E '2 FIFTIETH '^^K ^ft ^ANNIVERSARY^ I /9l5 ass. IS i>> FIJI SI \TI 1) H' yg^ « Military Order of the Loyal Legion of the United States CEREMONIES OF THE Fiftieth Anniversary 1865-1915 AT THE American Academy of Music PHILADELPHIA APRIL 15 1915 1915 L TCP/:, JUL 16 I8{ft Brevet Lieut. -Colonel John P. Nicholson Compiler PROGRAMME AMERICAN ACADEMY OF MUSIC ^, THURSDAY APRIL 15 8 P. M. OVERTURE Jubilee yon Weber United States Marine Band THE ASSEMBLY The Buglers of the United States Marine Band RECEPTION OF THE COLORS OF THE ORDER " TO THE COLORS " Buglers of the United States Marine Band STAR SPANGLED BANNER United States Marine Band and Audience Lieut. Santelmann Leader PRAYER Lieut. James A. Worden D.D. MUSIC March of the Loyal Legion Sousa United States Marine Band BATTLE HYMN OF THE REPUBLIC United States Marine Band and Audience Lieut. Santelmann Leader ADDRESS Colonel Henry S. Huidekoper Commander of the Commandery Presiding MUSIC Intermezzo, Jewels of the Madonna Wolf-Ferrari United States Marine Band ORATION Brevet Brig. -General Thomas H. Hubbard, U. S. V. Commander-in-Chief of the Order MUSIC Gems of the Nation United States Marine Band Santelmann MUSIC— RALLY ROUND THE FLAG United States Marine Band and Audience Lieut. Santelmann Leader MUSIC My Own United States United States Marine Band MUSIC— AULD LANG SYNE United States Marine Band and Audience Lieut. Santelmann Leader MARCH OF THE REGIMENT First Regiment N. G. P. "THE FLEET TATTOO" The Buglers of the United States Marine Band BENEDICTION Rev. Alexander H. Leo Edwards I si si J I t v: ^ ^ ~:^ ^ ^ ^ ^ ."^ h 1 5t> I PRAYER Lieutenant James A. Worden D.D. LL.D. Eternal God, Sovereign Creator of Nations and of men, we worship Thee. Officers of the army and navy of the United States which in the war of 1861-65 saved the Union, preserved the Constitution and liberated the slaves, we reverently acknow- ledge that only through Thy counsel and power we endured and conquered. All glory unto Jehovah of the armies mighty in battle. We present our heart's gratitude on this semi-Centenial of the Loyal Legion for Thy preserving mercy by day and by night on land and sea, in sickness and in health, during all these glorious years. Lord of our far flung battle line, we glorify Thee for our Nation's progress, our restored unity, and prosperity, and in this hour when great nations are at war, we thank Thee for peace within our borders, still give us peace. Oh Lord Jesus Christ, Mediational King, Prince of peace, make wars to cease from the end of the earth. Break the bow, cut the spear in sunder and burn the chariots in fire. We humbly supplicate Thee, bless the President of the United States and all in authority, bless our army and navy, deliver us from complications with foreign powers, make our beloved country the arbiter of con- tending powers and the bringer in of universal and perpetual Peace. We supplicate Thee in the name of the Lord of Peace, who hath taught us to pray : Our Father which art in Heaven, Hallowed be Thy Name, Thy Kingdom come, Thy will be done, on earth, as it is in Heaven; Give us this day our daily bread. And forgive us our trespasses as we forgive them which trespass against us, And lead us not into temptation, but deliver us from evil. For Thine is the Kingdom and the power and the glory forever. Amen ! COMMANDER HENRY S. HUIDEKOPER Commander-in-Chief, Companions, ladies and gentlemen: We have come together to celebrate the fiftieth anniversary of the establishment of the Loyal Legion. By the right of the first born, the Commandery of Pennsylvania assumes and enjoys the privilege of receiving and entertaining its twenty younger brothers. In its name I extend to you its warmest welcome. We feel honored that you have come so far to be with us and to join in this celebration. Fifty years ago, the people of the United States, throughout the North, from the Atlantic to the Pacific, were rejoicing over the victory of the Union. At Appomattox, Lee had surrendered all there was vital in secession and rebellion. His brave soldiers, who had fought so gallantly to the end, had accepted the in- evitable. They had scattered to their homes, pledged and determined thereafter to obey the laws of the United States. Fifty years ago to a day, on April 15, 1865, the news of the death of President Lincoln turned elation and joy into bewilder- ment and sorrow. On that day, Lieut. -Colonel Elwood T. Zell, Brevet Lieut. -Colonel S. B. Wylie Mitchell, and Captain Peter D. Keyser met at Colonel Zell's office, on Sixth Street near Chestnut Street, in Philadelphia, to plan for the obsequies of the lamented President. At this meeting it was decided to form an association of the veteran ofiEicers of the War of the Rebellion. To perfect an organization these three men, joined by others, met on April 20th at Independence Hall. No fitter place could have been chosen — none richer in historical memories. In this hall Thomas Jefferson, Benjamin Franklin, the Adamses, John Hancock and others brought forth a new nation, and Washington was chosen to lead its army. There, on July 4th, 1776, the Liberty Bell proclaimed "Liberty throughout the land to all the inhabitants thereof." There, Washington and John Adams were inaugurated as Presidents of the United States. There, on Washington's birthday, 1861, Abraham Lincoln, ten days before he was inaugurated as President, raised a new flag with thirty- four stars, and addressed to his hearers and to an anxiously expectant country these now half-forgotten words: "In my view of the present aspect of afifairs, there is no need of bloodshed and war. There is no necessity of it. I am not in favor of such a course; and I may say in advance there will be no bloodshed unless it is forced upon the government. The government will not use force unless force is used against it." To these historic traditions a new memory was added, when, on April 20, 1865, in the "Cradle of Liberty," our association was definitely con- stituted and christened as "The Military Order of the Loyal Legion of the United States." At this rite "Duty to Country" was the godfather, and "Love of Country" the godmother. The tenets to be enforced by the stern godfather were : "First. A firm belief and trust in Almighty God, extolling Him under whose beneficent guidance the sovereignty and integrity of the Union have been maintained, the honor of the Flag vindicated, and the blessings of civil liberty secured, established and enlarged. "Second. True allegiance to the United States of America, based upon paramount respect for, and fidelity to, the National Constitution and Laws, manifested by discountenancing whatever may tend to weaken loyalty, incite to insurrection, treason or rebellion, or impair in any manner the efficiency and permanency of our free institutions." The tenets to be enjoined by the amiable godmother were that: "The objects of this Order shall be to cherish the memories and associations of the war waged in defence of the unity and indivisibility of the Republic; strengthen the ties of fraternal fellowship and sympathy formed by companionship-in-arms; advance the best interests of the soldiers and sailors of the United States, especially those associated as Companions of this Order, and extend all possible relief to their widows and children ; foster the cultivation of military and naval science; enforce unqualified allegiance to the General Government; protect the rights and liberties of American Citizenship, and maintain National Honor, Union and Independence." Eligible to membership under the constitution of the Order are: Any soldier or sailor who served in the Army or Navy of the United States during the War of the Rebellion for at least ninety days, and, at the time, or later on, held a commission; certain of the direct descendants or relatives of such persons, and some others. It is also provided that sub-commanderies may be chartered. Of these there are today twenty-one, with a membership on January 31st, of 7363. In this membership the Companions of the " First Class having a War Record " are already in the minority, the difference between the two classes, as I distinguish them, being 266. In a few years, the memories and the traditions of our Order will be wholly in the keeping of the younger Companions. Such an Order as ours could hardly come into existence except after a long war, in which ties of comradeship are firmly knit. Nor could such an Order well be formed except in a country like ours, which, in any important war, relies chiefly upon voluntary enlistments, in which, when peace is re-established, the soldiers and, for the most part, even the officers, return to civil life; and which is so vast in its extent that no ties, however close, can be maintained without organization and periodical assembly. After our War of Independence such an association was formed, and our Legion may fitly be described as the nineteenth century Society of the Cincinnati. Such reunions as ours revive, expecially among the older members of the Order, many memories. On the evening of February 22nd, 1861, President-elect Lincoln addressed the legis- lature at Harrisburg. Referring to the flag-raising that day at Independence Hall, he said, in about these words: As the flag was lifted aloft by force of my feeble arm and then unfurled in the breeze in the clear, blue sky, I saw in that an omen for success in the work the American people have given me to do for them. But the Political sky was not clear. Behind him, as he spoke, hung clouds black with sedition, menacing war and, even at that early day, threatening assassination. Ten days later, in his first inaugural address, striving to allay the bitter feelings of the fiery South, Lincoln said: "I have no purpose directly or indirectly, to interfere with the institution of slavery where it exists. I believe I have no lawful right to do so, and I have no inclination to do so." But war comes. Within six weeks of the inauguration forts are bombarded, arsenals and custom houses seized and post- offices taken over. The sound of Sumter's guns awakes the confiding North from its dream of peace, in which Texas, and Mexico, and Kansas, and the Fugitive Slave Law were forgotten. From Maine to beyond the Mississippi, in every town and in every city, in answer to the guns of Sumter, drums beat to arms. Fifes and bugles and voices of silver-tongued orators encouraged enlistments. Volunteers "fall in" by squads and companies throughout the land. Mothers press to their hearts their sons, with scarcely a spoken word, and turn to their bedsides to give vent to their tears, and pray. Sisters weep. Wives cling to husbands at the gate with arms about their necks for a last farewell, while children clutch their mother's skirts, wondering what the sobbing means. Sweethearts, in quiet nooks, in fond embrace, again pledge their love and fervent prayers, their hearts full of pride that their lovers are to be soldiers, and torn with the fear that those trysts may be the last. But memories are kept fresh, and for years, as the seasons go by, and rain in summer patters on the roof or snows in winter block the road, these devoted women wrap their shawls the tighter around them, unconsciously expressing their yearning that such protection against the storms may be given to their loved ones walking their beats or shivering in their tents. And on clear nights, gazing at the starry heavens, messages of love are sent to some bright star in the southern sky, to be reflected to those below, or perhaps to be cut off by the thick smoke over some awful battlefield, where already the soldier may be lying with eyes forever closed. Ah! my Companions, a thousand flags acclaim you here the heroes, but, in war, the true heroes are of finer clay. Then were four years of war — with battles on the plains — battles on the rivers — battles on the mountains — battles on the oceans — fickle fortune giving varying success according to her moods — until she threw the victor's palm to Grant, at Appomattox. There that soldier, manliest of men in battle, was considerate and kindly as a woman upon approaching the fallen Lee. He talked about far-off Mexico and olden times, until reminded by the sensitive, stately chieftain that their meeting was for another purpose. Then simply, as only Grant could do it, he replied: "Your officers and men can go to their homes, not to be molested so long as they shall obey the laws of the country and behave themselves." When told that the men were without food, he said: "Your soldiers shall have rations issued to them;" and when he learned that many of the horses were the private property of the men, he said: "Your men can take their animals with them to plow their fields for a summer crop." And then came, from a heart that knew no guile, that harbored no vindictive thought, that trusted his fellow men at that moment, as all through his life, those beautiful words, "Let us Have Peace." So well and so honestly did those soldiers who were paroled at Appomattox fulfill their obligations that, half a century later, Pennsylvania, at Gettysburg, where more than twelve hundred of her best and bravest lay buried under the sod, extended to them the most cordial of welcomes. The spirit in which they were met should assure their perpetual allegiance to the flag they so often fired on, and should forever silence the murmuring of those friends of theirs who never had been tried in battle. The war over, our eyes turn to Washington, to the troops assembling there, and to their last parade. For two days, from morn to dusk, four armies pass in review. The Army of the Potomac, Meade commanding, with Sheridan's Cavalry Army under Merritt in the van take possession of Pennsylvania Avenue on May 22nd, and Sherman's two Armies under Logan and Slocum on May 23rd. While President Johnson is receiving the marching salute. General Grant is beside him, proud of the men he has so ably and so successfully commanded. These soldiers, four years before, were pale-faced boys directing their untrained steps southward, now they are bronzed and seasoned veterans, with swinging stride and with ranks aligned, headed northward — homeward bound. As though in recognition of what they did at Shiloh, Antietam, New Orleans, Gettysburg, Vicksburg, Chickamauga, Mobile Bay, Winchester, Nashville and Appomattox, the sun shines fair in the heavens above them and sheds on these grim warriors his softest and his brightest rays, while laurels strew their path. As column after column passes the White House, flags are dipped and drums are beaten, for this, their last salute, after which flags are incased and drums are covered. Then under the warm rays of a United Country the armies of the republic melt away, no one knows whither, as the white snow on the mountain side melts under a summer sun. 10 My younger Companions, who inherit from us the privileges and the obligations of the Order, we have well nigh run our race. For half a century we have maintained to the utmost of our ability the precepts of the Order, and we now adjure you to maintain the trust we leave to you, as we have tried to maintain it in the past. Woven intimately in the fiber of our Government, as of every Government, are the words Patriotism and Treason. The full significance of these terms, all good citizens, and you above all, as members of the Loyal Legion, should firmly grasp. In our younger days we soldiers gleaned their sense from our study of the Constitution, the Articles of War and the Army Regulations. Neither time nor circumstances have changed the import of those words. Accept from us, and pass to your descendants, their proper definition, and listen not to theorists, whose over-subtle distinctions would confuse their plain and simple meaning. Two great legacies are yours ; one, and to you the more precious, the records of your fathers for good and faithful service to their country in time of its greatest need ; the other, the renown of their illustrious commanders, with traditions of their marked ability and gallant deeds. Five of these, who were our Companions, had, for a time, their abode in the White House: Grant, Hayes, Arthur, Harrison and McKinley. Six of our Companions went to Harrisburg as governors: Curtin, Geary, Hartranft, Hoyt, Beaver and Stone. To recite the full list of other commanders who were our Companions in the Loyal Legion would weary you. I will recall the names only of Grant, Farragut, Sherman, Thomas, Logan, Sheridan, Custer, McClellan, Hancock, Gibbon, Melville, Devens, Chamberlain, Gherardi, Fairchild, Sampson, Schley, Merritt, Pope, Slocum, Howard and Wright. The few of us who here await the "last roll call " I fancy tented in a field that lies before me. Close by, in a friendly grove, a coterie of commanders-of-renown are seated about a camp fire. They are Dodge, Gregg, Miles, Dewey, Young, Wilson, Brooke, Pennypacker, Hubbard, Osterhaus, and others. I think of this group as officers of the " Rear Guard," waiting to see the pontoons taken up after all the rest of us shall have crossed the stream and entered the other world. On duty with this group is an adjutant- general. He is hard at work, as is his wont, and as paper after paper leaves his hand, it bears the signature of John P. Nicholson. For us, Companions, that emblem has been suspended from his neck for now fifty years. My eyes are turning to the west, as if drawn by some strong magnet, and I see, beyond the broad river which we have yet to pass, the setting sun lingering in the heavens that it may light our crossing to join our companions who are already on the other side; and in the golden clouds, where voices are silent, and where bugles do not sound nor drums beat, I see the banners of our old-time leaders who were of the Loyal Legion, awaiting our coming, that they may lead us again, not to battle, but to fields where there is no War, and where all is Peace. 12 COLONEL HENRY S. HUIDEKOPER: Companions, ladies and gentlemen : I take great pleasure in introducing to you Brevet Brig.-General Thomas H. Hubbard, Commander-in-Chief of the Military Order of the Loyal Legion of the United States. COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF HUBBARD: Commander Huidekoper, Companions of the Military Order of the Loyal Legion, ladies and gentlemen: The Commandery-in-Chief accepts with cordial thanks the hospitality of the Commandery of Pennsylvania and of the City of Philadelphia. Before the Military Order of the Loyal Legion was born, those who later became its members were welcomed and cheered and fed in this typical union city as they went to the front and as they returned. Philadelphia was an oasis for the Union Soldiers in the deserts of their journeying. And when, at the close of the war, the Order had its birth, it was fitting that it should be here where the nation was born. Here the thought of perpetuating the friendships formed in service in the Union armies first took form and here is the paternal home of the Loyal Legion. Since the war that now devastates Europe began, much has been said in reproachful terms of militarism and, on the other hand, of the futile work of peace societies. There has also been much discussion of the questions, will wars occur in the future; will their frequency and extent be diminished as civilization advances; in what way can they be prevented or restricted. All these things are of vast concern to soldiers and to citizens. It is worth while to consider them in the light of history and especially the history of the United States of America. It was in the City of Philadelphia July 4th, 1776, that the Declaration of Independence was adopted. In its earlier sen- tences its signers proclaimed "We hold these truths to be self- evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness. That to secure these rights. Governments are instituted among men, deriving 13 their just powers from the consent of the governed." In its closing sentences they declared : "We, Therefore, the Representatives of the United States of America, in General Congress assembled, appealing to the Supreme Judge of the world for the rectitude of our intentions do, in the name, and by the authority of the good People of these Colonies, solemnly publish and declare, that these United Colonies are, and of right ought to be Free and Independent States; that they are absolved from all allegiance to the British Crown, and that all political connection between them and the State of Great Britain is and ought to be totally dissolved ; and that as Free and Independent States they have full power to levy war, conclude peace, contract alliances, establish commerce and to do all other acts and things which Independent States may of right do. And for the support of this Declaration, with a firm reliance on the protection of Divine Providence, we mutually pledge to each other our Lives, our Fortunes and our sacred Honor." These were bold words and bold men uttered them. They challenged the power of the mighty parent nation. More than this, they arrayed a new nation on the weaker side of the world wide contest that had been waged for centuries and that still goes on; the contest between government by rules of right and reason and government by force. A nation so arrayed may favor peace. But it is not its mission to preserve peace. Its mission is to maintain and extend the principles of liberal government. This mission cannot always be fulfilled by assuming the picturesque attitude of an exemplar of freedom and by standing still. The fulfillment of the mission may involve war ; defensive against autocratic encroachment, or even offensive in aid of liberal governments unequally assailed. It may call for action bold enough to match bold words. It was in the City of Philadelphia July 9th, 1778, that the Continental Congress ratified the "Articles of Confederation and Perpetual Union." These gave to the new and struggling nation the name "The United States of America;" accorded to the free inhabitants of each of the thirteen States all privileges and immunities of free citizens in the several States; provided that 14 no person holding any office of profit, or trust, under the United States or any of them, should accept any present, emolument, office or title of any kind from any King, Prince or foreign State, and that neither the United States, nor any of the States should grant any title of nobility. The Constitution of 1778 is now more often commented upon for its imperfections and its failure, than for its merit. It was inadequate for its purpose of perpetual union. But it is the constitution under which the war of the revolution was fought to a finish and it is a constitution framed in harmony with the Declaration of Independence. To maintain the Declaration and to assure life to the young United States of America, war was carried on for nearly seven years, from the first skirmishing at Lexington in April and the battle of Bunker Hill, in June, 1775, to the surrender of Corn- wallis at Yorktown in October, 1781. But the Declaration was maintained and the life of the infant nation was assured by war, with its sufferings, its slaughter and most of its atrocities. There was no other way. Was this militarism? Were Washington and his generals and his advisers, Franklin and Hamilton and Jefferson and Adams, all militarists? It was in the City of Philadelphia that the people of the United States, acting by their deputies, framed in 1787 the Constitution for the United States of America, "in order to form a more perfect Union, establish justice, insure domestic tran- quility, provide for the common defense, promote the general welfare and secure the blessings of liberty" to themselves and their posterity. This momentous compact presented a method of self govern- ment fit for free and independent States and fit for citizens who possess equal rights. Like the earlier Constitution it was framed to conform to the Declaration of Independence. It was made for the people and discarded the doctrine that governments exist by Divine right and are superior to the people and that the people must be modeled to fit the governments. By its terms the individuals who carry on the functions of the government of the United States are selected by the people and are agents of the people, not their masters. 15 By its terms life, liberty and property of each citizen are secured in equal measure in each and all of the States. The Constitution and the Declaration of Independence are indissolubly united. Without a Constitution and laws a Declaration is nothing but helpless words. Without a Declara- tion of principles and purposes, constitutions and laws lack the vital essence. The Declaration is the beacon light. The Constitution is the Ship of State moving toward the light. If the war of the American Revolution had ended in the defeat of the United States the Declaration would have been an object of derision. It will be an object of derision if the Con- stitution and the Union of the States result in failure. The words of Washington's first inaugural are as cogent now as when they were spoken. "The preservation of the sacred fire of liberty and the destiny of the republican model of government are justly considered perhaps as deeply as finally staked on the experiment intrusted to the hands of the American people." While the Declaration and the Constitution last an avenue is open for advance towards that social condition where order prevails because none wish disorder ; where laws are few, because few are needed ; where law is not the arbitrary will of a superior imposed on an inferior, but is the agreement of enlightened and honorable men adopted by all as a beneficial rule of conduct for all ; where no man need obey any master except the law and where the law is the impartial master of every man. To maintain the Constitution and the principles proclaimed by the Declaration is to keep open the avenue for such advance. To destroy the Constitution is to recant the doctrine of the Declaration; close the avenue for advance; halt the progress of the world; turn the advance of civilization into disheartening retreat. An attempt to destroy the Constitution and the Union is an attempt to eliminate the Declaration. The time came when this attempt was made. On the 20th of December, i860, a State Convention of South Carolina passed, at Charleston, an ordinance that runs as follows: *'An ordinance to dissolve the Union between the State of South Carolina and the other States united with her under the compact entitled 'The Constitution of the United States of 16 America.' We the people of the State of South Carolina, in convention assembled, do declare and ordain and it is hereby declared and ordained that the ordinance adopted by us in convention on the 23rd day of May, in the year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and eighty -eight, whereby the Constitu- tion of the United States was ratified and also all acts and parts of acts of the General Assembly of this State ratifying amend- ments of the said Constitution, are hereby repealed and that the Union now subsisting between South Carolina and the other States under the name of the United States of America is hereby dissolved." The public signing of this ordinance was performed on the same day and the presiding officer of the Convention announced "The ordinance of secession has been signed and ratified and I proclaim the State of South Carolina an Independent Common- wealth." Proceedings like those of South Carolina were taken in ten other States and on June 8th, 1861, eleven of the thirty-four States had declared the Union dissolved. The reasons for this action were stated in the various seceding States and are indicated by the State of Mississippi speaking through her convention in a "Declaration of the immediate causes which induce and justify the secession of the State of Mississippi from the Federal Union." "Our position," so runs the declaration, "is thoroughly identified with the institution of slavery — the greatest material interest in the world. A blow at slavery is a blow at commerce and civilization. That blow has been long aimed at the institu- tion and was at the point of reaching its consummation. There was no choice left us but submission to the mandates of abolition, or a dissolution of the Union whose principles had been subverted to work out our ruin. We must either submit to degradation and loss of property worth four billions of money, or we must secede from the Union." Then followed the war. For four years millions of brave men contended in vast armies. The Union armies fought to maintain the government of the United States as it then existed. The Confederate armies fought to destroy the Union and to perpetuate the institution of human slavery. 17 The armies of the Union prevailed. The Union goes on; still pledged to the Declaration of Independence; still bound by the Constitution; still enlisted in the cause of "government of the people, by the people, for the people;" still destined, it may be hoped for future centuries, to aid, all over the world, the progress of free institutions and of the truth that governments are made for people and not people for governments. But this result was reached by war, with its hardships, its sufferings, its cruelties and some of its atrocities. Millions of men fought and killed, or tried to kill each other. Hundreds of thousands of men, ended their lives in the contest. Hundreds of thousands of women bore the greater affliction of life long sorrow and bereavement. It had to be done in this way. Was this the effect of militarism? Were the leaders of our armies and our councils militarists? Were, or are, we of the Loyal Legion, living and dead, all militarists? The word militarism, now in frequent use, has different meanings for different men. To those who think that universal and perpetual peace may arrive in six months or a year, any armament for warlike use on land or sea means militarism. To those who think that wars can not be abated and may come, on any day, no armament less than that of the nation most completely equipped for war means militarism. An authorized definition of the word is "the maintenance of national power by means of standing armies." But this does not express the reproach that pacificists attach to it. Its reasonable definition involves an answer to two questions. The first is, will wars arise in the future? The second is, if wars must arise in the future, can their frequency and extent be reduced, now or at any time? The American wars of tJie Revolution and of the Rebellion and the later war with Spain produced results that encourage war, because they accomplished beneficent ends that apparently could be reached by no different road. One who examines the past and tries to determine from its events what may happen in the future, will find in these wars no argument to support the belief that wars will no longer occur. There will be, as there have been, communities, or nations, that are oppressed, or that think themselves oppressed and that can find no relief without war. i8 There will be as there have been, people or nations that deem it right to use their strength to the detriment of weaker people or nations. The love of independence on the one side and the love of domination on the other have existed since prehistoric times and have been occasions of war. One will search in vain to find in the records of the past en- couragement for the belief that an era of world wide peace is near. The Bible itself is in considerable part a recital of wars and of slaughter. Few books are bloodier than the book of Judges. To kill, or to lose in battle, twenty-five thousand men or more was a moderate forenoon's work for the children of Israel. Historic precedent is on the side of war. Lovers of peace have hoped that the precedent was becoming obsolete ; but the colossal war now devastating Europe shows that this is not so. For, even while celebrations of centennial peace were in preparation, the most civilized and Christianized nations of the world entered upon war more stupendous in the number of fighters and more destructive in methods than any that history records. Christianity and civilization have not abated war. All these warring nations confidently call on God for help and trust His aid for victory. Nor do standing armies prevent war. What wars may occur if standing armies are discontinued or diminished, or how such wars will result, are still questions for essay or argument. To what extent standing armies provoke or defer war may still be subject for debate. But it is demonstrated that they do not prevent it. For even while military magazines were proclaiming that the United States of America should maintain a large stand- ing army and that the armies of Europe were preservers of peace, these armies of Europe, the largest in the world and equipped with the most modern mechanical devices for destruction, began to kill each other and to obliterate the achievements of industry. The causes of the present war, stated in general terms, are racial difference; religious difference; offended dignity; dreaded humiliation; desire of room for expansion; rivalry; ambition. These causes will exist, not in Europe alone, but all over the world, after the present war is ended. And disputes due to these causes may be determined by war so long as the fighting 19 instinct exists, or, in other words, so long as human nature exists. For the fighting instinct is inseparable from animal nature. It cannot and it should not, be extinguished. Man has always had it and the time cannot come when he will be man and be without it. Is it militarism for a nation to face the facts and to make reasonable preparation to meet and successfully avert dangers that history and human nature and present occurrences prove to exist? It might be militarism to create an army and navy so large as to justify the assumption that these will be the only persuasives to use with other nations and that reason and amicable negotia- tions and the purpose to accord and demand only justice, shall go for nothing. What is reasonable preparation of army and navy should be determined by the representatives of the people in the Congress of the United States and by the Department experts skilled in such affairs. It may be that Congressional action should be stimulated by some direct expression of popular wish. But it seems hardly desirable at this time, when the great armies of the world are all engaged at home and when military mechanisms are under test and when new inventions for effective man- slaughter are being devised, to impress upon the public as imminent, a danger that is probably remote, or urge a great enlargement of war munitions that may soon be obsolete. Whatever may be decided as to the needed increase of army and navy, two facts must be kept in mind. One is that there must be an increase sufficient to meet probable internal and external disturbances. The other is that army and navy are to be used to support the law and not to supersede it. Although it seems certain that wars will not cease and that occasions for war will arise while nations exist, it is just as certain that efforts for peace should not relax. It may not be correct to say, as has been said, that there never was a good war, or a bad peace; but it is surely correct to say that most of the wars that have been waged should not have been waged and that their occasions could have been adjusted by reasonable men whose interests were involved and that the intelligent efforts of peace advocates may avert some wars in the future. 20 There are many reasons for believing that the frequency and extent of wars may be reduced. Nations, or the governments of nations, are or should be, made for their people. It is perhaps reasonable that the people of one generation should deliberately decide to kill and be killed for the benefit of their posterity. But it is quite unreasonable that one, or two, or half a dozen people, should decide that for their benefit and the benefit of their posterity one, or two, or half a dozen millions of other people should kill or be killed. The slaughter now proceeding in Europe is for reasons that would hardly cause a street fight between individuals of the nationalities engaged. For in this country and indeed in other countries, men of those same different nationalities live in the same communities, in peace, although their dignity is often offended and their pride often humiliated and though their religious opinions vary and they are rivals and are ambitious and envy the success or advancement of one another. Nations are an aggregate of individuals. Their morality should be equal to the morality of the individuals who compose them. Their resort to force should be no more frequent, nor for lesser causes than that of individuals. But the contrary is the fact. Ethnologists say that the primitive man was an inarticulate savage and began his existence some hundreds of thousands of years ago and lived upon berries and vegetables before he attained the accomplishment of eating insects and fishes. If this be incorrect and if the primitive man was perfected in a moment in the garden of Eden, he fell from thence and became degenerate and had to climb again. In either case he had the morals of his tribe and of his com- munity and of his people. Force shaped the conduct of the savage and his tribe, alike. But in the settlement of quarrels and in the direction of peaceable adjustment of controversy, the individual advanced while the nation stood still. Individuals no longer settle their differences like wild men. They no longer, in civilized and Christian communities, get and hold their property by force, by robbery and murder. They no longer depend for protection of life and property on the rule that 21 the strongest shall have and the weaker must give. The trial by battle that was once approved by Courts, has disappeared. Individuals now try to adjust their differences by concession or by arbitration. If these are unavailing they resort to the Courts. Their rights are determined by the decision of the Court and the decision is enforced by appropriate officials. If, as sometimes happens, they choose violence, assault, or murder, instead of peaceful methods, for redress, those who make such choice take the consequences and bear the burdens that attend the choice. And death dealing weapons are, as a rule, used by individuals only for self defense. But nations have made no such advance in the method of settling controversies. They still rely on physical force, just as they did in the earliest ages of which history gives account and just as, no doubt, they did in prehistoric time. Nations have improved their mechanisms for killing, but in their methods for settling disputes they remain savage. The killing that is called murder when done by men in civilians' clothes is called an act of war when done by men in uniform serving their nation. The men in civilians' clothes may be arrested, tried and hanged or electrocuted. The nation cannot be — unless other nations assume the duty of Court and Executioner. Wars cannot be eliminated, but their frequency and extent can be reduced and their cessation approached if the methods now applied to individuals can be applied to nations, and if one code of morals can govern both. It is easy to state in words how this can be done. It is hard, or impossible, to state how long it will take to do it. Nations can agree to arbitrate their disputes. They can agree to constitute international Courts and can confer upon such Courts jurisdiction of all or any matters of controversy between nations. They can agree to abide by the decisions of such Courts. They can agree to enforce such decisions by armies and navies assigned to that duty by each nation in due proportion. They can agree thus to compel each nation to submit to the jurisdiction of the Court and obey its mandate. In this way disputes between nations can be disposed of as are disputes between individuals. In this way cessation or abatement and reduction of armaments may be approached and nations may attain the moral level of individuals. But when can it be done? If all nations of the world were republics or were democratic and if the people who are to serve in wars or to bear the burden of wars were the same people who are to decide through their delegates when wars shall occur and when they shall be interdicted, the time might not be very distant. But here the doctrine of militarism and of domination by military force confronts the peace propaganda. This doctrine now obtains in a large part of the world and is unalterably opposed to submission by nations to the decrees of any Courts. Such submission is deemed beneath the dignity of nations. International murder is thought more dignified. Two theories of government exist today and are accepted by the people who inhabit the regions where they prevail. One rests on the belief that force has ruled and still rules and will rule the world. The other rests on the belief that mind and reason and law should rule the world and that force should be their servant. The doctrine of force is that the strong ought to rule the weak; that the superior may rightfully use his strength to put himself up and to put his weaker neighbor down ; that it is the duty of the weak to obey the strong. The origin and growth of this doctrine are subject of much interesting discussion. Competent scholars have thought that it began as a patriarchal system and that the assertion of Divine right to rule crept in long after its commencement as an available adjunct and that the assertion of an original contract between the governed and the governing, described by Sir Henry Maine as a famous error, has been invoked to reinforce the doctrine of Divine right. Its probable origin is that quality of human nature that inclines men to get and keep what they can. Whatever may have been its birth or birthplace it involves a classification of its subjects into grades from which they can hardly escape and the subordination of all to a dominant power called the State, or the head of the State. Where this system prevails the dogma is accepted that the 23 people are made for the State and the State is not made for the people. The State must be regarded as a majestic personality, different from and greater than any individual, or all individuals; justly entitled to control the lives and the fortunes of its subjects. And the man at the head of the State must be regarded as its index and its equal. Loyalty and allegiance and patriotism mean devotion and, when demanded, surrender, of the lives and property of all individuals to the maintenance of this intangible being, the State and its tangible exponent, King, Sultan, Emperor, Czar or Kaiser. The doctrine involves the surrender of the proposition that all men are created equal and the proposition that governments derive their just powers from the consent of the governed. For centuries the system of government by force has been rejected by men who have despised a life of compulsory subordin- ation and who have maintained that men should have a voice in their own government and that force should be the servant of reason. The resistance of such men, when overcome, has been over- come by armies. The Greek cities of Achaia rejected the system of government by force. Three hundred years before the Christian Era they formed the League that gave to all its citizens the substance of equal political rights and the form of self government. For more than half a century the Achaian League successfully resisted the attempted domination of Rome, until in the year 146 B. C. the Roman legions conquered Greece and Achaia was forced to take its orders from Roman autocrats. The armed resistance of Achaia was militarism that peace lovers may approve. The armed conquest by Rome was militarism that peace lovers should condemn. The United Provinces of the Netherlands resisted the system of government by force, as administered by Spain, in the sixteenth century and remained a republican federation independent of imperial power until in 1795 it was dominated by France, then overturning with its armies the greater part of Europe, 24 The armed resistance of the United Netherlands to Spain and France was militarism that peace lovers may approve. The armed oppression of the Netherlands by Spain and its armed invasion by France was militarism that peace lovers should condemn. The federation of the Swiss Cantons has continued from the thirteenth century through countless vicissitudes, with varying boundaries and changing alliances and some dependence at times on adjoining nations. Today Switzerland is an independent republic, governed by its own citizens, secure from internal dangers, but not secure from the menace of nations committed to the system of govern- ment by armed force. Aggression aimed at the domination of Switzerland by the armed force of monarchical neighbors would be justly condemned as a crime of militarism. Armed resistance by Switzerland to such aggression would be militarism that peace lovers should approve. Militarism should not be defined as the use by governments of armed force or as the maintenance of national power by means of standing armies. It is not determined by the size of armies or navies maintained by governments. It is determined by the use to which armies and navies are put. It exists when they are used to dominate people or nations who should have the right to govern themselves and to supersede laws and civil authority. How long it will take to induce nations now committed to the system of force to submit to decrees of international Courts no one may presume to predict. National pride must first be broken. National honesty must be taught. The truth that all men are created equal and have right to equal opportunity, must be accepted by nations that now reject it. It may take centuries to bring these things to pass. They may come to pass quickly. The United States of America has taken its stand under the Declaration of Independence and the Constitutions of 1778 and 1787 and the war for their maintenance that ended at Appomattox. Its mission is to oppose in every legitimate way the system of government by force. That system and the system of govern- ment by rules of right and reason are in eternal opposition, and must be so always. 25 One or the other must give way, if the frequency and extent of wars are to be reduced. The result of the war from 1 861-1865 kept the United States true to its mission. Half a century has passed since the surrender by General Lee on the 9th of April, 1865, of the Army of Northern Virginia to General Grant and the Army of the Potomac, ended a critical period of the world's history. For nearly four years these brave armies had manoeuvred and fought with varying results. Many times success rested with the gallant army of Northern Virginia. In the peninsula cam- paign and in the battles that ensued and at Fredericksburg and at Chancellorsville, the days were dark for the Union armies. The clouds were lifted at Vicksburg, at Chattanooga, at Gettysburg and were dispelled by the Wilderness campaign and the battles that ended at Appomattox. The destiny of the republican model of government intrusted to the American people was for the time assured. The country remained true to the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution and was still enlisted in the cause of liberal government all over the world. It is this rather than armed victory over a valiant foe that makes April 9th, 1865, a day ever memorable in history. It is this that makes service in the Union armies an unrivalled honor. Half a century has passed since Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States from the beginning to the end of the war, died from the act of an assassin. In his second inaugural address, the month before his death, he had said: "The progress of our arms, upon which all else chiefly depends, is as well known to the public as to myself; and is, I trust, reasonably satisfactory and encouraging to all. With high hopes for the future, no prediction in regard to it is ventured. * * * Both parties deprecated war; but one of them would make war rather than let the nation survive ; and the other would accept war rather than let it perish. And the war came. * * * Neither party expected for the war the magnitude or the duration which it has already attained. * * * Each looked for an easier triumph, and a result less fundamental and astounding. Both read the same Bible, and pray to the same God ; and each invokes His aid 26 against the other. It may seem strange that any men should dare to ask a just God's assistance in wringing their bread from the sweat of other men's faces, but let us not judge that we may not be judged. The prayers of both could not be answered — that of neither has been answered fully." The catastrophe of President Lincoln's death seemed, at the moment, irremediable. But he had lived six days after the surrender of General Lee; he had seen the result of the war; he had liberated the bond men; he more than any other in that crucial time, had shaped the destinies of his country to beneficent ends; he, in his own life, had demonstrated the possibilities of individual development under a democratic government un- hampered by castes or heredity. The test whether the nation conceived in liberty and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal, or any nation so conceived and so dedicated, can long endure, had been with- stood by successful war. In his life time the war had determined that government of the people, by the people, for the people should not perish from the earth. No words can fitly express the honor he deserves. On April 15th, 1865, the day of President Lincoln's death, olificers of the Union army meeting in the City of Philadelphia, organized the Military Order of the Loyal Legion of the United States and adopted as its motto "Lex Regit. Arma Tuentur." This motto is the epitome of our faith in armies and in a free government. The law must be supreme. But there must be armies to uphold and enforce the law. The constitution of the Order and its declaration and purposes have been stated tonight by the distinguished soldier now head of the Commandery of Pennsylvania. They will, let us trust, be reverently observed by those who maintain the Order after its original Companions shall have gone. The maintenance of the Order means fealty to the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution of the United States. The members of the Order are not militarists, but they know the thrill and exaltation of military service in deadly peril and of unreserved self sacrifice. They know how war's test of man- hood makes war enticing and its memories dear. And now they meet once more in the City of the Order's birth 27 and of the nation's birth and give thanks for the privilege of serving in the battles for freedom fifty years ago. Others have fought as bravely as they, but all others have not the good fortune of serving the same inestimable cause. The battles they fought ; the marches they made ; the disasters and defeats they suffered ; the successes and victories they gained are now historic and are attested and sanctioned by the growth and strength of a united country. It is conventional to consider the events of the revolutionary period and of the war of 1 861-1865 as things of the past and to count the words and acts of statemen and soldiers of these eras as things that impressed their times, but are now of moment only to the scholar. It is conventional to express respect when the names of Washington and Franklin and Hamilton and their contemporaries or the names of Lincoln and Grant and Sherman and their contemporaries are mentioned and to regret that they are gone. It is conventional to lament, with grief that diminishes as years increase, the departure from our vision of the gallant Companions of the Loyal Legion, with whom, or under whose orders we so often hazarded our lives and to deem their work ended. Reverse this attitude of mind. Think of these men as present living forces. The work they kept in motion still goes on. It is because there was a Declaration of Independence in 1776 and because constitutions were adopted in 1778 and 1787 and because there were men who proclaimed them and observed them and fought for them in those years and who maintained them in the field in 1 861 -1865 that we have today a government that free men can endure and that gives assurance of still better things. The record ^bf the Loyal Legion and of its Companions approves these propositions. Militarism is the misuse of armies and navies to dominate peoples abroad and to supersede civil authority at home. Liberal government affirms the right of every man to a fair start and an even chance in life. Armies and navies are needed to maintain liberal government and to oppose militarism. Their use is to protect and preserve the law, which must be supreme. "Lex Regit. Arma Tuentur." 28 BENEDICTION Rev. Alexander H. Leo We invoke Thy gracious benediction upon the noble organization that brings us together this evening, and upon every other such Brotherhood that keeps alive the heroism of our fathers and the love of our common country. May we ever remember such men as he, who after the bloodiest of wars said " Let us have peace." And we pray Thee that the honored name of him whose sad death we this day lament afresh — he who had "malice toward none and charity for all," we pray Thee that his influence, his virile manhood, his heroic personality, may never perish from the earth, and that the blessing of Almighty God, Father, Son and Holy Spirit be with us evermore. Amen 29 ^ ^ 1 ^ i ? T k .^' Y i IV M I: "4 s .1 ^^^ .N5 i ^ i i ^ ^ ^^ 1^ •J ^ RECEPTION AT THE Pennsylvania Academy of the Fine Arts April i6 1915 31 MUSICAL PROGRAMME FIFTIETH ANNIVERSARY OF THE Military Order of the Loyal Legion OF THE United States The Pennsylvania Academy of the Fine Arts Friday Evening April i6 191 5 8.30 to 11.00 o'clock PHILADELPHIA 32 BAND OF THE UNITED STATES MARINE CORPS Wm. H. Santelmann Leader 1 March — "The Stars and Stripes Forever" 2 Overture — "Tannhauser" 3 Scenes Espagnole — "Sevillana" 4 Excerpts from "LaBoehme" . 5 Waltz— "The Debutante" 6 Reminiscences of the Plantations . 7 Grand Scenes from "Carmen" 8 Invitation to the Dance (Transcribed for Military Band by Wm, H. Santelmann) 9 Hungarian Rhapsody No. 14 Liszt Sousa . Wagner Elgar Puccini Santelmann Chambers Bizet Weber- Weingartner 10 March — "Loyal Comrades" Blankenburg 33 RECEIVING COMMITTEE AT THE PENNSYLVANIA ACADEMY OF THE FINE ARTS General Thomas H. Hubbard Mrs. Thomas H. Hubbard Colonel H. S. Huidekoper Mrs. James W. Wister Mrs. John P. Nicholson Mrs. William Brooke Rawle Mrs. John R. Brooke Mrs. John O. Foering Mrs. Joseph W. Plume Mrs. John P. Green Mrs. S. W. Fountain Mrs. Thomas Skelton Harrison Mrs. William A. Dripps Mrs. Harrison W. Latta Mrs. Herbert J. Wetherill Mrs. K. D. Taylor Miss Anna W. Hubbard Mrs. Francis A. Donaldson Miss Bertha Dale Benson 34 COMPLIMENTARY CONCERT TO THE UNION LEAGUE FROM THE MILITARY ORDER OF THE LOYAL LEGION OF THE UNITED STATES UNITED STATES MARINE CORPS BAND Professor WM. H. SANTELMANN FRIDAY AFTERNOON APRIL i6 1915 2 to 4 o'clock PROGRAMME OF MUSIC 1 March— "The Liberty Bell" 2 Overture — "Light Cavalry" 3 Serenade — "Les Millions dArlequin" . 4 Waltz— "The Beautiful Blue Danube" 5 Nocturne 6 Grand Scenes from "The Bohemian Girl" 7 Characteristic Fantasia — "Gipsy Life" 8 Caprice — "Hearts Message" 9 Melodies from the Sunny South . 10 March — "Thomas Jefferson" Sousa Suppe Driga Strauss Leybach Balfe le Thire Santelmann Lampe Santelmann 35 THE JOHN WANAMAKER COMMERCIAL INSTITUTE REGIMENT, OF PHILADELPHIA, CORDIALLY INVITES THE MEMBERS OF THE MILITARY ORDER OF THE LOYAL LEGION OF THE UNITED STATES TO ATTEND MILITARY EXERCISES TENDERED IN HONOR OF THE FIFTIETH ANNIVER- SARY OF THE LOYAL LEGION IN " THE ARMORY," NINTH FLOOR OF THE WANAMAKER STORE, FRIDAY, APRIL i6th, AT 4-30 P. M. SHARP William R. Scott Colonel PROGRAMME I. Regimental Formation, Line of Masses II. Regimental Parade III. Indian Club Drill — "Girls* Battalion IV. Butts' Musical Rifle Drill and Calisthenics 36 MILITARY ORDER OF THE LOYAL LEGION OF THE UNITED STATES COMMANDERY-IN-CHIEF Circular No. 2. Series of 1915. [ PHILADELPHIA March I I915. Whole No. 288. I. At the Ceremonies incident to the Celebration of the Fiftieth Anniversary of the Order, April 14-15-16, 1915, the Insignia shall be worn as prescribed in Art. XXII, Sec. i, Constitution, 1909. By command of Brevet Brig.-General Thomas H. Hubbard U. S. V. Commander-in-Chief John P. Nicholson Brevet Lieutenant-Colonel U. S. V. Recorder-in- Chief 37 MILITARY ORDER OF THE LOYAL LEGION OF THE UNITED STATES COMMANDERY OF THE STATE OF PENNSYLVANIA Committees on Celebration of the 50th Anniversary 1865-1915 APRIL 15-16 1915 Committee of Finance R. Dale Benson, Chairman. W. W. Frazier S. Emlen Meigs S. L. P. Ayres John P. Green Calvin Pardee James M. Schoonmaker Joseph R. Grundy William Brooke Rawle John D. Williamson Thomas Skelton Harrison Powell Stackhouse Treasurer, Benjamin O. Loxley, 7314 Boyer St., Philadelphia. Committee on Music Oliver C. Bosbyshell, Chairman, Flanders Building, Philadelphia. James Forney Jos. E. Goodman, Jr. John E. Latta Robert Huey Charles H. Kirk T. H. M'Calla, Jr. Decoration Committee for the Academy of Music Sylvester Bonnaffon, Jr., Chairman, 3439 Walnut St., Philadelphia. F. V. Bonnaffon James W. Collum Edwin J. Sellers DeForest L. Bachman Malcolm A. Shipley Henry L. Ward Press and Hotel Committee Henry W. Littlefield, Chairman, West Walnut Lane, Germantown. James W. Nagle John T. Paulding Nalbro' F. Thomson James H. Glenn Elisha D. Oakford 38 Programme and Ceremonies Committee H. S. Huidekoper, Commander, P. O. Box 533, Philadelphia. E. A. Landell James Stewart, Jr. John O. Foering S. W. Fountain Jacob H. Stadelman John P. Nicholson James W. Latta Levi G. McCauley Wm. Macpherson Horner Committee at Union League John W. Bubb Charles L. Cooper Thomas B. Harper Horace Neide Paul G. Littlefield J. E. Barr B. F. Rittenhouse Reception Committee William S. Ashbrook Shreve Ackley R. W. P. Allen Charles M. Burns John W. Boughton J. Richards Boyle E. McC. Boring S. Ashton Bonnaffon Michael W. Bradley William H. Blakeman Charles L. Betts Charles P. Brady Arthur J. Bankerd Milton Birch Charles F. Beck Edmund H. Bell Theodore G. Brinton Hugh J. Brooke Henry C. Blye James H. Closson T. M. Coane John L. Chadbourne Alan Corson Harold Dripps Joseph B. Downing Henry T. Dechert Francis A. Donaldson Eli D. Edmunds John M. Fries Wm. Innes Forbes Louis H. Carpenter Arnold H. Hord John F. Conaway E. M. Boyle B. Franklin Betts O. M. Bosbyshell H. G. Cavenaugh Michael A. Golden Harrold E. Gillingham John M. Harper William H. Hutt Horatio S. Howell George Q. Horwitz T. Wallis Huidekoper Franklin M. Harris, Jr. Robert H. Ivy William B. Kinsey Guy King Harry C. Kessler Frank S. LeTourneau Augustine T. Lynch Eugene F. Lynch Samuel L. Laciar John L. Luckenbach Charles E. Loxley George A. Landell Frank S. Lawrence Isaac D. Landis Paul L. Levis Thomas E. Merchant Walter A. Munns Jacob G. Morris Thomas W. Milnor Thomas S. Martin William B. Mann Howard L. Mendenhall Herbert S. Mauck John W. Geary George T. Lambert William D. Neilson Noah H. Swayne, 2d W. A. Wiedersheim Arthur B. Huey Edwin C. Pendleton George G. Meade Thomas A. McElmell William R. McAdam, Jr. Richard M. Popham H. T. Peck Noble D. Preston Alfred E. Pfahler George H. Penrose Daniel S. Rittenhouse Jonathan T. Rorer H. O. Rodgers Alexander W. Russell, Jr. John B. S. Rex George R. Snowden William Spencer Henry J. Snyder William C. Stevens Maurice W. Sloan John W. N. Stevenson James Starr Frank E. Schoonover Leopold A. von Seldeneck Ellwood A. Tricker J. Madison Taylor C. G. Trumbull Horace G. H. Tarr Albert F. Ulmer, Jr. Moses Veale Charles H. Worman William C. Wiedersheim 39 Preamble from the Constitution. "We, Officers and honorably dis- charged Officers of the Army, Navy and Marine Corps of the United States, whose names are hereunto annexed, having aided in maintaining the honor, integrity and supremacy of the National Government at a critical period of its history, and holding in remembrance the sacrifices in common made and the triumphs together shared in discharge of this sacred duty, unite to ordain and establish a permanent association for the purposes and objects hereinafter set forth, and to this end pledge our honor, as officers and gentlemen, to be governed by the following Constitution and By-Laws. This association shall be known as The Military Order of the Loyal Legion of the United States. Principles. This Order acknowledges as its fundamental principles — First. A firm belief and trust in Almighty God, extolling Him under whose beneficent guidance the sovereignty and integrity of the Union have been maintained, the honor of the Flag vindicated, and the blessings of civil liberty secured, established and enlarged. Second. True allegiance to the United States of America, based upon paramount respect for and fidelity to the National Constitution and Laws, manifested by discountenancing whatever may tend to weaken loyalty, incite to insurrection, treason or rebellion, or impair in any manner the efficiency and permanency of our free institutions." ROLL OF COMMANDERIES Commandery of the Headquarters Instituted State of Pennsylvania Philadelphia April 15, 1865 State of New York New York City January 17, 1866 State of Maine Portland April 25, 1866 State of Massachusetts Boston March 4, 1868 State of California San Francisco April 12, 1871 State of Wisconsin Milwaukee May 15, 1874 State of Illinois Chicago May 8, 1879 District of Columbia Washington February i, 1882 State of Ohio Cincinnati May 3, 1882 State of Michigan Detroit February 4, 1885 State of Minnesota St. Paul May 6, 1885 State of Oregon Portland May 6, 1885 State of Missouri St. Louis October 21, 1885 State of Nebraska Omaha October 21, 1885 State of Kansas Leavenworth April 22, 1886 State of Iowa Des Moines October 20, 1886 State of Colorado Denver June i, 1887 State of Indiana Indianapolis October 17, 1888 State of Washington Seattle January 14, 1891 State of Vermont Burlington October 14, 1891 State of Maryland Baltimore December 8, 1904 COMMANDERY-IN-CHIEF Headquarters Philadelphia Instituted October 21 1885 40 Press of John T. Palmer Company philadelphia Engraving Bailey, Banks & Biddle Co. philadelphlv Binding H. ZucKER, Philadelphia