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 GRAXT MEMORIAL SERTICES. 
 
 A mere statesman in tlio place of Liocoln and a mere solilier in tlio place of 
 Grant might, indeed, liave maintained the Government at Washington and over- 
 thrown the rebellion in the field. But the world wad entitled to a larger ontcomo 
 of these four tempestuous years — the new birth of freedom, the new national 
 unity, the new outlook of the Eepublic in the midst of the ages. There were 
 voices heard tliat lifted the civil war above all bloodshed of history; one at the 
 beginning, saying, with tender eloquence, "We arc not enemies, but friend!*;" 
 the other at the end, in words that transfigured the face of Victory with a divine 
 illumination, saying, "Let us have peace!" 
 
 REMARKS 
 
 OF 
 
 HON. JOMTHAN P. DOLLIVER, 
 
 OF IOWA, 
 
 /■.» 
 
 HOUSE OF REPPvESE^TTATIYES, 
 
 SATURDAY, MAY 19, 1900. 
 
 
 1900. 
 
 h i-S. 
 
,'DUU 
 
 REMARKS 
 
 OF 
 
 HOX. JOXATIIAN P. DOLLIYEE. 
 
 The House having under consideration the following resolutions: 
 ''h'esolvedbi/ the House of Representatives (the Senate coucnrrhu)). That tho 
 tlanks of Consross be given to the Grand Army of the Republic for the statue 
 of Gen. Ulvssos S. Grant. 
 
 '•Hesolveil. That the statue be accepted and placed in the Capitol, and that 
 a copy of these resolutions, &ioned by the presiding ofBcers of the House of 
 Representatives and the Senate, be forwarded to the chairman of the com- 
 mittee of the Gr;ind xVrmy of the Republic on the Grant Memorial "— 
 
 Mr. DOLLIVERsaid: 
 
 Mr. Speaker: 1 would very much have preferred to be silent 
 on an occasion like this, %Yhen the old comrades of General Grant 
 and representatives of tho Confederate army have been paying 
 these tributes to his memory; and I would not consent to say a 
 word now except upon the reqitest of the committee in charge of 
 the ceremonies, who have been hind enough to suggest that there 
 is a sense in which I may be said to speak for the generation born 
 since ISIO, which had not the privilege of bearing even a humble 
 part in the national defen.se. In that year Thomas Carlyle, in a 
 pamphlet, fierce and barbarous, called tho " Present Time,'' wrote 
 the^e words, curiously made up of sympathy and of sneer: 
 
 America's battle is yet to fight; and wo sorrowful, though nothing doubt- 
 ing, will wi.sh her strength for it; and .she will have her own agony and her 
 own victorv, though on other terms than she is now quite aware of. What 
 great human soul, what great thought, what great noble thing that one could 
 worship or loyally admire has yet been produced there? 
 
 It is not certain that the belated prophet, crying in the wilder- 
 ness of the Old World, lived long enough to revise this opinion of 
 the new; but it is certain that he lived to see America find strength 
 to fight her battle, to bear her agony, and to win her victory on 
 such terms as were appointed; that he lived to see tho grave of 
 Abraham Lincoln become a shrine for the pilgrimage of the hu- 
 man race and to hear the name of Ulysses S. Grant saluted in all 
 the langviagesof the earth; and had his days been lengthened but 
 a little he would have seen the canon of Westminster open the 
 doors of that venerable monument to admit the silent American 
 soldier into the household of English-spoken fame. [Applause.] 
 
 The unchallenged place of General Grant in history expres.-es, 
 as far as such thing can be expressed, the value of liis service to 
 his own nation and to his own age, and to all nations and all ages. 
 Without a trace of selfish ambition in his entire career, he was in 
 a high sense, from his youth up, guided by an inward monition 
 that he was to jilay a decisive part in the arena of national affairs. 
 At least twice in liis life, by his own modest statement, he felt 
 within himself a distinct intimation of the future— once, on the 
 day he graduated at West Point, and afterwards, on the day that 
 Yicksburg fell. 
 
 It may be an idle fancy, but it is not hard to believe that every 
 step he took, from the farm to the Acailcniy, from the Academy 
 to the frontier, from the frontier through the Mexican campaign, 
 2 4162 
 
and thence to private life, a life of toil and self- suppression, from 
 which, with a timid and hesitating request for a small command, 
 he emerged into the Union Army, was part of the preparation, the 
 post-graduate course, for the full equipment of this mysterious 
 man. The greatest of his lieutenants said: "To me he is a mys- 
 tery; and I believe he is a mystery to himself." If he had said to 
 his classmates, "1 will one day take Scott's place on review,"' he 
 would have been laughed out of the Arn^y. 
 
 If, after Vicksburg, he had announced that he was the one gen- 
 eral in the Army able to bring the rebellion to an end, he would 
 have gone the way of all the others. Yet both these thoughts 
 were in his head, and we can not regret that in the shadow of the 
 end, when in pain and anguish he was writing for posterity the 
 story of his public life, he was moved to throw this light upon 
 the inner life he lived within himself. There are those who im- 
 peach the whole social fabric because it imposes upon all a strenu- 
 ous struggle for existence, and we have often heard that oppor- 
 tunity alone makes the difference between failure and success. 
 That is the philosophy of a little world; for we know that with- 
 out burdens there is no strength and that in exposed places, open 
 to the storms of all skies, the frame of manhood takes upon itself 
 the rugged fiber which is the master of opportunity, a victor over 
 cn-cumstances, a crowned athlete in the games of fortune and 
 achievement. 
 
 General Grant belongs to the new departure, which dates from 
 1860. Though a man of mature years, he can scarcely be said to 
 have lived before that time. He did not take enough interest in 
 the Army to hold on to his commission; nor in his Missouri farm 
 to make a living out of it: nor in the leather store in Galena to 
 go back and lock it up after he heard of the fall of Fort Sumter. 
 In a sense he had no politics. He voted for Buchanan in 1856, 
 although he states in his Memoirs that he did it not out of affection 
 for Buchanan, but because he had an old grudge against Fremont. 
 [Laughter.] His politics were even more ambiguous than some 
 of the heroes of later times. [Laughter and applause. 1 With 
 the inheritance of a Whig, he joined a Know-Nothing lodge: and 
 while his sympathies were with Douglas, he spent that fall drill- 
 ing the "'Lincoln Wide Awakes. " It almost looks as if Providence, 
 needing him for the new age. kept him clear and free from the 
 confusion of tongues that iDreceded it. 
 
 It is well-nigh impossible, even with the history of our country 
 in our hands, to make our way through the political wilderness of 
 fifty years ago. The most pathetic thing in the development of the 
 nation is the picture of our fathers poring for generations over the 
 musty volumes of the old debates, wearing the Federalist and 
 Madison Papers to the covers, in their vain and hopeless search 
 for the foundation of the faith. Washington grandly compre- 
 hended the Constitution he had helped to make; but that did not 
 keep the legislature of Virginia from disowning the national au- 
 thority while he yet lived in honored retirement at Mount Vcn-non. 
 
 Daniel Webster, supreme among tha giants of those days, vin- 
 dicated the national institutions in speeches that have become 
 classic in the literature of our tongue; yet even our schoolboys 
 can not recite them without a sense of humiliation that his great an- 
 tagonists were able to dog the steps of that lofty argument with 
 minutes of the Hartford convention, showing Massac-husetts on 
 the edge of the precipice before she had finished building Bunker 
 446) 
 
Hill Monument. Andrew Jackson quit the game of politics long 
 enough to swear his mighty oath. '"By the Eternal, the Union 
 must and shall be preserved; " but that did not prevent the State of 
 South Carolina from organizing her jieople against the national 
 authority while old soldiers of the Revolution still survived 
 among them. 
 
 Little by little the nation had shriveled and diminished and the 
 iuiT)ortant States increased, until, as the older men on this floor 
 can remember, the bonds of the United States offered for sale, 
 ■svere hid for in the money centers of Europe, and especially by 
 the hankers of Holland, on condition that they shoiild be counter- 
 sigJied hy the State of Virginia. They knew that Virginia was on 
 the map before the United States was, and they had a dim sort of 
 suspicion that they might he able to locate the State of Virginia 
 after the L'nited States of America had disappeared from the map 
 of the world. [Laughter.] 
 
 I would not heedlessly disparage any State, or any section, or 
 any of the statesmen of that period. If they were called to deal 
 with a situation to which they were not equal, it was one for which 
 they were not responsible. James Buchanan was in no sense an 
 ordinary man. He was all his lifetime a leader of men, though 
 he was left at the end of his generation impotently trying to 
 answer elemental and volcanic questions with the dead phrases of 
 an obsolete vocabularj'. 
 
 The conclusion had come. The time for rewriting the charter 
 •was at hand. The joint debate of lawj'ers, long a nuisance among 
 men, had at last become an offense to heaven. The darkness upon 
 the path of the Republic had grown too dense to walk in. Yet the 
 truth was never altogether without witnesses; there were always 
 some eyes that could see and some ears that could hear. But the 
 mobs that threatened William Lloyd Garrison in the streets of 
 Boston, that drove John Greenleaf Whittier out of New England 
 villages— what did they care for the testimony of John Quincy 
 Adams, still eloquent in the grave? And the champions of free- 
 dom, worn out by their long vigil in the night of slavery, fran- 
 tically denouncing the Constitution as "a covenant with hell" — 
 what had they learned of that great son of New England, who, in 
 the debate with Hayne, had filled the old Senate Chamber, where 
 the Supreme Court now sits, with the sj)lendor of his unrivaled 
 genius? 
 
 A new era was at hand, and the events became dramatic, with 
 the swiftest changes in the scenery; for within two years from the 
 day the militia of Virginia paraded about the scaffold of John 
 Brown the soul of that poor, old, immortal madman was marching 
 before the mightiest armed host the world ever saw, ujion whose 
 banners had been written the sublime promises of public liberty. 
 [Applause.] 
 
 That was our heroic age, and out of it came forth our ideal he- 
 roes — Lincoln, and the tru=;ted counselors who sat by his side; 
 Grant, and the generals who obeyed his orders: and behind them 
 both and back of all, thecountles.s ranks of the Grand Army of the 
 Republic, ready and eager for that strange sacrifice of blood by 
 which our weary and heavy-laden century has been redeemed. 
 [Ai)plause ] 
 
 It would not be possible, even if it were appropriate at this hour, 
 to speak at length of General Grant's relation to those torn and 
 bleeding years. Memory is still rich with the thoughts and emo- 
 
 4.(K 
 
tions of that epoch, while for the youth of the nr.tion the story of 
 that rising remitation is handed down m pages more fascinating 
 
 Ve'c' mfiSo the Slrnay without a friend ; he left it above 
 all rank His brave but undistinguished service ni Mexico had 
 •beei forgotten, so that when he presented himself for duty they 
 did not even answer his letters. He earned every promotion that 
 he ever had, and asked for recognition only in the language of 
 what he did. [Applause.] The woods arouna the old church at 
 ciinioh showed the field soldier at his best. 
 
 AttheSdof the first day, when his army, 00 000 strong, was 
 in con\!sion, General Beauregard felt warranted m announcing 
 to tlfe Da%"s government a complete victory. Before another 
 S^htfall EeaiT?e-ard had obtained ideas on the subject ot victory 
 Samostintwtivekind. [Laughter.] He bad learned that he 
 was dealing wShL man who^iad the art of crowding two battles 
 Ttoone-lhe fixed habit of making no report until the thmg was 
 over [Laughter and applause.] When General Buel , mi es m 
 advance of his troops, came upon the field and found scattered 
 thoitsandsof Granfl army huddled under the cover of ti^^^^^^^^ 
 bank, he said: "What preparations have ^^,^n nwte _foi the i^^ 
 treat'' " "I have not despaired ot whipping thein jet said bren 
 Prll Grant ''But if you should be compelled to fall back j^ou 
 ravetrmsi^orts for only 10,000 men." "If I retreat " said the 
 grim soldier ''lo'oOO men is Iill I shall need transports for." [Ap- 
 
 ^'^rScent writer in a leading French review, commenting upon 
 Gen Horace Porter's Memoirs, takes occasion to deny to ^eneial 
 G?"nt anv nlpce in the society of the workVs great captains, and 
 wt'^a com ai lance that amounts almost to jocose satire, m view 
 ^/whatTis 'lately happened in tb^^ world refuses even to our 
 civil war a place among the great conflicts of hstoiy, statin 
 that it was more akin to the rude combats of antiquitv than to 
 modern iuiopein warfare. But "such a criticism of mihtary 
 skill' if vou will allow me to use the words ot James G. Blame, 
 ''is idle chatter in the face of an unbroken career of victory. 
 wLn he was apnointed Lieutenant-General. and placed in com- 
 mand of all the armies of the Union, he exercised militai-y contiol 
 over 1 o-reater number of men than any general since the in\en- 
 tioi ilii-earins Tn the campaigns of 180-t and 1365 the armies of 
 heuiimicont'ainedinthealgreg^^ 
 
 The movements of all these vast forces were kept m haimonj oy 
 hiscmSTSensive mind, and in the grand consummation which 
 fnsuS Union Ind liberty his name became inseparably associated 
 with the true glory of his country ' Applause.] 
 
 I have heard the names ot Napoleon and ot L^sai ana or 
 Alexander referred to on this floor today. I care not nng about 
 i exander oi Ca?sar or Napoleon. So far as I can make out, not 
 ^nroTihem is^ntitled to Aie respect of civnized men; no one o 
 them represented an idea that was worth ^f ting to , much ess 
 worth dvin- for. The Duke of Vv eimar used to tell his tueim^ 
 when they lalked to him of Napoleon to ''be ot ^ood couiage 
 hi Napolonism is tmjust,. a falsehood, and can not a^^^^ 
 not last; and to-day there is hardly a trace of the little Lorsican 
 adventurer in Europe except Ins grave. and no 
 
 There can be no great soldier without a S\f^^,.^^f;,^^- JJ^^^ 
 cause is great that is not right. [Applause.] It ^^ as the sublime 
 
 44G2 
 
6 
 
 fortniie of Ulyspes S. Grant to rise to the chief command of an 
 armj^ whose line of march was upon the highway of human proj?- 
 ress, which carried with its muskets the future of civilization and 
 in its heart tlie inviolable will of God. 
 
 The French military critic, to whose {grotesque comment on 
 General Grant as a soldier I have before alluded, discerns in him 
 at least one thing for griidging eulogy. He says that '"he was a 
 good citizen." Without intending it and without being so con- 
 stituted as ever to know it. he has touched the secret of this unique 
 career, both in the field and in the capital — the secret of all real 
 service of mankind — the thing that is making kings ridiculous and 
 thrones unnecessary; the thing which has abolished the aristoc- 
 racy of the sword and made that awkward and absurd weapon 
 no longer the master, but the obedient servant of the State. 
 
 The "feature of our civil war least comprehended by foreign crit- 
 ics, and only partially comprehended by ourselves, was the fact 
 that as soon as a conflict was over, all sides were willing to put 
 an end to strife and to take up the broken relations of civil life 
 in harmony and good will. From a human standpoint the advice 
 of General Scott to I\Ir. Seward, to "Let the erring sisters go in 
 peace," contained a measure of wisdom; for it must have made 
 men sick at heart to think of civil war with its awful ministry 
 of blood and its legacy still more terrible of feud and ])assion and 
 sullen malice left over to plague the nation long after the victory 
 of arms was won. 
 
 A mere statesman in the place of Lincoln and a mere soldier in 
 the place of Grant might, indeed, have maintained the Govern- 
 ment at Washington and overthrown the rebellion in the field. 
 But the world was entitled to a larger outcome of these four tem- 
 pestuous years — the new birth of freedom, the new national unity, 
 the new outlook of the Republic in the midst of the ages. There 
 were voices heard that lifted the civil war above all bloodshed of 
 historj'; one at the beginning, saying, with tender eloquence, "We 
 are not enemies, but friends:" the other at the end, in words 
 that transfigured the face of Victory with a divine illumination, 
 saying, •• Let us have peace! " [Applause. J 
 
 Is it any wonder that within a single generation every evil pas- 
 sion of the strife is dead, every bitter memory of the past for- 
 gotten? Is it any wonder that the boys who cheered the defenders 
 of Vicksburg as they stacked their arms, who divided their rations 
 with the Army of Northern Virginia, while Grant and Lee sat 
 down to talk together as countrymen and friends, have done their 
 part, with the boys in gray, to bring in the new era of Amei'ican 
 patriotism? [Applause.] 
 
 We have often heard the details of the war discussed, and I read 
 not very long ago a book devoted to the subject, "Why the Con- 
 federacy failed." There have been endless disputes as to which 
 army was victorious in this engagement or in that, and I have 
 heard it said on this Hoor that the Confederate army was never 
 really whipped; that it simply wore itself out whipping General 
 Grant. But here is a victory in which both armies have a share; 
 that rich and splendid conijuest of the hearts of m(>n; nobler and 
 v.'orthier in tlie sight of heaven than captured trophies or the 
 spoils of warl [Applause. ] 
 
 It was once a la^^hion in some quarters to exaggerate the repu- 
 tation of General Grant as a soldier as a sort of background on 
 which to draw a mean picture of his figure in civil life. I have 
 4-102 
 
no sympathy with any such opinion. It is not credible that God 
 endowed a man with the faculties required to order the steps of a 
 million men in arms and at the same time left his eyes holden that 
 he should not see the needs of his age and the destiny of his coun- 
 try. What man of his time had a clearer appreciation of the value 
 of the public credit or did as much as he to establish the disor- 
 dered finances of the civil war upon a safe foundation? [Ap- 
 plause.] 
 
 When he took the oath of office in 1S69 he found the country 
 filled with clamor about the payment of the public debt, some de- 
 manding its settlement in depreciated notes; others calliug for 
 new issues of paper promises, the cheap and easy product of the 
 engraver's art, with which to wipe out the bonds which had been 
 issued for the common defense. Into that noisy controversy came 
 this calm and immovable man and from the east iiortico of the 
 Capitol uttered words that have become part of the national 
 character: " Let it be understood that no repudiator of one far- 
 thing of the national debt will be trusted in any public place." 
 And from that hour the national credit of America, without limit 
 and without terms, has been as good as gold in all the martlets of 
 the earth. [Applause.] 
 
 I count it also as a part of General Grant's place in history that 
 lie gave the sanction of his office to the most benignant treaty 
 ever drawn between two nations, the treaty by which a deep- 
 seated international difference was submitted to a high tribunal 
 instead of being made a cause of war between two kindred peo- 
 ples, which ought to stand side by side for the freedom of the 
 world. [Applause.] Thus the man of war becomes the advocate 
 of the worlda peace, and turning to his own countrymen in his 
 second appearance to take the oath as President, he makes a con- 
 fession of his faith in the future of our race so serene and devout 
 that it reflects the inspired visions of old and gives reality to the 
 rapt aspirations of the poets and prophets of all centuries. 
 
 In his last annual message General Grant laments the fact that 
 he was "called to the office of Chief Executive without any pre- 
 vious political training. " He was too busy in the years that inter- 
 vened between his auction of stock and farm machinery on the 
 little Missouri homestead and his entrance into the White Mouse 
 to study politics either as a science or an art. But there was one 
 thing which he brought with him into civil life more important 
 than anything else, and that was a firm confidence in the Ameri- 
 can people and a settled faith that in all great emergencies they 
 may be trusted to sacredly guard their own interests and the pub- 
 lic welfare. 
 
 It was that steady confidence which enabled him, when the Santo 
 Domingo treaty was rejected by the Senate, in a storm of vitupera- 
 tion from which even his own high office did not escape, to jippeal 
 to the people of the United States, and in the language of his 
 special message seek a decision from "that tribunal whose con- 
 victions so seldom err and against whose will I have no policy to 
 enforce." 
 
 Because he believed in his countrymen he had faith in his conn- 
 try, and he expressed his belief that the civilized world was tend- 
 ing toward government by the people through their chosen repre- 
 sentatives. "I do not share," said he in his second inaugural, "in 
 the apprehension held by many as to tlie danger of governments 
 being weakened or destroyed by reason of the extension of their 
 
 44G3 
 
8 
 
 territory. Commerce, education, rapid transit of thought and 
 matter by telegraph have changed all this." It is not possible to 
 think of him in the midst of such problems as now beset our 
 affairs, deliberately adding to the national burden by defaming 
 his country in order to exalt the motives of a mob of swift-footed 
 barbarians in the Philippine Islands. 
 
 At least once in his Administration, at a crisis in the Cuban 
 situation, he ordered the Navy to prepare for action, and if the 
 brief confiict with Spain, which the present Government was not 
 able to avoid, bad come in his time, it would simply have antici- 
 pated the grave events of recent years; leaving us twenty years 
 ago. with vastly less preparation, exactly where we are to-day. 
 In that case who can imagine General Grant directing the Navy 
 to throw its victories into the sea, or ordering our Wave little 
 armies of occupation to run headlong for their transports, leaving 
 life and property and the social order in the keeping of half-naked 
 tribes? 
 
 It does not reqxiire a very difficult feat of the imagination to hear 
 the voice of the old commander, the voice of the battlefields upon 
 which the American flag has been sanctified to the service of civi- 
 lization, bidding his countrymen go forward in the fear of God, 
 hopeful and courageous under the burdens of their day and gen- 
 eration. His comrades have presented to this Capitol his statue, 
 a beautiful thing in itself, a thing, I believe, imheard of in the 
 military traditions of any country except our own. It stands 
 yonder in the Rotunda among our historic treasures. It will pre- 
 serve his features and the inscription of his name until the 
 heavens be no more. When the nation of America shall build in 
 this capital, as it one day will, a monument to General Grant, it 
 need not show forth the image of his person, it need not contain 
 the record of his fame, for like the column of Waterloo proposed 
 for Wellington in the graphic and noble conception of Victor 
 Hugo's fiction, it shall not bear aloft the figure of a man; it shall 
 be the memorial of a nation, the statue of a people. [Loud and 
 prolonged applause on the floor and in the galleries.] 
 
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 ST. AUGUSTINE 
 
LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 
 
 013 789 312 5