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 JACKSON MEETING ^F THE f^^th DAY 0? ':ARCH 
 
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 ESSEX JACKSON MEETING 
 
 
 At a Convention of the friends of Gen. Jackson in the Coun- 
 ty of Essex, holden at Haverhill on the 27th day of March, 
 Col. JOHN JOHNSON, Chairman, 
 Capt. WILLIAM HASELTINE, Secy 
 ihe following Address and Resolutions were adopted. 
 
 ADDRESS. 
 
 Fellow Citizens, — We address you with a diffidence, bor- 
 dering upon timidity. It is painful to us, to prefer the Presiden- 
 tial candidate of the western States ; for our feelings cling to 
 New England, in spite of our judgment. Having however no 
 other motive than a sense of duty, believing that Mr. Adams 
 would not receive your votes, if he lived south of the Potomac, 
 — knowing that he has assumed upon himself the responsibility 
 of the most obnoxious proceedings of Gen. Jackson, in whom 
 the Adams party placed their confidence at the last election, by 
 givintr him their support for the office of Vice President, we now 
 merely wish to be heard in our defence against the charge of 
 being unfaithful to New England. 
 
 It is neither liberal nor wise to support a man for local consid- 
 erations. The question should be, not where a candidate be- 
 longs, but is he more worthy than his competitors; for the 
 iTiost worthy should receive your favour without regard to his 
 native state, or to the honors heretofore granted to that state. 
 Should the claims of the candidates be equal, then the states 
 may justly indulge their local feelings, but not otherwise; for we 
 should do as we would be done by. and we should feel wronged, 
 if a citizen of jMassachusetts, confessedly more deserving than 
 any other candidate, should be rejected because he did not be- 
 long to the Southern States. No honorable competition can ex- 
 ist, if the Presidency is trafficked away like a commodity, by 
 leagues among the States. It is also impolitic, for the New 
 England States, to combine for the mere purpose of electing a 
 New England n)an, because other Slates will retaliate, when- 
 ever we present a candidate more deserving than the candiilates 
 
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of other sections. In such a case, we should be attached to oar 
 candidate, because he would be a great and good man, and be- 
 cause his popularity abroad would be gratifying to us at home. 
 Tile Virginia Candidates were elected, not because they were 
 Virginians, but because they were superior to their rivals. 
 They never provoked a majority of Congress into the opposi- 
 tion, or brought an odium upon Virginia, but other States held 
 her in affection in proportion to the favour vouchsafed to her 
 Presidents. 
 
 The support of sectional Candidates is a dangerous pre- 
 cedent. Quarrels among states not unfrequently n7enace the 
 government. An embargo enriches one State and impoverishes 
 anot^ier. A war is popular in the west and odious in the east. 
 Questions upon slavery, separate the north from the south, agri- 
 cultural Slates are jealous of the regulations of Commerce ; our 
 foreign relations, and internal improvements are sure to excite 
 feuds among the States. If in addition, the different States be- 
 come addicted to wage a paper war upon each other, there is 
 danger that a more bloody conflict will be engendered. 
 
 If New England was interested in any specific policy, which 
 could only be pursued by a President of her own, there would 
 seem to be a reason for uniting in his support, although the ex- 
 periment would be deprecated. But no measures are at stake. 
 We vote for Mr. Adams, for the simple reason that he is the N. 
 England Candidate. If his election would be beneficial to N. 
 England, then the selfish among us, who care more for themselves 
 than the Union, would be expected to vole for him ; but in that case 
 a majorityof you would oppose him, if you believed that his elec- 
 tion would be injuriousto the country, although advantageous toN. 
 England. But if we can make it appear, that his election will 
 not be beneficial, but injurious to New England, then we shall 
 be found acting not against, but for N. England in opposing him. 
 The advantages which we expect from Mr. Adams, are either, 
 that he will favour our interests, or increase our influence — or 
 ihat we shall constructively enjoy a share of his influence. 
 
 Among the interests of New England are the following, whicli 
 neither have nor will engage his attention. 
 
 The Massachusetts claim. This claim is interesting both 
 for the amount demanded, and Uie character of the dominant 
 party in 1814, which is implicated. It is rejected for our sup- 
 posed disloyalty to the Upion. Mr. Adams refuses to advocate 
 this claim, either because he has not sufficient courage, or be- 
 cause he does not believe it just. Mr. Adams was first nomina- 
 ted in the Chronicle and other papers, which denounced the con- 
 duct of Gov. Strong, as rebellious ; but he was better informed 
 and has not the excuse for his neglect, which can be made foi 
 Gen. Jackson's exposition of the second article. He, a stranger,, 
 

 
 WHh most of the western people, believed the reproaches of the 
 Chronicle, when it so repeatedly asserted, Uiat the members of 
 the Hartk)rd Convention, were conspirators and rebels in the 
 employment of the British Government. 
 
 The tarifl'isa New England interest, and party zealots have 
 tried to make it an administruion question, but the manufactur- 
 ers refused to consider it such. 
 
 Yet Mr. Adams, apprised of the further protection whic 
 our mlant factories require, reserves himself in silence, to shape 
 iiis course, not according to our necessities but his own advan- 
 tage. Our Manufactures have been abandoned by him when 
 President, as our merchants were, when he was Senator. 
 
 The Colonial trade has been lost by his niismanagcment. 
 Oiu- West liidia traders have been supplanted by the subjects of 
 the British Dominions This together with his indifference to 
 the fisheries and the French spoliations has materially affected 
 our wealth. 
 
 In delaying to settle the boundary line between Maine and 
 ^ova Scotia, many of the iul.;ibitants of Maine have felt them- 
 selves (o be without the protection of the United States and have' 
 received Irom their own legistature that relief, which Mr. Adams- 
 ought to liave proffered. 
 
 When he came into office, he declaimed in favour of Internal 
 Improvements, and large sums iiave been appropriated to the 
 1' w States m order to purchase their votes, while nothing has 
 been expended in New-England. 
 
 From these facts it is evident that our interest has not been 
 the object nearest to his heart. Our influence has fared no bet- 
 ter. He has appomted neither of his Secretaries from New- 
 England. If he had been as faithful to us as we had been to 
 ium, he would like Vngmia, have appointed his Secretary of 
 Mate from New-England, but that office was the golden bait for 
 Kentucky. No lavours have been granted to N. England and 
 none are expected, beside the mission to England by one of the 
 parties to the sub-terranean bargain. 
 
 Our Senators and Representatives have made great exertions 
 to extend our mfluence, but the truth cannot be concealed, how- 
 over unpalateable it may be, that Adams has been intractable • he 
 j)ursues his private ends, instead of cordially co-operatin- with 
 them He not N. England has obtained power ; not Spenlv 
 andhurly, but, by what the Virginians call a Yankee InJ 
 We suffer abroad the disgrace of his election, and should we 
 continue insensible to our degradation, our characters long since 
 .o.led by Hawkers and Pedlars, will be forever attainted by our 
 President. -^ ""' 
 
 If he himself possessed influence, and we constructively shar- 
 oii m It, an insidious argument might be addressed to our inter- 
 
€ot, i)y U'hich we are swayed perhaps more than becomes us. ta 
 justice to ourselves, we ou^ht to look more to honor, which on 
 occasions like the present is as sale a guide as our interest. But 
 this influence he does not happen to possess. Both houses of 
 Congress are against him, and the merit of the administration 
 belongs not to him, but the opposition, and the argument fails. 
 If we are proud of the glory of our leaders, we are also mortifi- 
 ed at their disgrace. Will not the historian in describing the 
 character of Adams say — 
 
 "The monarchical principles of his father excited in bira a 
 princely ambition. Learned, caustic, and insc'lcnt, by dared 
 all opposition. Social friendship and fashionable airjusements 
 wasted none of his time. Ambition haunted him night and day. 
 The federalists^ who had put their shoulders to the wlieels of 
 his father's administration, saw his restlessness, i:nd endeavoured 
 to keep him quiet by appointing him Professor of Rhetoric in 
 Cambridge, where they hoped his love of literary distinction 
 would absorb his mind. He mistrusted their intentions and re- 
 solved to defeat them. In 1807, just as he was ?upposcd to be 
 retiring forever to tbe halls of science, he astonished the Coun- 
 try by joining Jefferson, the rival of his father, and the dem- 
 ocratic party, which he had bitterly hated. The federalists at 
 this time considered him as a Judas Iscariot or Benedict At-pold, 
 and to screen him from their indignation, he was sent to li>j:sia. 
 The treaty of Ghent gave him popularity, and he was appointed 
 Secretary of State. He immediately began to court the feder- 
 alists, many of whom trusted him a second time. There was a 
 Stygian plot connected with his election to the Presidency, 
 which has never been unravelled. Suffice it to say, the old dem- 
 ocratic party and a portion of the federalists became estranged 
 from him, and he lost his second election, pitied less by bis friends, 
 who could not rely upon him, than by his opponents, wlio were 
 actuated rather by gratitude to Jackson than enmity to Adams." 
 
 We put it to you, fellow citizens, to say whether the chance 
 is not more than equal, that such will be the record of the histo- 
 rian. If so, then we are not so much interested in the construc- 
 tive fame of Mr. Adams, as in avoidiiig the consequences of his 
 defeat. But we ought to have higher motives than the selfish 
 one of supporting a New-Englandcr. Our principles and 
 duties ought to affect us more than our jealousies. No man 
 would avowedly abandon his principles to continue Mr. Adams 
 in office. But wc must either do this or support a man, whose 
 principles may not accord with our own. Do democrats sup- 
 port Mr. Adams, because they are assured he is a democrat, 
 dyed in the wool.^ then the federalists are mistaken in their opin- 
 ion of him. One party or the other must in a measure give up 
 Ihftir former principles of conduct ; and this difficulty cannot be 
 
avoided, by saying that lieiiber party have now any exclusive 
 principles, for ifthat were the case, why do not the democrats 
 in this and other Stales unite with the federalists. They never 
 act with them when they can act without them. A Republican 
 Adams Convention, exclusively so, met yesterday in Ipswich to 
 nominate Senators. If then, he is a pure republican and the Re- 
 publicans will not allow federalists to consult with them, is it 
 consistent in federalists thus tamely to surrender not only their 
 principles but their undoubted rights,as common citizens ol the 
 country, and common members of the Adams party? But some 
 federalists say,he is still a federalist. Then Mr. McLane, and Mr. 
 Tazewell, and other federalists are deceived. On the contrary, 
 if he is a democrat, then Mr.Macon and Mr. Randolph and 
 other democrats arc deceived. Perhaps it is not too uncharitable 
 to say, that his principles are those of the miser, Make money — 
 honestly^ if you can ^ but make money. Those men, therefore, 
 who regard tlieir own principles, ought not to depend upon him 
 who has either bad principles or none at all. As to Gen. .Jack- 
 eon, his principles have never been called in question. He has 
 been uniformly a republican, and yet he boldly says, that federal- 
 ists ought not to be proscribed . We do not contend, that Gen. 
 Jackson is in all respects perfect, but we do say that his faults 
 are compatible with the strictest virtue. And this cannot be said 
 of Adams. Among the saints recorded in scripture, one was 
 passionate, another curse and swore, another committed adultery, 
 but who ever read of a covetous saint ^ 
 
 Our duty to our county, requires us to select, not a New Eng- 
 land President, but one'who is better fitted for the office than 
 other men, and one too, whom the office fits better than other 
 offices. The President does not make laws, or raise troops or 
 declare war ; Congress does these things. The President docs 
 not decide controversies among the people ; this is the province 
 of the Judiciary. He does not manage our internal administra- 
 tion, or foreign intercourse ; this is the province of his Secreta- 
 ries, and foreign Ministers. But the business of the President, 
 in the words of the Constitution, is, to be " the Commander iv 
 Chief of the army and navy of the UnitedSlates and of the nnltiia 
 rf the several Stales:' This is the only appropriate and only 
 exclusive power of the President, except that of " taking caio 
 that the laws are faithfully executed." The Senate has concur- 
 rent jurisdiction with him in making treaties, and appointing of- 
 ficers. He requires the written opinions of his Secretaries, re- 
 lative to all the subjects of their departments. He cannot order 
 Congress to pass laws, but only suggest them for their consider- 
 ation, a power possessed to the same extent by every rncrn- 
 })er. As to his levees and public appearances, a renowned gei> 
 fral would be as acceptable to the people as a pedant ar,d turncoat. 
 
Krrors of opinion spread unaccountably among die people, 
 ImiL "they may be safely tolerated, while reason is left free to 
 combat them," The error, that military chieftains ought not to 
 be Presidents, is the disinleresled logic of Mr. Clay, and it is 
 detected at once by a recurrence to the constitution. We are 
 there told, that the President alone commands the army, navy 
 and militia. This is his constitutional sphere, and he ought not 
 to delegate his authority to another, but discharge it personally. 
 Other duties are assigned toother public servants, and all ought 
 to remain in their allotted orbits. Anarchy would be at the 
 helm, if the President invaded the duties of his Secretaries, or of 
 Congress, or if the latter usurped his prerogative. Whih3 the 
 Constitution remains, the President must command our armies, 
 and who is better qualified than a military chieftain ? 
 
 Will Mr, Adams, who never commanded a platoon, who ne- 
 ver killed a partridge, make a better commander in chief, than 
 Gen. Jackson, whose exploits fdl the world ? Who was best fitted 
 for the Presidency, Washington, or John Adams, who appointed 
 Washington to command the army in 1797 ? In time of peace, 
 a lawyer, a priest, or a woman might answer for President. But 
 the office is created almost altogether for war, and if we had no 
 President during peace, it would be of but little consequence. 
 
 If Gen. Jackson iiad been President during our last war, 
 should we have met with those disasters at the commencement 
 of it.'* Yet those disasters threatened the destruction of the 
 Constitution. Thanks to our naval and military chieftains, their 
 victories established it firmer, and yet we are told by Mr. 
 Clay, that these same chiefiains, who saved the Constitution 
 cainiot be trusted. It is not so. Decision, energy and military 
 skill are the qualifications for the Presidency. The People, in 
 whom the election is vested, can judge of these qualifications, 
 find they may as well elect a President themselves, as choose a 
 civilian, who by proxy shall appoint a commander in chief. 
 
 It is not only our duty to prefer the most suitable man, but to 
 reward eminent patriotism. AVe should guard against ingrati- 
 tude, for o(n- a|)probation is the excitement of generous efiortSj 
 and if we wiihhold it from the deserving, the undeserving will 
 crowd them from office, and we shall be in danger, from the 
 violence of the one and the discontent of the other. Gen. War- 
 ren was cut down like a flower, but his memory is still fragrant, 
 :ind will be always dear to us while a vesfige of Bunker's Hi!l 
 shall remain. Had he out-lived tliat battle and been a compet- 
 itor with John Q. Adams, for any office in the gift of tlie peo- 
 ple, we should have cairled the name of Warreii to the ballot 
 boxes with exultation. Why is our conduct so difi'erent, wlien 
 Jackson is his rival ? Is tlie distance of New Orleans, so remote, 
 thai wc do not realize that the victorv of Jackson was not less 
 
glorious than the bailie of Bunker Hill ; that IJOGO Briiisli ve- 
 terans were tlefeated by 2000 militia, that a city was saved 
 from pollution and a boundless country from subjection? Sure- 
 ly this of all occasions, is the most unseasonable for showing our 
 jealousy of the Western States. Had Jackson belonged to 
 Massachusetts, and saved the beauty and booty of Boston, we 
 should one and all by acclamation have given him our suffrages. 
 Adams would have stood no chance. Out of New England, our 
 couutrvmen are every where imjiatient to bear him to the Pres- 
 idency. Let us join the triumphal procession. By so doing, 
 we shall not only discharge a debt of gratitude, but shall stand 
 fair again in the opinion of other states. If we decline this hon- 
 orable course, the laurels of Adams will remain on our brow, 
 only lo decorate his victim. The attempt to acquire an ascen- 
 dancy in the Government, will recoil upon ourselves, ifimsuc- 
 cessful in an election like the present. Should we succeed, it is 
 diflicuk to perceive any advantages. Adams has been so long 
 absent, as to be a stranger '« US, Our Politicians have never 
 identified their interests witti his. Our President should be the 
 chief among our foremost men. Such were the Virginia Piesi- 
 dents to the Virginians, But it cannot be, that Harrison G. Otis, 
 who was too virtuous both for Federalists and Republicans, can 
 enter into the feelings of Adams, who has been too selfish for all 
 parties. The same is true of Pickering. Yet without such n)en, 
 liow can Adams be a President for the N. England Federalists.^ 
 They certainly can have no inducement to crusade against the 
 Southern States, Their sulTerings from the elder Adams, are re- 
 membered, and his son is not humane in exposing them again 
 to a similar fate. What Democrats come out for Adams ? Step 
 forward, ye spawners of fustian ! Fellow Citizens, these De- 
 mocrats are but flies upon the wheel, while such as Gov. Pierce, 
 of New-Hampshire, and Marcus Moiton, of Massachusetts, are 
 •averse to him. Others, like the members of our Legislature, 
 reluctantly appear, when they are dragooned into a yea or nay. 
 
 It is a matter of surprise, that Adams obtained the electoral 
 vote of this state at the last election. A majority of the voters 
 were not in favour of him, but of Jackson, Crawford, Clay, Cal- 
 houn and Clinton, and his success was owing not to his own 
 strength but to the division of his opponents. If these opponents 
 do not now unite for Jackson, it will be because liis character 
 lias been misrepresented. He has been more defamed, than 
 Jefferson and Sullivan. But information will spread, and the 
 cause of truth, and honor, and disinterestedness will prevail. 
 
 I'ellow-citizens, you have no object to gain by shutfing your 
 eyes to the truth. Were we addressing men as selfish as Adams, 
 and corrupt as Clay, we should despair of restoring you to the 
 favour of the nation. But we know that the people of Mas- 
 
8 
 
 sachusetts arc in heart patriotic, liable to err, but willing to re- 
 trieve their errors. The same reasons, that have iitfluenced the 
 States, where Jackson is best known, to give him an unanimous 
 support, the same reasons that have decided a majority of both 
 Houses of Congress to oppose Adams will sooner or later influ- 
 ence you. 
 
 Resoloed, That we view the approaching Election of Presi- 
 dent with interest, and deem it a right and duty to express our 
 regard for the services and character of Andrew Jackson. 
 
 Resolved^ That we feel reluctant to join in the support of Levi 
 Lincoln and Thomas L. Winthrop, for the offices of Governor 
 and Lieutenant Governor at the approaching election. 
 
 i2esc;/ierf, That we will recommend to the public as suitable 
 Candidates, 
 
 Tiie Hon. MARCUS MORTON, for Govcrnou. 
 The Hon. NATHAN WILIJS, for Lt. Governor. 
 
 Resolved further, That we will exert ourselves to promote 
 the Election of Gen. ANDREW JACKSON, of Tennessee, 
 for President of the United States — and of Hon. JOHN C. 
 CALHOUN, of South Carolina, for Vice President — and that 
 we are influenced in this course by a just sense, as we believe, 
 of the intrinsic merit of these great men, and indignation at the 
 abuse which has been heaped uponthemby their opponents — That 
 we rely with confidence on the firmness and patriotism of Gen. 
 Jackson ; That, we believe that, in no event would the interests 
 of the Country be jeopardized, by that headstrong and impetu- 
 ous spirit, so much deprecated by his enemies. — And that, we 
 dispassionately and deliberately recommend him to the public 
 as every way worthy of their support. 
 
 Resolved, That our respect for the talents and worth of the 
 present Vice President, induce us to wish his re-election, as be- 
 ing a man better fitted than any other individual whom we hav^e 
 known named to discharge the responsible duties of his oflice. 
 
 Resolved, To recommend the following Gentlemen as suitable 
 candidates for Senators for this County : — 
 
 Dr. JAMES GARDNER, of Lynn. 
 
 JOHN FORRESTER, Esq. of Salem. 
 
 WILLIAM SUTTON, Esq. Danvers. 
 
 LOWELL BAG LEY, Esq. Amesbunj. 
 
 JOHN RUSS, Esq. Methven. 
 
 GAYTON P. OSGOOD, Esq. Andover. 
 
 JOHN JOHNSON, r/zazVwrtJ/. 
 WM. HASELTINE. Sec- if. 
 
 LRBFe'15 
 
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LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 
 
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