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"■> >• •t;^ > s^ .^ -^ ^1^ • ^ - > ^ > > :^\5>'- 1 ^ :> > > ■ * ^ 5 >^> >- » > ^•. _7> ' - > > > .,ji ^ :3& '- JK>^ >->■ SS*" ■- -^"^-^'-^^ — ''^ , > :>'"-Sl>^.:':'^^^J^' . -J"* > ::3 > > ■ "5*' -^ ^^£:^3^ _ :» i> ' ■. ^ »^^S»»->^iP!' .^ -^ ' -~^ :* v>. >. .;;^v ■^'t^^ -7*' -' ■ --^ -- > -^ *. ^i> >> -..^ '")■ r !>■ ^> ->'• ■ _~-** ■» J. ^ tr**- -■■ • ^ . -?-' T» ^ > ->-':>P*::' ' ► > 1 : ^' ' ni^ r ■> .•.^::.-3s^ *,■■ • :> V I J3»- ■ ^ l» ■> .?> >^ •■' \ '->-■. "^ .—^ ^■^ .> :--*':^:»» " ■ ;■■: ^=!«« . ■ .> > -■»* ■ M -,;> ■^ ^ RUSSIA AND ENGLAND / IN CENTRAL ASIA. A PROBLEM. The object of this pamphlet is to make some remarks on cer- tain serious aspects of wliat is called the Central Asia question, or the relations of England and Russia in Asia, — a subject of increasing interest in the present day. Next in importance to the gi-eat phenomenon of the present time in the peopling of the wilds of America by the Anglo Saxon race, is that of the extension of the Anglo Saxon and Russian power over Asia. The ancestors of the English and Russians, more than three thousand years ago, lived together in Central Asia; they subsequently emigrated, some towards the rising and otliers towards the setting sun ; the Slavonic race settling in Russia, the forefathers of the Anglo Saxon, a kindred Aryan one, in England and America. After a variety of revolutions, the Russian race started from St. Petersburg, as the centre, moving down south, while England taking Cal- cutta as its basis has moved north, and now both branches of the great Aryan race are again neighbors in Central Asia. The serious problem, however, arises in consequence of this neighborhood : Are these two great powers to waste their re- sources in counteracting each other, in reviving the miser- able policy of former ages, which regarded with malevolent eyes the prosperity of neighboring States ? Are they to enter on a war respecting boundaries which may cost both nations more than 400 millions sterling and throw back civilization for a long period ? Or, are England and Russia to take the nobler part of waging a joint war against Moslem fanaticism and Asiatic barbarism, in promoting a Christian civilization and cherishing only a friendly rivalry, in raising out of the dust the prostrate races of Asia and opening out the dark places of the earth, to the light of the nineteenth century ? 2 CENTRAL ASIA AND RUSSIA S POSITION. By Central Asia is generally meant these countries east of the Caspian, but west of Chinese Tartary ; with the exception of Persia and Afghanistan, all the lands extending between Russian and English dominion. These regions, now desolate, were the hives which 3000 years ago sent out in swarms the ancestors of the Russians, English, Germans, and Hindus to populate Europe and Southern Asia. Subsequently Central Asia became a link of political and commercial connection between Europe and Asia in the time of the Greeks, Venetians, and Gen- oese. Peter the Great took a sti'ong interest in Central Asia as a means of pushing forward his scheme of commercial inter- course with India. It was the seat of the Empire of Timur and Genghis Khan, the abode of learning and the centre of Moslem propagandism. For the last half century the country has again been coming into notice in connection with what is called the Central Asia question, i. e. the relative position of England and Russia towards each other in Central Asia. Civilization is invading these dark places of the earth, and while their po- litical condition in relation to Europe has been frequently be- fore the public eye — the fact has been overlooked that any European Government must be a boon to their degraded and oppressed inhabitants. The present position of Russia in Central Asia is that of a power which is advancing with rapid but quiet strides, moving from North to South in about the same ratio as England has advanced from South to North in India, so that ere long there must be in the nature of things, only the two Em- pires of England and Russia with their respectively protected native States. All the Eastern powers will practically be crashed between the two mighty Colossi. They will not be able to remain without the sphere of England or Russia's political power — Japhet will thus be dwelling in the tents of Shera. The great question arises out of this, is it to lead to a mutual cooperation or to a hostile suspicious policy on both sides, in fact to an armed peace with all its evils of increasing taxation — the Moslem and Hindu grinning at the Christian brethren. It is true the question is one, also, of boundaries among re- mote barbarous tribes, and of the policy to be pursued towards them by two great Empires. The subject is certainly somewhat obscure, from its lying with far distant Asiatic nations — but the issues are very clear ; they are these : Are the disputes between England and Russia regarding boundar- ies in Central Asia to be left in the hands of political intrigu- ers, or military writers — whose arbitrament is the sword — ^the A RUSSIAN GENERALS PLAN FOR PLUNDERING INDIA, 3 uUima ratio regum ? Are they to be allowed to increase un- til bot'.i parties may be so exasperated that a spark may kindle a flame which Avould burn away to the irreparable injury of civilization, and the upsetting much of the work of progress in Asia ? Look at the large sums that have been spent by England, Ger- many, and America during the last quarter of a century on education, Missions, and civilizing agencies in India, Duhamel, a Russian General, laid dovi^n a plan of an invasion of India in 1854 by offering, as former conquerors did, the plunder of India to the wild tribes of Central Asia as an in- ducement to them to join Russia in the invasion. In the memoranda of the General for the Russian oflicers about the period of the Krimean war, the plan is laid down in the calmest manner that the fierce Turkomans and Af- ghans should be allured to the Russian standard by the hopes of the plunder of India, that the native population should be first encouraged to revolt, and then abandoned to their fate. We know from the experience of the Indian mutiny what that means. It would be something like Paris un- der the Commune — scenes of the most thorough anarchy with the worst characters in the front, the scum always rising to the surface — the destruction of Churches, School Houses, Libra- ries. On the other hand, retribution would take place in Cen- tral Asia and much of Russia's beneficent and civilizing action would be suspended. It is fearful to think what a destruction of property and the fruits of civilization might result during a period of an- archy; we know what it was in the mutiny. Almost all the pamphlets that treat of Central Asia have been written by military men, and from their stand point they seem to take for granted that England and Russia in Asia are natural enemies, that their interests must necessarily clash, and that there is no possibility of an understanding. These writers have shown great ability, but they have judged, the question from too exclusively an Indian or military stand point. They do not take into account the general policy of Russia and Eng- land, the complications of European politics, and that Central Asia is only one stage with which Russia has to deal in her Empire march on to the North East, when her sway, to the advantage of the native races, will, we hope, extend from Samarkand to Pekin. They discuss the question in the samepoint of view as those did who wrote on the French In- vasion of England, who ignored altogether the relations^ of France with other countries, and the various peace agencies. 4 THE CZAR AND ENGLISH GOVERNMENT VERY FRIENDLY. Doubtless there are breakers ahead, and it requires a skilful pilot to guide Russia and England through these, without coming into collision. While the correspondence on the Central Asia Question published by the House of Commons is very satisfactory in showing how the two governments of England and Russia, ap- proaching one part of the Central Asia question with calm well disposed minds, have decided points that a few years ago might have kindled the torch of war, viz.. The Afghan boundary ; but the next and more difficult one is the limits of Russia in regard to the Persian side of the Indian Empire. England here, with justice, objects to a nearer approach of Russia. To use the language of the Earl of Clarendon, "the only apprehension we had was, that the nearer approach of the Russians and intrigues with native chiefs might keep the native mind in a ferment and entail upon us much trouble and expense." The Governments of England and Russia have shown them- selves anxious to remove anything which would endanger the good understanding between the countries, avoiding the dan- ger of future collision by friendly explanations. It is well the matter is in the hands of the Governments, as the ignor- ance of the people in both Russia and England on subjects i-elating to Asia is so profound that any stump orator or sen- sational journalist in either country might raise the war cry of Russian invasion of India, or English jealousy of Russian progress, — Anglo phobia or Russo phobia. In an interview that Sir A. Buchanan, the English Ambas- sador of Russia, had with the Czar at St. Petersburgh in 1869, while both were strongly in favor of continuing the good un- derstanding that exists between the two governments, the Ambassador stated that the English and India governments " looked upon the events which had recently taken place in Central Asia without any feelings of distrust or apprehension, and that they would neither take measures themselves nor sanction intrigues on the part of others, of a nature to disturb the tranquillity of the Provinces now occupied by Russia, but his Majesty should remember that the number of persons in England is very great, who are directly and personally in- terested in the prosperity and tranquillity of India, and that in the event of a conflict between Russia and Afghanistan, or of the entrance of Russian troops into Provinces bordering on India, the fears of these persons miglit t>e worked upon by the party of action in India, and public ojnnion become so ex- cited that her Majesty's government might be obliged to take THE DANGER FROM FRONTIER OFFICERS AND INTRIGUERS O measures to satisfy it entirely inconsistent loith the views they at present entertain ; that his Majesty was doubtless aware of the extreme sensitiveness of persons whose interests are affected by political eventualities, and he could appreciate the influence which tlie apprehensions of such persons might have on public opinion in England." The Emperor answered that he quite understood this, and that it was only natural ; that there was no probability of any event occurring to create such a state of feeling. The Czar said this in 1869, and the same year the Earl of Clarendon, the English Foreign Minister stated to Baron Brunnow, the Russian Ambassador, " her Majesty's government felt no susj^iciou nor alarm respecting the policy of Russia in Central Asia, — but that these feelings were not generally shared either by the British or the India public, — that unless stringent pre- cautions were adopted we should find before long that some aspiring Russian General had entered into communication with some restless or malcontent Indian Prince, and that in- trigues were rife and disturbing its Indian population on the frontiers, against which her Majesty's government would have a right to remonstrate with Russia." But practically it would be more than a remonstrance ; it would be a demonstration which might any day lead to collision. It is only last year the move on Kliiva aroused a very strong feeling in England and India, which, had it not been for the conciliatory disposition of both governments, might have led to serious measures. Though the respective governments are friendly, the dangers are increasing, "from the acts of military officers, or restless po- litical agents on the frontier, who are at a great distance from the seat of government, and there was always some frontier to be improved, some broken engagement to be repaired, some faithless ally to be punished." Prince Gortchakoff admitted ta the English Ambassador in 1869 " there is doubtless a desire among Russian military men, who wish to gain decorations, that we should make further conquests in Central Asia.'' The English Ambassador, on the other hand, stated '' that if any circumstances should occur to disturb the present good under- standing of the two governments, it could only come from the xinanthorized action of officers on the frontiers. But he might rest assured that the officers of the government of India would not be the offending parties, — but the events of the last two years did not inspke him with great confidence in the modera- tion of the Russian officers employed in Central Asia, and imprudent proceedings on their part., notwithstanding the most friendly intentions of her Majesty's government, might 6 England's stake in india — the Russian army. occasion the most serious evils, for if Russian troops were to enter Afghanistan or tJie 2y>'ovinces contiguoxis to India, a cry for defensive measures w^hich would find an echo in every town in England, might excite public opinion to a degree which would force the government into a policy of antagonism to Russid, which it is their anxious desire to avoid." The Russian Secretary admitted there might be Russian officers in Central Asia on Avhose prudence no reliance was to be placed, and Prince Gortchakoff stated that the military com- manders in Turkistan had all exceeded their instructions in the liope of gaining distinction, and they consequently, one after the other, had been recalled. England dislikes war and cares little for military glory ; she justly honors a pacific policy, and is adopting the soiind view of non-intervention, — but one thing is clear: let any imminent danger threaten India from foreign interference or intrigue, and the nation will wake up as one man to suffer no plundering of this, "the brightest jewel in the British crown." England looks on India not only as a gain but also as as trust, and would contend with all her might for its retention as Russia did for Poland — it would be therefore a war ad outraiice. The comwierce between England and India amounts to one hundred millions sterling, and this is on the increase; in 1814 it was only seven millions sterling- Maihcai/ prop- erty is invested in India to the a g ount of nearly one hundred millions sterling, held chiefly by English sharehold- ers. What a sphere India has opened out to English families. There are few English families who are not more or less con- nected with lu'ia. India yields a revenue of fifty millions sterling, the greiter part of which is spent on Indian objects ; still it supporta a large body of Englishmen and uj^holds English interest. Russia has 160,000 soldiers in the Caucasus who have now little to do and who chafe under inaction. They want new Hceues of excitement and what they call glory; but in Russia, according to the new military arrangement, there will soon be more than 2,000,000 soldiers. Central Asia is an open ficM ; thither ambitious spirits are pressing; we know from Indi.i what this means, and how difficult it is to keep them nnder control ; and we have seen, as in the Alabama case, how th'- mercenary interests of Liverpool ship»owners imperilled the relations between England and America. The^e Russian officers influence the press and the liigher fn!u-tio;iari(>s of State; they fret away in a state of inaction, LORD MAYO AND PRINCE GORTCHAKOFF. 7 they loug for excitement and the prizes of war. Their object on the frontier of India would be to create in each state a Russian party among Orientals, ever lookinor hopefully to Russia for encouragement and support, while cherishing a spirit of suspicion towards England. In the nineteenth century are we then to have the spectacle of the interests of two mighty empires imperilled, and the cause of progress thrown back ? For what ? The personal interests of some Generals and political oiEcers, who have not to pay the cost of war, whose promotion is to be secured by the ruin of millions ? Are England with 240^0000,000 Indian subjects, and Russia with one-seventh of the globe in her possession to be placed in collision in connection with a few millions of acres of land ? Happily for mankind, generals anxious to fight, and poli- ticians wishing to fish in troubled waters do not always lead their governments. In the higher regions there are men with cooler heads than panic-struck frontier oflScers. We shall quote the views of two of these men on this question : Lord Mayo^ late Governor-General of India, states : "Any one that contributes in the least degree to bring about a thorough entente cordiale on Asian questions, between Russia and England, will perfom a service to humanity, to the inter- ests of civilization, and the welfare of the subjects of both Governments.'' Sir H. Rawlinson, member of the Council of India in the Geo- graphical Society's Meeting 24th June, 1872, states : "Through these countries ( Y'arkand, Kashgar Kulja,) Russia and England must ultimately be brought in contact. It is a law of nature and must happen. The great object should therefore be, so to conduct relations between the two great empires, that when the contest took place it should not be in the form of a collision but as an ordinary approach of civilised nations, and under these circumstances he did not apprehend any danger." Prince Gortchakoff, the Foreign Minister of Russia, in a despatch to Baron Brunnow, in 1869, has expressed a sentiment regarding India which we believe finds an echo in many a Russian breast, the military excepted : " I am not now speaking of the old prejudices respecting the British possessions in India. It is evident that there is not now a single civilized state in the whole world which would not prefer seeing those countries under the enlightened rule which extends to their well-being and progress, to seeing them fall back into a state of anarchy and barbarism." Would that Prince Gortchakoif could inoculate Russian frontier officerswith these views. 8 A GOOD UNDERSTANDING NECESSARY. The majority of enlightened Englishmen, on the other hand would reciprocate the same feeling toward Russia as regards the fall of the Tartar power in the Crimea, the subjugation of the semi-savage Caucasians, and of slavery and Moslem fanati- cism in Central Asia. Sir C. Wingfield, M. P., gave utterance to a sentiment in the House of Commons to which the English press is reechoing, "I do not believe Russia will retire from Khiva, and, what is more, I hope she will not. I wish to see this nest of robbers — these scourges of humanity — reduced to order and civilization." The great desideratum, then, is a good understanding be- tween the two powers regarding Central Asia. By good understanding we do not mean a concurrence in all points of policy. There may be friendship between nations as between individuals, while in various matters they agree to differ — unitas in diversitate. Such has been the case be- tween England and France, between England and America. John Bull and Brother Jonathan have sometimes given each other hai'd knocks, but yet they have been, ou the whole, good friends, and have entertained for each other a great deal of family affection and mutual re?!pect. So with Russia as the head of the Slavonic, and England of the Anglo Saxon race ; there must necessarily be some discordance, but the rent does not reach the foundation. We have an illustration of this principle in the case of America and Russia, though one be a semi-autocratic and the other a republican Government ; though there be a wide dif- ference in points relative to religion and social life, yet there exists a good understanding between the two countries. Now, England has stronger commercial, literary, and religious ties with Russia than America has, while from the experience gained in her Eastern Empire she can appreciate to a higher degree the Slavic or semi-oriental spirit so deeply rooted in the Rus- Bian people. What we mean then by a good understanding in Central Asia is that amicable arrangement of frontiers, on the principle of non-intervention with each other, or one party playing off native states against the other. So, that in the language of Prince Gortchakoff, " the two countries could, in all security,. devote themselves to the accomplishment of the mission of civ- ilisation, each in her natural sphere, even lending, it may be, one to the other, that assistance which is the natui*al conse- quence, in our day, of the universal diffusion of intelligence and progress." We have encouraging examples of both empires mutually THE KHAN OF KHIVA AND THE CZAR. 9 carrying out the principle of non-intervention. The Khan of Khiva sent an ambassador on a recent occasion to the Gover- nor General of India, asking him to interfere against Russia on behalf of Khiva. The Governor General, Lord ISTorthbrooke, sent a decided refusal, and recommended him to settle his dif- ferences with the Emperor of Russia. Similarly Lord Law- rence replied to a request of the same kind from the Emir of Bokhara, i-eminding him of the murder of the British officers in that country, and. declining to interfere. On the part of Russia, we have the beginning of a similar policy. An ex-ruler of Afghanistan applied to Russia to help him to conquer the throne of Kabul stating it was indispens- able for the interests of Russia. The Russian Governor re- plied that the relations of Russia with England are of the most friendly and harmonious character, and declining to interfere in any way, Russia being determined to abstain from all inter- ference with the internal affairs of Afghanistan, "Avhich is under the protection of the English Government, who are friendly towards that of the Czar." Prince Gortchakoff has given a positive assuiance that Afghanistan would be con- sidered as entirely beyond the sphere in which Russia might be called upon to exercise influence." We have another illustration of this lately, when the Czar^ hearing of the great distrust and alarm created in England by the contemplated expedition against Khiva, and the alleged occupation of the Valley of the Attrek, highly to his honor sent over Count Schuvalof to England in order to allay the anxiety that evidently existed in the public mind. The Count, who was the Emperor's trusted friend, stated " that his Majesty was determined that in the pending settlement of the precise boundaries there should be no cause of difference between the two countries." There is an improved tone in English public opinion with regard to Russia — people are beginning to recognize that Russian advance in Central Asia is no more necessarily con- nected with hostility to British India than has been the English advance in India with designs against Russia in Cen- tral Asia. Both countries have been impelled by causes arising out of the state of the native governments — a pack of cards which, when you throw one down the rest follow — in both empires the governments have been forced on by the tide of military and commercial enterprise. That dog-in-the-manger jealousy which would rather leave Central Asia in its barbarism and under the yoke of Moslem fanaticism than have it under the sway of Russia, is rapidly 10 RUSSIA DESERVES ENGLISH SYMPATHY. dying away. The English press, with few exceptions, while justly arguing in favor of defensive measures and a watchful policy, for the protection of our Indian Empire against malcontent native chiefs or the intrigue of ambitious military officers, has hailed Russia as a pioneer of trade and civilization in Asia. And why should not the links of trade, social and lite- ary intercourse which have for a long period been drawing England and Russia closer together in Europe, be extended to Asia ? Is the immortal hate between two Christian powers to be exhibited in the face of Moslem and Hindu ? Is the manifest destiny of Asia to be christianized and civilized by England and Russia, to be thrown back because of the in- trigues of miserable Afghans and Persians ? England has too often looked at Russia through Polish spectacles, while few Russians visited England to give a more correct view of things — but matters are changing. Englishmen are beginning to travel in Russia, and books on Russia are coming more and more into the English market. The ties of commercial intercourse are increasing between the two countries. There is no country in Europe where English litera- ture is more highly appreciated, than in Russia. The employ- ment of more than 500 English governesses in Russia indi- cates the increasing study of the language. Englishmen have stood high in the Russian service, and the commercial interests of the two Empires have been linked together for three centuries. The wave of civilization ought not to be arrested in its Eastern course: Russia has a noble career before lier, extend- ing for several thousand miles from Turkistan to the Amoor territory; the Moslem and the Chinese must recede, as she ad- vances. The prodigious strides Russia is making in internal reform, must naturally extend to her dependencies. We find in Turkistan municipal institutions established, schools opened, newspapers in the native languages, roads cut through mountain passes, and the merchant following in the wake. Of course Russia is greatly behind England, but she is advancing ; roads, and trade follow in the line of her conquests. Look at the Southern coast of Russia now, with its second Liverpool in Odessa, and contrast it with what it was under Tartar or Turkish rale. We hope the day is not far distant when Central Asia will receive, like Southern Russia, the rays of modern enlightenment. Now, what the Romans are considered to have done as pio- THE RUSSIAN PRE S ON ENGLAND-CONSTANTINOPLE. 11 neers for Christianity, and what England has been doing in the East, Avith a similar eifect, surely may be allowed to Russia, though haud pdri passu — she has great efforts to make before she can get a body of agents like those of the East India Company. But still progress is making, roads are opening out the wastes of Central Asia, schools are being established, trade and commerce are being protected. Its peasantry are being improved and the great reforms which are being carried out in Russia must react on Central Asia. "Dixon's Free Russia " and " Eckhard's Russia" will fur- nish a considerable amount of information on the reforms now being carried out in Russia. We have referred to the obstacles presented to this good understanding by frontierofficers and political intriguers. There is a more serious one in the Turkish question. As long as this remains in its unsettled state we cannot expect full harmony in Central Asia, but the long discussed subject of the Turkish Empire is even more of an Austrian or German question than of an English one, as General Fadaief has shown in his able pamphlet. The Falmerston party in England has lost much of its ascendancy, and public opinion in England has also lost much of its confidence in the permanence of Turkish rule, and is more inclined to a policy to settle the question of Constanti- nople among the Five Powers by a system of compromise and concession. The Russian press and public opinion have regarded the suspicions excited in England and India by Russian progress in the East, as caused by simple jealousy of Russia. It is very important for England to remove that impression, by showing that she lias viewed with satisfaction the great reforms and progress in Russia as invaluable for the Russian people and calculated to bring the two countries into closer sympathy, — that Russia's development is a source of pleasure to Great Britain — that slave-hating Albion and serf-emancipating Russia have a mighty link of connection — and that her jealousy is not towards the Russian people, but towards unscrupulous military agents, not from any unworthy feeling of Russia's ad- vance in the scale of nations but from the dangers of collision between the Empires, owing to treacherous diplomatists and intriguing military officers — that these men are sparks in a house of combustibles and ought to be brought under strict control. They should not be allowed to set a house on fire in order to roast their goose in the flames. Some say the matter is in the hands of the two governments, 12 PUBLIC OPINION — A PRIZE ESSAY. and ifs progressing satisfactorily — what can public men do? Very true, but there are ambitious and military influ- ences, on both sides, brought to bear against a peace policy, and there ought to be some counteractive to support both the governments. The devil is not asleep, and passions on both sides are in danger of being enlisted — men gradually drift into war. The voice of the press and the platform ought to be heard on this subject. Public opinion is at sea as to the points at issue, and requires enlightenment. If military men and tort- uous diplomatists mislead the press and nothing be done against them, then is the cause of peace lost. One step towards informing public opinion on this question might be the ofier of a prize of 300£ for the best essay on the following subject : " A good understanding between England and Russia on the Central Asia question necessary, not only to the welfare of both Empires, but also to the promotion of Chris- tianity and civilization in the East : The obstacles to this good understanding and the best way of removing them." As in the " Alabama " case, public opinion and the press contributed very much to the peacable solution of the ques- tion by showing that the cost of a war would far exceed any gain arising from the arbitrament of the sword, and that the points in which the interests of both countries coincided were far more numerous than those in which they differed. So ought it to be in this question of frontiers between England and Russia — but a watchful eye must be kept on frontier officers and fron- tier tribes. Persia, Afghanistan and Bokhara, with their misei*- ably poor populations and barren lands, must be reduced to order, and taught by England and Russia that they are not to involve two great Empires. Public opinion in France, Germany and America sliould not look on this Central Asia question as a mere private quarrel or duel between two nations, like that recently between France and Grermany — apart from what would be a melancholy spec- tacle in seeing two such Empires making Asia a cock-pit for the amusement of Hindu and Mahommedan spectators — there is this serious matter, that in the present state of international relations, it would be difficult to prevent a general conflagra- tion. Some foreigners say this question relates to obscure, half- savage tribes, in a distant country, with barbaric names we cannob pronounce. What have we to do with the petty wars among jealous commanders? But in the case of two great AMERICA AND OTHER NATIONS INTERESTED. 13 Empires there is the saying, " When your neighbor's house is on fire you must look to your own." A spark of war lighted up in Central Asia would spread all over the globe, wherever England and Russia have possessions, and involve other nations in the conflagration. The history of the world gives illustra- tions enough of this. It might precipitate the long dreaded solution of the Eastei-n question. The materials of combustion are very numerous in Turkey, Austria and France, and the flame once lighted, there is no fixing the limit of its ravages. America, as removed out of the sphere of political antagonism, united to England by the bonds of family, liter- ary, and commercial ties, and standing on the best terms with Russia, having a stake in Asia in connection with her mission- ary and mercantile enterprises, might do something as a peace-maker, in the way of recommending a policy of concilia- tion and concession between England and Russia — by bringing public opinion and the press to bear on it, and by showing from her standpoint how eminently conducive to the progress of Christianity and civilization in the East is an accord between Russia and England — how the points in which they agree are far more important than those in which they differ. The pacific solution of the Central Asia question not only affects England and Russia, but also the following classes in various countries : 1. Merchants : The opening of the Suez Canal has thrown India and the East open to the commerce of the world. England allows free trade in India. Italy, Germany, France, Spain, Holland, and America are availing themselves of the new route. The trade between India and Europe now exceeds 100,000,000 sterling, and is rapidly on the increase. 2. The friends of human progress have viewed with de- light the advance Russia is making in the career of social and judicial reform ; in the extension of her railway lines, and in the completing of her mighty work of Serf emancipation. These re- quire a series of years, and the devotion of large sums of money for their successful accomplishment. The same remarks apply to British India with its teeming population of 240,000,000,whom England is gradually training up to self-gov- ernment. Any one acquainted with British India will see in the history of that Empire how the ambition of generals and the unscrupulousness of statesmen have been overruled by God to give a government to that country which, with all its shortcom- ings, has been a pioneer to Christianity by its protection of the rights of conscience, its promotion of education, its opening 14 MOHAMMADANISM STIRRING UP STRIFE. out its dark places of the earth to the light of Christian civ- lization, its repressing Hindu and Moslem fanaticism, its rais- ing up a middle class independent of priestly influences.j 3, The opponents of Moslem barbarism and ignora7ice. This Central Asia question is one of the last phases in the history of Mohammedanism — the crescent flag, which in quite recent times moved up to Vienna, which ruled in Hungary for a century and a half, (for Hungary was a Turkish province at the period when the English founded Calcutta,) which swept over the Mediterranean for centuries, is now fading and tat- tered. The Moslem wave which once threa'ened to sweep over Europe, and to establish the rule of the Koran in London itself, is now receding; the mystical Euphrates is drying up; and no two Powers have contributed more to this than England and Russia, who may be truly called the Kings of the East. England has scotched the snake of the Mohammed- an temporal power in Delhi andLakhnau, while Russia which groaned under the Moslem yoke for three centuries is doing it in the Caucasus, Samarkand, and Bokhara. Central Asia has been the chosen seat of the last stronghold of Moslem fanaticism, where even English officers have had to submit to death be- cause they would not embrace the Koran. But now all this is changed, since the Russian flag waves over the towers of Bokhara the holy, the Mecca of Central Asia, and the Moslem x;an no more be forced by the whip into tlie Mosque. The expiring hopes of Mohammedanism rest on the last frail reed — a hostile policy between England and Russia in Asia. General Kaufmans, the Governor General of Turkistan, writes in June, 1870 : "There is reason to believe that the excited feeling which at this moment exists in the Khanate of Central Asia, bordering on our frontier, partly arises from the conviction which prevails throughout these countries, and more especially among the Afghans, that oxoing to an implacable hatred of one another the Russian and English must sooner or later come to blows in Asia.'''' What an exemplification of the old adage, " See how the Christians hate each other ! " Orientals understand the policy of divide et impera; " when rogues fall out honest men come by their own." When the Turkish guns were thundering at the gates of Constantinople, the Greeks were discussing obscure questions oi dogma, but both parties were swept away by the Turks. Every Mullah prays daily that the two infidel powers of England and Russia might destroy each other's influence so that the true believers in Islam might carry off the spoil. THE FRIENDS OF MISSIONS INTERESTED. 15 4. The ;friends of Missions and Bible Circulation. The British and Foreign Bible Society states in its last Report on Bible circulation in Russia : "Russia in its geography, dominion, variety of races, multipli- city of population, and diversity of languages is a world in itself, and opens a boundless prospect of Bible circulation : — indeed, in the whole range of the Society's operations there is no country under the sun in which the development of Bible work has been measured by equal breadth and rapidity, and every movement forward seems to reveal a still limitless region beyond which multitudes are stretching forth their hands to crave the bread of life." 6. The friends of the Masses have a deep interest in this ques- tion. The idea of raising the people, the pi'ostrate millions is one that has never entered the oriental mind — priests and princes have had the full sway in the East for ages, to the neglect of the dumb millions. Both Hinduism and Mohammed- anism have treated the lower classes as the dust of their feet. Now motives of self-interest if no higher, must lead;cRus8ia, as it has led England in India, to side with the masses, as all the danger of revolt lies with a fanatical priesthood and feudal chieftains. — -This has led her in Poland, as in Turkistan, to take a liberal course and quite in accordance with the glorious serf- emancipating policy of tlie Czar. We conclude this very imperfect view of a great ques- tion with quoting the noble remarks of the Prime Minister of England, when speaking lately in the House of Commons on the subject of the proposed marriage between the son of Queen Victoria and the daughter of the Emperor of Russia: " I may also say that, although in the vicissitudes of history the time came when we were compelled from special circumstan ces to regard the Russian Empire as a hostile State, yet God for- bid that we should contemplate the recurrence of such a period — (cheers) — or, what is still worse, that we should accustom ourselves or allow ourselves to cherish sentiments of hostility or suspicion against a Power with which we are in alliance. (Cheers.) I rejoice, and I believe the house and the country will rejoice, at the formation of this new tie of amity between two great empires ; and permit me to say that if we were to exercise a choice as to the period of time at which we could de- sire that a relation of this kind should be formed between the Imperial family of Russia and the Royal House of the United Kingdom, we may well be pleased that it has happened in the 16 MR. GLADSTONE ON RUSSIA. reigu of an Emperor like liis Imperial Majesty, who has already signalized his sway, not by schemes of reckless aggrandise- ment, nor by mere pomp and display in the face of a too-easily admiring world, but by that one great act of legislative wis- dom and humanity wliich stands almost without a parallel in history, and which is of itself enough to make a reign not only honorable, but illustrious — I mean the emancipation of the serfs of Russia. (Cheers.) Lastly, I rejoice that it falls to me to make this proposal at a time when, even within the last few months, the Imperial Government, under the direction of its illustrious head, has given more than one practical assurance of its desire to pursue a friendly policy towards this country. (Cheers.) NKW TORK: AMERICAN CHURCH rRKSS PRINTING CO., 4 IT. MASK i FLACK. tft • g:((Z ,<>«rc tfc ■ <.A