picturesque campaign costume 
 which the mountaineers wore when they equipped 
 themselves to meet the Indians, — yellow hunting- 
 shirts, handkerchiefs tied about their heads, and 
 rifles on the shoulder; the militia were on foot, 
 and the light horse of the counties were in military 
 dress. Conspicuous about the field, " haughty and 
 pompous," as Gallatin described him in the Legis- 
 lature, was David Bradford, who had assumed the 
 office of major-general. Brackenridge draws a life- 
 like picture of him as, mounted on a superb horse 
 in splendid trappings, arrayed in full uniform, with 
 plume floating in the air and sword drawn, he 
 rode over the ground, gave orders to the military, 
 
THE WHISKEY INSURRECTION, 75 
 
 and harangued the multitude. On the historic 
 ground where Washington plucked his j&rst mili- 
 tary laurels were gathered about seven thousand 
 men, of whom two thousand militia were armed 
 and accoutred as for a campaign, — a formidable 
 and remarkable assemblage, when it is considered 
 that the entire male population of sixteen years 
 of age and upwards of the four counties did not 
 exceed sixteen thousand, and was scattered over 
 a wide and unsettled country. This is Brack- 
 enridge's estimate of the numbers. Later, Gal- 
 latin, on comparison of the best attainable infor- 
 mation, estimated the whole body at from fifteen 
 hundred to two thousand men. Whatever vio- 
 lence Bradford may have intended, none was ac- 
 complished. That he read aloud the Pittsburgh 
 letters, taken from the mail, shows his purpose to 
 inflame the people to vindictive violence. He was 
 accused by contemporary authorities of imitation 
 of the methods of the French Jacobins, which 
 were fresh examples of revolutionary vigor. But 
 the mass was not persuaded. After desultory con- 
 versation and discussion, the angry turn of which 
 was at times threatening to the moderate leaders, 
 the meeting broke up on August 2 ; about one 
 third dispersed for their homes, and the remain- 
 der, marching to Pittsburgh, paraded through the 
 streets, and finally crossing the river in their turn 
 scattered. They did no damage to the town be- 
 yond the burning of a farm belonging to Major 
 
76 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 Kirkpatrick of the garrison. The taverns were 
 all closed, but the citizens brought whiskey to 
 their doors. Judge Brackenridge reports that his 
 sacrifice to peace on this occasion cost him four 
 barrels of his best old rye. 
 
 This moderation was no augury of permanent 
 quiet. Brackenridge, who was a keen observer of 
 men, says of the temper of the western population 
 at this period : " I had seen the spirit which pre- 
 vailed at the Stamp Act, and at the commence- 
 ment of the revolution from the government of 
 Great Britain, but it was by no means so general 
 and so vigorous amongst the common people as 
 the spirit which now existed in the country." Nor 
 did the armed bands all return peaceably to their 
 homes. The house of the collector for Fayette 
 and Washington counties was burned, and warn- 
 ings were given to those who were disposed to 
 submit to the law. The disaffected were called 
 " Tom the tinker" men, from the signature affixed 
 to the threatening notices. From a passage in 
 one of Gallatin's letters it appears that there was 
 a person of that name, a New England man, who 
 had been concerned in Shays's insurrection. Lib- 
 erty poles, with the device, "An equal tax and 
 no excise law," were raised, and the trees pla- 
 carded with the old revolutionary motto, " United 
 we stand, divided we fall," with a divided snake 
 as an emblem. Mr. Gallatin's neighborhood was 
 not represented at Braddock's Fields and not more 
 
THE WHISKEY INSURRECTION. 77 
 
 than a dozen were present from the entire county. 
 But now the flame spread there also, and liberty 
 poles were raised. Mr. Gallatin himself, inquir- 
 ing as to their significance and expressing to the 
 men engaged the hope that they would not behave 
 like a mob, was asked, in return, if he was not 
 aware of the Westmoreland resolution that any 
 one calling the people a mob should be tarred and 
 feathered, — an amusing example of that mob logic 
 which proves the affirmative of the proposition it 
 denies. 
 
 Mr. Gallatin did not attend the meeting at Brad- 
 dock's Field. Somewhat isolated at his residence 
 at the southerly border of the county, engaged in 
 the care of his long neglected farm, and in the full 
 enjoyment of release from the bustle and excite- 
 ment of public life, he had paid little attention to 
 passing events. He was preparing definitively to 
 abandon political pursuits and to follow some kind 
 of mercantile business, or take up some land spec- 
 ulation and study law in his intervals of leisure. 
 It was not a year since he had given hostages to 
 fortune. He was now in the full tide of domestic 
 happiness, which was always to him the dearest 
 and most coveted. He might well have hesitated 
 before again engaging upon the dangerous and 
 uncertain task of controlling an excited and ag- 
 grieved population. But he did not hesitate. 
 
 The people among whom he had made his home, 
 and whose confidence had never failed him, were 
 
78 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 his people. By them he would stand in their ex- 
 tremity, and if hurt or ruin befell them, it should 
 not be for want of the interposition of his counsel. 
 He knew his powers, and he determined to bring 
 them into full play. He knew the danger also, 
 but it only nerved him to confront and master it. 
 He knew his duty, and did not swerve one hair 
 from the line it prompted. In no part of his long, 
 varied, and useful political life does he appear to 
 better advantage than in this exciting episode of 
 the Whiskey Insurrection. His self-possession, his 
 cool judgment, swayed neither by timidity nor 
 rashness, never for a moment failed him. Here 
 he displayed that remarkable combination of per- 
 suasion and control, — the indispensable equip- 
 ment of a political chief, — which, in later days, 
 gave him the leadership of the Republican party. 
 With intuitive perception of the political situation 
 he saw that the only path to safety, beset with dif- 
 ficulty and danger though it were, was through the 
 convention at Parkinson's Ferry. He did not be- 
 lieve that any revolutionary proceedings had yet 
 been taken, or that the convention was an ille- 
 gal body, but he was determined to separate the 
 wheat from the chaff, and disengage the moderate 
 and the law-abiding from the disorderly. By 
 the light of his own experience he had learned 
 wisdom. He also had drawn a lesson from the 
 French Revolution, and knew the uncontrollable 
 nature of large popular assemblages. The news 
 
THE WHISKEY INSURRECTION. 79 
 
 from Philadelphia, the seat of government, was 
 of a kind to increase his alarm. Washington was 
 not the man to overlook such an insult to author- 
 ity as the resistance to the marshal and inspector ; 
 nor was it probable that Hamilton would let pass 
 such an occasion for showing the strength and 
 vigor of the government. 
 
 Before the meeting at Braddock's Field, the 
 Secretary's plans for a suppression of the insur- 
 rection were matured. On August 2 he laid be- 
 fore the President an estimate of the probable 
 armed force of the insurgents, and of that with 
 which he proposed to reduce them to submission. 
 When the question of the use of force came be- 
 fore the cabinet, Edmund Randolph, who was Sec- 
 retary of State, opposed it in a written opinion, 
 one phrase of which deserves repetition : — 
 
 " It is a fact well known that the parties in the United 
 States are highly inflamed against each other, and that 
 there is but one character which keeps both in awe. As 
 soon as the sword shall be drawn, who shall be able to 
 retain them." 
 
 Mifflin, the Governor of Pennsylvania, depre- 
 cated immediate resort to force ; the venerable 
 Chief Justice McKean suggested the sending of 
 commissioners on the part of the federal and 
 state governments. Washington, with perfect 
 judgment, combined these plans, and happily al- 
 lied conciliation with force. A proclamation 
 
80 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 was issued on August 7 summoning all persons 
 involved in the disturbance to lay down their 
 arms and repair to their homes by September 1. 
 Requisitions were made upon the Governors of 
 Pennsylvania, Maryland, Virginia, and New Jersey 
 for fifteen thousand men in all, and a joint com- 
 mission of five was raised, — three of whom on 
 the part of the United States were appointed by 
 the President, and two on the part of the State 
 of Pennsylvania. This news was soon known 
 at Pittsburgh, and rapidly spread through the ad- 
 jacent country ; and it was clear that in the pro- 
 ceedings to be taken at Parkinson's Ferry tlie 
 question of resistance or submission must be de- 
 finitively settled. On August 14, 1794, the con- 
 vention assembled ; two hundred and twenty-six 
 delegates in all, of whom ninety-three were from 
 Washington, forty-nine from Westmoreland, forty- 
 three from Allegheny, thirty-three from Fayette, 
 two from Bedford, five from Ohio County in Vir- 
 ginia, with spectators to about the same number. 
 Parkinson's Ferry, later called Williamsport, and 
 now Monongahela City, is on the left bank of the 
 Monongahela, about half-way between Pittsburgh 
 and Red Stone Old Fort or Brownsville. Brack- 
 enridge pictures the scene with his usual local 
 color : " Our hall was a grove, and we might well 
 be called ' the Mountain ' (an allusion to the radical 
 left of the French Convention), for we were on a 
 very lofty ground overlooking the river. We had 
 
THE WHISKEY INSURRECTION, 81 
 
 a gallery of lying timber and stumps, and there 
 were more people collected there than there was 
 of the committee." 
 
 In full view of the meeting stood a liberty pole, 
 raised in the morning by the men who signed the 
 Braddock's Field circular order, and it bore the 
 significant motto, " Liberty and no excise and no 
 asylum for cowards." Among the delegates, or the 
 committee, to use their own term, were Bradford, 
 Marshall, Brackenridge, Findley, and Gallatin. 
 Before the meeting was organized, Marshall came 
 to Gallatin and showed him the resolutions which 
 he intended to move, intimating at the same time 
 that he wished Mr, Gallatin to act as secretary. 
 Mr. Gallatin told him that he highly disapproved 
 the resolutions, and had come to oppose both him 
 and Bradford, and therefore did not wish to serve. 
 Marshall seemed to waver ; but soon the people 
 met, and Edward Cook of Fayette, who had pre- 
 sided at Braddock's Field, was chosen chairman, 
 with Gallatin for secretary. Bradford opened the 
 proceedings with a summary sketch of the action 
 previously taken, declared the purpose of the com- 
 mittee to be to determine on a course of action, 
 and his own views to be the appointment of com- 
 mittees to raise money, purchase arms, enlist vol- 
 unteers, or draft the militia: in a word, though 
 he did not use it, to levy war. 
 
 At this point in the proceedings the arrival of 
 the commissioners from the President was an- 
 
82 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 nounced, but the progress of the meeting was not 
 interrupted. The commissioners were at a house 
 near the meeting, but there were serious objec- 
 tions against holding a conference at this place. 
 
 Marshall then moved his resolutions. The first, 
 declaratory of the grievance of carrying citizens 
 great distances for trial, was unanimously agreed 
 to. The second called for a committee of public 
 safety " to call forth the resources of the western 
 country to repel any hostile attempts that may be 
 made against the rights of the citizens, or of the 
 body of the people." Had this resolution been 
 adopted, the people were definitively committed 
 to overt rebellion. This brought Mr. Gallatin at 
 once to his feet. He denied that any hostile at- 
 tempts against the rights of the people were 
 threatened, and drew an adroit distinction be- 
 tween the regular army, which had not been 
 called out, and the militia, who were a part of 
 the people themselves ; and to gain time he moved 
 a reference of the resolutions to a committee who 
 should be instructed to wait the action of the gov- 
 ernment. In the course of his speech Gallatin 
 denied the assertion that resistance to the excise 
 law was legal, or that coercion by the government 
 was necessarily hostile. He was neither supported 
 by his own friends nor opposed by those of Brad- 
 ford. He stood alone. 
 
 But Marshall withdrew his resolution, and a com- 
 mittee of sixty was appointed, with power to sum- 
 
TEE WHISKEY INSURRECTION. 83 
 
 mon the people. The only other objectionable 
 resolution was that which pledged the people to 
 the support of the laws, except the excise law, 
 and the taking of citizens out of their counties 
 for trial, — an exception which Gallatin succeeded 
 in having stricken out. He then urged the adop- 
 tion of the resolution, without the exception, as 
 necessary " to the establishment of the laws and 
 the conservation of the peace," and here he was 
 supported by Brackenridge. The entire resolu- 
 tions were finally referred to a committee of four, 
 — Gallatin, Bradford, Husbands, and Bracken- 
 ridge. The meeting then adjourned. The next 
 morning a standing committee of sixty was cho- 
 sen, one from each township. From these a com- 
 mittee of twelve was selected to confer with the 
 commissioners of the government. Upon this 
 committee were Cook, the chairman, Bradford, 
 Marshall, Gallatin, Brackenridge, and Edgar. 
 The meeting then adjourned. 
 
 Upon this representative body there seems to 
 have been no outside pressure. The proclamation 
 of the President, which arrived while it was in ses- 
 sion, showed the determination, while the appoint- 
 ment of the commission showed the moderation, of 
 the government. Gallatin availed of each circum- 
 stance with consummate adroitness, pointing out 
 to the desperate the folly of resistance, and to 
 the moderate an issue for honorable retreat. 
 
 Meanwhile, the commissioners reached Pitts- 
 
84 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 burgh, where on August 20 the committee of con- 
 ference was received by them, and an informal 
 understanding arrived at, which was put in writ- 
 ing. The laws were to be enforced with as little 
 inconvenience to the people as possible. All 
 criminal suits for indictable offences were to be 
 dropped, but civil suits were to take their course. 
 Notice was given that a definitive submission must 
 be made by September 1 following. On the 22d 
 the conference committee answered that they must 
 consult with the committee of sixty. Thursday 
 the 28th was appointed for a meeting at Red 
 Stone Old Fort, the very spot where the original 
 resolutions of opposition were passed in 1791. 
 In the report drawn up every member of the 
 twelve, except Bradford, favored submission. 
 
 The hour was critical, the deliberations were 
 in the open air, and under the eyes of a threaten- 
 ing party of seventy riflemen accidentally pres- 
 ent from Washington County across the stream. 
 Bradford, who instinctively felt that he had placed 
 himself beyond the pale of pardon, and to whom 
 there was no alternative to revolution but flight, 
 pressed an instant decision and rejection of the 
 written terms of the commissioners. In the pres- 
 ence of personal danger, the conferees only dared 
 to move that part of their report which advised 
 acceptance of the proffered terms. The question 
 of submission they left untouched. An adjourn- 
 ment was obtained. The next day, to quote 
 
THE WHISKEY INSURRECTION. 85 
 
 the words of Brackenridge, " the committee hav- 
 ing convened, Gallatin addressed the chair in a 
 speech of some hours. It was a piece of perfect 
 eloquence, and was heard with attention and with- 
 out disturbance." Never was there a more strik- 
 ing instance of intellectual control over a popular 
 assemblage. He saved the western counties of 
 Pennsylvania from anarchy and civil war. He 
 was followed by Brackenridge, who, warned by 
 the example of his companion, or encouraged by 
 the quiet of the assemblage, supported him with 
 vigor. Bradford, on the other hand, faced the 
 issue with directness and savage vehemence. He 
 repelled the idea of submission, and insisted upon 
 an independent government and a declaration of 
 war. Edgar of Washington rejoined in support 
 of the report. Gallatin now demanded a vote, 
 but the twelve conferees alone supported him. 
 He then proposed an informal vote, but without 
 result. Finally a secret ballot was proposed by a 
 member. A hat was passed, and when the slips of 
 paper were taken out, there were thirty-four yeas 
 and twenty-three nays. The report was declared 
 to be adopted, and amid the scowls of the armed 
 witnesses the meeting adjourned ; not, however, 
 before a new committee of conference had been 
 appointed. On this new committee not one of 
 the old leaders was named. They evidently knew 
 the folly of further delay, or of attempting to se- 
 cure better terms. As his final act Colonel Cook, 
 
86 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 the chairman of the standing committee of sixty, 
 indorsed the resolution adopted. It declared it to 
 be "to the interest of the people of the country 
 to accede to the proposals made by the commis- 
 sioners on the part of the United States." This 
 was duly forwarded, with request for a further 
 conference. The commissioners consented, but 
 declined to postpone the time of taking the sense 
 of the people beyond September 11. 
 
 William Findley said of the famous and crit- 
 ical debate at Red Stone : " I had never heard 
 speeches that I more ardently desired to see in 
 print than those delivered on this occasion. They 
 would not only be valuable on account of the ora- 
 tory and information displayed in all the three, 
 and especially in Gallatin's, who opened the way, 
 but they would also have been the best history of 
 the spirit and the mistakes which then actuated 
 men's minds." Findley, in his allotment of the 
 honors of the day, considers that " the verbal 
 alterations made by Gallatin saved the question." 
 Brackenridge thought that his own seeming to 
 coincide with Bradford prevented the declaration 
 of war ; and he has been credited with having 
 saved the western counties from the horrors of 
 civil war, Pittsburgh from destruction, and the 
 Federal Union from imminent danger. 
 
 Historians have agreed in according to Gallatin 
 the honor of this field day. It was left to John 
 C. Hamilton, half a century later, to charge a 
 
THE WHISKEY INSURRECTION. 87 
 
 want of courage upon Gallatin, — a charge made 
 against proof and against knowledge.^ Not Males- 
 herbes, the noble advocate defending the accused 
 monarch before the angry French Convention, 
 with the certainty of the guillotine as the reward 
 of his generosity, is more worthy of admiration 
 than Gallatin boldly pleading the cause of order 
 within rifle range of an excited band of lawless 
 frontiersmen. If, as he confessed later, in his 
 part in the Pittsburgh resolutions he was guilty 
 of " a political sin," he nobly atoned for it under 
 circumstances that would have tried the courage 
 of men bred to danger and to arms. Sin it was, 
 and its consequences were not yet summed up. 
 For although the back of the insurrection was 
 broken at Red Stone Old Fort, there was much 
 yet to be done before submission could be com- 
 pleted. 
 
 Bradford attempted to sign, but found that his 
 course at Red Stone Old Fort had placed him out- 
 side the amnesty. Well might the moderate men 
 say in their familiar manner of Scripture allusion, 
 " Dagon is fallen." He fled down the Ohio and 
 Mississippi to Louisiana, then foreign soil. The 
 commissioners waited at Pittsburgh for the sig- 
 natures of adhesion on September 10, which was 
 the last day allowed by the terms of amnesty 
 They required that meetings should be held on 
 this day in the several townships, the presiding 
 
 I Hamilton's History of the Republic, vi. 96. 
 
88 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 ofl&cers to report the result to commissioner Ross at 
 Uniontown the 16th of the same month, on which 
 day he would set out for Philadelphia. The time 
 was inadequate, but there was no help. Gallatin 
 hastened the submission of Fayette, and a meet- 
 ing of committees from the several townships met 
 at the county seat, Uniontown, on September 10, 
 1794, when a declaration drawn by Mr. Gallatin 
 was unanimously adopted. A passage in this ad- 
 mirable paper shows the comparative order which 
 prevailed in Fayette County during this period of 
 trouble. It is an appeal to the people of the 
 neighboring counties, who, under the influence of 
 their passions and resentment, might blame those 
 of Fayette for their moderation. 
 
 " The only reflection we mean to suggest to them 
 is the disinterestedness of our conduct upon this occasion. 
 The indictable offences to be buried in oblivion were 
 committed amongst them, and almost every civil suit 
 that has been instituted under the revenue law, in the 
 federal court, was commenced against citizens of this ' 
 county. By the terms proposed, the criminal prosecu- 
 tions are to be dropped, but no condition could be 
 obtained for the civil suits. We have been instrumental 
 in obtaining an amnesty, from which those alone who 
 had a share in the riots derive a benefit, and the other 
 inhabitants of the western country have gained nothing 
 for themselves." 
 
 This declaration was forwarded on September 
 17 to Governor Mifflin, with reasons for the delay, 
 
THE WHISKEY INSURRECTION. 89 
 
 and advice that signatures were fast being ob- 
 tained, not only in the neighboring counties, but 
 even in Fayette, where this formality had not 
 been thought necessary. It closes with a forcible 
 appeal to delay the sending of troops until every 
 conciliatory measure should have proved abortive. 
 
 But the commissioners, unfortunately, were not 
 favorably impressed with the reception they met 
 with or the scenes they witnessed on their western 
 mission. They had heard of Bradford's threat to 
 establish an independent government west of the 
 mountains, and they had seen a liberty pole raised 
 upon which the people with the greatest difficulty 
 had been dissuaded from hoisting a flag with six 
 stripes — emblematic of the six counties repre- 
 sented in the committee. The flag was made, but 
 set aside for the fifteen stripes with reluctance. 
 This is Findley's recollection, but Brackenridge 
 says that it was a flag of seven stars for the four 
 western counties, Bedford, and the two counties 
 of Virginia. This, he adds, was the first and 
 only manifestation among any class of a desire to 
 separate from the Union. But here his memory 
 failed him. 
 
 Hamilton had long been impatient. Again, as 
 in old days, he presented his arguments directly 
 to the people. Under the heading, " TuUy to the 
 people of the United States," he printed a letter 
 on August 26, of which the following is a pas- 
 
90 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 "Your representatives in Congress, pursuant to the 
 commission derived from you, and with a full knowledge 
 of the public exigencies, have laid an excise. At three 
 succeeding sessions they have revised that act . . . and 
 you have actually paid more than a million of dollars on 
 account of it. But the four western counties of Pennsyl- 
 vania undertake to rejudge and reverse your decrees. 
 You have said, * The Congress shall have power to lay 
 excises.* They say, ' The Congress shall not have this 
 power ; * or, what is equivalent, they shall not exercise 
 it, for a power that may not be exercised is a nullity. 
 Your representatives have said, and four times repeated 
 it, '■ An excise on distilled spirits shall be collected ; ' they 
 say it shall not be collected. We will punish, expel, 
 and banish the officers who shall attempt the collection." 
 
 The peace commissioners returned to Philadel- 
 phia and made their report on September 24. The 
 next day, September 25, Washington issued a 
 proclamation calling out the troops. In it be 
 again warned the insurgents. The militia, already 
 armed, accoutred, and equipped, and awaiting 
 marching orders, moved at once. Governor Mifflin 
 at first hesitated about his power to call out the 
 militia, but when the President's requisition was 
 made, he summoned the Legislature in special ses- 
 sion, and obtained from it a hearty support, with 
 authority to accept volunteers and offer a bounty. 
 Thus fortified, he made a tour through the lower 
 counties of the State, and by his extraordinary 
 popular eloquence soon filled up the ranks. The 
 
THE WHISKEY INSURRECTION, 91 
 
 old soldier led his troops in person. Those of 
 New Jersey were commanded by their governor, 
 Richard Howell of Revolutionary fame. These 
 formed the right wing and marched to rendezvous 
 at Bedford to cross the mountains by the northern 
 and Pennsylvania route. The left wing, composed 
 of the Virginia troops, under the veteran Morgan, 
 and those of Maryland, under Samuel Smith, a 
 brigadier-general in the army of the Revolution, 
 assembled at Cumberland to cross the mountains 
 by Braddock's Road. The chief command was 
 confided to Governor Henry Lee of Virginia. 
 Washington accompanied the army as far as 
 Bedford. Hamilton continued with it to Pitts- 
 burgh, which was reached in the last days of 
 October and the first of November, after a wea- 
 risome march across the mountains in heavy 
 weather. Arrived in the western counties, the 
 army found no opposition. 
 
 Meanwhile, on October 2, the standing com- 
 mittee met again at Parkinson's Ferry, and unani- 
 mously adopted resolutions declaring the general 
 submission, and explaining the reasons why signa- 
 tures to the amnesty had not been general. Find- 
 ley and Redick were appointed to take these res- 
 olutions to the President, and to urge him to stop 
 the march of the troops. They met the left wing 
 at Carlisle. Washington received them courteously, 
 but did not consent to countermand the march. 
 They hurried back for more unequivocal assur- 
 
92 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 ances, which they hoped to be able to carry to 
 meet Washington on his way to review the right 
 wing. On October 14, the day of the autumn 
 elections, general submissions were universally 
 signed, and finally, on October 24, a third and last 
 meeting was held at Parkinson's Ferry, at which 
 a thousand people attended, when, with James 
 Edgar, chairman, and Albert Gallatin, secretary, 
 it was resolved, first, that the civil authority was 
 fully competent to punish both past and future 
 breaches of the law ; secondly, that surrender 
 should be made of all persons charged with of- 
 fences, in default of which the committee would 
 aid in bringing them to justice ; thirdly, that 
 offices of inspection might be opened, and that 
 the distillers were willing and ready to enter their 
 stills. 
 
 These resolutions were published in the " Pitts- 
 burgh Gazette." Findley carried them to Bedford, 
 but before he reached the army the President had 
 returned to Philadelphia. The march of the army 
 was not stopped. The two wings made a junc- 
 tion at Uniontown. Companies of horse were scat- 
 tered through the country. New submissions were 
 made, and the oath of allegiance, required by 
 General Lee, was generally taken. 
 
 Hamilton now investigated the whole matter of 
 the insurrection, and it was charged against him, 
 and the charge is supported by Findley, with 
 names of persons, that he spared no effort to se- 
 
THE WHISKEY INSURRECTION. 93 
 
 cure evidence to bring Gallatin within the pale of 
 an indictment. Of course he failed in this pur- 
 pose, if indeed it were ever seriously entertained. 
 But the belief that Gallatin was the arch-fiend, 
 who instigated the Whiskey Insurrection, had al- 
 ready become a settled article in the Federalist 
 creed, and for a quarter of a century, long after 
 the Federalist party had become a tradition of the 
 past, the Genevan was held up to scorn and 
 hatred, as an incarnation of deviltry — an en- 
 emy of mankind. 
 
 On the 8th November, Hamilton, who remained 
 with the army, wrote to the President that Gen- 
 eral Lee had concluded to take hold of all who 
 are worth the trouble by the military arm, and 
 then to deliver them over to the disposition of 
 the judiciary. In the mean time, he adds, " all 
 possible means are using to obtain evidence, and 
 accomplices will be turned against the others." 
 
 The night of November 13, 1794, was appointed 
 for the arrests ; a dreadful night Findley describes 
 it to have been. The night was frosty ; at eight 
 o'clock the horse sallied forth, and before day- 
 light arrested in their beds about two hundred 
 men. The New Jersey horse made the seizures 
 in the Mingo Creek settlement, the hot-bed of the 
 insurrection and the scene of the early excesses. 
 The prisoners were taken to Pittsburgh, and 
 thence, mounted on horses, and guarded by the 
 Philadelphia Gentlemen Corps, to the capital. 
 
M ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 Their entrance into Cannonsburg is graphically de- 
 scribed by Dr. Carnahan, president of Princeton 
 College, in his account of the insurrection, 
 
 " The contrast between the Philadelphia horsemen 
 and the prisoners was the most striking that can be 
 imagined. The Philadelphians were some of the most 
 wealthy and respectable men of that city. Their uni- 
 form was blue, of the finest broadcloth. Their horses 
 were large and beautiful, all of a bay color, so nearly 
 alike that it seemed that every two of them would make 
 a good span of coach horses. Their trappings were 
 viuperb. Their bridles, stirrups, and martingales glittered 
 with silver. Their swords, which were drawn, and 
 held elevated in the right hand, gleamed in the rays of 
 the setting sun. The prisoners were also mounted on 
 horses of all shapes, sizes, and colors ; some large, some 
 small, some long tails, some short, some fat, some lean, 
 some every color and form that can be named. Some 
 had saddles, some blankets, some bridles, some halters, 
 some with stirrups, some with none. The riders also 
 were various and grotesque in their appearance. Some 
 were old, some young, some hale, respectable looking 
 men ; others were pale, meagre, and shabbily dressed. 
 Some had great coats, — others had blankets on their 
 shoulders. The countenance of some was down cast, 
 melancholy, dejected; that of others stern, indignant, 
 manifesting that they thought themselves undeserving 
 such treatment. Two Philadelphia horsemen rode in 
 front and then two prisoners, and two horsemen and two 
 prisoners, actually throughout a line extending perhaps 
 half a mile. ... If these men had been the ones chieflj^ 
 
THE WHISKEY INSURRECTION. 95 
 
 guilty of the disturbance, it would have been no more 
 than they deserved. But the guilty had signed the 
 amnesty, or had left the county before the army ap- 
 proached." 
 
 Dallas, the Secretary of State, Gallatin's friend, 
 was one of this troop. Gallatin saw him soon af- 
 ter his return. In a letter to his wife of December 
 3, Gallatin relates the experience of the trooper 
 who had little stomach for the work he had to do. 
 
 " I saw Dallas yesterday. Poor fellow had a most 
 disagreeable campaign of it. He says the spirits, I 
 call it the madness, of the Philadelphia Gentlemen's 
 Corps was beyond conception before the arrival of the 
 President. He saw a list (handed about through the 
 army by officers, nay, by a general officer) of the names 
 of those persons who were to be destroyed at all events, 
 and you may easily guess my own was one of the most 
 conspicuous. Being one day at table with sundry 
 officers, and having expressed his opinion that, if the 
 army were going only to support the civil authority, and 
 not to do any military execution, one of them (Dallas 
 did not tell me his name, but I am told it was one Ross 
 of Lancaster, aide-de-camp to Mifflin) half drew a dagger 
 he wore instead of a sword, and swore any man who 
 uttered such sentiments ought to be dagged. The Pres- 
 ident, however, on his arrival, and afterwards Hamilton, 
 took uncommon pains to change the sentiments, and at 
 last it became fashionable to adopt, or at least to express, 
 sentiments similar to those inculcated by them." 
 
 Randolph was, perhaps, not far out of the way 
 in his fear of a civil war should blood be drawn. 
 
96 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 and in his conviction that the influence of Wash- 
 ington was the only sedative for the fevered 
 political pulse. On November IT general orders 
 were issued for the return of the army, a detach- 
 ment of twenty-five hundred men only remaining 
 in the West, under command of General Morgan. 
 There were no further disturbances. The army 
 expenses gave a circulating medium, and the farm- 
 ers, having now the means to pay their taxes, 
 made no further complaints of the excise law. 
 The total expense of the insurrection to the gov- 
 ernment was 1800,000. 
 
 Mr. Gallatin returned with his wife from his 
 western home early in November. He had been 
 again chosen at the October elections to represent 
 Fayette in the Pennsylvania Assembly. More- 
 over, at the same time he was elected to rep- 
 resent the congressional district of Washington 
 and Allegheny in the House of Representatives of 
 the United States. Of four candidates Gallatin 
 led the poll. Judge Brackenridge was next in 
 order. No better proof is needed of the firm hold 
 Gallatin had in the esteem and affection of the 
 people. No doubt, either, that they understood his 
 principles, and relied upon his sincere attachment 
 to the country he had made his home. 
 
 When he appeared to take his seat in the As- 
 sembly he found that his election was contested. 
 A petition was presented from thirty-four persons 
 calling themselves peaceable citizens of Washing- 
 
THE WHISKEY INSURRECTION. 97 
 
 ton County, which stated that their votes had not 
 been cast, because of the disturbed condition of the 
 country, and requested the Assembly to declare 
 the district to have been in a state of insurrection 
 at the time of the election, and to vacate the same. 
 Mr. Gallatin knew the person who procured the 
 signatures, and also that the business originated 
 in the army. It was couched in terms insulting 
 to all the members elect from that district. After 
 a protracted debate the election was declared void 
 on January 9, 1795. It was during this debate 
 that Mr. Gallatin made the celebrated speech 
 called " The speech on the western elections," in 
 which occurs the confession already alluded to. 
 Speaking of the Pittsburgh resolutions of 1792, 
 he said : — 
 
 " I might say that those resolntions did not originate 
 at Pittsburgh, as they were almost a transcript of the 
 resolutions adopted at Washington the preceding year ; 
 and I might even add that they were not introduced by 
 me at the meeting, But I wish not to exculpate myself 
 where I feel I have been to blame. The sentiments 
 thus expressed were not illegal or criminal ; yet I will 
 freely acknowledge that they were violent, intemperate, 
 and reprehensible. For, by attempting to render the 
 office contemptible, they tended to diminish that respect 
 for the execution of the laws which is essential to the 
 maintenance of a free government ; but whilst I feel 
 regret at the remembrance, though no hesitation in this 
 open confession of that my only political sin, let me add 
 that the blame ought to fall where it is deserved." 
 sr 
 
98 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 This was the first speech of Gallatin that ap- 
 peared in print — simple, lucid, convincing. The 
 result of the new Assembly election would natu- 
 rally determine the right of the representatives of 
 the contested district to their seats in Congress. 
 Word had gone forth from the Treasury Depart- 
 ment that Gallatin must not take his seat in Con- 
 gress, and the whippers-in took heed of the desire 
 of their chief. A line of instruction to Badollet, 
 who lived at Greensburg in Washington County, 
 across the river from Gallatin's residence, deter- 
 mined the matter. Gallatin warned him against 
 the attempt that would be made to disaffect that 
 district because none of the representatives whose 
 seats had been vacated were residents of it. " Fall 
 not into the snare," he wrote ; " take up nobody 
 from your own district ; reelect unanimously the 
 same members, whether they be your favorites or 
 not. It is necessary for the sake of our general 
 character." Here is an instance of that true po- 
 litical instinct which made of him " the ideal party 
 leader." His advice was followed, and all the 
 members were reelected but one, who declined. 
 Mr. Gallatin returned to his seat in the Assembly 
 on February 14, and retained it until March 12, 
 when he asked and obtained leave of absence. 
 He does not appear to have taken further part in 
 the session. The subjects, personal to himself, 
 which occupied his attention during the summer 
 will be touched upon elsewhere. 
 
THE WHISKEY INSURRECTION. 99 
 
 The pitiful business of the trial of the western 
 prisoners needs only brief mention. In May Gal- 
 latin was summoned before the grand jury as a 
 witness on the part of the government. The in- 
 quiry was finished May 12, and twenty-two bills 
 were found for treason. Against Fayette two 
 bills were found ; one for misdemeanor in raising 
 the liberty pole in Uniontown. The petit jury 
 was composed of twelve men from each of the 
 counties of Fayette, Washington, Allegheny, and 
 Northumberland, but none from Westmoreland. 
 One man, a German from Westmoreland, who 
 was concerned in a riot in Fayette, was found 
 guilty and condemned to death. Mr. Gallatin, at 
 the request of the jury, drew a petition to the 
 President, who granted a pardon. Washington 
 extended mercy to the only other offender who 
 incurred the same penalty. 
 
 To the close of this national episode, which, 
 in its various phases of incident and character, is 
 of dramatic interest, Gallatin, through good re' 
 pute and ill repute, stood manfully by his con- 
 stituents and friends. 
 
 l cfC. 
 
CHAPTER V. 
 
 MEMBEE OF CONGEESS. 
 
 The first session of the fourth Congress began 
 at Philadelphia on Monday, December 7, 1795. 
 Washington was President, John Adams Vice- 
 President. No one of Washington's original con- 
 stitutional advisers remained in his cabinet. Jef- 
 ferson retired from the State Department at the 
 beginning of the first session of the third Con- 
 gress. Edmund Randolph, appointed in his place, 
 resigned in a cloud of obloquy on August 19, 1795, 
 and the portfolio was temporarily in charge of 
 Timothy Pickering, Secretary of War. Hamilton 
 resigned the department of the Treasury on Jan- 
 uary 31, 1795, and Oliver Wolcott, Jr., succeeded 
 him in that most important of the early oflBces 
 of the government. General Henry Knox, the 
 first Secretary of War, pressed by his own pri- 
 vate affairs and the interests of a large family, 
 withdrew on December 28, 1794, and Timothy 
 Pickering, the Postmaster General, had been ap- 
 pointed in his stead January 2, 1795. The Navy 
 Department was not as yet established (the act 
 creating it was passed April 30, 1798), but the 
 
MEMBER OF CONGRESS. 101 
 
 affairs which concerned this branch of the public 
 service were under the direction of the Secretary 
 of War. The administration of Washington was 
 drawing to a close. In the lately reconstructed 
 cabinet, honest, patriptic, and thorough in admin- 
 istration, there was no man of shining mark. 
 The Senate was still in the hands of the Federal 
 party. The bare majority which rejected Galla- 
 tin in the previous Congress had increased to a 
 suflBcient strength for party purposes, but neither 
 in the ranks of the administration nor the opposi- 
 tion was there in this august assemblage one com- 
 manding" figure. 
 
 The House was nearly equally divided. The 
 post of speaker was warmly contested. Frederick 
 A. Muhlenberg of Pennsylvania, who had pre- 
 sided over the House at the sessions of the first 
 Congress, 1789-1791, and again over the third, 
 1793-1795, was the candidate of the Federalists, 
 but was defeated by Jonathan Dayton of New 
 Jersey, whose views in the last session had drifted 
 him into sympathy with the Republican opposi- 
 tion. The House, when full, numbered one hun- 
 dred and five members, among whom were the 
 ablest men in the country, veterans of debate 
 versed in parliamentary law and skilled in the 
 niceties of party fence. In the Federal ranks, 
 active, conscious of theiV power, and proud of the 
 great party which gloried in Washington as their 
 chief, were Robert Goodloe Harper of South Car- 
 
102 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 olina, Theodore Sedgwick of Massachusetts, Roger 
 Griswold and Uriah Tracy of Connecticut, who 
 led the front and held the wings of debate ; while 
 in reserve, broken in health but still in the prime 
 of life, the pride of his party and of the House, 
 was Fisher Ames, the orator of his day, whose 
 magic tones held friend and foe in rapt attention, 
 while he mastered the reason or touched the heart. 
 Upon these men the Federal party relied for the 
 vindication of their principles and the mainte- 
 nance of their power. Supporting them were Wil- 
 liam Vans Murray of Maryland, Goodrich and 
 Hillhouse of Connecticut, William Smith of South 
 Carolina, Sitgreaves of Pennsylvania, and in the 
 ranks a well-trained party. Opposed to this for- 
 midable array of Federal talent was the Republi- 
 can party, young, vigorous, and in majority, bold 
 in their ideas but as yet hesitating in purpose 
 under the controlling if not overruling influence 
 of the name and popularity of Washington. 
 
 Hamilton watched the shifting fortunes of his 
 party from a distance, and found time in the pres- 
 sure of a large legal practice to aid each branch 
 of administration in turn with his advice. But 
 though he still inspired its councils, he no longer 
 directed its course. In his Monticello home Jef- 
 ferson waited till the fruit was ripe for falling, 
 occasionally impatient that his followers did not 
 more roughly shake the tree. 
 
 The open rupture of Jefferson with Hamilton 
 
MEMBER OF CONGRESS. 103 
 
 was the first great break in the Federal admin- 
 istration ; the lukewarmness of Madison, whose 
 leanings were always towards Jefferson, followed. 
 At the head of the Republican opposition was 
 Madison. Wise in council, convincing in argu- 
 ment, an able and even adroit debater, he was an 
 admirable leader, but his tactics were rather of 
 the closet than the field. He was wanting in the 
 personal vigor which, scorning defence, delights 
 in bold attack upon the central position of the 
 enemy, and carries opposition to the last limit of 
 parliamentary aggression. With this mildness of 
 character, though recognized as the leader of his 
 party, he, as a habit, waived his control upon the 
 floor of the House, and, reserving his interference 
 for occasions when questions of constitutional in- 
 terpretation arose, left the general direction of 
 debate to William B. Giles of Virginia, a skilful 
 tactician and a ready debater, keen, bold, and 
 troubled by no scruples of modesty, respect, or 
 reverence for friend or foe. Of equal vigor, but 
 of more reserve, was John Nicholas of Virginia — 
 a man of strong intellect, reliable temper, and with 
 the dignity of the old school. To these were now 
 added Albert Gallatin and Edward Livingston. 
 Edward Livingston, from New York, was young, 
 and as yet inexperienced in debate, but of remark- 
 able powers. He was another example of that 
 early intellectual maturity which was a character- 
 istic of the time. 
 
104 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 When Congress met, the all-disturbing question 
 ^ was the foreign policy of the United States. The 
 influence of the French Revolution upon American 
 politics was great. The Federalists, conservative 
 in their views, held the new democratic doctrines 
 in abhorrence, and used the terrible excesses of 
 the French Revolution with telling force against 
 their Republican adversaries. The need of a 
 strong government was held up as the only alter- 
 native to anarchy. In the struggle which now 
 united Europe against the French Republic, the 
 sympathies of the Federalists were with England. 
 Hence they were accused of a desire to establish a 
 monarchy in the United States, and were igno- 
 miniously called the British party. Shays's Re- 
 bellion in Massachusetts and the Whiskey In- 
 surrection in Pennsylvania gave point to their 
 arguments. 
 
 On the other side was the large and powerful 
 party which, throughout the war in the Continental 
 Congress, under the confederation in the national 
 convention which framed and in the state con- 
 ventions which ratified the Constitution, had op- 
 posed the tendency to centralization, but had been 
 defeated by the yearning of the body of the plain 
 people for a government strong enough at least to 
 secure them peace at home and protection abroad. 
 This natural craving being satisfied, the old aver- 
 sion to class distinctions returned. The dread of 
 an aristocracy, which did not exist even in name, 
 
MEMBER OF CONGRESS. 105 
 
 threw many of the supporters of the Constitution 
 into the ranks of its opponents, who were demo- 
 crats in name and in fact. The proclamation of 
 the rights of man awoke this latent sentiment, 
 and aroused an intense sympathy for the people 
 of France. This again was strengthened by the 
 memory, still warm, of the services of France in 
 the cause of independence. Lafayette, who rep- 
 resented the true French republican spirit, and 
 held a place in the affections of the American 
 people second only to that of Washington, was 
 languishing, a prisoner to the coalition of sover- 
 eigns, in an Austrian dungeon. 
 
 Jefferson returned from France deeply imbued 
 with the spirit of the French Revolution. His 
 views were warmly received by his political 
 friends, and the principles of the new school of 
 politics were rapidly spread by an eager band of 
 acolytes, whose ranks were recruited until the 
 feeble opposition became a powerful party. Dem- 
 ocratic societies organized on the plan of the 
 French Jacobin clubs extended French influence, 
 and no doubt were aided in a practical way 
 by Genet, whose recent marriage with the daugh- 
 ter of George Clinton, the head of the Republican 
 party in New York, was an additional link in the 
 bond of alliance. 
 
 During the second session of the third Congress 
 Madison had led the opposition in a mild manner ; 
 party lines were not yet strongly defined, and the 
 
106 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 influence of Washington was paramount. In the 
 interim between its expiration and the meeting of 
 the fourth Congress in December, the country was 
 wildly agitated by the Jay treaty. This document 
 not reaching America until after the adjournment 
 of Congress in March, Washington convened the 
 Senate in extra and secret session on June 1, and 
 the treaty was ratified by barely two thirds ma- 
 jority. Imprudently withheld for a time, it was 
 at last made public by Senator Mason of Virginia, 
 one of the ten who voted against its ratification. 
 It disappointed the people, and was denounced as 
 a weak and ignominious surrender of American 
 rights. The merchants of Boston, New York^ 
 Philadelphia, and Charleston protested against it 
 in public meetings. It was burned, and the Eng- 
 lish flag was trailed in the dust before the British 
 Minister's house at the capital. Jay was hung in 
 effigy, and Hamilton, who ventured to defend the 
 treaty at a public meeting, was stoned. To add 
 to the popular indignation that the impressment 
 of American seamen had been ignored in the in- 
 strument, came the alarming news that the British 
 ministry had renewed their order to seize vessels 
 carrying provisions to France, whither a large part 
 of the American grain crop was destined. On the 
 other hand, Randolph, the Secretary of State, had 
 compromised the dignity of his official position 
 in his intercourse with Fauchet, the late French 
 Ambassador, whose correspondence with his gov- 
 
MEMBER OF CONGRESS. 107 
 
 ernment, thrown overboard from a French packet, 
 had been fished up by a British man-of-war, and 
 forwarded to Grenville, by whom it was returned 
 to America. Thus petard answered petard, and 
 the charge by the Republicans upon the Feder- 
 alists of taking British gold was returned with 
 interest, and the accusation of receiving bribe 
 money was brought close home to Randolph, if 
 not proved. 
 
 Hard names were not wanting either ; Jefferson 
 was ridiculed as a sans - eulotte and red-legged 
 democrat. Nor was Washington spared. He was 
 charged with an assumption of royal airs, with 
 political hypocrisj^ and even with being a public 
 defaulter ; a charge which no one dared to father, 
 and which was instantly shown to be false and ma- 
 licious. It was made by Bache in " The Aurora, " 
 a contemptible sheet after the fashion of " L' Ami 
 du Peuple," Marat's Paris organ. 
 
 Such was the temper of the people when the 
 House of Representatives met on December 7, 
 1795. The Speaker, Dayton, was strongly anti- 
 British in feeling. He was a family connection of 
 Burr, but there is no reason to suppose that he was 
 under the personal influence of that adroit and un- 
 scrupulous partisan. On the 8th President Wash- 
 ington, according to his custom, addressed both 
 houses of Congress. This day for the first time 
 the gallery was thrown open to the public. When 
 the reply of the Senate came up for consideration. 
 
108 ALBERT GALLATIN, 
 
 the purpose of the Republicans was at once mani- 
 fest. They would not consent to the approbation 
 it expressed of the conduct of the administration. 
 They would not admit that the causes of external 
 discord had been extinguished " on terms consist- 
 ent with our national honor and safety," or indeed 
 extinguished at all, and they would not acknowl- 
 edge that the efforts of the President to establish 
 the peace, freedom, and prosperity of the country 
 had been " enlightened and firm." Nevertheless 
 the address was agreed to by a vote of 14 to 8. 
 
 In the House a resolution was moved that a 
 respectful address ought to be presented. The 
 opposition immediately declared itself. Objection 
 was made to an address, and in its stead the ap- 
 pointment of a committee to wait personally on 
 the President was moved. The covert intent was 
 apparent through the thin veil of expediency, but 
 the Republicans as a body were unwilling to go this 
 length in discourtesy and did not support the mo- 
 tion. Only eighteen members voted for it. Messrs. 
 Madison, Sedgwick, and Sitgreaves, the committee 
 to report an address, brought in a draft on the 14th 
 which was ordered to be printed for the use of the 
 members. The next day the work of dissection was 
 begun by an objection to the words " probably 
 unequalled spectacle of national happiness" ap- 
 plied to the country, and the words " undiminished 
 confidence " applied to the President. The words 
 " probably unequalled " were stricken out without 
 
MEMBER OF CONGRESS. 109 
 
 decided opposition by a vote of forty-three to 
 thirty-nine. Opinions were divided on that sub- 
 ject even in the ranks of the Federalists. The 
 cause of dissatisfaction was the Jay treaty. The 
 address was recommitted without a division. The 
 next day Madison brought in the address with a 
 modification of the clause objected to. In its new 
 form the " very great share " of Washington's 
 zealous and faithful services in securing the na- 
 tional happiness was acknowledged. The address 
 thus amended was unanimously adopted. In this 
 encounter nothing was gained by the Republicans. 
 The people would not have endured an open decla- 
 ration of want of confidence in Washington. But 
 the entering wedge of the new policy was driven. 
 The treaty was to be assailed. It was, however, 
 the pretext, not the cause of the struggle, the real 
 object of which was to extend the powers of the 
 House, and subordinate the Executive to its will. 
 Before beginning the main attack the Republicans 
 developed their general plan in their treatment 
 of secondary issues ; of these the principal was 
 a tightening of the control of the House over the 
 Treasury Department. In this Mr. Gallatin took 
 the lead. His first measure was the appointment 
 of a standing Committee of Finance to superintend 
 the general operations of this nature, — an efficient 
 aid to the Treasury when there was accord between 
 the administration and the House, an annoying 
 censor when the latter was in opposition, Thia 
 
110 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 was the beginning of the Ways and Means Com- 
 mittee, which soon became and has since contin- 
 ued to be the most important committee of the 
 House. To it were to be referred all reports from 
 the Treasury Department, all propositions relating 
 to revenue, and it was to report on the state of 
 the public debt, revenue, and expenditures. The 
 committee was appointed without opposition. It 
 consisted of fourteen members, William Smith, 
 Sedgwick, Madison, Baldwin, Gallatin, Bourne, 
 Oilman, Murray, Buck, Gilbert, Isaac Smith, 
 Blount, Patten, and Hillhouse, and represented 
 the strength of both political parties. To this 
 committee the estimates of appropriations for the 
 support of the government for the coming year 
 were referred. The next step was to bring to the 
 knowledge of the House the precise condition of 
 the Treasury. To this end the Secretary was called 
 upon to furnish comparative views of the com- 
 merce and tonnage of the country for every year 
 from the formation of the department in 1789, 
 with tables of the exports and imports, foreign 
 and domestic, separately stated, and with a di- 
 vision of the nationality of the carrying vessels. 
 Later, comparative views were demanded of the 
 receipts and expenditures for each year ; the re- 
 ceipts under the heads of Loans, Revenue in its 
 various forms, and others in their several divisions ; 
 the expenditures, also, to be classified under the 
 heads of Civil List, Foreign Intercourse, Military 
 
MEMBER OF CONGRESS. Ill 
 
 Establishment, Indian Department, Naval, etc. 
 i'inally a call was made for a statement of the 
 annual appropriations and the applications of them 
 by the Treasury. The object of Mr. Gallatin was to 
 establish the expenses of the government in each 
 department of service on a permanent footing for 
 which annual appropriations should be made, and 
 for any extraordinary expenditure to insist on a 
 special appropriation for the stated object and none 
 other. By keeping constantly before the House 
 this distinction between the permanent fund and 
 temporary exigencies, he accustomed it to take a 
 practical business view of its legislative duties, and 
 the people to understand the principles he endeav- 
 ored to apply. 
 
 In a debate at the beginning of the session, 
 on a bill for establishing trading houses with the 
 Indians, Mr. Gallatin showed his hand by declar- 
 ing that he would not consent to appropriate any 
 part of the war funds for the scheme ; nor, in 
 view of the need of additional permanent funds 
 for the discharge of the public debt, would he 
 vote for the bill at all, unless there was to be a 
 reduction in the expense of the military establish- 
 ment, and he would not be diverted from his pur- 
 pose although Mr. Madison advocated the bill 
 because of its extremely benevolent object. The 
 Federal leaders saw clearly to what this doctrine 
 would bring them, and met it in the beginning. 
 The first struggle occurred when the appropria- 
 
112 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 tions for the service of 1796 were brought before 
 the House. Beginning with a discussion upon the 
 salaries of the officers of the mint, the debate at 
 once passed to the principle of appropriations. 
 The Federalists insisted that a discussion of the 
 merits of establishments was not in order when 
 the appropriations were under consideration ; 
 that the House ought not, by withholding appro- 
 priations, to destroy establishments formed by the 
 whole Legislature, that is by the Senate and 
 House ; that the House should vote for the appro- 
 priations agreeably to the laws already made. This 
 view was sanctioned by practice. Mr. Gallatin 
 immediately opposed this as an alarming and 
 dangerous principle. He insisted that there was a 
 certain discretionary power in the House to appro- 
 priate or not to appropriate for any object what- 
 ever, whether that object were authorized or not. 
 It was a power vested in the House for the pur- 
 pose of checking the other branches of government 
 whenever necessary. He claimed that this power 
 was shown in the making of yearly instead of per- 
 manent appropriations for the civil list and mili- 
 tary establishments, yet when the House desired 
 to strengthen public credit it had rendered the 
 appropriation for those objects permanent and not 
 yearly. It was, therefore, " contradictory to sup- 
 pose that the House was bound to do a certain act 
 at the same time that they were exercising the 
 discretionary power of voting upon it." The de. 
 
MEMBER OF CONGRESS. 113 
 
 bate determined nothing, but it is of interest as 
 the first declaration in Congress of the supremacy 
 of the House of Representatives. 
 
 The great debate which, from the principles in- 
 volved in it as well as the argument and oratory 
 with which they were discussed, made this session 
 of the House famous, was on the treaty with 
 Great Britain. This was the first foreign treaty 
 made since the establishment of the Constitution. 
 The treaty was sent in to the House " for the infor- 
 mation of Congress," by the President, on March 
 1st, with notice of its ratification at London in 
 October. The next day Mr. Edward Livingston 
 moved that the President be requested to send in 
 a copy of the instructions to the Minister of the 
 United States who negotiated the treaty, together 
 with the correspondence and other documents. A 
 few days later he amended his resolution by adding 
 an exception of such of said papers as any existing 
 negotiations rendered improper to disclose. The 
 Senate in its ratification of the treaty suspended 
 the operation of the clause regulating the trade 
 with the West Indies, on which Great Britain 
 still imposed the old colonial restriction, and rec- 
 ommended the President to open negotiations on 
 this subject ; and in fact such negotiations were in 
 progress. The discussion was opened on the Fed- 
 eral side by a request to the gentlemen in favor of 
 the call to give their reasons. Mr. Gallatin sup- 
 ported the resolution, and expressed surprise at 
 
114 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 any objection, considering that the exception of 
 the mover rendered the resolution of itself unex- 
 ceptionable. The President had not informed the 
 House of the reasons upon which the treaty was 
 based. If he did not think proper to give the in- 
 formation sought for, he would say so to them. A 
 question might arise whether the House should get 
 at those secrets even if the President refused the 
 request, but that was not the present question. In 
 reply to Mr. Murray, who asserted that the treaty 
 was the supreme law of the land, and that there 
 was no discretionary power in the House except on 
 the question of its constitutionality, Mr. Gallatin 
 said that Congress possessed the power of regulat- 
 ing trade, — perhaps the treaty - making power 
 clashed with that, — and concluded by observing 
 that the House was the grand inquest of the nation, 
 and that it had the right to call for papers on which 
 to ground an impeachment. At present he did not 
 contemplate an exercise of that right. Mr. Madi- 
 son said it was now to be decided whether the 
 general power of making treaties supersedes the 
 powers of the House of Representatives, particu- 
 larly specified in the Constitution, so as to give to 
 the Executive all deliberative will and leave the 
 House only an executive and ministerial instru- 
 mental agency ; and he proposed to amend the 
 resolution so as to read, " except so much of said 
 papers as in his (the President's) judgment it may 
 be inconsistent with the interest of the United 
 
MEMBER OF CONGRESS. 115 
 
 States at this time to disclose." But Ms motion 
 was defeated by a vote of 47 nays to 37 yeas. 
 
 The discussion being resumed in committee of 
 the whole, the expressions of opinion were free 
 on both sides, but so moderate that one of the 
 members made comment on the calmness and 
 temper of the discussion. Nicholas said that, if 
 the treaty were not the law of the land, the Presi- 
 dent should be impeached. But the parts of the 
 treaty into which the President had not the right 
 to enter, he could not make law by proclamation. 
 Swanwick supported the call as one exercised by 
 the House of Commons. On the Federal side, 
 Harper said that the papers were not necessary, 
 and, being unnecessary, the demand was an im- 
 proper and unconstitutional interference with the 
 executive department. If he thought them nec- 
 essary, he would change the milk and water style 
 of the resolutions. In that case the House had a 
 right to them and he had no idea of requesting as 
 a favor what should be demanded as a right. Gal- 
 latin, he said, had declared that it was a request, 
 but that in case of refusal it might be considered 
 whether demand should not be made, and he 
 charged that when, at the time the motion was 
 made, the question had been asked, what use was to 
 be made of the papers, Gallatin did not and could 
 not reply. Mr. Gallatin answered that whether 
 the House had a discretionary power, or whether 
 it was bound by the instrument, there was no im- 
 
116 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 propriety in calling for the papers. He hoped to 
 have avoided the constitutional question in the 
 motion, but as the gentlemen had come forward 
 on that ground, he had no objection to rest the 
 decision of the constitutional power of Congress 
 on the fate of the present question. He would 
 therefore state that the House had a right to ask 
 for the papers. 
 
 The constitutional question being thus squarely 
 introduced, Mr. Gallatin made an elaborate 
 speech, which, from its conciseness in statement, 
 strength of argument, and wealth of citations of 
 authority, was, to say the least, inferior to no 
 other of those drawn out in this memorable 
 struggle. In its course he compared the opinion 
 of those who had opposed the resolution to the 
 saying of an English bishop, that the people had 
 nothing to do with the law but to obey it, and 
 likened their conduct to the servile obedience of a 
 Parliament of Paris under the old order of things. 
 He concluded with the hope that the dangerous 
 doctrine, that the representatives of the people 
 have not the right to consult their discretion when 
 about exercising powers delegated by the Consti- 
 tution, would receive its death-blow. Griswold re- 
 plied in what by common consent was the strongest 
 argument on the Federal side. The call, at first 
 view simple, had, he said, become a grave mat- 
 ter. The gist of his objection to it was that the 
 people in their Constitution had made the treatji 
 
MEMBER OF CONGRESS. 117 
 
 power paramount to the legislative, and had de- 
 posited that power with the President and Senate. 
 
 Mr. Madison again rose to the constitutional 
 question. He said that, if the passages of the Con- 
 stitution be taken literally, they must clash. The 
 word supreme, as applied to treaties, meant as 
 over the state Constitutions, and not over the Con- 
 stitution and laws of the United States. He sup- 
 ported Mr. Gallatin's view of the congressional 
 power as cooperative with the treaty power. A 
 construction which made the treaty power omnip- 
 otent he thought utterly inadmissible in a con- 
 stitution marked throughout with limitations and 
 checks. 
 
 Mr. Gallatin again claimed the attention of the 
 House, as the original question of a call for papers 
 had resolved itself into a discussion on the treaty- 
 making power. In the treaty of peace of 1783 
 there were three articles which might be supposed 
 to interfere with the legishitive powers of the sev- 
 eral States : 1st, that which related to the payment 
 of debts ; 2d, the provision for no future confisca- 
 tions ; 3d, the restitution of estates already confis- 
 cated. The first could not be denied. " Those," 
 he said, '* might be branded with the epithet of 
 disorganizers, who threatened a dissolution of the 
 Union in case the measures they dictated were not 
 obeyed ; and he knew, although he did not ascribe 
 it to any member of the House, that men high in 
 office and reputation had industriously spread an 
 
 'y 
 
118 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 alarm that the Union would be dissolved if the 
 present motion was carried." He took the ground 
 that a treaty is not valid, and does not bind the 
 nation as such, till it has received the sanction of 
 the House of Representatives. Mr. Harper closed 
 the argument on the Federal side. On March 24 
 the resolution calling for the papers was carried by 
 a vote of yeas 62, nays 37, absent 5, the Speaker 
 1 (105). Livingston and Gallatin were appointed 
 to present the request to the President. 
 
 On March 30 the President returned answer to 
 the effect that he considered it a dangerous prece- 
 dent to admit this right in the House ; that the 
 assent of the House was not necessary to the va- 
 lidity of a treaty ; and he absolutely refused com- 
 pliance with the request. The letter of instruc- 
 tions to Jay would bear the closest examination, 
 but the cabinet scorned to take shelter behind it, 
 and it was on their recommendation that the Pres- 
 ident's refusal was explicit. This message, in spite 
 of the opposition of the Federalists, was referred, 
 by a vote of 55 yeas to 37 nays, to the committee 
 of the whole. This reference involved debate. In 
 his opposition to this motion, Mr. Harper said 
 that the motives of the friends of the resolution 
 had been avowed by the " gentleman who led the 
 business, from Pennsylvania ; " whereby it ap- 
 pears that Mr. Gallatin led the Republicans in 
 the first debate. During this his first session he 
 shared this distinction with Mr. Madison. At the 
 
MEMBER OF CONGRESS. 119 
 
 next he became the acknowledged leader of the 
 Republican party. 
 
 On April 3 the debate was resumed. This 
 second debate was led by Mr. Madison, who con- 
 sidered two points : 1st, the application for pa- 
 pers ; 2d, the constitutional rights of Congress. 
 His argument was of course calm and dispassion- 
 ate after his usual manner. The contest ended on 
 April 7, with the adoption of two resolutions : 1st, 
 that the power of making treaties is exclusively 
 with the President and Senate, and the House do 
 not claim an agency in making them, or ratifying 
 them when made ; 2d, that when made a treaty 
 must depend for the execution of its stipulations 
 on a law or laws to be passed by Congress ; and 
 the House have a right to deliberate and deter- 
 mine the expediency or inexpediency of carrying 
 treaties into effect. These resolutions were car- 
 ried by a vote of 63 to 27. 
 
 There was now a truce of a few days. In the 
 meanwhile the country was agitated to an extent 
 which, if words mean anything, really threatened 
 an attempt at dissolution of the Union, if not civil 
 war itself. The objections on the part of the Re- 
 publicans were to the treaty as a whole. Their 
 sympathies were with France in her struggle for 
 liberty and democratic institutions and against 
 "England, and their real and proper ground of an- 
 tipathy to the instrument lay in its concession of 
 the right of capture of French property in Amer- 
 
120 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 ican vessels, whilst the treaty with France forbade 
 her to seize British property in American vessels. 
 The objections in detail had been formulated at 
 the Boston public meeting the year before. The 
 commercial cities were disturbed by the interfer- 
 ence with the carrying trade ; the entire coast, by 
 the search of vessels and the impressment of sea- 
 men ; the agricultural regions, by the closing of 
 the outlet for their surplus product ; the upland 
 districts, by the stoppage of the export of timber. 
 But the country was without a navy, was ill pre- 
 pared for war, and the security of the frontier 
 was involved in the restoration of the posts still 
 held by the British. 
 
 The political situation was uncertain if not 
 absolutely menacing. The threats of disunion 
 were by no means vague. The Pendleton Society 
 in Virginia had passed secession resolutions, and 
 a similar disposition appeared in other States. 
 While the treaty was condemned in the United 
 States, British statesmen were not of one opinion 
 as to the advantages they had gained by Gren- 
 ville's diplomacy. Jay's desire, expressed to Ran- 
 dolph, "to manage so that in case of wars our 
 people should be united and those of England di- 
 vided," was not wholly disappointed. And there 
 is on record the expression of Lord Sheffield, when 
 he heard of the rupture in 1812, " We have now 
 a complete opportunity of getting rid of that most 
 impolitic treaty of 1794, when Lord Grenville was 
 
MEMBER OF CONGRESS. 121 
 
 SO perfectly duped by Jay." ^ Washington's rati- 
 fication of the treaty went far to correct the hasty 
 judgment of the people, and to reconcile them to 
 it as a choice of evils. Supported by this modified 
 tone of public opinion, the Federalists determined 
 to press the necessary appropriation bills for carry- 
 ing the treaties into effect. Besides the Jay treaty 
 there were also before the House the Wayne 
 treaty with the Indians, the Pinckney treaty 
 with Spain, and the treaty with Algiers. With 
 these three the House was entirely content, and 
 the country was impatient for their immediate 
 operation. Wayne's treaty satisfied the inhabit- 
 ants on the frontier. The settlers along the Ohio, 
 among whom was Gallatin's constituency, were 
 eager to avail themselves of the privileges granted 
 by that of Pinckney, which was a triumph of di- 
 plomacy ; and all America, while ready to beard 
 the British lion, seems to have been in terror of 
 the Dey of Algiers. Mr. Sedgwick offered a reso- 
 lution providing for the execution of the four trea- 
 ties. Mr. Gallatin insisted on and received a sep- 
 arate consideration of each. That with Great 
 Britain was reserved till the rest were disposed 
 of. It was taken up on April 14. Mr. Madison 
 opened the debate. He objected to the treaty as 
 wanting in real reciprocity ; 2d, in insufficiency 
 of its provisions as to the rights of neutrals ; 3d, 
 
 1 Lord Sheffield to Mr. Abbott, Noyember 6, 1812. Correspond' 
 mce of Lord Colchester, ii. 409. 
 
122 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 because of its commercial restrictions. Other Re- 
 publican leaders followed, making strong points of 
 the position in which the treaty placed the United 
 States with regard to France, to whom it was 
 bound by a treaty of commercial alliance, which 
 was a part of the contract of aid in the Revolution- 
 ary War; and also of the possible injustice which 
 would befall American claimants in the British 
 courts of admiralty. 
 
 The Federalists clung to their ground, defended 
 the treaty as the best attainable, and held up as the 
 alternative a war, for which the refusal of the Re- 
 publicans to support the military establishment 
 and build up a navy left the country unprepared. 
 In justice to Jay, his significant words to Ran- 
 dolph, while doubtful of success in his negotiation, 
 should be remembered : " Let us hope for the 
 best and prepare for the worst." To the red flag 
 which the Federalists held up, Mr. Gallatin re- 
 plied, accepting the consequences of war if it 
 should come, and gave voice to the extreme dis- 
 satisfaction of the Virginia radicals with Jay and 
 the negotiation. He charged that the cry of war 
 and threats of a dissolution of the government 
 were designed for an impression on the timidity 
 of the House. " It was through the fear of being 
 involved in a war that the negotiation with Great 
 Britain had originated; under the impression of 
 fear the treaty had been negotiated and signed ; a 
 fear of the same danger, that of war, had pro- 
 
MEMBER OF CONGRESS. 123 
 
 moted its ratification ; and now every imaginary 
 mischief which could alarm our fears was conjured 
 up in order to deprive us of that discretion which 
 this House thought they had a right to exercise, 
 and in order to force us to carry the treaty into 
 effect." He insisted on the important principle 
 that ' free ships make free goods,' and complained 
 of its abandonment by the negotiators. 
 
 In a reply to this attack upon Jay, whose whole 
 life was a refutation of the charge of personal 
 or moral timidity, Mr. Tracy passed the limits of 
 parliamentary courtesy. " The people," he said, 
 " where he was most acquainted, whatever might 
 be the character of other parts of the Union, were 
 not of the stamp to cry hosannah to-day and crucify 
 to-morrow ; they will not dance around a whiskey 
 pole to-day and curse their government, and upon 
 hearing of a military force sneak into a swamp. 
 No," said he, '' my immediate constituents, whom 
 I very well know, understand their rights and will 
 defend them, and if they find the government will 
 not protect them, they will attempt at least to 
 protect themselves ; " and he concluded, " I cannot 
 be thankful to that gentleman for coming all the 
 way from Geneva to give Americans a character 
 for pusillanimity." He held it madness to suppose 
 that if the treaty were defeated war could be 
 avoided. Called to order, he said that he might 
 have been too personal, and asked pardon of the 
 gentleman and of the House. 
 
124 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 The brilliant crown of the debate was the im- 
 passioned speech of Fisher Ames, the impression 
 of which upon the House and the crowded gal- 
 lery is one of the traditions of American oratory. 
 The scene, as it has been handed down to ub, 
 resembles, in all save its close, that which Par- 
 liament presented when Chatham made his last 
 and dying appeal. Like the great earl, Ames rose 
 pale and trembling from illness to address a House 
 angry and divided, and, like him also, his voice 
 was raised for peace. Defending himself and the 
 Federal party against the charge of being in Eng- 
 lish interest, he said, " Britain has no influence, 
 and can have none. She has enough — and God 
 forbid she ever should have more. France, pos- 
 sessed of popular enthusiasm, of party attach- 
 ments, has had and still has too much influence on 
 our politics, — any foreign influence is too much 
 and ought to be destroyed. I detest the man 
 and disdain the spirit that can ever bend to a mean 
 subserviency to the views of any nation. It is 
 enough to be American. That character compre- 
 hends our duties and ought to engross our attach- 
 ments." Considering the probable influence on the 
 Indian tribes of the rejection of the treaty, he said, 
 " By rejecting the Posts we light the savage fires, 
 we bind the victims. ... I can fancy that I listen 
 to the yells of savage vengeance and shrieks of tor- 
 ture. Already they seem to sigh in the west wind, 
 — already they mingle with every echo from the 
 
MEMBER OF CONGRESS. 125 
 
 mountains." His closing words again bring Chat- 
 ham to mind. " Yet I have perhaps as little per- 
 sonal interest in the event as any one here. There 
 is, I believe, no member who will not think his 
 chance to be a witness of the consequences greater 
 than mine. If, however, the vote should pass to 
 reject, and a spirit should rise, as rise it will, with 
 the public disorders to make confusion worse con- 
 founded, even I, slender and almost broken as my 
 hold upon life is, may outlive the government and 
 Constitution of my country." This appeal, sup- 
 ported by the petitions and letters which poured 
 in upon the House, left no doubt of the result. An 
 adjournment was carried, but the speech was de- 
 cisive. The next day, April 29, it was resolved to 
 be expedient to make the necessary appropriations 
 to carry the treaty into effect. The vote stood 49 
 ayes to 49 nays, and was decided in the affirmative 
 by Muhlenberg, who was in the chair. But the 
 House would not be satisfied without an expression 
 of condemnation of the instrument. On April 30 
 it was resolved that in the opinion of the House 
 the treaty was objectionable. 
 
 While Mr. Gallatin in this debate rose to the 
 highest rank of statesmanship, he showed an 
 Bqual mastery of other important subjects which 
 engaged the attention of the House during the 
 session. He was earnest for the protection of the 
 frontier, but had no good opinion of the Indians. 
 '* Twelve years had passed," he said, " since the 
 
126 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 peace of 1783 ; ever since that time he had lived 
 on the frontier of Pennsylvania. Not a year of this 
 period had passed, whether at war or peace, that 
 some murders had not been committed by the 
 Indians, and yet not an act of invasion or pro- 
 vocation by the inhabitants." In the matter of 
 impressment of American seamen, he urged the 
 lodging of sufficient power in the Executive. Men 
 had been impressed, and he held it to be the duty 
 of the House to take notice of it by war or nego- 
 tiation. In the establishment of land offices for 
 the sale of the western lands he brought to bear 
 upon legislation his practical experience. He 
 urged that the tracts for sale be divided, and dis- 
 tinctions be made between large purchasers and 
 actual settlers — proposing that the large tracts be 
 sold at the seat of government, and the small on 
 the territory itself. He instanced the fact that in 
 1792 all the land west of the Ohio was disposed of 
 at Is. 6i. the acre, and a week afterwards was re- 
 sold at $1.50, so that the money which should 
 have gone into the treasury went to the pockets of 
 speculators. He also suggested that the proceeds 
 of the sales should be a fund to pay the public 
 debt, and that the public stock should always be 
 received at its value in payment for land ; a plan 
 by which the land would be brought directly to 
 the payment of the debt, as foreigners would 
 gladly exchange the money obligations of the gov- 
 ernment for land. On the question of taxation 
 
MEMBER OF CONGRESS. 127 
 
 he declared himself in favor of direct taxes, and 
 held that a tax on houses and lands could be levied 
 ■without difficulty. He would satisfy the people 
 that it was to pay off the public debt, which he 
 held to be a public curse. He supported the ex- 
 cise duty on stills under regulations which would 
 avoid the watching of persons and houses and in- 
 spection by officers, and proposed that licenses be 
 granted for the time applied for. 
 
 The military establishment he opposed in every 
 way, attacked the principle on which it was based, 
 and fought every appropriation in detail, from the 
 pay of a major-general to the cost of uniforms for 
 the private soldiers. He was not afraid of the 
 army, he said. He did not think that it was nec- 
 essary for the support of the government or dan- 
 gerous to the liberties of the people, but it cost six 
 hundred thousand dollars a year, which was a sum 
 of consequence in the condition of the finances. 
 
 The navy found no more favor in his eyes. He \y 
 denied that fleets were necessary to protect com- 
 merce. He called upon its friends to show, from 
 the history of every nation in Europe as from our 
 own, that commerce and the navy had gone hand 
 in hand. There was no nation except Great Brit- 
 ain, he said, whose navy had any connection with 
 commerce. Navies were instruments of power 
 more calculated to annoy the trade of other na- 
 tions than to protect that of the nations to which 
 they belonged. The price England had paid for 
 
128 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 her navy was a debt of three hundred millions of 
 pounds sterling. He opposed appropriations even 
 for the three frigates, United States, Constitution, 
 and Constellation, — the construction of which had 
 been ordered, — the germs of that navy which 
 was later to set his theory at naught, redeem the 
 honor of the flag, protect our commerce, and re- 
 lease the country and the civilized world from 
 ignominious tribute to the Mediterranean pirates, 
 who were propitated in this very session only at 
 the cost of a million of dollars to the treasury of 
 the United States, and by the gift of a frigate. 
 
 In the debate over the payment of the sum of 
 five millions, which the United States Bank had 
 demanded from the government, the greatest part 
 of which had been advanced on account of appro- 
 priations, he lamented the necessity, but urged the 
 liquidation. This was the occasion of another 
 personal encounter. In reply to a charge of Gal- 
 latin that the Federalists were in favor of debt, 
 Sedgwick alluded to Gallatin's part in the Whiskey 
 Insurrection, and said that none of those gentle- 
 men whom Gallatin had charged with " an object 
 to perpetuate and increase the public debt " had 
 been known to have combined " in every measure 
 which might obstruct the operation of law," nor 
 had declared to the world "that the men who 
 would accept of the offices to perform the neces- 
 sary functions of government were lost to every 
 sense of virtue j" ^'that from them was to be 
 
MEMBER OF CONGRESS. 129 
 
 withheld every comfort of life which depended on 
 those duties which as men and fellow-citizens we 
 owe to each other. If," he said, "the gentlemen 
 had been guilty of such nefarious practices, there 
 would have been a sound foundation for the 
 charge brought against them." Gallatin made no 
 reply. This was the one political sin he had ac- / 
 knowledged. His silence was his expiation. 
 
 The Treasury Department and its control, past 
 and present, was the object of his unceasing crit^ 
 icism. In April, 1796, he said, " The situation 
 of the gentleman at the head of the department 
 [Wolcott] was doubtless delicate and unpleasant; 
 it was the more so when compared with that of 
 his predecessor [Hamilton]. Both indeed had 
 the same power to borrow money when neces- 
 sary; but that power, which was efficient in the 
 hands of the late Secretary and liberally enough 
 used by him, was become useless at present. He 
 wished the present Secretary to be extricated 
 from his present difficulty. Nothing could be 
 more painful than to be at the head of that 
 department with an empty treasury, a revenue 
 inadequate to the expenses, and no means to 
 borrow." Nevertheless he feared that if it were 
 declared that the payment of the debt incurred by 
 themselves were to be postponed till the present 
 generation were over, it might well be expected 
 that the principle thus adopted by them would be 
 cherished, that succeeding legislatures and admin- 
 
130 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 istrations would follow in their steps, and that 
 they were laying the foundations of that national 
 curse, — a growing and perpetual debt. 
 
 On the last day of the session W. Smith had 
 challenged the correctness of Gallatin's charge 
 that there had been an increase of the public debt 
 by five millions under the present government, and 
 claimed that there were errors in Gallatin's state- 
 ment of more than four and a half millions. Gal- 
 latin defended his figures. At this day it is impos- 
 sible to determine the merits of this dispute. 
 
 One incident of this session deserves mention as 
 showing the distaste of Gallatin for anything like 
 personal compliment, stimulated in this instance, 
 perhaps, by his sense of Washington's dislike to 
 himself. It had been the habit of the House since 
 the commencement of the government to adjourn 
 for a time on February 22, Washington's birth- 
 day, that members might pay their respects to the 
 President. When the motion was made that the 
 House adjourn for half an hour^ the Republicans 
 objected, and Gallatin, nothing loath to " bell the 
 cat," moved that the words " half an hour " be 
 struck out. His amendment was lost without a di- 
 vision. The motion to adjourn was then put and 
 lost by a vote of 50 nays to 38 ayes. The House 
 waited on the President at the close of the busi- 
 ness of the day. On June 1 closed this long and 
 memorable session, in which the assaults of the 
 Republicans upon the administration were so per. 
 
MEMBER OF CONGRESS. 131 
 
 sistent and embarrassing as to justify Wolcott's 
 private note to Hamilton, April 29, 1796, that 
 " unless a radical change of opinion can be effected 
 in the Southern States, the existing establishments 
 will not last eighteen months. The influence of 
 Messrs. Gallatin, Madison, and Jefferson must be 
 diminished, or the public affairs will be brought to 
 a stand." Gallatin seems to have had some doubts 
 as to his reelection. As he did not reside in the 
 Washington and Allegheny district, his name was 
 not mentioned, and, to use his own words, he ex- 
 pected to " be gently dropped without the parade 
 of a resignation." In his distaste at separation 
 from his wife, the desire to abandon public life 
 grew upon him. But personal abuse of him in 
 the newspapers exasperating his friends, he was 
 taken up again in October, and he arrived on the 
 scene, he says, too late to prevent it. He had no 
 hope, however, of success, and was resolved to re- 
 sign a seat to which he was in every way indiffer- 
 ent. *' Ambition, love of power," he wrote to his 
 wife on October 16, he had never felt, and he 
 added, if vanity ever made one of the ingredients 
 which impelled him to take an active part in pub- 
 lic life, it had for many years altogether vanished 
 away. He was nevertheless reelected by the dis- 
 trict he had represented. 
 
 The second session of the fourth Congress be- 
 gan on December 5, 1796. At the beginning of 
 
132 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 this session Mr. Gallatin took the reins of the Re« 
 publican party, and held them till its close. The 
 position of the Federalists had been strengthened 
 before the country by the energy of Washington, 
 who, impatient of the delays which Great Britain 
 opposed to the evacuation of the posts, marched 
 troops to the frontier and obtained their surrender. 
 Adet, the new French minister, had dashed the 
 feeling of attachment for France by his impudent 
 notice to the President that the dissatisfaction 
 of France would last until the Executive of the 
 United States should return to sentiments and 
 measures more conformable to the interests and 
 friendships of the two nations. In September 
 Washington issued his Farewell Address, in which 
 he used the famous warning against foreign com- 
 plications, which, approved by the country, has 
 since remained its policy; but neither the pros- 
 pect of his final withdrawal from the political and 
 official field, nor the advice of Jefferson to mod- 
 erate their zeal, availed to calm the bitterness of 
 the ultra Republicans in the House. 
 
 The struggle over the answer to the President's 
 message, which Fisher Ames on this occasion re- 
 ported, was again renewed. An effort was made 
 to strike out the passages complimentary to Wash- 
 ington and expressing regret at his approaching 
 retirement. Giles, who made the motion, went so 
 far as to say that he ' wished him to retire, and 
 that this was the moment for his retirement, that 
 
MEMBER OF CONGRESS 133 
 
 the government could do very well without him, 
 and that he would enjoy more happiness in his re- 
 tirement than he possibly could in his present sit- 
 uation.' For his part he did not consider Wash- 
 ington's administration either "wise or firm," as 
 the address said. Gallatin made a distinction be- 
 tween the administration and the legislature, and 
 in lieu of the words, wise, firm, and patriotic ad- 
 ministration, proposed to address the compliment 
 directly to the wisdom, firmness, and patriotism of 
 Washington. But Ames defended his report, and 
 it was adopted by a vote of 67 to 12. Gallatin 
 voted with the majority, but Livingston, Giles, 
 and Macon held out with the small band of dis- 
 affected, among whom it is amusing also to find 
 Andrew Jackson, who took his seat at this Con- 
 gress to represent Tennessee, which had been ad- 
 mitted as a State at the last session. ^ 
 
 The indebtedness of the States to the general 
 government, in the old balance sheet, on the pay- 
 ment of which Gallatin insisted, was a subject of 
 difference between the Senate and the House. 
 Gallatin was appointed chairman of the committee 
 of conference on the part of the House. The re- 
 duction of the military establishment, which he 
 
 1 Gallatin later described Jackson as he first saw him in his seat 
 in the House : '* A tall, lank, uncouth looking individual, with long 
 locks of hair hanging over his brows and face, while a queue hung 
 down his back tied in an eelskin. The dress of this individual 
 was singular, his manners and deportment that of a backwoodg* 
 man." Baxtlett's Reminiscences of Gallatin, 
 
134 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 wished to bring down to the footing of 1792, was 
 again insisted upon. Gallatin here ingeniously 
 argued against the necessity for the number of 
 men proposed, that it was a mere matter of opin- 
 ion, and if it was a matter of opinion, it was not 
 strictly necessary, because if necessary it was no 
 longer a matter of opinion. Naval appropria- 
 tions were also opposed, on the ground that a navy 
 was prejudicial to commerce. Taxation, direct 
 and indirect, and compensation to public officers 
 were also subjects of debate at this session. On 
 the subject of appropriations, general or special, 
 he was uncompromising. He charged upon the 
 Treasury Department that notwithstanding the 
 distribution of the appropriations they thought 
 themselves at liberty to take money from an item 
 where there was a surplus and apply it to another 
 where it was wanted. To check such irregularity, 
 he secured the passage of a resolution ordering 
 that " the several sums shall be solely applied to 
 the objects for which they are respectively appro- 
 priated," and tacked it to the appropriation bill. 
 The Senate added an amendment removing the 
 restriction, but Gallatin and Nicholas insisting on 
 its retention, the House supported them by a vote 
 of 52 to 36, and the Senate receded. 
 
 Notwithstanding the apparent enthusiasm of the 
 House in the early part of the session, when the 
 tricolor of France, a present from the French 
 government to the United States, was sent by 
 
MEMBER OF CONGRESS. 135 
 
 Washington to Congress, to be deposited with 
 the archives of the nation, French influence was 
 on the wane. The common sense of the country 
 got the better of its passion. In the reaction the 
 Federalists regained the popular favor for a sea- 
 son. 
 
 Whatever latent sympathy the French people 
 may have had for America as the nation which set 
 the example of resistance to arbitrary rule, the 
 French government certainly was moved by no 
 enthusiasm for abstract rights. Its only object 
 was to check the power of their ancient enemy, 
 and deprive it of its empire beyond the seas. 
 Nevertheless, France did contribute materially to 
 American success. The American government 
 and people acknowledged the value of her assist- 
 ance, and, in spite of the prejudices of race, there 
 was a strong bond of sympathy between the two 
 nations ; and when, in her turn, France, in 1789, 
 threw off the feudal yoke, she expected and she 
 received the sympathy of America. Beyond this 
 the government and the people of the United 
 States could not and would not go. The position 
 of France in the winter of 1796-97 was peculiar. 
 She was at war with the two most formidable 
 powers of Europe, — Austria and England, the 
 one the mistress of Central Europe, the other su- 
 preme ruler of the seas. The United States was 
 the only maritime power which could be opposed 
 to Great Britain. The French government de- 
 
136 ' ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 termined to secure American aid by persuasion, 
 if possible, otherwise by threat. The Directory 
 indiscreetly appealed from the American govern- 
 ment to the American people, forgetting that in 
 representative governments these are one. Nor 
 was the precedent cited in defence of this unusual 
 proceeding — namely, the appeal of the American 
 colonists to the people of England, Ireland, and 
 Canada to take part in the struggle against the 
 British government — pertinent ; for this was an 
 appeal to sufferers under a common yoke. 
 
 The enthusiasm awakened in France by the 
 dramatic reception of the American flag, presented 
 by Monroe to the French Convention, was some- 
 what dampened by the cooler manner with which 
 Congress received the tricolor, and was entirely 
 dashed by the moderation of the reply of the 
 House to Washington's message. The consent of 
 the House to the appropriations to carry out the 
 Jay Treaty decided the French Directory to sus- 
 pend diplomatic relations with the United States. 
 The marvellous successes of Bonaparte in Italy 
 over the Austrian army encouraged Barras to 
 bolder measures. The Directory not only refused 
 to receive Charles C. Pinckney, the new American 
 minister, but gave him formal notice to retire from 
 French territory, and even threatened him with 
 subjection to police jurisdiction. In view of this 
 alarming situation, President Adams convened 
 Congress. 
 
MEMBER OF CONGRESS. 137 
 
 The first session of the fifth Congress began at 
 Philadelphia on Monday, May 15, 1797. Jona- 
 than Dayton was reelected speaker of the House. 
 Some new men now appeared on the field of na- 
 tional debate. Samuel Sewall and Harrison Gray 
 Otis from Massachusetts, James A. Bayard from 
 Delaware, and John Rutledge, Jr., from South 
 Carolina. Madison and Fisher Ames did not re- 
 turn, and their loss was serious to their respec- 
 tive parties. Madison was incontestably the finest 
 reasoning power, and Ames, as an orator, had no 
 equal in our history until Webster appeared to 
 dwarf all other fame beside his matchless elo- 
 quence. Parties were nicely balanced, the nomi- 
 nal majority being on the Federal side. Harper 
 and Griswold retained the lead of the adminis- 
 tration party. Giles still led the Republican op- 
 position, but Gallatin was its main stay, always 
 ready, always informed, and already known to be 
 in the confidence of Jefferson, its moving spirit. 
 The President's message was, as usual, the touch- 
 stone of party. The debate upon it unmasked 
 opinions. It was to all intents a war message, 
 since it asked provision for war. The action of 
 France left no alternative. The Republicans rec- 
 ognized this as well as the Federalists. They 
 must either respond heartily to the appeal of the 
 Executive to maintain the national honor, or come 
 under the charge they had brought against the 
 Federalists of sympathy with an enemy. At first 
 
138 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 they sought a middle ground. Admitting that the 
 rejection of our minister and the manner of it, if 
 followed by a refusal of all negotiation on the sub- 
 ject of mutual complaints, would put an end to 
 every friendly relation between the two countries, 
 they still hoped that it was only a suspension of 
 diplomatic intercourse. Hence, in response to the 
 assurance in the message that an attempt at nego- 
 tiation would first be made, Nicholas moved an 
 amendment in this vein. The Federalists opposed 
 all interference with the Executive, but the Re- 
 publicans took advantage of the debate to clear 
 themselves of any taint of unpatriotic motives in 
 their semi-opposition. The Federalists, repudiat- 
 ing the charge of British influence, held up Genet 
 to condemnation, as making an appeal to the peo- 
 ple, Fauchet as fomenting an insurrection, and 
 Adet as insulting the government. The Repub- 
 licans retorted upon them Grenville's proposition 
 to Mr. Pinckney, to support the American gov- 
 ernment against the dangerous Jacobin factions 
 which sought to overturn it. Gallatin deprecated 
 bringing the conduct of foreign relations into de- 
 bate, and hoped that the majority would resist the 
 rashness which would drive the country into war ; 
 he claimed that a disposition should be shown to 
 put France on an equal footing with other nations. 
 He would offer an ultimatum to France. Harper 
 closed the debate in a powerful and brilliant 
 Bpeech, opposing the amendment because he was 
 
MEMBER OF CONGRESS. 139 
 
 for peace, and because peace could only be main- 
 tained by showing France that we were preparing 
 for war. So the rival leaders based their opposite 
 action on a common ground. Dayton, the Speaker, 
 now embodied Gallatin's idea in another form, and 
 introduced a paragraph to the effect that "the 
 House receive with the utmost satisfaction the in- 
 formation of the President that a fresh attempt 
 at negotiation will be instituted, and cherish the 
 hope that a mutual spirit of conciliation and a dis- 
 position on the part of the United States to place 
 France on grounds as favorable as other countries 
 will produce an accommodation compatible with 
 the engagements, rights, and honor of our nation." 
 Kittera, who was one of the committee on the 
 address, then moved to add after " mutual spirit of 
 conciliation " the clause, '' to compensate for any 
 injury done to our neutral rights," etc. This both 
 Harper and Gallatin opposed. Gallatin objected 
 to being forced to this choice. To vote in its favor 
 was a threat, if compensation were refused ; to 
 vote against it was an abandonment of the claim. 
 But he should oppose it, if forced to a choice. 
 The Federal leaders insisted ; the previous ques- 
 tion was ordered, 51 to 48. Here Mr. Gallatin 
 showed himself the leader of his party. He stated 
 that, the majority having determined the question, 
 it was now a choice of evils, and he should vote 
 for the amendment, and it was adopted, 78 ayes 
 to 21 nays. Among the nays were Harper, the 
 
140 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 Federalist leader, Giles, the nominal chief of the 
 Republicans, and Nicholas, high in rank in that 
 party. But the last word was not yet said. Ed- 
 ward Livingston, who day by day asserted him- 
 self more positively, denied that the conduct of 
 the Executive had been " just and impartial to 
 foreign nations," and moved to strike out the 
 statement ; Gallatin was more moderate. Though 
 he did not believe that in every instance the gov- 
 ernment had been just and impartial, yet, gener- 
 ally speaking, it had been so. He did not approve 
 the British treaty, though he attributed no bad 
 motives to its makers ; but he did not think that 
 the laws respecting the subordinate departments 
 of the executive and judiciary had been fairly ex- 
 ecuted. He therefore would not consent to the 
 sentence in the answer to the address, that the 
 House did not hesitate to declare that " they 
 would give their most cordial support to princi- 
 ples so deliberately and uprightly established." 
 What, he asked, were these principles ? Otis de- 
 nounced this as an artful attempt to cast a cen- 
 sure, not only on the Executive, but on all the 
 departments of government, and Allen of Con- 
 necticut declared " that there was American blood 
 enough in the House to approve this clause and 
 American accent enough to pronounce it." The 
 rough prejudice of the Saxon against the Latin 
 race showed itself in this language, and expressed 
 the antagonism which Mr. Gallatin found to in- 
 
MEMBER OF CONGRESS. 141 
 
 crease with his political progress. Both the res- 
 olution and the amendment were defeated, 53 nays 
 to 45 yeas. But when the final vote came upon 
 the address, Mr. Gallatin, with that practical sense 
 which made him the sheet anchor of his party in 
 boisterous weather, voted with the Federalists and 
 carried the moderate Republicans with him. The 
 vote was 62 to 36. Among the irreconcilables the 
 name of Edward Livingston is recorded. 
 
 The answer of the President was a model of 
 good sense. "No event can afford me so much 
 cordial satisfaction as to conduct a negotiation with 
 the French Republic to a removal of prejudices, 
 a correction of errors, a dissipation of umbrages, 
 an accommodation of all differences and a restora- 
 tion of harmony and affection to the mutual satis- 
 faction of both nations." 
 
 This was the leading debate of the session. The 
 situation was too grave for trifling. On June 5, 
 two days after the President's reply, resolutions 
 were introduced to put the country in a state of 
 defence. Gallatin struggled hard to keep down 
 the appropriations, and opposed the employment 
 of the three frigates, which as yet had not been 
 equipped or manned. If they got to sea, the 
 President would have no option except to enforce 
 the disputed articles of the French treaty. Gal- 
 latin laid down also the law of search in accord- 
 ance with the law of nations, and pointed out 
 that resistance to search or capture by merchant-' 
 
142 ALBERT GALLATIN, 
 
 men would not only lead to war, but was war. In 
 
 the remaining acts of the session he was in favor 
 of the defence of ports and harbors, with no pref- 
 erence as to fortification on government territory ; 
 in favor of a prohibition of the export of arms ; 
 against raising an additional corps of artillery ; 
 against expatriation of persons who took service 
 under foreign governments. He opposed the duty 
 on salt as unequal and unnecessary, and sought to 
 have the loan, which became necessary, cut down 
 to the exact sum of the deficiency in the appropri- 
 ations ; and finally, on the impeachment of Wil- 
 liam Blount, Senator of the United States, charged 
 with having conspired with the British govern- 
 ment to attack the Spaniards of St. Augustine, he 
 pointed out the true method of procedure in the 
 preparation of the bill of impeachment and the ar- 
 raignment of the offender. 
 
 The House adjourned on July 10. Jefferson 
 complained of the weakness and wavering of this 
 Congress, the majority of which shifted with the 
 breeze of " panic or prowess." This was, how- 
 ever, a very narrow view ; for at this session the 
 House fairly represented the prevailing sentiment 
 of the country,- which was friendly to France as 
 a nation, but indignant with the insolence of her 
 rulers. Gallatin, in the middle of the session, 
 wrote to his wife that the Republicans " were 
 beating and beaten by turns." He supposed that 
 her father, Commodore Nicholson, * thought him 
 
MEMBER OF CONGRESS. 143 
 
 too moderate and about to trim,' and then de^ 
 clared, ' Moderation and firmness hath ever been, 
 and ever will be, my motto.' Gallatin tells a story 
 of his colleague from Pennsylvania, the old Anti 
 FederaUst, Blair McClanachan, which shows the 
 warmth of party feeling. They were both dining 
 with President Adams, who entertained the mem- 
 bers of Congress in turn. "McClanachan told 
 the President that, by God, he would rather see 
 the world annihilated than this country united 
 with Great Britain ; that there would not remain 
 a single king in Europe within six months, etc., 
 all in the loudest and most decisive tone." 
 
 Jefferson, who, as vice-president, presided over 
 the debates in the Senate, had no cause to complain 
 of any hesitation in that body, in which the Fed- 
 eralists had regained a clear working majority, 
 giving him no chance of a deciding vote. 
 
 The second session of the fifth Congress began 
 on November 13, 1797. The words of the Presi- 
 dent's address, " We are met together at a most 
 interesting period, the situation of the powers of 
 Europe is singular and portentous," was not an 
 idle phrase. The star of Bonaparte already domi- 
 nated the political firmament. Europe lay pros- 
 trate at the feet of the armies of the Directory. 
 England, who was supposed to be the next object 
 of attack, was staggering under the load of debt ; 
 and the sailors of her channel fleet had risen in 
 
144 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 mutiny. Even the Federalists, the aristocrats as 
 Mr. Gallatin delighted to call them, believed that 
 she was gone beyond recovery. But the admirers 
 of France were no better satisfied with the threat- 
 ening attitude of the Directory towards America, 
 and eagerly waited news of the reception given to 
 the envoys extraordinary, Gerry, Pinckney, and 
 Marshall, whom Adams with the consent of the 
 Senate dispatched to Paris in the summer. Even 
 Jefferson lost his taste for a French alliance, and 
 almost wished there were " an ocean of fire be- 
 tween the new and the old world." 
 
 The tone of the President's address was con- 
 sidered wise on all sides and it was agreed that 
 the answer should be general and not a subject of 
 contention. One of the members asked to be ex- 
 cused from going with the House to the President, 
 but Gallatin showed that, as there was no power 
 to compel attendance, no formal excuse was nec- 
 essary. When the motion was put as to whether 
 they should go in a body as usual to present 
 their answer, Mr. Gallatin voted in the negative. 
 He nevertheless accompanied the members, who 
 were received pleasantly by President Adams and 
 " treated to cake and wine." 
 
 Harper was made the chairman of the Ways 
 and Means Committee. Though of high talents 
 and a fine speaker, Gallatin found him a " great 
 bungler " in the business of the House, a large 
 share of which fell upon his own shoulders as well 
 
MEMBER OF CONGRESS. 145 
 
 as the direction of the Republicans, of whom, not- 
 withstanding the jealousy of Giles, he now was the 
 acknowledged leader. As a member for Pennsyl- 
 vania, Mr. Gallatin presented a memorial from 
 the Quakers with regard to the arrest of fugitive 
 slaves on her soil; the law of Pennsylvania declar- 
 ing all men to be free who set foot in that State 
 except only servants of members of Congress. 
 There was already an opposition to hearing any 
 petition with regard to slaves, but Gallatin insisted 
 on the memorial taking the usual course of ref- 
 erence to a committee. He directed the House 
 also in the correct path in its legislation as to for- 
 eign coins. It was proposed to take from them 
 the quality of legal tender ; but he showed that it 
 was policy not to discriminate against such coins 
 until the mint could supply a sufficiency for the 
 use of the country. In this argument he esti- 
 mated the entire amount of specie in the United 
 States at eight millions of dollars. At this early 
 period in his political career he was acquiring that 
 precise knowledge of the facts of American finance 
 which later served to establish the principles upon 
 which it is based. 
 
 This session was noteworthy by reason of the 
 first personal encounter on the floor of the House. 
 It was between two Northern members, Lyon of 
 Vermont and Griswold of Connecticut. Gallatin 
 stood by Lyon, who was of his party, and showed 
 that the House could not expel him, since it was 
 
 10 
 
146 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 not at the time in organized session. As the Fed- 
 eralists would not consent to censure Griswold, 
 both offenders escaped even a formal reproof. 
 The general bitterness of feeling which marked 
 the summer session was greatly modified in the 
 expectant state of foreign politics ; but the occa- 
 sion for display of political divergence was not 
 long delayed. 
 
 On January 18, 1798, Mr. Harper, who led the 
 business of the House, moved the appropriation 
 for foreign intercourse. This was seized upon by 
 the opposition to advance still further their line of 
 attack by a limitation of the constitutional pre- 
 rogative of the President. In addition to the 
 usual salaries of the envoys to Great Britain and 
 France, appropriations were asked for the posts 
 at Madrid, Lisbon, and Berlin, which last Mr. 
 Adams had designated as a first-class mission. 
 The discussion on the powers of the President, 
 and the extent to which they might be controlled 
 by paring down the appropriations, lifted the de- 
 bate from the narrow ground of economy in ad- 
 ministration to the higher plane of constitutional 
 powers. Nicholas opened on the Republican side 
 by announcing that it was seasonable to bring 
 back the establishment of the diplomatic corps to 
 the footing it had been on until the year 1796. 
 In all governments like our own he declared that 
 there was a tendency to a union and consolidation 
 of all its parts into the Executive, and the lim- 
 
MEMBER OF CONGRESS. 147 
 
 itation and annexion of the parts with each 
 other as settled by the Constitution would be de- 
 stroyed by this influence unless there were a con- 
 stant attention on the part of the Legislature to 
 resist it. The appointment of a minister pleni- 
 potentiary to Prussia, with which we had little or 
 no commercial intercourse, offered an opportunity 
 to determine this limitation. Harper said that 
 this was a renewal of the old charge that foreign 
 intercourse was unnecessary, and the old sugges- 
 tion that our commerce ought to be given up or 
 left to shift for itself. Mr. Gallatin laid down ex- 
 treme theories which have never yet found prac- 
 tical application. He took the question at once 
 from party or personal ground by admitting that 
 the government was essentially pure, its patronage 
 not extensive, or its effect upon the legislative or 
 any other branch of the government as yet ma- 
 terial. The Constitution had placed the patron- 
 age in the Executive. ' There he thought it was 
 wisely placed. The Legislature would be more 
 corrupt than the Executive were it placed with 
 them. While not willing at once to give up po- 
 litical foreign intercourse, he thought that it 
 should by degrees be altogether declined. To it 
 he ascribed the critical situation of the country. 
 Commercial intercourse could be protected by the 
 consular system. He then argued that the power 
 to provide for expenses was the check intended 
 by the Constitution. To this Griswold answered 
 
148 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 that this doctrine of checks contained more mis- 
 chief than Pandora's box ; Bayard, that the 
 checks were all directed to the Executive, and 
 that they would check and counter-check until 
 they stopped the wheels of government} When 
 the President was manacled and at the mercy of 
 the House they would be satisfied. He held the 
 Executive to be the weakest branch of the gov- 
 ernment, because its powers are defined ; but the 
 limits of the House are undefined. As the de- 
 bate advanced, Nicholas declared that the purpose 
 of the Republicans was to define the executive 
 power and to put an end to its extension through 
 their power over appropriations. Later he would 
 bring in a motion to do away with all foreign in- 
 tercourse. 
 
 Goodrich answered that the office of foreign 
 minister was created by the Constitution itself, 
 and the power of appointment was placed in the 
 President. The House might speculate upon the 
 propriety of doing away with all intercourse with 
 foreign powers, but could not decide on it, for po- 
 litical intercourse did not depend on the sending of 
 ministers abroad. Foreign ministers would come 
 here and the Constitution required their recep- 
 tion. The idea that we should have no foreign 
 intercourse was taken from Washington's Fare- 
 well Address, but his words applied only to alli- 
 
 1 The phrase " stop the wheels of government " originated with 
 "Peter Porcupine " (William Cobbett), and was on every tongue. 
 
MEMBER OF CONGRESS. 149 
 
 ances offensive and defensive. If ministers were 
 abandoned, envoys extraordinary must be sent, a 
 much more dangerous practice ; the only choice 
 vras between ministers and spies. In conclusion 
 he accused the Republicans of making one contixi- 
 uous attack upon the administration, and charged 
 that the opposition to the appropriation bill was 
 not a single measure, but connected with others, 
 and intended to clog the wheels of government. 
 
 The purpose of the Republicans being thus de- 
 clared by Nicholas and squarely met by the friends 
 of the administration, Mr. Gallatin, March 1, 
 1798, summed up the opposition arguments in an 
 elaborate speech three hours and a quarter in 
 length. He denied the novel doctrine that each 
 department had checks within itself, but none 
 upon others ; he claimed that the principle of 
 checks is admitted in all mixed governments. 
 Commercial intercourse, he said, is regulated by 
 the law of nations, by the municipal law of re- 
 spective countries and by treaties of commerce, 
 the application of which is the province of con- 
 suls. What advantages, he asked, had our com- 
 mercial treaties given us, either that with France 
 or that with England? He excepted that part 
 of the treaty with Great Britain which arranged 
 our difference with that power, as foreign to the 
 discussion. He claimed that the restriction which 
 we had laid upon ourselves by our commercial 
 treaties had been attended with political conse- 
 
160 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 quences fatal to our tranquillity. Washington 
 had advised a separation of our political from our 
 commercial relations. The message of President 
 Adams intimated a different policy and alluded to 
 the balance of power in Europe as not to be for- 
 gotten or neglected. Interesting as that balance 
 may be to Europe, how does it concern us ? We 
 shall never throw our weight into the scale. Pass- 
 ing from this to the danger of the absorption of 
 powers by the Executive, he cited the examples 
 of the Cortes of Spain, the Etats Generaux of 
 France, the Diets of Denmark. In all these coun- 
 tries the Executive is in possession of legislative, 
 of absolute powers. The fate of the European re- 
 publics was similar. Venice, Switzerland, and 
 Holland had shown the legislative powers merg- 
 ing into the executive. The object of the Consti- 
 tution of the United States is to divide and distrib- 
 ute the powers of government. With uncontrolled 
 command over the purse of the people the Execu- 
 tive tends to prodigality, to taxes, and to wars. 
 He closed with a hope that a fixed determination 
 to prevent the increase of the national expendi- 
 ture, and to detach the country from any connec- 
 tion with European politics, would tend to recon- 
 cile parties, promote the happiness of America, and 
 conciliate the affection of every part of the Union. 
 No such admirable exposition of the true Ameri- 
 can doctrine of non-interference with European 
 politics had at that time been heard in Congress. 
 
MEMBER OF CONGRESS. 151 
 
 In reply, Harper insisted on the admission that 
 the purpose of the amendment of Nicholas was to 
 restrain the President ; that it was a question of 
 power, not of money. Mr. Gallatin admitted the 
 right of appointment, but denied that the House 
 was bound to appropriate. Harper rejoined that 
 the offices did not originate with the President but 
 with the Constitution, and that they could not be 
 destroyed by the action of the House, and, leaving 
 the general ground of debate, made a brilliant at- 
 tack upon the Republicans as revolutionists, whom 
 he divided into three classes : the philosophers, 
 the Jacobins, and the sans-culottes. The philoso- 
 phers are most to be dreaded. " They declaim 
 with warmth on the miseries of mankind, the 
 abuses of government, and the vices of rulers ; all 
 which they engage to remove, providing their the- 
 ories should once be adopted. They talk of the 
 perfectibility of man and of the dignity of his na- 
 ture ; and, entirely forgetting what he is, de- 
 claim perpetually about what he should be.'* 
 Of Jacobins there are plenty. They profit by 
 the labors of others ; tyrants in power, demagogues 
 when not. Fortunately for America there are few 
 or no sans-culottes among her inhabitants. Jeffer- 
 son, he said, returned from France a missionary 
 to convert Americans to the new faith, and he 
 charged that the system of French alliance and 
 war with Great Britain by the United States was 
 a part of the scheme of the French revolution- 
 
152 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 ists, and was imported into this country. Gal- 
 latin and his friends he regarded in the light of 
 an enemy who has commenced a siege against the 
 fortress of the Constitution. 
 
 The restricting amendment was lost, and the 
 bill passed by a vote of 52 yeas to 43 nays. 
 Nor is it easy to see how the theory of Mr. Gal- 
 latin with regard to diplomatic relations could 
 have been applied successfully with the existing 
 channels of intercourse. Now that the ocean cable 
 brings governments into direct relation with each 
 other, there is a tendency to restrict the authority 
 of ambassadors, for whom there is no longer need, 
 and the entire system will no doubt soon disap- 
 pear. Mr. Gallatin's speech was the delight of 
 his party and his friends. He was called upon 
 to write it out, and two thousand copies of it were 
 circulated as the best exposition of Republican 
 doctrine. 
 
 Early in February the President informed Con- 
 gress of certain captures and outrages committed 
 by a French privateer within the limits of the 
 United States, including the burning of an Eng- 
 lish merchantman in the harbor of Charleston. On 
 March 19, in a further special message, he commu- 
 nicated dispatches from the American envoys in 
 France, and also informed Congress that he should 
 withdraw his order forbidding merchant vessels to 
 sail in an armed condition. A collision might, 
 therefore, occur at any moment. 
 
MEMBER OF CONGRESS. 153 
 
 On March 27, 1798, a resolution was introduced 
 that it is not now expedient for the United States 
 to resort to war against the French Republic; a 
 second, to restrict the arming of merchant vessels ; 
 and a third, to provide for the protection of the 
 sea-coast and the internal defence of the country. 
 Speaking to the first resolution, Mr. Gallatin said 
 that the United States had arrived at a crisis at 
 which a stand must be made, when the House 
 must say whether it will resort to war or preserve 
 peace. If to war, the expense and its evils must 
 be met ; if peace continue, then the country must 
 submit : in either case American vessels would be 
 taken. It was a mere matter of calculation which 
 course would best serve the interest and happiness 
 of tho country. If he could separate defensive 
 from offensive war, he should be in favor of it ; but 
 he could not make the distinction, and therefore 
 he should be in favor of measures of peace. The 
 act of the President was a war measure. Mem- 
 bers of the House so designated it in letters to 
 their constituents. 
 
 On April 2 the President was requested to 
 communicate the instructions and dispatches from 
 the envoys extraordinary, mention of which he had 
 made in his message of March 19. Gallatin sup- 
 ported the call. He said that the President was 
 not afraid of communicating information, as he 
 had shown in the preceding session, and that to 
 withhold it would endanger the safety of our 
 
154 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 commerce, or prevent the happy issue of negotia- 
 tion. On April 8 Mr. Gallatin presented a peti- 
 tion against hazarding the neutrality and peace of 
 the nation by authorizing private citizens to arm 
 and equip vessels. This was signed by forty mem- 
 bers of the Pennsylvania Legislature. Protests of 
 a similar character were presented from other parts 
 of the country. On the same day the President 
 sent in the famous X, Y, Z dispatches, in confi- 
 dence. These letters represented the names of 
 Hottinguer, Bellamy, and Hauteval, the agents of 
 Talleyrand, the foreign minister of the First Con- 
 sul, which were withheld by the President. The 
 mysterious negotiations contained a distinct de- 
 mand by Talleyrand of a douceur of 1,200,000 
 livres to the French officials as a condition of 
 peace. The effect was immediately to strengthen 
 the administration, Dayton, the Speaker, passing 
 to the ranks of the Federalists. 
 
 On the 18th the Senate sent down a bill author- 
 izing the President to procure sixteen armed ves- 
 sels to act as convoys. Gallatin still held firm. 
 He admitted that from the beginning of the Euro- 
 pean contest the belligerent powers had disre- 
 garded the law of nations and the stipulations of 
 treaties, but he still opposed the granting of armed 
 convoys, which would lead to a collision. Let us 
 not, he said, act on speculative grounds ; if our 
 present situation is better than war, let us keep it. 
 Better even, he said, suffer the French to go on 
 
MEMBER OF CONGRESS. 155 
 
 with their depredations than to take any step 
 which may lead to war. 
 
 Allen of Connecticut read a passage from the 
 dispatches which envenomed the debate. By it 
 one of the French agents appears to have warned 
 the American envoys that they were mistaken in 
 supposing that an exposition of the unreasonable 
 demands of France would unite the people of 
 the United States. He said, " You should know 
 that the diplomatic skill of France and the means 
 she possesses in your country are sufficient to en- 
 able her, with the French party in America, to 
 throw the blame which will attend the rupture of 
 the negotiations on the Federalists^ as you term 
 yourselves, but on the British party^ as France 
 terms you, and you may assure yourselves this 
 will be done." Allen then charged upon Gallatin 
 that his language was that of a foreign agent. 
 Gallatin replied that the representatives of the 
 French Republic in this country had shown them- 
 selves to be the worst diplomatists that had ever 
 been sent to it, and he asked why the gentlemen 
 who did not come forward with a declaration of 
 war (though they were willing to go to war with- 
 out the declaration) charge their adversaries with 
 meaning to submit to France. France might de- 
 clare war or give an order to seize American vessels, 
 but as long as she did not, some hope remained 
 that the state of peace might not be broken ; and 
 he said in conclusion " that, notwithstanding all 
 
166 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 the violent charges and personal abuse which had 
 been made against him, it would produce no dif- 
 ference in his manner of acting, neither prevent 
 him from speaking against every measure which 
 he thought injurious to the public interest, nor, on 
 the other hand, inflame his mind so as to induce 
 him to oppose measures which he might heretofore 
 have thought proper." 
 
 The war feeling ran high in the country ; " Mil- 
 lions for defence, but not one cent for tribute," ^ 
 was the popular cry. On May 28 Mr. Harper in- 
 troduced a bill to suspend commercial intercourse 
 with France. Gallatin thought this a doubtful 
 measure. Its avowed purpose was to distress 
 France in the West Indies, but he said that in six 
 months that entire trade would be by neutral ves- 
 sels. In the discussion on the bill to regulate the 
 arming of merchant vessels, he showed that it 
 was the practice of neutral European nations to 
 allow such vessels to arm, but not to regulate their 
 conduct. Bonds are required in cases of letter of 
 marque, and the merchant who arms is bound not 
 to break the laws of nations or the agreements of 
 treaties. Restriction was therefore unnecessary. 
 Government should not interfere. Commercial 
 intercourse with France was suspended June 13. 
 
 In the pride of their new triumph and the in- 
 tensity of their personal feeling the Federalists 
 overleaped their mark, and began a series of 
 
 1 Charles C. Pinckney, when Ambassador to France, 1796. 
 
MEMBER OF CONGRESS. 157 
 
 measures which ultimately cost them the posses- 
 sion of the government and their political exist- 
 ence. The first of these was the Sedition Bill, 
 which Jefferson believed to be aimed at Gallatin 
 in person. Mr. Gallatin met it at its inception 
 with a statement of the constitutional objections, 
 viz., 1st, that there was no power to make such a 
 law, and 2d, the special provision in the Constitu- 
 tion that the writ of habeas corpus shall not be 
 suspended except in cases of rebellion and in- 
 vasion. There was neither. The second, the 
 Alien Bill, gave the President power to expel 
 from the country all aliens. Over this measure 
 Gallatin and Harper had hot words. Gallatin 
 charged upon Harper not only a misrepresen- 
 tation of the arguments of his opponents, but an 
 arraignment of the motives of others, while claim- 
 ing all purity for his own. Harper answered in 
 words which show that Gallatin, for once, had 
 met warmth with warmth, and anger with anger. 
 When, Harper said, a gentleman, who is usually 
 so cool, all at once assumes such a tone of passion 
 as to forget all decorum of language, it would 
 seem as if the observation had been properly ap> 
 plied. On the vote to strike out the obnoxious 
 sections, the Federalists defeated their antago- 
 nists, and on June 21 the bill itself was passed 
 with all its odious features by 46 to 40. 
 
 On June 21 President Adams sent in a message 
 with letters from Gerry, who had remained at 
 
158 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 Paris after the return of Marshall and Pinckney, 
 on the subject of a loan. They contained an in- 
 timation from Talleyrand that he was ready to 
 resume negotiations. In this message Adams said, 
 "I will never send another minister to France 
 without assurances that he will be received, re- 
 spected, and honored as the representative of a 
 great, free, powerful, and independent nation." 
 On the 25th an act was passed authorizing the 
 commanders of merchant vessels to defend them- 
 selves against search and seizure under regula- 
 tions by the President. On June 30 a further 
 act authorized the purchase and equipment of 
 twelve vessels as an addition to the naval arma- 
 ment. To all intents and purposes a state of 
 war between the two countries already existed. 
 
 The 4th of July (1798) was celebrated with 
 unusual enthusiasm all over the United States, 
 and the black cockade was generally worn. This 
 was the distinctive badge of the Federalists, and a 
 response to the tricolor which Adet had recom- 
 mended all French citizens to wear in 1794. 
 
 On July 5 a resolution was moved to appoint a 
 committee to consider the expediency of declaring, 
 by legislative act, the state of relations between 
 the United States and the French Republic. Mr. 
 Gallatin asked if a declaration of war could not 
 be moved as an amendment, but the Speaker, Mr. 
 Dayton, made no reply. Mr. Gallatin objected 
 that Congress could not declare a state of facta 
 
MEMBER OF CONGRESS. 159 
 
 by a legislative act. But this view, if tenable 
 then, has long since been abandoned. In witness 
 of which it is only necessary to name the cel- 
 ebrated resolution of the Congress of 1865 with 
 regard to the recognition of a monarchy in Mex- 
 ico. July 6 the House went into committee of 
 the whole on the state of the Union to con- 
 sider a bill sent down by the Senate abrogating 
 the treaty with France. The bill was passed on 
 the 16th by a vote of 47 ayes to 37 nays, Gallatin 
 voting in the negative. The House adjourned the 
 the same day. 
 
 While thus engaged in debates which called 
 into exercise his varied information and displayed 
 not only the extent of his learning but his re- 
 markable powers of reasoning and statement, Mr. 
 Gallatin never lost sight of reform in the adminis- 
 tration of the finances of the government. To the 
 success of his efforts to hold the Treasury Depart- 
 ment to a strict conformity with his theory of 
 administration, Mr. Wolcott, the Secretary, gave 
 ample if unwilling testimony. To Hamilton he 
 wrote on April 5, 1798, " The management of 
 the Treasury becomes more and more difficult. 
 The Legislature will not pass laws in gross ; their 
 appropriations are minute. Gallatin, to whom 
 they yield, is evidently intending to break down 
 this department by charging it with an impracti- 
 cable detail.'* 
 
 During these warm discussions Gallatin rarely 
 
160 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 lost his self-control. Writing to his old friend Les- 
 dernier at this period, he said, " You may remem- 
 ber I am blessed with a very even temper ; it has 
 not been altered by time or politics." 
 
 The third session of the fifth Congress opened 
 on December 3, 1798. On the 8th, when the Pres- 
 ident was expected, Lieutenant-general Washing- 
 ton and Generals Pinckney and Hamilton entered 
 the hall and took their places on the right of the 
 Speaker's chair. They had been recently ap- 
 pointed to command the army of defence. 
 
 The President's speech announced no change in 
 the situation. " Nothing," he said, " is discov- 
 erable in the conduct of France which ought to 
 change or relax our measures for defence. On the 
 contrary, to extend and invigorate them is our true 
 policy. An efficient preparation for war can alone 
 insure peace. It must be left to France, if she 
 is indeed desirous of accommodation, to take the 
 requisite steps. The United States will steadily 
 observe the maxims by which they have hitherto 
 been governed." The reply to this patriotic sen- 
 timent was unanimously agreed to, and was most 
 grateful to Adams, who thanked the House for 
 it as " consonant to the characters of represen- 
 tatives of a great and free people." 
 
 On December 27 a peculiar resolution was in- 
 troduced to punish the usurpation of the exeC' 
 utive authority of the government of the United 
 
MEMBER OF CONGRESS. 161 
 
 States in carrying on correspondence with the gov- 
 ernment of any foreign prince or state. Gallatin 
 thought this resolution covered too much ground. 
 The criminality of such acts did not lie in their 
 being usurpations, but in the nature of the crime 
 committed. There was no authority in the Con- 
 stitution for a grant of such a power to the Pres-- 
 ident. To afford aid and comfort to the enemy 
 was treason, but there was no war, and therefore 
 no enemy. He claimed the right to himself and 
 others to do all in his power to secure a peace, 
 even by correspondence abroad, and he would not 
 admit that the ground taken by the friends of the 
 measure was a proper foundation for a general 
 law. A committee was, however, appointed, in 
 spite of this remonstrance, to consider the pro- 
 priety of including in the general act all persons 
 who should commence or carry on a correspond- 
 ence, by a vote of 65 to 23. A bill was reported 
 on January 9, when Gallatin endeavored to at- 
 tach a proviso that the law should not operate 
 upon persons seeking justice or redress from for- 
 eign governments ; but his motion was defeated 
 by a vote of 48 to 37. Later, however, a resolu- 
 tion of Mr. Parker, that nothing in the act should 
 be construed to abridge the rights of any citizen 
 to apply for such redress, was adopted by a vote of 
 69 yeas to 27 nays. On this vote Harper voted 
 yea. Griswold, Otis, Bayard, and Goodrich were 
 found among the nays. Gallatin succeeded in 
 11 
 
162 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 carrying an amendment defining the bill, after 
 which it was passed by a vote of 58 to 36. 
 
 Towards the close of January, 1799, a bill was 
 brought in authorizing the President to discon- 
 tinue the restraints of the act suspending inter- 
 course with the French West India Islands, when- 
 ever any persons in authority or command should 
 so request. This was to invite a secession of the 
 French colonies from the mother country. Gal- 
 latin deprecated any action which might induce 
 rebellion against authority, or lead to self-govern- 
 ment among the people of the islands who were 
 unfit for it. Moreover, such action would remove 
 still further every expectation of an accommoda- 
 tion with France. The bill was passed by a vote 
 of 65 to 37. He objected to the bill to authorize 
 the President to suspend intercourse with Spanish 
 and Dutch ports which should harbor French pri- 
 vateers, as placing an unlimited power to interdict 
 commerce in the hands of the Executive. The 
 bill was carried by 55 to 37. On the question of 
 the augmentation of the navy he opposed the 
 building of the seventy -fours. 
 
 In February Edward Livingston presented a 
 petition from aliens, natives of Ireland, against 
 the Alien and Sedition laws. Numerous similar 
 petitions followed ; one was signed by 18,000 per- 
 sons in Pennsylvania alone. To postpone consid- 
 eration of the subject, the Federalists sent these 
 papers to a select committee, against the protests 
 
MEMBER OF CONGRESS, 163 
 
 of Livingston and Gallatin. This course was the 
 more peculiar because of the reference of peti- 
 tions of a similar character in the month previous 
 to the committee of the whole. The Federalists 
 were abusing their majority, and precipitating 
 their unexpected but certain ruin. One more ef- 
 fort was made to repeal the offensive penal act; 
 the constitutional objection was again pleaded, but 
 the repeal was defeated by a vote of 52 in the 
 affirmative. Mr. Gallatin opposed these laws in 
 all their stages, but, failing in this, persistently en- 
 deavored to make them as good as possible before 
 they passed. Jefferson later said that nothing 
 could obliterate from the recollection of those who 
 were witnesses of it the courage of Gallatin in 
 the " Days of Terror." ^ The vote of thanks to 
 Mr. Dayton, the Speaker, was carried by a vote 
 of 40 to 22. On March 3, 1800, this Congress 
 adjourned. 
 
 The sixth Congress met at Philadelphia on 
 December 2, 1799. The Federalists were returned 
 in full majority. Among the new members of 
 the House, John Marshall and John Randolph 
 appeared for Virginia. Theodore Sedgwick was 
 chosen speaker. President Adams came down to 
 the House on the 3d and made the usual speech. 
 The address in reply, reported by a committee of 
 
 1 Jefferson to William Duane, March 28, 1881. Jefferson's 
 Works^ vol. V. p. 574. 
 
164 ALBERT GALLATIN, 
 
 which Marshall was chairman, was agreed to with- 
 out amendment. Adams was again delighted with 
 the very respectful terms adopted at the " first as- 
 sembly after a fresh election, under the strong im- 
 pression of the public opinion and national sense 
 at this interesting and singular crisis." At this 
 session it was the sad privilege of Marshall to an- 
 nounce the death of Washington, " the Hero, the 
 Sage, and the Patriot of America." In the shadow 
 of this great grief, party passion was hushed for a 
 while. 
 
 Gallatin again led the Republican opposition ; 
 Nicholas and Macon were his able lieutenants. 
 The line of attack of the Republicans was clear. 
 If war could be avoided, the growing unpopu- 
 larity of the Alien and Sedition laws would surely 
 bring them to power. The foreign-born voter was 
 already a factor in American politics. In January 
 the law providing for an addition to the army was 
 (Suspended. Macon then moved the repeal of the 
 Sedition Law. He took the ground that it was a 
 measure of defence. Bayard adroitly proposed as 
 an amendment that " the offences therein specified 
 shall remain punishable as at common law, pro- 
 vided that upon any prosecution it shall be lawful 
 for the defendant to give as his defence the truth 
 of the matter charged as a libel." Gallatin called 
 upon the chair to declare the amendment out of 
 order, as intended to destroy the resolution, but 
 the Speaker declined, and the amendment was car- 
 
MEMBER OF CONGRESS. 165 
 
 tied by a vote of 51 to 47. The resolution thus 
 amended was then defeated by a vote of 87 to 1. 
 The RepubHcans preferred the odious act in its 
 original form rather than accept the Federal in- 
 terpretation of it. 
 
 On February 11, 1800, a bill was introduced 
 into Congress further to suspend commercial in- 
 tercourse with France. It passed the House after 
 a short debate by a vote of 68 yeas to 28 nays. 
 On this bill the Republican leaders were divided. 
 Nicholson, Macon, and Randolph opposed it ; but 
 Gallatin, separating from his friends, carried 
 enough of his party with him to secure its pas- 
 sage. Returned by the Senate with amendments, 
 it was again objected to by Macon as fatal to the 
 interests of the Southern States, but the House 
 resolved to concur by a vote of 50 to 36. 
 
 In March the country was greatly excited by 
 the news of an engagement on the 1st of Febru- 
 ary, off Guadaloupe, between the United States 
 frigate Constellation, thirty-eight guns, and a 
 French national frigate, La Vengeance, fifty-four 
 guns. The House of Representatives called on 
 the Secretary of the Navy for information, and, 
 by 84 yeas to 4 nays, voted a gold medal to Cap- 
 tain Truxton, who commanded the American 
 ship. John Randolph's name is recorded in the 
 negative. 
 
 Notwithstanding this collision, the relations of 
 the United States and France were gradually as- 
 
166 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 suming a kindlier phase. The Directory had 
 sought to drive the American government into 
 active measures against England. Bonaparte, 
 chosen First Consul, at once adopted a concil- 
 iatory tone. Preparing for a great continental 
 struggle, he was concentrating the energies and 
 the powers of France. In May Mr. Parker called 
 the attention of the House to this change of con- 
 duct in the French government and offered a res- 
 olution instructing the Committee on Commerce 
 to inquire if any amendments to the Foreign In- 
 tercourse Act were necessary. Macon moved to 
 amend so that the inquiry should be whether it 
 were not expedient to repeal the act. Gallatin op- 
 posed the resolution on the ground that it was 
 highly improper to take any measures at the 
 present time which would change the defensive 
 system of the country. The resolution was nega- 
 tived, — 43 nays to 40 yeas. 
 
 One singular opposition of Gallatin is recorded 
 towards the close of the session ; the Committee 
 on the Treasury Department reported an amend- 
 ment to the act of establishment, providing that 
 the Secretary of the Treasury shall lay before 
 Congress, at the commencement of every session, 
 a report on finance with plans for the support of 
 credit, etc. Gallatin and Nicholas opposed this 
 bill, because it came down from the Senate, which 
 had no constitutional right to originate a money 
 bill ; but Griswold and Harper at once took the 
 
MEMBER OF CONGRESS. 167 
 
 correct ground that it was not a bill, but a report 
 on the state of the finances, in which the Senate 
 had an equal share with the House. The bill was 
 passed by a vote of 43 to 39. It is worthy of 
 note that the first report on the state of the 
 finances communicated under this act was by Mr. 
 Gallatin himself the next year, and that it was 
 sent in to the Senate. The House adjourned on 
 May 14, 1800. 
 
 The second session of the sixth Congress was 
 held at the city of Washington, to which the seat 
 of government had been removed in the summer 
 interval. After two southerly migrations they 
 were now definitively established at a national 
 capital. The session opened on November 17, 
 1800. On the 22d President Adams congratu- 
 lated Congress on "the prospect of a residence 
 not to be changed." The address of the House 
 in reply was adopted by a close vote. 
 
 The situation of foreign relations was changed. 
 The First Consul received the American envoys 
 cordially, and a commercial convention was made 
 but secured ratification by the Senate only after 
 the elimination of an article and a limitation of its 
 duration to eight years. While the bill was pend- 
 ing in the Senate, Mr. Samuel Smith moved to 
 continue the act to suspend commercial inter- 
 course with France. Mr. Gallatin opposed this 
 motion ; at the last session he had voted for this 
 
168 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 bill because there was only the appearance of a 
 treaty. Now that the precise state of negotiation 
 was known, why should the House longer leave 
 this matter to the discretion of the President? 
 The House decided to reject the indiscreet bill by 
 a vote of 59 to 37. An effort was also made to 
 repeal a part of the Sedition Law, and continue 
 the rest in force, but the House refused to order 
 the engrossing of the bill, taking wise counsel of 
 Dawson, who said that, supported by the justice 
 and policy of their measures, the approaching ad* 
 ministration would not need the aid of either the 
 alien, sedition, or common law. The opponents 
 of the bill would not consent to any modification. 
 The last scenes of the session were of exciting in- 
 terest. 
 
 Freed from the menace of immediate war, the 
 people of plain common sense recognized that 
 the friendship of Great Britain was more danger- 
 ous than the enmity of France. They dreaded the 
 fixed power of an organized aristocracy far more 
 than the ephemeral anarchy of an ill-ordered de- 
 mocracy ; they were more averse to class distinc- 
 tions protected by law than even to military des- 
 potism which destroyed all distinctions, and they 
 preferred, as man always has preferred and always 
 will prefer, personal to political equality. The 
 Alien and Sedition laws had borne their legiti- 
 mate fruit. The foreign-born population held the 
 balance of power; a general vote would have 
 
MEMBER OF CONGRESS. 169 
 
 shown a large Republican or, it is more correct to 
 say, anti-Federalist majority. But the popular 
 will could not be thus expressed. Under the old 
 system each elector in the electoral college cast 
 his ballot for president and vice-president without 
 designation of his preference as to who should fill 
 the first place. New England was solid for 
 Adams, who, however, had little strength beyond 
 the limits of this Federal stronghold. New York 
 and the Southern States with inconsiderable ex- 
 ceptions were Republican. Pennsylvania was so 
 divided in the Legislature that her entire vote 
 would have been lost but for a compromise which 
 gave to the Republicans one vote more than to 
 the Federalists. Adams being out of the question, 
 the election to the first place lay between Jeffer- 
 son and Burr, both Republicans. The Federalists, 
 therefore, had their option between the two Re- 
 publican candidates, and the result was within the 
 reach of that most detestable of combinations, a 
 political bargain. Mr. Gallatin's position in this 
 condition of affairs was controlling. His loyalty 
 to Jefferson was unquestioned, while Burr was the 
 favorite of the large Republican party in New 
 York whose leaders were Mr. Gallatin's immedi- 
 ate friends and warm supporters. Both Jefferson 
 and Burr were accused of bargaining to secure 
 enough of the Federalist vote to turn the scale. 
 That Mr. Jefferson did make some sacrifice of his 
 independence is now believed. Whether Mr. Gal- 
 
170 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 latin was aware of any such compromise is uncer- 
 tain. If such bargain were made, General Sam- 
 uel Smith was the channel of arrangement, and in 
 view of the inexplicable and ignominious defer- 
 ence of Jefferson and Madison to his political de- 
 mands, there is little doubt that he held a secret 
 power which they dared not resist. Gallatin felt 
 it, suffered from it, protested against it, but sub- 
 mitted to it. 
 
 The fear was that Congress might adjourn 
 without a conclusion. To meet this emergency Mr. 
 Gallatin devised a plan of balloting in the House, 
 which he communicated to Mr. Jefferson and Mr. 
 Nicholas. It stated the objects of the Federalists 
 to be, 1st, to elect Burr ; 2d, to defeat the present 
 election and order a new one ; 3d, to assume exec- 
 utive power during the interregnum. These he 
 considers, and suggests alternative action in case of 
 submission or resistance on the part of the Repub- 
 licans. The Federalists, holding three branches 
 of government, viz., the presidency, a majority in 
 the Senate, and a majority in the House, might 
 pass a law declaring that one of the great officers 
 designated by the Constitution should act as Pres- 
 ident pro tempore, which would be constitutional. 
 But while Mr. Gallatin in this paragraph admit- 
 ted such a law to be constitutional, in the next he 
 argued that the act of the person designated by 
 law, or of the President pro tempore, assuming the 
 power is clearly " unconstitutional." By this in- 
 
MEMBER OF CONGRESS. 171 
 
 genious process of reasoning, to which the strict 
 constructionists have always been partial, it might 
 be unconstitutional to carry out constitutional law. 
 The assumption of such power was therefore, Mr. 
 Gallatin held, usurpation, to be resisted in one of 
 two ways ; by declaring the interval till the next 
 session of Congress an interregnum, allowing all 
 laws not immediately connected with presidential 
 powers to take their course, and opposing a silent 
 resistance to all others ; or by the Republicans as- 
 suming the executive power by a joint act of the 
 two candidates, or by the relinquishment of all 
 claims by one of them. On the other hand, the 
 proposed outlines of Republican conduct were, 
 1st, to persevere in voting for Mr. Jefferson ; 2d, 
 to use every endeavor to defeat any law on the 
 subject ; 3d, to try to persuade Mr. Adams to re- 
 fuse his consent to any such law and not to call 
 the Senate on any account if there should be no 
 choice by the House. 
 
 In a letter written in 1848 Mr. Gallatin said 
 that a provision by law that if there should be 
 no election the executive power be placed in the 
 hands of some public officer was a revolutionary 
 act of usurpation which would have been put 
 down by force if necessary. It was threatened 
 that, if any man should be thus appointed pres- 
 ident he should instantly be put to death, and 
 bodies of men were said to be organized, in Mary- 
 land and Virginia, ready to march to Washington 
 
172 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 on March 4 for that purpose. The fears of violence 
 were so great that to Governor McKean of Penn- 
 sylvania was submitted the propriety of having a 
 body of militia in readiness to reach the capital 
 in time to prevent civil war. From this letter of 
 Mr. Gallatin, then the last surviving witness of 
 the election, only one conclusion can be drawn : 
 that the Republicans would have preferred violent 
 resistance to temporary submission, even though 
 the officer exercising executive powers was ap- 
 pointed in accordance with law. Fortunately for 
 the young country there was enough good sense 
 and patriotism in the ranks of the Federalists to 
 avert the danger. 
 
 On the suggestion of Mr. Bayard it was agreed 
 by a committee of sixteen members, one from 
 each State, that if it should appear that the two 
 persons highest on the list, Jefferson and Burr, 
 had an equal number of votes, the House should 
 immediately proceed in their own chamber to 
 choose the president by ballot, and should not ad- 
 journ until an election should have been made. 
 On the first ballot there was a tie between Jef- 
 ferson and Burr ; the dead-lock continued until 
 February 17, when the Federalists abandoned the 
 contest, and Mr. Jefferson received the requisite 
 number of votes. Burr, having the second num- 
 ber, became vice-president. 
 
 Mr. Gallatin's third congressional term closed 
 with this Congress. In his first term he asserted 
 
MEMBER OF CONGRESS. 173 
 
 his power and took his place in the councils of 
 the party. In his second, he became its acknowl- 
 edged chief. In the third, he led its forces to final 
 victory. But for his opposition, war would have 
 been declared against France, and the Republican 
 party would have disappeared in the political 
 chasm. But for his admirable management, Mr. 
 Jefferson would have been relegated to the study 
 of theoretical government on his Monticello farm, 
 or to play second fiddle at the capitol to the 
 music of Aaron Burr. 
 
 In the foregoing analysis of the debates and 
 resolutions of Congress, and the recital of the part 
 taken in them by Mr. Gallatin, attention has only 
 been paid to such of the proceedings as concerned 
 the interpretation of the Constitution or the forms 
 of administration with which Mr. Gallatin inter- 
 ested himself. From the day of his first appear- 
 ance he commanded the attention and the respect 
 of his fellows. The leadership of his party fell 
 to him as of course. It was not grasped by him. 
 He was never a p artisan. He never waived his 
 entire independence of judgment. His ingenuity 
 an d adj-oitne ss never tempted him to un tenable 
 positions^ Hence his party followed him with 
 implicit confidence. i!et while the debates of 
 C ongress, imperfectly reported as they seem' to be 
 in its annal s, show the deference paid to him by 
 t he Rep ublican leaders, and display the great 
 share he took in the definition of powers and 
 
r 
 
 174 ALBERT GALLATIN, 
 
 of administration as n ow understood^ his name 
 i s hardly mentioned in hi story. Jefferson and 
 Madison became Presidents of t he United Btates. 
 They, with Gallati n, formed th e triumvirate which 
 r uled the country for sixteen years. Gallatin was 
 t he youngest of th e three.^ To this^ olitical com- 
 binationJji^llatiiL broug ht a knowledge of consti- 
 tutional la w equal^to their own, a knowledge of 
 intern ational law superior t o that ot either, and 
 a T habit of practical administration of which^they 
 h ad no co nce£tion. The itepubiican party lost 
 its chief when Gallatin left the House ; from that 
 day it floundered to its close. 
 
 In the balance of opinion there are no certain 
 weights and measures. The preponderance of 
 causes cannot be precisely ascertained. The free- 
 dom which the people of the United States enjoy 
 to-day is not the work of any one party. Those 
 who are descended from its original stock, and 
 those whom its free institutions have since in- 
 vited to full membership, owe that freedom to 
 two causes : the one, formulated by Hamilton, 
 a strong, central power, which, deriving its force 
 from the people, maintains its authority at home 
 and secures respect abroad ; the other, the spirit 
 of liberty which found expression in the famous 
 declaration of the rights of man. This influence 
 Jefferson represented. It taught the equality of 
 man ; not equality before the law alone, nor yet 
 1 Jefferson was bom in 1743, Madison in 1751, Gallatin in 1761. 
 
MEMBER OF CONGRESS. 176 
 
 political equality, but that absolute freedom from 
 / class distinction which is true social equality; in 
 , a word, mutual respect. But for Hamilton we 
 might be a handful of petty states, in discordant 
 confederation or perpetual war ; but for Jefferson, 
 a prey to the class jealousy which unsettles the 
 social relations and threatens the political exist- 
 ence of European states. 
 
CHAPTER VI. 
 
 SECEETARY OF THE TREASURY. 
 FUNDING. 
 
 The material comfort of every people depends 
 more immediately upon the correct management of 
 its finances than upon any other branch of govern- 
 ment. Haute finance^ to use a French expression 
 for which there is no English equivalent, demands 
 in its application the faculties of organization and 
 administration in their highest degree. The rela- 
 tions of money to currency and credit, and their 
 relations to industry and agriculture, or in modern 
 phrase of capital to labor, fall within its scope. 
 The history of France, the nation which has best 
 understood and applied true principles of finance, 
 supplies striking examples of the benefits a finance 
 minister of the first order renders to his country, 
 and the dangers of false theories. The marvellous 
 restoration of its prosperity by the genius of Col- 
 bert, the ruin caused by the malign sciolism of 
 Law, and again, the revival of credit by the skill 
 of Necker, are familiar to all students of political 
 economy. Nor has the United States been less 
 
SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY. 177 
 
 favored. The names of Morris, Hamilton, Galla- 
 tin, and Chase shine with equal lustre. 
 
 Morris, the financier of the Revolution, was 
 called to the administration of the money depart- 
 ment of the United States government when there 
 was no money to administer. Before his appoint- 
 ment as '^ Financier " the expenses of the govern- 
 ment, military and civil, had been met by expe- 
 dients ; by foreign loans, lotteries, and loan office 
 certificates ; finally by continental money, or, more 
 properly speaking, bills of credit emitted by au- 
 thority of Congress and made legal tender by joint 
 action of Congress and the several States. The 
 relation of coin to paper in this motley currency 
 appears in the appendix to the Journal of Con- 
 gress for the year 1778, when the government 
 paid out in fourteen issues of paper currency, 
 1^62,154,842.63; in specie, 178,666.60 ; in French 
 livres, 128,525.00. The power of taxation was 
 jealously withheld by the States, and Congress 
 could not go beyond recommending to them to 
 levy taxes for the withdrawal of the bills emit- 
 ted by it for their quotas, pari passu with their 
 issue. When the entire scheme of paper money 
 failed, the necessary supplies for the army were 
 levied in kind. In the spring of 1781 the affairs 
 of the Treasury Department were investigated by 
 a committee of Congress, and an attempt was 
 made to ascertain the precise condition of the 
 public debt. The amount of foreign debt was ap- 
 
 12 
 
178 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 proximately reached, but the record of the do- 
 mestic debt was inextricably involved, and never 
 definitely discovered. Morris soon brought order 
 out of this chaos. His plan was to liquidate the 
 public indebtedness in specie, and fund it in in- 
 terest-bearing bonds. The Bank of North America 
 was established, the notes of which were soon pre- 
 ferred to specie as a medium of exchange. Silver, 
 then in general use as the measure of value, was 
 adopted as the single standard. The weight and 
 pureness of the dollar were fixed by law. The 
 dollar was made the unit of account and payment, 
 and subdivisions were made in a decimal ratio. 
 This was the dollar of our fathers. Gouverneur 
 Morris, the assistant of the Financier, suggested 
 the decimal computation, and Jefferson the dol- 
 lar as the unit of account and payment. The 
 board of treasury, which for five years had admin- 
 istered the finances in a bungling way, was dis- 
 solved by Congress in the fall of 1781, and Morris 
 was left in sole control. Semi-annual statements 
 of the public indebtedness were now begun. The 
 expenses of the government were steadily and in- 
 flexibly cut down to meet the diminishing income. 
 A loan was negotiated in Holland, and, with the 
 aid of Franklin, the amount of indebtedness to 
 France was established. 
 
 The public debt on January 1, 1783, was |42,- 
 000,375, of which 17,885,088 was foreign, bearing 
 four and five per cent, interest ; and $34,115,290 
 
SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY, 179 
 
 was held at home at six per cent. The total 
 amount of interest was $2,415,956. No means 
 were provided for the payment of either principal 
 or interest. In July of the previous year Morris 
 urged the vrisdom of funding the public debt in a 
 masterly letter to the President of Congress. On 
 December 16 a sinking fund was provided for by a 
 resolution, which, though inadequate to the pur- 
 pose, was at least a declaration of principle. In 
 February, 1784, Morris notified Congress of his 
 intended retirement from office. He may justly 
 be termed the father of the American system of 
 finance. In his administration he inflexibly main- 
 tained the determination, with which he assumed 
 the office, to apply the public funds to the purpose 
 to which they were appropriated. He declared 
 that he would ** neither pay the interest of our 
 debts out of the moneys which are called for to 
 carry on the war, nor pay the expenses of the 
 war from the funds which are called for to pay 
 the interest of our debts." One new feature of 
 Morris's administration was the beginning of the 
 sale of public lands. 
 
 On the retirement of Mr. Morris, November, 
 1784, a new board of treasury was charged with 
 the administration of the finances and continued 
 in control until September 30, 1788, when a com- 
 mittee, raised to examine into the affairs of the de- 
 partment, rendered a pitiful report of mismanage- 
 ment for which the Board had not the excuse of 
 
180 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 their predecessors during the war. They had only 
 to observe the precepts which Morris had enun- 
 ciated, and to follow the methods he had pre- 
 scribed, with the aid of the assistants he had 
 trained. But the taxes collected had not been 
 covered into the Treasury by the receivers. Large 
 sums advanced for secret service were not ac- 
 counted for ; and the entire system of responsibil- 
 ity had been disregarded. John Adams attributed 
 all the distresses at this period to *'a downright 
 ignorance of the nature of coin credit and circu- 
 lation ; " an ignorance not yet dispelled. More 
 truly could he have said that our distresses arose 
 from wilful neglect of the principle of accounta- 
 bility in the public service. 
 
 The first Congress under the new Constitution 
 met at New York on March 4, 1789, but it was 
 not until the autumn that the executive adminis- 
 tration of the government was organized by the 
 creation of the three departments: State, Treas- 
 ury, and War. 
 
 The bill establishing the Treasury Department 
 passed Congress on September 2, 1789. Hamil- 
 ton was appointed Secretary by Washington on 
 September 11. On September 21 the House di- 
 rected the Secretary to examine into and report a 
 financial plan. On the assembling of Congress, 
 June 14, 1790, Hamilton communicated to the 
 House his first report, known as that on public 
 credit. The boldness of Hamilton's plan startled 
 
SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY, 181 
 
 and divided the country. Funding resolutions 
 were introduced into the House. The first, re- 
 lating to the foreign debt, passed unanimously; 
 the second, providing for the liquidation of the 
 domestic obligations, was sharply debated, but in 
 the end Hamilton's scheme was adopted. The 
 resolutions providing for the assumption of the 
 state debts, which he embodied in his report, 
 aroused an opposition still more formidable, and 
 it was not until August 4 that by political ma- 
 chinery this part of his plan received the assent 
 of Congress. To provide for the interest on the 
 debt and the expenses of the government, the im- 
 port and navigation duties were raised to yield 
 the utmost revenue available ; but, in the tem- 
 per of Congress, the excise law was not pressed at 
 this session. The Secretary had securely laid the 
 foundations of his policy. Time and sheer neces- 
 sity would compel the completion of his work in 
 essential accord with his original design. The 
 President's message at the opening of the winter 
 session added greatly to the prestige of Hamil- 
 ton's policy b}^ calling attention to the great pros- 
 perity of the country and the remarkable rise in 
 public credit. The excise law, modified to apply 
 to distilled spirits, passed the House in January. 
 The principle of a direct tax was admitted. On 
 December 14, 1790, in obedience to an order of 
 the House requiring the Secretary to report fur- 
 ther provision for the public credit, Hamilton com« 
 
182 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 municated his plans for a national bank. Next in 
 order came the establishment of a national mint. 
 Thus in two sessions of Congress, and in the 
 space of little more than a year from the time 
 when he took charge of the Treasury, Hamilton 
 conceived and carried to successful conclusion an 
 entire scheme of finance. 
 
 One more measure in the comprehensive sys- 
 tem of public credit crowned the solid structure of 
 which the funding of the debt was the corner- 
 stone. This was the establishment of the sinking 
 fund for the redemption of the debt. Hamilton 
 conformed his plan to the maxim, which, to use his 
 words, " has been supposed capable of giving im- 
 mortality to credit, namely, that with the creation 
 of debts should be incorporated the means of ex- 
 tinguishment, which are twofold. 1st. The estab- 
 lishing, at the time of contracting a debt, funds 
 for the reimbursement of the principal, as well as 
 for the payment of interest within a determinate 
 period. 2d. The making it a part of the contract, 
 that the fund so established shall be inviolably 
 applied to the object." The ingenuity and skill 
 with which this master of financial science man- 
 aged the Treasury Department for more than five 
 years need no word of comment. Nor do they 
 fall within the scope of this outline of the features 
 of his policy. His reports are the text-book of 
 American political economy. Whoever would 
 grasp its principles must seek them in this limpid 
 
SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY. 183 
 
 source, and study the methods he applied to rev- 
 enue and loans. Well might Webster say of him 
 in lofty praise, " He smote the rock of national re- 
 sources, and abundant streams of revenue gushed 
 forth ; he touched the dead corpse of Public Credit, 
 and it sprung upon its feet." 
 
 On the resignation of Hamilton, Jafiuary 31, 
 1795, Washington invited Wolcott, who was fa- 
 miliar with the views of Hamilton and on such 
 intimate terms with him that he could always 
 have his advice in any difl&cult emergency, to take 
 the post. Wolcott had been connected with the 
 Department from its organization, first as auditor, 
 afterwards as comptroller of the Treasury. He 
 held the Treasury until nearly the end of Adams's 
 administration. On November 8, 1800, upon the 
 open breach between Mr. Adams and the Hamil- 
 ton wing of the Federal party, Wolcott, whose 
 sympathies were wholly with his old chief, ten- 
 dered his resignation, to take effect at the close 
 of the year. On December 81 Mr. Samuel Dex- 
 ter was appointed to administer the Department. 
 But the days of the Federal party were now 
 numbered : it fell of its own dissensions, " wounded 
 in the house of its friends." 
 
 There is nothing in the administration of the 
 finances by Wolcott to attract comment. He man- 
 aged the details of the Department with integrity 
 and skill. On his retirement a committee of the 
 House on the condition of the Treasury was ap- 
 
184 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 pointed. No similar examination had been made 
 since May 22, 1794. On January 28, 1801, Mr. 
 Otis, chairman of the committee, submitted the re- 
 sults of the investigation in an unanimous report 
 that the business of the Treasury Department 
 had been conducted with regularity, fidelity, and 
 a regard to economy ; that the disbursements of 
 money had always been made pursuant to law, 
 and generally that the financial concerns of the 
 country had been left by the late Secretary in a 
 state of good order and prosperity. During his 
 six years of administration of the finances Wol- 
 cott negotiated six loans, amounting in all to 
 $2,820,000. The emergencies were extraordi- 
 nary, — the expenses of the suppression of the 
 Whiskey Insurrection in 1794, and the sum re- 
 quired to effect a treaty of peace with Algiers in 
 1795. To fund these sums Mr. Wolcott had re- 
 course to an expedient which marked an era in 
 American finance. This was the creation of new 
 stock., subscribed for at home. No loan had been 
 previously placed by the government among its 
 own citizens. Between 1795 and 1798, four and 
 a half, five, and six per cent, stocks were created. 
 In 1798 the condition of the country was embar- 
 rassing. There was a threatening prospect of 
 war. Foreign loans were precarious and improvi- 
 dent ; the market rate of interest was eight per 
 cent. Under these circumstances an eight per 
 cent, stock was created, not redeemable until 
 
SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY. 185 
 
 1809. An Act of March 3, 1795, provided for 
 vesting in the sinking fund the surplus revenues 
 of each year. 
 
 In the formation of the first Republican cabinet 
 Mr. Gallatin was obviously Mr. Jefferson's first 
 choice for the Treasury. The appointment was 
 nevertheless attended with some difficulties of a 
 political and party nature. The paramount im- 
 portance of the Department was a legacy of 
 Hamilton's genius. Its possession was the Feder- 
 alist stronghold, and the Senate, which held the 
 confirming power, was still controlled by a Fed- 
 eralist majority. To them Mr. Gallatin was more 
 obnoxious than any other of the Republican lead- 
 ers. In the few days that he held a seat in the 
 Senate (1793) he offended Hamilton, and aroused 
 the hostility of the friends of the Secretary by a 
 call for information as to the condition of the 
 Treasury. As member of Congress in 1796 he 
 questioned Hamilton's policy, and during Adams's 
 entire administration was a perpetual thorn in the 
 sides of Hamilton's successors in the department. 
 The day after his election, February 18, 1801, Mr. 
 Jefferson communicated to Mr. Gallatin the names 
 of the gentlemen he had already determined upon 
 for his cabinet, and tendered him the Treasury. 
 The only alternative was Madison ; but he, with 
 all his reputation as a statesman and party leader, 
 was without skill as a financier, and in the de* 
 bate on the Funding Bill in 1790 had shown his 
 
186 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 ignorance in the impracticability of his plans. If 
 Jefferson ever entertained the thought of nom- 
 inating Madison to the Treasury, political neces- 
 sity absolutely forbade it. That necessity Mr. 
 Gallatin, by his persistent assaults on the financial 
 policy of the Federalists, had himself created, and 
 he alone of the Republican leaders was competent 
 to carry out the reforms in the administration of 
 the government, and to contrive the consequent 
 reduction in revenue and taxation, which were 
 cardinal points of Republican policy. Public 
 opinion had assigned Gallatin to the post, and the 
 newspapers announced his nomination before Mr. 
 Jefferson was elected, and before he had given 
 any indication of his purpose. To his wife Mr. 
 Gallatin expressed some doubt whether his abili- 
 ties were equal to the oflQce, and whether the 
 Senate would confirm him, and said, certainly 
 with sincerity, ' that he would not be sorry nor 
 hurt in his feelings if his nomination should be 
 rejected, for exclusively of the immense responsi- 
 bility, labor, etc., attached to the intended office, 
 another plan which would be much more agreeable 
 to him and to her had been suggested, not by his 
 political friends, but by his New York friends.' 
 He was by no means comfortable in his finances, 
 and he had already formed a plan of studying 
 law and removing to New York. He had made 
 up his mind to leave the western country, which 
 would necessarily end his congressional career. 
 
SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY. 187 
 
 His wife was forlorn in his absence, and suffered 
 so many hardships in her isolated residence that 
 he felt no reluctance to the change. To one of 
 his wife's family he wrote at this time ; — 
 
 " As a political situation, the place of Secretary of the 
 Treasury is doubtless more eligible and congenial to my 
 habits ; but it is more laborious and responsible than any 
 other, and the same industry which will be necessary to 
 fulfil its duties, applied to another object, would at the 
 end of two years have left me in the possession of a pro- 
 fession which I might have exercised either in Phila- 
 delphia or New York. But our plans are all liable to 
 uncertainty, and I must now cheerfully undertake that 
 which had never been the object of my ambition or 
 wishes." 
 
 Well might he hesitate as he witnessed the dis- 
 tress which had overtaken the great party which 
 for twelve years had held the posts of political 
 honor. Fortunately, perhaps for himself and cer- 
 tainly for his party and the countiy, the proposi- 
 tion came at a time when he had definitively deter- 
 mined upon a change of career. His situation was 
 difficult. The hostility of the Federal senators, 
 and the great exertions which were being made to 
 defeat the appointment, led him to the opinion 
 that, if presented on March 4, it would be rejected. 
 There was the alternative of delay until after that 
 date, which would involve a postponement of the 
 confirmation until the meeting of Congress in 
 December, but there was no certainty that it 
 
188 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 would then be ratified. Meanwhile he would be 
 compelled to remove to Washington at some sacri- 
 fice and expense. He therefore at first positively 
 refused " to come in on any terms but a confirma- 
 tion by the Senate first given." He was finally 
 induced to comply with the general wish of his 
 political friends. The appointment was withheld 
 by the President that the feeling in the Senate 
 might be judged from its action on the rest of the 
 nominations submitted. They were all approved, 
 and Mr. Dexter consented to hold over until his 
 successor should be appointed. Thus Mr. Galla- 
 tin's convenience was entirely consulted. He re- 
 mained in Washington a few days to confer with 
 the President as to the general conduct of the 
 administration, and on March 14 set out for Fay- 
 ette to put his affairs in order and to bring his 
 wife and family to Washington. On May 14 
 Jefferson wrote to Macon, " The arrival of Mr. 
 Gallatin yesterday completed the organization of 
 our administration." 
 
 Mr Gallatin soon realized the magnitude of his 
 task. He did nothing by halves. To whatever 
 work he had to do, he brought the best of his 
 faculty. No man ever better deserved the epithet 
 of "thorough." He searched till he found the 
 principle of every measure with which he had con- 
 cern and understood every detail of its applica- 
 tion. This perfect knowledge of every subject 
 which he investigated was the secret of his politi* 
 
SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY. 189 
 
 cal success. As a committee man, he was incom- 
 parable. No one could be better equipped for the 
 direction of the Treasury Department than he, 
 but he was not satisfied with direction ; he would 
 manage also ; and he went to the work with un- 
 tiring energy. A quarter of a century later he 
 said of it, in a letter to his son, " To fill that of- 
 fice in the manner I did, and as it ought to be 
 filled, is a most laborious task and labor of the 
 most tedious kind. To fit myself for it, to be 
 able to understand thoroughly, to embrace and 
 control all its details, took from me, during the 
 two first years I held it, every hour of the day 
 and many of the night and had nearly brought 
 on a pulmonary complaint. I filled the office 
 twelve years and was fairly worn out." 
 
 Mr. Gallatin first drew public attention to his 
 knowledge of finance in the Pennsylvania Legis- 
 lature. An extract from his memorandum of his 
 three years' service, gives the best account of this 
 incident. In it appear the carefully matured con- 
 victions which he inflexibly maintained. 
 
 " The report of the Committee of Ways and Means 
 of the session 1790-1791 (presented by Gurney, chair- 
 man) was entirely prepared by me, known to be so, and 
 laid the foundation of my reputation. I was quite as- 
 tonished at the general encomiums bestowed upon it, 
 and was not at all aware that I had done so well. It 
 was perspicuous and comprehensive ; but I am confident 
 that its true merit, and that which gained me the general 
 
190 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 confidence, was its being founded in strict justice with- 
 out the slightest regard to party feelings or popular 
 prejudices. The principles assumed, and which were 
 carried into effect, were the immediate reimbursement 
 and extinction of the state paper money, the immediate 
 payment in specie of all the current expenses or war- 
 rants on the Treasury (the postponement and uncer- 
 tainty of which had given rise to shameful and corrupt 
 speculations), and provision for discharging, without de- 
 falcation, every debt and engagement previously recog- 
 nized by the State. In conformity with this, the State 
 paid to its creditors the diflference between the nominal 
 amount of the state debt assumed by the United States 
 and the rate at which it was funded by the act of 
 Congress. 
 
 " The proceeds of the public lands, together with the 
 arrears, were the fund which not only discharged all the 
 public debts, but left a large surplus. The apprehension 
 that this would be squandered by the Legislature was 
 the principal inducement for chartering the Bank of 
 Pennsylvania with a capital of two millions of dollars, 
 of which the State subscribed one half. This and simi- 
 lar subsequent investments enabled Pennsylvania to de- 
 fray out of the dividends all the expenses of govern- 
 ment without any direct tax during the forty ensuing 
 years, and till the adoption of the system of internal 
 improvement, which required new resources." 
 
 This report was printed in the Journal of the 
 House, February 8, 1791. The next year be made 
 a report on the same subject which was printed 
 February 22, 1792. 
 
SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY. 191 
 
 But his equal grasp of larger subjects was 
 shown in his sketch of the finances of the United 
 States, which he published in November, 1796. 
 It presents under three sections the revenues, the 
 expenses, and the debts of the United States, each 
 subdivided into special heads. The arguments are 
 supported by elaborate tabular statements. No 
 such exhaustive examination had been made of the 
 state of the American finances. The one cardinal 
 principle which he laid down was the extinguish- 
 ment of debt. He severely criticised Hamilton's 
 methods of funding, and outlined those which he 
 himself later applied. He charged upon Hamil- 
 ton direct violations of law in the application of 
 money, borrowed as principal, to the payment of 
 interest on that principal. The public funds he 
 regarded as three in number : 1st, the sinking 
 fund ; 2d, the surplus fund ; 3d, the general fund. 
 
 In July, 1800, Mr. Gallatin published a second 
 pamphlet, " Views of the Public Debt, Receipts, 
 and Expenditures of the United States," the object 
 of the inquiry being to ascertain the result of the 
 fiscal operations of the government under the Con- 
 stitution. The entire field of American finance is 
 examined from its beginning. He severely con- 
 demns the mode of assumption of the state debts 
 in Hamilton's original plan, and no doubt his 
 strictures are technically correct. The debts as- 
 sumed for debtor States were not due by the 
 United States, nor was there any moral reason for 
 
192 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 their assumption. But the assumption was sound 
 financial policy, and all the cost to the nation was 
 amply repaid by the order which their assumption 
 drew out of chaos, and the vigor given to the 
 general credit by the strengthening of that of its 
 parts. The course of the Federalists and Republi- 
 cans on this question shows that the former had at 
 heart the welfare of all the States while the latter 
 confined their interest to their own body politic. 
 
 Had Mr. Gallatin never penned another line on 
 finance, these two remarkable papers would place 
 him in the first rank of economists and statisti- 
 cians. There are no errors in his figures, no flaws 
 in his reasoning, no faults in his deductions. In 
 construction and detail, as parts of a complete 
 financial system of administration, they are be- 
 yond criticism. Opinions may differ as to the 
 ends sought, but not as to the means to those ends. 
 
 For a long period Mr. Gallatin found no more 
 time for essays ; he was now to apply his meth- 
 ods. These may be traced in his printed treas- 
 ury reports, which are lucid and instructive. He 
 was appointed to the Treasury on May 14, 1801, 
 as appears by the ojficial record in the State De- 
 partment. Before he entered on the duties of 
 the office he submitted to Mr. Jefferson, March 
 14, 1801, some rough sketches of the financial sit- 
 uation, and suggested the general outlines of his 
 policy. He insisted upon a curtailment in the ap- 
 propriations for the naval and military establish- 
 
SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY. 193 
 
 ments, the only saving adequate to the repeal of all 
 internal duties ; and upon the discharge of the for- 
 eign debt within the period of its obligation. He 
 estimated that the probable receipts and expen- 
 ditures for the year 1801 would leave a surplus 
 of more than two millions of dollars applicable to 
 the redemption of the debt. 
 
 On taking personal charge of the Treasury De- 
 partment, his first business was to get rid of the 
 arrears of current business which had accumulated 
 since the retirement of Wolcott ; his next, to per- 
 fect the internal revenue system, so far as it could 
 be remedied without new legislation. The entire 
 summer of 1801 was passed in " arranging, or 
 rather procuring correct statements amongst the 
 Treasury documents," a task of such difficulty 
 that he was unwilling, on November 15, to arrive 
 at an estimate of the revenue within half a mil- 
 lion, or to commit himself to any opinion as to the 
 feasibility of abolishing the internal revenues. In 
 his " notes " submitted to Jefferson upon the draft 
 of his first message, there are several passages of 
 interest which show Mr. Gallatin's logical habit 
 of searching out economic causes. Under the 
 head of finances, he remarks, " The revenue has 
 increased more than in the same ratio with popu- 
 lation : 1st, because our wealth has increased in 
 a greater ratio than population ; 2d, because the 
 sea-ports and towns, which consume imported arti- 
 cles much more than the country, have increased 
 
 13 
 
194 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 in a greater proportion." The final paragraph in 
 these " notes " is a synopsis of his entire scheme 
 of administration. 
 
 " There is but one subject not mentioned in the mes- 
 sage which I feel extremely anxious to see recommended. 
 It is generally that Congress should adopt such meas- 
 ures as will effectually guard against misapplications of 
 public moneys, by making specific appropriations when- 
 ever practicable ; by providing against the application of 
 moneys drawn from the Treasury under an appropria- 
 tion to any other object or to any greater amount than 
 that for which they have been drawn ; by limiting dis- 
 cretionary power in the application of that money; 
 whether by heads of department or by any other agents ; 
 and by rendering every person who receives public 
 moneys from the Treasury as immediately, promptly, 
 and effectually accountable to the accounting officer 
 (the comptroller) as practicable. The great characteris- 
 tic, the flagrant vice, of the late administration has been 
 total disregard of laws, and application of public moneys 
 by the Department to objects for which they were not 
 appropriate." 
 
 Outlines for a system of specific appropriations 
 were inclosed. 
 
 That the mission of Jefferson's administration 
 was the reduction of the debt, Gallatin set forth 
 in his next letter of November 16, 1801. " I am 
 firmly of opinion that if the present administra- 
 tion and Congress do not take the most effective 
 measures for that object, the debt will be entailed 
 
SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY. 195 
 
 on us and the ensuing generations, together with 
 all the systems which support it, and which it 
 supports." On the other hand he says, " If this 
 administration shall not reduce taxes, they never 
 will be permanently reduced," To reduce both 
 the debt and the taxes was as much a political 
 as a financial problem. To solve it required the 
 reduction to a minimum of the departments of 
 War and Marine. But Mr. Jefferson was not a 
 practical statesman. His individuality was too 
 strong for much surrender of opinion. He stated 
 the case very mildly when he wrote in his retire- 
 ment that he sometimes differed in opinion from 
 some of his friends, from those whose views were 
 as " pure and as sound as his own." It was not 
 his habit to consult his entire cabinet except on 
 general measures. The heads of each department 
 set their views before him separately. Under 
 this system Mr. Gallatin was never able to realize 
 that harmonious interdependence of departments 
 and subordination of ways to means which were 
 his ideal of cabinet administration. 
 
 The successful application of Mr. Gallatin's 
 plan would have subordinated all the executive 
 departments to the Treasury. The theory was per- 
 fect, but it took no account of the greed of office, 
 the jealousies of friends, the opposition of enemies, 
 and the unknown factor of foreign relations. A 
 speck on the horizon would cloud the peaceful pros- 
 pect, a hostile threat derange the intricate machin- 
 ery by which the delicate financial balance was 
 
196 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 maintained. Mr. Gallatin was fast realizing the 
 magnitude of his undertaking, in which he was 
 greatly embarrassed by the difficulty of finding 
 faithful examining clerks, on whose correctness 
 and fidelity a just settlement of all accounts 
 depends. The number of independent offices at- 
 tached to the Treasury made the task still more 
 arduous. He wrote to Jefferson at this time, " It 
 will take me twelve months before I can thor- 
 oughly understand every detail of all these several 
 offices. Current business and the more general 
 and important duties of the office do not permit 
 me to learn the lesser details, but incidentally 
 and by degrees. Until I know them all I dare 
 not touch the machine." One of the acquire- 
 ments which he considered indispensable for a 
 Secretary of the Treasury was a " thorough knowl- 
 edge of book-keeping." The recollection of his 
 persistent demands for information from Hamilton 
 and Wolcott during his congressional career would 
 have stung the conscience of an ordinary man. 
 But Gallatin was not an ordinary man. He asked 
 nothing of others which he himself was not will- 
 ing to perform. His ideal was high, but he reached 
 its summit. It seems almost as if, in his persistent 
 demand that money accountability should be im- 
 posed by law upon the Treasury Department, lie 
 sought to set the measure of his own duty, while 
 in the requirement that it should be extended to 
 the other departments, he pledged himself to the 
 perfect accomplishment of that duty in his own. 
 
SECRETARY OF TPE TREASURY. 197 
 
 In his first report to Congress,^ made December 
 18, 1801, Mr. Gallatin submitted his financial esti- 
 mate for the year 1802. 
 
 REVENUE. 
 
 EXPENDITURES. 
 
 Imposts . . . $9,500,000 
 
 P::fages } • ''''''' 
 Internal Rev. 650,000 
 
 Int. on debts . $7,100,000 
 Civil List . . 980,000 
 Army . . . 1,420,000 
 Navy . . . 1,100,000 
 
 $10,600,000 
 
 $10,600,000 
 
 Mr. Wolcott, in his last report to the Com- 
 missioners of the Sinking Fund, stated the amount 
 in the Treasury to its credit at $500,718.55. 
 Mr. Gallatin denied that there was any such sur- 
 plus, but said that instead of a credit balance 
 the Treasury books showed a deficiency of $930,- 
 128.64 on the aggregate revenue from the estab- 
 lishment of the government to the close of the 
 year 1799. Elliot, in his " Funding System," said 
 concerning this once vexed controversy, that it 
 was difficult to reconcile such a diversity of opin- 
 ion on so intricate a subject ; and concerning the 
 official statements of Hamilton and Wolcott, that 
 it was hardly to be credited that they were so su- 
 perficial or imperfect. Mr. Gallatin himself fur- 
 nishes the apology that the difference might arise 
 from " entries made or omitted on erroneous prin- 
 ciples." To the Federal financiers the palliation 
 was as offensive as the charge, and rankled long 
 
 1 The first Annual Report of the Secretary of the Treasury. 
 This was under the Supplementary Treasury Act. 
 
198 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 and sore. If it were not possible^ when Elliot 
 made an examination, to arrive at the precise 
 facts, it is certainly now a secret as secure from 
 discovery as the lost sibylline leaves. 
 
 Mr. Gallatin stated the debt of the United 
 States 
 
 On January 1, 1801, at . . $80,161,207.60 
 
 On January 1, 1802, at . . 77,881,890.29 
 
 Reduction $2,279,317.31 
 
 This difference was the amount of principal paid 
 during the year 1801, the result of the manage- 
 ment of his predecessors. On December 18, 1801, 
 Mr. Gallatin entered upon an examination of the 
 time in which the total debt might be discharged, 
 and showed that, by the annual application of 
 $7,300,000 to the principal and interest the debt 
 would in eight years, i. e. on January 1, 1810, be 
 reduced (by the payment of $32,289,000 of the 
 principal) to $45,592,739.59, and that the same 
 annual sum of $7,300,000 would discharge the 
 whole debt by the year 1817. The revenues of 
 the Union he found sufficient to defray all the cur- 
 rent expenses. In his report to Congress at the 
 beginning of the session he designated this sum 
 of $7,300,000 to be set aside from the revenues, 
 and Congress gave the requisite authority. An 
 extract from a tabular statement submitted to 
 the House of Representatives, April 16, 1810, 
 will show how nearly Mr. Gallatin approached the 
 
SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY. 
 
 199 
 
 result at which he aimed, and the nature of the 
 embarrassment he encountered on the path. 
 
 Years 
 
 Amount of 
 Public Debt 
 
 Payments 
 
 Debt Con- 
 
 Annual In-: 
 
 Annual 
 
 
 January 1st. 
 
 on Principal. 
 
 tracted. 
 
 crease. 
 
 Decrease. 
 
 1802 
 
 $80,712,632.25 
 
 $3,657,945.95 
 
 
 
 $3,657,948.95 
 
 1803 
 
 77,054,686.30 
 
 5,627,565.42 
 
 «i5,o6b,ooo* 
 
 $9,872,434.58 
 
 
 1804 
 
 86,427,120.88 
 
 4,114,970.38 
 
 - 
 
 - 
 
 4,114,970.38 
 
 1805 
 
 82,312,150.60 
 
 6,588,879.84 
 
 - 
 
 - 
 
 6,588,879.84 
 
 1806 
 
 75,723,270.66 
 
 6,504,872.02 
 
 - 
 
 — 
 
 6,604,872.02 
 
 1807 
 
 69,218,398.64 
 
 4,022,080.67 
 
 - 
 
 - 
 
 4,022,080.67 
 
 1808 
 
 65,196,317.97 
 
 8,178,125.88 
 
 - 
 
 - 
 
 8,173,125.88 
 
 1809 
 
 57,023,192.09 
 
 3,850,889.77 
 
 
 - 
 
 3,860,889.77 
 
 1810 
 
 53,172,302.32 
 
 
 " 
 
 ~ 
 
 ~ 
 
 1802 
 1810 
 
 * Louisiana purchase. 
 
 $80,712,632.25 Decrease . . . 36,912,764.51 
 
 53,172,302.32 
 
 Increase 
 
 9,372,434.58 
 
 $27,540,329.93 
 
 Decrease in 8 yrs. $27,540,329. 
 
 From this it appears that, notwithstanding the 
 extraordinary increase of the principal by the 
 amount of the Louisiana purchase, Mr. Gallatin 
 contrived a reduction of $27,540,329.93. But if 
 to this be added the true reduction for the year 
 1803, namely, the difference between the Louis- 
 iana debt, $15,000,000, and the increase for that 
 year, by reason of that purchase, $9,372,434.56, 
 say $6,627,565.43, the reduction is found to be, 
 and but for that disturbing cause would have 
 reached, $34,167,895.35, a sum exceeding by $1,- 
 878,895.35 that estimated by Mr. Gallatin in his 
 report of 1801 as the amount of eight years' re- 
 duction, namely, $32,289,000.00. 
 
 The ways and means of this remarkable exam- 
 ple of financial management appear in the follow- 
 ing extracts from Elliott's synoptical statement : 
 
200 
 
 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
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SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY. 201 
 
 The purchase of Louisiana was the extraordi- 
 nary financial measure of Jefferson's first presi- 
 dential term. Though the new obligation for the 
 consideration money, fifteen millions of dollars, 
 was a large sura in proportion to the total existing 
 debt of the United States, it did not in the least 
 derange Gallatin's plan of funding and reduction, 
 but was brought without friction within his gen- 
 eral scheme. With the terms of the contract 
 Gallatin had nothing to do. They were arranged 
 by Livingston and Monroe, the American com- 
 missioners, the intervention of the houses of Hope 
 and the Barings being a part of the understand- 
 ing between the commissioners and the French 
 government. These bankers engaged to make the 
 money payments and take six per cent, stock of 
 the United States at seventy-eight and one half 
 cents on the dollar. With this price Mr. Gallatin 
 does not seem to have been satisfied, though of 
 course he interposed no objection to the terms; 
 but to Jefferson he wrote, August 31, 1803, that 
 the low price at which that stock had been sold, 
 was " not ascribable to the state of public credit 
 nor to any act of your administration, and par- 
 ticularly of the Treasury Department ; " and he 
 adds in a postscript, "at that period our threes 
 were in England worth one per cent, more at mar- 
 ket than the English." 
 
 The arrangements being completed, Jefferson 
 called Congress together in October, 1803, for a 
 
202 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 ratification of the treaty; the commissioners, by 
 virtue of the authority granted them, had already 
 guarantied the advance by the Barings of ten mil- 
 Uon livres ($2,000,000). On October 25, 1803, 
 Gallatin made a report to Congress on the state 
 of the finances. It showed a reduction of the 
 public debt in the two and one half years of his 
 management, April 1, 1801, to September 30, 
 1803, of 112,702,404,00. The only question to be 
 considered was whether any additional revenues 
 were wanted to provide for the new debt which 
 would result from the purchase of Louisiana. 
 
 The sum called for by treaty, fifteen millions, 
 consisted of two items: 1st, $11, 250,000 payable 
 to the government of France in a stock bearing 
 an interest of six per cent, payable in Europe, and 
 the principal to be discharged at the Treasury of 
 the United States ; 2d, a sum which could not ex- 
 ceed, but might fall short of, $3,750,000, payable 
 in specie at the Treasury of the United States to 
 American citizens having claims of a certain de- 
 scription upon the government of France. 
 
 It is interesting here to note Mr. Gallatin's dis- 
 tinction between the place of payment of interest 
 and principal as a new departure in American 
 finance. The principal and interest of foreign 
 loans had up to that period been paid abroad. 
 But a United States stock was an obligation of a 
 different character and properly payable at home. 
 In the large negotiations which Secretary Chase 
 
SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY. 203 
 
 had in 1862 with the Treasury Note Committee 
 of the Associated Banks,^ this policy was matter 
 of grave debate. The determined American pride 
 of Mr. Chase prevailed, and both the principal 
 and interest of the loans created were made pay- 
 able at the Treasury of the United States. These 
 are small matters in their financial result, but 
 grave points in national policy. 
 
 The only financial legislation necessary to carry 
 out the Louisiana purchase was a provision that 
 $700,000 of the duties on merchandise and ton- 
 nage, a sum sufficient to pay the interest on the 
 new debt, be added to the annual permanent ap- 
 propriation for the sinking fund, making a sum 
 of $8,000,000 in all. 
 
 The new debt would, Gallatin said, neither im- 
 pede nor retard the payment of the principal of 
 the old debt ; and the fund would be sufficient, be- 
 sides paying the interest on both, to discharge the 
 principal of the old debt before the year 1818, 
 and of the new, within one year and a half after 
 that year. In this expectation he relied solely on 
 the maintenance of the revenue at the amount of 
 the year 1802, and in no way depended on its 
 probable increase as a result of neutrality in the 
 European war ; nor on any augmentation by rea- 
 
 1 These were the banks of New York, Boston, Philadelphia, 
 and Baltimore. Seven presidents formed the committee. John 
 A. Stevens of New York was chairman. The sum advanced to 
 the government was one hundred and fifty millions of dollars in 
 coin. 
 
204 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 son of increase of population or wealth, nor the 
 effect which the opening of the Mississippi to free 
 navigation might be expected to have on the sales 
 of public lands and the general resources of the 
 country. 
 
 In his report of December 9, 1805, Mr. Galla- 
 tin reviewed the results of his first four years of 
 service, April 1, 1801, to March 31, 1805. 
 
 RECEIPTS. 
 
 Duties on tonnage and importation of 
 
 foreign merchandise $45,174,837.22 
 
 From all other sources 5,492,629.82 
 
 $50,667,467.04 
 
 EXPENDITURE S. 
 
 Civil list and miscellaneous .... $3,786,094.7^ 
 Intercourse with foreign nations . . 1,071,437.84 
 Military establishment and Indian de- 
 partment 4,405,192.26 
 
 Naval establishment 4,842,635.15 
 
 Interest on foreign debt 16,278,700.95 
 
 Reimbursement of debt from surplus 
 
 revenue 19,281,446.57 
 
 $49,665,507.56 
 
 The Louisiana purchase and the admirable man- 
 ner of its financial arrangement were important 
 factors in Jefferson's reelection. Mr. Gallatin 
 was therefore sure of four years, at least, for the 
 prosecution of his plan of redemption of the pub- 
 lic debt. Estimating that with the increase of 
 
SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY. 205 
 
 population at the rate of thirty-five per cent, in 
 ten years, and the corresponding growth of the 
 revenue, he could count upon a net annual sur- 
 plus of $5,500,000, he now proposed to convert 
 the several outstanding obhgations into a six per 
 cent, stock amounting, January 1, 1809, to less 
 than forty millions of dollars^ which the con- 
 tinued annual appropriation of $8,000,000 would, 
 besides paying the interest on the Louisiana debt, 
 reimburse within a period of less than seven years, 
 or before the end of the year 1815. After that 
 year no other incumbrance would remain on the 
 revenue than the interest and reimbursement of 
 the Louisiana stock, the last payment of which 
 in the year 1821 would complete the final extin- 
 guishment of the public debt. The conversion 
 act was passed February 1, 1807, and books were 
 opened on July 1 following. On February 27, 
 1807, Mr. Gallatin made a special report on the 
 state of the debt from 1801 to 1807, showing a 
 diminution, notwithstanding the Louisiana pur- 
 chase, of $14,260,000. 
 
 In the summer of 1807 war with England 
 seemed inevitable. Gallatin had the satisfaction 
 to report a full treasury, — the amount of specie 
 October 7, 1807, reaching over eight and one half 
 1 millions, — and an annual unappropriated surplus, 
 1 which could be confidently relied upon, of at least 
 three millions of dollars. On this subject his re- 
 marks in the light of subsequent history are of 
 
206 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 extreme interest. While refraining from any rec- 
 ommendations as to the application of this surplus, 
 either to "measures of security and defence," or to 
 " internal improvements which, while increasing 
 and diffusing the national wealth, will strengthen 
 the bonds of union," as "subjects which do not 
 fall within the province of the Treasury Depart- 
 ment," he proceeds to consider the advantage of 
 an accumulation in the Treasury. In this report 
 he rises with easy flight far above the purely finan- 
 cial atmosphere into the higher plane of political 
 economy. 
 
 " A previous accumulation of treasure in time of 
 peace might in a great degree defray the extraordinary 
 expenses of war and diminish the necessity of either 
 loans or additional taxes. It would provide during pe- 
 riods of prosperity for those adverse events to which 
 every nation is exposed, instead of increasing the bur- 
 thens of the people at a time when they are least able 
 to bear them, or of impairing, by anticipations, the re- 
 sources of ensuing generations. . . . 
 
 " That the revenue of the United States will in sub- 
 sequent years be considerably impaired by a war neither 
 can nor ought to be concealed. It is, on the contrary, 
 necessary in order to be prepared for the crisis, to take 
 an early view of the subject, and to examine the re- 
 sources which should be selected for supplying the de- 
 ficiency and defraying the extraordinary expenses. . . . 
 
 " Whether taxes should be raised to a greater amount 
 or loans be altogether relied on for defraying the ex- 
 penses of the war, is the next subject of consideration. 
 
SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY. 207 
 
 " Taxes are paid by the great mass of the citizeos, 
 and immediately affect almost every individual of the 
 community. Loans are supplied by capital previously 
 accumulated by a few individuals. In a country where 
 the resources of individuals are not generally and ma- 
 terially affected by the war, it is practicable and wise to 
 raise by taxes the greater part at least of the annual 
 supplies. The credit of the nation may also from vari- 
 ous circumstances be at times so far impaired as to have 
 no resource but taxation. In both respects the situa- 
 tion of the United States is totally dissimilar. . . . 
 
 " An addition to the debt is doubtless an evil, but ex- 
 perience having now shown with what rapid progress 
 the revenue of the Union increases in time of peace, 
 with what facility the debt, formerly contracted, has in a 
 few years been reduced, a hope may confidently be en- 
 tertained that all the evils of the war will be temporary 
 and easily repaired, and that the return of peace will, 
 without any effort, afford ample resources for reimburs- 
 ing whatever may have been borrowed during the war." 
 
 He then enumerates the several branches of 
 revenue which might be selected to provide for 
 the interest of war loans and to cover deficiencies. 
 1st, a considerable increase of the duties on im- 
 portations, and here he says, 
 
 " Without resorting to the example of other nations, 
 experience has proven that this sour.ce of revenue is in 
 the United States the most productive, the easiest to 
 collect, and the least burthensome to the great mass of 
 the people. 2d. Indirect taxes, however ineligible, will 
 doubtless be cheerfully paid as war taxes, if necessary. 
 
208 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 3d. Direct taxes are liable to a particular objection aris- 
 ing from unavoidable inequality produced by the gen- 
 eral rule of the Constitution. Whatever differences 
 may exist between the relative wealth and consequent 
 ability of paying of the several States, still the tax must 
 necessarily be raised in proportion to their relative pop- 
 ulation." 
 
 The Orders in Council of November 11, 1807, 
 avowedly adopted to compel all nations to give up 
 their maritime trade or accept it through Great 
 Britain, reached Washington on December 18, 
 1807, and were immediately replied to by the 
 United States by an embargo act on December 
 22. The history of the political effect of this 
 measure is beyond the limits of this economic 
 study, and will be touched upon in a later chap- 
 ter, but the result of its application upon the 
 Treasury falls within this analysis of the methods 
 of Mr. Gallatin's administration. 
 
 On December 18 Gallatin wrote Jefferson that 
 "in every point of view, privations, sufferings, 
 revenue, effect on the enemy, politics at home, 
 etc.," he preferred " war to a permanent em- 
 bargo ; " nevertheless he was called upon to draft 
 the bill. The correctness of Mr. Gallatin's pre- 
 vision was soon apparent. In his report of De- 
 cember 10, 1808, he reviewed the general effect 
 of the measure. "The embargo has brought into 
 and kept in the United States almost all the float- 
 ing property of the nation. And whilst the de- 
 
SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY. 209 
 
 predated value of domestic product increases the 
 difficulty of raising a considerable revenue by in- 
 ternal taxes, at no former time has there been so 
 much specie, so much redundant unemployed cap- 
 ital in the country." Again stating his opinion 
 that loans should be principally relied on in case 
 of war, he closed with the following words : " The 
 high price of public stocks (and indeed of all spe- 
 cies of stocks), the reduction of the public debt, 
 the unimpaired credit of the general government, 
 and the large amount of existing bank stock in 
 the United States, [estimated by him at forty 
 millions of dollars,] leave no doubt of the practi- 
 cability of obtaining the necessary loans on rea- 
 sonable terms." 
 
 The receipts into the Treasury during the 
 
 year ending September, 1808, the last of 
 
 Jefferson's administration, were . . $17,952,419.90 
 The disbursements during the same period 
 
 were 12,635,275.46 
 
 Excess of receipts $5,317,144.44 
 
 And the specie in Treasury, October 1, 
 
 1808 $13,846,717.82 
 
 From January 1, 1791, to January 1, 1808, 
 the debt had fallen from $75,169,974.21 to $57,- 
 023,192.09 ; during the first ten years it had in- 
 creased nearly seven millions of dollars, in the last 
 eight it had been diminished more than twenty 
 millions and Louisiana had been purchased. Thus 
 
 14 
 
210 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 closed the second term of Gallatin's service. Hap- 
 pen what might, the credit of the country could 
 not be in a better situation to meet the exigencies 
 of a war. A letter from Mr. Jefferson to Mr. 
 Gallatin after the close of this administration and 
 Gallatin's reply show the entire accord between 
 them upon the one cardinal point of financial pol- 
 icy. Mr. Jefferson, October 11, 1809, wrote from 
 Monticello, " I consider the fortunes of our re- 
 public as depending in an eminent degree on the 
 extinction of the public debt before we engage in 
 any war; because, that done, we shall have rev- 
 enue enough to improve our country in peace 
 and defend it in war, without incurring either 
 new taxes or new loans." And urging Gallatin 
 to retain his post, he closed with the striking 
 words, " I hope, then, you will abandon entirely 
 the idea you expressed to me, and that you will 
 consider the eight years to come as essential to 
 your political career. I should certainly consider 
 any earlier day of your retirement as the most 
 inauspicious day our new government has ever 
 seen." To which Gallatin replied from Washing- 
 ton, on November 10 : — 
 
 "The reduction of the public debt was certainly the 
 principal object in bringing me into office, and our suc- 
 cess in that respect has been due both to the joint and 
 continued efforts of the several branches of government 
 and to the prosperous situation of the country. I am 
 sensible that the work cannot progress under adverse cir- 
 
SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY, 211 
 
 cumstances. If the United States shall be forced ipto a 
 state of actual war, all the resources of the country must 
 be called forth to make it efficient and new loans will un- 
 doubtedly be wanted. But whilst peace is preserved, the 
 revenue will, at all events, be sufficient to pay the interest 
 and to defray necessary expenses. I do not ask that ia 
 the present situation of our foreign relations the debt be 
 reduced, but only that it shall not be increased so long 
 as we are not at war." 
 
 In his eight years of service under Jefferson, 
 Gallatin had not found the Treasury Department 
 a bed of roses. Under Madison there was an un- 
 due proportion of thorns. 
 
 It has been shown that the entire reliance of 
 Gallatin for the expenses of government was on 
 customs, tonnage dues, and land sales. The effect 
 of the Embargo Act was soon felt in the falling off 
 of importations, and consequently in the revenue 
 from this source. Mr. Gallatin felt the strain in 
 the spring of 1809 and on March 18, soon after 
 Mr. Madison's inauguration, he gave notice to the 
 commissioners of the sinking fund of a probable 
 deficiency. In his annual report to Congress, De- 
 cember, 1809, he announced the expenses of gov- 
 ernment, exclusively of the payments on account 
 of the principal of the debt, to have exceeded the 
 actual receipts into the Treasury by a sum of near 
 f 1,300,000. For this deficiency, and the sum re- 
 quired for the sinking fund, Gallatin was author- 
 ized in May to borrow from the bank of the United 
 
212 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 States f 3,750,000 at six per cent., reimbursable on 
 December 31, 1811. Of this sum only $2,760,000 
 was taken, the expenses having proved less than 
 Mr. Gallatin had anticipated. 
 
 Madison called Congress together on November 
 1, 1811. The political tension was strong, and he 
 was anxious to throw the responsibility of peace 
 or war upon Congress. On November 22, 1811, 
 Mr. Gallatin made his report on the finances and 
 the public debt. It was, as usual, explicit and in 
 no manner despondent. The actual receipts aris- 
 ing from revenue alone exceeded the current ex- 
 penses, including the interest paid on the debt, by 
 a sum of more than five and one half millions of 
 dollars. The public debt on January 1, 1812, was 
 145,154,463.00. Since Gallatin took charge of 
 the department, the United States had in ten years 
 and nine months paid in full the purchase-money 
 of Louisiana, and increased its revenue nearly two 
 millions of dollars. For eight years eight millions 
 of dollars had been annually paid on account of 
 the principal and interest of the debt. And as 
 though intending to leave as the legacy of his 
 service a lesson of financial policy, he said : — 
 
 " The redemption of principal has been effected with- 
 out the aid of any internal taxes, either direct or indirect, 
 without any addition during the last seven years to the 
 rate of duties on importations, which on the contrary have 
 been impaired by the repeal of the duty on salt, and not" 
 withstanding the great diminution of commerce during 
 
SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY. 218 
 
 the last four years. It therefore proves decisively the 
 ability of the United States with their ordinary revenue 
 to discharge, in ten years of peace, a debt of forty-two 
 millions of dollars, a fact which considerably lessens the 
 weight of the most formidable objection to which that 
 revenue, depending almost solely on commerce, appears 
 to be liable. In time of peace it is almost sufficient to 
 defray the expenses of a war ; in time of war it is hardly 
 competent to support the expenses of a peace establish- 
 ment. Sinking at once, under adverse circumstances, 
 from fifteen to six or eight millions of dollars, it is only 
 by a persevering application of the surplus which it 
 affords us in years of prosperity, to the discharge of the 
 debt, that a total change in the system of taxation or a 
 perpetual accumulation of debt can be avoided. But if 
 a similar application of such surplus be hereafter strictly 
 adhered to, forty millions of debt, contracted during five 
 or six years of war, may always, without any extraor- 
 dinary exertions, be reimbursed in ten years of peace. 
 This view of the subject at the present crisis appears 
 necessary for the purpose of distinctly pointing out 
 one of the principal resources within reach of the United 
 States. But to be placed on a solid foundation, it re- 
 quires the aid of a revenue sufficient at least to defray 
 the ordinary expenses of government, and to pay the in- 
 terest on the public debt, including that on new loans 
 which may be authorized." 
 
 From this plain declaration, it was evident that 
 the sum necessary to pay interest on new loans, 
 and provide for their redemption by the operation 
 of the sinking fund, could not be obtained from 
 
214 ALBERT GALLATIN, 
 
 the ordinary sources of revenue, and that resort 
 must be had to extraordinary imposts or direct 
 taxation. On January 10, 1812, in response to 
 an inquiry of the Ways and Means Committee as 
 to an increase of revenue in the event of a war^ 
 Gallatin submitted a project for war loans of ten 
 millions a year, irredeemable for ten years. He 
 pointed out that the government had never since 
 its organization obtained considerable loans at six 
 per cent, per annum, except from the Bank of the 
 United States, and these, on a capital of seven 
 millions, never amounted to seven millions in the 
 whole. As the amount of prospective loans would 
 naturally raise the amount of interest, it seemed 
 prudent not to limit the rate of interest by law ; 
 ineligible as it seemed to leave that rate discre- 
 tionary with the Executive, it was preferable to 
 leaving the public service unprovided for. For 
 the same reason the loans should be made irre- 
 deemable for a term not less than ten years. 
 
 He then repeated a former suggestion, that 
 "treasury notes," bearing interest, might be is- 
 sued, which would to that extent diminish the 
 amount to be directly borrowed and also provide 
 a part of the circulating medium ; passing as bank 
 notes, — but their issue must be strictly limited to 
 that amount at which they would circulate with- 
 out depreciation. So long as the public credit is 
 preserved and a sufficient revenue provided, he 
 entertained no doubts of the possibility of pro^ 
 
SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY. 215 
 
 curing on loan the sums necessary to defray the 
 extraordinary expenses of a war. He warned 
 the committee, and through it Congress, that " no 
 artificial provisions, no appropriations or invest- 
 ments of particular funds in certain persons, no 
 nominal sinking fund., however constructed, will 
 ever reduce a public debt unless the net annual 
 revenue shall exceed the aggregate of the annual 
 expenses, including the interest of the debt.'* 
 He then submitted the following estimates: — 
 
 " The current or peace expenses have been estimated 
 at nine millions of dollars. Supposing the debt con- 
 tracted during the war not to exceed fifty millions and 
 its annual interest to amount to three millions, the ag- 
 gregate of the peace expenditure would be no more 
 than twelve millions. And as the peace revenue of the 
 United States may at the existing rate of duties be fairly 
 estimated at fifteen millions, there would remain from 
 the first outset a surplus of three millions applicable to 
 the redemption of the debt. So far, therefore, as can be 
 now foreseen, there is the strongest reason to believe 
 that the debt thus contracted will be discharged with 
 facility and as speedily as the terms of the loans will 
 permit. Nor does any other plan in that respect appear 
 necessary than to extend the application of the annual 
 appropriation of eight millions (and which is amply 
 sufficient for that purpose) to the payment of interest 
 and reimbursement of the principal of the new debt. . . . 
 If the national revenue exceeds the national expenditure, 
 a simple appropriation for the payment of the principal 
 of the debt and coextensive with the object is sufficient 
 
216 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 and will infallibly extinguish the debt. If the expense 
 exceeds the revenue, the appropriation of any specific sum 
 and the investment of the interest extinguished or of any 
 other fund, will prove altogether nugatory ; and the na- 
 tional debt will, notwithstanding that apparatus, be an- 
 nually increased by an amount equal to the deficit in the 
 revenue. . . . What appears to be of vital importance is 
 that the crisis should at once be met by the adoption of 
 efficient measures, which will with certainty provide 
 means commensurate with the expense, and, by preserv- 
 ing unimpaired instead of abusing that public credit on 
 which the public resources so eminently depend, will enable 
 the United States to persevere in the contest until an hon- 
 orable peace shall have been obtained^ 
 
 On March 14 Congress authorized a public 
 loan of eleven millions of dollars, leaving it op- 
 tional with the banks who subscribed to take 
 stock, or to loan the money on special contract. 
 The books were opened May 1 and 2, and in the 
 two days $6,118,900 were subscribed : $4,190,000 
 by banks and 11,928,000 by individuals. The 
 rate was six per cent. Mr. Gallatin reported this 
 result, and proposed the issue of treasury notes for 
 such amount as was desired within the limit of the 
 loan to bear interest at five and two fifths per cent, 
 a year, equal to a cent and a half per day on a 
 hundred dollars' note ; 2d, to be payable one year 
 after date of issue ; 3d, to be in the meanwhile 
 receivable in payment of all duties, taxes, or debts 
 due to the United States." The first of these in- 
 genious qualifications was adopted by Mr. ChasQ 
 in bis issue of the seven-thirties. 
 
SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY. 217 
 
 On June 18 war was declared. On the 28th 
 Mr. Gallatin submitted his estimate of receipts 
 and expenditures for the year. 
 
 EXPENDITURES IN ROUND NUMBERS. 
 
 Civil and miscellaneous $1,560,000 
 
 Military establishment, and Indian dept. . 12,800,000 
 
 Naval establishment 3,940,000 
 
 Public debt 8,000,000 
 
 $26,300,000 
 
 FUNDS PROVIDED. 
 
 Balance in Treasury, January 1 . . . $2,000,000 
 Receipts from duties and sales of lands 
 
 as by estimate of November 22, 1811 . 8,200,000 
 
 Loan authorized by law 11,000,000 
 
 Treasury notes as authorized by House 
 
 of Representatives 5,000,000 
 
 $26,200,000 
 The issue of treasury notes was a novel experi- 
 ment in the United States ; but they were favorably 
 received, and Mr. Gallatin calculated that the full 
 amount authorized by law, 15,000,000, could be 
 put in circulation during the year. The result of 
 a loan seemed more doubtful. The old six per 
 cents and deferred stock had already fallen two 
 or three per cent, below par. Mr. Gallatin again 
 recommended the conversion of these securities 
 into a new six per cent, stock, which would facili- 
 tate the new loan, and to prevent the necessity of 
 applying, the same years, the large sums required 
 
218 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 in reimbursement of and purchase of the public 
 debt. 
 
 On December 1 Mr. Gallatin made his last 
 annual statement. 
 
 Treasury Report for Fiscal Tear ending September 30, 
 1812. 
 
 RECEIPTS. 
 
 Customs, sales of lands, etc $10,934,946.20 
 
 On account of loan of eleven millions, 
 
 act 14 March, 1812 5,847,212.50 
 
 $16,782,158.70 
 Balance in Treasury October 1, 1811 3,947,818.36 
 
 $20,729,977.06 
 
 DISBURSEMENTS. 
 
 Civil Department, foreign intercourse . $1,823,069.35 
 Army, militia, forts, etc. $7,770,300.00 
 Navy Department . . 3,107,501.54 
 Indian Department . 230,975.00 
 
 Interest on debt . . $2,498,013.19 
 On account of principal 2,938,465.99 
 
 11,108,776.54 
 5,436,479.18 
 
 $18,368,325.07 
 Leaving in Treasury 30 Sept. 1812 2,361,652.69 
 
 $20,729,977.76 
 
 The sums obtained or secured on loans during 
 the year amounted to $13,100,209.00, and the 
 Secretary had the satisfaction to state '' that not- 
 withstanding the addition thus made to the public 
 debt, and although a considerable portion has 
 
SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY. 219 
 
 been remitted from England and brought to 
 market in America, the public stocks (which had 
 at first experienced a slight depression) have been 
 for the last three months, and continue to be, at 
 par." His last report to the commissioners of the 
 sinking fund of February 5, 1813, stated the usual 
 application of 88,719,773.00 to the principal and 
 interest of the debt. 
 
 In his report of December 1, 1812, Mr. Gal- 
 latin announced that a loan of twenty-one millions 
 was needed for the service of 1813. Congress au- 
 thorized a loan of §16,000,000, having six years 
 to run, and an additional issue of $5,000,000 of 
 treasury notes. Congress adjourned on March 4. 
 Their procrastination and the pressing demands 
 of the War Department nearly beggared the 
 Treasury before the loans could be negotiated and 
 covered into it. 
 
 On April 17 Mr. Gallatin wrote to the Secre- 
 taries of the Army and of the Navy, and sent a 
 copy of his letters to Mr. Madison with informa- 
 tion that the loan had been filled, and the prob- 
 able receipts of the Treasury from ordinary sources 
 for the year ascertained. These he estimated at 
 $9,300,000. Deducting the annual appropriation 
 for interest on the debt, the sum expended to 
 March 31, and the amount needed for the civil 
 service, there remained for the War and Navy 
 Departments together the sum of $18,720,000. 
 
 The loan of $16,000,000 was obtained in the 
 following places : — 
 
220 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 States east of New York $486,700 
 
 State of New York 5,720,000 
 
 Philadelphia, Pa 6,858,400 
 
 Baltimore and District of Columbia . . 2,393,300 
 
 State of Virginia 187,000 
 
 Charleston, S. C 354,000 
 
 $16,000,000 
 
 The history of this subscription is not without 
 interest. The extremely small subscriptions in 
 New England and in the Southern States can 
 hardly be explained on any other theory than that 
 of a belief in the collapse of the finances of the 
 United States and a dissolution of the Union, for 
 which the New England States had certainly been 
 prepared by their governing minds.^ 
 
 Books were opened on March 12 and 13, 1813, 
 at Portsmouth, Salem, Boston, Providence, New 
 York, Albany, Philadelphia, Baltimore, Wash- 
 ington, Richmond, and Charleston. In the two 
 days the subscriptions only reached the sum of 
 13,956,400. They were again opened on the 25th 
 of March at New York, Philadelphia, Baltimore, 
 and Washington. The New England and South- 
 ern States seem to have been disregarded because 
 of their indifference in the first instance. The 
 books remained open from March 25 to 31, dur- 
 
 1 At Portland, $120,000; Salem, $183,600; Boston, $75,300; 
 Providence, $67,800; Richmond, $49,000; Norfolk, $103,000; 
 Charleston, $354,000. 
 
SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY. 221 
 
 ing which time there were received ^1,881,800, a 
 total of $5,838,200. 
 
 The pressure fell on the Middle States. In 
 these, fortunately for the government, there were 
 three great capitalists whose faith in the future 
 prosperity of the United States was unimpaired. 
 All were foreigners : David Parish and Stephen Gi- 
 rard in Philadelphia and John Jacob Astor in New 
 York. These now came forward, no doubt at the 
 instance of Mr. Gallatin, who was a personal friend 
 of each. Parish and Girard offered on April 5 
 to take eight millions of the loan at the rate of 
 eighty-eight dollars for a certificate of one hundred 
 dollars bearing interest at six per cent., redeem- 
 able before December 31, 1825, they to receive one 
 quarter of one per cent, commission on the amount 
 accepted, and in case of a further loan for the 
 service of the year 1813, to be placed on an equal 
 footing with its takers. John Jacob Astor on the 
 same day and at the same place proposed to take 
 for himself and his friends the sum of two million 
 and fifty-six thousand dollars of the loan on the 
 same conditions. These offers were accepted and 
 the loan was complete. An offer on behalf of the 
 State of Pennsylvania to take one million of the 
 loan was received too late. Altogether the offers 
 amounted to about eighteen millions, or two mil- 
 lions more than the sum demanded. Mr. Gallatin, 
 clinging to his old plan, endeavored to negotiate 
 this loan at par, by offering a premium of a thir- 
 
222 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 teen years' annuity of one per cent., but found it 
 impracticable. Indeed, the system of annuity, 
 general in England, has never found favor as an 
 investment in the United States. 
 
 This was Mr. Gallatin's last financial transac- 
 tion. A fevr weeks later, at his own request, he 
 severed his actual connection with the Treasury 
 Department and was on his way to St. Petersburg 
 to secure the proffered mediation of the Emperor 
 of Russia between the United States and Great 
 Britain. 
 
 Thus ended Mr. Gallatin's administration of 
 the national finances. The hour for saving had 
 passed. The imperious necessities of war take 
 no heed of economic principles. The work which 
 jthe Secretary had done became as the rope of 
 sand. It is not surprising that Gallatin wearied 
 of his post ; that he watched with vain regret and 
 unavailing sighs the unavoidable increase of the 
 national debt, and that he sought relief in other 
 services where success was not so evanescent as in 
 the Treasury Department. Before the close of 
 Madison's administration, February 12, 1816, the 
 public debt had run up to over one hundred and 
 twenty-three millions,^ and a sum equal to the en- 
 tire amount of Mr. Gallatin's savings in two terms 
 had been expended in one. But his work had not 
 been in vain. The war was the crucial test of the 
 soundness of his financial policy. The maxims 
 
 1 Report of Secretary Dallas, September 20, 1816. 
 
SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY. 223 
 
 which he announced, that debt can only be re- 
 duced by a surplus of revenue over expenditure, 
 and the accompaniment of every loan by an appro- 
 priation for its extinguishment, became the fun- 
 damental principle of American finance. Mr. Gal- 
 latin was uniformly supported in it by Congress 
 and public opinion. It was faithfully adhered to 
 by his distinguished successors, Dallas and Craw- 
 ford, and the impulse thus given continued through 
 later administrations, until, in 1837, twenty years 
 after the peace, the entire debt had been extin- 
 guished. All this without any other variation 
 from Mr. Gallatin's original plan than an increase 
 of the annual appropriation, to the sinking fund 
 for its reimbursement, from eight to ten millions.^ 
 
 The only charge which has ever been made 
 against Gallatin's administration was, that he re- 
 duced the debt at the expense of the defences and 
 security of the country ; but, to quote the words 
 of one of his biographers : ^ " Mr. Gallatin had the 
 sagacity to know that it [the redemption of the 
 debt] would make but little difference in the degree 
 of preparation of national defence and means of 
 contest, for which it is impossible ever to obtain 
 a considerable appropriation before the near ap- 
 proach of the danger that may render them neces- 
 sary. He knew that the money thus well and 
 wisely devoted to the payment of the debt was 
 only rescued from a thousand purposes of extrav- 
 
 1 Act of March 3, 1817. '^ Democratic Review, xii. 64U 
 
224 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 agance and mal-application to which all our legis- 
 lative bodies are so prone whenever they have 
 control of surplus funds." In our own day the 
 irresistible temptations of a full treasury need no 
 labored demonstration. Friend and foe drop polit- 
 ical differences over the abundant fleshpot. The 
 very thought of catering to such appetites dis- 
 gusted Gallatin. To Jefferson he frankly said, in 
 1809, that while he did not pretend to step out of 
 his own sphere and to control the internal man- 
 agement of other departments, yet he could not 
 " consent to act the part of a mere financier, to 
 become a contriver of taxes, a dealer of loans, a 
 seeker of resources for the purpose of supporting 
 useless baubles, of increasing the number of idle 
 and dissipated members of the community, of fat- 
 tening contractors, pursers, and agents, and of in- 
 troducing in all its ramifications that system of 
 patronage, corruption, and rottenness which you 
 justly execrate." 
 
 EEVENUE. 
 
 Id ^tat c\%t moi was the autocratic maxim of 
 Louis Quatorze. An adherence to it cost the 
 Bourbons their throne. Burke was more philo- 
 sophical when he said, " The revenue of the state 
 is the state." Its imposition, its collection, and 
 its application involve all the principles and all 
 the powers of government, constitutional or ex- 
 traordinary. It is the sole foundation of public 
 
SECRETARY OF TEE TREASURY. 
 
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226 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 credit, the sole support of the body politic, its life- 
 blood in peace, its nerve in war. The " purse and 
 the sword " are respectively the resource and de- 
 fence of government and peoples, and they are 
 independent powers. With the discovery of the 
 sources of revenue, and the establishment of its 
 currents, Mr. Gallatin, in the first eight years of 
 his administration of the Treasury, had nothing to 
 do. He had only to maintain those systems which 
 Hamilton had devised, and which, wisely adapted 
 to the growth of the country, proved amply ade- 
 quate to the ordinary expenditures of the govern- 
 ment and to the gradual extinguishment of the 
 debt. The entire revenue included three distinct 
 branches : imposts on importations and tonnage, 
 internal revenue, sales of public lands. The du- 
 ties on imports of foreign merchandise were alone 
 sufl&cient to meet the current expenses of the va- 
 rious departments of administration on a peace 
 establishment, and, increasing with the growth of 
 the country, would prove ample in future. The 
 gross amount of imports in the four years of Ad- 
 ams's administration, 1796-1800, was about three 
 hundred and fourteen millions of dollars, and the 
 customs yielded about thirty millions. 
 
 Mr. Gallatin's first annual report, submitted to 
 the House of Representatives in December, 1801, 
 exhibited his financial scheme. He recapitulated 
 the various sources of permanent revenue. They 
 were those of Hamilton's original tariff. 
 
SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY. 227 
 
 The revenues for the year ended September 30, 
 1801, were the basis of the estimates for future 
 years. These were 
 
 Duties on imports and tonnage . $10,126,213.92 
 
 Internal revenue 854,000.00 
 
 Land sales 400,000.00 
 
 $11,380,213.92 
 
 But the close of the war in Europe sensibly 
 diminished the enormous carrying trade which fell 
 to the United States as neutrals, and, as a con- 
 sequence, the revenue from that source ; large 
 quantities of goods were brought into the United 
 States and reexported to foreign ports under a 
 system of debenture. The revenue on what Mr. 
 Gallatin calls " this accidental commerce " was 
 11,200,000. He therefore estimated the perma- 
 nent revenues at 
 
 Customs duties $9,500,000 
 
 Land sales 400,000 
 
 Postage 50,000 
 
 Internal revenue 650,000 
 
 $10,600,000 
 
 Or, without the internal revenue, say ten millions 
 of permanent revenue, as a basis for the permanent 
 expenditures. 
 
 To bring the expenditures within this sum, how- 
 ever, a reduction in the army and navy establish' 
 ments was necessary. This Gallatin soon found 
 
228 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 to be too radical a measure for success, either in 
 the cabinet or Congress, however well it may have 
 accorded with Jefferson's Utopian views. In the 
 budget of 1802 the internal revenue, 1650,000, 
 was, therefore, a necessary item. The expendi- 
 tures proposed were 
 
 Annual appropriation for interest and 
 
 principal of debt $7,100,000 
 
 CiviUist $780,000 
 
 Foreign intercourse . . 200,000 
 Military and Indian Dept. 1,420,000 
 Naval 1,100,000 
 
 $3,500,000 3,500,000 
 
 $10,600,000 
 
 In this budget the estimate for the military es- 
 tablishment was an increase over that of Wolcott 
 for 1801, which was 11,120,000. But the Repub- 
 licans in the House were not content with this 
 arrangement. The internal revenues were utterly 
 distasteful tc them. They had been laid against 
 their protest and collected under military menace. 
 They were of those Federal measures of which 
 they would have none. John Randolph, chairman 
 of the Committee of Ways and Means, reported, 
 March 2, 1802, against the entire system of inter- 
 nal duties, in the old words of the Pennsylvania 
 radicals, as vexatious, oppressive, and peculiarly 
 obnoxious ; as of the nature of an excise which is 
 hostile to the genius of a free people, and finally 
 
SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY. 229 
 
 because of their tendency to multiply offices and 
 increase the patronage of the Executive. The 
 repeal was imperative upon the Republican party. 
 On April 6, 1802, the act was repealed and the 
 surplus of the budget stripped from it, without 
 Mr. Gallatin's consent, certainly, but also without 
 protest from him. 
 
 The prosperity of the country continued. The 
 impost duties for the fiscal year ending September 
 30, 1802, rose to $12,280,000, the sales of the pub- 
 lic lands to $326,000, and the postage to $50,500, a 
 total of $12,656,500, and left in the treasury, Sep- 
 tember 30, 1802, the sum of $4,539,675.57. This 
 large increase in the treasury did not in the least 
 change Mr. Gallatin's general plan, and his budget 
 for 1803 was based on his original scale of a per- 
 manent revenue of $10,000,000, to correspond with 
 which the estimates of the preceding year were 
 reduced. The fiscal year closed September 30, 
 1803, with a balance in the treasury of $5,860,000. 
 This situation of the finances was fortunate in view 
 of secret negotiations which the President and 
 Congress were initiating for the purchase of Lou- 
 isiana from France. 
 
 The Secretaries of War and of the Navy had 
 promised to reduce their expenditures to a figure 
 approximate to Mr. Gallatin's estimates ; but the 
 breaking out of hostilities with Tripoli prevented 
 the proposed economy, and Mr. Gallatin was 
 ijalled upon to provide for an increased expend! 
 
230 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 ture with one certain source of revenue definitively 
 closed. He therefore proposed an additional tax 
 of two and one half per cent, on all importations 
 which paid an ad valorem duty. This additional 
 impost, laid by act of March 25, 1804, called the 
 Mediterranean Fund, remained in force long after 
 the war closed and held its place on the books of 
 the Treasury under that name. 
 
 The bulk of the cost of Louisiana was met by 
 an issue of bonds ; but Mr. Gallatin, true to his 
 principle, applied the moneys in the treasury as 
 far as they would go. The budget for 1805 was 
 on a different scale. The increase in the debt de- 
 manded a proportionate increase in the revenue to 
 meet the additional sum required for interest and 
 gradual annual reimbursement. The Mediterra- 
 nean Fund was sufficient to meet the increased 
 amounts required for the navy. In this manner 
 he held up the Navy Department to a strict ac- 
 countability and made it responsible to Congress 
 and not to the cabinet for its administration, and 
 he thus, from his own point of view, relieved the 
 Treasury Department from any responsibility for 
 extraordinary expenditure. 
 
 Mr. Gallatin closed his four years of administra- 
 tion with flying colors. The successful manage- 
 ment of the finances was an important factor in 
 the election of 1804, which returned Mr. Jeffer- 
 son to the presidential chair and insured to the 
 country the inestimable advantages of Mr. Galla- 
 
SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY. 231 
 
 tin's practical mind. Order reigned in his de- 
 partment at least, and order subordinate to the 
 strictest requirements of law. In the four years, 
 1801-1804, Jefferson's first term, the imports ag- 
 gregated 1337,363,510 and the customs yielded 
 $45,000,000. 
 
 The annual report, made December 9, 1805, an- 
 nounced an increasing revenue, amounting in all 
 to thirteen and one half millions of dollars, chiefly 
 from customs. Still Mr. Gallatin made but small 
 addition to his estimates for the coming year. 
 The permanent revenue he raised to twelve and 
 one half millions and increased the appropriation 
 for the payment of the debt and interest to eight 
 millions. Nothing occurred during the next year 
 to check the growth of the country ; the revenue 
 continued on a rising scale, and reached close 
 upon fifteen millions of dollars. 
 
 So far Mr. Gallatin had met but inconsiderable 
 obstacles in his course, and these he used to his ad- 
 vantage to impress economy upon the Army and 
 Navy Departments, and enforce his principle of 
 minute appropriations for their government. All 
 that he had already accomplished in the establish- 
 ment of a sound financial system and the support 
 of the credit of the United States was but the 
 basis of a broader structure of national economy. 
 His extensive scheme of internal improvements 
 was hardly matured when the thunder broke in 
 the clear sky. The acquisition of Louisiana, the 
 
232 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 large carrying trade whicli had passed under the 
 American flag, and the rapid prosperity of the 
 financial and industrial condition of the country 
 aroused the jealousy of Great Britain, and deter- 
 mined her to check the further progress of the 
 United States by war, if need be. The capture 
 of the American frigate Chesapeake by the man- 
 of-war Leopard, June 22, 1807, was only the first 
 in a series of outrages which rendered the final 
 collision, though long delayed, inevitable. Mr. 
 Gallatin at once recognized that the Treasury 
 could no longer be conducted on a peace basis. 
 " Money," he wrote to Joseph H. Nicholson, " we 
 will want to carry on the war ; our revenue will 
 be cut up ; new and internal taxes will be slow 
 and not sufiiciently productive ; we must neces- 
 sarily borrow. This is not pleasing to me, but it 
 must be done." Congress was called together for 
 October 26, 1807, and on November 5, Mr. Gal- 
 latin sent in his annual report. There was still 
 hope that Great Britain would make amends for 
 the outrage, and Congress was certainly peaceably 
 disposed. In the condition of the Treasury there 
 was no reason as yet for recommending extraordi- 
 nary measures. The revenues for the year passed 
 the sum of seventeen millions ; the balance in the 
 Treasury reached eight and one half millions ; 
 the surplus on a peace footing was twelve mil- 
 lions. Mr. Gallatin recommended that the duties 
 should be doubled in case war were threatened. 
 
SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY. 233 
 
 He said, "should the revenue fall below seven 
 millions of dollars, not only the duty on salt and 
 the Mediterranean duties could be immediately 
 revived, but the duties on importation generally 
 be considerably increased, perhaps doubled, with 
 less inconvenience than would arise from any other 
 mode of taxation." Experience had proven that 
 this source of revenue is in the United States " the 
 most productive, the easiest to collect, and least 
 burdensome to the great mass of the people." But 
 still the war-cloud did not break. Mr. Canning 
 contented himself with war in disguise, and by 
 his Order in Council of November 11, 1807, shut 
 the ports of Europe to American trade, and wiped 
 away the advantages of the United States as a 
 neutral power. The United States answered with 
 the act of embargo on December 22, 1807, com- 
 pleting, as far as it was possible for legislation to 
 effect it, the blockade of the Treasury Department 
 as regarded revenues from foreign imports. The 
 immediate effect, however, of these acts in Great 
 Britain and America was an enormous temporary 
 increase of importations in the interim from the 
 time of the passage of the act until the date when 
 it took effect. To aid merchants in this peculiar 
 condition of affairs an act was passed by Congress, 
 on March 10, 1808, extending the terms of credit 
 on revenue bonds. 
 
 Mr. Gallatin's report of December 16, 1808, 
 closed the record of his eight years of management 
 
234 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 of the Department. In the second term of Jeffer- 
 son's administration, 1805-1808, the gross amount 
 of imports had risen to 1443,990,000, and the cus- 
 toms collected to nearly $60,000,000. In the 
 entire eight years, 1800-1808, the gross amount 
 of importations was 87,81,000,000, and the cus- 
 toms yielded 8105,000,000. The entire expenses 
 of the government in the same period, including 
 865,000,000 of debt, had been liquidated from 
 customs alone. 
 
 The specie in the Treasury on September 20, 
 1808, reached nearly $14,000,000. Mr. Jefferson 
 knew of the amount in the treasury when he 
 wrote his last message, November 8, 1808, and he 
 could not have been ignorant of Mr. Gallatin's 
 warning of the previous year that a continuance of 
 the embargo restriction would reduce the revenue 
 below the point of annual expenditures and re- 
 quire an additional impost ; yet he had the igno- 
 rance or the presumption to say in his message, 
 " Shall it (the surplus revenue) lie unproductive 
 in the public vaults ? Shall the revenue be re- 
 duced ? or shall it not rather be appropriated to 
 the improvement of roads, canals, rivers, education, 
 and other great foundations of prosperity and un- 
 ion under the powers which Congress may already 
 possess or such amendments of the Constitution 
 as may be approved by the States ? While un- 
 certain of the course of things, the time may be 
 advantageously employed in obtaining the powers 
 
SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY. 235 
 
 necessary for a system of improvement, should it 
 be thought best." In these words Jefferson sur- 
 rendered the vital principle of the Republican 
 party. In his satisfaction at the only triumph of 
 his administration, the management of the finances 
 and the purchase of a province without a ripple 
 on the even surface of national finance, he gave 
 up the very basis of the Republican theory, the 
 reduction of the government to its possible mini- 
 mum, and actually proposed a system of adminis- 
 tration coextensive with the national domain, an 
 increase of the functions of government, and con- 
 sequently of executive power. 
 
 The annual report of the Treasury, presented 
 December 16, 1808, showed no diminution of re- 
 sources. The total receipts for the fiscal year 
 were nearly eighteen millions. The total receipts 
 for 
 
 Customs reached . . . . , . $26,126,648 
 
 On which debentures were allowed 
 
 on exportations 10,059,457 
 
 Actual receipts from customs . . $16,067,191 
 But this source of revenue was now definitively 
 closed by the embargo, while the expenditures of 
 the government were increased. Mr. Gallatin met 
 the situation frankly and notified Congress of the 
 resources of the Treasury. 
 
 RESOURCES FOR 1809. 
 
 Cash iu treasury $13,846,717.52 
 
 Back customs, net 2,154,000.00 
 
 Total resources $16,000,717.52 
 
236 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 The receipts from importations and land sales 
 would be offset by deductions for bad debts and 
 extensions of credit to importers. The expendi- 
 tures were set at ^13,000,000, which would leave 
 in the Treasury for extraordinary expenditure 
 $3,000,717. The disbursements had been far be- 
 yond the estimates ; those for the military and 
 naval establishments reaching together six mil- 
 lions. 
 
 It is not to be supposed that Mr. Gallatin 
 saw this depletion of the treasury, this rapid dis- 
 sipation of the specie, — always desirable and never 
 more so than in periods of trouble, — without dis- 
 appointment and regret. His report to Congress 
 was as outspoken politically as it was financially, 
 and from a foreign-born citizen to an American 
 Congress must have carried its sting. " Either 
 America," he wrote, " must accept the position of 
 commerce allotted to her by the British edicts, 
 and abandon all that is forbidden, — and it is not 
 material whether this is done by legal provisions 
 limiting the commerce of the United States to 
 the permitted places, — or by acquiescing in the 
 capture of vessels stepping beyond the prescribed 
 bounds. Or the nation must oppose force to the 
 execution of the orders of England ; and this, how- 
 ever done, and by whatever name called, will be 
 war." He recalled to them his advice of the pre- 
 ceding years in a vein of tempered bitterness: 
 " Had the duties been doubled on January 1, 1808, 
 
SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY. 237 
 
 as was then suggested, in case of war the receipts 
 into the treasury during that and the ensuing year 
 would have been increased nine or ten millions of 
 dollars." He then proposed to continue the Med- 
 iterranean Fund and to double all existing duties 
 on importations after January 1, 1809. He in- 
 formed them that no internal taxes, either direct 
 or indirect, were contemplated by him even in the 
 case of hostilities against the two belligerent pow- 
 ers; France having responded to the Orders in 
 Council by Napoleon's Milan decree, December 17, 
 1807, which was quite as offensive to the United 
 States as that of Canning. With true statesman- 
 ship Mr. Gallatin nerved the country to extraor- 
 dinary exertion by reminding it that the geo- 
 graphical situation of the United States and their 
 history since the Revolution removed every appre- 
 hension of frequent wars. 
 
 During the year 1809 the country drifted along 
 apparently without rudder or compass, helmsman 
 or course, and the treasury locker was being rap- 
 idly reduced to remainder biscuit. Mr. Madison 
 was inaugurated in March. In his first message j 
 May 23, 1809, he exposed the financial situation 
 with an indecision which was as marked a trait of 
 his character as optimism was of that of Jefferson. 
 In his message of November 29, 1809, he said 
 " the sums which had been previously accumulated 
 in the treasury, together with the receipts during 
 the year ending on September 30 last, and amount- 
 
238 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 iiig to more than nine millions of dollars, have 
 enabled us to fulfil all our engagements and defray 
 the current expenses of government without re- 
 curring to any loan ; but the insecurity of our 
 commerce and the consequent demands of the 
 public revenue will probably produce a deficiency 
 in the receipts of the ensuing year." Beyond this 
 Madison did not venture ; Gallatin was left alone. 
 
 The Treasury report of December 8, 1809, an- 
 nounced the beginning of short rations. The 
 expenses of government, exclusively of the pay- 
 ments on account of the principal of the debt, had 
 exceeded the actual receipts into the Treasury by 
 a sum of near $1,300,000. If the military and 
 naval establishments were to be continued at the 
 figures of 1809, when six millions were expended, 
 there would result a deficiency of $3,000,000, and 
 a loan of 84,000,000 would be necessary. Other- 
 wise the Mediterranean Fund would suffice. The 
 cash in the treasury had fallen from nearly four- 
 teen millions on June 2, 1809, to less than six 
 millions on September 3, following. In this report 
 Gallatin expressed his opinion, that the system of 
 restriction established by the embargo and partly 
 relaxed must be entirely reinstated or wholly 
 abandoned. On May 1, 1810, an act of strict pro- 
 hibition of importations from Great Britain and 
 her dependencies was passed. 
 
 While from the incompetency of the adminis- 
 tration the country was fast approaching the real 
 
SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY. 239 
 
 crisis of open war, the Republicans in Congress 
 were deliberately destroying and undermining the 
 basis of national credit, by which alone it could be 
 carried on. In February the United States Bank, 
 by which, and its branches, the customs were 
 collected throughout the country, was destroyed 
 by the refusal of Congress to renew its charter. 
 Mr. Gallatin in his combinations never contem- 
 plated such a contingency as the total destruction 
 of the fiscal agency on which the government had 
 relied for twenty years. Unwilling to struggle 
 longer against the mean personalities and factious 
 opposition of his own party in Congress, he ten- 
 dered his resignation to Mr. Madison. But the 
 Republican party was a party of opposition, not of 
 government. With the exception of Mr. Gallatin, 
 no competent administrative head had as yet ap- 
 peared. There was no one in the party or out of 
 it to take his place. Mr. Madison knew it. Mr. 
 Gallatin felt it, and remained. Congress met in 
 November. On the 25th Mr. Gallatin sent in his 
 annual report ; the receipts reached thirteen and 
 a half million dollars. 
 
 The Budget for 1812 left a deficiency to be pro- 
 vided for of 11,200,000. This was a small matter. 
 The revenue Mr. Gallatin proposed to increase, on 
 the plan before recommended, by additions of fifty 
 per cent to the imposts on foreign commerce. This 
 he preferred to any internal tax. 
 
 At the close of the year the country, chafed be- 
 
240 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 yond endurance by the indignities put upon it and 
 the sufferings it encountered without compensa- 
 tion to its pride, was eager for war. Congress was 
 no way loath to try the dangerous path out of its 
 labyrinth of blunders. The near contingency im- 
 posed the necessity of an immediate examination 
 of the sources of revenue. In January, 1812, Mr. 
 Gallatin was requested by the chairman of the 
 Committee of Ways and Means to give his opinion 
 as to the probable amount of receipts from duties 
 on tonnage and merchandise in the event of war. 
 This, in view of the vigorous restrictions laid by 
 France under her Continental system of exclusion, 
 Mr. Gallatin estimated under existing rules as not 
 to exceed $2,500,000. He then stated, without 
 hesitation, that it was practicable and advisable to 
 double the rate of duties, and to renew the old 
 duty on salt. The sum acquired, with this ad- 
 dition, he anticipated, would amount to $5,400,000. 
 On the basis of annual loans of ten millions of 
 dollars during the continuance of the war (the 
 sum assumed by the committee), the deficiency 
 for 1814 would amount, by Mr. Gallatin's esti- 
 mate, to $4,200,000. To produce a net revenue 
 equal to this deficiency he stated that the gross 
 sum of taxes to be laid must be five millions of 
 dollars. He then reverted to his report of Decem- 
 ber 10, 1808, in which he had stated that " no inter- 
 nal taxes, either direct or indirect, were contem- 
 plated, even in the case of hostilities carried on 
 
SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY. 241 
 
 against the two great belligerent powers." The 
 balance in the treasury was then nearly fourteen 
 millions of dollars, but in view of the daily decrease 
 of the revenue he had recommended " that all the 
 existing duties be doubled on importations sub- 
 sequent to the first day of January, 1809." As 
 the revenues of 1809, 1810, and 1811 had yielded 
 $26,000,000, the sum on hand, with the increase 
 thus recommended, would have reached f 20,000,- 
 000, a sum greater than the net amount of the 
 proposed internal taxes in four years. At that 
 time no symptoms had appeared from which the 
 absolute dissolution of the Bank of the United 
 States without any substitute could have been an- 
 ticipated. If its charters had been renewed, on 
 the conditions suggested by Mr. Gallatin, the ne- 
 cessity for internal taxes would have been avoided. 
 The resources of the country, properly applied, 
 however, were amply sufficient to meet the emer- 
 gency ; but Mr. Gallatin distinctly threw upon 
 Congress, and by implication upon the Republican 
 majority, the responsibility for the state of the 
 treasury, and the imperative necessity for a form 
 of taxation which it detested as oppressive, and 
 which it was a party shibboleth to declare in and 
 out of season, to be unconstitutional. The choice 
 of the administration was between the Bank which 
 Jefferson detested and Gallatin favored, and the 
 internal tax which Mr. Gallatin considered as the 
 
 16 
 
242 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 most repulsive in its operation of any form of rev- 
 enue. 
 
 But necessity knows no law, and the prime 
 mover, if not the original author, of the opposition 
 to Hamilton's system was driven to propose the 
 renewal of the measures, opposition to which had 
 brought the Republican party into power, and 
 placed himself at the head of the Treasury. He 
 now proposed to raise the five millions deficiency 
 by internal taxation — 83,000,000 by direct tax 
 and 82,000,000 by indirect tax. 
 
 Continuing his lucid and remarkable report 
 with careful details of the methods to be adopted, 
 Gallatin closed with an urgent recommendation 
 that the crisis should at once be met by the adop- 
 tion of eflBcient measures to provide, with cer- 
 tainty, means commensurate with the expense, 
 and by preserving unimpaired, instead of abus- 
 ing, that credit on which the public resources 
 eminently depend, to enable the United States to 
 persevere in the contest until an honorable peace 
 should be obtained. Thus he held the bitter cup 
 to the lips of the Republican Congress, which, 
 however, was not yet to drain its full measure. 
 War was declared June 18, 1812. On July 1, 
 1812, an act was passed imposing an additional 
 duty of one hundred per cent, on all importations, 
 an additional ten per cent, on goods brought in 
 foreign vessels, and also a duty of 81-50 per ton on 
 all foreign vessels. The duty was to remain until 
 
SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY. 243 
 
 tbe expiration of one year after peace should be 
 made with Great Britain. On December 5, 1812, 
 Mr. Gallatin sent in his last report. The balance 
 in the treasury was $3,947,818.36. His estimate 
 for the service of the year 1813 was a war budget. 
 Resources, 812,000,000; expenditures, 131,926,- 
 000; promising a deficiency of 819,925,000. For 
 this and other contingencies Mr. Gallatin asked 
 for a loan of twenty millions. The authority was 
 granted, but the recommendations of direct and in- 
 direct taxes were disregarded. Here Mr. Galla- 
 tin's direct connection with the customs system 
 closed. 
 
 The value of foreign importations during Madi- 
 son's first term was 8275,230,000, and the customs 
 derived from them thirty-eight millions of dollars. 
 
 Congress adjourned March 4, 1813, but was 
 called together again in May, when the subject of 
 internal taxes was again forced upon them. The 
 internal revenue was a part of Hamilton's general 
 scheme. His original bill Avas passed, and, after 
 numerous amendments suggested by trial, its griev- 
 ances were tempered and the friction removed. 
 In Adams's term it yielded nearly three millions of 
 dollars. In Jefferson's first term, before the rise 
 in customs revenue allowed of its abandonment, 
 Mr. Gallatin drew from this source nearly two 
 millions of dollars, enough to pay the interest and 
 provide for the extinguishment of a six per cent. 
 
 ,! 
 
244 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 loan of thirty millions; a war budget in itself. 
 But it had been so entirely set aside that in Jef- 
 ferson's second term, 1808-1812, it had fallen to 
 a little over sixty-three thousand ; in Madison's 
 first term, to a little under nineteen thousand dol- 
 lars. Was it to this Mr. Dallas referred in that 
 passage of his report, made in 1815, on the finan- 
 cial operations of the war, in which he expresses 
 his regret " that there existed no system by which 
 the internal resources of the country could be 
 brought at once into action, when the resources of 
 its external commerce became incompetent to an- 
 swer the exigencies of the time? The existence 
 of such a system would probably have invigorated 
 the early movements of the war, might have pre- 
 served the public credit unimpaired, and would 
 have rendered the pecuniary contributions of the 
 people more equal, as well as more effective." " It 
 certainly," to use the words of this Mr. Gallatin's 
 oldest and best political friend, " furnishes a lesson 
 of practical policy." Disagreeable as the neces- 
 sity was, it could not be avoided, and Mr. Galla- 
 tin met it manfully. Nay more, he seems to have 
 had a grim satisfaction in proposing the measure 
 to the Congress which had thwarted him in his 
 plans. In accordance with his suggestions. Con- 
 gress, in the extra session of May, 1813, laid a 
 direct tax of f 3,000,000 upon the States, and spe- 
 cific duties upon refined sugar, carriages, licenses 
 to distillers of spirituous liquors, sales at auction, 
 
SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY. 245 
 
 licenses to retailers of wines, and upon notes of 
 banks and bankers. These duties, in the beginning 
 temporary, were calculated to yield $500,000, and 
 "with the direct tax to give a sum of 83,500,000. 
 But the increasing expenditures again requiring 
 additional sums of revenue, the duties were made 
 permanent and additional taxes were laid ; the en- 
 tire revenue for 1815 being raised so as to yield 
 112,400,000. In the second term of Mr. Madison 
 the internal revenue brought in nearly eleven and 
 a half millions. The Federalists, who as a party 
 were opposed to the war, enjoyed the situation , 
 Mr. Gallatin was compelled to impose the internal 
 revenue tax which he detested, and Mr. Dallas 
 was called upon to enforce its application. 
 
 The only remaining source of revenue was the 
 sale of public lands. This also was a part of 
 Hamilton's original scheme. The public lands of 
 the United States were acquired in three different 
 ways, namely, 1, by cessions from the States of 
 such lands as they claimed, or were entitled to by 
 their original grants or charters from the crown, 
 while colonies ; 2, by purchase from Indian tribes ; 
 3, by treaties with foreign nations ; those of 1783 
 and 1794 with Great Britain, of 1795 with Spain, 
 and of 1803 with France. The need of bringing 
 this vast territory under the control of the govern- 
 ment and disposing of it for settlement was early 
 apparent. In July, 1791, Hamilton sent in to the 
 
246 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 House a report on " A uniform system for the dis- 
 position of the lands, the property of the United 
 States." In March preceding, grants of the United 
 States had confirmed to the actual settlers in the 
 Illinois country the possession of their farms. But 
 what with the Indian wars and the rebellion 
 within the United States, no action was taken by 
 Congress to carry the recommendations of the 
 Secretary into effect, until Mr. Gallatin, whose 
 residence on the frontier gave him direct interest 
 in the subject, brought up the matter at the very 
 first session he attended. In 1796 a bill was 
 passed authorizing and regulating the sale of lands 
 northwest of the Ohio and above the mouth of the 
 Kentucky River, and a surveyor-general was ap- 
 pointed with directions to lay out these lands in 
 townships. The sales under Adams's administra- 
 tions were trifling, the total amount received from 
 this source before the year 1800 being slightly 
 over one hundred thousand dollars. In May, 1800, 
 sales of the same lands were authorized at public 
 vendue at not less than two dollars per acre ; four 
 land offices were established in the territory ; sur- 
 veyors were appointed, and a register of the land 
 office was made a permanent official. In March, 
 1803, an act was passed to regulate the sale of the 
 United States lands south of the Tennessee River, 
 two land offices were established and public sale 
 provided for at the same price set in the act of 
 1800. In March, 1804, the Indiana lands lying 
 
SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY. 247 
 
 north of the Ohio and east of the Mississippi were 
 brought within similar regulations, and an act 
 was passed concerning the country acquired under 
 Spanish and British grants. In the same month 
 Louisiana was erected into two territories. The 
 sums received from the sales during the first term 
 of Jefferson's administration amounted to little 
 more than one million of dollars. In January, 
 1805, the territory of Indiana was divided into 
 two separate governments ; that one which was set 
 off received the name of Michigan, and in 1808, 
 its territory was brought under the regulations of 
 the land office. 
 
 The sums received from the sales in the second 
 term of Jefferson's administration reached nearly 
 two and one half millions of dollars, and in Mad- 
 ison's first term, nearly three millions of dollars. 
 From first to last Mr. Gallatin never lost sight 
 of the subject, though occasion did not serve for 
 more than organization of the system which, in 
 the four years ending 1836, yielded nearly fifty 
 million dollars, and paid more than one third of 
 the entire expenses of the government. To John 
 W. Eppes 1 Mr. Gallatin wrote in the crisis of 
 1813, " The public lands constitute the only great 
 national resource exclusive of loans and taxes. 
 They have already been mentioned as a fund for 
 the ultimate extinguishment of the public debt." 
 The land offices were then in full operation. 
 1 Chairman of the Committee of Ways and Meani. 
 
248 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 In 1810 Mr. Gallatin prepared an " Introduction 
 to the collection of laws, treaties, and other docu- 
 ments respecting the public lands," which was 
 published pursuant to an act of Congress passed in 
 April of that year. 
 
 FREE TRADE. 
 
 While Mr. Gallatin differed from his early Re- 
 publican associates in many of their theories of 
 administration, he was a firm believer in the best 
 of their principles, namely, the wisdom of giving 
 free scope to the development of national resources 
 with the least possible interference on the part of 
 government. One of his purposes in his persistent 
 desire for economy in expenditure was to reduce 
 the tariff upon foreign importations to the lowest 
 practicable limit. He was the earliest public ad- 
 vocate in America of the principles of free trade, 
 and an experience of sixty years confirmed him in 
 his convictions. 
 
 The extinguishment of the debt rendered a great 
 reduction in the revenue possible. On the other 
 hand, it brought the friends of a low tariff face to 
 face with the problem of internal improvements. 
 As the election of 1832 drew near, the advocates 
 of the two systems ranged themselves in two great 
 parties precisely as to-day : the advocates of the 
 protective or American system with internal im- 
 provements as an outlet for accumulations of rev- 
 enue on the one side ; on the other the advocates 
 
SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY. 249 
 
 of free trade. Between his desire for the advan- 
 tages of the one with its attendant disadvantages 
 of government interference in its prosecution, and 
 the freedom of commerce from undue restrictions, 
 Mr. Gallatin did not hesitate. He threw the 
 whole force of his experience and character into 
 the free trade cause, and became the leader of its 
 friends. 
 
 On September 30, 1831, a convention of the ad- 
 vocates of free trade, without distinction of party, 
 met at the Musical Fund Hall in Philadelphia. 
 Two hundred and twelve delegates appeared. 
 Among them were Theodore Sedgwick, George 
 Peabody, and John L. Gardner from Massachu- 
 setts ; Preserved Fish, John Constable, John A. 
 Stevens, Jonathan Goodhue, James Boorman, 
 Jacob Lorillard, and Albert Gallatin from New 
 York; C. C. Biddle, George Emlen, Isaac W. Nor- 
 ris from Pennsylvania ; Langdon Cheves, Henry 
 Middleton, Joseph W. Allston, and William C. 
 Preston from South Carolina ; and men of equal 
 distinction, bankers, merchants, statesmen, and po- 
 litical economists from other States. Of this con- 
 vention Mr. Gallatin was the soul. He opened its 
 business by stating the objects of the meeting, and 
 nominated the Hon. Philip P. Barbour of Vir- 
 ginia for president. A general committee of two 
 from each State was appointed, which recom- 
 mended an address to the people of the United 
 States and a memorial to Congress. The address 
 
250 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 to the people closed with a declaration that the 
 near extinguishment of the national debt, which 
 would be discharged by the available funds of the 
 government on January 1, 1833, suggested that 
 the moment was propitious for the establishment 
 of the principles of free trade. Thus the people 
 of the United States, who had successfully as- 
 serted the doctrines of free government, might 
 add to its claims upon the gratitude of the world 
 by being the first also to proclaim the theory of 
 a free and unrestricted commerce, the genuine 
 " American system." Mr. Gallatin was the chair- 
 man of the committee of fourteen, one from each 
 State represented in the convention, to prepare 
 the memorial which was presented in their behalf 
 to Congress, the conclusions of which, presented 
 with his consummate ability, demonstrated with 
 mathematical precision that a duty of twenty-five 
 per cent, was sufficient for all the legitimate pur- 
 poses of government. Here he found himself in 
 direct opposition to Mr. Clay, whose political ex- 
 istence was staked upon the opposite theory. Mr. 
 Clay answered in a great speech in the Senate in 
 February, 1832, and forgot himself in personal de- 
 nunciation of Mr. Gallatin as a foreigner with Eu- 
 ropean interests at heart, and of Utopian ideas ; 
 for this he expressed his regret to Mr. Gallatin in 
 an interview arranged by mutual friends at a 
 much later period. Mr. Gallatin's views were ac- 
 cepted as the policy of the country, and after some 
 
SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY. 251 
 
 shifting of parties, in which friends and foes 
 changed ground in subordination to other political 
 exigencies, they prevailed in the tariff of 1846, 
 the best arranged and most reasonable which the 
 United States has yet seen. The issue is again 
 before the American people and fortunately with- 
 out extraneous political circumstances to divert at- 
 tention from its true merits. The signs of the 
 times fail, if the result be not the same, and if 
 the descendants of those Whigs who were scorn- 
 fully termed " white crows," because they subor- 
 dinated their economic ideas to what they held to 
 be vital principles on the questions of executive 
 power and the extension of slavery into the terri- 
 tories, do not again turn the scale in favor of a 
 revenue system in accord with the liberal spirit of 
 the age. 
 
 ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 To arrive at a correct estimate of Mr. Galla- 
 tin's administration of the Treasury Department, 
 a cursory review of the establishment as he re- 
 ceived it from the hands of Mr. Wolcott is neces- 
 sary. This review is confined to administration 
 in its limited sense, namely, the direction of its 
 clerical management under the provisions of stat- 
 ute law. The organization of the department as 
 originated by Hamilton and established by the act 
 of September 2, 1789, provided for a secretary of 
 the treasury as head of the department, whose 
 
252 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 general duty should be to supervise the fiscal af- 
 fairs of the country, and particularly to suggest 
 and prepare plans for the improvement and sup- 
 port of the public credit ; and, under his direction 
 and supervision, a comptroller to adjust and pre- 
 serve accounts ; an auditor to receive, examine, 
 and rectify accounts ; a treasurer to receive, keep, 
 and disburse moneys on warrants signed and coun- 
 tersigned ; a register to keep the accounts of re- 
 ceipts and expenditures ; and an assistant to the 
 Secretary of the Treasury to fill any vacancy from 
 absence or other temporary cause. In addition 
 to the departments of State, Treasury, and War, 
 a fourth, that of the Navy, was established April 
 30, 1798. The three departments were brought 
 into relation with that of the Treasury by an act 
 passed July 16, 1798, supplementary to that or- 
 ganizing the Treasury, and which provided, 1st, 
 for the appointment of an accountant in each 
 department, who was required to report to the 
 accounting ofiBcer of the Treasury; 2d, that the 
 Treasurer of the United States should only dis- 
 burse by warrants on the Treasury, countersigned 
 by the accountant of the Treasury ; 3d, that all 
 purchases for supplies for military or naval ser- 
 vice should be subject to the inspection and re- 
 vision of the officers of the Treasury. Mr. Jef- 
 ferson, after his usual fashion of economy in the 
 wrong direction, proposed to Mr. Gallatin " to 
 amalgamate the comptroller and auditor into one, 
 
SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY. 258 
 
 and reduce the register to a clerk of accounts : so 
 that the organization should consist, as it should 
 at first, of a keeper of money, a keeper of ac- 
 counts, and the head of the department." But in 
 the Treasury Department there was no extrava- 
 gance during Gallatin's administration, and the 
 shifting of responsibility would bring no saving 
 of salaries. 
 
 In May, 1800, an act was passed making it " the 
 duty of the Secretary of the Treasury to digest, 
 prepare, and lay before Congress at the commence- 
 ment of every session a report on the subject of 
 finances, containing estimates of the public reve- 
 nue and expenditures, and plans for improving 
 and increasing the revenue from time to time, for 
 the purpose of giving information to Congress in 
 adopting modes for raising the money requisite to 
 meet the expenditures." Hamilton had never 
 sent in any other than a statement of expenditure 
 for the past fiscal year, together with the esti- 
 mate of the accountant of the Treasury for the 
 proximate wants of the departments of govern- 
 ment. Mr. Gallatin incorporated in his annual 
 report a balance sheet in accordance with the or- 
 dinary forms of book-keeping familiar to every 
 accountant and indispensable in every business es- 
 tablishment, and such as is presented to the pub- 
 lic in the monthly and annual statements of the 
 Treasury Department at this day. 
 
 The statutes show no legislation during Mr. 
 
254 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 Gallatin's period of administration, and to its 
 close lie was in continual struggle to force upon 
 Congress and the departments an accord with his 
 pet plan of minute specific appropriation of the 
 sums estimated for and expended by each. Mr. 
 Madison heartily agreed with Mr. Gallatin on 
 this subject, and on taking office placed the rela- 
 tions of the State Department upon the desired 
 footing. But the heads of the Army and Navy 
 were never willing to consent to the strict lim- 
 itation which Mr. Gallatin would have imposed 
 on their expenditures. In his notes to Jeffer- 
 son for the draft of his first message in 1801, 
 Mr. Gallatin said that the most important reform 
 he could suggest was that of ' specific appropri- 
 ations,' and he inclosed an outline of a form to 
 be enforced in detail. In January, 1802, he sent 
 to Joseph H. Nicholson a series of inquiries to be 
 addressed to himself by a special committee on 
 the subject, with regard to the mode by which 
 money was drawn from the Treasury and the situ- 
 ation of accounts between that department and 
 those of the Army and Navy. To these ques- 
 tions he sent in to the House an elaborate reply, 
 which he intended to be the basis of legislation. 
 Strict appropriation was the ideal at which he 
 aimed, and this word was so often on his tongue 
 or in his messages that it could not be mentioned 
 without a suggestion of his personality. He car- 
 ried the same nicety of detail into his domestic 
 
SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY. 255 
 
 life. He managed his own household expenses, 
 and at a time when bountiful stores were the 
 fashion in every household he insisted on a rigid 
 observance of the more precise French system. 
 He made an appropriation of a certain sum each 
 day for his expenses, and required from his pur- 
 veyor a strict daily account of disbursements. 
 An amusing story is told of him at his own table. 
 On an occasion when entertaining a company at 
 dinner, he was dissatisfied with the menu and ex- 
 pressed his disapprobation to his maitre d'hotel, 
 a Frenchman, who replied to him in broken Eng- 
 lish, that it was not his fault, but that of the 
 " mal-appropriations." 
 
 The example set by Mr. Gallatin in this partic- 
 ular was never forgotten, and from his day to this 
 strict accountability has been the tradition of the 
 Treasury Department, now greatly increased in 
 detail, but in structure essentially as it was orig- 
 inally organized. Of its management Mr. Sher- 
 man was able to say in his report of December 1, 
 1879, " The organization of the several bureaus is 
 such, and the system of accounting so perfect, that 
 the financial transactions of the government dur- 
 ing the past two years, aggregating $3,354,345,- 
 040.53, have been adjusted without question with 
 the exception of a few small balances, now in the 
 process of collection, of which it is believed that the 
 government will eventually lose less than f 13,000, 
 or less than four mills for each $1,000 of the 
 
256 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 amount involved ; " and in 1880 he said with entire 
 truth, " The department is a well organized and 
 well conducted business office, depending mainly 
 for its success upon the integrity and fidelity of 
 the heads of bureaus and chiefs of divisions." 
 
 BACKING. 
 
 There is no more instructive chapter in the his- 
 tory of finance than that upon the banking system 
 of the United States. It has its distinct eras of 
 radical change, each of which presents a series of 
 tentative experiments. The outcome, by a proc- 
 ess of development, in which political expedi- 
 ency has been as effective an agency as financial 
 necessity, is the present national banking system. 
 Though the term government or national bank is 
 constantly used in reference to the great banking 
 institutions of England, France, and the United 
 States, no one of these is in the true sense of the 
 word a national bank. The Bank of England is 
 a chartered corporation, the Bank of France an as- 
 sociation instituted by law. The Bank of North 
 America, and the Bank of the United States which 
 followed it, were founded on the same principle. 
 Both were corporations of individuals intimately 
 connected with the government, enjoying certain 
 privileges accorded and being under certain restric- 
 tions, but otherwise independent of government 
 control. 
 yXhe Bank of North America, the first bank es* 
 
SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY. 257 
 
 tablished in the United States, was also the first 
 which had any direct relation to the government. 
 It was the conception of the comprehensive and 
 original mind of Robert Morris, the financier or 
 superintendent of the public finances of the 
 United States. Its purpose was not the conven- 
 ience or profit of individuals, but to draw together 
 the scattered financial resources of the country 
 and found a public credit. He submitted his plan 
 to Congress, which adopted a resolution of ap- 
 proval May 26, 1781. The original plan contem- 
 plated a capital of ten millions of dollars, but the 
 collection of such a sum in gold and silver in one 
 depository was beyond the range of possibility at 
 that period, and the capital was finally fixed at 
 four hundred thousand dollars, in one thousand 
 shares of four hundred dollars each. Subscription 
 books were immediately opened, but not more than 
 f 70,000 was entered during the summer months. 
 The arrival at Boston of a French war frigate 
 with a remittance of $470,000 in specie, which 
 was brought to Philadelphia and deposited in the 
 vaults of the bank, enabled Mr. Morris to mature 
 his plans. He designed to retain this sum in the 
 bank as a specie basis ; but the necessities of the 
 country were so urgent during the critical season 
 of the Yorktown campaign, that nearly one half 
 of it was exhausted before an organization could 
 be effected. In December Congress passed an 
 ordinance of incorporation. Mr. Morris then sub- 
 
 17 
 
258 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 scribed the specie remaining in the treasury, about 
 $254,000, for shares for account of the United 
 States, which became thereby the principal stock- 
 holder. The limit assigned by the ordinance re- 
 mained, however, at ten millions of dollars. There 
 was nothing in the acts of Congress which implied 
 any exclusive right of the United States govern- 
 ment in the bank except during the war of the 
 Revolution. A local charter was obtained from 
 the Legislature of Pennsylvania and the bank 
 was opened in Philadelphia for the transaction of 
 business in January, 1782. Its services to the gov- 
 ernment during the period of the war were ines- 
 timable. In the words of Hamilton, " American 
 independence owes much to it." But after the 
 war such were the local jealousies, the fears of op- 
 pression, and the dread of foreign influence, that, 
 on the petition of the inhabitants of Philadelphia 
 and some of the neighboring counties, the Legis- 
 lature of Pennsylvania repealed its charter on 
 September 13, 1785. The bank continued its 
 operations, however, under the charter from Con- 
 gress. On March 17, 1787, the Legislature of 
 Pennsylvania renewed the charter for fourteen 
 years and limited the capital to two millions of 
 dollars. The charter was extended for a similar 
 term of fourteen years on March 26, 1799. Thus 
 in the beginning of the American banking system 
 are found that distrust and jealousy of money 
 power which seem inherent in democracies. The 
 
SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY. 259 
 
 exercise of state jurisdiction over the existence of 
 the Bank of North America suggested possible 
 embarrassments, which could not escape the dis- 
 cernment of Hamilton, whose policy, as it was also 
 that of the Federal party, was to strengthen the 
 powers of the government in every vital branch of 
 administration. 
 
 In his comprehensive plan of government Ham- 
 ilton included a financial institution to develop 
 the national resources, strengthen the public credit, 
 aid the Treasury Department in its administra- 
 tion, and provide a secure and sound circulating 
 medium for the people. On December 13, 1790, 
 he sent in to Congress a report on the subject of 
 a national bank. The Republican party, then in 
 the minority, opposed the plan as unconstitutional, 
 on the ground that the power of creating banks 
 or any corporate body had not been expressly del- 
 egated to Congress, and was therefore not possessed 
 by it. Washington's cabinet was divided ; Jeffer- 
 son opposing the measure as not within the im- 
 plied powers, because it was an expediency and not 
 a paramount necessity. Later he used stronger 
 language, and denounced the institution as " one 
 of the most deadly hostility existing against the 
 principles and form of our Constitution," nor did 
 he ever abandon these views. There is the au- 
 thority of Mr. Gallatin for saying that Jefferson 
 " died a decided enemy to our banking system gen- 
 erally, and specially to a bank of the United 
 
260 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 States." But Hamilton's views prevailed. Wash- 
 ington, who in the weary years of war had seen the 
 imperative necessity of some national organization 
 of the finances, after mature deliberation approved 
 the plan, and on February 25, 1791, the Bank of 
 the United States was incorporated. The capital 
 stock was limited to twenty-five thousand shares 
 of four hundred dollars each, or ten millions of 
 dollars, payable one fourth in gold and silver, and 
 three fourths in public securities bearing an inter- 
 est of six and three per cent. The stock was im- 
 mediately subscribed for, the government taking 
 five thousand shares, two millions of dollars, under 
 the right reserved in the charter. The subscrip- 
 tion of the United States was paid in ten equal an- 
 nual instalments. A large proportion of the stock 
 was held abroad, and the shares soon rose above 
 par. By an act of March 2, 1791, the funded three 
 per cents were also made receivable in payment of 
 subscriptions to the bank, whence it has been said 
 that out of the funding system sprung the bank, 
 as three fourths of its capital consisted of public 
 stocks. Authority was given the bank to establish 
 offices of discount and deposit within the United 
 States. The chief bank was placed in Philadel- 
 phia and branches were established in eight cities, 
 with capitals in proportion to their commercial im- 
 portance., 
 
 In 1809 the stockholders of the Bank of the 
 United States memorialized the government for a 
 
SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY. 261 
 
 renewal of their charter, which would expire on 
 March 4, 1811 ; and on March 9, 1809, Mr. Galla- 
 tin sent in a report in which he reviewed the oper- 
 ations of the bank from its organization. Of the 
 government shares, five million dollars at par, two 
 thousand four hundred and ninety-three shares 
 were sold in 1796 and 1797 at an advance of 25 
 per cent., two hundred and eighty-seven in 1797 
 at an advance of 20 per cent., and the remaining 
 2,220 shares in 1802, at an advance of 45 per cent., 
 making together, exclusive of the dividends, a 
 profit of 1671,680 to the United States. Eighteen 
 thousand shares of the bank stock were held 
 abroad, and seven thousand shares, or a little 
 more than one fourth part of the capital, in the 
 United States. A table of all the dividends 
 made by the bank showed that they had on the 
 average been at the rate of 8f (precisely 8jf ) per 
 cent, a year, which proved that the bank had not 
 in any considerable degree used the public depos- 
 its for the purpose of extending its discounts. 
 From a general view of the debits and credits, 
 as presented, it appeared that the affairs of the 
 Bank of the United States, considered as a mon- 
 eyed institution, had been wisely and skilfully 
 managed. The advantages derived by the gov- 
 ernment Mr. Gallatin stated to be, 1, safe-keep- 
 ing of the public moneys ; 2, transmission of the 
 public moneys ; 3, collection of the revenue ; 4, 
 loans. The strongest objection to the renewal of 
 
262 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 the charter lay in the great portion of the bank 
 stock held by foreigners. Not on account of any 
 influence over the institution, since they had no 
 vote ; but because of the high rate of interest pay- 
 able by America to foreign countries. If the char- 
 ter were not renewed the principal of that portion, 
 amounting to 87,200,000, must at once be remitted 
 abroad ; but if the charter were renewed, dividends 
 equal to an interest of about 8| per cent, per an- 
 num must be remitted. Mr. Gallatin's report 
 closed with the following suggestions: — 
 
 I. That the bank should pay an interest to the 
 United States on the public deposits above a cer- 
 tain sum. 
 
 II. That it should be bound to lend the United 
 States a sum not exceeding three fifths of its capi- 
 tal. 
 
 III. That the capital stock of the bank should 
 be increased to thirty millions of dollars, to be 
 subscribed for, 1, five millions by citizens of the 
 United States ; 2, fifteen millions by the States; 
 a branch to be established in each subscribing 
 State ; 3, payments by either individuals or States 
 to be in specie or public stock of the United States 
 at rates to be fixed by law ; the subscribing States 
 to pay in ten annual instalments. 
 
 IV. That some share should be given in the di- 
 rection to the general and state governments by 
 appointment of directors in the general direction 
 and branches. 
 
SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY, 263 
 
 The result of this plan would be, 1st, that the 
 United States might, from the interest on the 
 public deposits, accumulate during years of peace 
 and prosperity a treasure sufficient to meet peri- 
 ods of war and calamity ; 2d, that they might 
 rely on a loan of eighteen millions of dollars 
 in any sudden emergency ; 3d, that by the pay- 
 ment in ten instalments the increase in capital 
 would be in proportion to the progressive state 
 of the country ; 4th, that the bank itself would 
 form an additional bond of common interest and 
 union amongst the several States. But these ar- 
 guments availed not against the blind and igno- 
 rant jealousy of the Republican majority in the 
 House. The days of the bank were numbered. 
 Congress refused to prolong its existence and the 
 institution was dissolved. Fortunately for the 
 country, it wound up its affairs with such delibera- 
 tion and prudence as to allow of the interposition 
 of other bank credits in lieu of those withdrawn, 
 and thus prevented a serious shock to the interests 
 of the community. In the twenty years of its ex- 
 istence from 1791 to 1811 its management was ir- 
 reproachable. Its annual dividends from 1791 
 to 1809 were 8f per cent., and its stock, always 
 above par, from 1805 to 1809 ranged from 20 to 
 40 per cent, premium. 
 
 In its numerous and varied relations to the gov- 
 ernment it had been a useful and faithful servant, 
 and its directors had never assumed the attitude 
 
264 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 of money kings, of which the Jeffersonian democ- 
 racy pretended to stand in hourly dread. To the 
 general and important nature of its financial ser- 
 vice Mr. Gallatin gave his testimony in 1830; 
 after his own direct participation in public affairs 
 had ended. 
 
 " Experience, however, has since confirmed the great 
 utility and importance of a bank of the United States 
 in its connection with the Treasury. The first great ad- 
 vantage derived from it consists in the safe-keeping of 
 the public moneys, securing in the first instance the im- 
 mediate payment of those received by the principal col- 
 lectors, and affording a constant check on all their trans- 
 actions ; and afterwards rendering a defalcation in the 
 moneys once paid, and whilst nominally in the treasury, 
 absolutely impossible. The next, and not less impor- 
 tant, benefit is to be found in the perfect facility with 
 which all the public payments are made by checks or 
 treasury drafts, payable at any place where the bank 
 has an office ; all those who have demands against gov- 
 ernment are paid in the place most convenient to them ; 
 and the public moneys are transferred through our exten- 
 sive territory at a moment's warning without any risk 
 or expense, to the places most remote from those of col- 
 lection, and wherever public exigencies may require." 
 
 Late in life, in a letter to John M. Botts, June 
 14, 1841, Mr. Gallatin expressed the same opinions 
 with regard to the usefulness of a government 
 bank as an aid to the Treasury Department, 
 but limited his approval to that use. '* Except 
 
SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY. 265 
 
 in its character of fiscal agent to the general gov- 
 ernment I attach much less importance to a na- 
 tional bank than several of those who are in fa- 
 vor of it." " Did I believe," he adds in the same 
 letter, " that a bank of the United States would 
 effectually secure us a sound currency, I would 
 think it a duty at all hazards to promote the ob- 
 ject." 
 
 The reason for his doubts in 1841 is easily 
 seen in the impossibility of annihilating or con- 
 trolling the three hundred district currencies of 
 as many banks, each nominally convertible into 
 specie at its point of issue ; a financial puzzle 
 which Mr. Chase solved in the device and organ- 
 ization of the present national banking system, 
 which, without involving the government in bank- 
 ing operations, affords to the people a homoge- 
 neous currency of uniform value, and secures its 
 convertibility by reasonable but absolute restric- 
 tions, upon conformity to which the existence of 
 the banks depends. The exigencies of war com- 
 pelled an acquiescence in the plans of Mr. Chase, 
 which, at the time when Mr. Gallatin expressed 
 his doubts, could not have been had in any system 
 whatever which involved the subordination of the 
 banks. 
 
 The wide spread of the state bank system, 
 with its irresponsible and unlimited issues, occur- 
 ring subsequent to Mr. Gallatin's withdrawal from 
 the Treasury, was a consequence of the failure 
 
266 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 to renew the charter of the Bank of the United 
 States ; and if ever there were a system by which 
 the inhabitants of States, whose floating capital 
 was small, were placed at the mercy of moneyed 
 corporations of the States where it was abundant, 
 it was the state bank system. The experience of 
 the old confederation had not taught this lesson. 
 The colonial system was continued by the several 
 States, and bills of credit were issued on their 
 faith. The continental system was a compound 
 of the main features of this plan. The biUs were 
 issued by the Congress, but the States were relied 
 upon for their ultimate redemption. 
 
 The collapse of the entire fabric of finance led 
 to the establishment of the Bank of North Amer- 
 ica, the notes of which were redeemable and re- 
 deemed at the bank counters. The article in the 
 Constitution of 1787, prohibiting the issue of 
 bills of credit by the States, was evidently in- 
 tended to secure a uniform currency to the peo- 
 ple of the United States, and it has been by a 
 strange perversion of this manifest intention that 
 the power has been conceded to the States to char- 
 ter corporations to do that which was forbidden 
 to themselves in their sovereign capacity ; namely, 
 to issue bills of credit, which bank-notes are. It 
 is idle to say that, because such bills were not a 
 " legal tender," they were therefore not of the 
 character which the Constitution forbade. Neces- 
 sity knows no law, and in the absence of any other 
 
SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY. 
 
 267 
 
 currency the people were perforce compelled to 
 take what they could get. Experience later showed 
 that large amounts of paper money manufactured 
 in one State were easily put in circulation in 
 far distant communities, and considerable sums 
 through the operations of wear and tear and the 
 vicissitudes incident to its fragile nature, never 
 returned to plague the inventor. 
 
 At the time of the organization of the National 
 Bank by Hamilton, there were but three banks in 
 the United States : the Bank of North America, 
 the Bank of New York, and the Bank of Massa- 
 chusetts. Their added capital amounted to two 
 millions of dollars, and their issues were inconsid- 
 erable. 
 
 Mr. Gallatin estimated that in January, 1811, 
 just before the expiration of the bank charter, 
 there were in the United States eighty-eight state 
 banks with a capital of $42,612,000. 
 
 
 Capital. 
 
 Notes in Circu- 
 lation. 
 
 Specie 
 
 Bank of the United States 
 Eighty-eight State Banks 
 
 $10,000,000 
 42,610,601 
 
 $5,400,000 
 22,700,000 
 
 $5,800,000 
 9,600,000 
 
 
 $52,610,601 
 
 $28,100,000 
 
 $15,400,000 
 
 Over the local institutions the Bank of the 
 United States always exercised a salutary control, 
 checking any disposition to overtrade by restrain- 
 
268 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 ing their issues and holding them to a proper 
 specie reserve ; and this by no other interference 
 except its countenance or ill favor, as such banks 
 severally observed or disregarded the ordinary 
 rules of financial prudence. The immediate ef- 
 fect of the refusal of Congress to recharter the 
 Bank of the United States was to bring the 
 Treasury to the verge of bankruptcy. The in- 
 terference of Parish, Girard, and Astor alone 
 saved the credit of the government, and this in- 
 terference w^as no doubt prompted by self-inter- 
 est. That Mr. Astor vras hostile to the bank is 
 certain. Gallatin wrote to Madison in January, 
 1811, that Mr. Astor had sent him a verbal mes- 
 sage, " that in case of non-renewal of the charter 
 of the Bank of the United States, all his funds 
 and those of his friends, to the amount of two mil- 
 lions of dollars, would be at the command of gov- 
 ernment, either in importing specie, circulating 
 government paper, or in any other way best cal- 
 culated to prevent any injury arising from the 
 dissolution of the bank," and he added that Mr. 
 Bentson, Mr. Astor's son-in-law, in communicating 
 this message said, " that in this instance profit was 
 not Mr. Astor's object, and that he would go great 
 lengths, partly from pride and partly from wish, to 
 see the bank down." In 1813, when the bank was 
 " down," Mr. Gallatin was no longer master of the 
 situation. He offered to treat directly with Parish, 
 Girard, and Astor for ten millions of dollars, but 
 
SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY. 269 
 
 fiiKiing some hesitation, he opened the loan for sub- 
 scription. When the subscription failed, he was 
 at the mercy of the capitalists. 
 
 Another immediate effect of the dissolution of 
 the bank was the withdrawal from the country 
 of the foreign capital invested in the bank, more 
 than seven millions of dollars. This amount was 
 remitted, in the twelve months preceding the war, 
 in specie. Specie was at that time a product for- 
 eign to the United States, and by no means easy 
 to obtain. Specie, as Mr. Gallatin profoundly ob- 
 served, does not precede, but follows wealth. The 
 want of it nearly destroyed Morris's original plan 
 for the Bank of North America, and was only 
 made up by the fortunate receipt of the French 
 remittances. In 1808 the specie in the vaults of 
 the Treasury reached fourteen millions of dollars, 
 but during the operation of the Embargo Act, the 
 banks of New England had gradually accumulated 
 a specie reserve, and that of Richmond, Virginia, 
 pursued the same policy. Together they held one 
 third of the entire specie reserve of the banks. 
 The amount of specie in the Bank of the United 
 States, January 1, 1811, had fallen to $5,800,000, 
 which soon found its way abroad. 
 
 The notes of the Bank of the United States, 
 payable on demand in gold and silver at the coun- 
 ters of the bank, or any of its branches, were, by 
 its charter, receivable in all payments to the United 
 States; but this quality was also stripped from 
 
270 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 them on March 19, 1812, by a repeal of the act 
 according it. To these disturbances of the finan- 
 cial equilibrium of the country was added the 
 necessary withdrawal of fifteen millions of bank 
 credit and its transfer to other institutions. This 
 gave an extraordinary impulse to the establish- 
 ment of local banks, each eager for a share of the 
 profits. The capital of the country, instead of 
 being concentrated, was dissipated. Between Jan- 
 uary 1, 1811, and 1815, one hundred and twenty 
 new banks were chartered, and forty millions of 
 dollars were added to the banking capital. To 
 realize profits, the issues of paper were pushed to 
 the extreme of possible circulation. Meanwhile 
 New England kept aloof from the nation. The 
 specie in the vaults of the banks of Massachusetts 
 rose from $1,706,000 on June 1, 1811, to 17,326,000 
 on June 1, 1814. This was a consequence of the 
 New England policy of opposition. Mr. Gallatin 
 estimated that the proceeds of loans, exclusively of 
 treasury notes and temporary loans, paid into the 
 treasury from the commencement of the war to 
 the end of the year 1814 were $41,010,000 : of 
 which sum the Eastern States lent $2,900,000 ; the 
 Middle States, $35,790,000 ; Southwestern States, 
 $2,320,000. 
 
 The floating debt of the United States, consist^ 
 ing of treasury notes and temporary loans unpaid, 
 amounted, January 1, 1815, to $11,250,000, ol 
 which nearly four fifths were loaned by the cities 
 
SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY, 271 
 
 of New York, Philadelphia, and Baltimore, and 
 the District of Columbia. The suspension of the 
 banks was precipitated by the capture of Wash- 
 ington. It began in Baltimore, which was threat- 
 ened by the British, and was at once followed 
 in Philadelphia and New York. Before the end 
 of September all the banks south and west of 
 New England had suspended specie payment. In 
 his "Considerations on the Currency," Mr. Galla- 
 tin expressed his 
 
 "deliberate opinion that the suspension might have 
 been prevented at the time when it took place, had the 
 Bank of the United States been in existence. The ex- 
 aggerated increase of state banks, occasioned by the 
 dissolution of that institution, would not have occurred. 
 That bank would as before have restrained them within 
 proper bounds and checked their issues, and through the 
 means of its offices it would have been in possession of 
 the earliest symptoms of the approaching danger. It 
 would have put the Treasury Department on its guard ; 
 both, acting in concert, would certainly have been able, 
 at least, to retard the event ; and as the treaty of peace 
 was ratified within less than six months after the sus- 
 pension took place, that catastrophe would have been 
 avoided." 
 
 But within fifteen months the bank issues in- 
 creased from forty-five and a half to sixty millions. 
 
272 
 
 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 
 Capital. 
 
 Circulation. 
 
 Specie. 
 
 Banks of New England . 
 Other Banks 
 
 $15,690,000 
 66,930,000 
 
 $5,320,000 
 44,730,000 
 
 $8,200,000 
 8,600,000 
 
 1815. 208 State Banks . 
 
 1816. 216 State Banks . 
 
 $82,620,000 
 89,822,422 
 
 $50,050,000 
 68,000,000 
 
 $16,800,000 
 19,000,000 
 
 The depression of the local currencies ranged from 
 seven to twenty-five per cent. In New York and 
 Charleston it was seven to ten per cent, below 
 the par of coin. At Philadelphia from seventeen 
 to eighteen per cent. At Washington and Balti- 
 more from twenty to twenty-two, and at Pitts- 
 burgh and on the frontier, twenty-five per cent, 
 below par. The circulating medium, or measure 
 of values, being doubled, the price of commodities 
 was doubled. The agiotage, of course, was the 
 profit of the bankers and brokers ; a sum esti- 
 mated at six millions of dollars a year, or ten per 
 cent, on the exchanges of the country, which Mc- 
 Duffie, in his celebrated report, estimated at sixty 
 millions annually. 
 
 In November the Treasury Department found 
 itself involved in the common disaster. The re- 
 fusal of the banks, in which the public moneys 
 were deposited, to pay their notes or the drafts 
 upon them in specie deprived the government of 
 its gold and silver ; and their refusal, likewise, of 
 credit and circulation to the issues of banks in 
 
SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY. 273 
 
 other States deprived the government also of the 
 only means it possessed for transferring its funds 
 to pay the dividends on the debt and discharge 
 the treasury notes. Mr. Dallas found himself 
 compelled to appeal to the banks by circular to 
 subscribe for sufficient treasury notes to secure 
 them such advances as might be asked of them for 
 the discharge of the public obligations. 
 
 " In the latter end of the year 1814," says Mr. 
 Gallatin, "Mr. Jefferson suggested the propriety 
 of a gradual issue by government of two hundred 
 millions of dollars in paper " ; commenting upon 
 which Mr. Gallatin remarks that Mr. Jefferson, 
 from the imperfect data in his possession, "greatly 
 overrated the amount of paper currency which 
 could be sustained at par ; and he had, on the other 
 hand, underrated the great expenses of the war ; " 
 but at "all events," he adds, " the issue of govern- 
 ment paper ought to be kept in reserve for ex- 
 traordinary circumstances." But here it may be 
 remarked that the evolution of the systems of 
 American finance seems to lead slowly but surely 
 to an entire divorce of banking from currency, 
 and the day is not far distant when the circulating 
 medium of the United States will consist of gold 
 and silver, and of government issues restricted, ac- 
 cording to the English principle, to the minimum 
 of circulation, and kept equivalent to coin by a 
 specie reserve in the treasury ; while the banks, 
 their circulation withdrawn and the institutions 
 
 18 
 
274 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 freed from any tax, will be confined to their legit- 
 imate business of receiving deposits and making 
 loans and discounts. 
 
 On October 14, 1814, Alexander J. Dallas, Mr. 
 Gallatin's old friend, who had been appointed 
 Secretary of the Treasury on the 6th of the same 
 month, in a report of a plan to support the public 
 credit, proposed the incorporation of a national 
 bank. A bill was passed by Congress, but returned 
 to it by Madison with his veto on January 15, 1815. 
 In this peculiar document Madison "waived the 
 question of the constitutional authority of the leg- 
 islature to establish an incorporated bank, as being 
 precluded, in his judgment, by repeated recogni- 
 tions, under varied circumstances, of the validity 
 of such an institution in acts of the legislative, 
 executive, and judicial branches of the govern- 
 ment." But he objected for reasons of detail. 
 Mr. Dallas again, as a last resort, insisted on a 
 bank as the only means by which the currency. of 
 the country could be restored to a sound condition. 
 In December, 1815, Dallas reported to the com- 
 mittee of the House of Representatives on the 
 national currency, of which John C. Calhoun was 
 chairman, a plan for a national bank, and on 
 March 3, 1816, the second Bank of the United 
 States was chartered by Congress. The capital 
 was thirty-five millions, of which the government 
 held seven millions in seventy thousand shares of 
 one hundred dollars each. Mr. Madison approved 
 
SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY. 275 
 
 the bill. This completed the abandonment of 
 every shred of principle claimed by the Republi- 
 can party as their rule of action. They struggled 
 through the rest of their existence without a polit- 
 ical conviction. The national bank, and the system 
 of internal taxation which had been scorned by 
 Jefferson and Madison as unconstitutional, were 
 accepted actually under Madison's administration. 
 Gallatin's success, owing to the development and 
 application of Hamilton's plans, was a complete 
 vindication of the theory and practice of the Fed- 
 eralists which they abhorred ; Jefferson's plan of 
 a government issue of paper money was a higher 
 flight into the upper atmosphere of implied powers 
 than Hamilton ever dreamed of. 
 
 The second national bank of the United States 
 was also located at Philadelphia, and chartered for 
 twenty years. The manner in which it performed 
 its financial service is admirably set forth in Mr. 
 Gallatin's " Considerations on the Currency," al- 
 ready mentioned. It acted as a regulator upon the 
 state banks, checked excessive issues on their part, 
 and brought the paper currency of the country 
 down from sixty-six to less than forty millions, 
 before the year 1820. 
 
 In April, 1816, Mr. Dallas having signified his 
 intention to resign the Treasury, Mr. Madison 
 wrote to Gallatin, offering him his choice between 
 the mission to France and the Treasury Depart- 
 ment. Mr. Gallatin's reply was characteristic. 
 
 i^ 
 
276 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 He declined the Treasury, but with reluctance, 
 since he thought he would be more useful at home 
 than abroad, and because he preferred to be in 
 America rather than in Europe. One of his pre- 
 ponderating reasons was that, although he felt 
 himself competent to the higher duties of the office, 
 there was, for what he conceived " a proper man- 
 agement of the Treasury, a necessity for a mass of 
 mechanical labor connected with details, forms, 
 calculating, etc., which, having lost sight of the 
 thread and routine, he could not think of again 
 learning and going through." He was aware that 
 there was " much confusion due to the changes of 
 office and the state of the currency, and thought 
 that an active young man could alone reinstate 
 and direct properly that department." 
 
 In June of the same year, while waiting for the 
 Peacock, which was to carry him across the sea, 
 Gallatin wrote Mr, Madison an urgent letter, im- 
 pressing upon him the necessity of restoring specie 
 payment, and his perfect conviction that nothing 
 but the will of the government was wanted to rein- 
 state the country in its moral character in that re- 
 spect. He dreaded the " paper taint," which he 
 found spreading as he journeyed northward. 
 
 In January, 1817, delegates from the banks of 
 N"ew York, Philadelphia, Baltimore, and Virginia 
 <net in Philadelphia and agreed to a general and 
 simultaneous resumption of specie payments. The 
 Bank of the United States proposed a compact 
 
SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY, 277 
 
 which was accepted by the state banks and rati- 
 fied by the Secretary of the Treasury. That in- 
 stitution engaged, to a reasonable extent, to sup- 
 port any bank menaced. This engagement and 
 the importation of seven millions of specie from 
 abroad by the Bank of the United States secured 
 a general restoration of specie payment. In 1822 
 Mr. Gallatin was tendered and declined the office 
 of president of the Bank of the United States. 
 
 In 1829 he prepared for Mr. Ingham, then Sec- 
 retary of the Treasury, a masterly statement of 
 the relative value of gold and silver. In 1830 
 Mr. Gallatin wrote for the '' American Quarterly 
 Review " his essay, " Considerations on the Cur- 
 rency and Banking System of the United States." 
 Appearing at the time when the renewal of the 
 charter of the Bank of the United States was an 
 absorbing question, this essay was equally sought 
 for by both the friends and opponents of the bank. 
 It is not confined, however, to this subject, but cov- 
 ers the entire field of American finance. His treat- 
 ment of the currency question was novel. He 
 analyzed the systems of Europe, compared them 
 with those which prevailed in the United States, 
 and reached the conclusion, the general correct- 
 ness of which has been justified by the experience 
 of all other nations, and sooner or later will be 
 accepted by our own, namely, the necessity of a 
 currency strong in the precious metals, and the re- 
 striction of paper money to notes of one hundred 
 
278 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 dollars to be issued by the government. This 
 limit is higher than that adopted in France and 
 England, but the general principle that a circulat- 
 ing medium is sound only as it is strong in gold 
 and silver, and that gold and silver can only be 
 retained permanently by making a place for them 
 in the circulating medium by a restriction of paper 
 issues, will yet find favor even in this paper-loving 
 country. 
 
 In 1832 Mr. Gallatin accepted the presidency of 
 a bank in New York, the subscription to the stock 
 of which, $750,000, was completed by Mr. John 
 Jacob Astor on condition that Mr. Gallatin should 
 manage its affairs. The direction of its concerns, 
 without absorbing his time, kept him in the finan- 
 cial current. The bank was called the National 
 Bank of New York. But not in this modest 
 post was he to find the financial path smooth. It 
 is true he had lived in the flesh to see the finan- 
 cial millennium. The rapid growth of the country 
 and the faithful adherence of his successors in the 
 Treasury Department to the funding principle 
 had at last realized his dream. The national debt 
 was extinguished. The last dollar was paid. Louis 
 McLane, Secretary of the Treasury, on December 
 5, 1832, in his report on the finances, said that the 
 dividends derived from the bank shares held by 
 the United States were more than was required 
 to pay the interest, and that the debt might there- 
 fore be considered as substantially extinguished 
 after January 1, 1833. 
 
SECRETARY OF TEE TREASURY. 279 
 
 On December 3, 1833, Roger B. Taney, Secre* 
 tary of the Treasury, reported to Congress that 
 he had directed the removal of the deposits of the 
 government from the Bank of the United States 
 and placed them in banks of his own selection. 
 He gave a number of reasons for this extraordinary 
 exercise of the power which he obtained by his 
 appointment on September 23, 1833. He received 
 his reward in June, 1834, being then transferred by 
 President Jackson to the seat of Chief Justice of 
 the Supreme Court. In his annual report Taney 
 named, among his elaborate reasons for the re- 
 moval, that the bank had used its money for elec- 
 tioneering purposes, and that he "had always re- 
 garded the result of the last election of President of 
 the United States as the declaration of a majority 
 of the people that the charter ought not to be re- 
 newed." He further expressed the opinion "that 
 a corporation of that description was not necessary 
 either for the fiscal operations of the government 
 or the general convenience of the people." It 
 mattered little to him that Mr. Gallatin had only 
 recently pointed out that from the year 1791 the 
 operations of the Treasury had, without interrup- 
 tion, been carried on through the medium of 
 banks ; during the years 1811 to 1814, by the 
 state banks, with a result which no one had as yet 
 forgotten ; before and since that brief interval 
 through the Bank of the United States. Enough 
 for Taney, that it was the will of his imperious 
 
280 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 master, ' the pugnacious animal,' as Gallatin aptly 
 termed him. 
 
 In October, 1834, Taney's successor in the 
 Treasury, Levi Woodbury, gave notice that the 
 remaining debt, unredeemed after January 1, 1835, 
 would cease to bear interest and be promptly paid 
 on application to the commissioners of loans in 
 the several states. On December 8, 1835, Mr. 
 Woodbury reported " an unprecedented spectacle 
 presented to the world of a government virtually 
 without any debts and without any direct tax- 
 ation." The surplus revenues, about thirty-seven 
 and a half millions of dollars, had by an act of the 
 previous session been distributed among the sev- 
 eral states. But the Secretary and the country 
 soon found that they were on dangerous ground. 
 In December, 1837, the same Secretary, alarmed 
 at his responsibility, said to Congress, in warning 
 words, " We are without any national debt to 
 absorb and regulate surpluses, or any adequate 
 supply of banking institutions which provide a 
 sound currency for general purposes by paying 
 specie on demand, or which are in a situation fully 
 to command confidence for keeping, disbursing, 
 and transferring the public funds in a satisfactory 
 manner." 
 
 The Bank of the United States, on the expira- 
 tion of its charter in March, 1836, accepted a char* 
 ter from the State of Pennsylvania ; but, though 
 its influence continued to be as great, its direction 
 
 i 
 
SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY. 281 
 
 was no longer the same. Abandoning its legiti- 
 mate business, it speculated in merchandise, and 
 even kept an agent in New Orleans to compete 
 with the Barings in purchases of the cotton crop 
 as a basis for exchange. Precisely as in 1811, 
 after the withdrawal of the control of the Bank of 
 the United States, the state banks ran a wild career 
 of speculation. From 1830 to 1837 three hundred 
 new banks sprang up with an additional capital of 
 one hundred and forty-five millions, doubling, as 
 twenty years before, the banking capital of the 
 country. This volume the deposits of the Treas- 
 ury continued to swell. Mr. Woodbury was the 
 first to take alarm. In December, 1836, he re- 
 ported the specie in the country to have increased 
 from thirty millions in 1833 to seventy-three mil- 
 lions at the date of his report, and the paper 
 circulation, in the same period, to have advanced, 
 since the removal of the deposits from the Bank 
 of the United States, from eighty millions to one 
 hundred and twenty millions, or forty millions in 
 eighteen months ; and the bank capital, in the same 
 period, to have increased from two hundred to 
 three hundred millions. Importation augmented ; 
 the balance of trade suddenly turned against the 
 United States to the extent of one hundred and 
 fifty millions, and coin began to flow abroad to 
 liquidate the account. There was no debt to at- 
 tract foreign investment and arrest the export of 
 specie. Added to this was the withdrawal of the 
 
282 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 government deposits from the pet bank, whicb 
 compelled an immediate contraction. The result 
 was inevitable. On May 10, 1837, the New York 
 banks suspended, Mr. Gallatin's institution being 
 of course dragged down with the rest. It is idle 
 to suppose that any single bank can hold out 
 against a general suspension. It may liquidate or 
 become a bank of deposits, but it cannot maintain 
 its relations with its sister institutions except on a 
 basis of common accord. 
 
 A general suspension followed. Mr. Woodbury 
 proved himself equal to the emergency, and recom- 
 mended a plan of " keeping the public money 
 under new legislative provisions without using 
 banks at all as fiscal agents." This was the begin- 
 ning of the sub-treasurjT- system, a new departure 
 in treasury management, and a further evolution 
 in American finance. It still remains, and will no 
 doubt be permanent. Its establishment was easy 
 because of the absence of a national debt. 
 
 Mr. Gallatin at once turned his attention to 
 bring about first a liquidation and then a resump- 
 tion. It was a favorite maxim with him, that 
 " the agonies of resumption are far harder to en- 
 dure than those of suspension," as it is easier to 
 refrain from lapse of virtue than to restore moral 
 integrity once impaired. But in resumption the 
 suffering falls where it belongs, on the careless, 
 the improvident, and the over-trader. 
 
 On August 15, 1837, the officers of the banks of 
 
SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY. 283 
 
 New York city, in a general meeting, appointed a 
 committee of three to call a convention of the 
 principal banks to agree upon a time for a re- 
 sumption of specie payments. This committee, 
 of which Mr. Gallatin was chairman, on August 
 18 addressed a circular to the principal banks in 
 the United States, inviting the expression of their 
 wishes as to the time and place for a convention, 
 suggesting New York as the place, and October, 
 
 1837, as the time. They said, in addition, that 
 the banks of New York city, in view of the law 
 of the state dissolving them as legal corporations 
 in case of suspension for one year, must resume 
 at some time between January 1 and March 15, 
 
 1838. The circular committed the New York 
 banks to no definite action, but expressed the opin- 
 ion that the fall in the rate of exchanges indicated 
 an early return of specie to par, when resumption 
 could be effected without danger. The banks 
 of Philadelphia held a meeting on August 29, 
 and adopted resolutions declaring it inexpedient 
 to appoint delegates to the proposed convention. 
 Aware of the reasons for this action, the chief of 
 which was the extended and perhaps insolvent 
 condition of the United States Bank of Penn- 
 sylvania, the New York committee invited the 
 banks in the several States to appoint delegates to 
 meet on November 27, 1837, in New York. Dele- 
 gates from banks of seventeen states and the Dis- 
 trict of Columbia appeared. On the 30th reso- 
 
284 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 lutions were brought in recommending a general 
 resumption on July 1, without precluding an ear- 
 lier resumption on the part of such banks as 
 might find it necessary. The Pennsylvania banks 
 opposed this action with resolutions condemning 
 the idea of immediate resumption as impractica- 
 ble, and also, in the absence of delegates from 
 the banks of Louisiana, Mississippi, Alabama, and 
 Tennessee, as unwise. The convention met again 
 on December 2, when an adjournment was carried 
 to April 11, 1838, when delegates from the banks 
 not represented were invited to attend. Mr. Gal- 
 latin saw that the combination of the Philadelphia 
 and Boston banks, under the lead of Mr. Biddle, 
 would certainly force a further postponement. 
 Exchange on London, which had been as high as 
 121, the true par being about 109i, nominal, had 
 fallen to 111^, which, considering that the city 
 bank paper was at a discount of five per cent., 
 was at the rate of 2\ per cent, below specie par. 
 The exportation of specie had entirely ceased. 
 
 On December 15 Mr. Gallatin and his commit- 
 tee appointed at the general convention submitted 
 a report which he had drafted, which, though 
 addressed to the New York banks, covered the 
 whole ground. Meanwhile the highest authority 
 in Pennsylvania had given it as his opinion " that 
 the banks of Pennsylvania were in a much sounder 
 state than before the suspension, and that the re- 
 sumption of specie payments, so far as it depends 
 
SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY. 285 
 
 on their situation and resources, may take place 
 at any time." 
 
 On February 28, 1838, Mr. Gallatin's committee 
 made a further report showing that the liabilities 
 of the New York banks had been reduced more 
 than twelve millions and a half, or fifty per cent., 
 and asserting that with the support of the com- 
 munity and the state authorities they could resume 
 on an equal footing on May 10. This declaration 
 was welcomed with great satisfaction by a general 
 meeting of the citizens of New York. On April 
 11 the general convention again met in New York. 
 The Philadelphia banks declined to attend. A 
 letter from Mr. Woodbury promised the support 
 of the Treasury Department. A committee of one 
 from each state was appointed, which recommended 
 the first Monday in October as the earliest day for 
 a general resumption. The convention could not, 
 however, be brought to fix upon so early a day, but 
 finally fixed upon January, 1, 1839, and adjourned. 
 The New York banks would have accepted July 1, 
 18? 8, but this being refused they resumed alone 
 on May 10, and the force of public opinion com- 
 pelled resumption by nearly all the banks of the 
 country on July 1. 
 
 The terrible contraction was fatal to the United 
 States Bank of Pennsylvania, which after a vain 
 struggle closed its doors in October, 1839, and 
 carried with it the entire banking system of the 
 Southern and Southwestern States. Although in 
 
286 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 no way similar to the semi-governmental institu- 
 tions which preceded it, yet, from its similarity of 
 name and identity of location, its disastrous fail- 
 ure added to the blind popular distrust of its prede- 
 cessors, which narrow-minded politicians had fos- 
 tered for their own selfish purposes. Fortunately 
 the sub-treasury plan of Mr. Woodbury supplied 
 the need of a safe place of deposit which, since the 
 refusal of Congress to renew the charter of the old 
 bank, had been sorely felt. 
 
 In 1838, on the foundation of the Bank of Com- 
 merce under the free banking law of the State 
 of New York, the presidency of it was first ten- 
 dered to Mr. Gallatin. The directors of this bank 
 were among the most distinguished financiers of 
 the city, and its object was to provide a conser- 
 vative institution with sufficient power and capital 
 to act as a regulator upon the New York banks. 
 Profit to the stockholders was secondary to the 
 reserve power for general advantage. 
 
 In June, 1839, Mr. Gallatin resigned his post 
 as president of the National Bank of New York. 
 In 1841 he published a financial essay, which" 
 he entitled " Suggestions on the Banks and Cur- 
 rency of the United States," a paper full of infor- 
 mation, but from the nature of the subject not to 
 be compared in general interest with his earlier 
 paper, which is as fresh to-day as when it was 
 written. Mr. Gallatin condemned paper currency 
 as an artificial stimulus, and the ultimate object 
 
SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY. 287 
 
 of his essays was to annihilate what he termed the 
 " dangerous instrument." He admitted its utility 
 and convenience, when used with great sobriety, 
 but he deprecated its tendency to degenerate into 
 a depreciated and irredeemable currency. This 
 tendency the present national banking law arrests, 
 but the law rather invites than prohibits the stim- 
 ulus of increased issues. The last word has not 
 yet been said on national currency, which, though 
 the basis of all commercial transactions, has neces- 
 sarily no other relation to banks than that which 
 it holds to any individual in the community. 
 
 Economic questions have interested the highest 
 order of mind on the two continents. Sismondi 
 published a paper on commercial wealth in 1803, 
 and in 1810 a memoir on paper money, which he 
 prepared to show how it might be suppressed in 
 the Austrian dominions ; Humboldt made a special 
 study of the sources and quantity of the precious 
 metals in the world, in which Mr. Gallatin aided 
 him by investigation in America. Michel Cheva- 
 lier was interested in the same subjects ; surviving 
 his two masters in the art and witnessing the mar- 
 vellous effects of the additions made by America 
 to the store of precious metals, he continued the 
 study in the spirit of his predecessors, and favored 
 the world with instructive papers. Mr. Gallatin's 
 contributions to this science are remarkable for 
 minute research and careful deductions. 
 
 In 1843 President Tyler tendered the Treasury 
 
288 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 portfolio to Mr. Gallatin. The venerable financier 
 looked upon the offer as an act of folly to which a 
 serious answer seemed hardly necessary. Yet as 
 silence might be misconstrued, he replied that he 
 wanted no office, and to accept at his age that of 
 Secretary of the Treasury would "be an act of 
 insanity." He was then in his eighty-third year. 
 Thus, by an ill-considered caprice of Mr. Tyler, 
 Mr. Gallatin's connection with the finances of the 
 United States was completed in the manner with 
 which it commenced, the tender of the Treasury 
 Department. 
 
CHAPTER VII. 
 
 IN THE CABINET. 
 
 The general principles which Mr. Jefferson pro- 
 posed to apply in his conduct of the government 
 were not principles of organization but of admin- 
 istration. The establishments devised by Hamil- 
 ton, in accordance with or in development of 
 the provisions of the Constitution, were organic. 
 The new policy was essentially restrictive and 
 economic. The military and naval establishments 
 were to be kept at their lowest possible limit. 
 The Treasury Department was to be conducted 
 on strictly business principles. The debt was to 
 be reduced and finally paid by a fixed annual ap- 
 propriation. The revenue was to be raised by im- 
 posts on importation and tonnage, and by direct 
 taxation, if necessary. The public land system 
 was to be developed. A scheme of internal im- 
 provements by land and water highways was to 
 be devised. All these purposes except the last 
 had been declared by the opposition during the 
 last part of Washington's second term and during 
 Adams's presidency, and had been lucidly ex- 
 pounded by Madison, Gallatin, Giles, Nicholas, 
 and others of the Republican leaders. On all 
 Id 
 
290 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 these subjects Mr. Gallatin was in accord with his 
 chief. Only upon the bank question were they at 
 issue. Mr. Jefferson detested or feared the aris- 
 tocracy of money, while Gallatin, with a clearer 
 insight into commercial and financial questions, 
 recognized that in a young country where capital 
 was limited, and specie in still greater dispropor- 
 tion to the increasing demands of trade, a well- 
 ordered, well-managed money institution was an 
 enormous advantage, if not an imperative neces- 
 sity to the government and the people. 
 
 Peace was necessary to the success of this gen- 
 eral policy of internal progress, but peace was not 
 to be had for the asking. It was not till half a 
 century later that the power of the western con- 
 tinent as a food-producing country was fully felt 
 by Europe, and peace with the United States 
 became almost a condition of existence to millions 
 in the Old World, while this country became in- 
 dependent, in fact as in name, to the fullest mean- 
 ing of the word. Peace was not menaced during 
 Jefferson's first administration, for the Federalists 
 had left no legacy of diplomatic discord to em- 
 barrass their successors. The divisions of opinion 
 were on home affairs. The Republican party was 
 the first opposition which had reached power 
 since the formation of the government. The Fed- 
 eralists had not hesitated to confine the patronage 
 of the Executive to men of their own way of think- 
 ing. The Republicans had attacked that principle. 
 
IN THE CABINET, 291 
 
 There were men even in the ranks of Jefferson's 
 administration who scouted the idea that the Pres- 
 ident of the United States could become " the 
 President of a party." But practice and principle 
 are not always in accord, even in administrations 
 of sentimental purity, and the pressure for office 
 was as great in 1800 as it has ever since been on 
 the arrival of a new party to power. Beyond all 
 other departments of government, the Treasury de- 
 pends for its proper service upon business capacity 
 and a knowledge of the principles of accounting 
 and office routine, Mr. Gallatin was well aware of 
 the difficulties his predecessors had encountered in 
 finding and retaining competent examining and 
 auditing clerks. As there was no reason to sup- 
 pose that all this talent was to be found in the 
 ranks of the Republican party, and his common 
 sense pointed out the folly of limiting the market 
 of supply, he early (July 25, 1801) prepared a 
 circular to collectors, in which he informed them 
 " that the door of office was no longer to be shut 
 against any man because of his political opinions, 
 but that integrity and capacity suitable to the sta- 
 tion were to be the only qualifications required ; 
 and further, the President, considering freedom of 
 opinion or freedom of suffrage at public elections 
 imprescriptible rights of citizens, would regard any 
 exercise of official influence to sustain or control 
 the same rights in others as injurious to the public 
 administration and practically destructive of the 
 
292 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 fundamental principles of a republican Constitu- 
 tion." But Mr. Jefferson and Mr. Madison op- 
 posed this simple declaration of a principle which 
 has since been the base of every attempt at reform 
 in the civil service. Mr. Jefferson answered that 
 after one half of the subordinates were exchanged, 
 talents and worth might alone be inquired into in 
 the case of new vacancies. This was a miserable 
 shuffling policy which defeated itself. For a Fed- 
 eralist to retain office when such a discrimination 
 was applied was of itself a degradation. Mr. Jef- 
 ferson here threw away and forever lost the power 
 to establish the true system, and fixed the curse 
 of patronage upon American administration. The 
 true principle may be stated in the form of an 
 axiom. Administrations should rely for continua- 
 tion upon measures, not on patronage. Gallatin 
 yielded with reluctance to the spirit of persecution 
 which he did not hesitate to say disgraced the Re- 
 publican cause, and sank them to a level with 
 their predecessors. Notwithstanding his aversion, 
 he was compelled to follow the policy of the cab- 
 inet. Its first result was to divide the Republican 
 party, and to alienate Burr, whose recommenda- 
 tion of Matthew L. Davis for the naval office at 
 New York was disregarded. Had the new admin- 
 istration declined to make removals except for 
 cause, such a dispute would have been avoided. 
 As it was, the friends of Burr considered the re- 
 fusal as a declaration of war. Appointments be- 
 
 %, 
 
IN THE CABINET. 293 
 
 came immediately a part of the macliinery of Re- 
 publican administration, as it had been part of 
 that of their predecessors, and each was carefully- 
 weighed and considered in its reference to party 
 quite as much as to public service. 
 
 Already looking forward to the next presiden- 
 tial election, Gallatin was anxious for an agree- 
 ment upon Jefferson's successor, and even before 
 the meeting of the first Congress of his term he 
 advised the President on this point, and he also 
 proposed the division of every State into election 
 districts by a general constitutional provision. 
 
 Jefferson submitted the draft of his annual 
 messages to the head of each department, and in- 
 vited their comments. Gallatin was minute in 
 his observations, and it is interesting to note the 
 peculiar precision and caution of his character in 
 the nice criticisms of language and style, some- 
 times declaratory, sometimes non-committal, but 
 always and obviously reasonable, and often pre- 
 senting a brief argument for the change proposed. 
 In these days of woman's rights it is curious to 
 read " Th. J. to Mr. Gallatin. The appointment 
 of a woman to office is an innovation for which 
 the public is not prepared, nor am I." 
 
 Gallatin suggested a weekly general conference 
 of the President and the Secretaries at what is 
 now styled a cabinet meeting, and private con- 
 ferences of the President with each of the Secre- 
 taries once or twice a week on certain days and 
 
294 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 at fixed hours. The business to come before the 
 House was also to be considered, and the policy to 
 be pursued determined upon. Unfortunately in 
 this case again Jeffersonian theory did not accord 
 with Jeffersonian practice. Even erratic Ran- 
 dolph complained of the want of system at these 
 cabinet meetings, where each was at liberty to do 
 and say as he chose ; a severe trial, this, to Galla- 
 tin. In 1845 Mr. Gallatin wrote to Edward Coles 
 that it was " quite unusual to submit to the cabinet 
 the manner in which the land or naval forces au- 
 thorized by Congress, and for which appropria- 
 tions had been made, should be employed," and 
 added that on no occasion, in or out of cabinet, 
 was he ever consulted on those subjects prior to 
 the year 1812. 
 
 In the difficulty which arose with the Barbary 
 powers Mr. Gallatin earnestly urged the payment 
 of an annuity to Tripoli, if necessary for peace. 
 He considered it a mere matter of calculation 
 whether the purchase of peace was not cheaper 
 than the expense of a war. This policy was to be 
 continued for eight years, at the end of which he 
 hoped that a different tone might be assumed. 
 In a note on the message of 1802, Gallatin ex- 
 pressed the hope to Jefferson that his adminis- 
 tration would "afford but few materials for his- 
 torians." He would never sacrifice permanent 
 prosperity to temporary glitter. 
 
 Mr. Gallatin's counsel was sought, and his opin- 
 
IN THE CABINET. 295 
 
 ion deferred to, on subjects which did not fall 
 directly within the scope of administration. Even 
 on questions of fundamental constitutional law his 
 judgment was not inferior to that of Madison 
 himself. In one notable instance he differed from 
 Mr. Lincoln, the Attorney-General, whom he held 
 in high esteem as a good lawyer, a fine scholar, 
 " a man of great discretion and sound judgment." 
 This was in 1803, when the acquisition of East 
 Louisiana and West Florida was a cabinet ques- 
 tion. Mr. Lincoln considered that there was a 
 difference between a power to acquire territory 
 for the United States and the power to extend by 
 treaty the territory of the United States, and held 
 that the first was unconstitutional. Mr. Gallatin 
 held that the United States as a nation have an 
 inherent right to acquire territory, and that, when 
 acquisition is by treaty, the same constituted au- 
 thorities in whom the treaty power is vested have 
 a constitutional right to sanction the acquisition, 
 and that when the territory has been acquired 
 Congress has the power either of admitting into 
 the Union as a new State or of annexing to a 
 State, with the consent of that State, or of mak- 
 ing regulations for the government of the territory. 
 Mr. Jefferson concurred in this opinion, while at 
 the same time he thought it safer not to permit 
 the enlargement of the Union except by amend- 
 ment of the Constitution. Mr. Gallatin's view was 
 practically applied in the cases named, and later 
 
296 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 in the annexation of Texas, althougli he disap- 
 proved of the latter as contrary to good faith and 
 the law of nations. He advised Jefferson, also, not 
 to lay the treaty by which Louisiana was acquired 
 before the House until after its ratification by the 
 Senate, taking the ground that until then it was 
 not a treaty, and urging that great care should be 
 taken to do nothing which might be represented 
 as containing any idea of encroachment on the 
 rights of the Senate. He personally interested 
 himself in the arrangements for taking possession 
 of New Orleans, and, considering the expense as 
 trifling compared with the object, urged the dis- 
 patch of an imposing force of not less than fifteen 
 thousand men, which would add to the opinion 
 entertained abroad of our power, resources, and 
 energy ; five thousand of these to be active troops ; 
 ten thousand an enrolled reserve. The acquisition 
 of Louisiana was the grand popular feature of the 
 foreign policy of the first term of Jefferson's ad- 
 ministration. The internal management left much 
 to be desired. 
 
 While his general views were exalted, and his 
 principles would stand the nicest examination in 
 their application, Mr. Jefferson was not fortunate 
 in his choice of methods or men. It is not enough 
 for an administration to be pure ; it should be 
 above suspicion. This his was not. Time has 
 not washed out the stain of his intimacy with 
 William Duane, the editor of the infamous " Au- 
 
IN THE CABINET. 297 
 
 rora." Citizen Duane, as he styled himself in the 
 first days of the administration, quarrelled with 
 Gallatin because he would not apply the official 
 guillotine, and thereafter pursued him with un- 
 compromising hostility. Of favoritism in appoint- 
 ments Mr. Gallatin could not be accused. During 
 his twelve years in the Treasury he procured 
 places for but two friends ; one was given an ob- 
 scure clerkship in the department ; the other, 
 John Badollet, was made register in the land 
 office at Vincennes, against whom Gallatin said in 
 the application for appointment which he reluct- 
 antly made, there was but one objection, " that of 
 being his personal and college friend." 
 
 The dispositions for the sale of lands in the 
 western territory, the extinguishment of titles, and 
 the surveys fell under Mr. Gallatin's general su- 
 pervision, and were the objects of his particular 
 care. So also was the establishment of the au- 
 thority of the United States in the Louisiana ter- 
 ritory. In the course of these arrangements he 
 was brought into contact with Mr. Pierre Ch6teau 
 of St. Louis, who controlled the Indian trade of a 
 vast territory. The foundation of an intimate ac- 
 quaintance was then laid. The influence of this 
 remarkable man over the western Indians and 
 the extent of his trading operations with them was 
 great, and has never since been equalled. About 
 this period Mr. John Jacob Astor informed the 
 government that he had an opportunity, of which 
 
298 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 he intended to take advantage, to purchase one 
 half of the interest of the Canadian Fur Company, 
 which, notwithstanding the treaty of 1794, en- 
 grossed the trade by way of Michilimackinac with 
 our own Indians. Before that period this lucra- 
 tive traffic had been exclusively in British hands, 
 and the hostility of the Indian tribes rendered any 
 interference in it by Americans dangerous to life 
 and property, and their participation since had 
 been merely nominal. Jefferson's cabinet received 
 the proposal with satisfaction, but, in their strict 
 interpretation of the Constitution, could find no 
 way of giving any aid to the scheme beyond the 
 official promise of protection, which it fell to Mr. 
 Gallatin to draft. Mr. Jefferson wrote to Mr. 
 Astor a letter to the same effect. Mr. Astor, 
 however, was deterred from his enterprise, and, 
 under the charter of the American Fur Company 
 granted by the State of New York, extended his 
 project to the Indians west of the Rocky Moun- 
 tains, and made of it an immense business, em- 
 ploying several vessels at the mouth of the Co- 
 lumbia River and a large land party beyond the 
 Rocky Mountains. He finally founded the estab- 
 lishment of Astoria. This settlement fell into the 
 hands of the British during the war of 1812. Mr. 
 Astor sought to persuade the American govern- 
 ment to permit him to renew the establishment 
 at its close, only asking a flag and a lieutenant's 
 command, but Mr. Madison would not commit 
 himself to the plan. 
 
IN THE CABINET. 299 
 
 Among Mr. Jefferson's pet schemes was that of 
 a substitution of gun-boats for fortifications, and 
 for supporting the authority of the laws within 
 harbors. The mind of Mr. Jefferson had no doubt 
 been favorably disposed to this mode of offensive 
 defence by the experience of Lafayette at An- 
 napolis, in his southern expedition in the spring 
 of 1781, when his entire flotilla, ammunition of 
 war, and even the city of Annapolis, were saved 
 from destruction by an improvised gun-boat, 
 which, armed with mortars and hot shot, drove 
 the British blockading vessels out of the harbor. 
 Jefferson first suggested the scheme in his annual 
 message of 1804, and Gallatin did not interfere ; 
 but when, in 1807, the President insisted, in a 
 special message, on the building of two hundred 
 vessels of this class, Mr. Gallatin objected, be- 
 cause of the expense in construction and main- 
 tenance, and secondly, of their infallible decay. 
 Mr. Jefferson persisted, and Mr, Gallatin's judg- 
 ment was vindicated by the result. Two years 
 later, of one hundred and seventy-six gun-boats 
 constructed, only twenty-four were in actual ser- 
 vice. In his letter of criticism, Mr. Gallatin gave 
 as his opinion, that " it would be an economical 
 measure for every naval nation to burn their navy 
 at the end of a war and to build a new one when 
 again at war, if it was not that time was neces- 
 sary to build ships of war." The principle was 
 the same as to gun-boats, and the objection of 
 time necessary for building did not exist. 
 
300 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 This year he also laid before the President a 
 memorandum of preparatory measures for defence 
 against Great Britain, from whom an attack was 
 expected by land and sea, and a second plan for of- 
 fensive operations on the northern frontier, which 
 is complete in its geographical and topographical 
 information, and its estimate of resources in men, 
 material, and money. At the same time he urged 
 upon Mr. Jefferson to moderate the tone of his 
 message, so as not to widen the breach by hurting 
 the pride of Great Britain. 
 
 In connection with the land system, Mr. Jeffer- 
 son favored, and Mr, Gallatin devised, an exten- 
 sive plan of internal improvements. The route of 
 the Cumberland road from the Potomac to the 
 Ohio was reported to Congress in 1807 ; a coast 
 survey was ordered in the same year. The first 
 superintendent was Hassler, a Swiss, whom Mr. 
 Gallatin brought to the notice of Mr. Jefferson. 
 In 1808 a general plan of improvement was sub- 
 mitted to the Senate. This included canals paral- 
 lel with the sea-coast, making a continuous line of 
 inland navigation from the Hudson to Cape Fear ; 
 a great turnpike from Maine to Georgia ; the im- 
 provement of the Susquehanna, Potomac, James, 
 and Santee rivers to serve the slope from the Al- 
 leghanies to the Atlantic ; of the Alleghany, Mo- 
 nongahela, and Kanawha, to serve the country 
 westward to the Mississippi, the head-waters of 
 these rivers to be connected by four roads across 
 
IN THE CABINET, 301 
 
 the Appalachian range ; a canal at the falls of the 
 Ohio ; a connection of the Hudson with Lake 
 Champlain, and of the same river with Lake 
 Ontario at Oswego ; and a canal around Niagara 
 Falls. The entire expense he estimated at 
 $20,000,000, to be met by an appropriation of 
 12,000,000 a year for ten years ; the stock created 
 for turnpikes and canals to be a permanent fund 
 for repairs and improvements. 
 
 A national university for education in the 
 higher sciences was also recommended by Jeffer- 
 son in his message of 1806, but Mr. Gallatin had 
 little faith in the popularity of this scheme. After 
 the convulsion of 1794 in Geneva, Gallatin's old 
 college mate, D'Yvernois, conceived the plan of 
 transporting the entire University of Geneva to 
 the United States, and wrote on the subject to 
 Jefferson and Adams ; but his idea was based on 
 the supposition that fifteen thousand dollars' in- 
 come could be had from the United States in sup- 
 port of the institution, which was, of course, at 
 at the time impracticable. Jefferson believed that 
 these plans of national improvement could be car- 
 ried into effect only by an amendment to the Con- 
 stitution ; but Mr. Gallatin, as in the bank ques- 
 tion, was disturbed by no such scruples, and he 
 recommended Mr. Jefferson to strike from his 
 message the words ''general welfare," as ques- 
 tionable in their nature, and because the proposi- 
 tion seemed to acknowledge that the words are 
 susceptible of a very dangerous meaning. 
 
302 ALBERT GALLATIN, 
 
 To a permanent embargo act Mr. Gallatin was 
 from the beginning opposed. He recognized the 
 mischief of government prohibitions, and thought 
 that statesmen might well hesitate before they 
 took the hazard of regulating the concerns of in- 
 dividuals. The sequel proved the correctness of 
 this judgment. But Mr. Jefferson could not bring 
 his mind to any more decisive measure, indeed, it 
 may justly be said, to any measure whatever. 
 Taking advantage of Mr. Madison's election to 
 the presidency, he simply withdrew from the tri- 
 umvirate, and, passing over the subject in silence 
 in his last message, he ignominiously left to Mr. 
 Madison and Mr. Gallatin the entire responsibility 
 which the threatening state of the foreign rela- 
 tions of the country imposed on the Republican 
 party. 
 
 The question was now between the enforcement 
 of the Embargo Act and war. To take off the em- 
 bargo seemed a declaration of weakness. To add 
 to it a non-importation clause was the only alter- 
 native. In November, 1808, Mr. Gallatin prepared 
 for George W. Campbell, chairman of the Com- 
 mittee on Foreign Relations of the House, the 
 declaration known as Campbell's report, which 
 recited, in clear compact form, the injuries done 
 to the United States by Great Britain, and closed 
 with resolutions to the effect that the United 
 States could not submit to the edicts of Great 
 Britain and France, and with a recommendation 
 
IN THE CABINET. 303 
 
 of non-intercourse and for placing of the country 
 in a state of defence. After long debate the reso- 
 lutions were adopted by large majorities, and the 
 policy of resistance was finally determined upon 
 — resistance, not war. Thus the United States 
 resorted, as the colonies had resorted in 1774, to 
 a policy of non-importation. But the condition 
 of the States was not that of the colonies. Then 
 all the colonies were commercial, and the entire 
 population was on the seaboard; the prohibition 
 fell with equal weight upon all. Now there were 
 large interior communities whom restrictions upon 
 commerce would rather benefit than injure. Yet 
 neither the Sons of Liberty nor the non-importa- 
 tion associations had been able to enforce their 
 voluntary agreements either before or after the 
 Congress of 1774. If this were to be the mode 
 of resistance, stringent measures must be adopted 
 to make it effective. Mr. Gallatin accordingly 
 called upon Congress for the necessary powers. 
 They at once responded with the Enforcement 
 Act, which Mr. Gallatin proceeded to apply with 
 characteristic administrative vigor, and summoned 
 Jefferson to authorize the collectors of revenue to 
 call the military force of the United States to sup- 
 port them in the exercise of their restrictive au- 
 thority. There was to be no evasion under the 
 systems which Hamilton devised and Gallatin 
 knew so well how to administer. 
 
 His annual report made to Congress on Decem- 
 
304 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 ber 10 had clearly set forth the situation, and, 
 without recommending war, had pointed out how 
 it might be carried on. Macon wrote of him on 
 December 4 to their mutual friend, Joseph H. 
 Nicholson, " Gallatin is decidedly for war." After 
 his report was sent in the situation became still more 
 perplexing. Rumors came of an intention to call 
 a convention of the five New England States, with 
 New York, if possible, to take ground against the 
 embargo. As these indications of dissatisfaction 
 became manifest, and the contingency of the em- 
 ployment of force at home presented itself, Galla- 
 tin made a careful balance of the advantages and 
 inconveniences of embargo, non-intercourse, and 
 letters of marque. This paper, dated February, 
 1809, and entitled, " Notes on the Political Situ- 
 ation," no doubt served as a brief for consultation 
 with Madison upon his inaugural message, it be- 
 ing then understood that Gallatin was to be Sec- 
 retary of State. As he states one of the advan- 
 tages of letters of marque to be " a greater chance 
 of unity at home," this measure he probably pre- 
 ferred. The Senate had already, on January 4, 
 passed a bill ordering out the entire naval force 
 of the country, and on the 10th the House adopted 
 the same bill by a vote of 64 to 59. Mr. Gallatin 
 opposed this action strenuously. On February 2 
 the House voted by a large majority to remove the 
 embargo on March 4. Non-intercourse with Great 
 Britain and France and trade everywhere else were 
 
IN THE CABINET. 305 
 
 now the conditions. This significant expression 
 of the feeling of Congress no doubt determined Mr. 
 Gallatin to suggest letters of marque. Whether 
 he pressed them upon Mr. Madison or not is un- 
 certain. Meanwhile Mr. Gallatin suffered the 
 odium of opposition to the will of Congress, and 
 Mr. Madison's power was broken before he took 
 his seat. A few Republican senators inaugurated 
 an opposition to their chief after the fashion of 
 modern days, and Mr. Madison was given to un- 
 derstand that Mr. Gallatin would not be confirmed 
 if nominated as secretary of state. Mr. Madison 
 yielded to this dictation, and from that day for- 
 ward was, as he deserved to be, perplexed and 
 harassed by a petty oligarchy. Mr. John Quincy 
 Adams, in a note on this aifair, says that, " had 
 Mr. Gallatin been appointed secretary of state, it 
 is highly probable war with Great Britain would 
 not have taken place." But it is improbable that 
 any step in foreign intercourse was taken without 
 Mr. Gallatin's knowledge and approbation. Such 
 are the traditions of the triumvirate. 
 
 The first term of Madison's administration was 
 not eventful. There was discord in the cabinet. 
 In the Senate the " invisibles," as the faction 
 which supported Robert Smith, the Secretary of 
 State, was aptly termed, rejected Madison's nomi- 
 nations and opposed Gallatin's financial policy as 
 their interests or whims prompted. Randolph 
 said of Madison at this time, that he was '' Presi- 
 
 20 
 
306 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 dent de jure only." Besides this domestic strife, 
 the cabinet was engaged in futile efforts to resist 
 the gradually tightening cordon of British aggres- 
 sion. Erskine's amateur negotiations, quickly dis- 
 avowed by the British government, and the short 
 and impertinent mission of Jackson, who suc- 
 ceeded him and was dismissed from the United 
 States, well served Canning's policy of delay. 
 Madison, whose prejudices were as strongly with 
 Englishmen and English ways as those of Jeffer- 
 son were with the men and manners of France, 
 averse to war and withheld also by Gallatin's per- 
 sistent objections, negotiated and procrastinated 
 until there was little left to argue about. . In De- 
 cember, 1809, Macon made an effort to pass a 
 stringent navigation act to meet the British Orders 
 in Council and the French decrees. The bill 
 passed the House but was emasculated in the Sen- 
 ate, the Republican cabal voting with the Feder- 
 alists to strike out the effective clauses. The act 
 interdicting commercial intercourse with Great 
 Britain and France expired in May, 1810, and 
 was not revived. A new act was passed, which 
 was a virtual surrender of every point in dispute. 
 Resistance was abandoned, and our ships and sea- 
 men were left to the mercy of both belligerents. 
 
 Mr. Gallatin's entire energies were bent upon 
 strengthening the Treasury and opposing reckless 
 expenditures. His most grievous disappointment, 
 however, was in the refusal of Congress to renew 
 
IN THE CABINET. 307 
 
 the charter of the Bank of the United States. He 
 used every possible effort to save this institution, 
 which, in the condition of the country, vras indis- 
 pensable to a sound currency and the maintenance 
 of specie payment. But with the dead weight of 
 Mr. Madison's silence, if not indifference, the 
 struggle was unequal and the bank fell. The 
 course of Mr. Madison can hardly be excused. 
 Political history records few examples of a more 
 cruel desertion of a cabinet minister by his chief. 
 Mr. Gallatin felt it deeply and tendered his resig- 
 nation. The administration was going to pieces 
 by sheer incapacity. The leaders took alarm and 
 the cabinet was reconstructed, Monroe being called 
 to the Department of State. But the enemies of 
 Mr. Gallatin still clung to his skirts, determined 
 to drag him to the dust. Duane attacked him in 
 the most dangerous manner. Probably no man in 
 America has ever been abused, vilified, maligned 
 with such deliberate persistency as was Gallatin 
 in the " Aurora " from the beginning of 1811 un- 
 til the cabinet crisis, when Mr. Madison was com- 
 pelled to choose between Smith and himself. Day 
 after day leaders were devoted to personal assault 
 upon him and to indirect insinuations of his supe-^ 
 riority to Madison, by which the artful editor 
 sought to arouse the jealousy of the President. 
 The "Atlas at the side of the President," the 
 " Great Treasury Law Giver," the " First Lord 
 of the Treasury," the " Dagon of the Philistines," 
 
308 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 were favorite epithets. He was charged by turns 
 with betraying cabinet secrets to Randolph, with 
 amateur negotiation with Erskine, and with sub- 
 serviency to British gold in the support of the 
 Bank of the United States. Here is an instance 
 of Duane's style : " We can say with perfect con- 
 viction that, if Mr. Madison suffer this man to 
 lord it over him, Mr. Gallatin will drag him down, 
 for no honest man in the country can support an 
 administration of which he is a member with con- 
 sistency or a pure conscience." It was charged 
 upon Gallatin that his friends considered him as 
 the real, while Madison was the nominal, Presi- 
 dent. More than this, he was accused of embez- 
 zlement and enormous speculations in the public 
 lands. Gallatin's party pride must have been 
 strong indeed to have induced him to stay an hour 
 in an administration which granted its favors to 
 the author of such assaults upon one of its chosen 
 leaders. 
 
 Jefferson wrote to Mr. Wirt in May following, 
 that, because of the bank, endeavors were made 
 to drive from the administration (of Mr. Madison) 
 the ablest man, except the President, who ever 
 was in it, and to beat down the President him- 
 self because he was unwilling to part with such a 
 counsellor. 
 
 Monroe was appointed Secretary of State in 
 Smith's place in April, 1811. Other changes fol- 
 lowed in the cabinet, but brought little relief to 
 
IN THE CABINET. 309 
 
 Mr. Gallatin. Financial affairs now occupied his 
 entire attention ; on the one hand was a dimin- 
 ishing treasury ; on the other an expenditure 
 reckless in itself and beyond the demands of the 
 administration. Without the sympathy of either 
 the Senate or House, Mr. Gallatin's position be° 
 came daily more irksome, until at last he aban- 
 doned all attempt to control the drift of party 
 policy, took the, war party at their word, and sent 
 in to the House a war budget. 
 
 Unfortunately for the country, the Republican 
 party knew neither how to prepare for war, nor 
 how to keep the peace. Mr. Madison had none of 
 the qualifications of a war President ; neither ex- 
 ecutive ability, decision of character, nor yet that 
 more important faculty, knowledge of men. In 
 his attachment to Mr. Madison and in loyalty to 
 what remained of the once proud triumvirate of 
 talent and power, Mr. Gallatin supplied the de- 
 ficiencies of his fellows as best he could, until an 
 offer of mediation between the United States and 
 Great Britain on the part of the Emperor of Rus- 
 sia presented an opportunity for honorable with- 
 drawal and service in another and perhaps more 
 congenial field. In March, 1813, the Russian min- 
 ister, in a note to the Secretary of State, tendered 
 this offer. Mr. Gallatin had completed his finan- 
 cial arrangements for the year, and requested Mr. 
 Madison to send him abroad on this mission. 
 Unwilling to take the risk of new appointments, 
 
310 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 the President acceded to this proposal, and gave 
 him leave of absence from his post in the Treas- 
 ury. Mr. Gallatin did not anticipate a long ab- 
 sence, and felt, as he said to his old friend Ba- 
 dollet, that he could nowhere be more usefully 
 employed than in this negotiation. Certainly he 
 could have no regret in leaving a cabinet which 
 had so little regard to his own feelings and so lit- 
 tle political decency as to confer the appointment 
 of adjutant-general in the United States army on 
 his malignant assailant, William Duane of the 
 "Aurora." 
 
 Mr. Gallatin's mission, followed by the resigna- 
 tion of his post in the cabinet, finally dissolved 
 the political triumvirate, but not the personal 
 friendship of the men. Numerous attempts were 
 made to alienate both Jefferson and Madison from 
 Gallatin while he held the portfolio of the Treas- 
 ury, but one and all they signally and ignomin- 
 iously failed. For Mr. Jefferson Mr. Gallatin had 
 a regard near akin to reverence. A portrait of 
 the venerable sage was always on his study table. 
 When about setting out for France in 1816 he 
 tendered his services to his old chief and wrote to 
 him that ' in every country and in all times he 
 should never cease to feel gratitude, respect, and 
 attachment for him.' Jefferson fully reciprocated 
 this regard. From Monticello he wrote to Galla- 
 tin in 1823 : " A visit from you to this place 
 would indeed be a day of jubilee, but your age 
 
IN THE CABINET. 311 
 
 and distance forbid the hope. Be this as it will, 
 I shall love you forever, and rejoice in your re- 
 joicings and sympathize in your ails. God bless 
 and have you ever in his holy keeping." Nor 
 does Mr. Gallatin seem to have allowed any feel- 
 ing of disappointment or dissatisfaction at Mr. 
 Madison's weakness to disturb their kindly rela- 
 tions. Their letters close with the reciprocal as- 
 surance of affection as well as esteem. 
 
CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 IN DIPLOMACY. 
 THE TREATY OF GHENT. 
 
 On May 9, 1813, the ship Neptune sailed from 
 New Castle on the Delaware, having on board 
 Albert Gallatin and James A. Bayard, ministers 
 of the United States, with their four secretaries, of 
 whom were Mr. Gallatin's son James, and George 
 M. Dallas, son of his old Pennsylvania friend. 
 They were accompanied to sea by a revenue cut- 
 ter. Off Cape Henlopen they were overhauled 
 by the British frigate on the station, and their 
 passport was countersigned by the English cap- 
 tain. On June 20 they reached the mouth of the 
 river Gotha. Here the vessel lay at quarantine 
 for forty-eight hours, during which the gentlemen 
 paid a flying visit to Gottenburg. At dusk, on 
 the 24th, the Neptune anchored in Copenhagen 
 inner roads, the scene of Nelson's attack in 1801. 
 Mr. Gallatin's brief memoranda of his voyage 
 contain some crisp expressions. He found " des- 
 potism and no oppression. Poverty and no dis- 
 content. Civility and no servile obsequiousness 
 amongst the people. Decency and sobriety." 
 
IN DIPLOMACY. 313 
 
 St. Petersburg was reached on July 21. Here 
 Gallatin and Bayard found John Quincy Adams, 
 then minister to Russia. He was one of the three 
 commissioners appointed to treat for peace under 
 the mediation which the Emperor Alexander had 
 offered to the United States. Bayard and Adams 
 were Federalists. To the moderate counsels of 
 the former Jefferson owed his peaceable elec- 
 tion. Gallatin and Adams had the advantage of 
 thorough acquaintance with European politics. 
 To Gallatin the study of history was a passion. 
 He was familiar with the facts and traditions of 
 diplomacy. He knew the purpose, the tenor, and 
 the result of every treaty made for centuries be- 
 tween the great powers ; even their dates were at 
 ready command in his wonderful memory. But, 
 excepting the few Frenchmen of distinction who in 
 the exile which political revulsions imposed upon 
 them had crossed the sea, he had no acquaint- 
 ance with Europeans of high position, and none 
 whatever with the diplomatic personnel of Euro- 
 pean courts. In this Adams was more fortunate. 
 Educated abroad, while his father was minister to 
 the Court of St. James, he was from youth familiar 
 with courts and their ways. To be the son of a 
 President of the United States was no small mat- 
 ter at that day. The conjunction of these two 
 men was rare. One of European birth and trained 
 to American politics, the other of American birth 
 and brought up in the atmosphere of European 
 
314 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 diplomacy. In their natural characteristics they 
 were the opposite of one another. Adams waa 
 impetuous, overbearing, impatient of contradict 
 tion or opposition. Gallatin was calm, self-con- 
 trolled, persistent; not jealous of his opinions, 
 but ready to yield or abandon his own methods, if 
 those of others promised better success ; never 
 blinded by passion or prejudice, but holding the 
 end always in view. That end was peace ; " peace 
 at all times desirable," as Mr. Gallatin said a few 
 days before his departure on his mission, but 
 much more so, ' because of the incapacity shown 
 in the conduct of the war, its inefficiency when com- 
 pared with its expense, and the open hostility to it 
 of a large number of the American people.' In 
 the face of the disasters which had befallen the 
 country Mr. Gallatin must have felt some qualms 
 of conscience for his persistent opposition to the 
 military and naval establishments. Their reor- 
 ganization had place in his desire for peace. He 
 said. May 5, 1813 : " Taught by experience, we 
 will apply a part of our resources to such naval 
 preparations and organization of the public force 
 as will, within less than five years, place us in a 
 commanding situation." With the particulars of 
 the dispute between the two countries he was 
 perfectly familiar. His report prepared in 1808 
 for Mr. Campbell, chairman of the Committee on 
 Foreign Relations, covered the whole ground of 
 the American argument. 
 
IN DIPLOMACY. 315 
 
 At the outset there seemed good ground for 
 hope of an early agreement. European politics 
 were at a critical point, and England naturally 
 wished to husband her resources for a sudden 
 emergency. The mediation of Russia Mr. Gal- 
 latin considered a salve to the pride of England. 
 This reasoning seemed sound enough, but it had 
 not taken account of one important element; the 
 jealousy of England of any outside interference 
 between herself and her ancient dependencies. 
 Mr. Gallatin did not hold English diplomacy in 
 very high regard. Late in life he said that the 
 history of the relations of England and France 
 was a story of the triumphs of English arms and 
 of French diplomacy ; that England was always 
 victorious, but France had as often negotiated her 
 out of the fruits of success. True as this remark 
 was in general, it cannot be said of the policy of 
 England in American affairs. She pushed to the 
 utmost her exclusion of France from the Amer- 
 ican continent when the states were colonies, and 
 now that they were free and independent she 
 would listen to no foreign intervention. Neither 
 in peace nor war should any third government 
 stand between the two nations. This was and 
 ever has been the true policy of Great Britain, 
 and that it was not lost sight of in the heat of 
 war is to the credit of her diplomacy. The offer 
 of Russia to mediate was not welcome, and was 
 set aside by Lord Castlereagh in a note of dis- 
 
316 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 couragement. There was no ground for the com- 
 missioners to stand upon ; moreover the Emperor 
 and Count Nesselrode were absent from St. Pe- 
 tersburg, Count Romanzoff being left in charge of 
 the foreign relations. The offer of mediation had 
 originated with him. His policy was to curb the 
 maritime power of England, and to secure in the 
 negotiation a modification at least of the offensive 
 practice of Great Britain in her assumed police of 
 the sea. 
 
 The war was in fact a legacy of the necessarily 
 incomplete diplomacy of Washington's adminis- 
 tration and the Jay treaty. The determining 
 cause was the enforcement of the right of search 
 and the impressment of seamen from American 
 vessels ; a practice at variance with the rights 
 and the law of nations. Monroe, Madison s Sec- 
 retary of State, urged the clear and distinct for- 
 bearance of this British practice as the one ob- 
 ject to be obtained. An article in the treaty 
 giving security in that respect was by Gallatin, 
 as well as by Monroe, considered a sine qua non 
 condition ; while Mr. Bayard viewed an informal 
 arrangement as equally efficient and more prac- 
 ticable than a solemn article. But there was no 
 doubt of Bayard's determination to reach the re- 
 sult prescribed in their instructions. 
 
 Mr. Gallatin's first act after setting foot on Eu- 
 ropean shores was to write to Baring Brothers & 
 Co. at London. This he did from Gottenburg, re- 
 
IN DIPLOMACY. 317 
 
 questing a passport for the Neptune, which the 
 commission proposed to retain at St. Petersburg 
 until their return. At the same time he intimated 
 that he wished the British government to be in- 
 formed of the object of the mission. For the ex- 
 penses of the commission the ambassadors had au- 
 thority to draw on the Barings. The reply of Mr. 
 Alexander Baring must at once have opened Mr. 
 Gallatin's eyes to the futility of the errand of the 
 commissioners. His words clearly state the Brit- 
 ish grounds of objection : " The mediation of Rus- 
 sia was offered, not sought, — it was fairly and 
 frankly accepted, — I do not see how America 
 could with any consistency refuse it ; but to the 
 eyes of a European politician it was clear that 
 such an interference could produce no practical 
 benefit. The only question now seriously at issue 
 between us is one purely of a domestic nature in 
 each country respectively ; no foreign government 
 can fairly judge of it." Pointing out the diffi- 
 culty of establishing any distinction between the 
 great masses of the seafaring population of Great 
 Britain and America, he finds tliat no other coun- 
 try can judge of the various positions of great 
 delicacy and importance which spring from sucli 
 a state of things ; and says : ••' This is not the way 
 for Great Britain and America really to settle 
 their disputes ; intelligent persons of the two 
 countries might devise mutual securities and con- 
 cessions which perhaps neither country would of- 
 
318 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 fer in the presence of a third party. It is a sort 
 of family quarrel where foreign interference can 
 only do harm and irritate at any time, but more 
 especially in the present state of Europe, when 
 attempts would be made to make a tool of Amer- 
 ica." These, he said he had good reason to 
 know, were the sentiments of the British cabinet 
 on the question of place of negotiation and for- 
 eign mediation. He also informed Mr. Gallatin 
 that the mediation of Russia had been refused, 
 and that the British government would express 
 its desire to treat separately and directly either at 
 London or Gottenburg. He warned Mr. Gallatin 
 that an opinion prevailed in the British public 
 that the United States were engaged to France by 
 a secret political connection, which belief, though 
 perhaps not shared by the government, would lead 
 it to consider the persevering of the American 
 commission upon bringing the insulated question 
 before the powers of the Continent as a touch- 
 stone of their sincerity. He hoped that the Amer- 
 ican commissioners would come at once in contact 
 with the British ministers, and pointed out the 
 hesitation that every minister would feel at giving 
 instructions on a matter so delicate as that '' in- 
 volving the rights and duties of sovereign and 
 subject." He then declared that there was in 
 England a strong desire for peace and for end- 
 ing a contest in which the " two countries could 
 only tease and weaken each other without any 
 
IN DIPLOMACY. 819 
 
 practical result," and at a time when England de- 
 sired to carry her resources into the " more impor- 
 tant j&eld of European contest." He then gave 
 Castlereagh's assurance, that the cartel-ship, the 
 Neptune, should be respected, and expressed his 
 own personal hope that he should ere long be 
 gratified by seeing it bring, with the commission- 
 ers, the hope of peace to the shores of England. 
 
 Meanwhile Mr. Gallatin was engaged in ex- 
 plaining the American case to Romanzoff by con- 
 versation and by a written statement of the facts 
 in the form of an unofficial note to the Emperor. 
 On August 10 word was received from the Em- 
 peror Alexander authorizing the renewal of the 
 offer of mediation ; and shortly after a letter from 
 General Moreau, written to Mr. Gallatin from the 
 imperial headquarters at Hrushova, assured him 
 of his sympathy and assistance. His relations 
 with Gallatin were of long standing and of an in- 
 timate nature. Moreau, after a long residence in 
 America, to which he was warmly attached, had 
 lately crossed the ocean and tendered his able 
 sword to the coalition against Bonaparte. He in- 
 formed Gallatin that one of the British members 
 had said to him in Germany that England would 
 not treat of her maritime rights under any media- 
 tion. He feared that American vanity would 
 hardly consent to treat directly with Great Brit- 
 ain, and foresaw that the political adversaries of 
 Madison and Gallatin would blame the precipi- 
 
320 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 tation of the United States government in send- 
 ing over the envoys before the adhesion of Eng- 
 land to the proposed arbitration was secured. He 
 assured Gallatin of the interest of the Emperor 
 Alexander in the Americans. 
 
 On August 24 Count Romanzoff read to the 
 envoys his dispatch to Count Lieven, the Russian 
 minister at London, renewing the offer of media- 
 tion. The commissioners considering their au- 
 thority as limited to treating under the mediation 
 of Russia, Mr. Gallatin wrote to Monroe, inclos- 
 ing a copy of Baring's letter, which he looked 
 upon as an informal communication of the views 
 of the British government, and asked for contin- 
 gent powers and instructions. These they could 
 not expect to receive before February. Gallatin 
 replied to Mr. Baring that no information of the 
 refusal of Great Britain to the mediation had been 
 received, but, even if it had, the commission was 
 not authorized to negotiate in any other manner. 
 They were, however, competent to treat of com- 
 merce without mediation. He declined to discuss 
 the objection of Great Britain to the mediation of 
 Russia, confining himself to an expression of ig- 
 norance in America of any such feeling on the 
 part of the British ministry, and of the confidence 
 placed in the personal character of the Emperor, 
 which was considered a sufiicient pledge of impar- 
 tiality ; while the selection of a sovereign at war 
 with France was clear evidence that America 
 
IN DIPLOMACr. 321 
 
 neither had nor wished to have any poHtical con- 
 nection with that power. That he himself be- 
 lieved an arrangement to be practicable, he said 
 to Mr. Baring, was evident from the fact that he 
 had given up his political existence, and separated 
 himself from his family. His opinion was, that 
 while neither nation would be induced to abandon 
 its rights or pretensions in the matter of impress- 
 ment, an arrangement might be made by way of 
 experiment which would reserve to both their re- 
 spective abstract rights, real or assumed. 
 
 To Moreau he wrote stating his hope that, not- 
 withstanding the first objections of Great Britain, 
 the mediation of the Emperor would be accepted, 
 and he asked the general for his personal interpo- 
 sition to this end. France and England he held 
 to be equally at fault in the great European con- 
 test ; the one usurping and oppressing the land, 
 the other dominating and tyrannizing the sea. 
 They alone, said he, have gained, if not happiness, 
 at least power. Russia, he was firmly persuaded, 
 was the only power at heart friendly to America. 
 History has shown the sagacity of this judgment. 
 This letter was never answered. Moreau was at 
 death's door. 
 
 Early in October Mr. Dallas was sent to Lon- 
 don to open relations with the British ministry. 
 His presence there would save two months at least 
 in each correspondence which involved communi- 
 cation between Washington, London, and St. Pe- 
 
 21 
 
322 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 tersburg. Count Romanzoff gave the Decessary 
 letter of introduction to Count Lieven. Galla- 
 tin's instructions to the young secretary were ex- 
 plicit as to the caution he should exercise in a 
 country where he could consider himself as only 
 on sufferance. Hardly were these preliminaries 
 concluded, and Dallas had not started on his 
 journey, when Mr. Gallatin received word from 
 America that the Senate had refused to confirm 
 him in his position as commissioner.^ 
 
 Stripped of his official character, he now felt 
 himself at liberty to follow his own inclination. 
 His first impulse was to go to London, where he 
 was sure that Baring's friendship would open to 
 him a means of usefulness in the matter on which 
 he was engaged. The death of Moreau cut off 
 the medium of approach to the Emperor. This 
 event was of no consequence, however, in the ne- 
 gotiation, as the Emperor had been positively in- 
 formed in July that England would not counte- 
 nance even the appearance of foreign intervention 
 in her dispute with America. But as yet no of- 
 ficial information of his rejection had been re- 
 ceived by Mr. Gallatin, nor did any reach him 
 until March. Without it he could not well leave 
 St. Petersburg. Meanwhile a diplomatic imbroglio, 
 caused by the failure of the Emperor to inform 
 
 ^ Mr. Gallatin had not resigned his position of Secretary of the 
 Treasury. The Senate refused to sanction the cumulative ap- 
 pointment. 
 
IN DIPLOMACY. 323 
 
 Romanzoff of Castlereagh's second refusal to ac- 
 cept the offer of mediation, embarrassed the com- 
 mission all winter. Nor yet were they aware that 
 the British minister, driven to the wall by the sec- 
 ond offer of the Emperor, had made proposals to 
 Monroe to treat directly with the^ United States 
 government. The British note with this offer was 
 written on November 4. Mr. Gallatin was ap- 
 prised of it by Mr. Dallas in January, 1814. Mr. 
 Baring urged him, if he should return to America 
 during the winter, to take his way through Eng- 
 land, as good effects might result from even a 
 passing visit. Gallatin was then, as he expressed 
 it, * chained for the winter to St. Petersburg,' nor 
 had he any way of reaching home, except by a 
 cartel from a British port. 
 
 No word coming from the Emperor, the envoys 
 concluded to withdraw from St. Petersburg. Be- 
 fore leaving, Mr. Gallatin addressed a letter of 
 thanks to Count Romanzoff, and requested him to 
 communicate any information he might receive 
 from the Emperor. It was supposed that the offer 
 of England to treat directly with America might 
 be inclosed in Castlereagh's letter of refusal to ac- 
 cept Russian mediation. On January 25, 1814, 
 Mr. Gallatin and Mr. Bayard left St. Petersburg 
 and travelled by land to Amsterdam, which they 
 reached after a tedious journey on March 4. The 
 captain of the Neptune was ordered to bring his 
 vessel to a port of Holland. At Amsterdam, 
 
324 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 where the envoys remained four weeks, they 
 learned that Mr. Madison had at once accepted 
 Castlereagh's offer and appointed a new commis- 
 sion, consisting of Messrs. Adams, Bayard, Henry 
 Clay, and Jonathan Russell. Mr. Gallatin was 
 not included, as he was supposed to be on his way 
 home to resume his post in the Treasury Depart- 
 ment, the duties of which had been performed in 
 his absence by Mr. Jones, the Secretary of the 
 Navy. When correct information did reach Mr. 
 Madison, on February 8, he immediately added 
 Mr. Gallatin to the commission, and appointed 
 Mr. G. W. Campbell to be Secretary of the Treas- 
 ury. Thus it happened that Mr. Gallatin, whom 
 Mr. Madison intended for the head of the commis- 
 sion, was the last named of those who conducted 
 the negotiations. 
 
 On April 1, 1814, Mr. Gallatin concluded to 
 pass through England on his return, and leaving 
 orders for the Neptune on its arrival to proceed 
 to Falmouth, he took the packet to Harwich, 
 whither he requested Mr. Baring to send him the 
 requisite passports to enable him to reach London 
 with his suite without delay. 
 
 In company with Mr. Bayard, Mr. Gallatin 
 reached the English capital on April 9, 1814. 
 There they heard some days later of the arrival of 
 Messrs. Clay and Russell at Gottenburg. The 
 situation of Great Britain had greatly changed. 
 Intoxicated with the success of their arms and the 
 
IN DIPLOMACY. 325 
 
 abdication of Napoleon, the English people were 
 quite ready to undertake the punishment of the 
 United States, while the release of a large body of 
 trained troops in France, Italy, Holland, and Por- 
 tugal enabled the ministry immediately to throw 
 a large force into Canada for the summer campaign. 
 In the British cabinet a belief was said to be en- 
 tertained that a continuance of the war would bring 
 about a separation of the American Union, and 
 perhaps a return of New England to the mother 
 country. In this emergency Gallatin availed him- 
 self of the opportunity which presented itself of 
 addressing Lafayette in sending to that officer the 
 patents for the Louisiana land granted to him by 
 the American government, and urged the use of his 
 influence to promote an accommodation between 
 England and the United States. 
 
 To Clay he wrote on April 22, proposing that 
 the place of negotiation be changed from " that 
 corner " Gottenburg, either to London, or some 
 neutral place more accessible to the friendly inter- 
 ference of those among the European powers upon 
 which they must greatly rely. The Emperor Alex- 
 ander was expected in London, and Castlereagh, 
 who had recently returned from France where he 
 had been in direct intercourse with him, was under- 
 stood to be of all the cabinet the best disposed to 
 the United States. From Clay Gallatin heard in 
 reply that the British charg^ d'affaires at Stock- 
 holm had already asked the sanction of the Swed- 
 
326 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 ish government to the negotiation at Gottenburg. 
 While Clay was unwilling to go to London he gave 
 his consent to carry on the negotiations in Holland, 
 if the arrangement could be made in such a man- 
 ner as to avoid any ill feeling at the Swedish court 
 by the change from Gottenburg. In May Gallatin 
 and Bayard asked of Monroe authority for the com> 
 missioners to remove the negotiation to any place 
 which their judgment should prefer. In May, 
 also, the British government was officially notified 
 by the American commissioners of their appoint- 
 ment. Lord Bathurst answered with an assurance 
 that commissioners would be forthwith appointed 
 for Great Britain, and with a proposal of Ghent 
 as the place for negotiation. This was at once ac- 
 ceded to. 
 
 Meanwhile Mr. Crawford, the United States 
 minister at Paris, was endeavoring, at the instance 
 of Mr. Gallatin, to secure the friendly interposition 
 of the Emperor Alexander, not as a mediator, but 
 as a common friend and in the interest of peace to 
 the civilized world. Crawford was unable to ob- 
 tain an audience of the Emperor, or even an inter- 
 view with Count Nesselrode, but Lafayette took 
 up the cause with his hearty zeal for everything 
 that concerned the United States, and, in a long 
 interview with the Emperor at the house of Ma- 
 dame de Stael, submitted to him the view taken 
 by the United States of the controversy, and ob- 
 tained from him his promise to exert his personal 
 
IN DIPLOMACY. 327 
 
 influence with the British goverment on his arrival 
 at London. Baron von Humboldt, the Prussian 
 minister at Paris, who had been influenced by 
 British misrepresentation, was also won over by 
 Lafayette, and now tendered his services to Mr. 
 Gallatin in any way in which he might be made 
 useful. Lafayette's letter was brought by Hum- 
 boldt in person. Gallatin and Humboldt had met 
 in 1804, when the great traveller passed through 
 Washington on his return from Peru and Mexico. 
 
 The Treaty of Paris having been signed. Lord 
 Castlereagh reached London early in June, and 
 the Emperor arrived a few days later. Mr. Galla- 
 tin had an audience of the Emperor on June 17, 
 and on the 19th submitted an official statement 
 of the American case and an appeal for the inter- 
 position of his imperial majesty, " the liberator 
 and pacifier of Europe." From the interview Mr. 
 Gallatin learned that the Emperor had made three 
 attempts in the interest of peace, but that he had 
 no hope that his representations had been of any 
 service. England would not admit a third party 
 to interfere, and he thought that, with respect to 
 the conditions of peace, the difficulty would be 
 with England and not with America. 
 
 On June 13 Gallatin warned Monroe of the 
 preparations England was making which would en- 
 able her to land fifteen to twenty thousand men 
 on the Atlantic coast ; that the capture of Wash- 
 ington and New York would most gratify the 
 
828 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 British people, and that no help need be expected 
 from the countries of Europe, all which were pro- 
 foundly desirous of peace. 
 
 The ministry informing Mr. Gallatin that the 
 British commissioners would start for Ghent on 
 July 1, he improved the interval by a visit to Paris. 
 He left London, where he had passed nearly three 
 months in the uncertain preliminaries of negotia- 
 tion, and after a few days in the French capital 
 reached Ghent on July 6. The British commis- 
 sioners only appeared on August 6. They were 
 Lord Gambier, Henry Goulburn, and William 
 Adams, all second-rate men, but for this reason 
 suited to the part they had to play. After the 
 overturn of Napoleon the British cabinet had no 
 desire for peace, or at least not until they had 
 secured by war some material advantages in the 
 United States, which a treaty would confirm. The 
 business of their representatives at Ghent was to 
 make exorbitant demands of the Americans and 
 delay negotiations pending the military operations 
 in progress. 
 
 In June Gallatin was satisfied of the general 
 hostile spirit of Great Britain and of its wish to 
 inflict serious injury on the United States. He 
 notified Monroe of his opinion and warned him 
 that the most favorable terms to be expected were 
 the status ante helium., and not certainly that, un- 
 less the American people were united and the 
 country able to stand the shock of the campaign. 
 
IN DIPLOMACY. 329 
 
 Mr. Madison's administration had already humbled 
 itself to an abandonment, or at least to an adjourn- 
 ment, of the principle to establish which they had 
 resorted to arms. But in the first stages of the 
 negotiation it was clear that the British cabinet 
 had more serious and dangerous objects in view, 
 and looked beyond aggression and temporary in- 
 jury to permanent objects. At the first meeting 
 on August 8, the British commissioners demanded, 
 as a preliminary to any negotiation, that the United 
 States should set apart to the Indian tribes the 
 entire territory of the Northwest to be held by 
 them forever in sovereignty under the guaranty of 
 Great Britain. The absurdity of such a demand 
 is sufiicient evidence that it was never seriously 
 entertained. There could have been no idea that 
 the military power of Great Britain was able to 
 enforce, or that the United States would abjectly 
 submit to, such a mutilation of its territory and 
 such a limitation of its expansion. Behind this 
 cover Mr. Gallatin instinctively detected the real 
 design of the cabinet to be the conquest of New 
 Orleans and the mouths of the Mississippi. If to 
 the territory thus acquired that of Florida should 
 be added by cession from Spain, which could hardly 
 refuse any compensation asked of her by Great 
 Britain in return for the liberation of the Peninsula, 
 a second British dominion would be set up on the 
 American continent. These views Gallatin com- 
 municated to Monroe in a private dispatch of Au- 
 
830 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 gust 20, 1814, by the hands of Mr. Dallas. To 
 the sine qua non of the British commissioners no 
 answer was made by the Americans. The nego- 
 tiation was abruptly suspended, and only by infor- 
 mal conversation was Mr. Goulburn given to un- 
 derstand that reference had been had to America 
 for instructions. Mr. Gallatin was of opinion that 
 the negotiations were at an end, and in his de- 
 spair of peace took consolation in the belief that 
 the insolence of the demand would unite America 
 from Maine to Georgia in defence of her rights, 
 of her territory, and indeed of her independence. 
 The American commissioners made no secret of 
 their belief that their mission was closed. Two 
 of the secretaries started from Ghent on a con- 
 tinental tour, and notice was given to the land- 
 lord of the house where the commissioners resided 
 of their intention to quit it on October 1. On 
 August 2, while matters were still at this dead- 
 lock, Lord Castlereagh passed through Ghent on 
 his way to the Congress at Vienna. Goulburn 
 was ordered to change his tone and Lord Liver- 
 pool was advised to moderate his demands ; to use 
 Castlereagh's words, to " a letting down of the 
 question." Lord Liverpool replied on September 
 2, that he had already given Goulburn to under- 
 stand that the commission had taken a very er- 
 roneous view of British policy. In this communi- 
 cation he betrays the hope, which the cabinet 
 entertained, of American dissensions, by his ex- 
 
IN DIPLOMACY, 381 
 
 pression of the opinion that if the negotiation had 
 broken off on the notes ah'eady presented by the 
 British commission, or the answer that the Ameri- 
 cans were disposed to make, the war would have 
 become popular in America. 
 
 Lord Bathurst reopened the negotiations, but 
 his modification was of tone rather than of matter. 
 The surrender of the control of the Lakes to Great 
 Britain, and of the Northwest Territory to the In- 
 dians, was still adhered to. The reply of the 
 American commissioners was drawn chiefly by 
 Mr. Gallatin. It absolutely rejected the proposals 
 respecting the boundary and the military flag on 
 the Lakes, and refused even to refer them to the 
 American government, but ofi:ered to pursue the 
 negotiation on the other points. To Monroe Mr. 
 Gallatin explained his reason for assenting to dis- 
 cuss the Indian article, and therein his colleagues 
 concurred with him, to be ; that they had little hope 
 of peace, but thought it desirable, if there were 
 to be a breach, that it should be on other grounds 
 than that of Indian pacification. The reply of the 
 commission on this point, also drafted by Mr. Gal- 
 latin, was sent in on September 26. It merely 
 guarantied the Indians in all their old rights, priv- 
 ileges, and possessions. 
 
 The destruction of the public buildings at 
 Washington by the British troops, known in Lon- 
 don on October 1, caused a great sensation in Eng- 
 land. As Gallatin said in a letter to Madame de 
 
332 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 Stael, it was " an act of vandalism to which no 
 parallel could be found in the twenty years of Eu- 
 ropean war from the frontiers of Russia to Paris, 
 and from those of Denmark to Naples." " Was 
 it (he asked), because, with the exception of a few 
 cathedrals, England had no public buildings com- 
 parable to them, or was it to console the London 
 mob for their disappointment, that Paris was 
 neither pillaged nor burned." It can hardly be 
 doubted that the flames which consumed the 
 American capital lighted the way to peace. The 
 atrocity of war was again brought vividly to the 
 view of nations whose sole yearning was for peace. 
 Far from discouraging the American commission- 
 ers, it fortified their determination. They knew 
 that it would unite the people of the States as 
 one man. It in no way disturbed Gallatin's confi- 
 dence either in the present or future of his adopted 
 country. To those who asked his opinion of the 
 securities of the United States, he said : " If I 
 have not wholly misunderstood America, its re- 
 sources and its political morality, I am not wrong 
 in the belief that its public funds are more secure 
 than those of all European powers." 
 
 In spite of the protests of Mr. Goulburn, who 
 felt the ground on which he stood daily less stable, 
 and in his letters to his chief was unsparing in his 
 denunciations, Lord Liverpool accepted the pro- 
 posed settlement of the Indian question. Nothing 
 remained but to incorporate in a treaty form the 
 
 I 
 
IN DIPLOMACY. 333 
 
 points agreed upon. Lord Bathurst, who seems 
 throughout the negotiation to have forgotten the 
 old adage, that " fine words butter no parsnips,'* 
 and with true British blindness never to have ap- 
 preciated how thoroughly he was overmatched by 
 Mr, Gallatin, submitted a preliminary notification 
 that the British terms would be based on the prin- 
 ciple of uti possidetis which involved a rectifica- 
 tion of the boundaries on the Canadian frontier. 
 To this the Americans returned a peremptory re- 
 fusal. They would not go one step farther except 
 on the basis of tlie status quo ante helium. Lord 
 Liverpool considered this as conclusive. A vigo- 
 rous prosecution of the war was resolved upon by 
 the cabinet. Only for reasons of expediency was 
 a show of negotiation still kept up. But when the 
 cabinet took a survey of the general field they felt 
 little complacency in the prospect of a struggle 
 which sooner or later must interest the maritime 
 powers. France, compelled by the peace of Vienna 
 to withdraw from what even Lafayette considered 
 as her natural frontier, was restive, and there was 
 a large party in Russia who would gladly see the 
 Emperor take up the American cause. Moreover 
 the Chancellor of the Exchequer saw before him 
 an inevitable addition of ten millions of pounds 
 sterling to his budget, the only avowable rea- 
 son for which was the rectification of the Cana- 
 dian frontier. In their distress the cabinet pro- 
 posed to Wellington to go to the United States 
 
334 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 with the olive-branch and the sword, to negotiate 
 or conquer a peace. The desire of the cabinet 
 to bring the war to an honorable conclusion was 
 avowed. But Wellington, before accepting this 
 proposal, gave Lord Liverpool a very frank opin- 
 ion of the mistake made in exacting territorial 
 concessions, since the British held no territory of 
 the United States in other than temporary posses- 
 sion, and had no right to make any such demand. 
 Lord Liverpool was not tenacious. He was never, 
 he wrote Lord Bathurst, much inclined to give 
 way to the Americans, but the cabinet felt itself 
 compelled to withdraw from its extreme ground. 
 He accepted his defeat and acknowledged it. 
 
 The Americans meanwhile arranged a draft of a 
 treaty. The articles on impressment and other 
 maritime rights, absolutely rejected by the British, 
 were set aside. There only remained the question 
 of the boundaries, the fisheries, and the navigation 
 of the Mississippi. Here Mr. Gallatin had as much 
 difficulty in maintaining harmony between Adams 
 and Clay as in obtaining a peace from Liverpool 
 and Bathurst. Adams was determined to save the 
 fisheries ; Clay would not hear of opening the Mis- 
 sissippi to British vessels. A compromise was ef- 
 fected by which it was agreed that no allusion 
 should be made to either subject. Mr. Gallatin 
 terminated the dispute by adding a declaration that 
 the commissioners were willing to sign a treaty 
 applying the principle of the status quo ante helium 
 
IN DIPLOMACY, 335 
 
 to all the subjects of difference. This was in strict 
 conformity with the instructions from the home 
 government. On November 10 the American draft 
 was sent in. On the 25th the British replied with 
 a counter-draft which made no allusion to the fish- 
 eries, but stipulated for the free navigation of the 
 Mississippi. The Americans replied that they 
 would give up the navigation of the river for a 
 surrender of the fisheries. This proposal was at 
 once refused by the British. The matter was set- 
 tled by an offer of the Americans to negotiate un- 
 der a distinct reservation of all American rights. 
 All stipulations on either subject were in the end 
 omitted, the British government on December 22 
 withdrawing the article referring to these points. 
 In the course of the negotiation Mr. Gallatin pro- 
 posed that in case of a future war both nations 
 should engage never to employ the savages as aux- 
 iliaries, but this article does not appear. To the 
 credit of civilization, however, the last article con- 
 tained a mutual engagement to put an end to the 
 trade in slaves.^ On Christmas day the treaty 
 was signed. Mr. Henry Adams ^ justly says, 
 " Far more than contemporaries ever supposed, or 
 than is now imagined, the Treaty of Ghent was 
 the special work and the peculiar triumph of Mr. 
 
 1 An agreement entered into in perfect faith, but which the 
 jealousy of the exercise of search in any form rendered nugatory 
 for half a century. 
 
 2 Life of Albert Gallatin, p. 546. 
 
336 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 Gallatin." His own correspondence shows how 
 admirably he was constituted for the nice work of 
 diplomatic negotiation. In the self-poise which he 
 maintained in the most critical situations, the un- 
 erring sagacity with which he penetrated the pur- 
 poses of his adversaries, the address with which he 
 soothed the passions and guided the judgments of 
 his colleagues, it is impossible to find a single fault. 
 If he had a fault, says his biographer, it was that 
 of using the razor when he would have done bet- 
 ter with the axe. But the axe is not a diplomatic 
 weapon. The simulation of temper may serve an 
 occasional purpose, but temper itself is a mistake, 
 and to Mr. Gallatin's credit be it said, it was a 
 mistake never committed by him in the course 
 of this long and sometimes painful negotiation. 
 Looking back upon its shifting scenes, it is clear 
 that even the pertinacity of Adams and irascibility 
 of Clay served to advance the purpose of the mis- 
 sion. From the first to the last Mr. Gallatin had 
 his own way, not because it was his own way, but 
 because it was the best way and was so recognized 
 by the majority of the commission at every turn 
 of difference. Fortunately for the interests of 
 peace the battle of New Orleans had not yet been 
 fought. There seems a justice in this final act of 
 the war. The British attack upon the Chesapeake ^ 
 was committed before war had been declared. 
 
 1 The frigate Chesapeake was captured by the British man-of* 
 war Leopard in June, 1807. 
 
IN DIPLOMACY. 337 
 
 The battle of New Orleans was fought a fortnight 
 after the Treaty of Ghent was signed. The burn- 
 ing of Washington was avenged by the most 
 complete defeat which the British had ever en- 
 countered in their long career of military prowess. 
 
 By his political life Mr. Gallatin acquired an 
 American reputation ; by his management of the 
 finances of the United States he placed himself 
 among the first political economists of the day ; 
 but his masterly conduct of the Treaty of Ghent 
 showed him the equal of the best of European 
 statesmen on their own peculiar ground of diplo- 
 macy. No one of American birth has ever equalled 
 him in this field. Europeans recognized his pre- 
 eminent genius. Sismondi praised him in a pub- 
 lic discourse. Humboldt addressed him as his 
 illustrious friend. Madame de Stael expressed to 
 him her admiration for his mind and character. 
 Alexander Baring gave him more than admira- 
 tion, his friendship. 
 
 Upon the separation of the commissioners, Mr. 
 Gallatin paid a flying visit to Geneva. His fame, 
 or "glory," to use the words of Humboldt, pre- 
 ceded him. Of his old intimates, Serre was under 
 the sod in a West Indian island ; Badollet was 
 leading a quiet life at Vincennes in the Indiana 
 Territory, where Gallatin had obtained for him 
 an appointment in the land office; Dumont was 
 in England. Of Gallatin's family few remained. 
 But he received the honors due to him as a Gene- 
 
338 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 van who had shed a lustre on his native city. On 
 his way to England, where he had made an ap- 
 pointment with his colleagues to attempt a com- 
 mercial treaty with Great Britain, he stopped at 
 Paris. Here he saw Napoleon, returned from 
 Elba, his star in full blaze before its final ex- 
 tinction. Here he heard in April (1815) of his 
 appointment by Madison as minister to France. 
 His colleagues also had been honored by similar 
 advancements. Adams was transferred from Rus- 
 sia to England. Bayard was named minister to 
 Russia, but illness prevented his taking possession 
 of his post. In April, Mr. Gallatin and Mr. 
 Clay opened negotiations with Lord Castlereagh 
 in London, where they were quickly joined by 
 Adams. Lord Castlereagh bore no malice against 
 Mr. Gallatin for the treaty. On the contrary, he 
 wrote of it to Lord Liverpool as " a most auspi- 
 cious and seasonable event, and wished him joy at 
 " being released from the millstone of an American 
 war." With Lord Castlereagh Mr. Gallatin ar- 
 ranged in the course of the summer a convention 
 regulating commercial intercourse between the 
 United States and Great Britain, the only truly 
 valuable part of which was that which abolished 
 all discriminating duties. Mr. Gallatin consid- 
 ered this concession as an evidence of friendly dis' 
 position, and rightly judged that British antipathy 
 and prejudice were modified, and that in the 
 future friendly relations would be preserved and a 
 
IN DIPLOMACY. 339 
 
 rupture avoided. Beyond this, there was little 
 gained. The old irritating questions of impress- 
 ment and blockade and the exclusion of the 
 United States from the West Indies trade re- 
 mained. 
 
 In July Mr. Gallatin parted from Mr. Baring 
 and his London friends on his homeward jour- 
 ney. From New York, on September 4, he wrote 
 Madison, thanking him for the appointment of 
 minister to France as an " evidence of undimin- 
 ished attachment and of public satisfaction for his 
 services ;" but he still held his acceptance in abey- 
 ance. To Jefferson, two days later, he had also 
 the satisfaction to say with justice, that the char- 
 acter of the United States stood as " high as ever 
 it did on the European continents, and higher 
 than ever it did in Great Britain ;" and that the 
 United States was considered " as the nation de- 
 signed to check the naval despotism of England." 
 To Jefferson he naturally spoke of that France 
 from which they had drawn some of their inspira- 
 tions and their doctrines. 
 
 He thus describes the condition of the people : 
 
 "The revolution (the political change of 1789) has 
 not, however, been altogether useless. There is a vis- 
 ible improvement in the agriculture of the country and 
 the situation of the peasantry. The new generation be- 
 longing to that class, freed from the petty despotism 
 of nobles and priests, and made more easy in their cir- 
 cumstances by the abolition of tithes, and the equaliza- 
 
840 ALBERT GALLATIN, 
 
 tion of taxes, have acquired aa independent spirit, and 
 are far superior to their fathers in intellect and informa- 
 tion ; they are not republicans and are still too much 
 dazzled by military glory ; but I think that no monarch 
 or ex-nobles can hereafter oppress them long with im- 
 punity." 
 
 And again, " Exhausted, degraded, and oppressed 
 as France now is, I do not despair of her ultimate 
 success in establishing her independence and a 
 free form of government." But it was not till 
 half a century later that Gambetta, the Mirabeau 
 of the Republic, led France to the full possession 
 of her material forces, and reestablished in their 
 original vigor the principles of 1789. That Gal- 
 latin was not blinded by democratic prejudices 
 appears in the letter he wrote to Lafayette after 
 Napoleon's abdication, in which he said : " My 
 attachment to the form of government imder 
 which I was born and have ever lived never made 
 me desirous that it should, by way of experiment, 
 be applied to countries which might be better fit- 
 ted for a limited monarchy." 
 
 MINISTER TO FRANCE. 
 Strange as it appears, there is no doubt that 
 Mr. Gallatin was at this time heartily weary of 
 political life, and seriously contemplated a perma- 
 nent retirement to the banks of the Monongahela. 
 He naturally enough declined a nomination to 
 Congress, which was tendered him by the Phila- 
 
IN DIPLOMACY. 341 
 
 delphia district. His tastes were not for the vio- 
 lence and turbulence of the popular house, 
 
 Madison left him full time to decide whether he 
 could arrange his private affairs so as to accept 
 the mission to Paris. In November he positively 
 declined. He considered the compensation as in- 
 competent to the support of a minister in the 
 style in which he was expected to live. His pri- 
 vate income was at this time about twenty-five 
 hundred dollars a year. Monroe pressed him earn- 
 estly not to quit the public service, but the year 
 closed and Mr. Gallatin had not made up his 
 mind. In the situation of France, which he con- 
 sidered " would under her present dynasty be for 
 some years a vassal of her great rival," he did not 
 consider the mission important, and his private 
 fortune was limited to a narrow competence. " I 
 do not wish," he wrote to Monroe, " to accumulate 
 any property. I will not do my family the in- 
 jury of impairing the little I have. My health is 
 frail ; they may soon lose me, and I will not leave 
 them dependent on the bounty of others." But 
 being again earnestly pressed, he on January 2, 
 1816, accepted the appointment. To Jefferson he 
 wrote that he would not conceal ' that he did not 
 feel yet old enough nor had philosophy enough to 
 go into retirement and abstract himself wholly 
 from public affairs.' 
 
 In April, Madison notified Mr. Gallatin of Dal- 
 las's probable retirement from the Treasury, and 
 
842 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 offered him the post if he cared to return to it. 
 He was perfectly aware of his supreme fitness for 
 the direction of the Treasury, and he declined with 
 reluctance, because he was disturbed by the sus- 
 pension of specie payments. Remembering Madi- 
 son's weakness in 1812 on the subject of the 
 renewal of the bank charter, which Gallatin con- 
 sidered necessary in the situation of the finances, 
 he could hardly have felt a desire to return to 
 the cabinet in that or indeed in any other capac- 
 ity. He was perfectly conscious that as leader 
 of the House of Representatives, as Secretary of 
 the Treasury, and as negotiator of the Ghent 
 treaty, he had brought into the triumvirate all its 
 practical statesmanship. His short career abroad 
 had opened to him a new source of intellectual 
 pleasure. He had earned a right to some hours of 
 ease. Diplomacy at that period, when communi- 
 cation was uncertain and difficult, was perforce 
 less restricted than in these latter days, when am- 
 bassadors are little more than foreign clerks of the 
 State Department without even the freedom of a 
 chief of bureau. Gallatin felt entirely at home, and 
 was happy in this peculiar sphere. There was no 
 time in his life when he would not have gladly 
 surrendered all political power for the enjoyment 
 of intellectual ease, the pursuit of science, and the 
 atmosphere of society of the higher order of culture 
 in whatever field. And Paris was then, as it is 
 still, the centre of intellectual and social civilization. 
 
IN DIPLOMACY. 343 
 
 Jefferson rejoiced in Gallatin's appointment to 
 France, and rightly judged that he would be of 
 great service there. Of Louis XVIII., however, 
 Jefferson had a poor opinion. He thought him ' a 
 fool and a bigot, but, bating a little duplicity, 
 honest and meaning well.' Jefferson could give 
 Gallatin no letters. He had 'no acquaintances 
 left in France ; some were guillotined, some fled, 
 some died, some are exiled, and he knew of nobody 
 left but Lafayette.' With Destutt de Tracy, an 
 intimate friend of Lafayette, Jefferson was in cor- 
 respondence. Indeed, he was engaged on the 
 translation of Tracy's work on political economy, 
 the best, in Jefferson's opinion, that had ever ap- 
 peared.i 
 
 Gallatin reached Paris with his family on July 
 9, 1816, and had an interview with the Duke of 
 Richelieu, the minister of Louis XVIII. , two days 
 later. The conversation turned upon the sympa- 
 thy for Bonaparte in the United States, which 
 Richelieu could not understand ; but Gallatin ex- 
 plained that it was not extended to him as the 
 despot of France, but as the most formidable 
 enemy of England. Richelieu warned him of the 
 prejudices which might be aroused against the 
 reigning family ' by ex-kings and other emigrants 
 of the same description ' who had lately removed 
 to the United States. This was an allusion to Je- 
 
 1 A translation of this work, Economie Politique, was published 
 under Jefferson's supervision in 1818. 
 
844 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 rome, who had fled from the throne of Westphalia 
 to the banks of the Delaware. The King gave Gal- 
 latin an audience on the 11th, when he presented 
 his credentials. His reception both by his majesty 
 and the princes was, he wrote to Monroe, '^ what 
 is called gracious," Louis the Eighteenth was a 
 Bourbon to the ends of his fingers. He had the 
 bonhommie dashed with malice which characterized 
 the race. None could better appreciate than he 
 the vein of good-natured satire, the acquired tone 
 of French society, which was to Mr. Gallatin a 
 natural gift. Mr. Gallatin was not only kindly, 
 but familiarly received at court ; and at the petits 
 soupers, which were the delight of the epicurean 
 King, his majesty on more than one occasion 
 shelled the crawfish for the youthful daughter of 
 the republican ambassador. An anecdote is pre- 
 served of the King's courteous malice. To a com- 
 pliment paid Mr. Gallatin on his French, the King 
 added, " but I think my English is better than 
 yours." 
 
 Gallatin's first negotiations were to obtain in- 
 demnity for the captures under the Berlin and 
 Milan decrees ; but although the Duke of Riche- 
 lieu never for a moment hinted that the govern- 
 ment of the Restoration was not responsible for 
 the acts of Napoleon, yet he stated that the mass 
 of injuries for which compensation was demanded 
 by other governments was so great that indemnity 
 must be limited to the most flagrant cases. They 
 
IN DIPLOMACY. 345 
 
 would pay for vessels burnt at sea, but would go 
 no farther. In spite of Mr. Gallatin's persistency 
 no advance was made in the negotiation. A mi- 
 nor matter gave him some annoyance. On July 4, 
 1816, at a public dinner, the postmaster at Balti- 
 more proposed a toast which, b}'^ its disrespect, 
 gave umbrage to the King. Hyde de Neuville, 
 the French minister to the United States, de- 
 manded the dismissal of the offender. If our in- 
 stitutions and habits as well as public opinion had 
 not forbidden compliance with this request, the 
 dictatorial tone of De Neuville was sufficient bar. 
 Richelieu could not be made to understand the 
 reason for the refusal, and while disclaiming any 
 idea of using force, said that the government 
 would show its dissatisfaction in its own way. 
 This seemed to intimate an indefinite postpone- 
 ment of a consideration of American demands, 
 and would have rendered Mr. Gallatin's further 
 residence useless as well as unpleasant ; but 
 French dignity got the better of what Gallatin 
 termed, " the sickly sentimentality which existed 
 on the subject of personal abuse of the King," and 
 the insignificant incident was not allowed to in- 
 terfere with friendly intercourse. 
 
 In 1817 Mr. Gallatin was engaged not only in 
 advising Mr. Adams at London upon the points of 
 a commercial treaty with Great Britain, but also, 
 together with Mr. William Eustis, minister to the 
 Netherlands, in a negotiation with that govern- 
 ment. 
 
346 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 The commission met at the Hague, Mr. Gold- 
 berg and Mr. Van der Kemp representing Hol- 
 land. The subjects were the treaty of 1782 be- 
 tween the States-General of the Netherlands and 
 the United States, the repeal of discriminating' 
 duties, and the participation of the United States 
 in the trade with the Dutch East Indies. The 
 basis of a treaty could not be agreed upon, and 
 the whole matter was referred back to the two 
 governments, the American commissioners recom- 
 mending to the President a repeal of duties dis- 
 criminating against vessels of the Netherlands, 
 which would no doubt prevent future exaction of 
 extra tonnage duties imposed on American vessels 
 by that government. These negotiations occupied 
 the late summer months. At the end of Septem- 
 ber Mr. Gallatin was again at his post in Paris. 
 
 In June, 1818, Mr. Richard Rush, who owed 
 his introduction into public life to Mr. Gallatin, 
 was appointed minister to England, Adams re- 
 turning to the United States to take the port- 
 folio of State in President Monroe's cabinet. 
 Gallatin was joined to Rush, for the conduct of 
 negotiations with Great Britain, rendered nec- 
 essary by the approaching expiration of the com- 
 mercial convention of July 3, 1815, which had 
 been limited to four years. The general field of 
 disputed points was again entered. It included 
 the questions of impressment, the fisheries, the 
 boundaries, and indemnity for slaves. The com- 
 
IN DIPLOMACY. 347 
 
 missioners were supported by a temper of the 
 American people different from that which pre- 
 vailed when Jay and Gallatin respectively under- 
 took the delicate work of negotiation in 1794 and 
 1814. A compromise was arrived at, which was 
 signed on October 20, 1818. The articles on mar- 
 itime rights and impressment were set aside. A 
 convention was made for ten years in regard to 
 the fisheries, the northwest boundary, and other 
 points, and the commercial convention of 1815 was 
 renewed. The English claim to the navigation of 
 the Mississippi was finally disposed of, and the ar- 
 ticle concerning the West India trade was referred 
 to the President. The arrangement of the fishery 
 question disturbed Mr. Gallatin, who found him- 
 self compelled to sign an agreement which left the 
 United States in a worse situation in that respect 
 than before the war of 1812. But as the British 
 courts would certainly uphold the construction by 
 their government of the treaty of 1783, our ves- 
 sels, when seized, would be condemned and a col- 
 lision would immediately ensue. This, and the 
 critical condition of our Spanish relations, left no 
 choice between concession and war. A short time 
 afterward Lord Castlereagh and the Duke of vYel- 
 lington expressed friendly dispositions, and the 
 mooted points of impressment and the West India 
 trade were considered by them to be near an ar- 
 rangement. The right of British armed vessels 
 to examine American crews was abandoned in the 
 convention itself. 
 
348 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 In July, 1818, the capture of Fort St. Mark and 
 the occupation of Pensacola in Florida by Gen- 
 eral Jackson made some stir in the quiet waters of 
 our foreign diplomacy. Uncertain as to whether 
 the act would be disavowed or justified by the 
 American government, Mr. Gallatin explained to 
 the European ministers that the forcible occupa- 
 tion of the Spanish province was an act of self- 
 defence and protection against the Indians, but 
 Richelieu replied that the United States "had 
 adopted the game laws and pursued in foreign 
 ground what was started in its own." Yet, to 
 the astonishment of Mr. Gallatin, Richelieu was 
 moderate and friendly in language, and urged a 
 speedy amicable arrangement of differences with 
 Spain, in whose affairs France took an interest, 
 and who had asked her good offices. But Galla- 
 tin at once rejected any idea that the United 
 States would join France in any mediation be- 
 tween Spain and her revolted colonies. It seems 
 rather singular that, to the suggestion that a 
 Spanish prince might be sent over to America as 
 an independent monarch, Gallatin contented him- 
 self with expressing a doubt as to the efficacy of 
 such a course to preserve their independence. Mr. 
 Adams was informed that public recognition of 
 the independence of the insurgent colony of Bue- 
 nos Ayres would shock the feelings and prejudices 
 of the French ministers, but that notwithstanding 
 this displeasure, France would not join Spain in a 
 
IN DIPLOMACY. 849 
 
 war on this account. England, however, would 
 see such a war without regret, and privateers un- 
 der Spanish commissions would instantly be fitted 
 out, both in France and England. Under the ex- 
 isting convention with Great Britain three hun- 
 dred American vessels arrived at Liverpool in 
 the first nine months of 1818 from the United 
 States and only thirty English, an advantage to 
 the United States which war would at once de- 
 stroy. Russia also was displeased with the recog- 
 nition of the independence of the Spanish colo- 
 nies. At the Congress of Aix la Chapelle various 
 plans of mediation were proposed, but England 
 refusing to engage to break off all commercial re- 
 lations with such of the insurgent colonies as 
 should reject the proposals agreed to, the whole 
 project was abandoned. An agreement between 
 the five great powers for the suppression of the 
 slave trade was also proposed at this Congress, 
 but France declined to recognize the right to vi-sit 
 French vessels in time of peace, and Russia mak- 
 ing a similar declaration, this plan also fell to the 
 ground, and even an association against the exac- 
 tions of the Barbary powers was prevented by 
 jealousy of the naval preponderance of Great 
 Britain. 
 
 While Mr. Gallatin was still actively engaged 
 in an endeavor to put our commercial relations 
 with France on a satisfactory basis, and negotiat- 
 ing with M. Pasquier, the new French minister 
 
350 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 for foreign affairs, both with regard to indemnities 
 for captures and the new Spanish relations in- 
 volved in the cession of Florida to the United 
 States, a serious trouble arose in which Mr. Gal- 
 latin and Mr. Adams were at direct difference. 
 In the spring of 1821 a French vessel, the Apol- 
 lon, was seized on the St. Mary's river, on the 
 Spanish side, and condemned for violation of the 
 United States navigation laws. Mr. Adams sus- 
 tained the seizure and Mr. Gallatin did his best 
 to defend it, on the ground that the place where 
 the vessel was seized was embraced in the occupa- 
 tion of the United States. To Adams he wrote 
 that the doctrine assumed by the State Depart- 
 ment with respect to the non-ratified treaty with 
 Spain was not generally admitted in Europe, and 
 that " he thought it equally dangerous and incon- 
 sistent with our general principles to assert that 
 we had a right to seize a vessel for any cause 
 short of piracy in a place where we did not pre- 
 viously claim jurisdiction." Mr. Gallatin suc- 
 ceeded in satisfying M. Pasquier that the seizure 
 was not in violation of the law of nations or an 
 insult to the French flag, and the captain having 
 instituted a suit for redress against the seizing of- 
 ficers, the French minister allowed the matter to 
 rest. Adams, however, was indignant at having 
 his arguments set aside. He complained of it to 
 Calhoun, and asked what Mr. Gallatin meant. 
 Calhoun answered that perhaps it was "the 
 
IN DIPLOMACY. 351 
 
 prl<le of opinion." But when Adams got to his 
 diary, which was the safety-valve of his ill-tem- 
 per, he set a black mark against Mr. Gallatin's 
 name in these words : *' Gallatin is a man of first- 
 rate talents, conscious and vain of them, and 
 mortified in his ambition, checked as it has been, 
 after attaining the last step to the summit ; timid 
 in great perils, tortuo.us in his paths ; born in Eu- 
 rope, disguising and yet betraying a superstitious 
 prejudice of European superiority of intellect, and 
 holding principles pliable to circumstances, occa- 
 sionally mistaking the left for the right handed 
 wisdom." Against this judgment, Gallatin's esti- 
 mate of Adams may be here set down. It was 
 expressed to his intimate friend BadoUet in 1824 : 
 " John Q. Adams is a virtuous man, whose tem- 
 per, which is not the best, might be overlooked ; 
 he has very great and miscellaneous knowledge, 
 and he is with his pen a powerful debater; but he 
 wants, to a deplorable degree, that most essential 
 quality, a sound and correct judgment. Of this I 
 have had in my ofiicial connection and intercourse 
 with him complete and repeated proofs ; and al- 
 though he may be useful when controlled and 
 checked by others, he ought never to be trusted 
 with a place where, unrestrained, his errors might 
 be fatal to the country." Crawford complained 
 of the difficulty he encountered in the cabinet of 
 softening the asperities which invariably predomi- 
 nated in the official notes of the State Department 
 
352 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 while under Adams's direction, and said that, had 
 they been allowed to remain as originally drafted, 
 the government would have been " unembarrassed 
 by diplomatic relations with more than one 
 power." But it must be remembered that there 
 was no love lost between Adams and Crawford — 
 political rivals and not personal friends. 
 
 The commercial negotiations, and the discussion 
 of French pretensions under the eighth article of 
 the Louisiana treaty, opened with M. Pasquier, 
 were continued with the Vicomte de Montmor- 
 ency, who succeeded him as minister of foreign 
 affairs. In September, 1821, Mr. Gallatin had 
 communicated to Mr. Adams his intention of re- 
 turning home in the spring ; but there appearing 
 a chance of success in the negotiation of a treaty, 
 he wrote in February, 1822, to President Monroe 
 that if no successor had been appointed, he was 
 desirous to remain some time longer. He was 
 loath to return without having succeeded in any 
 one subject intrusted to his care. Meanwhile 
 Mr. Adams and M. de Neuville, the French 
 minister, had been busy in the United States. A 
 commercial convention was signed at Washington 
 on June 24, 1822. Concerning this agreement 
 Mr. Gallatin wrote to Adams that the terms were 
 much more favorable to France than he had been 
 led to presume would be acceded to, and more so 
 than had been hoped for by the French govern- 
 ment. He nevertheless expressed the wish that, 
 
IN DIPLOMACY. 353 
 
 as it had been signed, it should be ratified, in an- 
 ticipation that the superior activity of our ship- 
 owners and seamen would enable America to stand 
 the competition. 
 
 In January, 1823, Montmorency resigned and 
 was succeeded by M. de Chateaubriand. The 
 change of ministers made no change in the 
 French persistence in connecting the discussion 
 of the American claims with that of the eighth 
 article of the Louisiana treaty, an arrangement 
 to which Mr. Gallatin would not consent. As a 
 last resort he so informed M. de Chateaubriand, 
 but receiving an unsatisfactory answer he con- 
 cluded that there was at that time no disposition 
 in France to do us justice ; and as his protracted 
 stay could be of no service to the United States, 
 he determined to return home in the course of the 
 spring. In April he received leave of absence 
 from the President. On May 13 he had a final 
 conference with Chateaubriand, in which he could 
 get no promise of any redress, but did obtain the 
 explicit declaration that France would in no man- 
 ner interfere in American questions. 
 
 Mr. Gallatin took passage at Havre, and arrived 
 in New York on June 24, 1823. His political 
 friends, especially Crawford, were eager for his 
 return. Crawford wished him to stand for vice- 
 president in the coming presidential campaign. 
 After a short visit to Washington he went to his 
 home at New Geneva. The real value of perfect 
 23 
 
354 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 public service, or indeed of any service, is only 
 appreciated when it ceases, and friction takes the 
 place of smooth and noiseless order. Hardly was 
 Mr. Gallatin settled at Friendship Hill when a 
 letter from President Monroe (October 15) ar- 
 rived, urging him to return to Paris, if only for 
 the winter, or until the crisis brought on by the 
 rupture between France and Spain should be 
 over. Mr. Gallatin replied, that the deranged 
 state of his private affairs rendered his return to 
 Europe extremely improbable. 
 
 Goethe says in his " Elective Affinities " that 
 we cannot escape the atmosphere we breathe. 
 The natural atmosphere of Mr. Gallatin was public 
 life. In November, 1825, Mr. Clay, Adams's Sec- 
 retary of State, offered, and, meeting a refusal, 
 pressed upon Mr. Gallatin the post of representa- 
 tive of the United States at the proposed Congress 
 of American Republics at Panama. Mr. Clay was 
 right in considering it the most important mission 
 ever sent from the United States, and had Mr. Gal- 
 latin accepted it, relations with these interesting 
 countries might have been improved to an immeas- 
 urable degree of happiness to them, and of benefit 
 to both continents. But his family would not 
 hear of his exposure in the fatal climate of the 
 American Isthmus. Moreover, he pleaded his ig- 
 norance of the Spanish language as a sufficient 
 excuse for declining the mission, — an example 
 which has not been followed in later days. 
 
IN DIPLOMACY, 355 
 
 MINISTER TO ENGLAND. 
 
 In the spring of 1826 Mr. Rufus King, who 
 had taken the place of Mr. Rush at London, that 
 gentleman having been called to the Treasury by- 
 President Adams, fell ill, and requested the assist- 
 ance of an extraordinary envoy. Mr. Gallatin 
 accepted the mission. Before his nomination 
 reached the Senate Mr. King's resignation was 
 received and accepted. President Adams wishing 
 to intrust Mr. Gallatin alone with the pending 
 negotiations, and unwilling to make the two nom- 
 inations of Minister and Envoy, proposed to Mr. 
 Gallatin to take the post of minister, with powers 
 to negotiate, and liberty to return when the ne- 
 gotiations should be finished. Personal expenses 
 at London were so great that the post of resident 
 minister was ruinous. Mr. Adams promised Mr. 
 Gallatin carte blanche as to his instructions. But 
 instead of latitude and discretionary power he 
 received at New York voluminous directions which 
 he engaged faithfully to execute, while regretting 
 that they had not been made known to him sooner. 
 Nevertheless, in the three days which intervened 
 before his sailing, he wrote to Mr. Clay a lucid 
 statement of the points in issue, and mentioned 
 the modifications he desired. The points were, 1, 
 the northeastern boundary. Upon this he was 
 only authorized to obtain a reference of the sub- 
 ject to a direct negotiation at Washington. He 
 
356 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 asked consent, in case it should be desirable, to 
 open a negotiation on this point at London. 
 Should Great Britain refuse to open a negotia- 
 tion at either place, or to agree to a joint state- 
 ment, then he was not to be bound to propose an 
 immediate reference to a third power. 2. The 
 boundary west of the Stony Mountains. The in- 
 structions limited British continuance on settle- 
 ments south of the 49th parallel to five years. 
 Mr. Gallatin thought this insufficient, and pro- 
 posed fifteen years. 3. The St. Lawrence naviga- 
 tion, and the intercourse with Canada, as to which 
 he suggested alternate plans. 4. Colonial trade, 
 on which he asked precise instructions as to what 
 was desired. To the President he complained of 
 his instructions as ' of the most peremptory nature, 
 leaving no discretion on unimportant points, and 
 making of him a mere machine,' and he requested 
 that it be officially announced to him ' that the in- 
 structions were intended to guide but not abso- 
 lutely to bind him.' He was not afraid of incur- 
 ring responsibility where discretion was allowed, 
 but he would not do it in the face of strict and 
 positive injunctions. Mr. Gallatin sailed from 
 New York with his wife and daughter July 1, 
 1826. Mr. William Beach Lawrence, then a 
 youth, accompanied him as his secretary. They 
 reached London on August 7. 
 
 Canning was then at the head of the foreign 
 office, and the temper of the ministry was not that 
 
IN DIPLOMACY. 357 
 
 of Castlereagh and Wellington. Mr. Gallatin did 
 not like French diplomacy, nor did he admire that 
 of England. He wrote to his son : ' Some of the 
 French statesmen occasionally say what is not 
 true ; here (in London) they conceal the truth.' 
 But while in diplomacy he found strength and the 
 opinion of that strength to be the only weapons, 
 he felt satisfaction that the country could support 
 its rights and pretensions by assuming a different 
 attitude. In the course of the negotiations Mr. 
 Gallatin learned that one of the King's ministers 
 had complained of the tone of United States diplo- 
 macy towards England, and had added, that it 
 was time to show that it was felt and resented. 
 No such fault could attach to the correspondence 
 of Mr. Rush and Mr. King, or to that of Mr. Clay, 
 which Mr. Addington had found quite acceptable ; 
 but it was ascribed to Mr. Adams's instructions to 
 Mr. Rush, printed by order of the Senate. Mr. 
 Gallatin later discovered that the offensive re- 
 marks were in Baylies' report on the territory west 
 of the Stony Mountains. Mr. Gallatin explained 
 the independence of the House committees in the 
 United States, but as a diplomatist he felt the 
 need of a concert between the Executive and the 
 committees of Congress in all that concerns for- 
 eign relations. Government, after all, is a complex 
 science. 
 
 The simple directness with which Mr. Gallatin 
 dealt with Lord Liverpool could not serve with a 
 
358 ALBERT GALLATIN, 
 
 man of Canning's disposition. Mr. Gallatin did 
 not fail to bring to bear the pressure of a possible 
 change in the relations of the United States and 
 Great Britain, which might arise from the war 
 which seemed imminent between that power and 
 Spain. The new questions of Cuba, and the old 
 habit of impressment, might at once bring the 
 United States into collision with England. But 
 the war did not take place, and the close of the 
 year found the negotiations not far advanced. 
 Only the convention of 1815 would no doubt be 
 renewed. He asked for further instructions on 
 that subject, the joint occupancy of western terri- 
 tory, and impressments, all of which he hoped to 
 arrange in the spring and summer, and return 
 home. Mr. Lawrence he found to be a secretary 
 more capable in the current business of the lega- 
 tion than any of his predecessors. Mr. Gallatin 
 could safely leave him there as charg^ d'affaires. 
 
 In December, Chateaubriand used in the House 
 of Peers the words which Mr. Gallatin had said 
 to him, ' that England could not take Cuba with- 
 out making war on the United States, and that she 
 knew it.' Mr. Gallatin so informed Adams, and 
 added, that France would no doubt agree, as 
 Chateaubriand would have agreed, to a tripartite 
 instrument if England were of the same opinion. 
 
 In March, 1827, Adams warned Gallatin that 
 the sudden and unexpected determination of Great 
 Britain to break off all negotiation concerning the 
 
IN DIPLOMACY. 359 
 
 colonial trade, and the contemporaneous interdic- 
 tion of the vessels of the United States from all 
 British ports in the West Indies, had put a new 
 face on matters. A renewal of the convention of 
 1818 would probably be agreed to by the Senate, 
 but no concession in the form of a treaty would 
 be acceptable. His words were emphatic. " One 
 inch of ground yielded on the northwest coast, — 
 one step backward from the claim to the naviga- 
 tion of the St. Lawrence, — one hair's breadth of 
 compromise upon the article of impressment 
 would be certain to meet the reprobation of the 
 Senate." In this temper of parties, Adams added, 
 " all we can hope to accomplish will be to adjourn 
 controversies which we cannot adjust, and say to 
 Britain as the Abbe Bernis said to Cardinal 
 Fleuri : * Monseigneur j' attendrai.' " 
 
 But changes now occurred in the British Min- 
 istry : Lord Liverpool died in February, 1827 — 
 Mr. Canning in the following August. Lord God- 
 erich became Prime Minister. The new adminis- 
 tration returned from Canning's eccentric course 
 to the old and quiet path. The commercial con- 
 vention of 1815 was renewed indefinitely, each 
 party being at liberty to abrogate it at twelve 
 months' notice. The joint occupancy of the Ore- 
 gon Territory, agreed to in 1818, was continued in 
 a similar manner. On September 29 a conven- 
 tion was signed, referring the northeast boundary 
 to the arbitration of a friendly sovereign. Mr. 
 
860 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 Gallatin believed that, had Canning lived, he 
 would have opened a negotiation on the subject 
 of impressment. Huskisson considered that ' the 
 right, even if well founded, was one the exercise 
 of which was intolerable, but that this was not the 
 time to take up the subject.' The new British ad- 
 ministration did not dare to encounter the clamor 
 of the navy,* the opposition of the Tories, and the 
 pride of the nation on this question. 
 
 Having accomplished all that was practicable, 
 completed all the current business, and leaving the 
 British government in a better temper than he 
 found it, Mr. Gallatin returned to the United 
 States, reaching New York on November 29, 
 1827. Nothing remained in foreign relations in 
 respect to which Mr. Gallatin felt that he could 
 be of much use except the northeast boundary. 
 In a letter of congratulation to Mr. Gallatin on 
 his arrival. President Adams made ample amends 
 for all his harsh judgments, expressed or withheld. 
 The three conventions were entirely satisfactory 
 to him. Of the negotiation he said, in words as 
 graceful as warm, '' I shall feel most sensibly the 
 loss of your presence at London, and can form 
 no more earnest wish than that your successor 
 may acquire the same influence of reason and good 
 temper which you did exercise, and that it may 
 be applied with as salutary effect to the future 
 discussions between the two governments." Dur- 
 ing his visit to London Mr. Gallatin was over- 
 
IN DIPLOMACY, 361 
 
 whelmed with civilities. Canning was courteous 
 to a degree, and rarely a day passed that the 
 American ambassador had not to choose between 
 half a dozen invitations to dinner. At the house 
 of the Russian minister, the Count de Li even, he 
 was always welcome, and the Countess de Lieven, 
 the autocrat of foreign society in London, with- 
 out whose pass no stranger could cross the sacred 
 threshold of Almack's, was his fast friend. To 
 each circle he carried that which each most prized. 
 Whether the conversation turned upon government 
 or science, the dry figures of finance, or the more 
 genial topic of diplomatic intrigue, Mr. Gallatin 
 was its easy master, and his words never fell on 
 inattentive ears. 
 
 With this mission to London Mr. Gallatin's di>. 
 plomatic service closed. He would have accepted 
 the French mission in 1834, and so informed Van 
 Buren, but General Jackson, who was President, 
 had his own plans, and 'ran his machine ' without 
 consulting other than his own prejudices or whims. 
 But although Mr. Gallatin was no longer in the 
 field of diplomacy, his counsels were eagerly sought. 
 The northeastern boundary was a troublesome ques- 
 tion, indeed in the new phases of American poli- 
 tics an imminent danger. The extension of the 
 commercial relations of Great Britain and the 
 United States rendered it imperative that no point 
 of dispute should remain which could be deter* 
 
862 ALBERT GALLATm. 
 
 mined. For two years after his return from Eng- 
 land, Mr. Gallatin was employed in the prepara- 
 tion of an argument to be laid before the King 
 of the Netherlands, who had been selected as the 
 arbiter between the United States and Great 
 Britain on the boundary. The King undertook to 
 press a conventional line, which the United States, 
 not being bound to accept, refused. In 1839 Mr. 
 Gallatin prepared, and put before the world, a 
 statement of the facts in the case. This, revised, 
 together with the speech of Mr. Webster, a copy 
 of the Jay treaty, and eight maps, he published at 
 his own expense in 1840. 
 
 At this time conflicts on the Maine frontier 
 brought the subject up in a manner not to be 
 ignored. Popular feeling was at high pitch. In 
 this condition of affairs Alexander Baring, who 
 had been raised to the peerage as Lord Ashburton, 
 was sent to America on a mission of friendship 
 and peace. As a young man he had listened to 
 the debate on Jay's treaty in 1795. He was now 
 to be received by Webster in Washington in the 
 same spirit in which Grenville received Jay in 
 London, when it was mutually understood that 
 they should discuss the matter as friends and not 
 as diplomatists, and leave their articles as records 
 of agreement, not as compromises of discord. Gal- 
 latin eagerly awaited the arrival of his old friend, 
 and was grievously disappointed when contrary 
 winds blew the frigate which carried him to An- 
 
IN DIPLOMACY. 363 
 
 napolis. Letters were immediately exchanged ; 
 Lord Ashburton engaging before he left the coun- 
 try to find Gallatin out, and, as he said, to " draw 
 a little wisdom from the best welL^^ After the 
 treaty was signed, Lord Ashburton went from 
 Washington to New York, and the old friends 
 met once more: Mr. Gallatin was in his 82d 
 year, but in the full possession of his faculties j 
 Lord Ashburton in his 68th year : a memorable 
 meeting of two great men, whose lives had much in 
 common ; the one the foremost banker of England, 
 the other the matchless financier of America ; and 
 to this sufficient honor was added for each the 
 singular merit of having negotiated for his country 
 the most important treaty in its relation to the 
 other since the separation of 1783, — Mr. Gal- 
 latin, the Treaty of Ghent, which gave peace to 
 America ; Lord Ashburton, that treaty which is 
 known by his name and which secured peace to 
 Great Britain. 
 
 In 1846 Mr. Gallatin rendered his last diplo- 
 matic service by the publication of a pamphlet on 
 the Oregon question, which was then as threaten- 
 ing as that of the northeastern boundary had 
 been. This admirable exposition, which put be- 
 fore the people as well as negotiators the precise 
 merits of the controversy, powerfully contributed 
 to the ultimate peaceful settlement. 
 
 Still once more Mr. Gallatin threw his authori- 
 tative words into the scale of justice. His last ap- 
 
364 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 pearance in public had been when he presided on 
 April 24, 1844, at a meeting in New York city to 
 protest against the annexation of Texas. He then 
 held that the resolution of the House declaring the 
 treaty of annexation between the United States of 
 America and the Republic of Texas to be the fun- 
 damental law of union between them, without and 
 against the consent of the Senate, was a direct and 
 undisguised usurpation of power and a violation of 
 the Constitution. In the storm of opposition he 
 lifted his feeble voice in condemnation of the vio- 
 lation of treaties, and the disregard of the sacred 
 obligations of mankind. *' I am highly gratified," 
 were his final words, " I am highly gratified that 
 the last public act of a long life should have been 
 that of bearing testimony against this outrageous 
 attempt. It is indeed a consolation that my al- 
 most extinguished voice has been on this occasion 
 raised in defence of liberty, of justice, and of our 
 country." Of the war with Mexico, he was wont 
 to say, "that it was the only blot upon the es- 
 cutcheon of the United States." Aged as he was, 
 he would not rest until he had made his last ap- 
 peal for peace with Mexico. He also prepared 
 supplementary essays on war expenses : the first 
 of these was published in 1847, the second in 
 1848. For months all his faculties, all his feelings 
 were absorbed in this one subject. These pam- 
 phlets were widely circulated by the friends of 
 peace. The venerable sage had the comfort of 
 
 I 
 
IN DIPLOMACY. S65 
 
 knowing that his words were not in vain. Peace 
 with Mexico was signed on February 2, 1848. 
 
 Mr. Gallatin was no believer in the doctrine of 
 * manifest destiny,' — the policy of bringing all 
 North America into the occupation of a race speak- 
 ing the same language, and under a single govern- 
 ment. On February 16, 1848, before news of the 
 signature of the treaty at Guadalupe Hidalgo, by 
 Mr. Trist, the American negotiator, was known in 
 New York, Mr. Gallatin condemned this idea in a 
 remarkable passage, in a letter to Garrett Davis : 
 
 " What shall be said of the notion of an empire ex- 
 tending from the Atlantic to the Pacific and from the 
 North Pole to the Equator ? Of the destiny of the 
 Anglo-Saxon race, of its universal monarchy over the 
 whole of North America ? Now, I will ask, which is 
 the portion of the globe that has attained the highest 
 degree of civilization and even of power — Asia, with 
 its vast empires of Turkey, India, and China, or Europe 
 divided into near twenty independent sovereignties ? 
 Other powerful causes have undoubtedly largely contrib- 
 uted to that result ; but this, the great division into ten 
 or twelve distinct languages, must not be neglected. But 
 all these allegations of superiority of race and destiny 
 neither require nor deserve any answer. They are but 
 pretences under which to disguise ambition, cupidity, or 
 silly vanity." 
 
 The justice of these reflections was assuredly 
 borne out by the experience of history, but mani- 
 fest destiny takes no account of past lessons. • 
 
366 ALBERT GALLATIN, 
 
 Before these lines of Mr. Gallatin's were penned, 
 on January 19, 1848, gold was discovered in Cali- 
 fornia. The announcement startled the world 
 and opened a new era, not only to Europe, but to 
 mankind. Extending the metallic basis, which no 
 man better than Mr. Gallatin recognized and held 
 to be the true medium of money transactions, it 
 postponed for a half century the inevitable conflict 
 between capital and labor, the first outbreaks of 
 which in Europe had been with difficulty sup- 
 pressed, when the news of good tidings gave prom- 
 ise of unexpected relief. Credit revived, new en- 
 terprises of colossal magnitude were undertaken, 
 and the demand for labor quickly exceeded the 
 supply. Emigration to America rose to incredible 
 proportions. Had Mr. Gallatin lived, he would 
 have found new elements to be weighed in his nice 
 balance of probabilities. He would no longer, as 
 in 1831, have been compelled to say that " specie 
 is a foreign product," but would have given to 
 us inestimable advice as to the proper use to be 
 made of the vast sums taken out from our own 
 soil. He would have been also brought to face 
 the ethnologic problem of a continent inhabited by 
 a single race, not Anglo-Saxon, nor Teutonic, nor 
 yet Latin, but a composite race in which all these 
 will be merged and blended ; a new American 
 race which, springing from a broader surface, 
 shall rise to higher summits of intellectual power 
 and, with a greater variety of natural qualities, 
 
2N DIPLOMACY. 367 
 
 achieve excellence in more numerous ways. This 
 vision was denied to Mr. Gallatin. He died at 
 the threshold of the new era — of the golden age. 
 Four decades have not passed since his death, and 
 the United States has taken from her soil a value 
 of over fifteen hundred millions of dollars, in gold 
 and silver, more than a third of the total amount 
 estimated by Mr. Gallatin as the store of Europe in 
 1831 ; and has also added to her population, by im- 
 migration alone, ten millions of people, of whom 
 but a small proportion are of the Anglo-Saxon 
 race. 
 
CHAPTER IX. 
 
 CANDIDATE FOK THE VICE-PEESIDENOY. 
 
 During the twelve years that Mr. Gallatin was 
 in the Treasury he was continually looking for 
 some man who could take his place in that of- 
 fice, and aid in the direction of national politics ; 
 to use his own words, " who could replace Mr. 
 Jefferson, Mr. Madison, and himself." Brecken- 
 ridge of Kentucky only appeared and died. The 
 eccentricities of John Randolph unfitted him for 
 leadership. William H. Crawford of Georgia, 
 Monroe's Secretary of the Treasury, alone filled 
 Gallatin's expectations. To a powerful mind 
 Crawford "united a most correct judgment and 
 an inflexible integrity. Unfortunately he was 
 neither indulgent nor civil, and, consequently, was 
 unpopular." Andrew Jackson, Gallatin said, 
 " was an honest man, and the idol of the worship- 
 pers of military glory, but from incapacity, mili- 
 tary habits, and habitual disregard of laws and 
 constitutional provisions, entirely unfit for the of- 
 fice of president." John C. Calhoun he looked 
 upon as " a smart fellow, one of the first amongst 
 second-rate men, but of lax political principles 
 
CANDIDATE FOR THE VICE-PRESIDENCY. 369 
 
 and an inordinate ambition, not over-delicate in 
 the means of satisfying itself." Clay he consid- 
 ered to be a man of splendid talents and a generous 
 mind. John Quincy Adams to be ' wanting to 
 a deplorable degree in that most essential qual- 
 ity, a sound and correct judgment.' 
 
 The contest lay between Adams and Crawford. 
 Crawford was the choice of Jefferson and Madison 
 as well as of Gallatin. The principles of the Re- 
 publican party had so changed, that Nathaniel 
 Macon could say in 1824, in reply to a request 
 from Mr. Gallatin to take part in a caucus for the 
 purpose of forwarding Mr. Crawford's nomination, 
 that there were " not five members of Congress 
 who entertained the opinions which those did who 
 brought Mr. Jefferson into power." But Macon 
 was of the Brutus stamp of politicians ; of that 
 stern cast of mind which does not ' alter when it 
 alteration finds or bend with the remover to re- 
 move,' and held yielding to the compulsion of cir- 
 cumstances to be an abandonment of principle. 
 
 Jefferson still held the consolidation of power 
 to be the chief danger of the country, and the 
 barrier of state rights, great and small, to be its 
 only protection even against the Supreme Court. 
 Gallatin took broader ground, and found encour- 
 agement in the excellent working of universal 
 suffrage in the choice of representatives to legis- 
 lative bodies. But he was opposed to the exten- 
 sion of the principle to municipal officers having 
 24 
 
870 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 the application of the proceeds of taxes, forgetting 
 that universal suffrage is the lever by which capi- 
 tal is moved to educate labor and relieve it from 
 the burthens of injury, disease, and physical in- 
 capacity at the expense of the whole. Without 
 stopping to argue these debateable questions, Mr. 
 Gallatin, with practical statesmanship, determined 
 to maintain in power the only agency by which 
 he could at all shape the political future, and he 
 threw himself into the canvass with zeal. 
 
 Crawford had unfortunately been stricken with 
 paralysis, and the choice of a vice-president be- 
 came a matter of grave concern. Mr. Gallatin 
 was selected to take this place on the ticket. To 
 this tender he replied, that he did not want the 
 office, but would dislike to be proposed and not 
 elected, and he honestly felt that as a foreigner 
 and a residuary legatee of Federal hatred his 
 name could not be of much service to the cause. 
 Still, he followed the only course by which any 
 party can be held together, and surrendered his 
 prejudices and fears to the wishes of his friends. 
 The Republican caucus met on February 14, 1824, 
 in the chamber of the House of Representatives. 
 Of the 216 members of the party only QQ at- 
 tended. Martin Van Buren, then senator from 
 New York, managed this, the last congressional 
 caucus for the selection of candidates. 
 
 The solemnity given to the congressional nom- 
 inations, and the publicity of the answers of can- 
 didates, Mr. Gallatin held to be political blunders, 
 
CANDIDATE FOR THE VICE-PRESIDENCY. 371 
 
 In fact the plan was adroitly denounced as an at- 
 tempt to dictate to the people. 
 
 Crawford was nominated for president by 64 
 votes, Gallatin for vice-president by 67. This 
 nomination Mr. Gallatin accepted in a note to Mr. 
 Ruggles, United States senator, on May 10, 1824. 
 But there were elements of which party leaders 
 of the old school had not taken sufficient account. 
 Macon was right when he said that " every gener^ 
 ation, like a single person, has opinions of its own, 
 as much so in politics as anything else," and that 
 * the opinions of Jefferson and those who were 
 with him were forgotten.' And Jefferson himself, 
 in his complacent reflection that even the name of 
 Federalist was " extinguished by the battle of 
 New Orleans," did not see that the Republican 
 party of the old school had been snuffed out by 
 the same event. The new democracy, whose 
 claims to rule were based, not on the policy of 
 peace or restricted powers, but on the seductive 
 glitter of military glory, was in the ascendant, and 
 General Jackson was the favorite of the hour. 
 New combinations became necessary, and Mr. Gal- 
 latin was requested to withdraw from the ticket, 
 and make room for Mr. Clay, whose great western 
 influence it was hoped would save it from defeat. 
 This he gladly did in a declaration of October 2, 
 addressed to Martin Van Buren, dated at his Fay- 
 ette home, and published in the " National Intel- 
 ligencer." The result of the election was singular. 
 Calhoun was elected vice-president by the people. 
 
372 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 The presidential contest was decided in the House, 
 Adams being chosen over Jackson and Crawford, 
 by the influence of Clay. Mr. Gallatin quickly 
 discerned in the failure of the people to elect a 
 president the collapse of the Republican party. 
 He considered it as " fairly defunct." 
 
 Jackson had already announced the startling 
 doctrine that no regard was to be had to party in 
 the selection of the great officers of government, 
 which Mr. Gallatin considered as tantamount to a 
 declaration that principles and opinions were of no 
 importance in its administration. To lose sight 
 of this principle was to substitute men for meas- 
 ures. Jackson's idea of party, however, was per- 
 sonal fealty. He engrafted the pouvoir personnel 
 on the Democratic party as thoroughly as Napo- 
 leon could have done in his place. Moreover, Gal- 
 latin considered Jackson's assumption of power in 
 his collisions with the judiciary at New Orleans 
 and Pensacola, and his orders to take St. Augus- 
 tine without the authority of Congress, as danger- 
 ous assaults upon the Constitution of the country 
 and the liberties of the people, and he dreaded 
 the substitution of the worship of a military chief- 
 tain for the maintenance of that liberty, the last 
 hope of man. Ten years later he uttered the same 
 opinion in a conversation with Miss Martineau, 
 and he expressed a preference for an annual pres- 
 ident, a cipher, so that all would be done by the 
 ministry. But in the impossibility of this plan, 
 he would have preferred a four years term without 
 
CANDIDATE FOR THE VICE-PRESIDENCY. 373 
 
 renewal or an extension of six years ; an idea 
 adopted by Davis in his plan of disintegration by 
 secession. The presidency, Mr. Gallatin thought, 
 was " too much power for one man ; therefore it 
 fills all men's thoughts to the detriment of better 
 things." 
 
 When Mr. Gallatin visited Washington in 1829, 
 he found a state of society, political and social, 
 widely at variance with his own experience. The 
 ways of Federalist and Republican cabinets were 
 traditions of an irrevocable past. Jackson was 
 political dictator, and took counsel only from his 
 prejudices. The old simplicity had given way to 
 elegance and luxury of adornment. The east room 
 of the presidential mansion was covered with 
 Brussels' carpeting. There were silk curtains at 
 the windows, French mirrors of unusual size, and 
 three splendid English crystal chandeliers. In the 
 dining-room were a hundred candles and lamps, 
 and silver plate of every description, and presiding 
 over this magnificence the strange successors of 
 Washington and his stately dame, of Madison and 
 his no less elegant wife, — the hero of New Or- 
 leans and Peggy O'Neal. 
 
 When, it is not too soon to ask, in the general 
 reform of civil service, shall the possibility of such 
 anomalies be entirely removed by restricting the 
 executive mansion to an executive bureau, and 
 entirely separating social ceremony from official 
 state, to the final suppression of back stairs influ- 
 ence and kitchen cabinets. 
 
CHAPTER X. 
 
 SOCIETY — LITERATUKE — SCIENCE. 
 
 Mr. Gallatin's land speculations were not 
 profitable. His plan of Swiss colonization did not 
 result in any pecuniary advantage to himself. His 
 little patrimony, received in 1786, he invested in a 
 plantation of about five hundred acres on the Mo- 
 nongahela. Twelve years later, in 1798, he was 
 neither richer nor poorer than at the time of his in- 
 vestment. The entire amount of claims which he 
 held with Savary he sold in 1794, without warranty 
 of title, to Robert Morris, then the great specu- 
 lator in western lands, for four thousand dollars, 
 Pennsylvania currency. This sum, his little farm, 
 and five or six hundred pounds cash were then 
 his entire fortune. In 1794, the revolution in 
 Switzerland having driven out numbers of his 
 compatriots, he formed a plan of association con- 
 sisting of one hundred and fifty shares of eight 
 hundred dollars each, of which the Genevans in 
 Philadelphia, Odier, Fazzi, the two Cazenove, 
 Cheriot, Bourdillon, Duby, Couronne, Badollet, 
 and himself took twenty-five each. Twenty-five 
 were offered to Americans, which were nearly all 
 
SOCIETY^ LITER A T URE — SCIENCE. 375 
 
 taken up, and one hundred were sent to Geneva, 
 Switzerland, to D'Yvernois and his friends. The 
 project was to purchase land, and Mr. Gallatin 
 had decided upon a location in the northeast part 
 of Pennsylvania, or in New York, on the border. 
 In the summer Gallatin made a journey through 
 New York to examine lands with the idea of oc- 
 cupation. In July, 1795, he made a settlement 
 with Mr. Morris, taking his notes for three thou- 
 sand five hundred dollars. Balancing his ac- 
 counts, Mr. Gallatin then found himself worth 
 seven thousand dollars, in addition to which he 
 had about twenty-five thousand acres of waste 
 lands and the notes of Mr. Morris. In 1798 Mr. 
 Morris failed, and, under the harsh operations of 
 the old law, was sent to jail. Mr. Gallatin never 
 recovered the three thousand dollars owed to him 
 in the final balance of his real estate operations. 
 
 After Mr. Gallatin left the Treasury he located 
 patents for seventeen hundred acres of Virginia 
 military lands in the State of Ohio, on warrants 
 purchased in 1784. In 1815 he valued his entire 
 estate, exclusive of his farm on the Monongahela, 
 at less than twelve thousand dollars. Forty years 
 later he complained of his investment as a troub- 
 lesome and unproductive property, which had 
 plagued him all his life. Besides the purchase of 
 lands, Mr. Gallatin invested part of his little capi- 
 tal in building houses on his farm, and in the 
 country store which BadoUet managed. The one 
 
376 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 yielded no return, and the sum put in the other 
 was lost through the incompetency of his honest 
 but inexperienced friend. His wife brought him 
 a small property, but at no time in his life was he 
 possessed of more than a modest competency. 
 But he had never anj^ discontent with his fortune 
 nor any desire to be rich. 
 
 Mrs. Gallatin, who had always until her mar- 
 riage lived in cities, was entirely unfit for frontier 
 life. In these days of railroads it is not easy to 
 measure the isolation of their country home. 
 Pittsburgh was nearly five days' journey from 
 Philadelphia, and the crossing of the Alleghanies 
 took a day and a half more. Before his marriage 
 Mr. Gallatin had seen very little of society. 
 Though in early manhood he felt no embarrass- 
 ment among men, he said " that he never yet was 
 able to divest himself of an anti-Chesterfieldian 
 awkwardness in mixed companies." He did not 
 take advantage of his residence in Philadelphia to 
 accustom himself to the ways of the world. There 
 he lived in lodgings and met the leading public 
 characters of both parties. But when he took his 
 seat in the cabinet, he found it necessary to enter 
 upon housekeeping and to take a prominent part 
 in society, for which his wife was admirably suited, 
 both by temperament and education. Washing- 
 ton Irving wrote of her in November, 1812, that 
 she was ' the most stylish woman in the drawing- 
 room that session, and that she dressed with more 
 
80CIETT— LITERATURE — SCIENCE. 377 
 
 splendor than any other of the noblesse ; ' and 
 again the same year compared her with the wife 
 of the president, whose courtly manners and con- 
 summate tact and grace are a tradition of the re- 
 publican court. " Tell your good lady," mother 
 Irving wrote to James Renwick, " that Mrs. Madi- 
 son has been much indisposed, and at last Wednes- 
 day's evening drawing-room Mrs. Gallatin presided 
 in her place. I was not present, but those who 
 were assure me that she filled Mrs. Madison's 
 chair to a miracle." This is in the sense of dig- 
 nity, for Mrs. Gallatin was of small stature. 
 
 Mr. Gallatin's house shared the fate of the pub- 
 lic buildings and was burned by the British when 
 Washington was captured in 1814. He was then 
 in London negotiating for peace. On his return 
 from France Mr. Gallatin made one more attempt 
 to realize his early idea of a country home, and 
 with his family went in the summer of 1823 to 
 Friendship Hill. Here an Irish carpenter built 
 for him a house which he humorously described 
 as being in the ' Hyberno-teutonic style, — the 
 outside, with its port-hole-looking windows, hav- 
 ing the appearance of Irish barracks, while the 
 inside ornaments were similar to those of a Dutch 
 tavern, and in singular contrast to the French 
 marble chimney-pieces, paper, mirrors, and bil- 
 liard-table.' In the summer Friendship Hill was 
 an agreeable residence, but Mr. Gallatin found it 
 in winter too isolated even for his taste. 
 
378 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 One exciting circumstance enlivened tbe spring 
 of 1825. This was the passage of Lafayette, the 
 guest of the nation, through western Pennsyl- 
 vania on hio famous tour. Mr. Gallatin welcomed 
 him in an address before the court-house of Union- 
 town, the capital of Fayette County, on May 26. 
 In his speech Mr. Gallatin reviewed the condition 
 of the liberal cause in Europe, and the emancipa- 
 tion of Greece, then agitating both continents. In 
 this all scholars as well as all liberals were of one 
 mind and heart. After the proceedings Lafayette 
 drove with Mr. Gallatin to Friendship Hill, where 
 he passed the night ; crowds of people pouring 
 down the valley from the mountain roads to see 
 the adopted son of the United States, the friend of 
 Washington, the liberator of France. The inti- 
 macy between these two great men, who had alike 
 devoted the flower of their youth to the interests of 
 civilization and the foundation of the new republic, 
 was never broken. 
 
 Mr. Gallatin passed only one winter at New 
 Geneva. On his return from his last mission to 
 England he settled permanently in New York, and 
 in 1828 took a house at No. 113 Bleecker Street, 
 then in the suburbs of the city. He wrote to Ba- 
 dollet in March, 1829, that 'it was an ill-contrived 
 plan to think that the banks of the Monongahela, 
 where he was perfectly satisfied to live and die in 
 retirement, could be borne by the female part of 
 his family, or by children brought up at Washing- 
 
SOCIETY — LITERATURE — SCIENCE. 379 
 
 ton and Paris." The population of New York has 
 always been migratory, and Mr. Gallatin was no 
 exception to the rule. In the ten years which 
 followed his first location he changed his residence 
 on four May days, finally settling at No. 57 
 Bleecker Street, nearly opposite to Crosby Street. 
 His life in New York is a complete period in his 
 intellectual as in his physical existence, and the 
 most interesting of his career. His last twenty 
 years were in great measure devoted to scientific 
 studies. 
 
 The National Bank, over which he presided for 
 the first ten years, took but a small part of his 
 time. The remainder was given up to study and 
 conversation, an art in which he had no superior 
 in this country and probably none abroad. Soon 
 after his arrival in New York, Mr. Gallatin was 
 chosen a member of " The Club," an association 
 famous in its day. As no correct account of this 
 social organization has ever appeared, the letter of 
 invitation to Mr. Gallatin is of some interest. It 
 was written by Dr. John Augustine Smith, on 
 November 2, 1829. An extract gives the origin 
 of the club. 
 
 " Nearly two years ago some of the literary gentle- 
 men of the city, feeling severely the almost total want 
 of intercourse among themselves, determined to es- 
 tablish an association which should bring them more 
 frequently into contact. Accordingly they founded the 
 * Club ' as it is commonly called, and which I believe I 
 
880 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 mentioned to you when I had the pleasure of seeing 
 you in Bond Street. Into this ^ Club ' twelve persons 
 only are admitted, and there are at present three gentle- 
 men of the Bar, Chancellor Kent, Messrs. Johnston and 
 Jay, three professors of Columbia College, Messrs. 
 McVickar, Moore, and Ren wick, the Rev. Drs. Waiu- 
 wright and Mathews, the former of the Episcopal 
 Church, the latter of the Presbyterian Church, two mer- 
 chants, Messrs. Brevoort and Goodhue, and I have the 
 honor to represent the medical faculty. Our twelfth 
 associate was Mr. Morse, of the National Academy of 
 Design, of which he was president, and his departure for 
 Europe has caused a vacancy. For agreeableness of 
 conversation there is nothing in New York at all com- 
 parable to our institution. We meet once a week ; no 
 officers, no formalities ; invitations, when in case of in- 
 telligent and distinguished strangers, and after a plain 
 and light repast, retire about eleven o'clock." 
 
 At this club Mr. Gallatin, with his wonderful 
 conversational powers, became at once the centre of 
 interest. The club met at the houses of members 
 in the winter evenings. There was always a sup- 
 per, but the rule was absolute that there should 
 be only one hot dish served, a regulation which the 
 ladies endeavored to evade when the turn of their 
 husbands arrived to supply the feast. Among the 
 later members were Professor Anderson, John 
 A. Stevens, Mr. Gallatin's countryman De Rham, 
 John Wells, Samuel Ward, Gulian C. Verplanck, 
 and Charles King. No literary symposium in 
 America was ever more delightful, more instruo- 
 
SOCIETY — LITERATURE — SCIENCE. 881 
 
 tive, than these meetings. On these occasions Mr. 
 Gallatin led the conversation, which usually cov- 
 ered a wide field. His memory was marvellous, 
 and his personal acquaintance with the great men 
 who were developed by the French revolution, 
 emperors and princes, heroes, statesmen, and men 
 of science, gave to the easy flow of his speech the 
 zest of anecdote and the spice of epigram. Once 
 heard he was never forgotten. And this rare 
 faculty he preserved undiminished to the close of 
 his life. Washington Irving, himself the most 
 genial of men, and the most graceful of talkers, 
 wrote of him, after meeting him at dinner, in 1841 :\ 
 " Mr. Gallatin was in fine spirits and full of con- \ 
 versation. He is upwards of eighty, yet has all 
 the activity and clearness of mind and gayety of 
 spirits of a young man. How delightful it is to 
 see such intellectual and joyous old age : to see 
 life running out clear and sparkling to the last 
 drop ! With such a blessed temperament one / 
 would be content to linger and spin out the lasty/^ 
 thread of existence." 
 
 At the close of the year 1829 Mr. Gallatin at- 
 tempted to carry out his old and favorite plan of 
 the " establishment of a general system of rational 
 and practical education fitted for all, and gratui- 
 tously open to all." The want of an institution for 
 education, combining the advantages of a Euro- 
 pean university with the recent improvements in 
 instruction, was seriously felt. New York, already 
 
382 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 a great city, and rapidly growing, offered the most 
 promising field for the national university on a 
 broad and liberal foundation correspondent to the 
 spirit of the age. The difficulty of obtaining com- 
 petent teachers of even the lower branches of 
 knowledge in the public schools, the system of 
 which was in its infancy, was great. Persons 
 could be found with learning enough, but they 
 were generally deficient in the art of teaching. 
 Governor Throop noticed this deficiency in his 
 message of January, 1830, without, however, the 
 recommendation of any remedy by legislation. 
 The existing colleges could not supply the want. 
 At this period religious prejudice controlled the 
 actions of men in every walk of life ; for the old 
 colonial jealousies of Episcopalian and Presbyte- 
 rian survived the Revolution. The religious dis- 
 trust of scientific investigation was also at its 
 height. Columbia College, the successor of old 
 King's College, was governed in the Episcopalian 
 interest. Private zeal could alone be relied upon 
 to establish the new enterprise on a foundation 
 free from the influence of clergy ; an indispensa- 
 ble condition of success. These were the views 
 of Mr. Jefferson in 1807. These were the views 
 of Mr. Gallatin. In response to his request abun- 
 dant subscriptions in money and material were at 
 once forthcoming. 
 
 The project of a national university at New 
 York was received by the literary institutions of 
 
SOCIETY — LITERATURE — SCIENCE. 383 
 
 the United States with great enthusiasm. In Oc- 
 tober, 1830, a convention of more than a hundred 
 literary and scientific gentlemen, delegates from 
 different parts of the country, and of the highest 
 distinction, was held in the common council cham- 
 ber. The outcome of their deliberations was the 
 foundation of the New York University. Mr. 
 Gallatin was the president of the first council, but 
 his connection with the institution was of short 
 continuance. The reasons for his withdrawal were 
 set forth in a letter to his old friend, John Badol- 
 let, written February 7, 1833. Beginning with an 
 expression of his desire to devote what remained 
 of his life " to the establishment in this immense 
 and growing city (New York) of a general system 
 of rational and practical education fitted for all 
 and gratuitously opened to all," he said, " but 
 finding that the object was no longer the same, 
 that a certain portion of the clergy had obtained 
 the control, and that their object, though lauda- 
 ble, was special and quite distinct from mine, I re- 
 signed at the end of one year rather than to strug- 
 gle, probably in vain for what was nearly unat- 
 tainable." The history of the university through 
 its precarious existence of half a century amply 
 justifies Mr. Gallatin's previsions and retirement. 
 Instead of the American Sorbonne, of which he 
 dreamed, it has never been more than a local in- 
 stitution, struggling to hold a place in a crowded 
 field. 
 
384 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 Mr. Gallatin followed the evolutions of French 
 politics with interest. His friend Lafayette, who, 
 during the Empire, lived in almost enforced re- 
 tirement at his estate of La Grange, was a volun- 
 tary exile from the court of Charles X., whose 
 autocratic principles and aggressive course were 
 rapidly driving France into fresh revolution. In 
 July, 1830, the crisis was precipitated by the royal 
 decrees published in the " Moniteur." Lafayette, 
 who was on his estate, hurried instantly to Paris, 
 where he became a rallying point, and himself 
 signed the note to the King, announcing that he 
 had ceased to reign. In September following it 
 fell to him to write to Mr. Gallatin on the occasion 
 of the marriage of Gallatin's daughter. In this 
 union Lafayette had a triple interest. Besides 
 his personal attachment for Mr. Gallatin, each of 
 the young couple was descended from one of his 
 old companions-in-arms. The groom, Mr. Byam 
 Kerby Stevens, was a son of Colonel Ebenezer 
 Stevens, of the continental service, who was La- 
 fayette's chief of artillery in his expedition against 
 Arnold in Virginia, in the spring of 1781 ; the 
 bride, Frances Gallatin, was, on the mother's side, 
 the granddaughter of Commodore James Nichol- 
 son, who commanded the gunboats which, impro- 
 vised by Colonel Stevens, drove out the British 
 vessels from Annapolis Bay and opened the route 
 to the blockaded American flotilla.^ 
 
 1 An account of this expedition may be found in the public* 
 iions of the Maryland Historical Societjo 
 
SOCIETY— LITERATURE — SCIENCE. 385 
 
 " Paris, September 8, 1830. 
 " My Dear Friend : — A long time has elapsed 
 irince I had the pleasure to hear from you. I need not, 
 1 hope, add, that my affectionate feelings have been con- 
 tinually with you, especially in what related to my young 
 friend whose change of name has more deeply interested 
 every member, and in a very particular manner, the 
 younger part of the family. Let me hear of you all, 
 and receive my tender regards and wishes, with those of 
 my children and grandchildren. Lafayette." 
 
 Both of the young people had the honor of La- 
 fayette's acquaintance. Mr. Stevens during a visit 
 to Paris, and Miss Gallatin during her father's 
 residence there as minister, when she was much 
 admired, and was, in the words of Madame Bona- 
 parte (Miss Patterson), ' a beauty.' In this letter 
 Lafayette gives a picturesque account of the three 
 days' fighting at the barricades, and of the depart- 
 ure of the ex-king and the royal army, accom- 
 panied by "some twenty thousand Parisians, in 
 coaches, hacks, and omnibus. . . . The royal party, 
 after returning the jewels of the crown, went 
 slowly to Cherbourg with their own escort, under 
 the protection of three commissioners, and were 
 there permitted quietly to embark for England." 
 
 In 1834 Mr. Gallatin's sympathies were greatly 
 excited by the arrival at New York of a number 
 of Poles, many of them educated men, and among 
 them Etsko, a nephew of Kosciusko. A public 
 committee was raised, called the Polish committee, 
 
 25 
 
386 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 of which Mr. Gallatin was chosen chairman. Be- 
 sides superintending the collection of funds, he 
 arranged and carried out in the minutest details a 
 plan to quarter the exiles upon the inhabitants. 
 A list of names ending in ski still remains among 
 his papers ; to each was assigned a number, and 
 they were allotted by streets and numbers, — 
 number 182, one Szelesegynski, was taken by Mr. 
 Gallatin himself, to look after horses. These un- 
 fortunate men were then distributed through the 
 country, as occupations could be found. In Octo- 
 ber Mr. Gallatin's notes show that all had been 
 provided for except fourteen boys, for whom a 
 subscription was taken up. A tract of land in 
 Illinois was assigned by Congress to these political 
 exiles. 
 
 Mr. Gallatin's first acquaintance with the Amer- 
 ican Indian was made at Machias. In the neigh- 
 borhood of this frontier town, across the Canadian 
 border, there were still remnants of the Abenaki 
 and Etchemin tribes. They were French in sym- 
 pathy, and all converts to the Roman Catholic 
 faith. Mr. Lesdernier, with whom Gallatin lodged, 
 had influence over them from the trade he estab- 
 lished with them in furs, and as their religious 
 purveyor. He had paid a visit to Boston at the 
 time the French fleet was there in 1781, and 
 brought home a Capuchin priest for their service. 
 To the young Genevan, brought up in the restric- 
 tions of European civilization, the history of the 
 
SOCIETY — LITERATURE — SCIENCE. 387 
 
 savage was a favorite study. In the winter even- 
 ings, in the quiet of the log hut, with the aid of 
 one familiar with the customs and traditions of the 
 race, the foundations were laid of a permanent 
 interest in this almost untrodden branch of human 
 science. The Canadian Indians, however, hemmed 
 in by French and English settlements, were semi- 
 civilized. The Miamis and Shawnees, who ranged 
 the valley of the Ohio, were the tribes nearest to 
 Gallatin's home on the Monongahela. These, 
 though for a long time under the influence of the 
 French, retained their original wildness, and were, 
 during the first years of his residence, the dread 
 of the frontier. 
 
 The interest aroused in the mind of Mr. Galla- 
 tin ,by personal observation was quickened by his 
 intimacy with Jefferson, whose "Notes on Vir- 
 ginia," published in 1801, contained the first at- 
 tempt at a class^cation and enumeration of the 
 American tribes. The earlier work of Golden was 
 confinedTto the Five Nations of the Iroquois Con- 
 federacy. The arrangement of the Louisiana ter- 
 ritory, ceded by France, brought Mr. Gallatin into 
 contact with Pierre Louis Chouteau, and an inti- 
 macy, formed with John Jacob Astor, who was 
 largely concerned in the fur trade of the North- 
 west, widened the field of interest, which included 
 the geography of the interior, and the customs of 
 its inhabitants. Mr. Gallatin's examination of the 
 subject was general, however, and did not take a 
 practical scientific turn until the year 1823, when, 
 
388 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 at the request of Baron Alexander von Humboldt, 
 he set forth the results of his studies in the form of 
 a Synopsis of the Indian tribes. This essay, com- 
 municated by Humboldt to the Italian geographer 
 Balbi, then engaged upon his " Atlas Ethnograph- 
 ique du Globe," — a classification by languages of 
 ancient and modern peoples, — was quoted by him 
 in his volume introductory to that remarkable 
 work published in 1826, in a manner to attract the 
 attention of the scientific world. Vater, in his 
 " Mithridates," first attempted a classification of 
 the languages of the globe, but the work of Mr. 
 Gallatin, though confined in subject, was original 
 in its conception and treatment. In the winter of 
 1825-26 a large gathering of southern Indians at 
 Washington enabled him to obtain good vocabu- 
 laries of several of the tribes. Uniting these to 
 those already acquired, he published a table of all 
 the existing tribes, and at the same time, at his 
 instance, the War Department circulated through 
 its posts a vocabulary containing six hundred 
 words of verbal forms and of selected sentences, 
 and a series of grammatical queries, to which an- 
 swers were invited. He also opened an elaborate 
 correspondence with such persons as were best 
 acquainted with the Indian tribes in different sec- 
 tions of the country. 1 The replies to these vari- 
 
 Washington, 29th May, 1826. 
 1 Sir, — Mr. Stewart communicated to me yo'ir answer of 4th 
 April last to the letter which, at my request, he had addressed to 
 you J and I return you my thanks for your kind offer to forward 
 
SOCIETY— LITERATURE - SCIENCE. 389 
 
 ous queries were few in number, but the practical 
 plan, adhered to in substance, has resulted in the 
 collection by the Smithsonian Institution of a very 
 large number of Indian vocabularies.^ 
 
 the object in view ; one which is not, however, of a private nature 
 but connected with what is intended to be a National work, and I 
 have delayed writing in order to be able to send at the same 
 time the papers herewith transmitted. 
 
 It is at my suggestion that the Secretary of War has, with the 
 approbation of the President, taken measures to collect compara- 
 tive vocabularies of all the languages and dialects of the Indian 
 tribes still existing within the United States. The circular is ad- 
 dressed to all the Indian superintendents and agents, and to the 
 missionaries with whom the Department corresponds. But they 
 have no agent with the Nottoways, and we are fortunate that you 
 should have been disposed to lend your aid on this occasion. 
 
 It is the intention of government that the result of these re- 
 searches should be published, giving due credit to every indi- 
 vidual who shall have assisted in a work that has been long ex- 
 pected from us, and which will be equally honorable to the per- 
 sons concerned and to the country. It had been my intention to 
 contribute my share in its further progress : this my approaching 
 departure for Europe forbids. The inclosed papers, attending to 
 the Notes and to the circular, are so full that I need not add any 
 further explanation, and have only to request that you will have 
 the goodness to transmit whatever vocabulary and other infor- 
 mation you may obtain to Colonel Tho. L. McKinney, Office of 
 Indian Affairs, under cover directed to the Secretary of War. 
 Mr. McKinney will also be happy to answer any querries on the 
 subject you may have to propose. 
 
 I have the honor to be respectfully, sir, 
 
 Your most obedient servant, 
 
 Albert Gallatin. 
 Mr. James Rochelle, 
 
 Jerusalem, Southampton County, Virginia. 
 
 Communicated by J. H. Rochelle, Jerusalem^ Virginia. 
 
 * Among the most distinguished of those who have followed 
 
390 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 This class of investigation, in its ample scope for 
 original research and the ascertainment of princi- 
 ples by analysis and analogic expression, was pe- 
 culiarly agreeable to Mr. Gallatin. His friend, du 
 Ponceau,! ^\^q served in the American war as the 
 secretary of Steuben, and was now established in 
 Philadelphia, was likewise deeply engaged in phil- 
 ologic studies ; in 1819 he had published a memoir 
 of the construction of the languages of the North 
 American Indians, which he followed later with 
 other papers of a similar nature, among which 
 were a " Grammar of the Languages of the Lenni 
 Lenape or Delaware Indians," and a memoir on 
 the grammatical system of the languages of the 
 Indian tribes of North America, a learned and 
 highly instructive paper, which took the Volney 
 prize at Paris. 
 
 In 1836 Mr. Gallatin's original paper, contrib- 
 uted to Balbi, amplified by subsequent acquisi- 
 tions, was published by the American Antiquarian 
 Society of Worcester, in the first volume of its 
 Transactions. It was entitled " A Synopsis of the 
 Indian Tribes, within the United States east of 
 the Rocky Mountains, and in the British and 
 Russian Possessions in North America." This 
 
 the pathway indicated by Mr. Gallatin was the late George 
 Gibbs, an indefatigable student, and an admirable ethnologist. 
 His Chinook jargon was published by the Smithsonian Institution. 
 1 Mr. du Ponceau became president of the learned societies of 
 Pennsylvania : the Historical Society and the American Philo 
 fiophical Society. 
 
SOCIETY -^LITERATURES SCIENCE. 391 
 
 elaborate inquiry, the foundation of the science in 
 America, was intended originally to embrace all 
 the tribes north of the Mexican semi-civilized na- 
 tions. From the want of material, however, it 
 was confined at the southward to the territory of 
 the United States, and eastward of the Rocky 
 Mountains. It included eighty-one tribes, di- 
 vided into twenty-eight families, and was accom- 
 panied by a colored map, with tribal indications. 
 The result of the investigation Mr. Gallatin held 
 to be proof that all the languages, not only of our 
 own Indian tribes, but of the nations inhabiting 
 America from the Arctic Ocean to Cape Horn, 
 have a distinct character common to all. This 
 paper attracted great attention in Europe. It was 
 reviewed by the Count de Circourt, whose interest 
 in the subject was heightened by personal ac- 
 quaintance with the author. John C. Calhoun, 
 acknowledging receipt of a copy of the Synopsis, 
 said in striking phrase, " that he had long thought 
 that the analogy of languages is destined to re- 
 cover much of the lost history of nations just as 
 geology has of the globe we inhabit." 
 
 In 1838, Congress having accepted the trust of 
 John Smithson of £100,000, and pledged the faith 
 of the United States for its purposes, Mr. For- 
 syth, the Secretary of State, addressed Mr. Gal- 
 latin, at the request of the President, requesting 
 his views as to its proper employment ; but Mr. 
 Gallatin does not appear to have answered the 
 
392 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 communication. The programme of the Smith- 
 sonian Institution, inclosed to the board of re- 
 gents in its first report, stated its object to be the 
 increase and diffusion of knowledge, and bears 
 marks of the general views which Mr. Gallatin had 
 for many years urged on public attention. The 
 first of the Smithsonian " Contributions to Knowl- 
 edge " was the memoir of Ancient Monuments of 
 the Mississippi Valley, by Squier and Davis. Be- 
 fore its publication was undertaken, however, it was 
 submitted to the Ethnological Society ; Mr. Gal- 
 latin returned it, with the approval of the society, 
 and some words of commendation of his own ad- 
 dressed to Professor Henry, the learned superin- 
 tendent of the Smithsonian Institution. 
 
 The period of temporary political repose, which 
 followed the peace of Vienna and the establish- 
 ment of the balance of power by the allied sover- 
 eigns, was an era in human knowledge. Science 
 made rapid progress, and in its turn showed the 
 broad and liberal influence of the great revolution. 
 In 1842 societies were founded in Paris and Lon- 
 don to promote the study of ethnology. Mr. Gal- 
 latin would not be behindhand in this important 
 work for which America offered a virgin field. 
 Drawing about him a number of gentlemen of 
 similar tastes with his own, he founded in New 
 York,, in 1842, the American Ethnological Society. 
 Among his associates were Dr. Robinson, the fa- 
 mous explorer of Palestine, Schoolcraft, Bartlett, 
 
 I 
 
80CIE TT — LITERATURE — SCIENCE. 393 
 
 and Professor Turner, noted for their researches 
 in the history and languages of the Indian races. 
 Messrs. Atwater, Bradford, Hawks, Gibbs, Mayer, 
 Dr. Morton, Pickering, Stephens, Ewbank, and 
 Squier were also, either in the beginning, or soon 
 after, members of this select and learned institu- 
 tion, of which Mr. Gallatin was the central figure. 
 One of its members said in 1871, ' Mr. Gallatin's 
 house was the true seat of the society, and Mr. 
 Gallatin himself its controlling spirit. His name 
 gave it character, and from his purse mainly was 
 defrayed the cost of the two volumes of the 
 " Transactions " which constitute about the only 
 claim the society possesses to the respect of the 
 scientific world.' 
 
 To the first of these volumes, published in 1845, 
 Mr. Gallatin contributed an " Essay on the semi- 
 civilized nations of Mexico and Central America, 
 embracing elaborate notes on their languages, nu- 
 meration, calendars, history, and chronology, and 
 an inquiry into the probable origin of their semi- 
 civilization." In this he included all existing cer- 
 tain knowledge of the languages, history, astron- 
 omy and progress in art of these peoples. A copy 
 of this work he sent to General Scott, then in the 
 city of Mexico after his triumphant campaign, 
 inclosing a memorandum which he urged the Gen- 
 eral to hand to civilians attached to the army. 
 This was a request to purchase books, copies of 
 documents, printed grammars, and vocabularies of 
 
394 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 the Mexican languages, and he authorized the 
 
 General to spend four hundred dollars in this pur- 
 pose on his account. In the second volume, pub- 
 lished in 1848, he printed the result of his con- 
 tinued investigations on the subject which first 
 interested him, as an introduction to a republica- 
 tion of a work by Mr. Hale on the *' Indians of 
 Northwest America." This consisted of geograph- 
 ical notices, an account of Indian means of sub- 
 sistence, the ancient semi-civilization of the North- 
 west, Indian philology, and analogic comparisons 
 with the Chinese and Polynesian languages. 
 These papers Mr. Gallatin modestly described to 
 Chevalier as the ' fruits of his leisure,' and to 
 Sismondi he wrote that he had not the requisite 
 talent for success in literature or science. They 
 nevertheless entitle him to the honorable name of 
 the Father of American Ethnography. 
 
 In 1837 Mr. Wheaton, the American minister 
 at Berlin, requested Mr. Gallatin to put the Baron 
 von Humboldt in possession of authentic data con- 
 cerning the production of gold in the United 
 States. Humboldt had visited the Oural and Si- 
 berian regions in 1829, at the request of the Em- 
 peror of Russia, to make investigations as to their 
 production of the precious metals. Mr. Gallatin 
 was the only authority in the United States on the 
 subject. Later von Humboldt wrote to Mr. Gal- 
 latin of the interest felt abroad, and by himself, in 
 the gold of the mountains of Virginia and Ten- 
 
80CIET Y — LITERATURE — SCIENCE. 395 
 
 nessee, a country which rivalled on a small scale 
 the Dorado of Siberia. The treasures of the 
 Pacific coast were not yet dreamed of. 
 
 Mr. Gallatin perfectly understood the range of 
 his own powers. He said of himself : — 
 
 "If I have met with any success, either in public 
 bodies, as an executive officer, or in foreign negotiations, 
 it has been exclusively through a patient and most 
 thorough investigation of all the attainable facts, and a 
 cautious application of these to the questions under dis- 
 cussion. . . . Long habit has given me great facility in 
 collating, digesting, and extracting complex documents, 
 but I am not hasty in drawing inferences ; the arrange- 
 ment of the facts and arguments is always to me a con- 
 siderable labor, and though aiming at nothing more than 
 perspicuity and brevity, I am a very slow writer." 
 
 Mr. Gallatin's manuscripts and drafts show long 
 and minute labor in their well considered and 
 abundant alterations. Referring on one occasion 
 to his habit of reasoning, Mr. Gallatin remarked, 
 that of all processes that of analogy is the most 
 dangerous, yet that which he habitually used; 
 that it required the greatest possible number of 
 facts. This is the foundation of philology, and his 
 understanding of its method and its dangers is the 
 reason of his success in this branch of science. 
 
 The difficulty experienced in establishing any 
 literary or scientific institutions in New York was 
 very great. An effort made in 1830, which Mr. 
 Gallatin favored, to establish a literary periodical 
 
896 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 failed, not on account of the pecuniary diflBculties, 
 but from the impossibility of uniting a sufl&cient 
 number of able cooperators. But Mr Gallatin's 
 interest in literature was not as great as in science.^ 
 
 In 1841 a national institution for the promotion 
 of science was organized at Washington. The co- 
 operation of Mr. Gallatin was invited, but the 
 society had a short existence. In 1843 Mr. Gal- 
 latin was chosen president of the New York His- 
 torical Society. His inaugural address is an epi- 
 tome of political wisdom. Pronounced at any 
 crisis of our history, it would have become a 
 text for the student. In this sketch he analyzed 
 the causes which contributed to form our national 
 character and to establish a government founded 
 on justice and on equal rights. He showed how., 
 united by a common and imminent danger, the 
 thirteen States succeeded in asserting and obtain- 
 ing independence without the aid of a central and 
 efficient government, and the difficulties which 
 were encountered when a voluntary surrender of 
 a part of their immense sovereignty became neces- 
 sary as a condition of national existence. He said 
 that the doctrine that all powers should emanate 
 from the people is not a question of expediency. 
 
 In this address he summed up the reasons why 
 
 1 His favorite novel was The Antiquary, which he read once a 
 year. Novels, he said, should be read, the last chapter first, in 
 order that appreciation of the style should not be lost in the 'voe 
 terest excited by the story. 
 
SOCIETY — LITERATURE — SCIENCE. 397 
 
 Washington exercised such a beneficial influence 
 upon the destinies of his country. In a confiden- 
 tial letter to his wife in 1797, he expressed an 
 opinion that the father of his country was not a 
 good-natured and amiable man, but time had mel- 
 lowed these recollections and softened the asperity 
 of this judgment. Washington had not, he said 
 (in 1813), ' an extraordinary amount of acquired 
 knowledge; he was neither a classical scholar, nor 
 a man of science, nor was he endowed with the 
 powers of eloquence, nor with other qualities more 
 strong than solid, which might be mentioned ; but 
 he had a profound and almost innate sense of 
 justice, on all public occasions a perfect control 
 of his strong passions,^ above all a most com- 
 plete and extraordinary self-abnegation. Personal 
 consequences and considerations were not even 
 thought of, they never crossed his mind, they 
 were altogether obliterated.' Mr. Gallatin held 
 that " the Americans had a right to be proud of 
 Washington, because he was selected and main- 
 tained during his whole career by the people — 
 never could he have been thus chosen and con- 
 stantly supported had he not been the type and 
 representative of the American people." 
 
 The commemoration of the fortieth anniver- 
 
 1 Mr. Gallatin's assertion, which corresponded with that of Jef- 
 ferson, that Washington had naturally strong passions, but had 
 attained complete mastery over them, is quoted by the Earl of 
 Stanhope (Lord Mahon) in his famous eulogy on Washington's 
 attributes. 
 
398 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 sary of the foundation of the New York Historical 
 Society, November, 1844, was an occasion of un- 
 usual interest. John Romeyn Brodhead, who had 
 just returned from the Hague with the treasures 
 of New Netherland history gathered during his 
 mission, was the orator of the day. The venera- 
 ble John Quincy Adams, Mr. Gallatin's old asso- 
 ciate at Ghent, was present. After the address, 
 which was delivered at the Church of the Mes- 
 siah on Broadway, the society and its guests 
 crossed the street to the New York Hotel, where 
 a banquet awaited them. Mr. Gallatin retired 
 early, leaving the chair to the first vice-president, 
 Mr. Wm. Beach Lawrence. After he had left the 
 room, Mr. Adams, speaking to a toast to the ar- 
 chseologists of America, said : " Mr. Gallatin, in 
 sending to me the invitations of the society, added 
 the expression of his desire ' to shake hands with 
 me once more in this world.' " Mr. Adams could 
 not but respond to his request. In his remarks 
 he said : — 
 
 " I have lived long, sir, in this world, and I have been 
 connected with all sorts of men, of all sects and descrip- 
 tions. I have been in the public service for a great 
 part of my life, and filled various offices of trust, in 
 conjunction with that venerable gentleman, Albert Gal- 
 latin. I have known him half a century. In many 
 things we differed ; on many questions of public inter- 
 est and policy we were divided, and in the history of 
 parties in this country there is no man from whom I 
 
80CIET Y - LITER A T URE — S CIENCE. 399 
 
 have so widely differed as from him. But in other 
 things we have harmonized ; and now there is no man 
 with whom 1 more thoroughly agree on all points, than 
 I do with him. But one word more let me say, before 
 I leave you and him, birds of passage as we are, bound 
 to a warmer and more congenial clime, — that among all 
 public men with whom I have been associated in the 
 course of my political life, whether agreeing or differing 
 in opinion from him, I have always found him to be an 
 honest and honorable man." 
 
 In the road to harmony Mr. Adams had to do 
 the travelling. Mr. Gallatin never changed his 
 political opinions. The political career of the two 
 men offered this singular contrast. Adams, dis- 
 satisfied with his party, passed into opposition — 
 Gallatin, though at variance with the policy of the 
 administration of which he made a part, held his 
 fealty, and confined himself to the operations of 
 his own bureau. 
 
 For a period far beyond the allotted years of 
 man Mr. Gallatin retained the elasticity of his 
 physical nature as well as his mental perspicacity. 
 In middle age he was slight of figure, his height 
 about five feet ten inches, his form compact and 
 of nervous vigor. His complexion was Italian ; ^ 
 his expression keen ; his nose long, prominent ; 
 his mouth small, fine cut, and mobile ; his eyes 
 hazel, and penetrative ; his skull a model for the 
 
 1 The Gallatins claim to descend from one Callatinus, a Roman 
 Consul. 
 
400 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 sculptor. Thus he appears in the portrait painted 
 by Gilbert Stuart about the time that he took 
 charge of the Treasury Department ; he was then 
 about forty years of age. In the fine portrait by 
 William H. Powell, taken from life in 1843, and 
 preserved in the gallery of the New York His- 
 torical Society, these characteristics appear in 
 stronger outline. Monsieur de Bacourt,i the liter- 
 ary executor of Talleyrand, who was the French 
 Ambassador to the United States in 1840, paid a 
 visit to Mr. Gallatin in that year, and describes 
 him as " a beau vieillard de quatre-vingt ans," 
 who has fully preserved his faculties. Bacourt 
 alludes to his remarkable face, with its clear, fine 
 cut features, and his "physiognomic pleine de 
 finesse ; " and dwells also upon the ease and charm 
 of his conversation. 
 
 As his life slowly drew to its close, one after 
 another of the few of his old friends who re- 
 mained dropped from the road. Early in 1848 
 Adams fell in harness, on the floor of the House 
 of Representatives ; Lord Ashburton died in May. 
 Finally, nearest, dearest of all, the companion of 
 his triumphs and disappointments, the sharer of 
 his honors and his joys, his wife, was taken from 
 him by the relentless hand. The summer of 
 1849 found him crushed by this last affliction, and 
 awaiting his own summons of release. He was 
 taken to Mount Bonaparte, the country-seat of 
 1 Souvenirs d'un Diplomate. Paris, 1882. 
 
SOCIETY — LITERATURE — SCIENCE. 401 
 
 his son-in-law, at Astoria on Long Island, where 
 he died in his daughter's arms on Sunda}'-, Au- 
 gust 12, 1849. The funeral services were held in 
 Trinity Church on the Tuesday following, and his 
 body was laid to rest in the Nicholson vault,^ in 
 the old graveyard adjoining. The elegant monu- 
 ment erected during his lifetime is one of the at- 
 tractive features of this venerable cemetery, in 
 whose dust mingle the remains of the temple of 
 no more elevated spirit than his own. The season 
 was a terrible one — the cholera was raging, the 
 city was deserted. In the general calamity private 
 sorrow disappeared, or the occasion would have 
 been marked by a demonstration of public grief 
 and of public honor. As the tidings went from 
 city to city, and country to country, the friends 
 of science, of that universal wisdom which knows 
 neither language nor race, paused in their investi- 
 gations to pay respectful homage to his character, 
 his intellect, and to that without which either or 
 both in combination are inadequate to success — 
 his labor in the field. 
 
 On October 2, 1849, at the first meeting of the 
 Historical Society after the death of Mr. Gallatin, 
 Mr. Luther Bradish, the presiding officer, spoke of 
 him in impressive words, as the last link connect- 
 ing the present with the past. He dwelt upon 
 the peculiar pleasure with which the presence of 
 
 1 This was the vault of the Witter family, a daughter of which 
 Commodore Nicholson married. 
 2^ 
 
402 ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 Mr. Gallatin was always hailed, and the peculiar 
 interest it gave to the proceedings of the society, 
 and many an eye was dimmed, as he recalled the 
 venerable form, the beautifully classic head, the 
 countenance ever beaming with intelligence, and 
 summed up the long and useful career of the de- 
 parted sage in these impressive words : — 
 
 " The name of Albert Gallatin is emphatically a name 
 of history. Few men have lived in any age whose bi- 
 ographies have been so intimately connected with the 
 history of their country. Living in one of the most in- 
 teresting periods of the world, a period of great events, 
 of the discussion of great principles and the settlement of 
 great interests, almost the whole of his long and active 
 life was passed in public service amidst those events and 
 in those discussions. . . . For nearly half a century he 
 was almost constantly employed in the public service ; al- 
 most every department of that service has received the 
 benefit of his extraordinary talents and his varied and 
 extensive and accurate knowledge. Whether in legisla- 
 tion, in finance, or in diplomacy, he has been equally 
 distinguished in all. In all or in either he has had few 
 equals and still fewer superiors." 
 
 To Jeremy Bentham Mr. Gallatin acknowledged 
 himself indebted, as his master in the art of legis- 
 lation ; but from whatever ground he drew his 
 maxims of government, they were reduced to har- 
 mony in the crucible of his own intelligence by 
 the processes of that brain which Spurzheim pro- 
 
S OCTET Y — LITERATURE — SCIENCE. 403 
 
 nounced capital/ and Dumont held to be the best 
 head in America. In that massive and profound 
 structure lay faculties of organization and adminis- 
 tration which mark the Latin and Italian mind in 
 its highest form of intellectual development. 
 
 His moral excellence was no less conspicuous 
 than his intellectual power. He had a profound 
 sense of justice, a love of liberty, and an unfalter- 
 ing belief in the capacity of the human race for 
 self-rule. Versed in the learning of centuries, 
 and familiar with every experiment of govern- 
 ment, he was full of the liberal spirit of his age. 
 To a higher degree than any American, native or 
 foreign born, unless Franklin, with whose broad 
 nature he had many traits in common, Albert 
 Gallatin deserves the proud title, aimed at by 
 many, reached by few, of Citizen of the World. 
 
 1 " In my youth the fashion was to decide in conformity with 
 Lavater's precepts ; then came Camper's facial angle, which gave 
 a decided superiority to the white man and monkey ; and both 
 have been superseded by the bumps of the skull. This criterion 
 is that which suits me best, for Spurzzeim declared I had a 
 capital head, which he might without flattery say to everybody. 
 Gallatin to Lewis T. Cist of Cincinnati, November 21, 1837. 
 
II5"DEX. 
 
 Adams, Henry, Ghent Treaty, 335. 
 
 Adams, John, convenes Congress, 136 ; 
 message, 137 ; answer to address, 
 141 ; entertains members, 143 ; ad- 
 dress, 143; entertains the House, 
 144 ; message on French outrages, 
 152 ; on French relations, 158 ; ad- 
 dress, 163 ; on permanent seat of 
 government, 167 ; New England 
 solid for, 169 ; breach with Hamil- 
 ton, 183. 
 
 &.dams, John Quincy, on Smith's ap- 
 pointment, 305 ; minister to Russia, 
 peace commissioner, 312 ; diplo- 
 matic training, 313 ; contrasted with 
 Gallatin, 314 ; disputes with Clay, 
 334 ; persistence in fisheries ques- 
 tion, 334 ; minister to England, 338 ; 
 joins Gallatin at London, 338 ; sec- 
 retary of state, 346 ; difference with 
 Gallatin, 350 ; opinion of Gallatin, 
 351 ; Gallatin's opinion of, 351, 369 ; 
 Crawford complains of, 351 ; nego- 
 tiates convention with Neuville, 352 ; 
 on boimdary question, 359 ; con- 
 gratulates Gallatin, 360 ; tribute to 
 Gallatin, 398. 
 
 Adams, William, British commissioner 
 to Ghent, 328. 
 
 Address to the President, 108, 109, 
 132, 137, 164. 
 
 Adet, French minister, his impudence, 
 132 ; insults the government, 138. 
 
 Aix la Chappelle, congress of, 349. 
 
 Alexander, Emperor, mediation of, 
 309, 319, 326, 327. 
 
 Algiers, treaty with, 121. 
 
 Alien Bill, 157, 168. 
 
 AUegre, Sophie, married to Gallatin, 
 31 ; dies, 31. 
 
 Allen, M. C, Connecticut, 140, 155. 
 
 Ames, Fisher, M. C, Massachusetts, 
 124, 125, 132, 133, 137. 
 
 Anti-Federalists, 38, 40. 
 
 ApoUon, French vessel, seized, 350. 
 
 Appropriations, permanent footing, 
 111 ; principle of, debated, 112 ; 
 Bpecific, 254. 
 
 Army establishment, 127, 134. 
 Ashburton, Lord. See Alexander Bart 
 
 hig. 
 Astor, John Jacob, 221, 268, 278, 297, 
 
 298. 
 Astoria, 298. 
 "Aurora," the, 107, 296, 307, 308, 
 
 Bache, Franklin, 4. 
 
 Bache, editor of " Aurora," 107. 
 
 Badollet, Jean, college companion of 
 Gallatin, 5, 9 ; teaches theology at 
 Geneva, 26 ; joins Gallatin at Clare's, 
 27 ; established at Greensburg, 28 ; 
 register of land oflSce, 297- 
 
 Bathurst, Lord, 331. 
 
 Bank, Jefferson opposed to, 290 ; of 
 England, 256; of France, 256; of 
 North America, 178, 256, 257, 266 ; 
 of the United States proposed by 
 Hamilton, 181, 259; opposed by Jef- 
 ferson, 259 ; incorporated, 260 ; 
 operations of, 261 ; renewal of char- 
 ter refused, 263 ; influence of, 267 ; 
 Astor unfriendly to, 268 ; conse- 
 quences of dissolution, 269 ; second 
 bank proposed by Dallas, 274 ; bill 
 vetoed, 274 ; bank chartered, 274 
 Jefferson and Madison's course con- 
 cerning, 275 ; of Pennsylvania char 
 tered, 280 ; management of, 281 : 
 collapse of, 285. 
 
 Banking system, of United States, 256 
 national, 265 ; essay on by Gallatin, 
 277 ; state, 265, 267, 272. 
 
 Banks, suspension of, 1815, 270, 282 
 resumption, 276, 285. 
 
 Baring, Alexander, Lord Ashburton 
 informs Gallatin of English views, 
 317 ; friendship for, 322 ; invites 
 him to London, 323 ; envoy to United 
 States, 362; visits Gallatin, 363; 
 death of, 400. 
 
 Bartlett, John Russell, anecdotes of 
 Gallatm, 14, 22. 
 
 Bayard, James A., M. C, Delaware, 
 Federalist, 137 ; in Jefferson's elec- 
 tion, 172 J envoy to Russia, 312; 
 
406 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 views on impressment, 316; min- 
 ister to Russia, 338. 
 
 Bentham, Jeremy, Gallatin's master 
 in the art of legislation, 402. 
 
 Berlin and Milan decrees, 34:4. 
 
 Bloimt, William, senator, 142. 
 
 Bonaparte, Napoleon, 136, 143, 166, 
 328, 338, 343. 
 
 Bonaparte, Jerome, 343. 
 
 Boston, French caft5 at, 12 ; society in 
 1780, 13. 
 
 Boundary question, 331-334, 346, 359. 
 
 Boimdary, northeast, 359, 361. 
 
 Brackenridge, Judge, at Washington 
 County anti-excise meeting, 71 ; Par- 
 kinson's Ferry meeting, 73 ; account 
 of Whiskey Insurrection, 73 ; elected 
 to Congress, 96. 
 
 Braddock's Field, meeting of malcon- 
 tents on, 74. 
 
 Bradford, David, leader in Whiskey 
 Insurrection, 51 ; represents Wash- 
 ington County in Pennsylvania Leg- 
 islature, 54 ; draws remonstrance to 
 Congress, 54 ; despised by Gallatin, 
 56 ; stops U. S. mail, 72 ; urges vio- 
 lence, 72 ; countermands rendez- 
 vous, 72 ; again takes lead, 73 ; his 
 appearance on Braddock's Field, 
 74 ; delegate to Parkinson's Ferry 
 convention, 81 ; excepted from am- 
 nesty office, 87. 
 
 Bradish, Luther, tribute to Gallatin, 
 401. 
 
 Breading, Nicholas, 37. 
 
 Brodhead, John Romeyn, oration of, 
 398. 
 
 Brownsville, Pa., 28; anti-excise meet- 
 ing at, 52. 
 
 Burr, Aaron, vice-president, 172. 
 
 Calhoun, John C, Gallatin's opinion 
 of, 3CS ; striking remark of, 391. 
 
 California, gold discovered in, 366. 
 
 Campbell, George W., report of, 
 drafted by Gallatin, 302, 314 ; sec- 
 retary of treasury, 324. 
 
 Canning, George, policy of delay, 306 ; 
 order m council, 253 ; temper of 
 his ministry, 357, 358 ; death of, 
 359 ; courtesy to Gallatin, 361 . 
 
 Carnahan, account of Whiskey Insur- 
 rection, 93. 
 
 Castlereagh, Lord, sets aside Russian 
 mediation, 315 ; second refusal of, 
 323 ; arrives in London, 327 ; passes 
 through Ghent, 330 ; negotiates com- 
 mercial convention, 338 ; friendly 
 dispositions, 347. 
 
 Chase, Salmon P., secretary of treas- 
 ury, his financial plan, 203, 265. 
 
 Chateaubriand, minister of foreign 
 
 affairs, continues negotiations, 353 i 
 quotes GaUatin, 358. 
 
 Chesapeake, frigate, captured by Leo- 
 pard, 232. 
 
 ChevaUer, Michel, financial essays, 
 232. 
 
 Chouteau, Pierre Louis, 297, 397. 
 
 Circourt, Count de, reviews Gallatin's 
 synopsis of Indian tribes, 391. 
 
 Clare's, Fayette County, residence of 
 Gallatin and Savary, 25. 
 
 Clay, Henry, commissioner to Ghent, 
 324 ; dispute with Adams, 334 ; per. 
 sistence on the Mississippi naviga. 
 tion question, 334 ; negotiation with 
 Castlereagh, 338 ; opinion of the 
 Panama Congress, 354 ; hampers 
 Gallatin with instructions, 355 ; dip- 
 lomatic correspondence, 357 ; Gal- 
 latin's opinion of, 369. 
 
 Club, the, New York, 379 ; Gallatin's 
 conversation at, 381. 
 
 Cobbett, William, famous phrase of, 
 148. 
 
 Columbia College, New York, 382. 
 
 Commissioners to Ghent, American, 
 appointed, 324 ; Gallatin added to, 
 324 ; arrive at Ghent, 328 ; consider 
 mission closed, 329 ; British, ar- 
 rive at Ghent, 328 ; their absurd de- 
 mands, 329 ; ordered to moderate 
 their tone, 330. 
 
 Constellation, frigate, 128 ; action with 
 La Vengeance, 165. 
 
 Constitution, frigate, 128. 
 
 Convention, commercial, with France, 
 354; with Great Britain, 338; re- 
 newed, 347 ; renewed indefinitely, 
 359 
 
 Cook, Edward, 81. 
 
 Copenhagen, described by Gallatin, 
 312. 
 
 Cravi^ord, W. H., minister to France, 
 solicits aid of Emperor Alexander, 
 326 ; complains of Adams, 351 ; de- 
 sires Gallatin to stand for vice-pres- 
 ident, 358 ; Gallatin's opinion of, 
 368; stricken with paralysis, 370; 
 nominated for president, 371. 
 
 Cuba, tripartite agreement concern- 
 ing, 358. 
 
 Cumberland road, 300. 
 
 Dallas, Alexander J., secretary of 
 treasury, compared with Gallatin, 
 29 ; parentage of, 60 ; secretary of 
 state for Pennsylvania, 60 ; intnna- 
 cy with Gallatin, 60 ; excursion with 
 Gallatin, 60 ; on internal taxes, 244 ; 
 appeals to the banks, 273 ; proposes 
 a National Bank, 274 ; resigns 
 Treasury, 275. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 407 
 
 Dallas, George M., secretary to en- 
 voys, 312 ; sent to London, 321. 
 
 Davis, Matthew L., 294. 
 
 Dawson, M. C, on sedition law, 168. 
 
 Dayton, Jonathan, speaker of House, 
 101 ; joins Republican opposition, 
 101 ; reelected speaker, 137 ; on Ad- 
 ams's message, 139 ; returns to Fed- 
 eralists, 154 ; silence of, 158 ; vote 
 of thanks to, 163. 
 
 Debt, public, "view of "by Gallatin, 
 191 ; of U. S., 178, 198, 202, 205 ; 
 209, 212 ; policy of reduction, 289. 
 
 De Lesdernier. See Lesdernier. 
 
 Democratic party, rise of, 371. 
 
 Dexter, Samuel, secretary of treasury, 
 183 ; holds over, 188. 
 
 Duane, William, editor of "Aurora," 
 296 ; intimacy with JefferSon, 296 ; 
 abuse of Gallatin, 307, 308. 
 
 Dumout, Etienne, college companion 
 of Gallatin, 5 ; translates Bentham, 
 5 ; Gallatin's opinion of, 5 ; invited 
 by Gallatin to America, 26 ; in Eng- 
 land, 337 ; his opinion of Gallatin, 
 402. 
 
 East Indies, Dutch, trade of, 346. 
 
 Edgar, James, 83, 85, 92. 
 
 Embargo Act, 211, 302. 
 
 Enforcement Act, 303. 
 
 Emigration, extent of, to U. S., 365. 
 
 England, Gallatin's opinion of her 
 diplomacy, 315 ; her true policy, 
 315. 
 
 Erskine, David M., British minister, 
 negotiations of, 306. 
 
 Ethnological Society, American, found- 
 ed by Gallatin, 392, 393; publica- 
 tions by, 393. 
 
 Eustis, William, minister to Nether- 
 lauds, negotiates treaty, 346. 
 
 Excise Bill, Hamilton's, opposed in 
 Pennsylvania, 50 ; passed, 50 ; op- 
 posed in western counties, 51 ; meet- 
 ings in opposition to, at Brownsville, 
 Washington, and Pittsburgh, 52, 53 ; 
 violent resolutions against, at Wash- 
 ington and Pittsburgh, 52-54; Hamil- 
 ton's indignation and Washington's 
 proclamation, 55 ; offenders against 
 prosecuted, 55 ; writs served and 
 violent resistance, 70. 
 
 Fauchet, French minister, 106, 138. 
 
 Federal Constitution adopted, 34 ; 
 Gallatin's influence against, 35 ; op- 
 posed and ratified in Pennsylvania, 
 35-37 ; revised by Congress, 52 ; 
 amendments ratified, 42. 
 
 Federal convention, its action ap- 
 proved by people, 35. 
 
 Federal party, its pride in Washing- 
 ton as its chief, 101 ; its leaders 
 in fourth Congress, 102 ; detests 
 French revolution, 104 ; accused as 
 monarchists, 104; holds up red flag of 
 war, 122 ; nominal majority in fifth 
 Congress, 137 ; repudiates charge of 
 British influence, 138 ; opposes inter- 
 ference witli Executive, 138 ; regains 
 majority in Senate, 143 ; believes 
 England to be lost, 144 ; New Eng- 
 land the stronghold of, 169 ; break 
 in, 183 ; policy to strengthen the 
 government, 259 ; leaves no diplo- 
 matic discord, 290 ; confines office 
 to its own ranks, 290 ; extinguished 
 by battle of New Orleans, 371. 
 
 Ferney, the retreat of Voltaire, 8. 
 
 Few, William, Colonel, of Georgia, 62. 
 
 Finance, committee of, in the House, 
 proposed by Gallatin, origin of Ways 
 and Means committee, composition 
 of, 110. 
 
 Finances, United States, before Mor- 
 ris, 177 : relation of coin to paper in. 
 1778, 177 ; plan of Morris, 178 ; abo- 
 lition of treasury board, 178 ; Hol- 
 land loan negotiated, 178 ; public 
 debt 1783, Morris retires, 179 ; new 
 board of treasury 1784-1788, Treas- 
 ury Department established, 180; 
 Hamilton's first report, 180 ; fxmd- 
 ing resolutions, 181 ; sinking fund 
 established, 182 ; Wolcott succeeds 
 Hamilton, 183 ; first issue of U. S. 
 stock, 184 ; Gallatin takes Treasury, 
 186 ; his estimate for 1802, 197 ; 
 dispute as to Treasury balance, 197 ; 
 management of, from 1800-1808, 
 200; purchase of Louisiana, 201; 
 new departure in, 202 ; report of 
 1801-1805, 204 ; debt funded, 205 ; 
 full treasury in 1807, 205 ; reduction 
 of debt 1791-1808, 209 ; deficiency 
 reported, 210 ; war measures of Gal- 
 latin, 214 ; treasury notes issued, 
 214 ; eleven millions loan authorized, 
 216 ; twenty-one millions loan au- 
 thorized, 219 ; Gallatin withdraws 
 from Treasury, 222 ; debt in 1816, 
 222 ; Taney removes the deposits, 
 279 ; Woodbury establishes sub- 
 treasury, 282 ; debt extinguished, 
 278-280. 
 
 Finances of the United States, pam- 
 phlet by Gallatin, 190. 
 
 Financial essays, Gallatin's report of 
 the Committee of Ways and Means 
 of Pennsylvania Legislature, 189 ; 
 sketch of the finances of the U. S., 
 190 ; Views of the Public Debt, etc., 
 191 ; Considerations on the Currencj 
 
408 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 andBanking System of United States, 
 277 ; Suggestions on the Banks and 
 Currency of the United States, 286. 
 
 Findley, James, 45. 
 
 Findley, William, present at Parkin- 
 son's Ferry, 72 ; account of Whiskey 
 Insurrection, 73. 
 
 Fisheries, question of the, 334, 335, 
 346. 
 
 Florida, West, acquisition of, 295. 
 
 France, revolution in, 32 ; state exe- 
 cutions, 58 ; reaction of revolution 
 on U. S., 59; Adet's impudence weak- 
 ens U. S. attachment for, 132 ; tri- 
 color presented to the U. S., 134 ; her 
 services to America and situation in 
 1796, policy of the French Directory, 
 136 ; American flag presented to 
 convention, 136 ; Directory suspend 
 relations with U. S., 136 ; successes 
 of Bonaparte, 136 ; Pinckney, U. S. 
 minister, ordered to leave, 136 ; dis- 
 puted articles of treaty with, to be 
 enforced, 141 ; attitude of Directory 
 misatisfactory to U. S. Republicans, 
 144 ; outrages on American com- 
 merce, 152 ; relations with, improve 
 mider First ConsiU, 164; Gallatin's 
 opinion of her diplomacy, 315 ; con- 
 dition in 1815, 339 ; declines to ad- 
 mit right of search, 349. 
 
 Franklin, Benjamin, gives letter of 
 introduction to Richard Bache in 
 favor of yoimg Gallatin, 11. 
 
 Free trade, Gallatin, first champion 
 of, in U. S., 249 ; convention of its 
 friends, 249 ; the true American sys- 
 tem, 250. 
 
 Friendship Hill, home of Gallatin, 27 ; 
 neighboring scenery, 29. 
 
 Fund, sinking, established, 182 ; Wol- 
 cott's report on, 197 ; permanent 
 appropriation for, 198 ; processes of, 
 213 : true principle of, 215. 
 
 Fur Company, American, charter to 
 Astor, 298. 
 
 Gallatin, Albert. Early life. Birth, 
 parentage, family, death of his par- 
 ents, adoption by Mile. Pictet, 1, 
 2 ; early instruction, academic ed- 
 ucation, 2-5 ; college companions, 4, 
 5 ; engaged in tuition, 5 ; visits Vol- 
 taire, 3 ; declines commission in 
 Hessian service, 8 ; quarrels with his 
 grandmother, 9 ; plans of emigra- 
 tion, 9 ; secretly leaves Geneva with 
 Serre, 10 ; arrives at Nantes on 
 French coast, 10 ; invests small cap- 
 ital in tea, 12 ; sails for America, 11 ; 
 lands at Cape Ann, rides to Boston, 
 puts up at a French caf6, 12 ; walks 
 
 to the Blue Hills, 13 ; meets Mme. 
 De Lesdernier , a compatriot, 14 ; 
 voyage to Machias, life there, 15- 
 17 ; commands earthwork at Passa- 
 maquoddy, 16 ; meets La P^rouse, 
 17 ; retiu-ns to Boston, teaches 
 French in Boston, tutor at Harvard 
 College, 17, 18 ; leaves Boston, passes 
 through New York, arrives at Phila- 
 delphia, is joined by, and dissolves 
 connection with Serre, 19, 20 ; 
 meets Savary, accompanies him to 
 Richmond, joins him in land specu- 
 lations, 19-21 ; returns to Philadel- 
 phia, 22 ; conducts exploring party 
 to Virginia, 22 ; makes headquar- 
 ters at Clare's on George's Creek, 
 Fayette County, Pa., builds log 
 hut and opens a country store, 22 ; 
 meets General Washington, 23 ; 
 spends winter in Richmond, account 
 of Virginia hospitality, 24 ; meets 
 Patrick Henry, 25 ; returns on horse- 
 back to Clare's, joined there by Sa- 
 vary, 25 ; takes oath of allegiance 
 to Virginia, 25 ; establishes residence 
 in Springfield tovraship, returns to 
 Richmond, 25; settles permanent- 
 ly at George's Creek, is joined by 
 Badollet, 27 ; purchases Friendship 
 Hill, 27 ; rumor of his death reaches 
 Geneva, 28 ; attains his majority of 
 twenty-five years, receives draft for 
 his patrimony, 28 ; offers from John 
 Marshall, advice from Patrick Hen- 
 ry, 29 ; visits Richmond and Phila- 
 delphia, 30 ; journeys to Maine, 30 ; 
 marries Sophie Allegre, 31 ; loses 
 his wife, 31 ; is disheartened, 32. 
 
 In Pennsylvania Legislature. 
 Early maturity and political opin- 
 ions, 33-35 ; influence on Pennsylva- 
 nia convention of ratification, 37 ; 
 delegate to Harrisburg conference 
 of anti-Federalists, draws resolu- 
 tions for, 38-40 ; delegate to Penn- 
 sylvania state constitutional con- 
 vention, 42 ; account of, 44 ; morbid 
 melancholy and desire to leave 
 America, 44 ; indifference to society, 
 45 ; elected to Pennsylvania Legisla- 
 ture and reelected, accoimt of his 
 service, 45-47 ; report of Ways and 
 Means Committee the foundation of 
 his reputation, 47 ; comparison of 
 New York and Pennsylvania society, 
 49 ; draws Pennsylvania's resolu- 
 tions against Hamilton's excise bill, 
 49 ; clerk of meeting at Brownsville 
 in opposition to bill, 52 ; delegate 
 to meeting at Pittsburgh and secre- 
 tary, 52 ; draws remonstrance to 
 
INDEX. 
 
 409 
 
 Congress, 55 ,• returns to Pennsylva- 
 nia Legislature, action there, 56, 57. 
 
 United States Senate. — Tempted 
 to visit Geneva, 58 ; opinion of state 
 executions in France, 58 ; elected 
 senator of the United States for 
 Pemisylvania, 60 ; friendship for 
 Alexander J. Dallas, 60 ; joins Dal- 
 las in a summer journey, meets Han- 
 nah Nicholson, marries her, 61 ; as- 
 sociates his brother-in-law in his 
 western company, establishes glass 
 works at New Geneva, 62 ; takes 
 seat as senator, (j1 ; election protest- 
 ed against for insufficient evidence, 
 63 ; is declared to be disqualified, 
 65 ; course in the Senate annoys the 
 Federalists, excites lasting enmity 
 of friends of Hamilton, 67, 68. 
 
 Whiskey Insurrection. Out of 
 public life, visits Fayette with his 
 wife, 69 ; peace disturbed by out- 
 break of Whiskey Insurrection, 70 ; 
 attends meeting at Uniontown, rec- 
 ommends submission to the law, 
 71 ; estimate of meeting at Brad- 
 dock's Field, 77 ; course during ex- 
 citement, 78 ; delegate to conven- 
 tion at Brownsville and secretary, 
 opposes violent proceedings, one of 
 committee on resolutions, 82 - 84 ; 
 saves western coimtry from civil 
 war, 84 ; vindicated from charges of 
 John C . Hamilton, 86 ; hastens sub- 
 mission of Fayette Coimty, draws 
 declaration for townships, appeals 
 to Governor for delay in march of 
 troops, 88-90 ; misjudged by Fed- 
 eral leaders, efforts to indict him 
 fail, 92 ; long continuance of Fed- 
 eral hatred, 93 ; relates Dallas's ex- 
 perience as a trooper, 95 ; returns 
 to Fayette, 96 ; reelected to Penn- 
 sylvania Assembly, 96 ; elected to 
 Congress, 96 ; election to Assembly 
 contested, 96 ; speech on western 
 elections, 97 ; his only political sin, 
 97 ; election declared void, 97 ; his 
 political acuteness, 98 ; reelected to 
 the Assembly, 98 ; summoned be- 
 fore grand jury as witness for gov- 
 ernment, 99 ; draws petition to 
 Washington for pardon of an offend- 
 er, 99 ; loyalty to constituents, 99. 
 
 Member of Congress. Takes seat 
 in Congress m Republican opposi- 
 tion, 103 ; proposes measures to con- 
 trol Treasury, moves appointment 
 of Committee of Finance, origin of 
 Ways and Means, appointed upon 
 it, 109, 110 ; insists on permanent 
 footing for appropriations. 111 ; de- 
 
 tails of his plan, 112 ; supports call 
 for papers in Jay treaty, 114 ; elab- 
 orate speech on constitutional ques- 
 tion, 116 ; his view of congressional 
 power sustained by Madison, 117 ; 
 appointed to carry call to the Presi- 
 dent, 118 ; acknowledged by Feder- 
 alists as leading debate on Republi- 
 can side, 118 ; gradually assumes 
 leadership, 119 ; insists on separate 
 consideration of treaties, 122 ; ob= 
 jects to ratification of Jay treaty, 
 declares that ' free ships make free 
 goods, ' 122 : charges timidity upon 
 the negotiators, sharply answered 
 by Tracy, 123 ; opinion of Indians 
 on frontier, 126 ; urges power to the 
 President to protect American sear- 
 men from impressment, 126 ; sug- 
 gests plan for sale of western lands, 
 126 ; attacks military and naval es- 
 tablishment, 127 ; denies need of a 
 navy, opposes appropriations for fri- 
 gates, 127, 128 ; urges liquidation of 
 indebtedness of the U. S. to U. S. 
 Bank, 128 ; personally abused by 
 Sedgwick, 129 ; opposes principle 
 of a national debt, 130 ; correctness 
 of his statements challenged by W. 
 Smith, 130 ; objects to adjoiu-nment 
 to call upon President on his birth- 
 day, 130 ; is complained of by Wol- 
 cott, 131 ; reelected to Congress, 
 131 ; takes reins of the Republican 
 party, 132 ; distinguishes between 
 President and administration, votes 
 the address, 133 ; appointed chair- 
 man of House committee of confer- 
 ence on state indebtedness, 133 ; 
 insists on reduction of military ap- 
 propriations and opposes them for 
 the navy, 134; secures passage of 
 bill confining Treasury expenditure, 
 134 ; the main-stay of RepublicaJi 
 party, 137 ; opposes debate on for- 
 eign relations in critical situation of 
 affairs, 138 ; proposes ultimatum to 
 France, 139 ; votes with the Feder- 
 alists and carries his party with 
 him, 139 ; struggles to restrict ap- 
 propriations and keep the frigates 
 in port, 141, 142 ; details of other 
 action, 142 ; dines with President, 
 143 ; presents memorial from Qua- 
 kers in regard to slavery, insists on 
 reference to a committee, 145 ; 
 views as to legal tender of foreign 
 coins, 145 ; estimate of specie in 
 United States, 145; opposes expul- 
 sion of Lyon, 146 ; objects to politi- 
 cal foreign intercourse, 147 ; an- 
 nounces Republican theory of tli« 
 
410 
 
 index: 
 
 nature of the government and the 
 powers of the Executive and Con- 
 gress, his speech printed by the 
 party, 152 ; declares critical situa- 
 tion of the country and demands a 
 policy of peace or war, 153 ; opposes 
 authority to President to arm con- 
 voys, 15-4 ; opposes suspension of 
 commercial intercourse witii France, 
 156 ; opposes sedition bill as uncon- 
 stitutional, 157 ; retorts upon Har- 
 per, 157 ; objects to declaration of 
 a state of relations by legislation, 
 158 ; his restriction of the Treas- 
 ury Department complained of by 
 Wolcott, 159 ; opposes alien and se- 
 dition laws, 1G6; courage testified 
 to by Jeiferson, 163 ; leads opposi- 
 tion in sixth Congress, 164 ; votes 
 with the Federalists to suspend 
 commercial intercourse with France 
 and carries his friends with him, 
 165 ; singular instance of his jeal- 
 ousy of interference of the Senate 
 with money bill, 166 ; opposes con- 
 tinuance of act suspending commer- 
 cial intercourse with France, 168 ; 
 his position in presidential contest, 
 169 ; suffers from bargain between 
 Jefferson and the Federalists, 170 ; 
 devises plan of balloting in the 
 House, 170 ; peculiar reasoning as 
 to constitutional powers, 170 ; con- 
 gressional services recapitulated, 
 174; position in Republican trium- 
 virate, 174. 
 
 Secretary of the Treasury — Fund- 
 ing. Fame as a financier, 176 ; Jef- 
 ferson's first choice for the Treas- 
 ury, 185 ; most obnoxious to Feder- 
 alists, 185 ; informed by Jefferson of 
 his cabinet, 185 ; his appointment 
 a party necessity, premature an- 
 nouncement by the newspapers, nar- 
 row personal means, hesitation as to 
 acceptance, 186 ; opinion of the 
 post, 187 ; doubts of confirmation, 
 iSS ; appointment confirmed, ar- 
 rives in Washington, enters on his 
 duties, 188 ; his fitness for the post, 
 189 ; first connection with finances, 
 189 ; his sketch of finances of the 
 U. S. analyzed, 191 ; views of pub- 
 lic debt, etc., analyzed, 191 ; sub- 
 mits to Jefferson rough outlines of 
 financial situation, 192 ; laborious 
 arrangement of Treasury state- 
 ments, 193 ; logical habits of 
 thought, 193 ; submits in " Notes " 
 to Jefferson synopsis of his plan of 
 administration, views on the reduc- 
 iRon of the debt, as to the interde- 
 
 pendence of departments, 194, 195; 
 insists upon accountability, 196 ; 
 first report to Congress, 1801, de- 
 nies surplus in the Treasury, merits 
 of this controversy, 197, 198; plan 
 of funding through permanent ap- 
 propriation, 198 ; review of manage- 
 ment of the debt, 199 ; dissatisfac- 
 tion with the price at which bonds 
 for Louisiana purchase were placed, 
 201 ; insists that principal of the 
 stock be paid m the U. S., 202 ; 
 results of four years service, 204 ; 
 plans of conversion, 205 ; reports a 
 full treasury, financial recommenda- 
 tions, 205, 206 ; describes branches 
 of revenue and operation of direct 
 and indirect taxes, 207 ; opposes 
 embargo, draws the bill, 208 ; pro- 
 visions justified, 208, 209 ; urged by 
 Jefferson to remain in cabinet, his 
 answer to, 210 ; announces a defi- 
 ciency, 211; report of 1811 not de- 
 spondent, 212 ; review of service to 
 January 1, 1812, 212 ; gives a lesson 
 of finance, 213 ; submits a war bud- 
 get, 214 ; reports results of eleven 
 millions loan, 216 ; proposes issue of 
 treasury notes, 216 ; makes last an- 
 nual statement, and last report to 
 Commissioners of Sinking Fund, 218, 
 219 ; calls for twenty-one millions, 
 219 ; reports success of sixteen mil- 
 lions loan, personal influence with 
 Parish, Girard, and Astor, 221 ; re- 
 view of his administration of the 
 finances, poUcy vindicated, 222. Rev- 
 enue. Connection with the reve- 
 nue, 226 ; estimates of revenue and 
 division into permanent and tem- 
 porary, 227, 228 ; proposes addi- 
 tional impost to meet expenses of 
 war with Tripoli, 229 ; raises per- 
 manent revenue, 231 ; recommends 
 that duties be doubled in case of 
 war, 233 ; reports undimmished re- 
 sources, 235 ; plainly sets forth sit- 
 uation to Congress, 237 ; announces 
 probable deficiency, disappointed 
 by refusal of Congress to renew 
 charter of United States Bank, ten- 
 ders resignation to Madison, 239 ; 
 gives estimate of probable receipts 
 from duties, recommends that they 
 be doubled, 240 ; throws responsi- 
 bility of internal taxation upon 
 Congress, 241 ; his final report, 1812, 
 243 ; close of connection with cus- 
 toms system, 243; connection with 
 internal taxes, 243, 244 ; his connec- 
 tion with the sales of public lands, 
 brings subject before Congressi in 
 
INDEX. 
 
 411 
 
 1796, opinion of their value as a na- 
 tional resource and fund for pay- 
 ment of the debt, his treatise on the 
 subject, 245-247 ; belief in principles 
 of Republican party, 248 ; earliest 
 advocate of free trade, his position 
 on this subject in the election of 
 1832, leader of the cause, 248, 249 ; 
 soul of free trade convention, drafts 
 memorial, proclaims the genuine 
 American system, violently attacked 
 by Clay, views prevail in tariff of 
 1846, 248-251. Administrntion. Ad- 
 ministration of Treasury reviewed, 
 251-255 ; his economy, struggles 
 with War and Navy departments, 
 253, 254 ; arranges with Nicholson 
 for specific appropriations to be 
 ordered by Congress, 254 ; care- 
 ful administration of his household 
 finances, 259. Banking. Review of 
 operation of Bank of U. S., 261 ; sug- 
 gestions as to renewal of charter, 
 262 ; opinion of the bank in 1830, 
 and in 1841, 264, 265; estimate of 
 the banking facilities of the TJ. S. in 
 1811, 267 ; negotiations with Parish, 
 Girard, and Astor, 269 ; estimate 
 of proceeds of loans from different 
 sections of U. S., 270 ; opinion that 
 continuance of the bank would have 
 averted suspension in 1815, 271 ; 
 opinion of service rendered by sec- 
 ond bank of the U. S., 275 ; declines 
 Treasury Department in 1816, 276 ; 
 impresses on Madison necessity of 
 return to specie payment, 276 ; de- 
 clines presidency of Bank of U. S. , 
 277 ; prepares a statement of rela- 
 tive value of gold and silver, 277 ; 
 writes for " American Quarterly Re- 
 view " an essay on currency and 
 banking system of the U. S., 277; 
 accepts the presidency of National 
 Bank of New York, 278 ; his bank 
 suspends with all others in 1837, 
 conducts resumption, 283-285 ; de- 
 clines presidency of Bank of Com- 
 merce in New York, 286 ; resigns 
 presidency of National Bank, 286; 
 publishes essay on banks and cur- 
 rency of U. S., 286; declines the 
 Treasury Department, 287, 288. 
 
 In the Cabinet. In accord with 
 RepubUcan leaders except on the 
 bank question, 290 ; belief in civil 
 service independent of politics, cir- 
 cular disavowed by Jefferson, 291, 
 292 ; proposes division of states into 
 election districts, 293 ; his account 
 of Jefferson's cabinet, 294 ; opinions 
 deferred to on constitutional ques- 
 
 tions, 295 ; advice to Jefferson as to 
 Louisiana treaty, 296 ; arranges for 
 occupation of New Orleans, 296; 
 cannot be accused of favoritism, 
 declines to remove officials, obtains 
 places for but two friends, 297 ; con- 
 tracts friendship with Chouteau of 
 St. Louis, interested in the Indian 
 territory, 297 ; drafts letter of pro- 
 tection to Astor's schemes in north- / 
 west, 298 ; opposes Jefferson's plan 
 of gun-boats, 299 ; deprecates harsh 
 terms in presidential message, 301 ; 
 devises plan of internal improve- 
 ments, 300 ; advocates coast survey, 
 and recommends Hassler to Jeffer- 
 son, 300 ; doubts popularity of a 
 National University, 301 ; opposes 
 permanent embargo, 302 ; prepares 
 Campbell's report on injuries done 
 to U. S. by Great Britain, recom- 
 mends national defence, 303; ap- 
 plies enforcement act with vigor, 
 303 ; submits notes to Jefferson on 
 political situation, 304 ; opposes the 
 ordering out of the naval force, 304 ; 
 suggests letters of marque, 305; 
 financial policy opposed by Repub- 
 lican faction in Senate, 306 ; tenders 
 resignation to Madison, 307 ; assailed 
 in " Aurora " by Duane, 308 ; ablest 
 man in the administration after 
 Madison, in Jefferson's opinion, 308 ; 
 requests leave of absence and ap- 
 pointment on mission to Russia, 311 ; 
 lasting reverence for Jefferson, com- 
 tinued friendship for Madison, 310, 
 311. 
 
 In Diplomacy — Treaty of Ghent. 
 SaUs for Europe with Bayard, 312 ; 
 arrives at Gotha, visits Gottenbiurg, 
 arrives at Copenhagen, memoranda 
 of voyage, 312 ; reaches St. Peters- 
 burg, meets Adams, 313 ; compared 
 with Adams, 313 ; character and 
 purposes, 314 ; opinion of English 
 and French diplomacy, 315 ; writes 
 to Barings, 317 ; receives reply 
 from Alexander Baring, 317, 318 ; 
 communicates with Romanzoff, ad- 
 dresses an official note to Emperor 
 Alexander, 319 ; asks intervention of 
 Moreau, 319 ; asks instructions from 
 Monroe, 320 ; replies to Baring, 320 ; 
 learns that his confirmation has been 
 refused by Senate, 320 ; contem- 
 plates visit to London, 322; hears 
 that British government propose to 
 treat directly with America, 323; 
 leaves St. Petersburg, arrives at Am- 
 sterdam, 324 ; hears of new commis- 
 sion in which he is not included, 324 ; 
 
412 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 arrives at London, 324 ; urges Lafay- 
 ette's intervention, 325 ; proposes 
 change of place of negotiation, asks 
 authority of Monroe for change, 325, 
 326 ; urges Crawford to secure inter- 
 position of Emperor Alexander, 326 ; 
 receives letter from Lafayette prom- 
 ising aid, 327 ; visited by Baron von 
 Humboldt, 327 ; warns Monroe of 
 war preparations in England, 327 ; 
 leaves London for Ghent, 328 ; de- 
 tects purposes of English cabinet, 
 advises Monroe, 329, 330 ; consid- 
 ers negotiations at an end, 330 ; 
 draws reply of American commis- 
 sioners to propositions of British 
 commissioners, 331 ; opinion of 
 burning of Washington expressed to 
 Madame de Stael, 331 ; confidence 
 in American securities, 332 ; over- 
 match for Lord Bathurst, 333 ; diffi- 
 culty in maintaining harmony be- 
 tween Adams and Clay, 334 ; treaty 
 of Ghent his special work, 335 ; his 
 diplomatic skill, 336; his reputa- 
 tion in Europe, 337 ; visits Geneva 
 and receives honors, 338 ; returns 
 by way of Paris, 338 ; hears of his 
 appointment as minister to France, 
 338 ; with Clay opens negotiations at 
 London with Castlereagh, arranges 
 commercial treaty, 338 ; leaves Lon- 
 don, arrives at New York, 339; 
 letter to Jefferson on condition 
 of France, 339; declines nomina- 
 tion to Congress, French mission, 
 and Treasury Department, accepts 
 French mission, 340-342. Minister 
 to France. Arrives at Paris, inter- 
 view with Richelieu, 343 ; audience 
 by the King, familiarly received at 
 court, 344; negotiates for indem- 
 nity, 345 ; at London, advises 
 Adams as to commercial treaty 
 with Great Britain, at the Hague 
 with Eustis negotiates treaty with 
 Holland, 345, 346 ; returns to Paris, 
 346 ; with Rush conducts negoti- 
 ations with Great Britain, 346, 
 347 ; declines taking part with 
 France in mediation between Spain 
 and her colonies, 348 ; informs 
 Adams of state of European opin- 
 ion, 348; points out disadvantage 
 of war with Spain, 349 ; disturbed 
 by seizure on St. Mary's river of 
 a French vessel, difference with 
 Adams as to doctrine assumed by 
 U. S., 350 ; described in Adams's 
 diary, 351 ; his opinion of Adams, 
 351 ; renews negotiations with 
 French ministry, 349-352 ; proposes 
 
 return to America, 352; continues 
 negotiations, 353 ; receives leave of 
 absence, 353 ; sails from Havre, ar- 
 rives at New York, 353 ; visits 
 Washington, settles at Friendship 
 Hill, urged to return to Paris, de- 
 clines, 354 ; declines to represent 
 U. S. at Congress of American Re- 
 publics at Panama, 354. Minister 
 to England. Appointed envoy ex- 
 traordinary to England, appointed 
 minister with power, 355 ; disap- 
 pointed in instructions, 355 ; sails 
 from New York, reaches London, 
 356 ; dislike of French and English 
 diplomacy, 357 ; negotiates with 
 Canning, 358 ; words quoted by 
 Chateaubriand, 358 ; warned by 
 Adams of disposition of Great Brit- 
 ain, 359 ; concludes negotiations 
 with Lord Goderich, 360 ; returns 
 to United States, congratulated by 
 Adams, 360 ; courtesies extended to 
 him at London, 361 ; prepares argu- 
 ment to be laid before King of 
 Netherlands on boundary, 362 ; pub- 
 lishes statement of facts, 362; 
 visited by Lord Ashburton, 363 ; 
 compared with Lord Ashburton, 
 363 ; publishes pamphlet on Oregon 
 question, 363 ; presides at meeting 
 of protest against annexation of 
 Texas, 364 ; condemns war with 
 Mexico, publishes pamphlets con- 
 cerning it, 364 ; disbelieves in mani- 
 fest destiny, condemns idea of sin- 
 gle rule over American continent, 
 365 ; dies at threshold of golden age, 
 367. 
 
 Candidate for the Vice-Presidency. 
 Opinion of Republican contempo- 
 raries, 368, 369 ; prefers Crawford 
 for president, 370 ; nominated for 
 vice-president in Republican cau- 
 cus, 371 ; accepts nomination, 371 ; 
 withdraws from ticket, 371 ; con- 
 siders Republican party "defunct," 
 372 ; opinion of the presidency, 373 ; 
 visits Washington, notices changes, 
 373. 
 
 Society, Literature, Science. 
 Land speculations unprofitable, 374 ; 
 forms plan of Swiss colonization, 
 374 ; pecuniary losses, 375 ; locates 
 land in Ohio, 375 ; value of his es- 
 tate, 375 ; early embarrassment in 
 society, 376 ; house in Washington 
 burned by the British, 377 ; house 
 at Friendship Hill described, 377; 
 entertains Lafayette at Friendship 
 Hill, 377 ; passes winter at New 
 Geneva, 378 , settles in New York, 
 
INDEX. 
 
 413 
 
 S78 ; devotes himself to science, 379 ; 
 presides over National Bank, 379 ; 
 chosen member of "the Club" 379- 
 381 ; described by Washington Ir- 
 ving, 381 ; attempts to establish Na- 
 tional University in New York, 
 president of the first council, reasons 
 for vdthdrawal, 381-383 ; interest in 
 French politics, 384 ; congratulated 
 by Lafayette on marriage of his 
 daughter, 385 ; interested in Polish 
 emigrants, chairman of Polish com- 
 mittee, 385, 386 ; interest in In- 
 dian languages and customs, 387 ; 
 commimicates to Von Humboldt a 
 synopsis of Indian tribes, 388 ; ob- 
 tains vocabularies of southern Indi- 
 ans, urges War Department to cir- 
 culate these through its posts, 388 ; 
 example of letters addressed to indi- 
 viduals, 388, 389 ; original synopsis 
 published, 390 ; result of his inves- 
 tigations, 391 ; advice asked as to 
 employment of Smithsonian trust, 
 391 ; and as to its publications, 392 ; 
 founds American Ethnological Soci- 
 ety, 392, 393 ; its publications and 
 his contributions to them, 393 ; 
 gathers information as to produc- 
 tion of gold in U. S. for Von Hum- 
 boldt, 394 ; opinion of his own pow- 
 ers, his reasons for his success, his 
 minute labor, 395 ; favors attempt 
 to establish literary periodical in 
 New York, 396 ; chosen president of 
 N. Y. Historical Society, 396 ; in- 
 augural address, 396 ; the " Anti- 
 quary " his favorite novel, 396 ; his 
 opinion of Washington, is eulogized 
 by J. Q. Adams, 398 ; their political 
 careers contrasted, 399 ; personal 
 appearance and portraits, 398, 399 ; 
 death of his friends, of his wife, 
 399 ; removed to Astoria, 400 ; death 
 and funeral, 401 ; eulogized by Lu- 
 ther Bradish, 401 ; acknowledges 
 his indebtedness to Bentham, 402 ; 
 his head pronounced capital by 
 Spurzheim, 402 ; praised by Du- 
 mont, 402 ; his moral excellence, a 
 citizen of the world, 403. 
 
 Gallatin, Abraham, grandfather of Al- 
 bert, in trade, 2 ; lives at Pregny, 
 7 ; dies, 58. 
 
 Gallatin, Albert, Mrs., presides at the 
 drawing room, 377. 
 
 Gallatin, Frances, married to Byam 
 Kerby Stevens, 384. 
 
 Gallatin, James, secretary to mission, 
 312. 
 
 Gallatin, Jean, father of Albert, in 
 trade, dies, 2. 
 
 Gallatin, P. M., gfuardian of Albert, 
 11 ; reproaches him for his depart- 
 ure, 11 ; obtains letters for him to 
 distinguished Americans, 11. 
 
 Gallatin, Sophie Albertine RoUaz, wife 
 of Jean and mother of Albert Gal- 
 latin, her death, 2. 
 
 Gallatin, Madame, Vaudenet, wife of 
 Abraham and mother of Albert, 5 ; 
 friend of Voltaire and of Landgrave 
 of Hesse-Cassel, 5 ; controlling spirit 
 of the family, 8 ; quarrels with Al- 
 bert, 9. 
 
 Gallatin family, influence in Swiss Re- 
 public, 2 ; in military service, 8 ; 
 claim Roman descent, 399. 
 
 Gambler, Lord, British commissioner 
 to Ghent, 328. 
 
 Genet, French minister, intemperance 
 of, 59 ; marries daughter of George 
 Clinton, 105 ; aids democratic socie- 
 ties, 105 ; held up to condemnation, 
 138. 
 
 Geneva, resort of foreigners, 4 ; so- 
 ciety in, 4 ; Kinloch, Smith, Lau- 
 rens, PennS,- Bache, Johannot are 
 educated at, 4 ; political state of, 
 10 ; form of government, 34. 
 
 Geneva Academy, Gallatin attends, 2 ; 
 course of study at, 3 ; influence on 
 society, 4 ; Serre, BadoUet, Dumont, 
 De Lolme, Pictet educated at, 5. 
 
 Geneva, New, Gallatin's log hut the 
 beginning of, 78. 
 
 Gerry, Elbrid^, envoy to France, 
 144. 
 
 Ghent, treaty of, 312; signed, 335; 
 the triumph of Gallatin, 335. 
 
 Giles, William B., M. C, Virginia, 
 leads Republican debate, 103 ; op- 
 poses address to Washington, 132, 
 133 ; leads opposition in fifth Con- 
 gress, 137 ; jealousy of Gallatin, 145. 
 
 Girard, Stephen, 221. 
 
 Gold, effect of discovery in California, 
 366. 
 
 Goodrich, Chauncy, M. C, Connecti- 
 cut, Federalist, 102 ; on diplomatic 
 mtercourse, 148. 
 
 Goulburn, Henry, British commis- 
 sioner to Ghent, 328 ; protests 
 against concessions to U. S. , 332. 
 
 Great Britain, Jay's treaty with, 106 ; 
 debate upon, 113 ; appropriations for, 
 125 ; declared objectionable, 125. 
 
 Greensburg, on the Monongahela, 28. 
 
 Grenville, Lord, duped by Jay, 121 ; 
 his proposition to Pinckney, 138; 
 spirit of his negotiations with Jay, 
 362. 
 
 Griswold, Roger, of Connecticut, Fed- 
 eral leader, 102 ; argument oa 
 
414 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 treaty-making power, 116 ; retains 
 influence in fifth Congress, 137 ; 
 collision with Lyon, 145 ; speech ou 
 constitutional checks, 148 ; defends 
 Senate bill on Treasury reports, 
 166. 
 Gun-boats, Jefferson's scheme of, 299 ; 
 in Lafayette's expedition, 299. 
 
 Hamilton, Alexander, secretary of 
 treasury, compared with Gallatin, 
 29 ; his early maturity, 33 ; excise 
 bill, 50 ; indignation at opposition, 
 55 ; appeal to the people, " TuUy," 
 89 ; charged with attempt to indict 
 Gallatin, 92 ; accompanies troops, 
 93 ; resigns Treasury, 100 ; advises 
 the Federalists, 102 ; rupture with 
 Jefferson, 103 ; stoned in New York 
 for supporting Jay treaty, 106; 
 general, 160 ; formulates central 
 power, 174 ; appointed to Treasury, 
 180 ; report on public credit, 180 ; 
 funding bill, 180 ; excise law, 181 ; 
 resignation, 183 ; breach with 
 Adams, 183 ; policy questioned, 185 ; 
 GaUatin offends, 185 ; his funding 
 method criticised, 191 ; his revenue 
 systems, 226, 243 ; report on sale of 
 public lands, 246 ; his establish- 
 ments organic, 289. 
 
 Hamilton, John C, accusation of Gal- 
 latin, 86. 
 
 Harper, Robert Goodloe, of South Car- 
 olina, Federal leader, 101 ; argu- 
 ment on treaty-making power, 118 ; 
 leads Federalists in fifth Congress, 
 137 ; debate on the address, 138 ; 
 opposes Kittera's amendment, 
 139; votes with Republicans, 139; 
 chairman of Ways and Means, 144 ; 
 Gallatin's opinion of, 144 ; leads busi- 
 ness of the House, 146 ; debate on 
 foreign ministers, 151 ; introduces 
 bill to suspend relations with France, 
 156 ; hot words with Gallatin over 
 Alien Bill, 157 ; defends Senate bill 
 on Treasury reports, 166. 
 
 Harrisburg, conference of Anti-Feder- 
 alists, 38, 39 ; Gallatin represents 
 Fayette Comity in, 39 ; draws reso- 
 lutions for, 39, 40 ; report of, pub- 
 lished, 41. 
 
 Henry, Patrick, governor, commis- 
 sions Gallatin to locate lands, 25; 
 predicts his future, 30. 
 
 Hesse-Cassel, Frederick, Landgrave 
 of, sends his portrait to Mme. Gal- 
 latin Vaudenet, 7. 
 
 Hillhouse, M. C, Connecticut, Fed- 
 eralist, 102 ; on Ways and Means 
 Committee, 108. 
 
 Historical Society, New York, Galla- 
 tin president of, 396 ; his inaugural 
 address, 397 ; commemoration meet- 
 ing, 398 ; proceedings on Gallatin's 
 death, 401 . 
 
 Humboldt, Baron von, study of pro- 
 duction in precious metals, 287 ; 
 Prussian minister at Paris, 327 ; vis- 
 its Gallatin in London, 327 ; compli- 
 ments Gallatin, 337 . 
 
 Husbands, Herman, 83. 
 
 Huskisson, British minister, on im- 
 pressment, 360. 
 
 Impressment of seamen, ignored in 
 Jay treaty, 106; power concerning 
 to be lodged in the Executive, 126 ; 
 cause of war, 316 ; question at Ghent, 
 316, 334 ; in 1818, 346 ; Huskisson's 
 condemnation of, 360. 
 
 Indians, trading houses, appropriation 
 for, opposed by Gallatin, 111 ; 
 Wayne's treaty with, 121 ; in Maine 
 and on the Ohio, 386 ; tribes classi- 
 fied by Jefferson, 387 ; synopsis of 
 tribes prepared by Gallatin, 388 ; 
 gathering at Washington, 388 ; vo- 
 cabularies collected by Smithsonian, 
 389 ; Du Ponceau's Grammar of Lan- 
 guages, 390 ; publication of Gallatin's 
 S5Tiopsis, 391 ; his introduction to 
 Hale's work on, 394. 
 
 Indian question at Ghent, 331, 332. 
 
 Internal improvements, Jefferson's 
 policy on, 290 ; Gallatin's plan, 300. 
 
 Invisibles, the, 304. 
 
 Irving, Washington, describes Mrs. 
 Gallatin, 377 ; on Gallatin's conver- 
 sation, 381. 
 
 Jackson, Andrew, M. C, Tennessee, 
 Republican, takes his seat, 133 ; 
 votes against address to Washing- 
 ton, 133 ; described by Gallatin, 133 ; 
 appoints Taney to supreme court, 
 279 ; Gallatin's opinion of, 368 ; his 
 idea of party, 372 ; a pugnacious an- 
 imal, 373 ; in the White House, 373. 
 
 Jay, John, hung in eflBgy, 106 ; his ad- 
 vice to Randolph, 120, 121 ; opinion 
 of, in England, 121 ; spirit of his 
 negotiations with GrenvUle, 362. 
 
 Jay treaty made public by Senator 
 Mason, 106 ; popular dissatisfaction 
 with, 106; debate upon, 113; ap- 
 propriations for, 125 ; declared ob- 
 jectionable by the House, 125 ; how 
 considered in England, 121 ; conse- 
 quences of its incompleteness, 316. 
 
 Jefferson, Thomas, first hears of Gal- 
 latin, 22 ; awaits disruption of Fed- 
 eral party, 102 ; rupture with Ham> 
 
INDEX. 
 
 415 
 
 ilton, 103 ; imbued with principles 
 of French revolution, 105 , ridiculed 
 as a sans-culotte, 107 ; Wolcott 
 complains of his influence, 131 ; ad- 
 vises Republicans to moderate their 
 bitterness against Washington, 132 ; 
 waning spirit of Republican oppo- 
 sition, 137 ; complains of wavering 
 of Congress, 142 ; powerless in the 
 Senate as vice-president, 143 ; loses 
 taste for a French alliance, 144 ; a 
 French missionary, 151 ; in the tri- 
 umvirate, 174 ; represents spirit of 
 liberty, 174 ; mission of his adminis- 
 tration, 194 ; not a practical states- 
 man, 195 ; his cabinet, 195 ; opposed 
 bank of U. S., 259 ; plans of paper 
 money, 373 ; his principles of ad- 
 ministration, 289 ; policy restric- 
 tive, 289 ; at issue with Gallatin on 
 bank question, 289 ; opposes Gallsu 
 tin's civil service circular, 292 ; 
 want of system in cabinet, 294 ; 
 alienates Burr, 294 ; views as to ac- 
 quisition of territory, 295 ; intimacy 
 with Duane, 296 ; correspondence 
 with Astor as to fur company, 298 ; 
 gun-boat scheme, 299 ; constitu- 
 tional scruples, 301 ; indecision as 
 to measures, 302 ; withdraws from 
 the triumvirate, 302 ; opinion of and 
 attachment to Gallatin, 308 ; affec- 
 tion for him, 311 ; rejoices on Galla- 
 tin's appointment to Paris, 342 ; his 
 opinion of Louis XVIII., 343 ; trans- 
 lates Tracy's Political Economy, 
 343. 
 
 Johannot, grandson of Dr. Cooper, 
 educated at Geneva, 4. 
 
 Jones, William, secretary of navy, 
 acting secretary of treasury, 324. 
 
 Kemp, Van der, commissioner for the 
 Netherlands, 346. 
 
 King, Rufus, minister to England, 
 355 ; resigns, 355 ; tone of his diplo- 
 matic correspondence, 357. 
 
 Kin loch, Francis, M. C, South Caro- 
 lina, educated at Geneva, 4 ; Gal- 
 latin receives a letter of introduc- 
 tion for, 11. 
 
 Kramer brothers, glass-works at New 
 Geneva, 62. 
 
 Lafayette, represents true republican 
 spirit, 105 ; prisoner in Austria, 
 106 ; expedition against Arnold, 
 299 ; has interview with Alexander, 
 326; welcomed by Gallatin, 378; 
 congratulations to, on marriage of 
 his daughter, 384 ; describes the rev- 
 olution of 1830, 384. 
 
 Lands, public, offices for sale of, 126 ; 
 value in 1792, 126 ; Hamilton's re- 
 port, 245 ; sales under Adams, 246; 
 Jefferson, 247 ; Gallatin's adminis- 
 tration of, 247 ; his treatise on, 248. 
 
 Laurens, Colonel, educated at Gen- 
 eva, 4. 
 
 Lawrence, William Beach, anecdote 
 of Washington and Gallatin, 23 ; 
 Secretary to Gallatin, 356, charge 
 d'affaires, 357 ; presides at dinner 
 of New York Historical Society, 
 398. 
 
 Leopard, man-of-war, captures the 
 Chesapeake, 232. 
 
 Lesdernier, a Genevan, resident of 
 Machias, 14 ; his log cabin the home 
 of Gallatin, 15. 
 
 Lieven, Count, Russian minister at 
 London, 320. 
 
 Lieven, Countess of, autocrat of Lon- 
 don foreign society, 361. 
 
 Lincoln, Levi, attorney-general, opin- 
 ion on acquisition of territory, 295» 
 
 Literary periodical. New York, pro- 
 posed by Gallatin, 396. 
 
 Liverpool, Lord, accepts settlement of 
 Indian question, 332 ; acknowledges 
 his defeat, 334. 
 
 Livingston, Edward, M. C, New York, 
 Republican leader, 103 ; calls for 
 instructions to Jay, 113 ; appointed 
 to wait on President with call for 
 papers, 118 ; votes against address 
 to Washington, 133; denounces 
 course of the administration, 140 ; 
 votes against the answer to ad- 
 dress, 141. 
 
 Louis XVIII., Jefferson's opinion of, 
 
 343 ; gives audience to Gallatin, 
 
 344 ; his courteous malice, 344. 
 
 Louisiana purchase, 199, 201, 203. 
 
 Louisiana, East, acquisition of, 295. 
 
 Lyon, Matthew, M. C, Vermont, col- 
 lision with Griswold, 146. 
 
 Machias, trade of, 15 ; life at, in 1780, 
 16. 
 
 Macon, Nathaniel, M C, Georgia, Re- 
 publican, votes against approbation 
 of Washington, 133 ; against sus- 
 pending intercourse with France, 
 165 ; declines to enter caucus, 369 ; 
 his uncompromising spirit, 369. 
 
 Madison, James, leads Republican op- 
 position, 103 ; mildness in third 
 Congress, 105 ; drafts and amends 
 address to President, 108, 109 ; sup. 
 ports bill for establishing trading 
 houses with Indians, 111 ; on treaty 
 making power, 114, 117 ; leads de- 
 bate on right of the House to call 
 
416 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 for papers, 119 ; Wolcott complains 
 of his influence, 131 ; the finest rea- 
 soning power in Congress, 132 ; in 
 the trimnvirate, 174 ; his financial 
 ignorance, 185 ; in accord with Gal- 
 latin on strict appropriations, 254; 
 vetoes bill for U. S. Bank, 274 ; op- 
 poses Gallatin's civil service circu- 
 lar, 292 ; refuses aid to Astoria es- 
 tablishment, 298 ; his weakness, 
 305 ; inexcusable course to Gallatin, 
 307 ; compelled by Gallatin to a 
 choice between himself and Smith, 
 307 ; his administration hmnbled, 
 329 ; offers Treasury to Gallatin, 
 341. 
 
 Manifest destiny, 365. 
 
 Marque, letters of, 305. 
 
 Marshall, James, leader in Whiskey In- 
 surrection, 51 ; represents Washing- 
 ton County in Pennsylvania Legisla- 
 ture, 54 ; draws remonstrance to 
 Congress, 54; attends meeting of 
 Washington malcontents, 71 ; virges 
 violence, 72 ; countermands rendez- 
 vous, 72 ; delegate to Parkinson's 
 Ferry convention, 81 ; withdraws 
 violent resolution, 82. 
 
 Marshall, John, offers place in his law 
 office to Gallatin, 29; envoy to 
 France, 144; M. C. from Virginia, 
 163; announces death of Washing- 
 ton to the House, 164. 
 
 McClanachan, Blair, chairman of 
 Pennsylvania ratification conven- 
 tion, 39; violent words at Presi- 
 dent's table, 143. 
 
 McKean, Thomas, Chief Justice of 
 Pennsylvania, suggests sending com- 
 missioners to rioters, 79. 
 
 McLane, Louis, secretary of treasury, 
 reports virtual extinguishment of 
 U. S. debt, 278. 
 
 Mediterranean Fund, 230, 238. 
 
 Mexico, war with, condemned by Gal- 
 latin, 364 ; peace with, advocated 
 by, 364 ; signed, 365. 
 
 Mifflin, Thomas, governor, 79, 90, 91. 
 
 Milton, Blue Hills of, visited by Galla^ 
 tin, 13. 
 
 Mississippi, navigation question, 334, 
 335, 347. 
 
 Monroe, James, minister to France, 
 presents American flag to French 
 convention, 136 ; appointed secre- 
 tary of state, 308 ; instructions to 
 envoys, 316 ; president of the U. S. , 
 346. 
 
 Montgomery, John, of Maryland, mar- 
 ries Maria Nicholson, 62. 
 
 Ilontmorency, Vicomte de, miaister 
 
 , oi foreign affairs, 352. 
 
 Moreau, General, offers assistance t« 
 envoys, 319 ; his death, 321, 322. 
 
 Morris, Gouverneur, 33, 178. 
 
 Morris, Robert, U. S. senator for 
 Pennsylvania, 63 ; the financier of 
 the Revolution, 177 ; called to the 
 Treasury, 177 ; administration of, 
 178 ; retirement of, 179. 
 
 Muhlenberg, Frederick A., speaker of 
 the House, 101. 
 
 Mmgo Creek Meeting House, anti-ex- 
 cise meeting at, 71. 
 
 Murray, William Vans, M. C, Mary- 
 land, Federalist, 102 ; on the Jay 
 treaty, 114. 
 
 National Bank of New York organ- 
 ized, 278 ; Gallatin president of, 
 278 ; suspends, 282 ; Gallatin resigns, 
 286. 
 
 Navy, opposed by Gallatin as needless, 
 127-129 ; prejudicial to committee, 
 134. 
 
 Neuville, Hyde de, minister to U. S., 
 346, 354. 
 
 Netherlands, King of, arbiter on the 
 northeastern boimdary, 362 ; treaty 
 with, 345. 
 
 New Orleans, battle of, 337. 
 
 New York, life at, in 1782, 19. 
 
 Nicholson, Hannah, makes excursion 
 with Gallatin, 61 ; family, 61 ; mar- 
 ried to Gallatin, 61. 
 
 Nicholson, James, commodore, fam- 
 ily of, 61 ; Republican leader in New 
 York, 61 ; entertains Gallatin, 62. 
 
 Nicholson, James Witter, associated 
 with Gallatin in western company, 
 62 ; removes to Fayette, 62 ; glass- 
 works of, at New Geneva, 62. 
 
 Nicholas, John, M. C, from Virginia, 
 Republican leader, 103, 140 ; votes 
 against Kittera's amendment, 140; 
 speech on the power of the Execu- 
 tive, 146 ; would decline diplomatic 
 relations, 147 ; declares Republican 
 purposes, 149 ; Gallatin's lieuten- 
 ant, 164 ; votes against suspending 
 intercourse with France, 165 ; op- 
 poses Senate bill on Treasury re- 
 ports, 106. 
 
 Non-importation act of 1774, a failure, 
 303 ; enforced by GaUatin, 303. 
 
 Ohio Company, account of association, 
 21. 
 
 Orders in Council, 208, 233. 
 
 Oregon Territory, joint occupancy 
 agreement, renewed, 359. 
 
 Otis, Harrison Gray, M. C, Massachu- 
 setts, Federalist, 137 ; denounces 
 Livingston's speech, 140. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 417 
 
 Panama Congress of American Repub- 
 lics, Gallatin declines mission to, 
 354. 
 
 Parish, David, 221. 
 
 Parker, Josiah, M. C, Virginia, resolu- 
 tion of, 161 ; on French intercourse, 
 166. 
 
 Parkinson's Ferry, militia ordered to 
 rendezvous at, 72 ; convention as- 
 sembles at, 80 ; meeting at, described 
 by Breckenridge, 82 ; proceedings 
 at, 82, 91. 
 
 Pasquier, French minister, 350. 
 
 Pendleton Society, Virginia, secession 
 resolutions of, 120. 
 
 Penn, Lady Juliana, gives letter of in- 
 troduction to John Penn in favor of 
 young Gallatin, 11. 
 
 Penns, proprietors of Pennsylvania, 
 educated at Geneva, 4, 
 
 Pennsylvania society compared with 
 that of New York, 49. 
 
 Pennsylvania state constitutional con- 
 vention of 1789, 42, 43 ; opposes call, 
 42 ; represents Fayette Coimty in, 
 42 ; memoranda of service in, 43 ; 
 accoimt of, 44. 
 
 Pennsylvania Assembly, Gallatin rep- 
 resents Fayette in, 45, 46 ; account 
 of service in, 46 ; draws resolution 
 for abolition of slavery, 48 ; opposes 
 Excise Bill in, 50 ; proposes county 
 taxation and school system, 57. 
 
 Pensacola occupied by Jackson, 348. 
 
 P^rouse, La, the navigator, visits Ma- 
 chias, 17. 
 
 Perry, Gallatin settles Frost's meadow 
 in, 15. 
 
 Philadelphia, seat of government 
 moved to, 48 ; state of society in 
 1790, 49. 
 
 Pickering, Timothy, secretary of war, 
 100. 
 
 Pictet, Mademoiselle, relative of Gal- 
 latin, 2 ; takes charge of Albert, 2 ; 
 her nephew taught by him, 5 ; Al- 
 bert's attachment for, 9 ; her grief 
 at his departure, 11 ; sends him let- 
 ters of introduction, 11 ; sends him 
 funds, 18 ; his only link with his 
 family, 20 ; reproaches him for in- 
 dolence, 45. 
 
 Pictet, the naturalist, educated at 
 Geneva, 5. 
 
 Pinckney, Charles C, minister to 
 France, 136, 144. 
 
 Pittsburgh in 1790, 51 ; anti-excise 
 meeting at, 52 ; alarm at, 72. 
 
 Polish committee in aid of emigrants, 
 386. 
 
 Porcupine, Peter. See William Cob- 
 bett. 
 
 27 
 
 Pregny, on lake of Geneva, residence 
 of Gallatin's grandparents, 7. 
 
 Randolph, Edmund, secretary of state, 
 79, 100, 107. 
 
 Randolph, John, M. C, Virginia, 163 ; 
 Republican, votes against suspend- 
 ing intercourse with France, 165 
 opposes medal to Truxton, 165 
 report on revenue, 228 ; complains 
 of want of system in Jefferson's 
 cabinet, 294 : Gallatin's opinion of, 
 368. 
 
 Red Stone Old Fort. See Brownsville. 
 
 Report of Committee of Ways and 
 Means, Pennsylvania Legislature, 
 drawn by Gallatin, 47. 
 
 Report on Finances, Gallatin's, for 
 Ways and Means Committee of Penn- 
 sylvania Legislature, 189 ; to Con- 
 gress, 1801, 198, 226; 1805, 204; 
 
 1807, 206; 1808, 208; 1809, 211; 
 1811, 212. 
 
 Republican party, in majority in fourth 
 Congress but overawed by influence 
 of Washington, 102 ; maintains new 
 democratic doctrines of French 
 Revolution, 104 ; carries resolutions 
 calling for instructions to Jay, 118 ; 
 bitterness against Washington re- 
 buked by Jefferson, 132 ; recognizes 
 need of provision for war with 
 France, 137 ; compelled to maintain 
 national honor, 137 ; purpose to re- 
 strict executive power, 149 ; classi- 
 fied by Harper, 151 ; controls New 
 York and Southern States, 169; 
 saved by Gallatin, loses its chief in 
 Gallatin, 175, 174 ; breach in, 183 ; 
 cardinal points of policy, 186 ; its 
 principles abandoned, 242 ; opposes 
 Bank of United States, 256, 263; 
 first opposition party, 290 ; opposes 
 politics in patronage, 290 ; but do 
 not carry out this policy, 291 ; 
 divided by alienation of Burr, 292 ; 
 last congressional caucus of, 370; 
 extinguished by battle of New Or- 
 leans, 371 ; Gallatin considers de- 
 funct, 372. 
 
 Revenue, attributes of, 224 ; Edmund 
 Burke on, 226 ; sources of, 226 ; for 
 1801, 227 ; permanent, 227 ; Ran- 
 dolph's report on, 228 ; Gallatin's 
 report for 1805, 231 ; for 1807, 232 ; 
 treasury blockaded from, 233 ; in 
 
 1808, 234; in 1809, 235; estimate 
 for 1812, 240 ; doubled, 242 ; tariff 
 of 1846, 251. 
 
 Revenue, internal, Hamilton's scheme 
 of, 243 ; abandoned by Republicans, 
 244 ; Dallas upon, 244 ; restored by 
 
418 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Gallatin, 245; enforced by Dallas, 
 245. 
 
 Richelieu, Duke of, minister of Louis 
 XVIII., interview witli Gallatin, 
 343 ; indemnity to U. S., 344. 
 
 Riclimond, society in 1785, 24. 
 
 Rochefoucauld, d'Enville, Duke of, 
 his intervention solicited on behalf 
 of GaUatin, 11. 
 
 Romanzoff, Coimt, author of media- 
 tion offer, 316 ; his purpose, 316 ; 
 dispatch to Count Lieven, 320 ; gives 
 letter to Dallas, 322. 
 
 Rutledge, John, Jr., M. C, South Car- 
 olina, 137. 
 
 Rush, Richard, minister to England, 
 346. 
 
 Russell, Jonathan, peace commis- 
 sioner to Ghent, 324. 
 
 Russia friendly to America, 333 ; de- 
 clines to submit to search of vessels, 
 349; displeased with U. S. recog- 
 nition of independence of Spanish 
 colonies, 349. 
 
 Savaby, de Valcoulon, of Lyons, has 
 claims against Virginia, 19 ; visits 
 Philadelphia and Richmond with 
 Gallatin, 19, 20 ; speculations in 
 land, 22; establishes residence at 
 Clare's, 25. 
 
 Scientific society at Washington, 397. 
 
 Search, right of, 141, 334 ; abandoned, 
 347. 
 
 Sedgwick, Theodore, M. C, of Massa- 
 chusetts, Federal leader, 102 ; on 
 committee to report address, 108 ; 
 on Committee on Finance, 108 ; 
 speaker of House, 163. 
 
 Sedition Law, 157, 168, 169. 
 
 Senate, U. Sw, Gallatin elected to, 60 ; 
 committee on his qualification, 63 ; 
 his exclusion from, 64 ; his course 
 in, 66 ; Committee on the Treasury, 
 66 ; Gallatin offends Hamilton's 
 friends in, 68. 
 
 Seney, Joshua, of Maryland, marries 
 Frances Nicholson, 62. 
 
 Serre, Henri, college companion of 
 Gallatin, 4; leaves with him for 
 America, 10 ; sails from L'Orient, 
 11 ; arrives at Cape Ann, 12 ; at 
 Machias, 14 ; teaches at Boston, 19 ; 
 dissolves partnership with Gallatin 
 at Philadelphia, 20 ; dies at Jamai- 
 ca, 20. 
 
 Sewall, Samuel, M. C, Massachusetts, 
 Federalist, 137. 
 
 Sitgreaves, Samuel, M. C, Pennsylva- 
 nia, Federalist, 102, 108. 
 
 Bismondi, essay on commercial wealth, 
 287 ; praises Gallatin, 337. 
 
 Slave trade, 335, 349. 
 
 Smilie, John, represents Fayette in 
 Pennsylvania ratification conven- 
 tion, 37 ; member of Pennsylvania 
 Legislature, of Congress, U. S. sena- 
 tor, 39 ; friendsliip for Gallatin, 39 ; 
 State senator, 45 ; at distillers' meet- 
 ing, Uniontown, 71. 
 
 Smith, John Augustine, 379. 
 
 Smith, Robert, secretary of state, 
 supported by the Invisibles, 305 ; 
 leaves the cabinet, 308. 
 
 Smith, Samuel, Gen., M. C, 167, 170. 
 
 Smith, William, M. C, South Caro- 
 lina, FederaUst, 4, 102, 130. 
 
 Smithsonian Institution, 391, 397. " 
 
 Spain, Pinckney's treaty with, 121 ; 
 relations with, 347. 
 
 Specie in United States, 1797, 145 ; 
 a foreign product, 269. 
 
 Spurzheim, on Gallatin's head, 402. 
 
 Stael, Madame de, corresponds with 
 Gallatin, 331 ; interview of Alex- 
 ander and Lafayette at her house, 
 326 ; expresses her admiration to 
 GaUatin, 337. 
 
 Stevens, Byam Kerby, marries Fran- 
 ces Gallatin, 384. 
 
 St. Mark, Fort, captured by Jackson, 
 348. 
 
 Swiss colonization, plans of, 374. 
 
 Talleyrand, French minister, 154, 
 158. 
 
 Taney, Roger B., secretary of treas- 
 ury, removes deposits, 279. 
 
 Taxes, direct, favored by Gallatin, 127. 
 
 Texas, annexation, 296, 364. 
 
 Tracy, Destutt de. Economic Poli- 
 tique translated by Jefferson, 343. 
 
 Tracy, Uriah, M. C, Connecticut, 
 Federal leader, 102 ; personal abuse 
 of Gallatin, 123. 
 
 Treasury, Board of, of the Revolution, 
 178 ; new board, 179, 180. 
 
 Treasury Department, Hamilton's ad- 
 ministration of attacked by Galla- 
 tin, 66 ; resigned by Hamilton, 100 ; 
 taken by Wolcott, 100 ; control over 
 by the House established, 109 ; its 
 condition in 1796, 129 ; its disburse- 
 ment of appropriations attacked, 
 134 ; its management controlled, 
 161 ; Senate Bill ordering reports of, 
 opposed, 166 ; established, 180 ; ex- 
 amination of, 183 ; review of, 251 ; 
 Sherman's report on, in 1879, 255 ; 
 conducted on business principles, 
 289; requires business capacity, 
 291. 
 
 Tripoli, tribute to, 294. 
 
 Triumvirate, traditions of, 305 ; JefEer- 
 
INDEX. 
 
 419 
 
 son withdraws from, 308 ; Gallatin's 
 loyalty to, 309 ; dissolved, 310. 
 Truxton, Captain, medal voted to, 
 165. 
 
 Uniontown, comity seat of Fayette, 
 28 ; meeting of distillers at, 71. 
 
 United States, frigate, 128. 
 
 University, national, plan of D'Yver- 
 nois, 301 ; proposed by Gallatin at 
 New York, 381 ; result of, 383 ; Gal- 
 latin withdraws, 383. 
 
 Van Buren, Martin, manages Repub- 
 lican caucus, 370. 
 
 Vaudenet, Susanne, wife of Abraham 
 Gallatin. See Gallatin, Vaudenet. 
 
 Voltaire, his retreat at Ferney, 7 ; 
 friend of Gallatin family, 7 ; writes 
 verses for Madame Gallatin, 7 ; 
 visited by young Gallatin, 8. 
 
 Washington, seat of government, 167 ; 
 society in 1829, 373; burning of, 
 331. 
 
 Washinjtton, Pennsylvania, anti-excise 
 meeting at, 52 ; violent resolutions 
 of, 52 ; meeting of moderate men 
 of, 72. 
 
 Washington, George, General, anec- 
 dote of and Gallatin, 22, 23 ; procla- 
 mation to whiskey insurgents, 79; 
 Randolph's tribute to, 79; ap- 
 points commissioners, 79 ; makes 
 requisitions for troops, 80 ; calls out 
 troops, 90 ; accompanies army, 91 ; 
 declines to coimtermand march, 
 91 ; pardons offenders, 99 ; changes 
 in his cabinet, 100; his influence, 
 102, 104 ; convenes Congress on Jay 
 treaty, 104 ; accused as a defaulter, 
 107 ; addresses Congress, 107 ; re- 
 fuses to send Jay's instructions to 
 the House, 118 ; his birthday the 
 occasion of a visit from the House, 
 130 ; sends tricolor to Congress, 
 131 ; issues his farewell address, 
 132 ; lieutenant-general, 160 ; death 
 announced to Congress, 164 ; Galla- 
 tin's tribute to, 397. 
 
 Wayne, Anthony, General, treaty with 
 Indians, 121. 
 
 Ways and Means. See Finance Com- 
 mittee. 
 
 Ways and Means Committee, Harper 
 chairman of, 144. 
 
 Ways and Means, Randolph's report, 
 228. See Finance Committee. 
 
 Wellington, Lord, requested to go to 
 America, 332; his frank opinion, 
 331 ■, friendly dispositions, 347. 
 
 West Indies trade, question of still ir- 
 ritating, 337 ; referred to the Presi- 
 dent, 347, 359. 
 
 Whiskey Insurrection, resistance to 
 writs, 70 ; marshal's house burned, 
 70 ; m Fayette County, 70 ; distil- 
 lers meet at Uniontown, 71; popu- 
 lar meeting at Mingo Creek Meeting- 
 house, 71 ; U. S. mails stopped, 72 ; 
 circular calls militia to resist the 
 law, and rendezvous at Parkinson's 
 Ferry, 72 ; meeting of moderate men 
 at Washington, 72 ; rendezvous at 
 Parliinson's Ferry comitermanded, 
 73 ; violent meeting at Braddock's 
 Field, 73 ; numbers, estimate of, at, 
 75; violent temper of the people, 
 76 ; Gallatin's opposition to, 78 ; 
 Hamilton determines to suppress, 
 79 ; commissioners appointed, 79 ; 
 Washington issues proclamation, 79 ; 
 convention assembles at Parkinson's 
 Ferry, 80; violent resolutions op- 
 posed by Gallatin and withdrawn, 
 
 82 ; committee of sixty appointed, 
 
 83 ; commissioners arrive, 84 ; con- 
 ference agree on form of submis- 
 cion, 85 ; committee of sixty accept 
 terms, 86 ; amnesty granted, 86 ; 
 meetings for submission by signa- 
 ture, 87 ; moderation in Fayette 
 County, 88 ; threats of secession, 
 89 ; secession flag, 89 ; commission- 
 ers return to Philadelphia and re- 
 port, 90 ; Washington calls out 
 troops, 90 ; march in two columns, 
 91 ; meeting of committee of sixty, 
 91 ; committee sends delegates to the 
 President, 91 ; final popular meet- 
 ing at Parkinson's Ferry, 92 ; west- 
 ern counties occupied by the army, 
 92, 93 ; arrests made, 93 ; prisoners 
 carried to Philadelphia, 94; return 
 of the army, 96 ; cost of, 96 ; prose- 
 cutions, 99. 
 
 Wolcott, Oliver, Jr., secretary of 
 treasury, 100 ; his situation com- 
 miserated by Gallatin, 127 ; com- 
 plains of influence of Gallatin, Mad- 
 ison, and Jefferson, 131. 
 
 Wolcott, Oliver, Jr., appointed to 
 Treasury, 183. 
 
 Woodbury, Levi, Secretary of Treas- 
 ury, reports absolute extinguish- 
 ment of U. S. debt, 281 ; establishes 
 sub-treasury, 282. 
 
 X, Y, Z dispatches, 154. 
 
 YoRKTOWN, excise offenders proae- 
 cuted at, 55. 
 
(:fj?T?J7T7P^nJ\T ^ singularly just, well-proportioned, and !» 
 
 yi^J^I^JlKc>Ul\' teresting sketch of the personal and political 
 
 career of the author of the Declaration of Independence. — Boston 
 Journal. 
 
 H/T J n r*^ n J\r '^^^ execution of the work deserves the highest 
 MAUI^ UI\. praise. It is very readable, in a bright and vigor- 
 ous style, and is marked by unity and consecutiveness of plan. — The 
 Nation (New York). 
 
 (^ AT T A TTIV ^^ ^^ °"^ °^ ^^ Tdo^t carefully prepared of these 
 {j-AL,L,AIJI\. very valuable volumes, . . . abounding in infor- 
 mation not so readily accessible as is that pertaining to men more 
 often treated by the biographer. — Boston Correspojtdent Hartford 
 Courant. 
 
 MtlATP n R P>*6sident Oilman has made the most of his hero, 
 MUl\KUrL. without the least hero-worship, and has done full 
 justice to Mr. Monroe's " relations to the public service during half a 
 century." . . . The appendix is peculiarly valuable for its synopsis of 
 Monroe's Presidential Messages, and its extensive Bibliography of 
 Monroe and the Monroe Doctrine. — N. V. Christian Intelligencer. 
 
 rtn TThT n rrrJVr V ^nj M^ ^^^^ ^^- Morse's conclusions 
 JOHN QUJA/CY AUAM^. ^-n ^^ ^^^ ^^-^^ ^^ ^^^^^ ^^ 
 
 posterity we have very little doubt, and he has set an admirable 
 example to his coadjutors in respect of interesting narrative, just pro- 
 portion, and judicial candor. — New York Evening Post. 
 
 J? A ATTinr PTf ^^^ book has been to me intensely interesting. 
 I^/Ll\UiJi.r'ii. Y^ is rich in new facts and side lights, and 
 
 is worthy of its place in the already brilliant series of monographs 
 on American Statesmen. — Prof. Moses Coit Tyler. 
 
 c:f ACK'^ON P^o^sssor Sumner has ... all in all, made the 
 •f^ UAOty^v. j^stgst jQj^g estimate of Jackson that has had itself 
 put between the covers of a book. — New York Times. 
 
 VATV R rrP F AT '^^^^ absorbing book. . . . To give any ade- 
 t^^iy JD uj^iLiM. q^^^g .^^^ ^£ ^j^g personal interest of the book, 
 
 or its intimate bearing on nearly the whole course of our political 
 history, would be equivalent to quoting the larger part of it. — Brook- 
 lyn Eagle. 
 
 frj Y We have in this life of Henry Clay a biography of one of 
 • the most distinguished of American statesmen, and a po- 
 litical history of the United States for the first half of the nineteenth 
 century. Indeed, it is not too much to say that, for the period 
 covered, we have no other book which equals or begins to equal this 
 life of Henry Clay as an introduction to the study of American poli- 
 tics. — Political Science Quarterly (New York). 
 
 WEBSTER ^^ ^''^ ^^ ^^^^ ^y students of history ; it will be 
 
 invaluable as a work of reference; it will be an 
 
 authority as regards matters of fact and criticism; it hits the key- 
 
 c 
 
note of Webster's durable and ever-growing fame ; it is adequate, 
 calm, impartial ; it is admirable. — Philadelphia Press, 
 
 f^ y, T TT/^ rTAT Nothing can exceed the skill with which the political 
 CAJ-y-tiU Uiy. career of the great South Carolinian is portrayed 
 in these pages. . . . The whole discussion in relation to Calhoun's 
 position is eminently philosophical and just. — The Dial (Chicago). 
 
 TiJi ATTdlV ■^^ interesting addition to our political literature, 
 j51Ll\l L IV. ^^^ ^^jj j^g q£ great service if it spread an admiration 
 for that austere public morality which was one of the marked charac- 
 teristics of its chief figure. — The Epoch (New York). 
 
 CA 9 9 Professor McLaughlin has given us one of the most satis- 
 C-rtfoo. factory volumes in this able and important series. . . . 
 The early life of Cass was devoted to the Northwest, and in the 
 transformation which overtook it the work of Cass was the work of 
 a national statesman. — New York Times. 
 
 T TTJCn r AT "^s ^ ^^^^ °^ Lincoln it has no competitors ; as a 
 luJIML. UJ^1\. political history of the Union side during the Civil 
 War, it is the most comprehensive, and, in proportion to its range, 
 the most compact. — Harvard Graduates'' Magazine. 
 
 OPU/-/1 pD The public will be grateful for his conscientious 
 0-£i yVAKJJ. efforts to write a popular vindication of one of the 
 ablest, most brilliant, fascinating, energetic, ambitious, and patriotic 
 men in American history. — New York Evening Post. 
 
 f-TTA e/T H'is great career as anti-slavery leader. United States 
 LyTiACiJt,. ggmator, Governor of Ohio, Secretary of the Treasury, 
 and Chief Justice of the United States, is described in an adequate 
 and effective manner by Professor Hart. 
 
 CHASLES FRANCIS ADAMS. Si^e^hf Cm' Waf! 
 
 and the masterly ability and consummate diplomatic skill displayed 
 by him while Minister to Great Britain, are judiciously set forth by 
 his eminent son. 
 
 ^riMATF P ^^^ majestic devotion of Sumner to the highest po- 
 ^ UIVliyiLK. ijtjcal ideals before and during his long term of lofty 
 service to freedom in the United States Senate is fittmgly delineated 
 by Mr. Storey. 
 
 ^TFVFMK Thaddeus Stevens was unquestionably one of the 
 *^-C-^VO. j^Qgj. conspicuous figures of his time. . . . The book 
 shows him the eccentric, fiery, and masterful congressional leaded 
 that he was. — City and State (Philadelphia). 
 
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